Publications of the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Division of International Law
Washington
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF THE
UNITED STATES CONCERNING THE
INDEPENDENCE OF THE LATIN-AMERICAN NATIONS
DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE
OF THE UNITED STATES
CONCERNING
THE INDEPENDENCE OF THE
LATIN-AMERICAN NATIONS
SELECTED AND ARRANGED BY
WILLIAM R. MANNING, PH.D.
Division of Latin-American Affairs
Department of State
Author of THE NOOTKA SOUND CONTROVERSY; of EARLY DIPLOMATIC
RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND MEXICO, and
Editor of ARBITRATION TREATIES AMONG
THE AMERICAN NATIONS
VOLUME I
CONTAINING PARTS I AND II
DOCUMENTS 1-320
NEW YORK „.* -, v - '
OXFORD UNIVERSS-bf/PRESS
COPYRIGHT 1925
BV THE
CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR. INTERNATIONAL PKACE
.' PHrINT3E£ tN THE;tfNLTED STATES OF AMERICA
t' <-.iAT- jSt JtUMR01|I) >RKSS. COKCO8.D. M. H.
INTRODUCTION
The proposal for the publication of the Diplomatic Correspondence of the
United States concerning the Independence of the Latin-American Nations was
made to the Director of the Division of International Law by Dr. Alejandro
Alvarez, then and now a distinguished publicist of Chile, in a memorandum
under date of May 12, 1916. He thus explained the need for a publication
of this kind, suggesting both its content and the service which it would
render to the Americas :
One of the necessities most strongly felt by all students of the inter-
national law and diplomatic history of our continent is the knowledge
of the documents relative to the glorious period of the emancipation of
the Latin-American nations. Among those documents, the foreign
papers or papers of a diplomatic character in the files of the Department
of State of the United States, as well as the correspondence of the states-
men who then had the honor of conducting the foreign relations of said
country, occupy a preferent place. The importance of those precedents
arises from the active and efficient part which the United States took in
the movement of emancipation of the Latin-American states and from
the careful reports which, upon the political, economical and social
situation of these states were sent to the Department at Washington by
the agents which the former credited to the latter.
This of course is equivalent to saying that in the files of the Depart-
ment of State of the United States there is a considerable quantity of
material for the diplomatic, political and economic history of Latin
America.
While many of these documents had been published in "American
State Papers, Foreign Relations" a great portion of them remain still
unpublished and therefore are unknown to historians.
In our estimation the Carnegie Endowment would accomplish some-
thing of far-reaching effect, of scientific results and Pan-American
approximation, if it should decide to pay the expenses which the printing;
of all such documents should demand, and if it should solicit the
acquiescence of the Government of the United States of America for the
purpose.
The documents hereinbefore referred to are all those between 1810,
m which the emancipation movement of the old Spanish colonies was
initiated, and 1830, the date of the dissolution of Great Colombia; and
in which the very recent Pan-Americanism began to die away in order
to revive with greater momentum and energy during the latter part of
the last century.
In order that the work in respect to which the patronage of the
Carnegie Endowment is requested, will fully meet the high aims which
will be pursued by it, it will be necessary to proceed previously to a
proper and methodic selection, arrangement and classification of the
'
l^U n~~ t.^. U^ ___ 1_1'_ 1 ___ 1
Several members of the Governing Board of the Pan American Union
to whose consideration we have submitted the idea herein stated by us,
not only have welcomed it with enthusiasm and with manifestations of
approval, but they believe that in carrying it into effect, the Carnegie
Endowment will once more win the gratitude of Latin America.
While the work in question must comprise several volumes, we do not
' hesitate to assert that the benefits which it will render will greatly
compensate the expenditure which its arrangement and printing may
demand.
The proposal was approved by the Executive Committee within the
course of that year, and the Director was authorized "to arrange with
William R. Manning, professor of Latin-American history in the Univer-
sity of Texas, for the collection and preparation for publication of the
official correspondence and documents of the United States concerning the
emancipation of the Latin-American countries."
Professor Manning agreed to select and arrange these documents for
publication and came to Washington for this purpose in the fall of 1917.
On April 6, 1917, when the United States entered the World War the De-
partment of State, as a consequence thereof, closed its archives to the public.
Professor Manning was therefore obliged to limit himself for some time
to the designation for republication of pertinent documents already pub-
lished by the United States. However, in 1922, the archives of the Depart-
ment were opened to the enterprise and he was enabled to continue his
investigations in the Department, where he had since 1918 been employed,
and bring the undertaking to a close.
It is the earnest hope of the authorities of the Carnegie Endowment that
these three volumes containing documents of priceless value, which enable
as they do the Latin-American countries to trace the painful steps of their
emancipation, will be accepted by them as an evidence of the friendly feeling
of the people of the United States of North America ; and that in carrying
the project into effect the Endowment has accomplished, to quote Dr.
Alvarez, "something of far-reaching effect, of scientific results and Pan-
American approximation " — something for which it really will, as prophesied
by members of the Governing Board of the Pan American Union, "win the
gratitude of Latin America."
JAMES BROWN SCOTT.
WASHINGTON, D. C.,
May 23,
PREFACE
An effort has been made to include in this collection all of the more
important diplomatic correspondence of the United States regarding the
independence of the Latin-American countries. Very few documents earlier
than 1 8 10 and none later than 1830, with a single exception which reviews
events of the latter year, have been selected. Geographically the compila-
tion will be found to include correspondence not only with the Latin-Ameri-
can countries whose independence was an accomplished fact before the latter
date and with which frequent communication had been established but also
with certain European countries where the Latin-American emancipation
movement elicited especial interest.
The documents which have not previously been published, comprising
by far the largest portion, have been copied from the original manuscripts
preserved in the archives of the Department of State of the United Statevs.
In the selection of the pertinent documents and the pertinent portions of
documents only partially devoted to the subject about four hundred and
thirty bound volumes of manuscripts have been carefully examined. For
various reasons, chiefly because of inevitable human limitations, it is
probable that some important documents have been overlooked. In a few
instances series of papers which there is good reason to believe should have
reached the Department have not been found. Some such gaps are said
to be possibly attributable to the destruction of portions of the archives in
connection with the brief occupation of Washington by British troops during
the second war with Great Britain, although in this connection it. should be
stated, concerning the most important missing series, that, in accordance
with instructions of President Monroe, Daniel Brent, the Chief Clerk, on
September 26, iSiS,1 forwarded to Joel Roberts Poinsett, his manuscript
Jqurnal No. I, together with all the letters received from him which were
then in the files of the Department of State.
To prosecute this exploration of the archives a fortuitous circumstance
made it possible for the editor to avail himself of the services of Mr. T. John
Newton, who had for forty-eight years been connected with the Bureau of
Indexes and Archives of the Department, of State and is more familiar than
any other person with the older portion of the archives. He had, in accord
with the Civil Service pension rules, retired from the Departmental service
less than a month before this work was begun. For eleven months he cle-
1 See letter of this date from Daniel Brent to Joel Roberts Poinsett. MS. Domestic Letters,
XVII, p. 212.
voted his time to it; and much of the credit for its thoroughness is due to
him. In cases of doubt whether a particular paper or portion of a paper
should or should not be included, and when he could not conveniently con-
sult the editor, it was his practice to err, if at all, on the side of inclusion.
In reviewing and arranging the transcripts for publication the editor found
textual reference to many other papers and had them added. And although
he has rejected a considerable number of documents and portions of docu-
ments believed not to be sufficiently apropos, there are still to be found some
documents and many brief portions of documents whose pertinency will be
questioned. This is due to the fact that the editor also has striven to err,
when he might err in this regard, on the side of inclusion. In some cases
wholly unrelated sentences or brief paragraphs have been permitted to stand
merely because it was considered unnecessary or undesirable to break the
continuity of the papers by such small omissions. A few entire documents
which are only remotely relevant have been allowed to remain because of
their inherent interest.
The editor has permitted most of the idiosyncrasies of the writers of these
documents to stand, making correction only in case of manifest and in-
advertent error, where the correction could in nowise affect the sense. Strict
stylists will be able to discover not only blunders but inconsistencies in spelling,
grammatical construction, punctuation, and capitalization throughout the
volumes. A casual examination will reveal the fact that to have dressed all
of the documents in comely State Department style would have required a
practical rewriting of many of them, especially those coming from consular
appointees, who at this early period were frequently selected from the few
available, usually not highly educated, practical merchants already resident
in the communities to which they were accredited. Some of the special
agents and even of the regular diplomatic appointees will also be seen to
have been far from perfect in matters of grammar and spelling.
Neither has an attempt been made to eliminate all indiscreet or undiplo-
matic language, which if published contemporaneously might have given
just offense to foreign governments or officials or have proved embarrassing
to the writers, although some obviously improper statements have been
deleted where their deletion could not materially alter the sense of the
documents. The latest of the papers being nearly a hundred years old, it is
believed that none of the governments mentioned or the living relatives of
their officials or of the writers will take offense at the publication now of
indiscretions due to the passions or prejudices of a century ago. Their
retention enables the reader of the present better to get into the atmosphere
of the past and therefore enhances the historical value of the publication.
The documents printed in the old American State Papers, Foreign Relations
which are pertinent to the present collection have been reprinted not only
because of the desire to have the collection complete in itself, or as nearly so
PREFACE XI
as it has been feasible to make it, but also because the former publication,
being out of print, is rather inaccessible to the public at large. Some of the
documents will also be found in other publications, especially contemporary
periodicals, in Congressional documents, and the printed correspondence of
officials who drafted the papers, and a few have been quoted in diplomatic
and historical treatises. Few citations have been made, however, except to
American State Papers, Foreign Relations, and to the volumes of manuscripts
in the archives of the Department of State. Since the documents contained
in the publication named were also copied from the archives of the Depart-
ment of State, especially since they were officially prepared and printed,
much labor in preparing the manuscript for the present publication, and some
space in the publication, could have been saved by omitting all citations of
sources except this prefatory explanation ; but in order to facilitate the use of
the present publication as a work of reference it has been considered worth
while to incur the additional expense involved in citing individually the
source of each document.
In some of the footnotes will be found brief reviews of the diplomatic
careers of the more important writers or recipients of the documents to which
they are appended. These reviews are taken from the Register of the De-
partment of State printed in March 1874 °f which Part II, entitled "Histori-
cal Register," contains the records, from 1789 to that date, of the
Department's officials, its more important diplomatic agents to foreign
countries, and the heads of foreign missions in the United States. The in-
tention has been to append the record to the document where the name
of the individual concerned first appears.
It will be observed that the documents have been arranged in fourteen
parts, each designated by the name of the country in which the papers
included therein originated. Part I, entitled "Communications from the
United States," contains not only the Department of State's instructions to
its representatives in foreign countries but also its notes to the representatives
in Washington from those countries; and in addition to these, which alone
are ordinarily understood to be included in the designation "diplomatic
communications from the United States", there have also been included the
more significant messages or portions thereof from the President of the
United States to Congress, commenting upon the Latin-American struggle
for independence, and a few such papers originating in Congress^ The
communications from foreign countries are arranged in alphabetical order,
according to the countries of origin, and the Part designated by the name of
each contains not only despatches from the representatives of the United
States in that country and correspondence between them and the officials of
that countrv. but also the notes from that country's reoresentatives in
Mr. Alvey A. Adee, Second Assistant Secretary of the Department, to the
late Dr. Gaillard Hunt, Chief of the Division of Publications, and to Mr.
David A. Salmon, Chief of the Bureau of Indexes and Archives. For per-
mission to supervise the work while continuing his regular departmental
duties the editor's personal acknowledgments are due to Mr. Francis White,
Chief of the Division of Latin-American Affairs, and to the former Second
Assistant Secretary.
WILLIAM R. MANNING.
CONTENTS
VOLUME I
PAGE
PART I. — Communications from the United States I
PART II. — Communications from Argentina 317
VOLUME II
PART III. — Communications from Brazil 667
PART IV. — Communications from Central America 869
PART V. — Communications from Chile 893
PART VI. — Communications from (Great) Colombia 1141
PART VII. — Communications from France 1369
VOLUME III
PART VIII. — Communications from Great Britain 1429
PART IX. — Communications from Mexico 1591
PART X. — Communications from the Netherlands 1709
PART XI. — Communications from Peru 1717
PART XII. — Communications from Russia 1849
PART XIII. — Communications from Spain 1889
PART XIV. — Communications from Uruguay 2173
Each volume contains a detailed. list of the documents included therein.
PART I. — COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
r
Robert Smith, Sec.
of State
Gen . John Armstrong,
U. S. Minister to
France
April 27, 1809
3
2
3
Same
Same
Same
Thomas Sumter, Jr.,
U. S. Minister to Por-
tuguese Court in
Brazil
May i, 1809
Aug. I, 1809
3
5
4
Same
William Pinkney, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
June 13, iSro
5
5
Same
Joel Roberts Poinsett, ap-
pointed Special Agent
of the U. S. to South
America
June 28, 1810
6
G
Same
Gen . John Armstrong,
U . S. Minister to
France
Nov. I, 1810
7
7
Same
Same
Nov. 2, 1810
8
8
Same
William Shaler, U. S.
Agent for Seamen and
Commerce, Habana
Nov. 6, 1810
9
9
Same
William Pinkney, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Jan. 22, 1811
9
10
Tames Monroe, Sec. of
State
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Consul General
at Buenos Aires
April 30, 1811
II
11
Same
John Quincy Adams,
U. S. Minister to
Russia
Nov. 23, 1811
12
12
Same
Joel Barlow, U. S. Minis-
ter to France .
Nov. 27, 1811
12
13
Same
Samuel L. Mitchell, U. S.
Representative from
New York
Dec. 9, 1811
13
14
Same
Talisfero de Orea, Com-
missioner of Vene-
zuela to the U. S.
Dec. 19, 1811
14
15
Same
Alexander Scott, U. S.
Agent to Caracas
May 14, 1812
14
16
Same
M . Palacio, Agent of
Cartagena to the U. S.
Dec. 29, 1812
16
17
Same
John Quincy Adams, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Dec. 10, 1815
17
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
18
James Monroe, Sec.
of State
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U.S.
Jan. 19, 1816
19
19
Same
John Quincy Adams,
U. S. Minister to
Great Britain
Feb. 2, 1816
21
20
Same
Levett Harris, U. S.
Charge d' Affaires in
Russia
Feb. 2, 1816
22
21
Same
William Eustis, U. S.
Minister to the
Netherlands
Feb. 2, 1816
23
22
Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
Feb. 21, 1816
23
23
Same
George W. Erving, ap-
pointed U. S. Minister
to Spain
March 11, 1816
24
24
Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
March 13, 1816
25
25
Same
Same
March 20, 1816
26
26
Same
Christopher Hughes, Jr.,
U. S. Special Agent to
Cartagena
March 25, 1816
27
27
Same
Albert GallatZn, U. S.
Minister to France
April 15, 1816
29
28
Same
William Pinkney, U. S.
Minister to Russia
May to, 1816
29
29
Same
Same
May 27, 1816
30
30
Same
Jose Rademaker, Portu-
guese Charge d'Affaires
in the U.S.
June 5, 1816
31
31
Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U.S.
June 10, 1816
31
32
Same
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
July 20, 1816
35
33
James Monroe, Sec.
of State
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
July 30, 1816
36
34
Richard Rush, Sec. of
State, ad interim
Same
March 28, 1817
37
35
Same
Same
April 22, 1817
38
36
Same
Charles Morris, Com-
mander of U. S.
Frigate Congress
April 25, 1817
38
37
James Monroe, Presi-
dent of the U. S.
Joel R. Poinsett of
Charleston, South
Carolina
April 25, 1817
39
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
38
Richard Rush, Sec. of
State, ad -interim
Jose Correa de Serra,
Portuguese-Brazilian
Minister to the U. S.
May 28, 1817
40
39
Same
Thomas Sumter, Jr.,
U. S. Minister to Por-
tuguese Court in Brazil
July 18, 1817
4i
40
Same
Caesar A. Rodney and
John Graham, Special
Commissioners of the
U. S. to South America
July 18, 1817
42
4i
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
John B. Prevost, Special
Agent of the U. S. to
Buenos Aires, Chile and
Peru
Sept. 29, 1817
45
42
Same
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Nov. n, 1817
46
43
Same
Thomas Sumter, U. S.
Minister to Portuguese
Court in Brazil
Nov. 19, 1817
47
44
Same
Caesar A. Rodney, John
Graham and Theodo-
rick Bland, Special
Commissioners of the
U. S. to South America
Nov. 21, 1817
47
45
James Monroe, Presi-
dent of the U. S.
Message to Congress
Dec. 2, 1817
50
46
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
G. Hyde de Neuville,
French Minister to
the U. S.
Dec. 5, 1817
51
47
Same
Thomas Sumter, U. S.
Minister to Portuguese
Court in Brazil
Dec. 30, 1817
52
48
Same
G. Hyde de Neuville,
French Minister to the
U.S.
Jan. 27, 1818
53
49
Same
Baptis Irvine, Special
Agent of the U. S. to
Venezuela
Jan. 31, 1818
55
50
Same
President Monroe, for
transmission to House
of Representatives
Marches, 1818
59
5i
Same
Manuel H. de Aguirre,
Argentine Agent at
Washington
April u, 1818
60
52
Same
George W. Erving, U. S.
Minister to Spain
April 20, 1818
61
S3
Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
April 22, 1818
62
PART I. — COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued]
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
54
John Quincy Adams,
Luis de Onis, Spanish
April 25, 1818
63
Sec. of State
Minister to the U. S.
55
Same
Albert Gallatin, U. S.
May 19, 1818
63
Minister to France
56
Same
Richard Rush, U. S.
May 20, 1818
66
Minister to Great
Britain
57
Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
June 2, 1818
70
Minister to the U. S.
58
Same
George W. Campbell,
June 28, 1818
71
U. S. Minister to
Russia
59
Same
Richard Rush, U. S.
July 30, 1818
74
Minister to Great
Britain
60
Same
Same
Aug. 15, 1818
74
61
Same
Albert Gallatin, U. S.
Aug. 20, 1818
75
Minister to France
62
Same
George W. Campbell,
Aug. 20, 1818
75
U. S. Minister to Russia
63
Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Aug. 24, 1818
75
Minister to the U. S.
64
Same
Manuel H. de Aguirre,
Aug. 27, 1818
76
Argentine Agent at
Washington
65
Same
Thomas Sumter, Jr., U. S.
Aug. 27, 1818
79
Minister to the Portu-
guese Court in Brazil
66
Same
Joel R. Poinsett, ex-Con-
Oct. 23, 1818
79
sul General of the U. S.
at Buenos Aires
67
Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Oct. 31, 1818
80
Minister to the U. S.
68
President Monroe
Message to Congress
Nov. 16, 1818
81
69
John Quincy Adams,
Lino de Clemente, Agent
Dec. 16, 1818
82
Sec. of State
of Venezuela in the
U.S.
70
Same
David C. de Forest,
Dec. 31, 1818
82
Agent of the United
Provinces of South
America at Georgetown
71
Same
Richard Rush, U. S. Min-
Jan. i, 1819
85
ister to Great Britain
72
Same
David C. de Forest, Agent
Same
. 88
of the United Provinces
of South America at
Georgetown
73
Same
President James Monroe
Jan. 28, 1819
89
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
74
President James
Monroe
U. S. House of Repre-
sentatives
Jan. 29, 1819;
communicated
Jan. 30, 1819
95
75
John Quincy Adams,
Sec .'of State.
John Forsyth, U. S. Min-
ister to Spain
March 8, 1819
95
76
Same
Same
March 16, 1819
96
77
Same
Luis de Onis, Spanish
Minister to the U. S.
April 7, 1819
97
78
Same
John Graham, U. S. Min-
ister to Portuguese
Court in Brazil
April 24, 1819
98
79
Same
Smith Thompson, Sec.
of the Navy
May 20, 1819
101
80
Same
George W. Campbell,
U. S. Minister to Russia
June 3, 1819
107
81
Same
William Lowndes, Chair-
man, Foreign Relations
Committee, U. S. House
of Representatives
Dec. 21, 1819
108
82
Same
Gen. Francisco Dionisio
Vives, Spanish Minister
to the U. S.
April 21, 1820
no
83
Same
Same
May 3, 1820
in
84
Same
Same
May 6, 1820
H5
85
Same
Same
May 8, 1820
116
86
President James
Monroe
U. S. House of Repre-
sentatives
May 9, 1820
124
87
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Charles S. Todd, Confi-
dential Agent of the
U. S. to Colombia
June 5, 1820
126
88
Same
John M. Forbes, Special
Agent of the U. S. to
Chile or Buenos Aires
July 5, 1820
130
89
Same
Same
July 7, 1820
?33
90
Same
John B. Prevost, Special
Agent of the U. S. to
Buenos Aires, Chile
and Peru
July 10, 1820
134
91
Same
Henry Hill, Vice Consul
of the U. S. at Valpa-
raiso
July n, 1820
138
92
Same
John M. Forbes, Special
Agent of the U. S. to
Chile or Buenos Aires
July n, 1820
138
93
Same
Same
July 12, 1820
140
xx LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I
PART I.— COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued}
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
94
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
John James Appleton,
U. S. Charge" d'Affaires
at Rio de Janeiro
Sept. 30, 1820
141
95
President James
Monroe
Message to Congress
Nov. 15, 1820
142
96
Same
Same
Dec. 3, 1821;
communicated
Dec. 5, 1821
143
97
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Manuel Torres, Colom-
bian Agent in the U. S.
Jan. 18, 1822
144
98
Same
Charles S. Todd, Confi-
dential Agent of the
U. S. to Colombia
Jan. 28, 1822
144
99
IOO
Daniel Brent, Chief
Clerk, Dept. of State
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
John M. Forbes, Agent of
U. S. at Buenos Aires
President James Monroe
Feb. 19, 1822
March 7, 1822
145
145
IOI
President James
Monroe
U. S. House of Repre-
sentatives
March 8, 1822;
communicated
March 8 and
April 26, 1822
146
1 02
103
Report of Committee
on Foreign Affairs of
the U. S. House of
Representatives
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Congress of the U. S.
Joaquin de Anduaga,
Spanish Minister to
the U. S.
March 19, 1822
April 6, 1822
148
156
104
105
IO6
Same
President James
Monroe
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
President James Monroe
U. S. Senate
Richard Rush, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain
April 25, 1822
April 26, 1822 •
May 13, 1822
158
158
158
107
Same
David C. de Forest of
New Haven, Conn.
May 23, 1822
159
108
Same
Manuel Torres, Colom-
bian Agent in the U. S
May 23, 1822
160
109
Same
Col. Charles S. Todd,
Confidential Agent of
the U. S. to Colombia
July 2, 1822
160
no
Same
Pedro Gual, Sec. of State
for Foreign Affairs of
Colombia
Julys, 1822
161
in
Same
Richard Rush, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain
July 24, 1822
162
rART 1. "V^OMMUNlCATlUiNS hKUM Tttli VJJNlTliU QlAJLliS
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
U3
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
John Forsyth, U. S.
Minister to Spain
Jan. 3, 1823
163
114
President James
Monroe
U. S. Senate
Feb. 25, 1823;
communicated
Feb. 26, 1823
164
"5
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Robert K. Lowry,
appointed U. S. Consul
at La Guayra
April ri, 1823
165
116
Same
Hugh Nelson, U. S.
Minister to Spain
April 28, 1823
166
117
Same
Thomas Randall, Special
Agent of the U. S. in
Cuba
April 29, 1823
185
118
Same
Caesar A. Rodney, ap-
pointed U. S. Minister
to Buenos Aires
May 17, 1823
1 86
119
Same
Richard C. Anderson,
appointed U. S. Minis-
ter to Colombia
May 27, 1823
192
1 20
Same
Jos6 Marfa Salazar, Co-
lombian Minister to
the U. S.
Aug. 5, 1823
209
121
Same
Baron de Tuyll, Russian
Minister to the U. S.
Nov. 15, 1823
209
122
Same
Richard Rush, U. S.
Minister to Great
Britain
Nov. 29, 1823
2IO
I23
Same
Hernan Allen, appointed
U. S. Minister to Chile
Nov. 30, 1823
213
124
Same
Richard Rush, U. S. Min-
ister to Great Britain
Nov. 30, 1823
213
125
President James
Monroe
Message to Congress,
communicated to
Senate
Dec. 2, 1823
216
126
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Jos6 MarJa Salazar,
Colombian Minister to
the U. S.
Dec. 5, 1823
218
127
Same
Minister of State and
Foreign Relations of
Peru
Dec. 12, 1823
219
128
Same
James Brown, appointed
U. S. Minister to France
Dec. 23, 1823
221
129
President James
Monroe
U. S. House of Represent-
atives
Jan. 12, 1824
221
130
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Joaquin Barrozo Pereira,
Portuguese Charge
d'Affaires in the U. S.
June 9, 1824
22?
XXli LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I
PART I. — COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued}
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
131
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Richard C. Anderson ,
U. S. Minister to
Colombia
July -— , 1824
223
132
Same
Jose Marfa Salazar,
Colombian Minister to
the U. S.
Aug. 6, 1824
224
133
Daniel Brent, Sec. of
State ad interim
Hilario de Rivas y Sal-
mon, Spanish Charg£
d'Affaires in the U. S.
Sept. 22, 1824
226
134
President James
Monroe
Message to Congress
Dec. 7, 1824
227
135
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Joel R. Poinsett, ap-
pointed U. S. Minister
to Mexico
March 26, 1825
229
136
Same
Jos6 Silvestre Rebello,
Brazilian Charge
d1 Affaires in the U. S.
April 13, 1825
233
137
Same
John M. Forbes, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires at
Buenos Aires
April 14, 1825
235
138
Same
Condy Raguet, appointed
U. S. Charge d'Affaires
in Brazil
April 14, 1825
237
139
Same
William Miller, appointed
U.S. Charg6 d'Affaires
to the United Provinces
of the Centre of America
April 22, 1825
239
140
Same
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to Spain
April 27, 1825
242
141
Same
Henry Midclleton, U. S.
Minister to Russia
May 10, 1825
244
142
Same
Rufus King, appointed
U. S. Minister to Great
Britain
May ir, 1825
250
143
Same
James Brown, U. S. Min-
ister to France
May 13, 1825
251
144
Daniel Brent, Acting
Sec. of State
Baron de Tuyll, Russian
Minister to the U. S.
May 23, 1825
252
US
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Richard C. Anderson,
U. S. Minister to
Colombia
Sept. 16, 1825
252
146
Same
Rufus King, U. S. Minis-
ter to Great Britain
Oct. 17, 1825
254
147
_ ,o
Same
C^-«n
James Brown, U. S. Min-
ister to France
Oct. 25, 1825
Oft ofi Tfi-2^
260
261
PART I.— COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES (Continued]
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
149
Henry Clay, Sec. of
. State
Hilario de Rivasy Salmon,
Spanish Charge
d'Affaires in the U. S.
Dec. 15, 1825
263
150
Same
Jose Maria Salazar,
Colombian Minister to
the U. S.
Dec. 20, 1825
263
151
Same
Baron de Tuyll, Russian
Minister to the U. S.
Dec. 26, 1825
264
152
Same
Henry Middleton, U. S.
Minister to Russia
Dec. 26, 1825
265
153
Same
John M. Forbes, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires at
Buenos Aires
Jan. 9, 1826
267
154
Same
U. S. House of Repre-
sentatives
March 29, 1826
268
155
President John Quincy
Adams
Same
March 30, 1826
269
156
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Jose Maria Salazar,
Colombian Minister to
the U. S.
April II, 1826
270
157
Same
Alexander H. Everett,
U. S. Minister to Spain
April 13, 1826
271
158
Same
Henry Middleton, U. S.
Minister to Russia
April 21, 1826
273
159
Same
Baron de Maltitz, Rus-
sian Charge d'Affaires
in the U. S.
May 26, 1826
274
160
Same
Jos6 Maria Salazar,
Colombian Minister to
the U. S.
Oct. 25, 1826
275
161
Same
Same
Oct. 31, 1826
276
162
Same
James Cooley, appointed
U. S. Chargfe d'Affaires
in Peru
Nov. 6, 1826
277
163
Same
Baron de Maltitz, Rus-
sian Charg6 d'Affaires
in the U. S.
Dec. 23, 1826
278
164
Same
Jos6 Maria Salazar,
Colombian Minister to
the U. S.
Jan. 9, 1827
279
165
Same
Same
Jan. 15, 1827
280
166
Same
Francisco Dionisio Vives,
Governor and Captain
General of Cuba
Feb. 12, 1827
281
167
Same
Daniel P. Cook, U. S.
Confidential Agent to
Cuba
March 12, 1827
282
JJoc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
168
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Francisco Dionisio Vives,
Governor and Captain
General of Cuba
March 14, 1827
284
169
Same
Jose Marfa Salazar,
Colombian Minister
to the U. S.
March 20, 1827
285
170
Same
Pablo Obregon, Mexican
Minister to the U. S.
May 21, 1827
285
171
Same
Hilario de Rivas y Sal-
mon, Spanish Charge
d'Affaires in the U. S.
June 9, 1827
286
172
Same
Chevalier Francisco Ta-
con, Spanish Minister
Resident to the U. S.
Oct. 31, 1827
289
173
Same
John M.Forbes, U.S.
Charge d'Affaires at
Buenos Aires
Jan. 3, 1828
292
174
Same
J. Rafael Revenga, Co-
lombian Secretary of
State for Foreign
Relations
Jan. 30, 1828
294
175
Same
Francisco Tacon, Spanish
Minister Resident to
the U. S.
April II, 1828
295
176
Same
Pablo Obregon, Mexican
Minister to the U. S.
May I, 1828
296
177
Daniel Brent, Chief
Clerk of the Dept.
of State
Francisco Tacon, Spanish
Minister Resident to
the U. S.
Aug. 2, 1828
298
178
Same
Same
Sept. 20, 1828
298
179
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
Alejandro Valez, Colom-
bian Charge d'Affaires
in the U. S.
Oct. 14, 1828
299
1 80
Same
F. I. Mariategui, Minister
of Foreign Affairs of
Peru
Dec. 30, 1828
300
181
Same
Samuel Larned, U. S.
Charge d'Affaires in
Peru
Jan. I, 1829
300
182
Same
Xavier de Medina, Co-
lombian Consul Genera
at New York
Feb. 9, 1829
302
183
Martin Van Buren, Sec
of State
Same
May 6, 1829
303
184
Same
Joaquin Campino, Chil-
ean Minister to the
U.S.
May 26, 1829
304
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
185
Martin Van Buren,
Sec. of State
Cornelius P. Van Ness,
appointed U. S. Minis-
ter to Spain
Oct. 2, 1829
305
186
Same
Anthony Butler, ap-
pointed U. S. Charge
d' Affaires in Mexico
Oct. 16, 1829
309
187
Same
Cornelius P. Van Ness,
U. S. Minister to Spain
Oct. 13, 1830
312
188
Same
John Hamm, appointed
U. S. Charge d'Affaires
in Chile
Oct. 15, 1830
3H
PART II. — COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
189
Governing Junta of the
Provinces of the Rio
de Ja Plata
President James Madison
Feb. 11, 1811
319
190
Same
Same
Feb. 13, 1811
320
191
Cornelio de Saavedra,
President of the Gov-
erning Junta of the
Provinces of the Rio
de la Plata, Domingo
Matheu and 1 1 others
Same
June 6, 1811
321
192
Cornelio de Saavedra,
President of the Gov-
erning Junta of the
Provinces of the Rio
de la Plata
Same
June 26, 1811
322
193
W.G. Miller, U.S. Con-
sul at Buenos Aires
James Monroe, Sec. of
State
April 30, 1812
322
194
Same
Same
July 16, 1812
326
195
Same
Same
Aug. 10, 1812
330
196
Same
Same
Aug. 1 8, 1812
331
197
Constituted Assembly
of United Provinces
of the Rio de la Plata
President James Madison
July 21, 1813
332
198
W.G. Miller, U.S. Con-
sul at Buenos Aires
James Monroe, Sec. of
State
Aug. i, 1813
333
199
Gervasio Antonio de
Posadas, Supreme
Director of the Unit-
ed Provinces of the
Rio de la Plata
President James Madison
March 9, 1814
334
200
Same
Same
Same
334
XXVI LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I
PART II. — COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA (Continued}
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
20 1
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
U. S. Consul General
at Buenos Aires
James Monroe, Sec. of
State
June 14, 1814
335
202
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
U. S. Consul at
Buenos Aires
Same
Feb. TI, 1815
336
203
204
Same
Ignacio Alvarez, Su-
preme Director of the
United Provinces of
the Rio de la Plata
Same
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
Consul of the U. S. at
Buenos Aires
May 5, 1815
May 10, 1815
337
339
205
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
U. S. Consul at
Buenos Aires
James Monroe, Sec. of
State
July 17, 1815
340
206
Ignacio Alvarez, Su-
preme Director of
the United Provinces
of the Rio de la Plata
President James Madison
Jan. 16, 1816
34i
207
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
U. S. Consul at
Buenos Aires
James Monroe, Sec. of
State
April 20, 1816
342
208
209
2IO
211
Same
Same
Same
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
Same
Same
Same
President James Madison
July 3, 1816
July 24, 1816
Aug. 20, 1816
Jan. I, 1817
343
345
346
346
212
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
U. S. Consul at
Buenos Aires
James Monroe, Sec. of
State
Jan. 30, 1817
347
213
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
President James Madison
Jan. 31, 1817
349
214
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
U. S. Consul at
Buenos Aires
James Monroe, Sec. of
State
March 3, 1817
349
215
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
President James Monroe
March 5, 1817
350
216
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
U. S. Consul at •
Buenos Aires
Sec. of State of the U. S.
~M aTch~~267"i 817""
351
'
217
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
Commission to Manuel
Hermenegildo de
Aguirre
March 28, 1817
351
218
Don Jose Francisco de
San Martin, General
of the Army of the
Andes
President James Monroe
April I, 1817
352
219
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
red6n, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
Same
April 28, 1817
353
220
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos
Aires, Chile and
Peru
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
Oct. i, 1817
354
221
Same
Same
Oct. 4, 1817
355
222
Same
Gregorio Tagle, Sec. of
State of the United
Provinces of South
America
Oct. 6, 1817
356
223
Manuel H. de Aguirre,
Agent of the United
Provinces of South
America
President James Monroe
Oct. 29, 1817
357
224
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru
Gregorio Tagle, Sec. of
State of the United
Provinces of South
America
Oct. 30, 1817
358
225
Manuel H. de Aguirre,
Agent of the United
Provinces of South
America to the U. S.
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
Dec. 16, 1817
361
226
Same
Same
Dec. 26, 1817
363
227
Same
Same
Dec. 29, 1817
366
228
Same
Same
Jan. 6, 1818
367
229
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru
Same
Jan. 10, 1818
368
230
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
reddn, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
President James Monroe
Jan. 14, 1818
370
XXViii LIST OF DOCUMENTS IN VOLUME I
PART II. — COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA (Continued)
From
To
Date
Page
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru
Manuel H. de Aguirre,
Agent of the United
Provinces of South
America to the
U.S.
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos
Aires, Chile and
Peru
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
redon, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
Manuel H. de Aguirre,
Agent of the United
Provinces of South
America to the
U.S.
Same
Juan Martin de Pueyr-
redon, Supreme Di-
rector of the United
Provinces of South
America
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
United States to
Buenos Aires, Chile
and Peru
Thomas Lloyd Halsey,
ex-Consul of the
U. S. at Buenos
Aires
Same
Theodorick Bland, Spe-
cial Commissioner of
the U. S. to South
America
Joel Roberts Poinsett,
ex- Agent of the
U.S. to South
America
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
Same
Same
President James Monroe
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
Same
President James Monroe
Statement [to Dept. of
State?]
John Graham, Special
Commissioner of the
U. S. to South
America
Same
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
Same
Jan. 15, 1818
Jan. 16, 1818
Jan. 21, 1818
Jan. 31, 1818
March 29, 1818
April 5, 1818
May — , 1818
July I, 1818
Aug. 21, 1818
Aug. 26, 1818
Nov. 2, 1818
Nov. 4, 1818
371
373
374
374
375
376
377
378
379
382
439
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
244
John Graham, Special
Commissioner of the
U. S. to South
America
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Nov. 5, 1818
486
245
Caesar A. Rodney, Spe-
cial Commissioner of
the U. S. to South
America
Same
Same
495
246
David C. de Forest,
Agent of the United
Provinces of South
America at
Georgetown
Same
Dec. 9, 1818
515
247
Same
Same
Dec. 12, 1818
516
248
Same
Same
Jan. 8, 1819
516
249
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru
Same
March 7, 1819
519
250
John B. Prevost, Spe-
cial Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru
Same
Dec. 12, 1819
537
251
Same
Same
Feb. 14, 1820
540
252
Same
Same
March 9, 1820
541
253
W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos
Aires, Chile and Peru
Same
March 10, 1820
544
254
John B. Prevost, Spe-
cial Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos
Aires, Chile and Peru
Same
March 20, 1820
545
255
W.G.D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru
Same
April 8, 1820
548
256
John B. Prevost, Spe-
cial Agent of the
U. S. to Buenos
Aires, Chile and Peru
Same
April 30, 1820
549
257
258
259
260
Same
Same
Same
John M. Forbes, Spe-
cial Agent of the
U. S. at Buenos Aires
Same
Same
Same
Same
May 24, 1820
June 8, 1820
Sept. 28, 1820
Dec. 4, 1820
551
552
555
557
261
Same
Same
March 10, 1821
569
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
262
John M. Forbes, Spe-
cial Agent of the
U. S. at Buenos Aires
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
April i, 1821
572
263
Same
Same
July 3, 1821
576
264
Same [Minute of con-
ference with Ber-
nardo Rivadavia]
Same
Aug. 5, 1821
577
265
Same
Same
Sept. 2, 1821
579
266
Same
Same
Sept. II, 1821
582
267
Same
Bernardo Rivadavia,
Minister of Govern-
ment and Foreign Re-
lations of the United
Provinces of South
America
Sept. 14, 1821
58j
268
Bernardo Rivadavia,
Minister of Govern-
ment and Foreign
Relations of the
United Provinces of
South America
John M. Forbes, Special
Agent of the U. S. at
Buenos Aires
Sept. 15, 1821
584
269
John M. Forbes [Min-
ute of a conference
with Bernardo
Rivadavia]
[Sec. of State]
Sept. 17, 1821
585
270
Same
Bernardo Rivadavia,
Minister of Govern-
ment and Foreign Af-
fairs of the United
Provinces of South
America
Sept. 22, 1821
587
271
Same
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
Sept. 28, 1821
587
272
Bernardo Rivadavia,
Minister of Govern-
ment and Foreign
Relations of the
United Provinces of
South America
John M. Forbes, Special
Agent of the U. S. at
Buenos Aires
Oct. 6, 1821
590
273
John M. Forbes, Spe-
cial Agent of the
U. S. at Buenos Aires
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Oct. 8, 1821
59i
274
Same
Same
Oct. 26, 1821
592
275
Same
Same
Nov. 8, 1821
593
276
Same
Same
Nov. 13, 1821
596
277
Same
Same
Nov. 16, 1821
597
278
Same
Same
Dec. 12, 1821
598
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
279
John M. Forbes, Special
Agent of the U. S. at
Buenos Aires
Bernardo Rivadavia,
Minister of Govern-
ment and Foreign Re-
lations of the United
Provinces of South
America
May 23, 1822
603
280
Same
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
June 5, 1822
603
281
Same
Same
July 10, 1822
604
282
Same
Same
July 18, 1822
606
283
Same
Same
Aug. 21, 1822
609
284
Same
Same
Aug. 23, 1822
6n
285
Same
Same
Aug. 24, 1822
612
286
Same
Same
Sept. 2, 1822
614
287
Same
Same
Oct. 16, 1822
- 615
288
John M. Forbes, Sec.
of the U. S. Legation
at Buenos Aires
Same
March 2, 1823
616
289
Same
Same
April 30, 1823
620
290
Same
Same
June 2, 1823
622
291
Same
Same
June 22, 1823
622
292
Same
Same
July 5, 1823
623
293
Same '
Same
Sept. 12, 1823
625
294
Same
Same
Nov. 5, 1823
627
295
Same
Same
Jan. 3, 1824
630
296
Same
Same
Jan. 24, 1824
632
297
Same
Same
Feb. 12, 1824
634
298
Bernardo Rivadavia,
Minister of Govern-
ment and Foreign
Relations of the
United Provinces of
South America
Caesar A. Rodney, U. S.
Minister at Buenos
Aires
Feb. 12, 1824
635
299
John M. Forbes, Sec.
of the U. S. Lega-
tion at Buenos
Aires
John Quincy Adams, Sec.
of State
Feb. 22, 1824
636
300
John M. Forbes, Act-
ing Charg6 d'Affaires
of the U. S. at
Buenos Aires
Same
July 5, 1824
638
301
Same
Same
Aug. 13, 1824
639
Doc.
No.
From
To
Date
Page
302
John M. Forbes, Act-
ing Charg6 d' Affaires
of the U. S. at
Buenos Aires
Manuel Jose Garcia,
Minister of Foreign
Relations of Buenos
Aires
Dec. 6, 1824
642
303
Same
John Quincy Adams,
Sec. of State
Dec. 17, 1824
644
304
Same
Same
Jan. 23, 1825
645
305
John M. Forbes,
Charge d' Affaires of
the U. S. Legation
at Buenos Aires
Henry Clay, Sec. of
State
May 2, 1825
647
306
Same
Same
Sept. 18, 1825
650
307
Same
Same
Nov. 29, 1825
651
308
Same
Same
Feb. 9, 1826
653
309
Same
Same
June 17, 1826
653
310
Same
Same
July 15, 1826
655
3ii
Same
Same
Aug. 3, 1826
656
312
Same
Same
Sept. 5, 1826
657
313
Same
Same
Oct. 25, 1826
658
3H
Same
Same
March 8, 1827
660
315
Same
Same
April 12, 1827
660
316
Same
Same
July 1 8, 1827
66 1
317
Same
Same
May 2, 1828
662
3i8
Same
Same
Sept. 13, 1828
663
319
Same
Martin Van Buren, Sec.
of State
Feb. 13, 1830
664
320
Same
Same
Dec. 25, 1830
665
NOTE
The idiosyncrasies of spelling, punctua-
tion, capitalization and grammar of the
original manuscript stand uncorrected in
this print, except in case of manifest and
inadvertent error, where the correction
could in nowise affect the sense.
PART I
COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to General John Armstrong, United States
Minister to France l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, D. C., April 27, i8op.
The policy or the pride of the new Spanish Monarch 2 or of the Emperor
influencing him, may, in the event of a resistance to his authority, in South
America, insist, as was done in the case of St Domingo,3 on our prohibiting
all trade therewith from the United States. It will be of much importance
that such a demand be averted, as the right to make it cannot be admitted
and the attempt may endanger the peace of the two Countries.
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to General John Armstrong, United States
Minister to France 4
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, May i, i8op.
SIR : I herewith send to you copies of letters that have recently passed
between Genl Turreau and myself. The one from him indicates what he
knows or presumes to be the sensibility of his Government as to the relations
of the United States to the Spanish Colonies. My answer will enable you
to meet its suggestions with an assurance that the conduct of this Govern-
ment will be regulated in that respect, as it invariably has been, by the
principles of good faith and by the rules prescribed by its neutral character.
It is, however, not to be understood, that the United States will be restrained
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 42. Robert Smith, of Maryland, was
commissioned Secretary of State by President Madison March 6, 1809; was asked by Presi-
dent Madison to resign; resigned April I, 1811. John Armstrong, of New York, had been
commissioned minister plenipotentiary to France June 30, 1804. He left Paris September
14, 1810. Mr. Armstrong and James Bowdoin, of Massachusetts, who was then minister
plenipotentiary at Madrid, were commissioned commissioners plenipotentiary and extraor-
dinary, March 17, 1806, to treat jointly and severally with Spain concerning territories,
wrongful captures, condemnations, and other injuries. Armstrong did not go to Madrid,
but conducted. negotiations at Paris. The negotiations were unsuccessful.
3 Joseph Bonaparte, who had about a year earlier been placed on the Spanish throne by
his brother Napoleon, the French Emperor, after the forced abdications of the Spanish
Bourbons.
ritory claimed under the Convention from being reduced under the posses-
sion of another belligerent power.
There is reason to apprehend that the suspicions of GenI Turreau have
been particularly incited by the incidental circumstance of Genl Wilkinson
having touched at the Havana in his passage to New Orleans. The candid
explanation is, that altho' no formal instructions were given to Genl Wilkin-
son, it was intended that he should avail himself of every proper occasion to
remove the impressions, made by our Embargo laws, that the United States
were in hostile cooperation against the Spanish Colonies; to obviate more-
over, attempts that might be made to draw them into a hostile collision with
the United States ; and generally, to cultivate such dispositions towards the
United States as become our existing pacific and legitimate relations.
Neither Genl Wilkinson, nor any other person has been instructed or au-
thorized to take any step or hold any communication that could intermeddle
in the remotest degree with the internal affairs of the Spanish Empire, or
that could tend to a violation of the strict neutrality professed by the
United States.
From the policy and pretensions which had led to the demand heretofore
made on the United States to interdict our commerce with St Domingo, it
is not impossible, should Spanish America refuse to acknowledge the new
dynasty, that a like demand may be meditated. Altho' it may not be proper
to anticipate such a demand, yet if a purpose of the kind should be clearly
manifested, it is desirable to obviate it by frank and friendly explanations.
. . . And it is only necessary to add, that it would, at this time, be as
difficult to effectuate such a prohibitory regulation, as it would be unreason-
able to require it, and that the measure is regarded by the President in
such a light as that no countenance is to be given to any hope of attaining it,
even by an offer of arrangements otherwise satisfactory, with respect to the
Floridas and the Western boundary of Louisiana.
I have the honor [etc.].
DOCUMENT 4: JUNE 13, 1 8 10 5
3
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to Thomas Sumter, Jr., United States Min-
ister to the Portuguese Court in Brazil *• 2
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, August i, i8oQ.
You will not fail to communicate the earliest information of all the ma-
terial occurrences in Spanish America, which may have been produced by
the present contest in Spain. And whatever may ultimately be the form
of Government there established it is our policy to be in harmony with it.
You will however at the same time keep in mind that in any conflicts that
may arise we will faithfully preserve our neutral character.
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to William Pinkney, United States Minister
to Great Britain 3
WASHINGTON, June 13, 1810.
SIR: According to present appearances a crisis is approaching which
cannot fail to dissolve the Colonial relation of Spanish America to their
parent Country. It is the duty therefore of the United States to turn their
attention particularly to the case of the two Floridas in whose destiny they
have so near an interest. Besides that which results from Geographical
position the United States consider themselves as holding a legal title to the
greater part of West Florida under the purchase made by the Convention
with France in the year 1803. And they have a fair claim of another kind,
which would certainly not be more than satisfied by the acquisition of the
residue of the West and the whole of East Florida. Under these circum-
stances it may be proper not to conceal from the British Government (which
may otherwise form views towards these territories inconsistent with the
eventual ones entertained by the United States) that any steps on the part
1 In 1807 the Portuguese Court, in order to escape from Napoleon, fled from Lisbon and
took refuge in Brazil, where it remained until 1821.
2 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 53. Thomas Sumter, Jr., of South
Carolina, was commissioned minister plenipotentiary to Portugal, March 7, 1809, but
accredited to the Portuguese court, residing in Brazil. He took leave July 24, 1819.
3 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 98. James Monroe, of Virginia, and
William Pinkney, of Maryland, were jointly and severally commissioned, May 12, 1806, as
commissioners for the settlement of differences with Great Britain and establishing com-
~- and Mr. Pmknev
6 PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
of Great Britain interfering with these will necessarily be regarded as unjust
and unfriendly, and as leading to collisions, which it must be the interest
of both nations to avoid.
This instruction from the President is given to you on the supposition that
the connection of Great Britain with Spain will have been terminated by
events in Europe. You will of course forbear to execute it in a different
state of things. And in executing it you will be careful to authorize no
inference with respect to the intentions of this Government inconsistent with
the principles of justice and neutrality on which the policy of the United
States is founded.
With great respect [etc.].
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to Joel Robert Poinsett of South Carolina,
appointed Special Agent of the United States to South America l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, June 28, 1810.
SIR: As a crisis is approaching which must produce great changes in the
situation of Spanish America, and may dissolve altogether its colonial rela-
tions to Europe, and as the geographical position of the United States, and
other obvious considerations, give them an intimate interest in whatever
may effect the destiny of that part of the American continent, it is our duty
to turn our attention to this important subject, and to take such steps, not
incompatible with the neutral character and honest policy of the United
States, as the occasion renders proper. With this view, you have been
selected to proceed, without delay, to Buenos Ayres. You will make it
your object, wherever it may be proper, to diffuse the impression that the
United States cherish the sincerest good will towards the people of Spanish
America as neighbors, as belonging to the same portion of the globe, and as
having a mutual interest in cultivating friendly intercourse: that this dis-
position will exist, whatever may be their internal system or European rela-
tion, with respect to which no interference of any sort is pretended : and that,
in the event of a political separation from the parent country, and of the
1 House Report No. 72, aoth Congress, 2d session, p. 7. The original of this document was
not located in the archives of the Department of State. In the printed source from which
it has been taken the heading reads "Extract of a letter from Mr. Monroe, Secretary of
State, to, etc." — an obvious error since Monroe was not Secretary of State until April 2,
1811, and Robert Smith held the post until April i, 1811.
Joel R. Poinsett, of South Carolina: In addition to this special mission to South America
was commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Mexico, March 8,
THoc Me -moo nlcn onmmteeinnprl pnvnv PYtrnnrHinarv a.nrl minister oleniootentiarv tO
DOCUMENT 6: NOVEMBER I, 1 8 10 y
establishment of an independent system of National Government, it will
coincide with the sentiments and policy of the United States to promote the
most friendly relations, and the most liberal intercourse, between the in-
habitants of this hemisphere, as having all a common interest, and as lying
under a common obligation to maintain that system of peace, justice, and
good will, which is the only source of happiness for nations.
Whilst you inculcate these as the principles and dispositions of the United
States, it will be no less proper to ascertain those on the other side, not only
towards the United States, but in reference to the great nations of Europe,
and to the commercial and other connexions with them, respectively: and,
generally, to inquire into the state, the characteristics, and the proportions,
as to numbers, intelligence, and wealth, of the several parties, the amount of
population, the extent and organization of the military force, and the pecu-
niary resources of the country.
The real as well as ostensible object of your mission is to explain the
mutual advantages of commerce with the United States, to promote liberal
and stable regulations, and to transmit seasonable information on the sub-
ject. In order that you may render the more service in this respect, and
that you may, at the same time, enjoy the greater protection and respecta-
bility, you will be furnished with a credential letter, such as is held by sundry
agents of the United States in the West Indies, and as was lately held by
one at the Havana, and under the sanction of which you will give the requi-
site attention to commercial objects.
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to General John Armstrong, United States
Minister to France 1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, November i, 1810.
SIR: You will avail yourself of the first proper opportunity to bring to the
view of the French Government the trade with Spanish and Portuguese
America which the British Government is at this time pushing thro' every
avenue which its power and policy can penetrate. This monopoly not only
affords to Great Britain the means of furnishing the people of that Country
altogether with British manufactures, but it moreover enables her to main-
tain a controuling political ascendency over them which has already shewn
itcAlf sxrainst thft neutral commerce of the United States in the late Com-
uuw scut you. JL u VJULUIICICI^I, LUC Lciiuciiuy ui au»_u. cm c-^x-iubive T.rauc»
nothing could at this time be more effectual than the opening of all the
channels of a free commercial communication between the United States and
France and her allies. By such freedom of admission and the abolition of
all vexatious restrictions, France and the Nations connected with her would,
thro' the medium of American enterprize and navigation, obtain a vent for
a large portion of their produce and manufactures which in no other way
can find a market in the ports of Spanish and Portuguese America.
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to General John Armstrong, United States
Minister to France l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, November 2, 1810.
The recent transactions in Spain having produced in her American
Colonies a sensation tending to a change of the old established polity, the
Government of the United States could not remain an unconcerned spectator
of the occurrence of such important events in our own immediate neighbor-
hood. So long, however, as the fluctuation of opinions and policy did not
actually interfere with the jurisdiction of the United States, or place in
jeopardy the security of any of their territorial rights, the President confined
within the limits of a necessary vigilance his attention to the incidents that
had become public. But the late proceedings of the inhabitants of West
Florida having indicated in form and in fact a total overthrow there of the
Spanish authorities and a great uncertainty prevailing with respect to the
shape which affairs in that quarter might assume if left to the uncontrouled
current of a revolutionary impulse, the President has been compelled for the
maintenance of the just rights of the Union to take the necessary measures
for occupying the Country of West Florida as far as the River Perdido.
From the enclosed copy of the President's proclamation you will perceive his
determination to take possession of this Territory, and the considerations
which have constrained him to resort to this measure. In this posture of
affairs the Government of the United States will be ready to meet and discuss
the question of the right of Sovereignty to the Territory thus occupied.
This act of occupancy, which is merely a change of possession and not a
change of right, will, it is hoped, be viewed only as the natural consequence
of a state of things, which the American Government could neither foresee
nor prevent.
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 123.
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to William Shaler, United States Agent for
Seamen and Commerce, Habana *• 2
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, November 6, 1810.
SIR: Your Letters of the 5, 9, 18, 22, 25, 29, June & 2 July have been duly
received.
[The second paragraph of this is identical with the above from Smith to
Armstrong, November 2, 1810.]
Under the varying aspect of the affairs of Spain, it has been the anxious
endeavor of the President to regulate his conduct by the rules of the most
exact neutrality. This disposition has been manifested in the prompt sup-
pression of unlawful enterprizes carried on by certain Privateers bearing the
French flag clandestinely fitted out in the Ports of the United States, and
calculated to annoy the Trade of the subjects of Spain in the Gulph of
Mexico and elsewhere and in the remonstrance against these illegal Equip-
ments made to the Government of France, through the American Minister at
Paris, a Copy of whose Letter to the Duke of Cadore is herewith sent to you.
These representations will enable you to give at Cuba and elsewhere
any explanations that may be necessary.
In the enclosed Gazette you will perceive an official Declaration of the
British Government respecting Spanish America which is transmitted to you
as an evidence of the policy and views of the British Government, in relation
as well to old Spain as to Spanish America. This in your hands may be
useful.
I am [etc.].
Robert Smith, Secretary of State, to William Pinkney, United States Minister
to Great Britain*
WASHINGTON, January 22, 1811.
SIR: You will herewith receive copies of two acts of Congress, which have
been passed with closed doors and which have not yet been made public.
You will thence perceive that the United States are not disposed to acquiesce
in the occupation on the part of any foreign power of any part of East or
West Florida, and that Congress have provided under certain contingencies
for the temporary occupation of the said Territory.
1 The same, mutatis mutandis, with the exception of the first paragraph, to William K.
Loury, Caracas, and to Joel Robert Poinsett, Buenos Aires. See doc. 115 below addressed
to Robert K. Lowry commissioning him consul at La Guayra in 1823. It is possible that
they are the same. The records of the Division of the Department of State do not include
special agents.
z MS. Disnatr.hes tn ITnitp.H States Consuls. T i^-z.
This proceeding is, on the part of the United States justified by national
interest and by national policy; an interest founded upon a recognized
though unliquidated claim on Spain for indemnities ; and a policy impera-
tively prescribed by a legitimate principle of self preservation.
At a period prior to the purchase of Louisiana the attention of this Gov-
ernment had been directed to the peaceable acquisition of the Floridas from
Spain. That purchase, whilst it diminished the geographical extent of
West Florida, and lessened the value of the Spanish possessions in that
quarter, has increased the solicitude of the United States for the Sovereignty
of a tract of Country, whose contiguity rendered it vitally important in a
military, naval and commercial point of view. Mingled with considerations
of this nature, are claims which this Government has justly maintained
against Spain, the final adjustment of which, it was believed, might be
facilitated by a purchase for a fair price, of all the Territory of Florida East
of the River Perdido. The fate of a proposition to this effect had not been
decided when the present revolution commenced in Spain, the fury of which
has extended to and convulsed her American Colonies, has weakened in them
the authority of the parent kingdom, and in some instances has produced a
dissolution of the old form of Government and the institution of independent
States. In this condition of the Spanish Empire, with the antient system
of Government expiring, new systems of Rule growing up in her provinces
and exposed to events which the vicissitudes of a political and military
revolution render incalculable, what more natural, what more conformable
to justice, than for the United States in a spirit of friendly moderation to
seek security for those indemnities not disowned by Spain herself, but the
payment of which has been so long delayed? Should a new Government be
established in Spain under any auspices whatsoever and declare itself ab-
solved from the payment of the debts of the old Monarchy, to what source,
except a pledge in possession, could the United States recur for remuneration
for so many losses which their Citizens have suffered from the effects of the
laws and the policy of Spain?
This motive of national interest is supported and strengthened by the
obvious policy of the measure. Altho' this Government does not wantonly
seek an extension of Territory, it frankly avows the pursuit of an object
essential to its future peace and safety upon honorable and reasonable terms.
The United States cannot see with indifference a foreign power, under any
pretext whatever possess itself of the Floridas. The prospect of danger to
the Union from such a step would be too imminent, the real object too ap-
parent for them either to disguise their sentiments or to hesitate a moment as
to the conduct which they would be inevitably compelled to pursue. This
explicit declaration, uttered with sincerity and friendliness ought to ad-
monish the British Government (should it unhappily yield itself up to such
improper desires) to check all inclination of gaining a footing in the Floridas.
The Government of France will also be immediately apprized of this
declaration on the part of the United States.
These observations, which at an early day and on a suitable occasion
you are to present in substance to the British Government are applicable to
the two contingencies contemplated by the accompanying acts of Congress.
In either of these cases, however, the United States, you may add, intend
nothing more than the preservation of the peace and quiet of the Territory,
the prevention of anarchy, and the exclusion of all external interference;
and in this posture to await the re-establishment of a state of things, in
which all matters in dispute may be amicably and satisfactorily adjusted
upon principles of right and equity with the competent authority.
In making the communication to the British Government now confided
to your discretion, you will of course, be fully sensible of the importance of
doing it in a manner that will guard as much as possible, against irritating or
precipitating it, into the measure to be obviated ; and you will lose not a mo-
ment in transmitting intelligence as to the temper in which the communica-
tion may be received, and as to the effect likely to be produced by it on the
policy of that Cabinet.
I have the honor [etc.].
10
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Joel Robert Poinsett, United States
Consiil General at Buenos Aires l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 30, 1811.
The instructions already given you 2 are so full, that there seems to be
little cause to add to them at this time. Much solicitude is felt to hear from
you on all the topics to which they relate. The disposition shewn by most of
the Spanish provinces to separate from Europe and to erect themselves into
independent States excites great interest here. As Inhabitants of the same
Hemisphere, as Neighbors, the United States cannot be unfeeling Spectators
of so important a moment. The destiny of those provinces must depend on
themselves. Should such a revolution however take place, it cannot be
doubted that our relation with them will be more intimate, and our friend-
ship stronger than it can be while they are colonies of any European power.
I have [etc.].
1 MS. Dispatches to Consuls, I, 365. James Monroe, of Virginia : Commissioned Secretary
of State by President Madison, April 2, 1811; was appointed Secretary of War, September 26,
1814, and confirmed by the Senate, September 27, 1814; continued to serve as Acting Secretary
of State also. President Madison offered the position to Daniel D. Tompkins, September 28,
1814, who declined it. Mr. Monroe was again commissioned as Secretary of State by Presi-
dent Madison, February 28, 1815, and retired, March 4, 1817, on becoming President.
* See above, doc. 5, Smith to Poinsett, June 28, 1810.
12 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
11
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to John Quincy Adams, United States
Minister to Riissia x
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, November 23, 1811.
Various considerations, which will readily suggest themselves to you,
have induced this Government to look with a favorable eye to a Revolution
which is now taking place in South America. Several of the Provinces have
sent Deputies to this Country, to announce a complete Revolution in some,
and the approach of it in others, but as yet a formal recognition of a Minister
from neither has been made, nor has it been urged.
12
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Joel Barlow, United States Minister
to France 2> 3
WASHINGTON, November 27, 1811.
SIR : A Revolution in the Spanish Provinces, South of the United [States]
is making a rapid progress. The Provinces of Venezuela have declared
themselves independent and announced the event to this Government. The
same step it is said, will soon be taken at Buenos Ayres and in other quarters.
The Provinces of Venezuela have proposed to the President the recognition
of their independence, and reception of a Minister from them; and altho'
such recognition in form has not been made, yet a very friendly and con-
ciliatory answer has been given to them. They have also been informed
that the Ministers of the United States in Europe, will be instructed to
avail themselves of suitable opportunities to promote their recognition by
other powers. You will not fail to attend to this object, which is thought to
be equally due to the just claims of our Southern Brethren, to which the
United States cannot be indifferent, and to the best interests of this Country.
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 179. John Quincy Adams, of Massa-
chusetts: Commissioned minister plenipotentiary to Russia, June 27, 1809. Took leave,
April 7, 1814. Commissioned (with others) minister plenipotentiary and extraordinary,
January 18, 1814, with power to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace and a treaty of
commerce with Great Britain. Commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipo-
tentiary to Great Britain, February 28, 1815. Took leave, May 14, 1817. Commissioned
(with others) envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, April 17, 1813, with power,
jointly and severally, to conclude a peace with Great Britain. Commissioned. Secretary of
State by President Monroe, March 5, 1817; retired, March 4, 1825, on becoming President.
2 A circular identical with the first paragraph of this letter was sent to the United States
Ministers to Great Britain, Russia and Denmark.
3 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VII, 183. Toel Barlow, of Connecticut:
DOCUMENT 13: DECEMBER 9, l8ll 13
In so doing you will be careful not to compromit the pacifick relations sub-
sisting between the United States and other powers.
A late communication from Mr Russell,1 supported by one made today,
by Mr Seriirier 2 by the order of his Government shews that France is
disposed to harmonise on this great subject, with the policy which has been
adopted by the United States.
I have the honor [etc.].
13
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Samuel L. Mitchill, United States
Representative from New York 3
WASHINGTON, December g, 1811.
SIR: I have the honor to transmit to you, in compliance with the request
contained in your letter of the 5th inst.,4 a copy of the declaration of in-
1 Jonathan Russell of Rhode Island: Charg6 d'affaires to France. Left in charge of
legation, September 14, 1810. Left Paris in November, 1811. Appointed charge d'affaires
at London, July 27, 1811. He was received by the British government, November 15, 1811.
Received passport, at his request, September 2, 1812. Commissioned minister plenipoten-
tiary and extraordinary (with others), January 18, 1814, with power to negotiate and
conclude a treaty of peace and a treaty of commerce with. Great Britain. Commissioned
minister plenipotentiary to Sweden and Norway, January 18, 1814. Took leave, October
16, 1818.
2 Mr. Serurier, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary from France: Pre-
sented credentials about February 21, i8n. Took leave, January 22, 1816.
a American State Papers, Foreign Relations, III, 539.
4 The letter of the 5th instant from the Hon. Samuel L. Mitchill to Secretary Monroe
was the following, copied from the same page:
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, December 5, 1811.
SIR: In behalf of the committee appointed to consider so much of the President's
message of the 5th November as relates to the Spanish American provinces, I beg leave
to inquire whether it is known to our Government that any of those provinces have
declared themselves independent, or that material changes have taken place in their
political relations. It is not expected, however, that my request will be understood to
extend to those communications which, in the opinion of the Executive, it would be
improper to disclose.
Be pleased, sir, to accept [etc.].
The committee submitted to the House the following recommendation:
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, December 10, 1811.
The committee to whom was referred so much of the President's message as relates
to the Spanish American colonies, have, in obedience to the order of the House, deliber-
ately considered the subject before them, and directed a report, in part, to be submitted
to the consideration of the House, in the form of a public declaration, as follows: _
Whereas, several of the American Spanish provinces have represented to the United
States that it has been found expedient for them to associate and form federal Govern-
ments upon the elective and representative plan, and to declare themselves free and
independent: Therefore be it .
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Umted States of America vn
Congress assembled, That they behold, with friendly interest, the establishment of
independent sovereignties by the Spanish provinces in America, consequent upon the
actual state of the monarchy to which they belonged; that, as neighbors and inhabitants
of the same hemisphere, the United States feel great solicitude for their welfare; and
.« , .1 * • _i II 1 _j.j — J_«J 4.V>si ~~r.A',4-',nn nf T>o-H/-\nc HIT rhP IllST
14 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
dependence made by the provinces of Venezuela. This act was communi-
cated to this Government by order of the Congress, composed of deputies
from those provinces, assembled at Caraccas. It is not ascertained that any
other of the Spanish provinces have, as yet, entered into similar declarations;
but it is known that most, if not all of them, on the continent, are in a revo-
lutionary state. The progress made in that direction by some of them will
best appear in the documents which have already been communicated to you.
I have the honor [etc.].
14
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Talisfero de Orea, Commissioner of
Venezuela to ihe United States1
WASHINGTON, December ip, 1811.
SIR: I have already had the honor to inform you that I had laid before
The President the copy of the declaration of Independence entered into by
the Provinces of Venezuela, which you presented to me, and that he had
received it with the interest which so important an event was calculated
to excite.
Of the interest which The President takes in this important event, and in
the welfare of the inhabitants of all the Spanish Provinces South of the
United-States, you have had an unequivocal proof in his remarks on that
subject, in the message to Congress at the commencement of the session.
And by the report of the committee to whom that part of the message was
referred, a strong indication is given, that the legislative branch of our
government participates in the sentiments which have been expressed by the
chief Magistrate.
I will add, Sir, that the Ministers of the United-States in Europe have been
made acquainted with these sentiments of their government, and instructed
to keep them in view in their communications, with the Courts, near which
they respectively reside.
I have the honor [etc.].
15
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Alexander Scott, United States Agent to
Caracas 2
WASHINGTON, May 14, 1812.
SIR: Having sometime since apprised you of your appointment to the
Caraccas, I have now to inform you that the President wishes you to proceed
there without delay, in discharge of the duties of the trust confided to you.
DOCUMENT 15: MAY 14, l8l2 15
You will obtain a passage in one of the vessels by which the provisions pro-
cured, in compliance with a late act of Congress, for the Government of
Venezuela, will be forwarded.
I cannot better convey to you an idea of the duties which you will have
to perform with the Government of Venezuela, than by communicating to
you a copy of the instructions which were given to the Agent of the United
States at Buenos Ayres.1 The independence of the Provinces of Venezuela
forms an essential difference between their situation and that of the other
Provinces of Spain in America; but still, until their independence is more
formally acknowledged by the United States, it cannot materially affect
your duties. Until such acknowledgment may be made, your agency will be
of a character suited to the case ; for which you will receive herewith creden-
tial letters, such as are held by the Agent of the United States at Buenos
Ayres.
A principal motive in delaying to recognize in greater form the inde-
pendence of the Government of Venezuela proceeds from a desire to ascertain
how far those Provinces are competent to its support ; by which is to be un-
derstood the intelligence of the people, and their union and decision in its
favor. If the people are resolved to maintain their independence, their suc-
cess seems to be inevitable. The United States take a sincere interest in it,
from generous sentiments, and from a conviction, also, that, in many ways, it
will prove reciprocally advantageous. France favors it, and Great Britain
will not long oppose it, if she does at all, by force, or by exposing herself
to war. Nothing, however, would be more absurd than for the United
States to acknowledge their independence in form, until it was evident that
the people themselves were resolved and able to support it. Should a
counter-revolution take place after such acknowledgment, the United States
would sustain an injury, without having rendered any advantage to the
people.
A friendly communication may, in the mean time, be preserved, with the
same advantage as if their independence had been thus formally acknowl-
edged. The United States are disposed to render to the Government of
Venezuela, in its relations with foreign powers, all the good offices that they
may be able. Instructions have been already given to their Ministers at
Paris, St. Petersburgh, and London, to make known to those courts that the
United States take an interest in the independence of the Spanish Provinces.
It will be your duty to make yourself acquainted with the state of the
public mind in the Provinces of Venezuela, and in all the adjoining Provinces
of Spain ; their competence to self-government ; state of political and other
intelligence; their relations with each other; the spirit which prevails gen-
erally among them as to independence ; their disposition towards the United
1 . 1 J
between them; what form it will take; how many confederations will
probably be formed, and what species of internal government is likely to
prevail. You will be sensible that the United States cannot fail to take a
deep interest in the establishment of a Republican Government in those
Provinces, from a belief that the people will be happier under it, and the
greater confidence which must exist, in consequence of it, between us.
You will also be particularly attentive to the protection of our commerce
with the Government of Venezuela, to see that it enjoys all the advantages
which may be fairly claimed; and you will furnish all useful information rela-
tive to their exports and imports.
You are already apprised of the supplies which have been procured, in
compliance with an act of Congress, for the Government of Venezuela, in con-
sequence of the distress occasioned by the late dreadful earthquake there.
These supplies will be forwarded by vessels from Baltimore, Philadelphia,
and New York, and are intended to be presented, on the part of this Govern-
ment, to that of Venezuela, for the relief of the People. You will receive
with this letter a copy of the act of Congress, which will be your guide in com-
municating the measure to that Government. It is hoped that you will ar-
rive at in time to take charge of all these supplies ; but as it is possible
that this may not happen, a conditional instruction will be forwarded to
Mr. Lowry, to act in the business in your absence.
You will not fail to intimate, in suitable terms, that this interposition for
the relief of the distressed people of Venezuela is a strong proof of the friend-
ship and interest which the United States take in their welfare.
I have the honor [etc.].
16
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to M. Palacio, Agent of Cartagena to the
United States x
WASHINGTON, December 29, 1812.
SIR: The United-States being at peace with Spain cannot take any step
in relation to the contests between the different sections of the Spanish
monarchy, which would be of a character to compromit their neutrality.
At the same time it is proper to observe, that as inhabitants of the same
hemisphere, the government and people of the United-States take a lively
interest in the prosperity and welfare of their neighbours of South -America,
and will rejoyce at any event which has a tendency to promote their happi-
ness.
I have the honor [etc.].
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 51.
DOCUMENT 17: DECEMBER IO, 1815 I7
17
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to John Quincy Adams, United States
Minister to Great Britain 1
WASHINGTON, December 10, 1815.
SIR: Reports continue to circulate that the Spanish government has
ceded to Great Britain the Floridas and Louisiana. It is also stated that
measures are taken, for the equipment of an expedition to that quarter, to
consist of so large a body of men, as would not be contemplated, if it was the
intention of the British government, to preserve the existing friendly rela-
tions between the two countries. Ten thousand men, it is said, are likely to
be sent from Great-Britain and Ireland; and it has been intimated, that
some foreign troops, will be taken into British pay and employed in the
expedition. The Prussian troops, near the channel, are spoken of.
If the British government has accepted a cession of this territory from
Spain, and is taking measures for its occupancy, her conduct must be con-
sidered as decidedly hostile to the U. States. As well might the British
government send an army, to Philadelphia, or to Charlestown, as to New
Orleans, or to any portion of Louisiana Westward of the Perdido, knowing as
it does the just title of the United States to that limit. To send a consider-
able force to East-Florida, even should the British government state, that
it had accepted the cession of that province only, could not be viewed in a
friendly light. Why send a large force there, if Spain has ceded, and is
ready to surrender the province, unless the British government has objects
in view, unjust in their nature, the pursuit of which must of necessity,
produce war with the United-States? East-Florida in itself is 'comparatively
nothing; but as a post, in the hands of Great- Britain, it is of the highest
importance. Commanding the Gulph of Mexico, and all its waters, includ-
ing the Mississippi with its branches, and the streams emptying into the
Mobile, a vast proportion of the most fertile and productive parts of this
Union, on which the navigation and commerce so essentially depend, would
be subject to its annoyance, not to mention its influence on the Creeks and
other neighbouring: Indians. It is believed if Great-Britain has accepted the
cession of East-Florida, and of it only, that she has done it with intention
to establish a strong post there, and to avail herself of it for all the purposes
above suggested. If the cession has greater extent, the design is more ap-
parent.
The President desires that you will bring this subject before the British
government, without delay, in a friendly and conciliatory manner, and ascer-
tain, if it is disposed to give the information, whether such cession has been
made, and if it has, to what extent. If none has been made, the British
which, these reports, coming trom so many quarters, could not tail to make.
If a cession has been made, it is probable that she will explain its extent
and her future views in regard to it, as a frank and open policy is most
becoming a great nation, and if her policy is peace, most likely to preserve it.
If she acquired it in war, be the extent of it what it may, it may have been
obtained, as an instrument to subserve the purposes of that period only;
peace having since taken place on conditions satisfactory to both parties,
her views in regard to that territory, may have undergone a similar change.
In this case she may be willing to rid herself of a property, which she may
reasonably anticipate, will never be advantageous to her, and may be pro-
ductive of much harm. If a cession has been made to Great-Britain of East-
Florida, and her views in regard to it have undergone such a change, it will
be agreeable to this government to obtain it of her, at a fair equivalent, as
you may suggest, in your conferences on the subject, should circumstances
justify it.
The revolution which is making rapid progress in South-America, becomes
daily more interesting to the United -States. From the best information
that we can obtain, there is much cause to believe, that those provinces will
separate from the mother-country. Several of them have already abrogated
its authority, and established independent governments. They insist on
the acknowledgment of their governments by the United-States, and when
it is considered that the alternative is between governments, which, in the
event of their independence, would be free and friendly, and the relation
which, reasoning from the past, must be expected from them, as colonies,
there is no cause to doubt in which scale our interest lies. What are the
views and intentions of the British government on this important subject?
Is it not the interest of Great-Britain that the Spanish provinces should
become independent? Will her government promote it, at what time and
under what circumstances? In case of a rupture, between the U. S. & Spain
at any future time, what part will Great-Britain take in the contest, it being
distinctly to be understood, that we shall ask, in regard to the Spanish
provinces, no privileges in trade which shall not be common to other nations?
Spain has been long unfriendly to the United-States, and done them positive
injuries, for which reparation has been withheld, and her government still
assumes a tone, which, in other respects, is far from being satisfactory. The
part which the United-States may act hereafter, towards that power, must
depend on circumstances. Should the Spanish government persevere in its
unjust policy, it might have some influence on our measures, and it would be
advantageous to know the views of the British government in these respects.
The President has agreed, on considerations which have been thought
sufficient to justify it, to waive objections of a personal nature, and to receive
Mr. Onis, as Minister from Spain.
Before entering into any communications with the British government,
DOCUMENT 18: JANUARY 19, l8l6 IQ
relating to the part Great-Britain will take towards the Spanish provinces in
South-America, who have declared themselves independent, or may here-
after, you will satisfy yourself that the British government puts a just value
on the existing relations between the United-States and Great-Britain, and
will not convert the communication which is a proof of amity, and intended
to be confidential, into an instrument for promoting hostility between Spain
and the United-States. Your communication, in any view, had therefore
better be informal, and apparently proceeding from yourself only.
I have the honor [etc.].
18
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Luis de Oms, Spanish Minister to the
United States1
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, January 19, 1816.
Sm: I have had the honor to receive your letters2 of the 30. of December,
and 2. of January and to submit them to the President.
You demand that your Sovereign shall be put in possession of West-
Florida; that certain persons whom you have mentioned, shall be arrested
and tried on the charge of promoting insurrection in the Spanish provinces,
and exciting citizens of the United-States to join in it; and thirdly, that the
flags of Carthagena, the Mexican Congress, Buenos-Ayres, and other revolt-
ing Provinces, shall be excluded from the ports of the United-States. . . .
You demand next that Mr. Toledo and others whom you mention, charged
with promoting revolt in the Spanish provinces, and exciting citizens of the
United-States to join in it, shall be arrested and tried, their troops disarmed
and dispersed.
You intimate that troops are levying in Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana,
and Georgia, for the invasion of the Spanish provinces, of whom one thousand
are from Kentucky, and three hundred from Tennessee, to be commanded
by American citizens, but you do not state at what points these men are
collected, or by whom, commanded, and as to the forces said to be raised in
Louisiana and Georgia, your communication is more indefinite. The in-
formation recently obtained by this Department, from persons of high con-
sideration, is of a very different character. It is stated that no men are
collected, nor is there evidence of an attempt or design to collect any in
Kentucky, Tennessee, or Georgia, for the purpose stated, and that the force
operation of our laws. I have to request that you will have the goodness to
state, at what points, in Kentucky, Tennessee, Georgia and Louisiana, any
force is collected, the number in each instance, and by whom commanded.
If such force is collected, or collecting, within the United-States, for the
purpose suggested, or other illegal purpose, it will be dispersed, and the
parties prosecuted according to law.
This government is under no obligation, nor has it the power, by any law
or treaty, to surrender any inhabitant of Spain, or the Spanish provinces, on
the demand of the government of Spain; nor is any such inhabitant punish-
able by the laws of the United-States, for acts committed beyond their
jurisdiction, the case of pirates alone excepted. This is a fundamental law
of our system. It is not however confined to us. It is believed to be the
law of all civilized nations, where not particularly varied by Treaties.
In reply to your third demand, the exclusion of the Flag of the revolting
provinces, I have to observe, that in consequence of the unsettled state of
many countries, and repeated changes of the ruling authority in each, there
being, at the same time, several competitors, and each party bearing its
appropriate flag, the President thought it proper, some time past, to give
orders to the Collectors, not to make the flag of any vessel, a criterion on
condition of its admission into the ports of the United-States. Having taken
no part, in the differences and convulsions, which have disturbed those
countries, it is consistent with the just principles, as it is with the interests
of the United-States, to receive the vessels of all countries, into their ports,
to whatever party belonging, and under whatever flag sailing, pirates ex-
cepted, requiring of them only the payment of the duties, and obedience to
the laws while under their jurisdiction; without adverting to the question
whether they had committed any violation of the allegiance or laws obliga-
tory on them, in the countries to which they belonged, either in assuming
such flag, or in any other respect.
In the differences which have subsisted between Spain and her colonies,
the United-States have observed all proper respect to their friendly relations
with Spain. They took no measure to indemnify themselves for losses and
injuries; none to guard against the occupancy of the Spanish territory, by
the British forces in the late war, or to occupy the territory to which the
United-States consider their title good, except in the instance of West-
Florida, and in that instance, under circumstances, which made their inter-
position, as much an act of accommodation to the Spanish authority there,
as of security to themselves. They have also prohibited their citizens, from
taking any part in the war, and the inhabitants of the colonies and other
foreigners connected with them, from recruiting in the United-States for
that purpose. The proclamations, which have been issued by the Governors
of some of the States and Territories, at the instance of the President, and
the Proclamation lately issued by the President himself, are not unknown to
your government. This conduct, under such circumstances, and at such a
time, is of a character too marked, to be mistaken by the impartial world.
What will be the final result of the civil war, which prevails, between Spain
and the Spanish provinces in America, is beyond the reach of human fore-
sight. It has already existed many years, and with various success, some-
times one party prevailing and then the other. In some of the Provinces, the
success of the Revolutionists, appears to have given to their cause, more
stability than in others. All that your government had a right to claim of
the United-States, was, that they should not interfere in the contest, or
promote by any active service, the success of the Revolution, admitting that
they continued to overlook the injuries received from Spain, and remained
at peace. This right was common to the colonists. With equal justice,
might they claim, that we would not interfere to their disadvantage: that
our ports should remain open to both parties, as they were, before the com-
mencement of the struggle : that our laws regulating commerce with foreign
nations, should not be changed to their injury. On these principles the
United-States have acted.
So much have I thought proper to state respecting the relations existing
between the United-States and Spain. The restoration of the diplomatic
intercourse between our governments forms an epoch which cannot fail to
be important to both nations. If it does not produce a result, favorable to
their future friendship and good understanding, to your government will the
failure be imputable. The United-States have at all times been willing, to
settle their differences, on just principles and conditions, and they still
are.
19
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to John Quincy Adams, United States
Minister to Great Britain l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, February 2, 1816.
SIR: I have the honor to transmit to you a copy of a late communication2
with the Minister of Spain, on subjects highly interesting to the United-
States. You will I am persuaded see strong proof of the justice and modera-
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 23.
2 See above, doc. 18, Monroe to Onis, January 19, 1816.
the reply to his letters.
A strong suspicion is entertained here by many that the Spanish govern-
ment relies on the support, of the British, if it is not instigated by it, to
make those demands. It will be very satisfactory, and is indeed highly
important, to ascertain what the views of the British government are in
these respects. You have I presume received my letter of the 10 of Decem-
ber,1 which suggests enquiries much connected with the present one. . . .
20
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Levett Harris, Untied States Charge"
d' Affaires in Russia2
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, February 2, 1816.
SIR: I have the honor to transmit to you a copy of a late communication3
with the Minister of Spain, on subjects highly interesting to the United-
States. You will I am persuaded see strong proof of the justice and modera-
tion of the United-States, as well in what regards the future as the past, in
the reply to his letters.
It is important to be made acquainted with the views of the Emperor of
Russia, respecting the independence of the Spanish Provinces. In former
communications we had reason to believe that he favored it. It will be
highly gratifying to find that he still entertains that disposition. You will
doubtless have no difficulty in ascertaining his sentiments, which I shall be
glad to be apprized of without delay. The anxiety to possess this informa-
tion, is increased by a presumption, that the Spanish government would not
make these extraordinary demands, if it was not countenanced in them
by some other power.
1 See above, doc. 17.
2 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 24.
3 See above, doc. 18, Monroe to Onis, January 19, 1816.
DOCUMENT 22: FEBRUARY 21, l8l6 23
21
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to William Eustis, United States Minister
to the Netherlands l> 2
WASHINGTON, February 2, 1816.
SIR : I have the honor to transmit to you a copy of a late communication
with the Minister of Spain, on subjects highly interesting to the United-
States. You will I am persuaded see strong proof of the justice and modera-
tion of this government, as well in what regards the future as the past, in the
reply to his letters.
I have the honor [etc.].
22
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister to the
United States3
WASHINGTON, February 21, 1816.
SIR: It is represented that many American Citizens have been made
prisoners at Carthagena, by order of the Commander of the forces of His
Catholic Majesty, and that they are treated with the greatest severity. A
number of these persons are said to have been seized on the high seas, on a
charge of having violated the blockade of the port, or on pretexts of other
kinds; others to have been decoyed there after the place was captured; some
who were resident merchants ; and it is possible, that some may have been
engaged, as parties, in the civil war, between Spain and her colonies.
With respect to all those, first above mentioned, it is presumed, that they
will be discharged, as soon as the circumstances of their respective cases are
known. With respect to the last class of prisoners, such of our citizens as
may have been taken in arms, I flatter myself that you will not be less ready
to interpose your good offices to obtain their discharge. In such commo-
tions, individuals of various nations, often find themselves, in that situation,
and it is as contrary to the Law of nations as it is to humanity, to treat them
otherwise than with the lenity due to prisoners of war.
The President intends to send immediately a public vessel to Carthagena,
for these persons, and it will be very satisfactory to commit to the Officer,
who may be charged with his commands, a letter from you to the Governor
1 A circular identical with this was on the same date sent to Jonathan Russell, United States
minister to Sweden and Norway, to Thomas Sumter, United States minister to Brazil, and
to I Icnry Jackson, United States secretary of legation in France acting as charge d'affaires
ad interim from April 22, 1815, to July 9, 1816. .
2 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 25. William Eustis, of Massa-
Mitiantta* rnmmJacirmi^rl r>nvnv ftvi-ranrdinarv and minister oleniootentiarv to the Nether-
oi his mission.
I have the honor [etc.].
23
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to George W. Erving, appointed United
States Minister to Spain l
WASHINGTON, March n, 1816.
SIR : You will set out in discharge of the duties of your mission to Spain as
soon after the receipt of this letter as circumstances will permit. Our re-
lations with that country are, from many causes, becoming daily more and
more interesting. They will require your assiduous and zealous attention
as soon as you are recognised by the Spanish Government.
The restoration of the diplomatic intercourse between the two countries,
long interrupted by causes well known to you, presents a favorable oppor-
tunity for the settlement of every difference with that Power. The Presi-
dent has already manifested his sincere desire to take advantage of it for
that purpose, and hopes that the Spanish Government cherishes a similar
disposition.
The primary causes of difference proceeded from spoliations on their
commerce, for which Spain is held responsible, the justice of which she
admitted by a convention ; and from the refusal of the Spanish Government
to settle on just principles the boundaries of Louisiana, and to compensate,
on like principles, for the injuries arising from the suppression of the de-
posite at New Orleans in the breach of the treaty of 1795. The grounds of
these differences have been so often discussed, and the justice of our claims
so completely established in the instructions heretofore given, and in com-
munications with the Spanish Government, that it is thought unnecessary
to enter into them in this letter. Other injuries have likewise been since
received from Spain, particularly in the late war with Great Britain, to which
it may be proper for you to advert. I shall transmit to you, herewith, such
papers relating to our claims in every instance, as will place their merits in a
just light.
In a conversation with Mr. Onis, shortly after the late correspondence with
him, he intimated that his Government was sincerely desirous of settling
these differences, and that it might be willing to cede its claim to territory
on the eastern side of the Mississippi, in satisfaction of claims, and in ex-
1 American State ^Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 433. George W. Erving, of Massa-
chusetts: Commissioned secretary of legation in Spain, November 22, 1804. Acted as
charge d'affaires^ interim from January 12, 1 805. (Direct and official relations with Spain
were broken off in 1808 and nqt renewed until 1814. Mr. Erving, however, remained until
February, 1810.) Commissioned minister plenipotentiary to Spain, August 10, 1814 Took
leave April 29, 1819.
.
such a treaty, and it would be more agreeable to conclude it here if he had
such powers, or might soon procure them, provided there was any ground to
hope an early termination of it. But, from the experience we have already
had, it may be fairly apprehended that a negotiation here would lead to
very extraordinary delays, which it is wished to avoid.
The President will soon decide on the whole subject; after which, you shall
be duly instructed of the course to be pursued, and of the measures to be
taken. These instructions shall be forwarded to you at Madrid by Mr.
Henry B. Smith.
24
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister to the
United States1
WASHINGTON, March jj, 1816.
SIR : I have the honor to inform you that the President has decided to send
Christopher Hughes Esqre., late Secretary of Legation at Ghent, in the
frigate Macedonian, to Carthagena, to make application, to the Commander
of the Spanish forces there, for the restoration of such American citizens as
may have been made prisoners within the dominions of Spain under his
command, relative to whom I lately addressed you.2 Mr. Hughes will have
the honor to deliver you this letter, and I have to request that you will have
the goodness to give him the letter to the proper authority promised in yours
to me of the 26. ultimo.
Altho' you make a distinction between the prisoners to the disadvantage
of those engaged in the contest prevailing between Spain and the Provinces,
yet as the latter are entitled by the law of nations, as well as by humanity,
to be considered and treated as prisoners of war, I natter myself, on recon-
sideration of the subject, that you will include them likewise in the benefit
of your intercession.
Orders will be given to the Commander of the Macedonian to bring home
all the citizens of the United-States, who may be thus discharged.
I have the honor [etc.].
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 132.
2 On February 21, 1816. See above, doc. 22.
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister to the
United States1
WASHINGTON, March 20, 1816.
SIB: I have had the honor to receive your letter of March 2d. announcing
the continuance of a blockade of the Spanish coast, in South- America, from
Santa Marta, to the River Atrato, inclusive of the latter, by the Commander
in Chief of His Catholic Majesty's forces, and that if any vessel is met South
of the mouths of the Magdalena, or North of the parallel of Cape Tiburon, on
the Mosquito Coast, and between the meridian of those points, she shall be
seized and condemned as prize, whatever may be her documents or destina-
tion. You state also that the ports of Santa Marta and Porto-Bello arc left
open to neutrals.
I have to state that this proclamation of General Morillo, is evidently
repugnant to the law of nations, for several reasons, particularly the follow-
ing, that it declares a coast of several hundred miles, to be in a state of
blockade, and because it authorizes the seizure of neutral vessels, at an
unjustifiable distance from the coast. No maxim of the law of nations is
better established, than that a blockade shall be confined to particular ports,
and that an adequate force shall be stationed at each, to support it. The
force should be stationary, and not a cruizing squadron, and placed so near
the entrance of the harbour, or mouth of the river, as to make it evidently
dangerous for a vessel to enter. I have to add that a vessel entering the port,
ought not to be seized, except in returning to it, after being warned off, by
the blockading squadron, stationed near it.
I am instructed by the President to state to you these objections, to the
blockade, which has been announced in your letter, that you may com-
municate them to your government, and in confidence that you will, in the
mean time, interpose your good offices, and prevail on General Morillo, to
alter his proclamation and practice under it, in such manner, as to conform
in both respects to the law of nations.
In stating to you these well founded objections, to this blockade, of
General Morillo, I have the honor to observe that your motive for communi-
cating it, is duly appreciated.
I have the honor [etc.]
l MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 134. The same is printed in American Slate Papers.
Foreign Relations, IV, 156.
DOCUMENT 26: MARCH 25, l8l6 27
26
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Christopher Hughes, Jr., Special Agent
of the United States to Cartagena l
WASHINGTON, March 25, 1816.
SIR: In discharge of the trust reposed in you, by the President, you will
embark on board the Frigate, Macedonian, at Boston, and proceed without
delay to Carthagena.
You will receive with this, a letter to the Commander in Chief of the
Spanish forces, or other person in authority, informing him that you are in-
structed by the President to request the discharge of such of our citizens as
may have been taken and detained as prisoners there, or elsewhere within the
sphere of his command, with their property and to bring them home. It is
presumed that General Morillo is the officer to whom the letter ought to be
addressed, but it is given to you, blank, that in case the authority should be
vested in another, you may direct it to him.
My letter to the Chevr. de Onis, of February 2i,2 states the causes, so far
as they are known here, for which these persons have been made prisoners.
By his reply, it may be inferred, that the objections entertained to the dis-
charge of all who have not borne arms, on the side of the Revolutionists, may
be, without much difficulty, surmounted. If a difficulty exists with respect
to any of either of the first classes, it must apply, as is presumed, to those
who are charged with having violated the blockade. That that should have
been made a pretext, even had the blockade been legal, is cause of surprise,
since the forfeiture of the property is the highest penalty recognized by the
law of nations for such an act. But the blockade is not legal, for the reasons
stated in my letter to the Chevr. de Onis, of the 20 instant,3 to which I have
not yet received an answer. The illegality of the blockade vitiates the whole
proceeding, and is an additional reason for an accommodation in that and all
similar cases.
The claim to the discharge of such as have been confined, for joining the
Revolutionists, is considered, fully sanctioned by the law of nations. The
war between Spain and her provinces, is marked with all the circumstances
which characterize a civil war. It has been of long continuance: govern-
ments regularly organized, are established in the provinces, by whom troops
are raised, and the war is carried on. Very different is the situation of the
Spanish provinces from that of an ordinary popular movement, which is
called an insurrection or rebellion. Nor does the contest take the character
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 40. Christopher Hughes, Jr., of
Maryland: Commissioned secretary of legation to Sweden and Norway, September 26, 1816.
Acted as charge d'affaires ad interim from the middle of April to December 10, 1817. Was
left in charge
a commission
by Mr. Russell on retiring, October 16, 1818, and remained until he received
as charge d'affaires, January 20, 1819. Retired, July 15, 1825, having been
28 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
of a civil war, from the manner of its termination, as is known by the example
of our own revolution. Till the peace of 1783, the fortune of the war was not
settled; notwithstanding which, the rights of war were observed on both
sides, flags passed between them, discussions took place, cartels were settled
and exchanges made, from the commencement. Just principles, as well as
example, require, that these humane usages should be observed in the war
between Spain and her colonies, and if yielding to a more vindictive spirit:,
they be disregarded, the consequences will excite the horror of the civilized
world. Should either- of the parties disregard these rules in respect: to the
other, it does not follow that it has a right to do it, with respect to the
citizens or subjects of other powers. As to the latter, the character of the
war, is still the same, and the United-States have a right, that the protection
secured by the law of nations, be extended to them. In the war of our
Revolution, foreigners in our service, were not only exchanged, but treated
with marked attention by the British authorities.
We have seen a Proclamation in the Gazettes, imputed to General Morillo,
of the vindictive character above described, which, as the Spanish Minister
has not announced it, may possibly be, a fabrication. In the project of a
cool and deliberate massacre of prisoners, for various offences, which it
avows and threatens, it appears that our citizens and the subjects of other
powers, are equally comprized, with the inhabitants of the Provinces. It is
hoped that this is not the act of General Morillo, and that he will disavow it.
It would be a cause of deep regret, if it be his act, that it should be carried into
effect, against any citizen of the United-States.
The restoration of the property is supposed to be a necessary consequence
of the discharge of the persons to whom it belongs. The Blockade being
unlawful, and the whole proceeding against our citizens of the same charac-
ter, authorizes the expectation that a conciliatory spirit will be manifested,
even in cases of doubtful right, should there be such, in deciding on this
application.
It is believed that no example can be adduced, in such a contest, under all
the circumstances attending it, where the inhabitants of a neighbouring
country, have participated so little in it. This neutrality and impartiality
of the United-States, will, doubtless, be duly appreciated by the Spanish
commander.
The application which you are instructed to make for the restoration of
our citizens with their property, rests on the ground of right. It will
nevertheless be proper, while you enforce it on that principle, to mingle in
your communications with the Spanish commander, in the manner, a spirit
of friendly conciliation.
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Albert Gallatin, United States Minister
to
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 15, 1816.
You are acquainted with our situation with Spain, and with the state of her
contest with her American provinces. It is believed to be the interest of
most, if not all the other powers of Europe that the provinces should establish
their Independence. It is very uncertain what part England will take in
this contest, on which much will depend. If she aids the parent country, the
colonies may fail. Equally uncertain is it, what part France will take. An-
other attempt will be made to settle our differences with Spain, on the most
liberal conditions, but, reasoning from the past, it is impossible to foresee a
satisfactory result. Should this fail, and a brilliant success attend the Span-
ish operations against the colonies, its effect will probably be felt in our
negotiations with the Spanish government. It is therefore important to as-
certain what the views of the French government are, respecting the Inde-
pendence of these Provinces, and the differences existing between the United-
States and Spain, and generally what the connexion is between France and
Spain, and the support which the latter may derive under any circumstances,
from the former. It will be your duty to promote such views as may be
favorable to the United-States.
28
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to William Pinkney, United States Minister
to Russia*
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, May 10, i8i6.2
To the general policy of Russia with other powers, your attention will be
very properly directed. It is particularly desirable however to ascertain it,
1MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 45. Albert Gallatin, of Pennsyl-
vania: Commissioned with James A. Bayard and John Quincy Adams envoys extraordinary
and ministers plenipotentiary, April 22, 1813, jointly and severally empowered to negotiate
a treaty of commerce with Russia. The Senate, on the igth of July, 1813, assented to the
appointment of Messrs. Adams and Bayard and rejected Mr. Gallatin. Mr. Gallatin ad-
dressed a note to the chancellor on November 2, 1813, stating that he was no longer a member
of the Mission. Messrs. Gallatin and Bayard left St. Petersburg, January 25, 1814. Com-
missioned, with others, minister plenipotentiary and extraordinary, February 9, 1814, em-
powered to negotiate and conclude a treaty of peace and a treaty of commerce with Great
Britain. Commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to France,
February 28, 1815. Left Pans, May 16, 1823, on leave. Was associated with Richard
Rush, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain, May 22, 1818.
to conclude treaties for the renewal of the convention of July 3, 1815, and for commerce with
Great Britain.
3 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 52.
in regard to tne coniesi; now existing UCLWCCU opcuu. emu. ue*. ^i^m^a, m
which, the latter are contending for their Independence. To the result of
this contest the United-States, from a variety of considerations, cannot be
altogether indifferent. The government of Spain has long manifested a
jealousy of the growth of the United-States, and in several instances done
them serious injury, for which it has hitherto refused to make reparation.
An attempt will soon be made to adjust these differences, on fair conditions,
but such has been the conduct of the Spanish government, that much de-
pendence cannot be placed on a favorable result.
29
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to William Pinkney, United States Minister
to Russia1
WASHINGTON, May 27, 1816.
SIR: As the letters 2 of Mr Onis to this Department which were published
during the last session of Congress, may have excited some interest in Europe,
I have deemed it proper to put you in possession of the enclosed copy of a
communication 3 to me from the Attorney of the United-States for the Dis-
trict of Louisiana. It will enable you, should occasion require it, to place the
conduct of this government and its agents, in relation to the contest between
Spain and her Provinces, in a proper point of view.
From this communication you will see that the statements of Mr Onis, as
respects both the military movements and the conduct of the local authori-
ties in Louisiana, are entirely groundless. I need scarcely add that what he
has said about the collection of large bodies of armed men in Kentucky &
Tennessee, for the purpose of invading the possessions of His Catholic Maj-
esty is equally so.
I have the honor [etc.],
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 70.
2 See above, doc. 18, Monroe to Onis, January 19, 1816, first paragraph.
sSee below, pt. i, doc. 31, note 4.
DOCUMENT 31: JUNE IO, l8l6 3!
30
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Jose Rademaker, Portuguese Charge
d' Affaires in the United States1
WASHINGTON, Junes, 1816.
SIR : I have received the letter which you did me the honor to address to me,
with a copy of the order or law, by which your Sovereign has erected Brazil
into a Kingdom, and annexed it to his Kingdoms of Portugal and Algarves,
so as to form one and the same political Body under the Title of the United-
Kingdoms of Portugal, Brazil and Algarves.
Having submitted these Papers to the President, I have it in charge from
him to assure you that the measure adopted by your Sovereign is seen with
great satisfaction by this Government, as it cannot fail to promote the pros-
perity of his dominions, and may probably strengthen the ties of friendship
and good understanding which have long happily subsisted between the two
nations. Both these objects interest the United-States and any measure
calculated to promote them will be highly acceptable to them.
You will be pleased to communicate these sentiments to your government
and to accept the assurances of the great respect with which
I have the honor [etc.].
31
James Monroe, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister to the
United States2
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, June 10, 1816.
In adverting to the parts of your letter which relate to the revolted Prov-
inces of Spain in America, and the aid which you state, the revolutionary
party have derived from the United-States, I cannot avoid expressing,
equally my surprize and regret. I stated in my letter to you of Jan. 19 :3
that no aid had ever been afforded them, either in men, money or supplies of
any kind, by the government, not presuming that the gratuitous supply of
provisions, to the unfortunate people of Caraccas, in consequence of the
calamity with which they were visited, would be viewed in that light, and
that aid to them from our citizens, inconsistent with the laws of the United-
States and with the law of nations, had been prohibited, and that the prohi-
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 139. Jose1 Rademaker, consul general of Portugal
in the United States: Acted as charg6 d'affaires ad interim.
2 M^ Nnfr>B tn Fnrpicm T .pcrntinns. TT. T4.6.
32 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
bition had been enforced with care and attention. You stated in your letter
of Jany. 2d,1 that forces were collecting in different parts of our Western and
Southern country, particularly in Kentucky, Tennessee and Louisiana for the
purpose of invading the Spanish Provinces. I stated to you in reply,2 that
I knew of no such collection of troops in any quarter, and that from informa-
tion derived from the highest authorities, I was satisfied that none .such had
been made. I requested you to state, at what points these troops were col-
lected, and who were the commanders. You have sent me in reply3 extracts
of letters from persons whose names are withheld, which establish none of the
facts alledged as to the raising of troops in the United-States, but recite only
vague rumours, to that effect. I have the honor to transmit to you a copy
of a letter on this subject from Mr Dick,4 the Attorney of the United-States
1 See below, pt. xin, doc. 1038.
2 See above, doc. 18, Monroe to Onis, January 19, 1816.
3 See below, pt. xm, doc. 1039, Onis to Secretary of State, February 22, 1816.
4 The enclosed letter from Mr. John Dick to the Secretary of State; above referred to,
which follows, is reprinted from American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 431:
NEW ORLEANS, March x, 1816.
SIR: I have just had an opportunity of perusing the letters of the Chevalier dc Onis,
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of His Catholic Majesty, addressed
to you under dates of the 3Oth of December and the 2d of January. As these letters
dwell largely upon transactions affecting the neutrality of the United States, which arc
said to have occurred, and to be still occurring here, and as they charge the public
authorities of this city with giving, in the face of the President's proclamation of the 1st
of September last, protection and support to the enemies of His Catholic Majesty, I
think it not improper to address you in relation to these charges.
It is affirmed by the Chevalier de Onis, "and it is," says he, "universally public and
notorious, that a factious band of insurgents and incendiaries continue with impunity,
in the province of Louisiana, and especially in New Orleans and Natchitoclies, the un-
interrupted system of raising and arming troops to light the flame of revolution in the
kingdom of New Spain. All Louisiana," he continues, "has witnessed these armaments,
the public enlistments, the transportation of arms, the junction of the insurgents, and
their hostile and warlike march from the territory of this republic against the possessions
of a friendly and neighboring Power."
No troops at present are, or at any former period were, openly raised, armed, or
enlisted, at Natchitoches, or at New Orleans, or at any other point within the Stale of
Louisiana. Arms have been transported from this place, by sea and otherwise, as
objects of merchandise, and probably have been disposed of to some of the revolutionary
Governments of New Spain. _ _It has not been supposed here that there was any law of
the_ United States, any provision by treaty, or any principle of national law, that pro-
hibits this species of commerce. It was considered that the purchasing and exporting,
by way of merchandise, of articles termed contraband, were free alike to both bellig-
erents; and that, if our citizens engaged in it, they would be abandoned to the penalties
which the laws of war authorize.
What is said, too, about the junction of the insurgents, and their hostile and warlike
march from the territory of the United States against the possessions of Spain, is un-
founded. In the summer of the year 1812, a band of adventurers, without organization
and apparently without any definite object, made an incursion into the province of
iexas, as far as San Antonio, by the way of Nacogdoches. No doubt many of the
persons belonging to this party passed by the way of Natchitoches, but separately in
no kmd_of military array, and under such circumstances as to preclude the interference
of the civil or military authorities of the United States, or of the State of Louisiana.
What could he effpr.ferl in tViic rpcrv^t woo A™*. j-,,,:«« :„ ^i r>__ .„ -
DOCUMENT 31 : JUNE 10, l8l6 33
for the District of Louisiana, by which you will see how attentive the public
authorities there have been to the execution of the Laws of the United-States
The party that _ marched upon San Antonio assembled to the west of the Sabine,
beyond the operation of our laws, and from thence carried on their operations. So far
from troops, upon this occasion, assembling at different points, forming a junction
within the territories of the United States, and marching thence, I am assured, by
various and most respectable authorities, that,, although it was generally understood
at Natchitoches that some enterprise was on foot, it was extraordinary to see two of the
persons supposed to be engaged in it together. The officer commanding at that time
the United States troops at Natchitoches (Major Wolstoncraft) offered his services to
the civil authorities in aid of the laws, and to preserve inviolate the neutrality which
they enforce.
In consequence, several individuals found with arms were arrested; they alleged that
they were hunters; and there being no evidence to the contrary, or rather no proof of
their being engaged in any illegal undertaking, they were, of course, discharged. So
well satisfied, indeed, were the Spanish authorities of the adjoining province that
neither our Government nor its agents gave succors or countenance to this expedition,
that, during the time they knew it to be organized, or organizing, they applied to the
garrison at Natchitoches for an escort to bring in some specie, which was immediately
granted.
Toledo, who, at the time of its defeat, commanded the party that penetrated to San
Antonio, came to this city in the autumn of 1814, when he was immediately arrested,
and recognised to answer, at the succeeding term of the federal court, to a charge of
setting on foot, within the territory of the United States, a military expedition or enter-
prise, to_be carried on from thence against the territories or dominions of the King of
Spain; six months having passed, and no testimony whatever appearing against him,
his recognizance was delivered up.
After the discomfiture of the party under Toledo, no enterprise destined to aid the
revolutionists of New Spain appears to have been set on foot from the vicinity of the
United States, until late in the summer of last year, when it was rumored that a party,
under a person of the name of Perry, was forming for that purpose somewhere on the
western coast of Louisiana. Upon the first intimation that this enterprise was medi-
tated, steps were taken here to frustrate it. Nothing occurred to justify prosecutions
or arrests; a large quantity of arms, however, supposed to be intended for this party,
were seized on the river, and detained at the custom-house for several months; and
Commodore Patterson, commanding naval officer on this station, instructed the officers
under his command, cruising in the neighborhood of the suspected place of rendezvous,
(Belleisle, at the mouth of Bayou Teche,) to ascertain the truth of the rumors in circu-
lation, and, if verified, to use the force under their respective commands in dispersing
the persons assembled, and in frustrating their illegal intentions. In obedience to these
orders, the coast, as far as the Sabine, was examined, and no persons discovered. It
is now ascertained that Perry, Humbert, and their followers, inconsiderable in number,
passed separately through Attakapas, and assembled about two leagues to the west of
the Sabine. Thence they embarked for some place on the coast of Mexico, were
wrecked, dispersed, and their plans, whatever they were, totally defeated.
I have, in the foregoing detail, sir, given, partly from information entitled to perfect
confidence, and partly from my own knowledge, a brief and hurried outline of two fruit-
less attempts of a handful of restless and uninfluential individuals, stimulated by the
desire of aiding the cause of Mexican independence, or that of bettering their own
fortunes. These are the only military enterprises against the dominions of the Spanish
Crown that have drawn any portion of their aid or support from Louisiana: in both,
the mass of adventurers was composed of Spaniards, Frenchmen, and Italians. I need
not say that these enterprises, whether in aid of the revolutionists or merely predatory,
were not only feeble and insignificant, but that they were formed under circumstances
which forbid a surmise of their being sanctioned or connived at. Every man acquainted
with the state of public feeling throughout the southern and western sections of the
United States knows that had our Government but manifested the slightest disposition
to sanction enterprises in aid of the revolutionists of New Spain, the condition of these
rM./f.r:.is>«o -r,mi,\A n /•»+• «*• +Viie rlatr hp rlniihff 111 .
and to the orders of their government, and how little they have deserved the
charges made against them.
spoken of, cannot be accomplished without means, or be carried on in the midst _of a
populous city in solitude and silence. Yet it is known, in the first place, that neither
Mr. Toledo nor Mr. Herrera had or have pecuniary means for such purposes; and, in
the second, so far as negative proof can go, or so far as the absence of one thing implies
another, it is most certain that no enlistments have taken place, and that no expedi-
tions, or the means of expeditions, have been prepared or are preparing here.
A regard to truth makes it necessary to say that what is alleged respecting the arm-
ing and fitting out of vessels within the waters of Louisiana, to be employed in the
service of the revolutionary Governments against the subjects or property of the King
of Spain, is unfounded. At no period since the commencement of the struggle between
the Spanish colonies and the mother country have vessels, to be employed in the service
of the colonies, been permitted to fit out and arm, or to augment their force at New
Orleans, or elsewhere within the State of Louisiana.
On the contrary, it is notorious that to no one point of duty have the civil and military
authorities of the United States directed more strenuously, or, it is believed, more
successfully, their attention, than to the discovering and suppression of all attempts to
violate the laws in these respects. Attempts to violate them by fitting out and arm-
ing, and by augmenting the force of vessels, have no doubt been frequent, but certainly
in no instance successful, except where conducted under circumstances of concealment
that eluded discovery and almost suspicion, or where carried on at some remote point
of the coast beyond the reach of detection or discovery. In every instance where it
was known that these illegal acts were attempting, or where it was afterwards discovered
that they had been committed, the persons engaged, as far as they were known, have
been prosecuted, while the vessels fitted out, or attempted to be fitted out, have been
seized and libelled, under the act of the 5th of June, 1794; and when captures have
been made by vessels thus fitted out and armed, or in which their force was augmented
or increased within our waters, where the property taken was brought within our juris-
diction, or even found upon the high seas by our cruisers, and brought in, it has been
restored to the original Spanish owners, and, in some instances, damages awarded
against the captors.
An enumeration of the cases in which individuals have been prosecuted for infringing,
or attempting to infringe, our neutrality, in aid of the Governments of New Spain, and
in which vessels have been seized and libelled, under the act of the 5th June, 1794,
together with a list of the vessels and property restored to the original Spanish owners,
(confining the whole to the operations of the year commencing March, 1815, and ending
February, 1816,) will show more conclusively, perhaps, than any thing else can, how
totally without foundation are the complaints of Spain on this head.
The names of individuals presented in the district court of the United Stales for the Louisiana
district, during the year 1815, for violating, or attempting to violate, the neutrality of the
United States, in aid of the Governments of the United Provinces of New Granada and of
the United Provinces of Mexico
Jose Alvarez de Toledo, Remain Very,
Julius Caesar Amazoni, Pierre Soemeson,
Vincent Gambie, Bernard Bourdin.
John Robinson,
List of vessels libelled for illegal outfits, in aid of the same Governments, during the same
period
Brig Flora Americana, restored. Schooner General Bolivar, discontinued.
Schooner Presidents, condemned. Schooner Eugenia, alias Indiana, condemned.
Schooner Petit Milan, condemned. Schooner Two Brothers, restored.
Enumeration of vessels and property brought within the Louisiana district, captured under
the flags and by the authority of the Governments of New Granada and of Mexico, libelled
on the part of the original Spanish owners, and restored upon the ground that the capturing
vessels had been fitted out and armed, or had their force augmented, within the waters of
the United States
1. Schooner Cometa, restored April, 1815.
2. Schooner Dorada, proceeds restored i6th May, 1815, $3,050.
3. Schooner Amiable Maria, proceeds restored i6th May, 1815, $3,850.
President is now making to adjust our differences with Spain, should have the
desired result, and it is presumable that a correct knowledge of the conduct
of the United-States, in these circumstances, would promote it.
I have the. honor [etc.].
32
James Monroe Secretary of State to George W. Erving, United States Minister
to Spain1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, July 20, 1816.
SIR: You have been apprized already of a similar measure which was taken
in regard to the vessels which had been seized at Carthagena, and the citizens
of the United Slates, who, under various pretexts, had been arrested and
imprisoned there. I have the pleasure to state that the application 2 suc-
ceeded as to our citizens, though it failed as to the vessels. You will inter-
pose directly with the Spanish Government in favor of the latter; documents
respecting which shall be forwarded to you, either by the present or some
other early opportunity.
I Antcrican Slate Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 157.
II See above, doc. 26, Monroe to Hughes, March 25, 1816.
4. Schooner Expcrimento, restored 3d August.
5. The pohicre brig De Regla and cargo, proceeds restored i8th December, 1815,
6. Schooner Alerta and cargo, being the proceeds of the capture of about eighteen
small vessels, restored i8th December, 1815, $62,150.05.
Damages awarded to the original owners against the captors in the two foregoing
7 CThe cargo of "the schooner Petit Milan, restored February, 1816, $2,444.31.
8. The cargo of the schooner Presidente, February i, 1816, $10,931.15.
9. Schooner Sankita and cargo, restored February I, 1816, $37,962.94.
The preceding account of Spanish property restored to the original proprietors, after
beinu: in possession of the enemies of Spain, is defective, inasmuch as it does not com-
prehend the whole of the cases of restoration that have taken place within the period
to which the detail is confined; the very hasty manner m which I have made this enu-
meration did not admit of a more accurate statement. The principal cases, however,
are included in it. In several other cases, where the property was claimed for the
original Spanish owners, the claims were dismissed, because it did not appear that any
violation of our neutrality had taken place.
The capturing vessels were not armed, nor was their force augmented within our
iurisdiction • nor had the captures been made within a marine league of our shore The
Sciples that guided the decisions of the court, as well in restoring the property cap-
tured where ouV neutral means had been used, as. in declining all interference where
that was not the case, manifest, I think, a disposition to, and an exercise of, the most
rigid neutrality between the parties.
I have the honor [etc.].
James Monroe, Secretary of Slate, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister to the
United States l
WASHINGTON, July 30, 1816.
SIR: I had the honor to receive your Letter of the 3d. instant.
As the discussion of the subjects to which it principally relates, has been
transferred to Madrid, I shall confine my reply to that part of it in which,
after manifesting your satisfaction at the measures that had been adopted at
New Orleans, as detailed in the Letter of the District Attorney of which I
had the honor to transmit you a copy,2 you express regret that like measures
were not adopted in other ports of the United-States and state, that five
vessels had been armed in the port of Baltimore, by a company of merchants
residing in different parts of the Union, and that one was now arming in the
port of New- York, all of which were to be sent to cruize off the port of Cadiz,
under the flag of Buenos-Ayres, for the purpose of intercepting vessels
belonging to the subjects of His Catholic Majesty.
As such a proceeding would have been inconsistent with the laws of the
United-States, and with what is due to the government of His Catholic
Majesty, I considered it proper to communicate the statement you had made,
to the officers of this government, whose duty it was to act upon it. I
accordingly wrote to the Collector of the Customs at Baltimore, and to the
Attorney of the United-States at New-York. I have now the honor to
transmit you the answers I have received in relation to the vessels named.
From these you will perceive that there is no reason known to these officers
for supposing that either of the vessels was destined to cruize against the
commerce of your country. It appears however one of them was so em-
ployed, having changed her character and destination after she left the port
of Baltimore, and that measures the most prompt and efficient were immedi-
ately taken for her arrest and detention. Her Crew are now in confinement
under a warrant from the Judge of the Court for the District of Virginia,
and orders are given to prosecute the owners for a violation of our laws.
Had you given me the facts on which your allegations as to the other
vessels rested, they should have been particularly enquired into ; but until
this is done, I cannot' doubt that you will be perfectly satisfied with the
steps already taken, more especially as you will find that one of the vessels
you have named is not known to have been in the port where you state she
was fitted out, and that two of the others have been sold to your govern-
ment, and are now employed to protect that commerce upon which you had
supposed they were destined to commit depredations.
I have the honor [etc.]
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 157.
1 See above, doc. 31, Monroe to Onis, June 10, 1816, and note 4.
61
Richard Rush, Secretary of State ad interim, to Lids de Onis, Spanish Minister
to the United States1
WASHINGTON, March 28, 1817.
SIR: I have had the honor to receive your two notes,2 dated the 26th of this
month, stating that you have been informed that two armed vessels, which
have been committing unauthorized depredations upon the commerce of
Spain, have recently arrived at Norfolk, and that a third, liable to the same
charge, has arrived at Baltimore; thus bringing themselves within the reach
of those laws against which, in the above, and in other ways, it is alleged
they have offended.
Conformably to the constant desire of this Government to vindicate the
authority of its laws and the faith of its treaties, I have lost no time in writ-
ing to the proper officers, both at Norfolk and Baltimore, in order that full
inquiry may be made into the allegations contained in your notes, and ade-
quate redress and punishment enforced, should it appear that the laws have
been infringed by any of the acts complained of.
I use the present occasion to acknowledge also the receipt of your note of
the I4th3 of this month, which you did me the honor to address to me, com-
municating information that had reached you of other and like infractions
of our laws within the port of Baltimore; in relation to which I have to state,
that letters were also written to the proper officers in that city, with a view
to promote every fit measure of investigation and redress. Should it prove
necessary, I will have the honor to address you more fully at another time
upon the subjects embraced in these several notes. In the mean time, I
venture to assure myself, that in the readiness with which they have thus
far been attended to, you will perceive a spirit of just conciliation on the
part of this Government, as well as a prompt sensibility to the rights of your
sovereign.
I pray you, sir, to accept [etc.].
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 190. Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania:
Acting Secretary of State from March 1 1, 1817, to September 22, 1817; commissioned envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Great Britain, October, 1817; confirmed,
December 16; took leave, April 27, 1825. Albert Gallatin, of Pennsylvania, envoy extraor-
dinary and minister plenipotentiary to France, was associated with him, May 22, 1818, to
conclude treaties for the renewal of the convention of July 3, 1815, and for commerce.
1 See below, pt. xm, docs. 1058 and 1059.
'The nth? See below, pt. xm, doc. 1056.
38 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
35
Richard Rush, Secretary of State ad interim, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister
to the United States1
WASHINGTON, April 22, 1817.
SIR: By direction of The President I have the honor to ask, whether you
have received instructions from your Government to conclude a Treaty for
the adjustment of all differences existing between the two nations, according
to the expectation stated in your note to this Department of the 2ist. of
February. If you have, I shall be happy to meet you for that purpose. If
you have not, it is deemed improper to entertain discussions of the kind in-
vited by your late notes.2 This Government, well acquainted with and
faithful to its obligations, and respectful to the opinion of an impartial
world, will continue to pursue a course in relation to the civil war between
Spain and the Spanish Provinces in America, imposed by the existing laws,
and prescribed by a just regard to the rights and honor of the United-States.
I have the honor [etc.].
36
Richard Rush, Secretary of State ad interim, to Charles Morris, Commander
of the United States Frigate " Congress"*
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 25, 1817.
Having performed this service, it is the desire of the President that you
extend your cruise to the Spanish Main. It is important that this govern-
ment should possess correct information as to the progress of the revolution-
ary movement in the Spanish Colonies, and of its probable result. It is
specially with a view to this object that you will cruise along the Main,
endeavoring to obtain, in every practicable way, all the information that can
be had upon this subject. It is thought best that you should go as far to the
east as Margarita and thence proceed westwardly as far as Carthagena,
looking in at Cumana, Barcelona, Caracas, Guayra, and any other ports or
places as you coast along. The design however being to obtain as much and
as precise information of events as may be, comprehending not only the
actual posture of the countries in that quarter in relation to Spain but their
known or probable dispositions, you will not consider yourself as restricted to
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 223. The same is printed in American State Papers,
Foreign Relations, IV, 197.
2 Regarding Spanish American privateers in oorts of the United States. SPP. hplnw nK
DOCUMENT 37: APRIL 25, l8iy 39
the above limits or places. You will be at liberty to deviate from them as
your own judgment, acting upon circumstances and looking to the special
object in view, may point out. Wherever you may touch, you will take care
to respect the existing authority, the United States holding a neutral attitude
between Spain and the colonies.
I have only to add, that the President has great confidence in the discretion
and effect, so far as the latter may be found practicable, with which you will
fulfil the instructions given to you.
With great respect [etc.].
37
James Monroe, President of the United States, to Joel R. Poinsett of Charleston,
South Carolina1
WASHINGTON, April 25, 1817.
DEAR SIR: The progress of the Revolution in the Spanish Provinces, which
has always been interesting to the U. States, is made much more so, by many
causes, and particularly by a well founded hope, that it will succeed. It is of
1 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 29. Poinsett declined the appointment
and it was conferred on others. See below, pt. i, docs. 40 and 44, Rush to Rodney and
Graham, July 18, 1817, and Adams to Rodney, Graham and Bland, November 21, 1817. The
following letter from Poinsett to the Acting Secretary of State contained suggestions for the
guidance of the Commission (MS. South American Missions, I):
CHARLESTON, 23*. May 1817.
DEAR SIR: In compliance with the President's request contained in your letter of
the 15th. inst. I have the honor to enclose to you some letters for the Spanish Colonies,
which will, I hope, prove useful to the gentleman entrusted with this commission.
As far as my information extends, there is no government in Mexico, and no reason-
able hopes of success can be entertained from the disunited efforts of the present com-
manders, who act independently, and who would rather sacrifice the safety of the cause
they are engaged in, than resign their command. They support their followers by
plunder, and the better class of Creoles are united against them, and in some instances
have volunteered their services to preserve order. Should the ^Liberates, who are
numerous in Mexico, and the Creoles of that city unite, the revolution would be speedy
and effectual. It would spread rapidly from the Capital to the extreme provinces; but
I much doubt the success of a revolution, which begins at the extremities of a Kingdom,
and has to work its way to such a capital as Mexico.
In Caraccas there is no government, but the forces are united under the command of
Bolivar. It would be important to know the connection existing between this Chief
and the authorities of San Domingo; and the number of negroes in arms.
In Buenos Ayres it will be well to ascertain the stability of the existing government,
and the probable policy of their successors. It is rare that the same party remains in
power two years. It will be necessary to enquire, particularly, into the extent of their
Authority, as many of the provinces have established separate and independent govern-
ments. All the Commanders, both civil and military, will be found extremely jealous
of their dignity, and it will be useful to observe a great deal of form and ceremony in
treating with them. . .
w.vv, *a.r,~~A +n « fairn1u+<nn in i-Vip TCi-arils T linvf. filwavs nep.n of ooimon that to be
and character, will facilitate, enquiries in the colonies, and give weight to his
report to this Government, throughout the U. States, in case their Independ-
ence should be acknowledged.
To obtain the desired information, it is decided, to send an agent of the
prominent character stated, in a public ship, along the coast, as far at least as
Buenos Ayres, with instructions to communicate with the existing govern-
ments, at different points, in order that all the light practicable, being
derived, on the progress and prospect of events, this Government may be the
better enabled to determine on the part, it may be proper for it to take. No
one has better qualifications for this trust than yourself, and I can assure you
that your acceptance of it will be particularly gratifying to me. Your
compensation will be put on a liberal footing. As a public Ship, will be
ready for this service in a few weeks, I shall be happy to receive your early
answer to this Letter.
I am Dear Sir [etc.].
38
Richard Rush, Secretary of State ad interim, to Jose" Correct, de Sena, Portu-
guese-Brazilian Minister to the United States l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, May 28, 1817.
It appears that the notification of the blockade of Pernambuco and the
coast adjacent, inserted in the National Intelligencer of Thursday last, was a
measure taken by you on full deliberation ; and that, on grounds which you
have particularly explained, you feel yourself called upon to justify it.
It is with great regret I have the honor to state, that, on a careful examina-
tion of these grounds, this Government is not at all able to view them in the
same light. Settled and approved usage, founded upon reasons too familiar
to be dwelt upon, required, that whatever communication you had to make
relative to the alleged blockade, and upon whatever foundation it rested,
should have been made, if at all, to this Government, not promulgated with-
out its knowledge through the medium of a news-paper. Had you been
pleased to communicate it to the Government upon any intelligence or
grounds less than the highest, it would have remained with itself to judge, on
its own responsibility, whether or not to make it known to its citizens. The
illustrations deduced from the merit of timely warnings, on the approach of
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 229. Jose Correa da Serra, minister plenipotenti-
ary of Portugal to the United States. Transmitted copy of letter of credence to the Secretary
of State, July 22, 1816. Announced intention to leave United States, November 9, 1820.
tion of a blockade. It is obvious, that if the Minister of a foreign power can
pass by the Government and address himself to the country in a case like the
present, he may do so in any other. Equally obvious are the consequences to
which such a departure from rules long sanctioned in their application to
publick Ministers might lead.
Nor is the justification perceived in the imputed delay in answering your
note of the I3th of this month. The intervening space from that date until
the 22d lays no ground for the charge, keeping in mind that other engage-
ments may be supposed to press upon the time of this Department. I add,
that I had the honor to inform you verbally of its receipt, and that it had
been submitted to The President. But most of all I have to remark, that
the note itself, as well as the one from you of the 2Oth of this month, to
which mine of the 22d also replied, treated of matters in relation to which
none of the duties of this Government rendered it necessary to take any act,
or express any opinion. An answer was not, therefore, to have been looked
for as of official obligation; nor is it seen how the anticipation of one, of
whatever character, could justly have coupled itself with the step taken.
That which I had the honor to transmit, was founded in the spirit of con-
ciliation which this Government, is ever desirous to cultivate between the
two nations, and which it has always been happy in occasions of manifesting
towards you personally.
As you now not only communicate to this Government, the existence of
the blockade in question, but also candidly declare, that it is not founded
upon any order or intelligence derived from your Government, the informa-
tion will naturally be respected as resting upon your own responsibility alone,
without the instructions of your Sovereign.
I have the honor [etc.].
39
Richard Rush, Secretary of State ad interim, to Thomas Sumter, Jr., United
States Minister to the Portuguese Court in Brazil'1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, July 18, 1817.
SIR: This letter will be delivered to you by Caesar Rodney and John
Graham Esquires, who are visiting several parts of the coast of South Amer-
ica in the capacity of Commissioners, and are directed to call in the first
instance at Rio de Janeiro. The objects upon which they go are interesting
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 142.
42 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
and they will unfold them to you in person with all the fulness that is
necessary. You will doubtless enter cordially into them and feel a disposi-
tion to advance them in every way that you may find in your power. You
cannot fail to derive from an intercourse with these gentlemen while at Rio
de Janeiro, as much gratification as they anticipate from seeing you. I
also beg leave to commend to your kind notice and attentions their Secretary,
Mr Brackenridge.
The events which took place at Pernambuco in March last gave rise to
some correspondence between this government and the Minister of Portugal.
Copies of all the Notes that passed are enclosed for your information. The
correspondence closed with the note from this Department of the 28th of
May.1 Altho' Mr Correa's conduct was deemed irregular and unjustifiable,
yet it has not been thought necessary to take any further notice of it than
that which is presented in the note last mentioned, and none other than
harmonious intercourse continues to exist between the Government and
himself. The blockade and other events at Pernambuco, which have be-
come subsequently known, are not supposed to alter in any degree the views
that have been taken of the Minister's conduct.
The President is still engaged in making a tour through part of the
United States, for the interesting nature and progress of which I must refer
you to Mr. Rodney and Mr. Graham, from whose conversation upon all
subjects you will not fail to derive great pleasure.
40
Richard Rush, Secretary of State ad interim, to Caesar A . Rodney and John
Graham, Special Commissioners of the United States to South America2
WASHINGTON, July 18, 1817.
GENTLEMEN: The contest between Spain and the Spanish colonies in the
southern parts of this continent has been, from, its commencement, highly
interesting, under many views, to the United States. As inhabitants of the
same hemisphere, it was natural that we should feel a solicitude for the
1 See above, doc. 38.
2 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 34. Caesar A. Rodney, of Delaware;
John Graham; and Theodorick Bland: The two former instructed as commissioners, July 18,
1817, to visit Buenos Ayres and Montevideo for obtaining accurate information respecting
the conflict between Spain and her colonies. Bland added to the commission, November 2 1 ,
1817. ^Caesar A. Rodney: Commissioned minister plenipotentiary, January 27, 1823, to
Argentine Confederation. Accredited to Buenos Ayres. Died at his post, June 10, 1824.
John Graham, of Virginia: Commissioned minister plenipotentiary to Portugal, January 6,
1819. Accredited to the Portuguese court, residing in Brazil. Left Rio de Janeiro on ac-
count of illness, June 13, 1820. Died in the United States, July •«. 1820. Thev were ore-
L11CACSO UU1 V-lULy UU lIlCtlJ.J.L.m.111 CliC
neutral character with impartiality and allow of no privileges of any kind to
one party, which were not extended to the other. The government of Spain
viewing the colonies as in a state of rebellion, has endeavored to impose upon
foreign powers in their intercourse with them, the conditions applicable to
such a state. This pretension has not been acceded to by this government,
which has considered the contest in the light of a civil war, in which the
parties were equal. An entire conviction exists that the view taken on this
point has been correct, and that the United States have fully satisfied every
just claim of Spain.
In other respects we have been made to feel sensibly the progress of this
contest. Our vessels have been seized and condemned, our citizens made
captives and our lawful commerce, even at a distance from the theatre of the
war, been interrupted. Acting with impartiality towards the parties, we
have endeavored to secure from each a just return. In whatever quarter
the authority of Spain was abrogated and an independent government
erected, it was essential to the security of our rights that we should enjoy its
friendship. Spain could not impose conditions on other powers incident to
complete sovereignty in places where she did not maintain it. On this
principle the United States have sent agents into the Spanish colonies, ad-
dressed to the existing authority, whether of Spain or of the colony, with
instructions to cultivate its friendship and secure as far as practicable the
faithful observance of our rights.
The contest, by the extension of the revolutionary movement and the
greater stability which it appears to have acquired, becomes daily of more
importance to the United States. It is by success that the colonists acquire
new claims on other powers, which it may comport neither with their in-
terest nor duty to disregard. Several of the colonies having declared their
independence and enjoyed it for some years, and the authority of Spain
being shaken, in others, it seems probable that, if the parties be left to them-
selves, the most permanent political changes will be effected. It therefore
seems incumbent on the United States to watch the movement in its subse-
quent steps with particular attention, with a view to pursue such course as a
just regard for all those considerations which they are bound to respect may
dictate.
Under these impressions, the President deems it a duty to obtain, in a
manner more comprehensive than has heretofore been done, correct informa-
tion of the actual state of affairs in those colonies. For this purpose he has
appointed you commissioners, with authority to proceed, in a public ship,
along the coast of South America, touching at the points where it is probable
that the most precise and ample knowledge may be gained. The Ontario,
Captain Biddle, is prepared to receive you on board at New York, and will
have orders to sail as soon as you are ready to embark.
Buenos Ayres and Monte Video, un your way tnimer, you wm u.iu V.L
Rio Janeiro delivering to our minister at that court the despatches which will
be committed to your hands. On your return from Buenos Ayres, you
will also touch, should circumstances allow it, at St. Salvador and Pernum-
buco. You will thence proceed to the Spanish Main, going to Margarctta,
Cumana, Barcelona, Caracas and as far westward as Carthagena, looking in
at any other convenient ports or places as you coast along.
In the different provinces or towns which you visit, your attention will be
usefully, if not primarily, drawn to the following objects.
1. The form of government established, with the amount of population
and pecuniary resources and the state and proportion as to numbers intelli-
gence and wealth of the contending parties, wherever a contest exists.
2. The extent and organization of the military force on each side, with
the means open to each of keeping it up.
j£ 3. The names and characters of leading men, whether in civil life or as
military chiefs, whose conduct and opinions shed an influence upon events.
4. The dispositions that prevail among the public authorities and people
towards the United States and towards the great nations of Europe, with
the probability of commercial or other connections being on foot, or desired,
with either.
5. The principal articles of commerce, regarding the export and import
trade. What articles from the United States find the best market? What
prices do their productions, most useful in the United States, usually bear?
The duties on exports and imports; are all nations charged the same?
6. The principal ports and harbors, with the works of defence.
7. The real prospect, so far 'as seems justly inferrable from existing events
and the operation of causes as well moral as physical in all the provinces
where a struggle is going on, of the final and permanent issue.
8. The probable durability of the governments that have already been
established with their credit, and the extent of their authority, in relation
to adjoining provinces. This remark will be especially applicable to Buenos
Ayres. If there be any reason to think, that the government established
there is not likely to be permanent, as to which no opinion is here expressed,
it will become desirable to ascertain the probable character and policy of
that which is expected to succeed it.
9. In Caracas it is understood that there is, at present, no government,
but that the forces are united under General Bolivar. It might be useful to
know, whether any and what connection exists between this chief, and the
chiefs or rulers at St. Domingo; also the number of negroes in arms.
Your stay at each place will not be longer than is necessary to a fair
accomplishment of the objects held up. You will see the propriety, in all
instances, of showing respect to the existing authority or government of
DOCUMENT 41: SEPTEMBER 29, l8iy 45
whatever kind it may be, and of mingling a conciliatory demeanor with a
strict observance of all established usages.
The track marked out for your voyage has been deemed the most eligible;
but you will not consider yourselves as positively restricted to the limits or
places specified. You will be free to deviate and touch at other places as
your own judgments, acting upon circumstances and looking to the objects
in view, may point out. In this respect the commander of the ship will have
orders to conform to such directions as you may think fit to give him. You
will however call first at Rio Janeiro, and not go further south than Buenos
Ayres. At this point it is hoped that you may be able to command the
means of obtaining useful information as respects Chili and Peru. You
will also not fail to go to the Spanish Main, returning to the United States
at as early a day as will comport with the nature and extent of your mission.
Your observation and enquiries will not be exclusively confined to the heads
indicated, but take other scope, keeping to the spirit of these instructions,
as your own view of things upon the spot may suggest.
It only remains for me to add, that the President has great confidence in
the ability and discretion with which you will execute, in all things, the
trust committed to you, and that he anticipates from your report to this
department such a statement of facts and views as may prove highly useful
to the nation.
I have the honor [etc.].
41
Jolin Qidncy Adams, Secretary of State, to John B. Prevost, Special Agent of
the United States to Buenos Aires, Chile and Peru l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, September 29, 1817.
SIR: Circumstances having occurred to suspend for the present the execu-
tion of the purposes upon which you were instructed on the 20. of July last,
to embark in the Corvette Ontario, Captain Biddle, upon a voyage from
New-York to Buenos-Ayres, and thence to proceed by land over the South-
American Continent to Chili and Peru: — The President has seen fit to give
that vessel another direction; to point out for you a different mode of con-
veyance, and to commit additional trusts to your charge.
In pursuance therefore of directions from him, you are now instructed to
embark as soon as possible in that vessel; to touch at Rio Janeiro, and there
deliver to Mr. Sumter the despatches for him which will be delivered to you
by the Collector of New-York — Thence to proceed in the same vessel round
Cape Horn, and afterward, to touch at the principal port in Chile (Callao)
and at Lima in Peru. At each of these ports the vessel is to make a short
46 PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
stay to afford you the opportunity of writing to this Department, for which
it is hoped you will be enabled to find some means of conveyance for your
letters. . . . The ship is then to return to the United-States, stopping
at Lima, where you are to disembark, and to remain there and in the adjoin-
ing Province, to act under the instructions from this Department heretofore
given, and now in your possession.
I have the honor [etc.].
42
John Q^t,incy Adams, Secretary of State, to George W. Erving, United States
Minister to Spain1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, November n, 1817.
Early in the course of the last Summer Mr Caesar A. Rodney and Mr
John Graham were appointed 2 by The President Commissioners, to pro-
ceed and touch at various places on the Eastern Coast of South-America, to
obtain and report to this Government, correct information with regard to
the real state of affairs in that Country; to explain to the existing Authorities
wherever they might land the principles of impartial neutrality between all
the contending parties in that region which this Government had adopted
and should continue to pursue, and to make reclamations in behalf of citizens
of the United-States who had suffered in their persons or property, by the
agency of persons possessing or pretending authority from the various exist-
ing Powers whether derived from Spain or from the Provinces in revolt.
Circumstances of a private nature in the family of one of the Commissioners
prevented them from sailing at the time that had been intended. They are
now on the point of embarking together with Mr Theodoric Bland, appointed
the third Commissioner, and will proceed in the Congress Frigate from
Annapolis to Buenos- Ayr es. The measures above noticed in regard to
Amelia Island and Galvezton, have formed additional motives to The
President for directing their immediate departure — To the end that they
may give such explanations and make such representations of the views of
this Government in adopting those measures, as the circumstances may
require. The subject will be noticed in The President's Message to Congress
at the opening of the ensuing Session ; and if any reference to it should occur
in your communications with the Spanish Government, you will explain it
upon these grounds which it is not doubted will prove satisfactory to them.
The Ontario Captain Biddle sailed some weeks since, with Mr. J. B. Prevost,
coiner on a similar mission round Cane-Horn.
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of Slate, to Thomas Sumter, United States
Minister to the Portuguese Court in Brazil x
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, November ip, 1817.
These Gentlemen [Messrs. Rodney, Graham and Bland] have been ap-
pointed Commissioners, to proceed to various parts of South-America, upon
objects which they will particularly explain to you. They are specially
recommended to any assistance which it may be in your power to give them,
in executing the purposes of their mission. Among these purposes is that
of explaining where it may be necessary, the views of this Government, and
its policy in relation to the contest between Spain and the South American
Provinces. In this respect they will enable you to give it is presumed a
satisfactory answer to the Note of 19 March, from the. late Count da Barca,
founded on a complaint from the Governor of Madeira; unless you shall
before their arrival have already given an answer.
44
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Caesar A. Rodney, John Graham,
and Theodorick Bland, Special Commissioners of the United States to
South America*
WASHINGTON, November 21, 1817.
GENTLEMEN : In reviewing the Instructions to you from this Department
of 18 July,3 a copy of which has been furnished to Mr. Bland, the President
finds little in them, which subsequent occurrences have rendered it necessary
to alter, but he thinks that some additional observations to you, relating to
the execution of the trust committed to you, may be not inexpedient.
Since the circumstances occurred, which prevented the departure of
Messrs. Rodney, and Graham, at the time first contemplated, another desti-
nation has been given to the Corvette Ontario, and you are now to embark in
the Frigate Congress Captain Sinclair, which has been ordered to Annapolis
to receive you.
You will as before directed proceed in the first instance to Rio de Janeiro,
& there deliver the despatches committed to you, for Mr. Sumter. From
thence you will go to Buenos Ay res, but without touching at St. Salvador
or Pernambuco. On your return you will visit such places of the Spanish
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 174.
* MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 72.
3 See above, doc. 40, and note 2 thereto.
any of the places mentioned in your former Instructions.
Among the objects, to which it is desired that you will call the attention
of the existing revolutionary authorities, with whom you may have occasion
to enter into communication, will be the irregular, injurious, and it is hoped
unwarranted use of their flags and of Commissions real or pretended derived
from them.
You have been made acquainted through the public channels of informa-
tion, with the lodgments which separate and successive bands of these adven-
turers have made at Amelia Island and at Galveston. At the former,
possession was first taken early in the course of last summer, by a party,
under the command of a British subject named M'Gregor, pretending au-
thority from Venezuela. He was succeeded by persons disgracing and
forfeiting by such acts the character of Citizens of the United States, and
pretending authority from some pretended Government of Florida; and
they are now by the last accounts received, sharing the fruits of their dep-
redations, and at the same time contesting the command of the place with
a Frenchman having under him a body of Blacks from St. Domingo, and
pretending authority from a Government of Mexico. In the mean time the
place from its immediate vicinity to the United States, has become a recep-
tacle for fugitive negroes, for every species of illicit traffic, and for slave-
trading ships by means of which multitudes of African Blacks are surrepti-
tiously introduced into the Southern States and Territories, in defiance of
the Laws. The Revenue, the Morals, and the Peace of the country are so
seriously menaced and compromitted by this state of things, that the Presi-
dent after observing the feeble and ineffectual effort made by the Spanish
Government of Florida, to recover possession of the Island, and the apparent
inability of Spain to accomplish that recovery, has determined to break up
this nest of foreign Adventurers, with pretended South American commis-
sions, but among whom not a single South American name has yet appeared.
The settlement at Galveston is of the same character and will be treated in
the same manner. Possession will be taken of Galveston as within the limits
of the United States; and of Amelia Island, to prevent the repetition of the
same misuse of it in future, and subject to explanations to be given of the
motives for the measure to Spain. Should you find that any of the Revolu-
tionary Governments with whom you may communicate have really au-
thorized any of these foreign Adventures to take possession of those places,
you will explain to them that this measure could not be submitted to or
acquiesced in by the United States; because Galveston is considered as
within their limits, and Amelia Island is too insignificant in itself and too
important by its local position in reference to the United States, to be left
by them in the possession of such persons.
You will at the same time remonstrate to them in the most serious
the abandoned and desperate characters of all other nations, whose objects
in using their authority and their flags, are not to promote the cause of their
Liberty and Independence, but merely to amass plunder for themselves.
You will inform them that a citizen of the United States cannot accept and
act under such a commission, without at once violating the Laws of his
country, and forfeiting his rights and character as a citizen. That the fitting
out of privateers in our Ports, to cruize either for or against them is pro-
hibited by our Laws; that many such privateers have been fitted out in our
Ports, (unknown to this Government) and though manned and officered
entirely by people of thus country they have captured the property of na-
tions with whom we are at peace, and have used the flags sometimes of more
than one of the South American Governments, just as it suited their pur-
poses to be Officers of Buenos Ayres or of Chili, of Caraccas or of Venezuela.
That, if these clandestine and illegal armaments in our Ports have been made
with the sanction and by the authority of those Governments, the United
States have just cause to complain, of them, and to claim satisfaction and
indemnity for all losses and damages which may result to them or to any of
their citizens from them; and if they have not been thus authorized, it would
be but justly reasonable that those Governments should not only publicly
disavow them, but in issuing their commissions and authorizing the use of
their flags, subject them at least to the restrictions conformable to the Law
of Nations. That the licentious abuse of their flags by these freebooters, of
every nation but their own, has an influence unpropitious to the cause of
their freedom, and tendency to deter other countries from recognizing them
as regular Governments.
It is expected that your absence from the United States will be of seven
or eight months. But if while in the execution of your Instructions at
Buenos Ayres you should find it expedient, or useful with reference to the
public service, that one or more of you should proceed over land to Chili, you
are authorized to act accordingly. Should only one of you go, he will there
co-operate jointly with Mr. J. B. Prevost, whom it is probable he will find
already there, and a copy of whose Instructions is herewith furnished. The
compensation which the President has thought proper to fix for the perform-
ance of the service assigned to you is of six thousand dollars to each of you;
from which it is understood you are to defray all your expenses while on
shore. Stores have been provided for you, for the passage, both outward
and returning. You will communicate with this Department, by any direct
opportunity that may occur from any of the Ports at which you may touch.
I have the honor [etc.].
Message of President James Monroe at the commencement of the first session
of the Fifteenth Congress of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
December 2, 1817.
It was anticipated at an early stage that the contest between Spain and the
colonies would become highly interesting to the United States. It was
natural that our citizens should sympathize in events which affected their
neighbors. It seemed probable, also, that the prosecution of the con-
flict along our coast, and in contiguous countries, would occasionally inter-
rupt our commerce, and otherwise affect the persons and property of our
citizens. These anticipations have been realized. Such injuries have been
received from persons acting under the authority of both the parties, and
for which redress has, in most instances, been withheld. Through every
stage of the conflict the United States have maintained an impartial neu-
trality, giving aid to neither of the parties in men, money, ships, or muni-
tions of war. They have regarded the contest, not in the light of an ordinary
insurrection or rebellion, but as a civil war between parties nearly equal,
having, as to neutral Powers, equal rights. Our ports have been open to
both ; and every article, the fruit of our soil, or of the industry of our citizens,
which either was permitted to take, has been equally free to the other.
Should the colonies establish their independence, it is proper now to state
that this Government neither seeks nor would accept from them any advan-
tage in commerce or otherwise which will not be equally open to all other
nations. The colonies will, in that event, become independent States, free
from any obligation to or connexion with us, which it may not then be their
interest to form on the basis of a fair reciprocity.
In the summer of the present year, an expedition was set on foot against
East Florida, by persons claiming to act under the authority of some of the
colonies, who took possession of Amelia island, at the mouth of the St. Mary's
river, near the boundary of the State of Georgia. As this province lies
eastward of the Mississippi, and is bounded by the United States and the
ocean on every side, and has been a subject of negotiation with the Govern-
ment of Spain as an indemnity for losses by spoliation, or in exchange for
territory of equal value westward of the Mississippi, (a fact well known to
the world,) it excited surprise that any countenance should be given to this
measure by any of the colonies. As it would be difficult to reconcile it with
the friendly relations existing between the United States and the colonies, a
doubt was entertained whether it had been authorized by them, or any of
them. This doubt has gained strength, by the circumstances which have
unfolded themselves in the prosecution of the enterprise, which have marked
it as a mere private, unauthorized adventure. Projected and commenced
with an incompetent force, reliance seems to have been placed on what
1 American State PabRrs Fnrp.ia*i. 7?«7/i<*n«.c TV ron
DOCUMENT 46: DECEMBER 5, 1817 51
might be drawn, in defiance of our laws, from within our limits; and of late,
as their resources have failed, it has assumed a more marked character of
unfriendliness to us; the island being made a channel for the illicit introduc-
tion of slaves from Africa into the United States, an asylum for fugitive
slaves from the neighboring States, and a port for smuggling of every kind.
A similar establishment was made, at an earlier period, by persons of the
same description in the Gulf of Mexico, at a place called Galvezton, within
the limits of the United States, as we contend, under the cession of Louisiana.
This enterprise has been marked, in a more signal manner, by all the objec-
tionable circumstances which characterized the other, and more particularly
by the equipment of privateers which have annoyed our commerce, and by
smuggling. These establishments, if ever sanctioned by any authority
what ever, which is not believed, have abused their trust, and forfeited all
claim to consideration. A just regard for the rights and interests of the
United States required that they should be suppressed, and orders have been
accordingly issued to that effect. The imperious considerations which
prod need this measure will be explained to the parties whom it may in any
decree concern.
To obtain correct information on every subject in which the United States
are interested, to inspire just sentiments in all persons in authority, on either
side, of our friendly disposition, so far as it may comport with an impartial
neutrality, and to secure proper respect to our commerce in every port, and
from every flag, it has been thought proper to send a ship of war, with three
distinguished citizens, along the southern coast, with instruction to touch
al such ports as they may find most expedient for these purposes. With the
existing authorities, with those in the possession of and exercising the sov-
ereignty, must the communication be held; from them alone can redress for
past injuries, committed by those persons acting under them, be obtained;
by them alone can the commission of the like, in future, be prevented.
46
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Mr. G. Hyde de Neuville, French
Minister to the United States l
WASHINGTON, December 5,
SIR: In reference to your Letter of the 12. September2 last, and the com-
munications to this Department with which it was accompanied, I have the
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 261. G. Hyde de Neuville, envoy extraordinary
and minister plenipotentiary of France to the United States: Forwarded his letter of credence
from New York, June 1 8, 18 1 6. Took leave, June 29, 1822.
i vr.i. __• i .„.!:_ j.u:_ ~«1l««j.:«« TU« „«•(-/* /-vf oKniit- ci-v ncio-po -snH pnrlnsiirps m ahnilt
sensibility to the disposition friendly to the Peace and tranquility of the
United-States, with which they were made — That immediate measures were
taken by the Government to ascertain whether any levies of men were mak-
ing within the United-States, such as those which you apprehended, and to
repress any project of unlawful combination which might exist for purposes
of hostility to the foreign Provinces bordering upon the United-States. I
have much satisfaction in assuring you that no such levies of men have been
carried into effect, and that whatever absurd projects may have been in the
contemplation of one or more individuals, nothing is to be dreaded from them
in regard to the Peace of the United-States and the due observance of their
Laws.
I pray you, Sir, [etc.].
47
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Thomas Sumter, United States
Minister to the Portuguese Court in Brazil 1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, December 30, 1817.
SIR: Your letter of ist July, with its enclosures, relating to the extraor-
dinary controversy between the Russian Ambassador Mr. Balk PolefT and
the Portuguese Government, or rather with the late Count da Barca, has
been received since I had the honor of writing you last. As the measure of
furnishing Credentials with the highest diplomatic rank, to a Minister al-
ready residing at the Court with a character of the second order, was
ostensibly complimentary, and for the express purpose of doing honor to the
King of Portugal, it is natural to infer that the coolness with which it was
received and which appears in the first instance to have given offence to the
Russian Minister, was occasioned by some cause, not apparent upon the face
of the papers communicated by either of the parties. It is remarkable that,
while these indications of misunderstanding between Portugal and Russia
have been exhibited to the world, the appearances of more than usual good
intelligence have been manifesting themselves between Russia and Spain.
If the object of Mr. Balk Poleff's new Credentials had simply been to give
additional dignity and solemnity to the Emperor's compliments to the King
upon his accession to the throne, it is hardly to be imagined that it would
have been so uncourteously received — As a mere question of courtly etiquette
this dispute can be of little interest to us; but if, as appears probable, it was
connected with affairs of business between the two Governments, it would
be very acceptable to have information more particular concerning it. —
1MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 302.
DOCUMENT 48: JANUARY 27, l8l8 53
This will be still more desirable, if, as has been represented by some of the
public Journals abroad, Mr. Balk upon arriving in Europe, and proceeding
towards St. Petersburgh was stopped on his way by an order from the Em-
peror to turn back and return to Rio de Janeiro— an order, if the news be
authentic, either of extreme disapprobation of the Ambassador's conduct, or
of insulting defiance to the Court upon which he has thus been forced back-
There are at the same time movements of military and naval forces between
Russia and Spain, which have given rise to much speculation in Europe, and
of which South America, if not even Brazil, has been conjectured to be the
ultimate object and destination— In that event (for we are as yet left con-
cerning it to the wide field of conjecture) we hope to receive early and
authentic intelligence from you. —
48
John Qnincy Adams, Secretary of State, to G. Hyde de Neuville, French Min-
ister to the United States l
WASHINGTON, January 27, 1818.
SIR: Your Notes 2 to this Department of 20 November, and of 15 and 22
December, and of 17 January have remained until this time unanswered,
only with the view of communicating to you the result of the measures taken
by the Government of the United States, in regard to the subjects to which
they relate.
In the civil wars which for several years past have subsisted between Spain
and the Provinces heretofore her Colonies in this Hemisphere, the policy
deliberately adopted and invariably pursued by the United-States has been
that of impartial neutrality. It is understood that the Policy of all the
European Powers, and particularly that of France has been the same.
As a consequence from this principle, while the Ports of the United-States
have been open to both the parties to this war, for all the lawful purposes of
Commerce, the Government of the United-States both in its Legislative and
Executive Branches, have used every exertion in their power warranted by
the Laws of Nations, and by our own Constitution, to admonish and restrain
the Citizens of these States from taking any part in this Contest, incompati-
1 >lo with the obligations of Neutrality. If in these endeavours they have not
been entirely successful, the Governments of Europe have not been more so,
and among the occupants of Amelia-Island, for the piratical purposes com-
plained of in your Notes, natives or Subjects of France have been included no
less than Citizens of these States. .
adapted to the circumstances were immediately taken, the eriect ot which was
partially to give the protection necessary to the Commerce of Nations at
peace with the United States, endangered by that establishment as well as
our own. Those measures however not proving effectual while a Port in trie
immediate vicinity of the United States, but not within the reach of their"
Jurisdiction continued to be held by the persons who had wrested the Island
from the possession of Spain, this Government after having seen the total
inability of Spain either to defend the place from the assault of the in-
significant forces by which it was taken, or to recover it from them, found it:
necessary, to take the possession of it into its own hands — Thereby depriving:
those lawless plunderers of every Nation and Colour, of the refuge where they
had found a shelter, and from whence they had issued to commit their-
depradations upon the peaceful commerce of all Nations, and among the rest:
upon the French vessels mentioned in your Notes — the Confiance — >en Dieo ,•
the Jean Charles and the Maly.
It is hoped Sir, that this measure will prove effectual to prevent the
repetition of such outrages upon the commercial Vessels of France frequent-
ing our coasts. An intimation in your Note of the 20 November, that du.e
attention had not been paid to the demand of the Agent of the French Consul
at Savannah in regard to the seizure of some of the Merchandize captured in
the above mentioned Vessels and introduced into the United States, is
believed to have arisen from misapprehension — The restitution of trie
property could by the Nature of our Institutions be effected only through tlie
prosecution of their claims by the original owners or their Agents before;
the ordinary Tribunals — The illness of the Judge of the District Court of tlie
United States in Georgia, and that of the District attorney are circumstances
to be lamented, as having necessarily caused some delay; but which it is
presumed you will consider as occasions rather of regret than of complaint.
By your Letter of 22 December it appears that the Captain and another
man, belonging to the crew of the Privateer which had taken the Maly, were
at the instance of the French Consul at Charleston arrested upon a charge of
piracy ; but that the Consul has thought proper to desist from the prosecution
of this charge, upon the advice of legal Counsel, founded upon a supposed
defect in the 8th. Section of the Law of the U. States in which the crime of
Piracy is defined — I have had the honour of observing to you, that tlie
opinion of this defect, has not received the sanction of the Supreme Court of
the U. States, the only authority competent to pronounce upon it in the last
resort — That the crime of Piracy has been more than once prosecuted, and
punished, under the Section of the Law to which your Letter refers, and that
DOCUMENT 49: JANUARY 31,1818 55
if the Consul has thought proper in deference to the advice given him, to
abandon the prosecution of the persons who had captured the Maly, it
cannot be inferred that he would have failed to obtain their conviction, if he
had pc-rsist ed in his pursuit for the execution of the Law.
Be pleased, Sir, to accept [etc.].
49
John (Jithicy Adams, Secretary of State, to Baptis Irvine, Special Agent of the
United States to Venezuela1
[JSXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, January 31, 1818.
Among the papers of which copies are furnished you, is a communication-
rcc'd at this dcpt:. in July last, by the course of the mail from Baltimore, and
appearing to have been transmitted from the Island of Jamaica. It is in
official form, and announces the re-establishment of the Supreme Govern-
ment, of the Venezuelan Republic, consisting of the Provinces of Barcelona,
( 'araccas, Cumuna, Margarita, Merida, Truxillo & Varinas; mentioning Don
Jos. Cortes Madariaga, as the person charged with the correspondence with
foreign ( iovernmenls. This act appears to have been consummated in the
Island of Margarita, and one of the parties of it is Admiral Brion. No other
communication has however been rec'd from them, and if credit can be
fcivon to the very imperfect information from that country which reaches us
thro' the medium of the public Prints, General Bolivar has refused to ac-
knowledge this Government, and another constitutional organization has
taken place, by which the Executive authority is vested in a Council with
C kuicral Bolivar at its head, & of which Brion himself is a member. To the
Supix-me authority, recognized by Brion, however constituted and whereso-
ever residing, you will make application for the restitution or indemnity due
to our citizens in these two cases. You will pursue this object with all that
discretion, moderation, & conciliatory deportment towards the existing
authority, which would be due to any Government firmly established &
universally reeogui/ed. But with every proper & respectful deference in
point, of form, it is expected you will maintain with firmness, and it is hoped,
with effect the rights of the injured sufferers, committed to your charge.
You will at. the same time take suitable occasion, to ask explanations, and
t.o make known the sentiments of this Government, with regard to certain
other proceedings, in which the name of the Venezuelan Republic, has been
used, & a pretence of authority from its Government, set forth, it is hoped
nl^m.ihnr wHImiTi" foundation, and in a manner deeply affecting both the
56 PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATICS
rights & the interests of the U. S. You will represent that General Mf-
Gregor came to this country, & enjoyed its hospitality as an individual
foreigner; that while here, without the permission of this Government, con-
trary to the laws of nations, and in violation of those of the U. S., he is
believed to have prepared and fitted out a military expedition against the
territories of a nation with which we are at peace; to have levied a force,
and enlisted men within our jurisdiction, and by their means so far to have
accomplished his purpose as to take forcible possession of Amelia Island,
situated close upon the borders of this country, and the occupation of which
for the purposes intended by him, could not but be in a high degree noxious
to the interests of this Union; that while in possession of the Island, he
issued public proclamations declaring the purpose of taking possession of 1 he
whole and of both the Floridas; and issued commissions to vessels secretly
fitted out and armed in our ports and officered & manned by our citizens, t o
cruize against a nation with which we are at peace; that finding himself
unable to maintain possession of the Island he abandoned it to some of his
followers, after which it was occupied by another armed force, under a pre-
tended authority from Mexico, & became a seat of disorders of a character
so directly hostile to the U. S., that the President found himself under the
necessity of taking possession of it in the name of the U. S. It is not ex-
pected either that the proceedings of M'Gregor, here referred to, will be
avowed as having been authorized by the Government of Venezuela, or that
any dissatisfaction will be manifested by them at the occupation of the
Island by the U. S. Should it however prove otherwise, you will have no
difficulty in demonstrating that the conduct of M'Gregor was an infraction
of our neutral rights, of which we have serious cause to complain. Besides
the Laws of the U. S., for the preservation of our neutrality, I refer you to
the correspondence between Mr. Jefferson & the Ministers of France &
Great Britain in the year 1793, in the first volume of the American State
Papers, for a full and luminous exposition of the rights and obligations of
neutrality then recognized by this Government and applicable with en-
creased force to the present occasion, from the sanction of our practice then
given to the principles generally admitted "by the usages of civilized na-
tions.1 With regard to the Floridas the Messages of the President to
Congress during their present session, & the Acts of January 1811 & Fcby.
1813 now published will enable you to explain the views & the policy of the
United States in relation to them. You will give it distinctly to be under-
stood that the dispositions of this Government are as friendly towards the
South Americans, as can be consistent with the obligations of neutrality ;
but that the United States have been for several years in negotiation with
for tliP rpcjcrnn of ci11 linv i-o-m o 5 »-, ! ,1 r* *-\rA-*4-^ :,-, j.1,.
pass into the hands of any other Power; and that those Laws must receive
their execution.
Since the suppression of the establishment at Amelia-Island, attempts have
been made to impress upon the public in this country the belief that the
Government of the United States were acquainted with and even privy to
the design of Mac Gregor upon that place, before it was carried into execu-
tion. That Mac Gregor himself avowed to various persons here that he had
such a design in contemplation, and that it was thus communicated as a
project of adventure, to persons connected with the administration may be
true. But it was never disclosed as a subject upon which their approbation
was desired or their opinion consulted ; nor was it ever stated as involving a
violation either of the neutrality or the Laws of the Union. No communica-
tion was ever had between the Government of the U. S. and M'Gregor, and
if he or those with whom he connected himself here gave obscure & illusive
hints of his purpose, in order to ascertain for his information the moment
when their unequivocal illegality, ascertained by the Government, might
draw upon him the active enforcement of the Laws, such ambiguous intima-
tions, far from evincing the connivance of the Executive in his plan, would
only prove their ignorance of his real designs, and his consciousness of the
opposition to them which he must encounter, if they should be explicitly
made known. The same suggestions which imparted his project, to a person
in the confidence of the President, at the same time led to the idea, that it
was concerted with the concurrence and favor of the British Government.
Thus one deception was laid as the foundation for the superstructure of
another; and while the exposure to this Government of the object, was, in a
point of view concealing its illegal features, their attention was studiously
averted from the means of execution, involving the violation of the Laws,
towards others against which neither direct resistance, nor immediate prep-
aration could be made. Neither M'Gregor nor his partizans made it known
either that the authority by which he was to act, was assumed to be given
him within our jurisdiction, or that the force with which he was to operate,
would be levied, within our limits. Had either of these circumstances been
divulged to this Government, its resistance to them would have been as
immediate, as its duty to make such resistance would have been indubitable.
Should any intimation be given to you of a desire that a formal acknowl-
edgement of the Venezuelan Government should be made by that of the
United States, you will observe that in the present stage of the conflict,
that step would be a departure from that system of neutrality, which the
U. S. have adopted, and which is believed to be as much the interest of the
South-Americans themselves as of the U. S. You may add that without this
formal acknowledgement they enjoy all the advantages of a friendly &
commercial intercourse with us, which they could enjoy with it; and that
to entangle us in disputes with other powers. You may take occasion at
the same time, in a friendly & respectful manner to suggest that such irregu-
lar proceedings as those of which you are deputed to complain, as they could
not be justified by any established and recognized Government, cannot but
operate as a discouragement to the U. S., and to all other nations of the
disposition to recognize a new power, in whose name, and under the pretense
of whose authority such practices are pursued ; that they cannot claim the
rights & prerogatives of independent States, without conforming to the
duties by which independent States are bound; that the usurped exercise of
Sovereign authority by individuals, is the essential character of lawless
power ; and that the practices of pirates are inconsistent with the obligations
of every constituted State.
The situation of the country to which you are to proceed, and the state of
the respective parties to the war, render it uncertain whether you will find
it expedient to make more than a very transient residence in any one place ;
or to remain long without returning to the U.S. The determination upon
this subject, will in the first instance be left to your own judgment & discre-
tion. After obtaining a definitive answer, upon the two claims of restitution
& indemnity with which you are charged, and making the representations
herein directed, there may be no public interest of adequate importance to
require your continuance there any longer; in which case, you will take as
early an opportunity to return as may be convenient. In the mean time,
you will collect £ transmit to this dept. the most correct information that
you can obtain, respecting the real state of the country; the relative situation
& prospects of the Patriot & Royal forces; the present effects & probable
consequences of the emancipation of the slaves ; the population & resources
of the Provinces in the Venezuelan Confederation ; their views & expectations
in relation to the other South American Provinces ; their commercial situation
& prospects, especially with reference to the U. S. & to our commercial
intercourse with them ; and generally whatever may fall under your observa-
tion, and the knowledge of which it may be interesting to us to possess. 1
I arn [etc.].
1 Irvine's reports_to the Department fill a manuscript volume of several hundred pages,
about a third consisting of correspondence between him and Bolivar at Angostura chiefly
regarding rights and claims of United States merchant vessels in view of the pretended
blockade and his transmitting dispatches to the Department. The rest consists of "Notes
on Venezuela," a detailed description written after his return. Though interesting, his
papers are not sufficiently apropos to warrant printing in this collection. An injudicious
though not entirely incorrect response to his cordial reception, to the effect that the United
States had "in effect" recognized the independence of Venezuela gave rise to a false im-
pression.
John Qnincy Adams, Secretary of State, to President Monroe, for transmission
to the United States House of Representatives 1
WASHINGTON, March 25, 1818.
The Secretary of State, to whom has been referred the resolution of the
House of Representatives of the 5th December, has the honor of submitting
the documents herewith transmitted, as containing the information possessed
at this Department requested by that resolution.
In the communications received from Don Manuel H. de Aguirre, there
are references to certain conferences between him and the Secretary of State,
which appear to require some explanation.
The character in which Mr. Aguirre presented himself was that of a public
agent from the Government of La Plata, and of private agent from that of
Chili. His commissions from both simply qualified him as agent. But his
letter from the Supreme Director (Pueyrredon) to the President of the
United States requested that he might be received with the consideration due
to his diplomatic character. He had no commission as a public minister of
any rank, nor any full power to negotiate as such. Neither the letter of
which he was the bearer, nor he himself, at his first interviews with the
Secretary of State, suggested that he was authorized to ask the acknowledg-
ment of his Government as independent; a circumstance which derived ad-
ditional weight from the fact that his predecessor, Don Martin Thompson,
had been dismissed by the Director Pueyrredon, for having transcended his
powers, of which the letter brought by Mr. Aguirre gave notice to the
President.
It was some time after the commencement of the session of Congress that
he made this demand, as will be seen by the dates of his written communica-
tions to the Department. In the conferences held with him on that subject,
among other questions which it naturally suggested were those of the manner
in which the acknowledgment of his Government, should it be deemed
advisable, might be made; and what were the territories which he considered
as forming the state or nation to be recognised. It was observed, that the
manner in which the United States had been acknowledged as an independent
Power by France was by a treaty concluded with them, as an existing inde-
pendent Power; and in which each one of the States then composing the
Union was distinctly named ; that something of the same kind seemed to be
necessary in the first acknowledgment of a new Government, that some
definite idea might be formed, not of the precise boundaries, but of the
general extent of the country thus recognised. He said the Government of
which he desired the acknowledgment was the country which had, before the
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 173. By a letter of the same date the
President communicated this and its enclosed documents to the House of Representatives.
hostility with the Government of Buenos Ayres, supported, hnwrvrr, in*'
cause of independence against; Spain; and (hat the PurtiU'.urM' muM n»'t
ultimately maintain their possession of Montevideo. It was alter (!iis tli.fi
Mr. Aguirre wrote the letter offering to en lev into a negotiation for mm-liulm^
a treaty, though admitting that he had no authority to that t-Hrrt Irnm hi--
Government. It may be proper to observe, thai the mode of rrvnguitiou
by concluding a treaty had not been suggested u« the only our prunirublr
or usual, but merely as that which had been adopted by I-Y.tmv with tin*
United States, and as offering the most convenient means of designating t hi"
extent of the territory acknowledged as a new dominion.
The remark to Mr. Aguirre, that, if Buenos Ayres should be arknmvli'tlj^-tl
as independent, others of the contending provinces would, perhaps, drniatttt
the same, had particular reference to the Banda < Mental. The inquiry w.»-.s
whether General Artigas might: not; advance a claim of independence for t hn-»t*
provinces, conflicting with that of Buenos Ayres, for the whole vitvrny.ilty *»i
La Plata. The Portuguese possession of Montevideo was noiirrd in
reference to a similar question.
It should be added, that these, observations were conuectet! with othrt-%
stating the reasons upon which the present acknowledgment of thf ( invrrn
ment of La Plata, in any mode, was deemed by the President inexpedient , iti
regard as well to their interests as to those of the United Stales.
51
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Manual JL tic, A^tirr?, A
Agc.nl at Washington l
WASHINGTON, April ft, /«V/,V.
SIR: I have had the honour of receiving your Note of the 5. instant . Ymt
suppose me to have stated in the Report to The President, nmummu'.ilrtl t«»
Congress in his Message of 25 March,2 that; you had said C.eneral Artisan
supported ^the cause of the Independence of Spain -But as tlu» C'ause c*i
Spain in South-America, is not Indei)endence, that would have btn-n an
absurdity which I neither understood you, nor have represented you as
asserting. The Cause of Independence of Spain in South America, is not tin*
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations. II. 118. a ^«>-> -ii ./...» -i— -••
ui opa,iu & JLIIUUJJCIIUCIIUC, UUL LUC V_-CLLIS>C in ujjpu&i LIUIJ. LU opcin
that is the Cause which I understood you to say General Artegas supported,
"though being at the same time in hostility with the Government of Buenos-
Ay res.
With regard to the merits of the controversies between the Government of
Buenos-Ayres and General Artegas, I certainly never expressed, nor do I
recollect that you expressed to me any opinion. I understood you to say,
that so far as related to the opposition to Spain, the Government of Buenos-
Ayres and General Artegas were supporting a common cause.
I forbear to notice the remarks in your Note, preceding the quotation
from the Report of the passage which you have understood as conveying an
idea, directly contrary to that which I intended; being persuaded that you
also have used expressions, without intending to convey the exceptionable
meaning of which they are susceptible.
I have the honour [etc.].
52
John Qiimcy Adams, Secretary of Slate, to George W. Erving, United States
Minister to Spain l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 20, 1818.
From the complexion of the Debates in the House of Representatives
during the Session of Congress which terminates this day, you will infer the
great and increasing interest felt in this Country with regard to the Events
occurring in that part of the American Hemisphere. The part pursued by
the Government of the United-States in this contest, has been unequivocal
Neutrality. None of the Revolutionary Governments has yet been formally
acknowledged; but if that of Buenos Ayres, should maintain the stability
•which it appears to have acquired since the Declaration of Independence of
9 July 1816 it cannot be long before they will demand that acknowledgment
of right — and however questionable that right may be now considered; it
will deserve very seriously the consideration of the European Powers, as
well as of the United States, how long that acknowledgment can rightfully
be refused. Since beginning this letter I have received your Despatch No.
60 of 26 February,2 enclosing the Memoir of Russia,3 on these South Ameri-
can affairs.
1 3VIS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 179.
2 See below, pt. xni, doc. 1079.
* See below, pt. xn, doc. ion, under date, November 17, 1817.
62 PART It COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
53
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of Slate, to Lids de Onis, Spanish Minister
to the, United States l
WASHINGTON, April 22, iSiS.
SIR: William Davis Robinson, a Citizen of the United-States, landed in
the Month of April 1816 on the Coast of Vera Cruz, at a place then in the
possession of the Revolutionists— He proceeded to the city of Tehaucan,
where he remained Several Months, without ever bearing arms, or accepting
any Military or other Commission. He left that City the last of July of the
same year, with the intention of reaching the Sea-Coast, and of embarking
to return to the United States — Having by various incidents been prevented
from accomplishing this intention; on the I2th of September 1816. he volun-
tarily gave himself up, at the Village of Playa Vicente, to the Commandant
of the Royal Troops — claiming the benefit of the Royal Amnesty, or InduUo,
which had then recently been proclaimed and offered to all persons without
distinction who had been connected with the Insurgents, upon the condition
of surrendering themselves. He delivered to the same Commandant, a
Certificate of his birth at Philadelphia, and his Passport as a Citizen of the
United-States, and claimed the benefit of the Royal Indulto, which was
promised himself explicitly by the Commandant. He was nevertheless sent
under a guard of Soldiers to the City of Oaxaca — was there confined several
months in a Cell in the Convent of St. Domingo — Then transferred to Vera-
Cruz and imprisoned in the Castle of San Juan de Ulloa — The Government of
the United States, having in July last been informed of these Circumstances,
an Instruction was sent to the Minister of the United States at Madrid, to
make application to your Government for the release of Mr. Robinson — Mr.
Erving received assurances from Don Jos6 Pizarro, that no information had
been received in Spain of Robinson's imprisonment, and he was afterwards
told by a person from Vera Cruz that Robinson had been allowed the benefit
of the Indulto, and was to be sent to the United States to be delivered up by
you to the Government of the United States.
This Statement was not correct — Mr. Robinson, was embarked as a
Prisoner in close confinement on board the Spanish Frigate Iphigenia, at
Vera-Cruz, to be sent to Spain — That Ship having by stress of weather
been compelled to put into the Port of Campeachy, and having been there
condemned as unseaworthy, Mr. Robinson, was landed there; and on the
4th of March last, was still kept as a Prisoner, to be sent by some other
conveyance to Spain.
I have the honour therefore, to ask your good offices, that such appli-
cation shall be made as may obtain if possible the release of Mr. Robin-
son, at Campeachy — a sufficient motive for which will surely be found in
ui wnicn
he is entitled to claim. But if the Reclamation to this effect should not
reach that place in season to effect his liberation there; that you will make
known to your Government his case, so that he may be immediately dis-
charged upon his arrival in Spain.
It appears from the Public Journals, that Eight other American Citizens,
were in like manner landed as Prisoners from the Frigate Iphigenia, at
Campeachy, to be sent from thence to Spain — I have to request, Sir, that
your good office, may be also extended to obtain their release, or satisfac-
tory proof to this Government of the Justice of their detention.
I have the honor [etc.]
54
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister
to the United States l
WASHINGTON, April 25, 1818.
Sin: I have the honour of transmitting to you the Copy of a statement
received at this Department, from which it appears, that the Ship Beaver2
and her very valuable cargo, belonging to Citizens of the United-States,
have been unjustly seized by officers acting under colour of authority from
your Government, at Talcahuano in South-America. I am directed to
address you, to demand satisfaction of your Government for these outrages
upon the persons and property of Citizens of this Nation, and express to you
the confidence of The President, in your disposition to promote by your
good offices with your Government, the restitution of the property, and
satisfaction for the personal injuries of the sufferers.
I am [etc.].
55
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Albert Gallatin, United States
Minister to France 3
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, May ig, 1818.
By the newspapers and public documents transmitted to you, the extraor-
dinary interest which has been felt in the contest between Spain and the
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 323.
2 See below, pt. v, doc. 449.
8 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 184.
which it has occupied the deliberations 01 Congress. You will see how it has
been complicated with our own Spanish relations, by the transactions relating
to Amelia Island; by the negotiation which Spain has thought fit, to have the
appearance of keeping alive, and by the questions incidental to our neu-
trality in that warfare, which the course of events has frequently pro-
duced. . . .
A motion was made in the house of representatives, while the general
appropriation bill was under consideration to introduce the appropriation of
an outfit and a year's salary, for a minister to be sent to the provinces of
La Plata, if the President should think proper to make such an appointment.
The object of this motion was to obtain the sanction of a legislative opinion,
in favour of the immediate acknowledgment of the government of Buenos-
Ayres; but it was rejected by a majority of 115 to 45. Independently of
the objection to it, that it had the appearance of dictating to the Executive,
with regard to the execution of its own duties and of manifesting a distrust
of its favourable disposition to the independence of the colonies, for which
there was no cause, it was not thought advisable to adopt any measure of
importance upon the imperfect information then possessed, and the motive
for declining to act was the stronger, from the circumstance that three com-
missioners had been sent to visit several parts of the South-American con-
tinent, chiefly for the purpose of obtaining more precise and accurate in-
formation. Despatches have been received from them, dated 4 March,
immediately after their arrival at Buenos-Ayres. They had touched on their
way, for a few days, at Rio de Janeiro; where the Spanish minister, Count
Casa-Flores, appears to have been so much alarmed by the suspicion that
the object of this mission was the formal acknowledgment of the government
of La Plata, that he thought it his duty to make to Mr. Sumter an official
communication that he had received an official despatch from the Duke of
San Carlos, the Spanish ambassador at London, dated the yth of November
last, informing him, that the British government had acceded to the proposition
made by the Spanish government of a general mediation of the powers to obtain
the pacification of Spanish America, the negotiation of which, it was upon the
point of being decided, -whether it should be at London or at Madrid.
This agitation of a Spanish minister, at the bare surmise, of what might
be the object of the visit of our commissioners to Buenos-Ayres, affords some
comment upon the reserve, which all the European powers have hitherto
observed in relation to this affair, towards the United States. No official
communication of this projected general mediation has been made to the
government of the United-States, by any one of the powers, who are to
participate in it; and although the Duke de Richelieu and the Russian
ambassador both, in conversation with you, admit the importance of the
United States to the subject, and of the subject to the United States, yet
DOCUMENT 55: MAY 19, l8l8 65
the former abstains from all official communication to you, of what the allies
are doing in it, and the latter, apologizes for the silence of his government to
us, concerning it, on the plea, that being upon punctilious terms with Eng-
land, they can shew no mark of confidence to us, but by concert with her.
On the 27th of January last, Mr. Bagot, at the same time when he informed
us of the proposal of Spain, to Great Britain, to mediate between the United-
States and Spain, did also by instruction from Lord Castlereagh, state that
the European Allies were about to interpose in the quarrel between Spain
and her revolted colonies ; and that very shortly a further and full communi-
cation should be made to us, of what was proposed to be done — with the
assurance, that Great Britain would not propose or agree to any arrange-
ment in which the interests of all parties concerned, including those of the
United States should not be placed on the same foundation. Nearly four
months have since elapsed; and the promised communication has not been —
but we have a copy of the Russian answer, dated in November at Moscow,
to the first proposal, made by Great Britain to the European allies, and
we know the course which will be pursued by Portugal, in regard to this
mediation. If the object of this mediation be any other than to promote
the total independence political and commercial of South-America, we are
neither desirous of being invited to take a part in it, nor disposed to accept
the invitation if given. Our policy, in the contest between Spain and her
colonies has been impartial neutrality. The policy of all the European
States has been hitherto the same. Is the proposed general mediation to be
a departure from that line of neutrality? If it is, which side of the contest,
are the allies to take? — The side of Spain? — on what principle, and by what
right? As contending parties in a civil war, the South-Americans have
rights, which other powers are bound to respect as much as the rights of
Spain; and after having by an avowed neutrality, admitted the existence of
those rights, upon what principle of justice can the allies, consider them as
forfeited, or themselves as justifiable in taking side with Spain against
them?
There is no discernible motive of justice or of interest, which can induce the
allied sovereigns to interpose for the restoration of the Spanish colonial
dominion in South America. There is none even of policy; for if all the
organized power of Europe is combined, to maintain the authority of each
Sovereign over his own people, it is hardly supposable that the sober senses
of the allied cabinets will permit them to extend the application of this
principle of union to the maintenance of colonial dominion beyond the
Atlantic and the Equator.
By the usual principles of international law, the state of neutrality, recog-
nizes the cause of both parties to the contest, as just — that is, it avoids all
consideration of the merits of the contest— But when abandoning that
66 PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATUS
to be settled is the justice of the cause to be assumed. If the European
allies, are to take side with Spain, to reduce her South-American colonies
to submission, we trust they will make some previous enquiry into the justice
of the cause they are to undertake. As neutrals we are not required to
decide the question of justice. We are sure we should not find it on the side
of Spain.
We incline to the belief that on a full examination of the subject, the allies
will not deem it advisable, to interpose in this contest, by any application
of force. If they advise the South Americans, to place themselves again
under the Spanish government, it is not probable their advice will be fol-
lowed. What motives can be adduced to make the Spanish government
acceptable to them? Wherever Spain can maintain her own authority she
will not need the co-operation of the allies — Where she cannot exact obedi-
ence, what value can be set upon her protection?
The situation of these Countries has thrown them open to commercial
intercourse with other nations, and among the rest with these United-States.
This state of things has existed several years, and cannot now be changed
without materially affecting our interests. You will take occasion not by
formal official communication, but verbally as the opportunity may present:
itself to let the Duke de Richelieu understand, that we think the European
allies would act but a just and friendly part towards the United States, by a
free and unreserved communication to us, of what they do, or intend to do in
the affair of Spain and South America — That it is our earnest desire to pursue
a line of policy, at once just to both the parties in that contest, and har-
monious with that of the European allies — That we must know their sys-
tem, in order to shape our own measures accordingly; but that we do not
wish to join them in any plan of interference between the parties; and above
all that we can neither accede to nor approve of any interference to restore
any part of the Spanish supremacy, in any of the South-American Provinces.
I have the honour [etc.].
56
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Richard Rush, United States
Minister to Great Britain 1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, May 20, 1818.
. . . As it was not anticipated that any disposition existed in the British
government, to start questions of title with us, on the borders of the South
proper to remark the minuteness of the present interest either to Great-Britain
or the United States, involved in this concern; and the unwillingness for that
reason of this government, to include it among the objects of serious discus-
sion with them — At the same time you might give him to understand, though
not unless in a manner to avoid every thing offensive in the suggestion; that
from the nature of things, if in the course of future events, it should ever
become an object of serious importance to the United States, it can scarcely
be supposed that Great Britain would find it useful or advisable to resist
their claim to possession by systematic opposition. If the United States
leave her in undisturbed enjoyment of all her holds upon Europe, Asia, and
Africa, with all her actual possessions in this hemisphere, we may very
fairly expect that she will not think it consistent either with a wise or a
friendly policy, to watch with eyes of jealousy and alarm, every possibility
of extension to our natural dominion in North America, which she can have
no solid interest to prevent, until all possibility of her preventing it shall
have vanished.
This circumstance will afford also a very suitable occasion for opening to
the British government, the wish of the President, for a frank, candid, and
unreserved mutual communication of the views of policy entertained by
each party, upon objects of serious interest to both; among which the affairs
of South-America, are preeminently deserving of attention — The reserve
with which it appears from your number n.1 that every thing done by the
European allies on this subject, has been withheld from you, is the more
remarkable, by the consideration, that the Russian Ambassador at Paris,
lias alledged to Mr Gallatin, the necessity under which his government felt
itself of not being more communicative without the concurrence of England,
as an apology for a like reserve on their part. To England therefore it is
attributed by her allies. — On the 27 th of January last, Mr Bagot, in com-
municating the request of Spain, that Great-Britain would undertake the
mediation between her and us, at the same time gave us an assurance from
Lord Castlereagh that a full communication should very shortly be made to
us, of the whole proceedings of the European allies in this affair of South-
America. Not a line upon the subject has since then been received by Mr
Bagot, and a mere accident has put us in possession of an official communica
tion from the Duke of San Carlos to the Spanish Minister at Rio Janeiro,
written in November last, and announcing that Great-Britain had acceded to
the proposal of Spain, that there should be a general mediation of the Euro-
pean Alliance for the pacification of the Spanish Colonies, and that it was
then to be immediately determined, whether the negotiation should be held
at London, or at Madrid. — This communication was made with great
earnestness by Count Casa-Flores to Mr Sumter, on the mere entrance of
1 See Rush to Adams, March 21, 1818, pt. vm, doc. 762.
68 PART i: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
the Congress frigate, with our commissioners, to South-America, at Rio tie
Janeiro. That Spanish Minister, apprehensive that the object of our
Mission was to acknowledge the Independence of the Government of Buenos-
Ayres, appears to have supposed that this critical disclosure of the intention
of the Allies, would have been a sufficient inducement for our Commissioners
to retrace their steps, and instead of proceeding to Buenos- Ay res, to return
immediately home. — His alarm was premature. But among the reflexions
suggested by this incident, is, the importance to the European Alliance, as
well as to the United-States, that this Government should be frankly, and
candidly, and fully informed of what the allies do, and of what they intend
to do with regard to South-America — Hitherto the policy of Europe, and
that of the United States in this matter has been the same, Neutrality. — It
cannot have escaped the recollection of Lord Castlereagh, how often he has
been assured of the wish of this Government to proceed in relation to Sou t.h-
American affairs, in good understanding and harmony with Great-Britain;
most especially so long as their mutual policy should be neutrality — He \vill
probably recollect his having observed that in their idea of neutrality, the
non-acknowledgment of the Independence of the Colonies was an essential
point; which so long as their Independence is the precise question of the war,
is undoubtedly true. But it is also true that the non-acknowledgment of
the Colonial Supremacy of Spain, during the contest, is equally essential to
Neutrality. The proclamation of the Prince Regent, prohibiting British
Subjects from serving on either side in this war, is a signal acknowledgment
of this principle, and a plain admission of the obligation of neutral duties,
as well towards the South-Americans as towards Spain — Now the first point
upon which we desire and think ourselves entitled to explicit information
from the Alliance is, whether their plan of mediation, and of pacification,
proceeds upon the basis of neutrality. If so, the allies are pledged to take no
part against the South-Americans — If not, upon what principle of right will
the allies, upon what principle will especially Great-Britain, depart from the
neutrality which she has observed and proclaimed? — If the plan of pacifica-
tion is to be founded upon the basis of neutrality, it must be offered to the
free acceptance of the South Americans, without any pretence or intention
of compulsion — We think there is no prospect that any such proposal to
them will be successful, even if it should be backed by the new armament
and the Russian fleet lately purchased by Spain — From this transaction, as
well as from some other indications, among which is the purport of the
Memorial, from Moscow, dated the lyth of November 1817 1 to serve for
Instructions to the Russian Ministers at the Several allied Courts, the dis-
position of Russia to say the least appears to incline strongly against the
South-Americans — The. siihstanrp nf
abolition of the Slave Trade. This memorial refers to one previously
received from the British cabinet; and alludes to certain conditions, upon
which they proposed that the interposition of the allies should be granted —
and to other particulars in the British memorial, involving the questions of
armistice, co-operation, guarantee, and neutrality which naturally arose
from the subject — All these, the Russian memorial sets aside, as
objects of a subordinate nature, approving however a remark of the Spanish
Government, that the term armistice, might have a dangerous impression
upon the insurgent South-Americans.
It is hoped that the free communication promised by Lord Castlereagh,
through Mr. Bagot, will have been forwarded from England before you
receive this letter. But should the reserve towards you, noticed in your
number u.r on South American concerns, be still continued, you will take
occasion to remind Lord Castlereagh, of this promise, remarking the satisfac-
tion which it gave to the President, and the entire confidence with which he
is expecting its fulfilment. You will observe that if the European alliance,
are undertaking jointly to arrange the affairs of Spain and South- America,
the United-States have so deep an interest in the result, that it will be no
more than justice to them on the part of the alliance, to give them clear,
explicit and immediate notice, not only of their acts, but of their intentions —
not only of their final decisions, but of the propositions of each of their
members. If they clo not think proper to consult the United-States, before
coming to their conclusions, they will of course expect that the United-
Slutes, will come to their conclusions, without consulting them. What we
ask, and what, we promise, is immediate notice of what is done or intended
to be done. You will at the same time bear in mind, and if the occasion
should be given by any intimation of a disposition to invite the United-
States, to take a part in the negotiation, you will let it be known that we
have no desire to participate in it; and above all that we will join in no plan
of pacification founded on any other basis than that of the entire Independ-
ence of the South-Americans.
It is presumed that this will very soon be, if it is not already the real
policy of Great-Britain; however, in deference to the powerful members of
the European alliance, she may acquiesce in the project of a compromise
under the sanction of the alliance, between political resubjugation, and
commercial liberty or privileges. We believe this compromise will be found
utterly impracticable, at least as a permanent establishment; and we con-
i <W» KfOnw ni- VTTT. rlnn. 762. TCnsh to Adams. March 21. 1818.
7O PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
jecture that the British Cabinet have already made up their minds to the
total Independence of South-America, placing little reliance on the issue of
this joint negotiation. When they have satisfied their sense of duty to their
ties of amity with Spain, it is supposed they will soon discover the great
interest of Great-Britain in the total Independence of Spanish America, and
will promote that event, just so far as their obligations towards Spain will
permit. The time is probably not remote, when the acknowledgment of the
South- American Independence, will be an act of friendship towards Spain
herself. — When it will be kindness to her, to put an end to that self-delusion
under which she is wasting all the remnant of her resources in a war, infamous
by the atrocities with which it is carried on, and utterly hopeless of success.
It may be an interesting object of your attention, to watch the moment when
this idea will become prevalent in the British Councils, and to encourage
any disposition which may consequently be manifested to a more perfect
concert of measures between the United-States and Great-Britain towards
that end; the total Independence of the Spanish South -American Provinces.
Among the symptoms of the approach of that period, we cannot overlook,
the sentiments avowed by Lord Castlereagh, in Parliament, in his answer to
some observations of Mr. Lyttleton, in the debate upon the late Slave Trade
Abolition Treaty with Spain — The policy which he in that Speech recom-
mends of throwing open all the gates of commerce, and the universal appro-
bation with which it was received, shew the direction in which the current
of opinion is running; and we may fairly hope will find its application, not
only in all the questions relating to South-America, but also in the commer-
cial arrangements which must soon be resumed between us and («reat-
Britain — I shall, in another letter, make known to you the President's views
on this subject, and in the mean time, remain, [etc.].
57
John Q'tiincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onist Spanish Minister
to the United States1
WASHINGTON, June
Sir: In the Letter which I had the honour of addressing to you on the
22d of April last,2 in behalf of William D. Robinson, then detained as a
Prisoner at Campeachy, landed from the Frigate Iphigenia, it was mentioned
that Eight other Persons, Citizens of the United-States were confined
with him and under similar circumstances. I requested your good offices,
in behalf of them all — Informntinn hns sin P.P. t.hp.n hpp.n rp.rp.ived. nt thi«
Department, that among them was William Thompson, who served with
reputation as an officer in the army of the United States, during their late
war with Great-Britain; and who having landed on the coast of Mexico
in the Year 1817 — without joining in any act of hostility against Spain
had embarked on board of an American vessel at Mariana Bar, for the
purpose of returning to the United States; when he was captured by a
Spanish Frigate and treated as a Prisoner — Having made his escape from
that Ship to the Shore, he took refuge in a fort, from whence he surrendered
himself on the express condition of being restored to Liberty — This Con-
dition was for some time complied with; but after having been ten days
at large he was again forcibly seized, sent far into the interior of the Coun-
try, cast into a Dungeon and there confined five months, after which he
was transported, to be removed to Spain; and very recently, was confined
in the Moro Castle at the Havana expecting very shortly to be sent from
thence to Cadiz.
For him. and his fellow-sufferers, one of whom is of the name of La
Rogue, I solicit again the interposition of your good offices with your Gov-
ernment; and especially that in consideration of the promises made to
them in the name of His Majesty the King of Spain ; they may be imme-
diately liberated on their arrival in that Kingdom.
I am [etc.].
58
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to George W. Campbell, United States
Minister to Russia1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, June 28, 1818.
. . . The influence of these Principles may account for the part which the
Emperor of Russia has hitherto taken in the quarrel which has arisen between
Spain and Portugal from the occupation by the latter of Montevideo,
and for the sentiments which he has manifested with regard to the con-
test between Spain and her American Colonies.
The Portuguese Government of Brazil took Montevideo and the Eastern
Banks of the River La Plata, from the possession not of Spain, but of the
Revolutionary South -Americans who had cast off the authority of the
Spanish Monarchy. Spain unable to defend herself either against her
1MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 211. George W. Campbell, of
Tennessee: Commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Russia,
April 16, 1818. Took leave July 5, 1820. Was instructed, June 28, 1818, to stop at Copen-
hagen and endeavor to procure a satisfactory adjustment of the claims growing out of the
sooliations committed under the Danish flag on the commerce of the United States.
for support, to the European Alliance, against the attack of Portugal. The
European Alliance, apparently not reflecting that they could not interfere
in this affair, without making themselves parties, both to the controversy
between Spain and Portugal, and to that between Spain and her Colonies,
took up the cause of Spain with a decision equally precipitate and per-
emptory; offered their Mediation to Portugal, with high encomiums upon
the moderation and magnanimity of Spain in asking for it, and with un-
qualified menaces that if Portugal should decline their Mediation, and
withhold the explanations which they demanded, they would throw the
whole weight of their Power on the side of Spain. Portugal accepted the
Mediation and gave the explanations — And although She had old preten-
sions to the Territory which She had occupied, and an unsettled claim for
the restoration of Olivenza in Europe, she offered to waive all these demands,
and to restore Montevideo to Spain whenever Spain should be in a con-
dition to receive it, that is, when she should have subdued the Revolution
in the Provinces of La Plata. Spain utterly unable to comply with this
condition, without which She saw that her demand upon Portugal for the
restoration of Montevideo was not only nugatory but ridiculous, was now
reduced to the humiliation of imploring the Mediation of the European
Alliance, between her and her revolted Colonies; or in other words of asking
the aid of the Allied Force to recover her authority over her American
Dominions.
The Emperor of Russia, who as the Conservator of the Peace of Europe
had already sided with Spain against the aggression of Portugal, seems
now to have taken the same bias against the Colonies, as the Restorer of
what he considers legitimate authority. Having no immediate interests
of his own, involved in the Question, he appears to have viewed it only
as a Question of Supremacy and Obedience, between the Sovereign and
his Subjects; and to have taken it for granted that the Sovereign must
have the right, and the Subjects the wrong of the cause. But Great-
Britain, the other efficient Member of the Alliance, had a great and power-
ful interest of her own to operate upon her consideration of the case. The
Revolution in South-America had opened a new World to her Commerce,
which the restoration of the Spanish Colonial Dominion, would again close
against her. Her Cabinet therefore devised a middle term, a compromise
between Legitimacy and Traffic; a project by which the Political Supremacy
of Spain should be restored, but under which the Spanish Colonies should
enjoy Commercial Freedom, and intercourse with the rest of the World.
She admits all the pretensions of Legitimacy until they come in contact
with her own Interest; and then She becomes the patroness of liberal prin-
ciple, and colonial emancipation.
In the correspondence between the European Allies which has hitherto
DOCUMENT 58: JUNE 28, l8l8 73
taken place on this subject we have seen only the Memoir of the Russian
Cabinet, dated at Moscow in November 1817, from which it would seem
that the Russian Project is a compromise between Spain and Portugal,
and then a co-operation between them to reduce the South- Americans to
submission. The Memoir speaks in vague and general terms of certain
favours or privileges to be promised and secured to the Colonists; but its
general Import shews the design of restoring the entire authority of -Spain.
It is remarkable that the European Allies have hitherto withheld from
the Government of the United-States all their proceedings on this intended
Mediation between Spain and her Colonies. That they had acceded to the
request of Spain to that effect, we should know only by unauthenticated
rumour, but for the accident of our Commissioners to South-America having
touched at Rio de Janeiro. The Spanish Minister in a moment of alarm,
lest the object of their Mission should be to recognize the Government of
Buenos-Ayres, and seemingly with the hope of intimidating them from pro-
ceeding, made a formal disclosure to Mr. Sumter l of this purposed inter-
ference of the European Alliance. In January last, Mr. Bagot by Instruc-
tion from Lord Castlereagh, informed me, that he expected very shortly to
make to us a full communication of their proceedings in this concern, but
we have to this day, heard no further from him of it. There is some reason
to believe that nothing decisive will be agreed upon, until the meeting of
Sovereigns, expected to be held in the course of the present Summer, and
then ulterior measures may probably depend on the Expedition to be fitted
out from Cadiz of the Ships of War lately sold by The Emperor of Russia to
Spain.
At the time of your arrival at St. Petersburg, it is probable that The Em-
peror will have returned from his excursion; and it will be among the most
interesting objects of your enquiry, to ascertain the results of that meeting.
Perhaps it will no longer be deemed necessary by the Allies, to withhold from
this Government what they have done, and what they intend, in relation to
the affairs of Spain and South-America. Instructions have been forwarded
to Mr. Gallatin and to Mr. Rush,2 to give the French and English Cabinets
informally to understand that the Interests of this Nation are so deeply con-
cerned, and the feelings of the Country are so much excited, on this subject,
that we have a just claim to be informed of the intentions as well as the acts
of the European Alliance concerning it — That our Policy hitherto, has like
that of the European Powers been Neutrality between Spain and the Colo-
nies— That we earnestly wish to pursue a course for the future, in harmony
with that of the Allies; but that we will not participate in, and cannot ap-
prove any interposition of other Powers, unless it be to promote the total
Indp.nftnrlence. nolitical and commercial, of the Colonies — 'That we believe
either of the parties to endeavour to prevent or to retard it. In your inter-
view with the Russian Ministry it may be proper that you should express
similar Sentiments to them; avoiding however all animadversion which
might be understood as censuring the part taken by the Emperor, in favour
of Spain.
It is not unlikely that Spain in her general recurrence to the Allies, to sup-
port her against all her Adversaries and to extricate her from all her difficul-
ties, may have resorted to them, and particularly to The Emperor of Russia,
for countenance, in her differences with the United-States.
59
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Richard Rush, United States
Minister to Great Britain l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, July 30, 1818.
The Congress Frigate has returned with two of the Commissioners who
went to Buenos-Ayres. Judge Bland proceeded to Chili. Their unanimous
opinion is that the resubjugation of the Provinces of La Plata, to Spain is
impossible. Of their internal condition the aspect is more equivocal.
60
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Richard Rush, United States
Minister to Great Britain*
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, August 15, 1818.
Referring you to my late Letters on the subject of South-American
Affairs, I am now directed to enquire what part you think the British Gov-
ernment will take in regard to the dispute between Spain and her Colonies,
and in what light they will view an acknowledgment of the Independence
of the Colonies by the United-States? Whether they will view it as an act
of hostility to Spain, and in case Spain should declare War against us, in
consequence, whether Great-Britain will take part with her in it?
I am [etc.].
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 235. 2 Ibid., 246.
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Albert Gallatin, United States
Minister to France1
WASHINGTON, August 20, 1818.
SIR: Referring you to my late Letters on the subject of South-American
Affairs, I am now directed to enquire what part you think the French Gov-
ernment will take in regard to the dispute between Spain and her Colonies,
and in what light they will view an acknowledgment of the Independence
of the Colonies by the United-States? Whether they will view it as an act
of hostility to Spain, and in case Spain should declare War against us, in
consequence, whether France will take part with her in it.
I am [etc.].
62
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to George W. Campbell, United States
Minister to Russia1
WASHINGTON, Aiigust 20, 1818.
SIR: Referring you to your Instructions on the subject of South-American
Affairs, I am now directed to enquire what part you think the Russian Gov-
ernment will take in regard to the dispute between Spain and her Colonies,
and in what light they will view an acknowledgment of the Independence of
the Colonies by the United-States? Whether they will view it as an act of
hostility to Spain, and in case Spain should declare War against us, in conse-
quence, whether Russia will take part with her in it.
I am [etc.].
63
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister
to the United States2
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, August 24, 1818.
SIR: I have received your letters of the 2yth ulto.3 and of the 5th Instant
with their respective enclosures, all of which have been laid before The
President. — With regard to the two Vessels alledged to have been equipped
at New York for the purpose of cruizing, under the flag of Buenos Ayres,
1 MS, Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 247.
2 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 334.
8 See below, pt. xiii, doc. 1084.
before a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, has doubtless
convinced you that no prosecution commenced by the Government of the
United States, against the persons charged with a violation of their laws and
their neutrality could have been necessary or useful to you, no transgression
of the law having been proved against them.
64
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Manuel H. de Aguirre, Argentine
Agent at Washington1
WASHINGTON, August 27, 1818.
SIR: Your letter of the loth Instant has been laid before The President
who has directed me to inform you that The Executive Administration is
not authorized to make the purchase of the two ships which have been built
under your direction at New York and which you now propose for sale. —
From the time when the civil war between Spain and the Spanish Colonies
in South America commenced, it has been the declared policy of the United
States, in strict conformity to their existing laws, to observe between the
Parties an impartial neutrality. — 'They have considered it as a civil war in
which, as a foreign nation, they were authorized to allow to the parties en-
gaged in it equal rights, which equality the colonies have invariably enjoyed
in the United States. — In the month of July 1816, The Congress assembled
at Tucuman, issued a declaration of Independence for the Provinces of
La Plata, including as you have heretofore stated, all the Provinces previ-
ously comprehended within the Vice Royalty of that name. — From that
period the United States have considered the question of that Independence
as the precise question and object of the war. — The President is of opinion
that Buenos Ayres has afforded strong proof of its ability to maintain its
Independence, a sentiment which, he is persuaded, will daily gain strength
with the powers of Europe, especially should the same career of good fortune
continue in its favor. — In deciding the question respecting the Independence
of Buenos Ayres many circumstances claim attention, in regard to the
colonies as well as to the United States, which make it necessary that he
should move in it with caution. — Without mentioning those relating to the
United States, which he is bound to weigh, it is proper to notice one in regard
to the colonies, which presents a serious difficulty. — You have requested the
recognition of the Independence of the Government of Buenos Ayres, as
Supreme over the Provinces of La Plata, while Montevideo, the Banda Ori-
ental and Paraguay are not only possessed in fact by others but under Gov-
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 337.
_
Spain.
The Government of the United States have extended to the people of
Buenos Ayres all the advantages of a friendly intercourse which are enjoyed
by other nations and every mark of friendship and good will which were
compatible with a fair neutrality. — Besides all the benefits of a free Com-
merce and of national hospitality, and the admission of their Vessels into
our Ports, the Agents of Buenos Ayres have, though not recognized in form,
had the freest communication with The Administration, and have received
every attention to their representations which could have been given to the
accredited Officers of any Independent Power. — No person has ever pre-
sented himself from your Government with the credentials or Commission
of a public Minister. — Those which you have exhibited give you the express
character of Agent only; which neither by the Laws of Nations, nor by those
of the United States, confers the priviledge of exemption from personal
arrest. — That you have been, as mentioned in your letter, subjected to the
inconvenience of such an arrest is sincerely regretted by The President, but
is a circumstance which he had no power to prevent. — By the nature of our
Constitution, the Supreme Executive possessing no authority to dispense
with the operation of the laws, except in cases prescribed by the laws them-
selves.— This observation appears to be the more deserving of your considera-
tion as you mention, as your motive for communicating to the acting Secre-
tary of State at the time of your arrival in this Country in July 1817, the
object of your Agency — the building of a number of Vessels of war for the
Governments of Buenos Ayres and Chili — namely that you believed The
President had a discretionary power to suspend the laws against fitting out,
equipping and arming in our Ports, Vessels of War, for the belligerent pur-
poses of other powers. — Of the conversation which passed between you and
the then acting Secretary of State a statement has been drawn up by him,
a copy of which is herewith enclosed. — He informed you, that to maintain
the neutral obligations of the United States, the Laws prohibited the arming
of Vessels in our Ports for the purpose of committing hostilities against any
nation with which they were at Peace, and also prohibited our Citizens from
enlisting or being enlisted within the territory or Jurisdiction of the United
States in the service of any foreign State, as a soldier or as a marine or
Seaman on board of any Vessel of War, from accepting and exercising any
Commission, but that Vessels even suited for warlike purposes, and arms
and ammunition of every kind, might be purchased within our Country as
articles of merchandize by either of the belligerent parties, without infringe-
ment of our laws or neutrality. — How far this condition of our laws was
compatible with the practical execution of the Commission with which you
were charged, you were to judge, and in the case of doubts entertained by
yourself, you were advised to consult the opinions of Council learned in the
78 PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
law, from any of whom you might obtain information under which your
course of proceeding would be correct and safe. — But that the Executive
possessed no power to dispense with the Execution of the laws, and was on
the contrary bound by his Official duty and his oath to take care that they
should be faithfully executed.— On the I4th of November last I had the
honor of receiving a note from you in which after referring to this previous
conversation with my Predecessor, you stated that you had proceeded to
carry into immediate execution the orders of your Government upon the
terms of that conversation, but that finding it impossible to conduct the
business, as had been your desire, with secresy, while you were engaged in
the execution of formal contracts, an act of Congress was presented to you,
prohibiting under heavy penalties, all persons from fitting out Vessels of the
description of those you had ordered to be built at New York and which
must consequently be unable to proceed to their destination — and you
requested of me information on these points. Through the medium of two
of the Commissioners then about to proceed to South America, you were
again reminded that the Secretary of State could not with propriety draw
the line or define the boundary which you should not pass. — That the inter-
pretation and exposition of the laws, under our free institutions, belonged
peculiarly .to the judiciary and that if, as a stranger, unacquainted with our
legal provisions, you wanted any advice on this subject, there were pro-
fessional men of eminence in every State to whom in common with others,
you might recur for their opinion. — It was understood that you were fully
satisfied with this explanation. — You have, therefore constantly been aware
of the necessity of proceeding in such manner in executing the orders of your
Government to avoid violating the laws of the United States and although
it has not been possible to extend to you the priviledge of exemption from
arrest (an exemption not enjoyed by the President of the United States
himself, in his individual capacity) yet you have all the benefit of those laws,
which are the protection of the rights and personal liberties of our own
Citizens. — Although you had built and equipped and fitted for Sea and
manned, two Vessels suitable for purposes of War, yet as no proof was
adduced that you had armed them, you were immediately liberated and
discharged by the decision of the Judge of the Supreme Court, before whom
the case was brought. — It is yet impossible for me to say that the execution
of the orders of your Government is impracticable; but the Government of
the United States can no more countenance or participate in any expedient
to evade the intention of the laws, than it can dispense with their operation. —
Of the friendly disposition of The President towards your Government
and Country, many proofs have been given. — I am directed by him to renew
the assurance of that disposition, and to assure you that it will continue to
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, August 27, 2818.
Your Correspondence with the Spanish Minister Count Casa-Flores, has
had the effect, of first disclosing to us with official authenticity the Media-
tion which the five great European Allied Powers, have projected, between
Spain, and her South-American Colonies. The Allies have not been very
communicative with the United States, with regard to their measures and
intentions in this respect, but we know that they have not and we have
strong [sic] to believe that they will not agree upon any coercive measures
in the case. There is little doubt that the real Policy of Great-Britain is to
promote the cause of the Independents, and although they will not aid them
by a public acknowledgment, and will take no step of which Spain can com-
plain, they will take special care that the European Alliance shall take no
active measures against the Independents. The Agents of Buenos-Ayres
and of New-Granada, in England have sent in to the British Government,
Protests against the interposition of the Allies, unless upon the basis of the
total Independence of the Colonies, unanswerable upon the argument both
of right and fact ; and the views of Great-Britain and Russia, as to what 4s
to be done, are so widely apart, with so little desire on either side to come
upon this point to an agreement that there can be no doubt but this appeal
of Spain to the thunder bolts of the Allies will terminate in utter disappoint-
ment.
Two of the late Commissioners to South America, Messrs. Rodney and
Graham have returned to this Country. Mr. Bland, as you doubtless know,
proceeded to Chili.
66
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Joel R. Poinsett of South Carolina,
ex-Consul General of the United States at Buenos Aires z
WASHINGTON, October 23 , 1818.
SIR: I am directed by the President of the United States to request of
you such information, in relation to the affairs of South America, as your
long residence in that country, and the sources of intelligence from thence
which have remained open to you since your return, have enabled you to
collect, and which you may think it useful to the public to communicate to
the Executive Government of this Union.
I have the honor [etc.].
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers. VIII, 248.
American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 323. For replies to this, see below, pt. u,
-,4.~ j.U«-^*^v o.-,,-1 nAi r\+ V rinr- /ifit anH nt. VT Hnr. Q42.
8o PART i: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
67
John Ouincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister
to the United States l
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, October 31, 1818.
Sir: Your letter of the 24th instant,2 and the proposals contained in it,
offered as the basis of a treaty for the adjustment of all the subjects in dis-
cussion between the United States and Spain, have been received, and laid
before the President of the United States. . . .
Your sixth proposition is inadmissible. The United States do not know
that any additional laws or declarations are necessary to secure the fulfil-
ment, on the part of Spain, of her engagements in the treaty of 1795. Nu-
merous and just as their complaints have been of the violations of that treaty,
under the authority of Spain, they consider the Spanish Government fully
competent to make reparation for them, and to secure the faithful observ-
ance of their engagements, in future, without new laws or declarations.
Nor are they aware of any vague or arbitrary interpretation in any of the
ports of this Union, by which, contrary to the laws of nations, or to the
stipulations of the treaty of 1795, the law is eluded. The interpretation
or construction given to the stipulations of the treaty of 1795 within the
United States is subject to the decisions of the judicial tribunals of the
United States, who are bound to consider all treaties as the supreme law of
the land. Their proceedings are all public, and their decisions upon all
questions of interpretation are recorded and published. In this there is
surely nothing vague or arbitrary; nothing requiring new laws or declarations.
Of the many complaints which you have addressed to this Government in
relation to alleged transactions in our ports, the deficiency has been, not in
the meaning or interpretation of the treaty, but in the proofs of the facts
which you have stated, or which have been reported to you, to bring the
cases of complaint within the scope of the stipulations of the treaty. . .
The President is deeply penetrated with the conviction that further pro-
tracted discussion of the points at issue between our Governments cannot
terminate in a manner satisfactory to them. From your answer to this
letter, he must conclude whether a final adjustment of all our differences is
now to be accomplished, or whether all hope of such a desirable result is, on
the part of the United States, to be abandoned.
I pray you to accept [etc.].
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 530.
z See below, pt. xm, doc. 1087.
President Monroe's message to the United States Congress, November 16, iSi8l
[EXTRACTS]
Our relations with Spain remain nearly in the state in which they were at
the close of the last session. . . .
In suppressing the establishment at Amelia island, no unfriendliness was
manifested towards Spain, because the post was taken from a force which
had wrested it from her. The measure, it is true, was not adopted in con-
cert with the Spanish Government, or those in authority under it; because,
in transactions connected with the war in which Spain and the colonies are
engaged, it was thought proper, in doing justice to the United States, to
maintain a strict impartiality towards both the belligerent parties, without
consulting or acting in concert with either. It gives me pleasure to state,
that the Governments of Buenos Ayres and Venezuela, whose names were
assumed, have explicitly disclaimed all participation in those measures, and
even the knowledge of them, until communicated by this Government; and
have also expressed their satisfaction that a course of proceedings had
been suppressed, which, if justly imputable to them, would dishonor their
cause. . . .
The civil war which has so long prevailed between Spain and the provinces
in South America still continues, without any prospect of its speedy termina-
tion. The information respecting the condition of those countries, which
has been collected by the commissioners recently returned from thence, will
be laid before Congress, in copies of their reports, with such other informa-
tion as has been received from other agents of the United States.
It appears, from these communications, that the Government of Buenos
Ayres declared itself independent in July, 1816, having previously exercised
the power of an independent Government, though in the name of the King
of Spain, from the year 1810; that the Banda Oriental, Entre Rios, and
Paraguay, with the city of Santa Fe, all of which are also independent, are
unconnected with the present Government of Buenos Ayres; that Chili has
declared itself independent, and is closely connected with Buenos Ayres;
that Venezuela has also declared itself independent, and now maintains the
conflict with various success ; and that the remaining parts of South America,
except Montevideo, and such other portions of the eastern bank of the La
Plata as are held by Portugal, are still in the possession of Spain, or, in a
certain degree, under her influence.
By a circular note, addressed by the ministers of Spain to the allied Powers
with whom they are respectively accredited, it appears that the allies have
undertaken to mediate between Spain and the South American provinces,
and that the manner and extent of their interposition would be settled by a
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 212.
82 PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
congress which was to have met at Aix-la-Chapelle in September last.
From the general policy and course of proceeding observed by the allied
Powers in regard to this contest, it is inferred that they will confine their
interposition to the expression of their sentiments ; abstaining from the ap-
plication of force. I state this impression, that force will not be applied,
with the greater satisfaction, because it is a course more consistent with
justice, and likewise authorizes a hope that the calamities of the war will be
confined to the parties only, and will be of shorter duration.
From the view taken of this subject, founded on all the information that
we have been able to obtain, there is good cause to be satisfied with the
course heretofore pursued by the United States in regard to this contest,
and to conclude that it is proper to adhere to it, especially in the present
state of affairs.
69
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Lino de Clemente, Agent of Vene-
zuela, in the United States 1
WASHINGTON, December 16, 1818.
SIR: Your note of the nth instant2 has been laid before the President
of the United States, by whose direction I have to inform you that your
name having been avowedly affixed to a paper, drawn up within the United
States, purporting to be a commission to a foreign officer for undertaking
and executing an expedition in violation of the laws of the United States,
and also to another paper avowing that act, and otherwise insulting to this
Government, which papers have been transmitted to Congress by the mes-
sage of the President of the 25th of March last, I am not authorized to confer
with you, and that no further communication will be received from you at
this Department.
I am [etc.].
70
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to David C. de Forest, Agent of the
United Provinces of South America at Georgetown3
WASHINGTON, December 31, 1818.
Mr. Adams presents his compliments to Mr. De Forest, and has the honor
of assuring him, by direction of the President of the United States, of the
continued interest that he takes in the welfare and prosperity of the provinces
Avnp.ri.r.n.n
reasons stated in part by the President, in his message to Congress at the
commencement of their present session; and further explained to Mr. De
Forest by Mr. Adams, in the conversation which he has had the honor of
holding with him. Mr. De Forest must have seen that any privileges which
may be attached to the consular character cannot avail, in the judicial
tribunals of this country, to influence in any manner the administration of
justice ; and, with regard to the schooner brought into Scituate, such measures
have been taken, and will be taken, by the authorities of the United States,
as are warranted by the circumstances of the case and by the existing
laws.
With respect to the acknowledgment of the Government of Buenos Ayres,
it has been suggested to Mr. De Forest, that, when adopted, it will be merely
the recognition of a fact, without pronouncing or implying an opinion with
regard to the extent of the territory or provinces under their authority, and
particularly without being understood to decide upon their claim to control
over the Banda Oriental, Santa Fe, Paraguay, or any other provinces dis-
claiming their supremacy or dominion. It was also observed that, in
acknowledging that Government as independent, it would be necessary for
the United States to understand whether Buenos Ayres claims itself an entire,
or only an imperfect independence. From certain transactions between
persons authorized by the Supreme Director, and an agent of the United
States, (though unauthorized by their Government,) after the declaration of
independence by the Congress at Tucuman, and within the last year, it ap-
pears that the Supreme Director declined contracting the engagement that
the United States should hereafter enjoy at Buenos Ayres the advantages
and privileges of the most favored nation, although with the offer of a
reciprocal stipulation on the part of the United States. The reason assigned
by the Supreme Director was, that Spain having claims to the sovereignty of
Buenos Ayres, special privileges and advantages might ultimately be granted
to the Spanish nation as a consideration for the renunciation of those claims.
It is desirable that it should be submitted to the consideration of the Govern-
ment of Buenos Ayres whether, while such a power is reserved, their
independence is complete; and how far other Powers can rely that the
authority of Spain might not be eventually restored. It has been stated by
Mr. De Forest that the Congress at Tucuman had passed a resolution to offer
special advantages to the nation which should first acknowledge their
independence; upon which the question was proposed whether such a
from one nation to another, than the establishment of independence? rather
to purchase support than to obtain recognition? The United States have no
intention of exacting favors of Buenos Ayres for the acknowledgment of its
independence; but, in acknowledging it, they will expect either to enjoy, in
their intercourse with it, the same privileges and advantages as other foreign
nations, or to know precisely the extent and character of the benefits which
are to be allowed to others, and denied to them. It should, indeed, be known
to the Supreme Director that, while such an indefinite power is reserved, of
granting to any nation advantages to be withheld from the United States, an
acknowledgment of independence must be considered premature.
In adverting to these principles, it was observed to Mr. De Forest that
their importance could not but be peculiarly felt by the United States, as
having been invariably and conspicuously exemplified in their own practice,
both in relation to the country whose colonies they had been, and to that
which was the first to acknowledge their independence. In the words of
their declaration, issued on the 4th of July, 1776, they resolved thenceforth
"to hold the British nation as they hold the rest of mankind — enemies in war;
in peace, friends"; and in the treaty of amity and commerce, concluded on
the 6th of February, 1778, between the United States and France, being the
first acknowledgment by a foreign Power of the independence of the United
States, and the first treaty to which they were a party, the preamble declares
that the King of France and the United States, "willing to fix, in an equitable
and permanent manner, the rules which ought to be followed relative to the
correspondence and commerce which the two parties desire to establish
between their respective countries, states, and subjects, have judged that
the said end could not be better obtained than by taking, for the basis of
their agreement, the most perfect equality and reciprocity, and by carefully
avoiding all those burdensome preferences which are usually sources of
debate, embarrassment, and discontent; by leaving, also, each party at
liberty to make, respecting commerce and navigation, those interior
regulations which it shall find most convenient to itself; and by founding the
advantage of commerce solely upon reciprocal utility and the just rules of
free intercourse; reserving, withal, to each party the liberty of admitting, at
its pleasure, other nations to a participation of the same advantage."
In the second article of the same treaty it was also stipulated that neither
the United States nor France should thenceforth grant any particular favor
to other nations, in respect of commerce and navigation, which should not
immediately become common to the other nations, freely, if the concession
was free, or for the same compensation, if conditional.
In answer to Mr. De Forest's note of the I2th instant,1 Mr. Adams has
the honor of assuring him that the President has received with much
1 See below, pt. n, doc. 247
t3UL.it>.!. ui*i..[vs*.i. ui4.v- i*ij.v^iiiicj.i.i.vjij. v-A.un.ci.uicu. iii J.L, ciuu. win u.ciivc gicctL pj.ca.5LUC
from every event which shall contribute to the stability and honor of the
Government of Buenos Ayres.
Mr. Adams requests Mr. De Forest to accept [etc.].
71
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Richard Rush, United States
Minister to Great Britain l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, January i, 1819.
It is mentioned in one of your despatches that Lord Castlereagh had made
some enquiry of you, in what light the deputies from the South-American
Revolutionary Governments were considered by that of the United-States?
They have not been received or recognized in their official capacities,
because that would have been equivalent to a formal recognition of the
Governments from which they came, as Independent. But informal com-
munications have been held with them, both verbal and written, freely and
without disguise. We have considered the struggle between Spain and those
Colonies, as a Civil War, the essential question of which was, their Inde-
pendence of, or subjection to Spain. To this War, the avowed and real
policy of the United-States has been to remain neutral; and the principles of
Neutrality which we consider as applicable to the case are these. First;
that the parties have, in respect to Foreign Nations, equal rights, and are
entitled, as far as is practicable, to equal and the same treatment. Sec-
ondly; that while the contest is maintained, on both sides, with any reason-
able prospect of eventual success, it would be a departure from Neutrality,
to recognize, either the supremacy contended for by Spain, or the Inde-
pendence contended for by the South-Americans. For to acknowledge
either would be to take the side of that party, upon the very question at
issue between them.
But while this state of things continues, an entire equality of treatment of
the parties is not possible. There are circumstances arising from the nature
of the contest itself, which produce unavoidable inequalities. Spain, for
instance, is an acknowledged Sovereign Power, and as such, has Ministers
and other accredited and priviledged agents to maintain her interests, and
support her rights conformably to the usages of Nations. The South-
Americans, not being acknowledged as Sovereign and Independent States,
cannot have the benefit of such officers. We consider it, however, as among
(he obligations of Neutrality, to obviate this inequality, as far as may be
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 296.
practicable, without taking a side, as if the question of the War was decided.
We listen therefore to the representations of their deputies or agents, and
do them Justice as much as if they were formally accredited. By acknowl-
edging the existence of a Civil War, the right of Spain, as understood by
herself, is no doubt affected. She is no longer recognized as the Sovereign of
the Provinces in Revolution against her. Thus far Neutrality itself operates
against her, and not against the other party. This also is an inequality
arising from the nature of the struggle: unavoidable, and therefore not
incompatible with Neutrality.
But this state of things is temporary; and neither do the obligations of
Neutrality require, nor do the rights, duties or interests of the neutral State
permit that it should be unreasonably protracted. It naturally terminates
with the preponderating success of either of the parties to the War. — If
therefore we consider the Civil War, as no longer existing between Spain and
Mexico, because there is no longer in that Province an organized Govern-
ment, claiming to be Sovereign and Independent, and maintaining that
claim by force of arms, upon the same principle, though differently applied,
we think the period is fast approaching when it will be no longer a Civil
War between Spain and Buenos-Ayres: because the Independence of the
latter will be so firmly established, as to be beyond the reach of any reason-
able pretension of Supremacy on the part of Spain. The mediation of the
Allied European Powers, between Spain and her revolted Colonies, was
solicited by Spain, with the professed object of obtaining from the Allies a
guarantee of the restoration of her Sovereign authority in South-America.
But the very acceptance of the office of Mediators, upon such a basis, would
have been a departure from Neutrality by the Allies. This was clearly seen
by Great-Britain, who very explicitly and repeatedly declared that her in-
tention was in no event whatever resulting from the mediation to employ
force against the South -Americans.
The Allies did, however, assent to become the mediators at the request
of Spain alone, and upon the basis, that the object of the mediation should
be, the restoration of the Spanish authority, though with certain modifica-
tions favourable to the Colonies. As the United-States were never invited
to take a part in that mediation, so, as you have been instructed, they
neither desired, nor would have consented to become parties to it, upon that
basis. It appears, that in one of your conversations with Lord Castlereagh,
he expressed some regret that the views of this Government, in relation to
that question, were not precisely the same as those of the British Cabinet,
and that we disapprove of any interposition of third parties, upon any basis
other than that of the total emancipation of the Colonies.
The President wishes you to take an early and suitable occasion to observe
to Lord Castlereagh, that he hopes the difference between our views and
those of Great-Britain is more of form than of substance; more founded in
uue uy irie parties to uie views 01
Spain, than to any inherent difference of opinion upon the question to be.
solved;— that as Neutrals to the Civil War, we think that no mediation
between the parties ought to be undertaken, without the assent of both
parties to the War; and that whether we consider the question of the conflict
between Spanish Colonial Dominion, and South-American Independence,
upon principles, moral, or political, or upon those of the interest of either
party to the War, or of all other Nations as connected with them, whether
upon grounds of right or of fact, they all bring us to the same conclusion,
that the contest cannot and ought not to terminate otherwise than by the
total Independence of South-America. Anxious, however, to fulfil every
obligation of good neighbourhood to Spain, notwithstanding our numerous
and aggravated causes of complaint against her, and especially desirous to
preserve the friendship and good-will of all the Allied European Powers, we
have forborne, under circumstances of strong provocation, to take any deci-
sive step which might interfere with the course of their policy in relation to
South-America. We have waited patiently to see the effect of their media-
tion, without an attempt to disconcert or defeat any measures upon which
they might agree for assuring its success. But convinced as we are that the
Spanish Authority never can be restored at Buenos- Ay res, in Chili, or in
Venezuela, we wish the British Government and all the European Allies, to
consider, how important it is to them as well as to us, that these newly
formed States should be regularly recognized: not only because the right to
such recognition cannot with Justice be long denied to them, but that they
may be held to observe on their part the ordinary rules of the Law of Na-
tions, in their intercourse with the civilized World. We particularly believe
that the only effectual means of repressing the excessive irregularities and
piratical depredations of armed vessels under their flags and bearing their
Commissions, will be to require of them the observance of the principles,
sanctioned by the practice of maritime Nations. It is not to be expected
that they will feel themselves bound by the ordinary duties of Sovereign
States, while they are denied the enjoyment of all their rights.
The Government of Buenos- Ayres have appointed a Consul-General to
reside in the United-States. He has applied as long since as last May, and
again very recently for an Exequatur, which has not been issued; because
that would be a formal recognition of his Government. You will in the
most friendly manner mention to Lord Castlereagh, that the President has
it in contemplation to grant this Exequatur, or otherwise to recognize the
Government of Buenos-Ayres, at no remote period, should no event occur
which will justify a further postponement of that intention. If it should
suit the views of Great-Britain to adopt similar measures at the same time
and in concert with us, it will be highly satisfactory to the President. When
adopted, it will be a mere acknowledgment of the fact of Independence,
88 PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
and without deciding upon the extent of their Territory, or upon their claims
to Sovereignty, in any part of the Provinces of La Plata, where it is not
established and uncontested.
I am [etc.].
72
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of Stale, to David C. de Forest, Agent of the
United Provinces of South America at Georgetown L
WASHINGTON, January i, 1819.
Mr. Adams presents his compliments to Mr. De Forest, and, in reference
to the case of the schooner brought into Scituate, mentioned in Mr. De
Forest's communication of the 9th instant, as well as to several others which
have occurred of a similar character, requests him to have the goodness to
impress upon the Government of Buenos Ayres the necessity of taking
measures to repress the excesses and irregularities committed by many armed
vessels sailing under their flag and bearing their commissions. The Govern-
ment of the United States have reason to believe that many of these vessels
have been fitted out, armed, equipped, and manned in the ports of the
United States, and in direct violation of their laws.
Of the persons composing the prize crew of the vessel at Scituate, and now
in confinement upon charges of murder and piracy, it is understood that
three are British subjects, and one a citizen of the United States. It is
known that commissions for private armed vessels to be fitted out, armed,
and manned in this country, have been sent from Buenos Ayres to the
United States, with the names of the vessels, commanders, and officers in
blank, to be filled up here, and have been offered to the avidity of speculators
stimulated more by the thirst for plunder than by any regard for the South
American cause.
Of such vessels it is obvious that neither the captains, officers, nor crews
can have any permanent connexion with Buenos Ayres; and, from the char-
acters of those who alone could be induced to engage in such enterprises,
there is too much reason to expect acts of atrocity such as those alleged
against the persons implicated in the case of the vessel at Scituate.
The President wishes to believe that this practice has been without the
privity of the Government of Buenos Ayres, and he wishes their attention
may be drawn to the sentiment, that it is incompatible both with the rights
and the obligations of the United States: with their rights, as an offensive
exercise of sovereign authority by foreigners within their jurisdiction and
without their consent; with their obligations, as involving a violation of the
mmation to maintain. The President expects, from the friendly disposition
manifested by the Supreme Director towards the United States, that no
instance of this cause of complaint will hereafter be given.
Mr. Adams requests Mr. De Forest to accept [etc.].
73
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to President James Monroe l
WASHINGTON, January 28, i8ip.
The Secretary of State, to whom has been referred the resolution of the
House of Representatives of the I4th instant, requesting of the President
information whether any application has been made by any of the independ-
ent Governments of South America to have a minister or consul general
accredited by the Government of the United States, and what was the
answer given to such application, has the honor of submitting copies of
applications made by Don Lino de Clemente to be received as the representa-
tive of the republic of Venezuela; and of David C. De Forest, a citizen of the
United States, to be accredited as consul general of the United Provinces of
South America, with the answers respectively returned to them.2 The reply
of Mr. De Forest is likewise enclosed, and copies of the papers, signed and
avowed by Mr. Clemente, which the President considered as rendering any
communication between this Department and him, other than that now
enclosed, improper.
It is to be observed that, while Mr. Clemente, in March, 1817, was assum-
ing, with the name of deputy from Venezuela, to exercise with the United
States powers transcending the lawful authority of any ambassador, and
while, in January, 1818, he was commissioning, in language disrespectful to
this Government, Vicente Pazos, in the name of the republic of Venezuela, to
"protest against the invasion of Amelia island, and all such further acts of
the Government of the United States as were contrary to the rights and
interests of the several republics and the persons sailing under their respective
flags duly commissioned," he had himself not only never been received by
the Government of the United States as deputy from Venezuela, but had
never presented himself to it in that character, or offered to exhibit any
evidence whatsoever of his being invested with it. The issuing of com-
missions authorizing acts of war against a foreign nation is a power which not
even a sovereign can lawfully exercise within the dominions of another in
amity with him, without his consent. Mr. Pazos, in his memorial to the
President, communicating the commission signed by Mr. Clemente at
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 412.
2 See below, pt. vi, doc. 581, and pt. n, doc. 246.
Jfniladelpma, and given to uenerai McGregor, aneges, in us jusuncauon,
the example of the illustrious Franklin in Europe; but this example, instead
of furnishing an exception, affords a direct confirmation of the principle now
advanced. The commissions issued by the diplomatic agents of the United
States in France, during our revolutionary war, were granted with the
knowledge and consent of the French Government, of which the following
resolution from the Secret Journal of Congress of 23d December, 1776, is
decisive proof:
''Resolved, That the commissioners [at the court of France] be authorized
to arm and fit for war any number of vessels, not exceeding six, at the
expense of the United States, to war upon British property; and that
commissions and warrants be for this purpose sent to the commissioners:
provided the commissioners be well satisfied this measure will not be disagreeable
to the court of France.1'
It is also now ascertained, by the express declaration of the supreme chief,
Bolivar, to the agent of the United States at Angostura, "that the Govern-
ment of Venezuela had never authorized the expedition of General McGregor,
nor any other enterprise, against Florida or Amelia." Instructions have
been forwarded to the same agent to give suitable explanations to the
Government of Venezuela of the motives for declining further communication
with Mr. Clemente, and assurances that it will readily be held with any
person not liable to the same or like objection.
The application of Mr. De Forest to be accredited as consul general of the
United Provinces of South America was first made in May last: his credential
was a letter from the Supreme Director of Buenos Ayres, Pueyrreclon, an-
nouncing his appointment by virtue of articles concluded in the names of the
United States of America and of the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata,
between persons authorized by him, and W. G. D. Worthington, as agent of
this Government, who neither had, nor indeed pretended to have, any power
to negotiate such articles. Mr. De Forest was informed, and requested to
make known to the Supreme Director, that Mr. Worthington had no
authority whatsoever to negotiate on the part of the United States any
articles to be obligatory on them, and had never pretended to possess any full
power to that effect; that any communication interesting to the Supreme
Director, or to the people of Buenos Ayres, would readily be held with Mr. De
Forest; but that the recognition of him. as a consul general from the United
Provinces of South America could not be granted, either upon the stipulation
of supposed articles, which were a nullity, or upon the commission or
credential letter of the Supreme Director, without recognising thereby the
authority from which it emanated as a sovereign and independent Power.
With this determination, Mr. De Forest then declared himself entirely
satisfied. But, shortly after the commencement of the present session of
Congress, he renewed his solicitations, by the note dated the Qth of December,
s LUC t-uusuj. general 01 tne unnea rrovmces oi ooutn
America, founding his claim on the credentials from his Government, which
had been laid before the President last May.
A conversation was shortly afterwards held with him, by direction of the
President, in which the reasons were fully explained to him upon which the
formal acknowledgment of the Government of Buenos Ayres for the present
was not deemed expedient. They were also, at his request, generally stated
in the note dated the 3ist of December.
It has not been thought necessary, on the part of this Government, to
pursue the correspondence with Mr. De Forest any further, particularly as he
declares himself unauthorized to agitate or discuss the question with regard
to the recognition of Buenos Ayres as an independent nation. Some
observations, however, may be proper, with reference to circumstances alleged
by him, as arguing that a consul general may be accredited without acknowl-
edging the independence of the Government from which he has his appoint-
ment. The consul of the United States, who has resided at Buenos Ayres,
had no other credential than his commission. It implied no recognition by
the United States of any particular Government ; and it was issued before the
Buenos Ayrean declaration of independence, and while all the acts of the
authorities there were in the name of the King of Spain.
During the period while this Government declined to receive Mr. Onis as
the minister of Spain, no consul received an exequatur under a commission
from the same authority. The Spanish consuls, who had been received
before the contest for the government of Spain had arisen, were suffered to
continue the exercise of their functions, for which no new recognition was
necessary. A similar remark may be made with regard to the inequality
alleged by Mr. De Forest to result from the admission of Spanish consuls
officially to protest before our judicial tribunals the rights of Spanish sub-
jects generally, while he is not admitted to the same privileges with regard to
those of the citizens of Buenos Ayres. The equality of rights to which the
two parties to a civil war are entitled, in their relations with neutral Powers,
does not extend to the rights enjoyed by one of them, by virtue of treaty
stipulations contracted before the war; neither can it extend to rights, the
enjoyment of which essentially depends upon the issue of the war. That
Spain is a sovereign and independent Power, is not contested by Buenos
Ayres, and is recognised by the United States, who are bound by treaty to
receive her consuls. Mr. De Forest's credential letter asks that he may be
received by virtue of a stipulation in supposed articles concluded by Mr.
Worthington, but which he was not authorized to make; so that the reception
of Mr. De Forest, upon the credential on which he founds his claim, would
imply a recognition, not only of the Government of the Supreme Director,
Pueyrredon, but a compact as binding upon the United States, which is a
mere nullity.
92 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
Consuls are, indeed, received by the Government of the United States
from acknowledged sovereign Powers with whom they have no treaty. But
the exequatur for a consul general can obviously not be granted without
recognising the authority from whom his appointment proceeds as sovereign.
"The consul," says Vattel, (book 2, chap. 2, § 34,) "is not a public minister;
but as he is charged -with a commission from his sovereign, and received in that
quality by him where he resides, he should enjoy, to a certain extent, the
protection of the law of nations."
If, from this state of things, the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres cannot enjoy
the advantage of being officially represented before the courts of the United
States by a consul, while the subjects of Spain are entitled to that privilege,
it is an inequality resulting from the nature of the contest in which they are
engaged, and not from any denial of their rights as parties to a civil war.
The recognition of them, as such, and the consequent admission of their
vessels into the ports of the United States, operate with an inequality against
the other party to that contest, and in their favor.
It was stated in conversation to Mr. De Forest, and afterwards in the note
of 3 ist December, that it would be desirable to the United States to under-
stand whether Buenos Ayres itself claims an entire, or only an imperfect
independence; that the necessity of an explanation upon this point arose
from the fact that, in the negotiation of the supposed article with Mr.
Worthington, the Supreme Director had declined contracting the engage-
ment, though with the offer of reciprocity, that the United States should
enjoy at Buenos Ayres the advantages and privileges of the most favored
nation ; that the reason given by him for refusing such an engagement was,
that Spain having claims of sovereignty over Buenos Ayres, the right must
be reserved of granting special favors to her for renouncing them, which other
nations, having no such claims to renounce, could not justly expect to obtain.
Without discussing the correctness of this principle, it was observed that the
United States, in acknowledging Buenos Ayres as independent, would expect
either to be treated on the footing of the most favored nation, or to know the
extent and character of the benefits which were to be allowed to others and
denied to them; and that, while an indefinite power should be reserved, of
granting to any nation advantages to be withheld from the United States, an
acknowledgment of independence must be considered premature.
Mr. De Forest answers that this reservation must appear to every one
contrary to the inclination as well as interest of the Government of Buenos
Ayres; that it must have been only a proposition of a temporary nature, not
extending to the acknowledgment by the United States of the independence
of South America, which he is confident would have rendered any such
reservation altogether unnecessary, in the opinion of the Government of
Buenos Ayres, who must have seen they were treating with an unauthorized
DOCUMENT 73: JANUARY 28, iSlQ 93
adds, that Portugal is acknowledged by the United States as an independent
Power, although their commerce is taxed higher in the ports of Brazil than
that of Great Britain.
It had not been intended to suggest to Mr. De Forest that it was, in any
manner, incompatible with the independence or sovereignty of a nation to
grant commercial advantages to one foreign state, and to withhold them
from another. If any such advantage is granted for an equivalent, other
nations can have no right to claim its enjoyment, even though entitled to be
treated as the most favored nations, unless by the reciprocal grant of the same
equivalent. Neither had it been meant to say that a nation forfeited its
character of acknowledged sovereignty, even by granting, without equiva-
lent, commercial advantages to one foreign Power, and withholding them
from another. However absurd and unjust the policy of a nation granting to
one, and refusing to another, such gratuitous concessions might be deemed,
the question whether they affected its independence or not would rest upon
the nature of the concessions themselves. The idea meant to be conveyed
was, that the reservation of an indefinite right to grant hereafter special
favors to Spain for the remuneration of her claims of sovereignty, left it
uncertain whether the independence of Buenos Ayres would be complete or
imperfect, and it was suggested with a view to give the opportunity to the
Supreme Director of explaining his intentions in this respect, and to intimate
to him that, while such an indefinite right was reserved, an acknowledgment
of independence must be considered as premature. This caution was
thought the more necessary, inasmuch as it was known that, at the same
time while the Supreme Director was insisting upon this reservation, a
mediation between Spain and her colonies had been solicited by Spain, and
agreed to by the five principal Powers of Europe, the basis of which was
understood to be a compromise between the Spanish claim to sovereignty and
the colonial claim to independence.
Mr. De Forest was understood to have said that the Congress at Tucuman
had determined to offer a grant of special privileges to the nation which
should be the first to acknowledge the independence of Buenos Ayres. He
stated in his notes that he knew nothing of any such resolution by that
Congress, but that it was a prevailing opinion at Buenos Ayres, and his own
opinion also, that such special privileges would be granted to the first
recognising Power, if demanded. It has invariably been avowed by the
Government of the United States that they would neither ask nor accept of
any special privilege or advantage for their acknowledgment of South
American independence; but it appears that the Supreme Director of Buenos
Ayres, far from being prepared to grant special favors to the United States
for taldne- the lead in the acknowledgment, declined even a reciprocal stipula-
The Supreme Director could not be so ignorant that it was impossioie tor this
Government to ratify the articles prepared by his authority with Mr.
Worthington, and yet to withhold the acknowledgment of independence.
He knew that, if that instrument should be ratified, the United States must
thereby necessarily be the first to grant the acknowledgment; yet he declined
inserting in it an article securing to each party in the ports of the other
the advantages of the most favored nation. It is, nevertheless, in conformity
to one of those same articles that Mr. De Forest claimed to be received in the
formal character of consul general.
With regard to the irregularities and excesses committed by armed vessels
sailing under the flag of Buenos Ayres, complained of in the note of the 1st
of January, it was not expected that Mr. De Forest would have the power of
restraining them, otherwise than by representing them to the Supreme
Director, in whom the authority to apply the proper remedy is supposed to be
vested. The admission of Mr. De Forest in the character of consul general
would give him no additional means of suppressing the evil. Its principal
aggravation arises from the circumstance that the cruisers of Buenos Ayres
are almost, if not quite, universally manned and officered by foreigners, hav-
ing no permanent connexion with that country, or interest in its cause. But
the complaint was not confined to the misconduct of the cruisers; it was
stated that blank commissions for privateers, their commanders, and officers,
had been transmitted to this country, with the blanks left to be filled up here,
for fitting out, arming, and equipping them for purposes prohibited by the
laws of the United States, and in violation of the laws of nations. It was
observed, that this practice being alike irreconcilable with the rights and
the obligations of the United States, it was expected by the President that,
being made known to the Supreme Director, no instance of it would again
occur hereafter. No reply to this part of the note has been made by Mr. De
Forest; for it is not supposed that he meant to disclaim all responsibility of
himself or of the Government of Buenos Ayres concerning it, unless his
character of consul general should be recognised. As he states that he has
transmitted a copy of the note itself to Buenos Ayres, the expectation may be
indulged that the exclusive sovereign authority of the United States within
their own jurisdiction will hereafter be respected.
All which is respectfully submitted.
municated January 30,
WASHINGTON, January 29, 1819.
I transmit to the House of Representatives, in compliance with their
resolution of the I4th of this month, a report2 from the Secretary of State
concerning the applications which have been made by any of the independent
Governments of South America to have a minister or consul general ac-
credited by the Government of the United States, with the answers of
this Government to the applications addressed to it.
75
General instructions of John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to John Forsyth,
United States Minister to Spain3
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, March 8, 1819.
There are in various parts of Spain and of the Spanish Colonies, numbers
of Citizens of the United States, who having been taken, either engaged in
the land or Sea Service of the South Americans, or merely having been found
within the Spanish Colonial territories, are confined as Prisoners of State
and have applied to the Government of the United States to obtain their
release. — Many of them claim the benefit of the Act of Amnesty or Indulto,
upon the promise of which they alledge that they surrendered themselves. —
Others assert that British subjects, taken under the same circumstances
with them, have been released at the requisition of the Officers or Agents of
their Country. — A Public Ship of the United States has very recently been
sent to the Havanna for the purpose of obtaining the deliverance of a num-
ber of them who are there. — We have yet no information with what success.
— But one of the persons for whose liberation that Vessel was despatched,
William Davis Robinson, is known to have been embarked, before her
arrival there, for Cadiz. Repeated applications in his behalf have been
made from this Government, both to that of Spain directly and through
Mr. Onis to the Vice Roy of Mexico and to the Governor General of the
Havanna. Mr. Erving who was last Summer instructed to claim his release,
was then erroneously informed that he had been set at liberty. If, upon
1 American Stale Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 412.
2 See above, doc. 73. TIT- , t ^
8 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 305. John Forsyth, of Georgia:
Commissioned minister plenipotentiary to Spain, February 16, 1819. Took leave, March 2,
1823. Later was Secretary of State.
96 PART It COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
your arrival in Spain you should find that he is still kept as a Prisoner, you
will take every measure that may be proper for procuring his discharge. —
He affirms that he was never in arms with the insurgents and that he was
expressly promised the benefit of the Indulto — Mr. Onis has communicated a
decree of the Spanish Government that all foreigners taken in the service
of the Revolutionary South Americans shall be considered as standing on
the same footing as the Insurgents themselves. — We admit the correctness
of this principle, provided the Insurgents are treated as parties to a Civil
War. But as it is understood that no exchange of prisoners has been
practised between the Parties in the South American Conflict, as these
Citizens of the United States must, while Prisoners be chargeable upon
Spain, and as it will tend to confirm the harmony and friendly disposition
between the two nations, which it was the main object of the Treaty to
establish, the hope is entertained that the discharge of all American Citizens,
thus confined, will be readily granted by the Spanish Government. . . .
. . . Besides the subjects of immediate concern to the United States
which will constitute the principal duties of your mission, you will be watch-
ful of all the important political movements of Spain as a member of the
European System, of the internal State of the Nation — Of the progress and
changes of affairs in her struggles against the Revolution in her colonies,
and of the aspects which her controversy with Portugal may yet assume
under the mediation of the five allied Powers.
76
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of Stale, to John Forsyth, United States Min-
ister to Spain1
WASHINGTON, March 16, i8ip.
SIR: You will receive herewith a list of several Citizens of the United
States who were held in captivity under the authority of the Colonial or
military Officers of Spain at the Havanna and Carnpeachy sometime ago,
upon the charge of having been taken while in the service of some one or
other of the Revolutionary Governments of South America; and there is
reason to believe that some if not all of those persons have been transported
to Spain and to Fortresses belonging to Spain, upon the coast of Africa,
where they are now confined. — The Spanish Minister here has more than
once interested himself for them, by writing to the Governor General of
Cuba in their behalf; but it is feared that this Officer may not have Consid-
ered himsplf as invpsfprl with csnffiripnt mif1inri>-«r +n norm.'-*- ^-1-.^:,- ,-1 ; ™U „ -~,->
tend to confirm the spirit of harmony and friendly disposition between the
two nations.
I have the honor [etc.].
77
Jo hn Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Luis de Onis, Spanish Minister to
the United States1
WASHINGTON, April 7, 1819.
SIR: The Act of Congress of the last Session to protect the Commerce of
the United States and punish the crime of piracy, referred to in your Note
of the 9th ulto. has two objects. — One, to protect the property of the Citizens
of the United States from piratical aggressions and the other, to provide for
the punishment of foreigners, guilty of the crime of piracy as denned by the
law of nations, who may be taken on the high Seas and brought within the
jurisdiction of the United States. — The question, what aggression will in any
individual case be deemed piratical is, by the nature of our Institutions, to
be determined by the Judicial Department of the Government. — The Execu-
tive Government recognizes no Commissions issued by foreign Agents here,
for any armed Vessel, whether fitted out here or elsewhere, but if such Com-
missions have been issued, whether any aggressions committed under colour
of them would or would not be piratical, is a question in no wise affected by
the above-mentioned Act of Congress, and its decision is strictly within the
Province of the Tribunals before whom it may be brought to issue. — The
same observation may be applied to all the other questions, suggested in
your note. — The Act of Congress to which you refer has made no change in
the laws, municipal or international, upon any of the points to which your
queries are directed; neither can the Executive Administration consider as
having any bearing upon those questions. — In these respects the law re-
mains as it was before the passage of the act— It was not the intention of
Congress to discriminate between the pretensions of the several Provinces
in South America, asserting their Independence by war or to determine
which of them were competent and which were not to exercise the ordinary
rights of belligerent powers— Of the several classes of Commissions enu-
merated by you, some are not known by this Government to exist, the
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, II, 355.
98 PART I! COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
validity of others may depend upon the time when they were issued, or
other circumstances on which no decision can be formed by anticipation. —
It is however distinctly to be observed, that no example is known of any
nation that has ever classed among Pirates an armed Vessel, merely for
not having a Captain and two thirds or even half its Crew natives of the
Country or Government granting the Commission. — I take much satisfaction
in renewing to you [etc.].
78
General instructions of John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to John Graham,
United States Minister to the Portuguese Court in Brazil l
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, April 24, 1819.
SIR: Your long, faithful and assiduous service in this Department, has
made you familiarly acquainted with all the important relations of the
United States with foreign powers, and particularly with those subsisting
between this Government and that of Portugal at Rio de Janeiro. — Your
late mission z to South America has given you opportunities of acquiring a
still more particular knowledge of the Country and these considerations
have concurred to induce The President, with the advice and consent of the
Senate to appoint you Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to the
Court of Portugal, now residing in Brazil.
The subjects which will require your earnest attention and active exertions
in the discharge of the duties of this mission, relate I. To the general
Commercial intercourse between the two Countries and 2. To particular
incidents which in the course of the last three or four years have occurred,
of a tendency to impair the mutual good understanding which it is the un-
doubted interest of both nations, and believed to be the sincere intention of
both Governments to cultivate and promote. . . .
A more important cause of misunderstanding between the Portuguese
Government and ours has sprung from the consequences of their invasion
of the eastern borders of the River La Plata and their occupation of Monte-
video, combining with the irregular and piratical armaments which have
taken place in our Ports, during the latter stages of the convulsions in South
America. The invasion of that territory by the Portuguese was avowedly
without any claim to it as their own. It brought them immediately into a
controversy with Spain, which is not yet terminated ; but it also brought
DOCUMENT 78: APRIL 24, iSlQ 99
them into collision with the revolutionary Government of Buenos Ayres,
and into actual conflict with that of General Artigas, which was in actual
possession of the Country. — By a formal treaty or a tacit understanding
with Buenos Ayres, they have mutually abstained from hostilities against
each other and Portugal, like the rest of Europe, and like the United States,
recognized a state of civil war between Spain and her colonies to which she
avows her own neutrality. But while She acknowledges the belligerent
rights of Buenos Ayres, She has found it necessary to dispute those of Artigas,
against whom She makes a war de facto, without a declaration and whom
She has not even the claim which Spain alleges against the revolutionary
South Americans, that they are her subjects. — Copies are herewith com-
municated to you of a memoir from Count Palmella, addressed to the
Sovereigns at the Congress of Aix La Chapelle, soliciting their interposition
with this Government to accomplish as far as possible, the suppression of
Piratical Armaments in the Ports of the United States, and urging that all
armed Vessels sailing under the flag of and with Commissions of Artigas
may be declared Pirates. The same claim is advanced in the note of the
Portuguese Minister here. But this request was not complied with by the
European Sovereigns at Aix la Chapelle, nor can it be complied with by this
Government. The Government of Artigas exists in fact as much as that
of Buenos Ayres or at least did exist to the latest period of our intelligence
from that Country. The only ground of distinction taken by Count
Palmella and Mr. Correa to invalidate the Commissions of Artigas is, that
he possesses no Sea Ports, from which Privateers could be fitted out. If
that were strictly true, it does not necessarily follow that by the laws of
nations a Government possessing no Ports is absolutely incompetent to
issue Commissions to armed Vessels — and if it did, it is well known that
Artigas did possess a port, which was taken from him by the Portuguese.
It is too much for a neutral Power to say that the right which the argument
of the Portuguese Ministers admits him to have possessed while he held
Montevideo, should have been forfeited by their military occupation of that
place. But, in no case could he have the authority to give Commissions to
Vessels armed and fitted out and manned in the Ports of the United States;
nor will any such Commission be recognized by the United States as valid.
That, contrary to the intentions of this Government, armed Vessels have
been fitted out and armed within our Ports and have afterwards committed
acts of hostility against Portuguese Vessels, under the colours of Artigas and
with Commissions from him, is believed to be true, though no authentic
proof of the fact has been produced before our judicial tribunals. Against
these illegal armaments, every Department of the Government of the
United States has used, and you may give the strongest assurances, will
continue to use every effort in their Power. The Note of Count Palmella
100 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
and piratical depredations (in which the subjects of other powers and even
of those in the most friendly and intimate relations with Portugal have
participated more than the Citizens of the United States) originating in the
peculiar character of the struggle between Spain and her South American
Colonies, cannot be expected to be entirely suppressed, while that contest
shall continue. No Government has the power of preventing them entirely,
and none has taken measures more decisively indicating its abhorrence of
them and its determination to put them down, than the United States.
The act of Congress of March 1817 was passed expressly with that view and
is stated by Count Palmella's Note to have been introduced in consequence
of the solicitations of the Minister of Portugal. Although in the first
instance limited to a period of two years, it had, many months before the
date of Count Palmella's note both April 1818 Acts of isth Congress, First
Session p. 76], been in substance reenacted and made permanent. An
additional Act passed on the third of March last [Acts 15 Cong 2 Sess p 75]
manifests the continued and earnest solicitude of the legislature against
these outrages. The Executive Government has, in like manner, exercised
all its powers to the same end. One of its principal motives for the occupa-
tion of Amelia Island at the close of the year 1817 was to deprive these ad-
venturers of a Station which they had taken in the pursuit of their nefarious
purposes, and which was so peculiarly adapted to them that a bare inspection
of the map will shew the importance of the measure in counteracting them — a
conclusion confirmed no less by the occurrence of events during the short
time while they possessed the Islands, than by those which have happened
since it was wrested from them. Cotemporaneous with this step and con-
current with it, was the dispatching of three Commissioners to visit Buenos
Ayres and Chili, and one of the primary objects of their instructions, as
you, one of the Commissioners know was to make earnest representation,
to the existing Governments of South America, requiring them, to discounte-
nance these piratical plunderers and to controul the privateers duly provided
with their Commission and to hold them under proper responsibility accord-
ing to the ordinary laws of nations. Similar injunctions were given to an
Agent of the United States despatched early in the last year to Venezuela,
and have been executed by him. The correspondence of which a copy is
furnished you, with Don Lino Clemente, who presented himself here as the
Agent of Venezuela and with D. C. de Forest who had a Commission as Con-
sul General from Buenos Ayres is a further manifestation of the same spirit.
The prosecutions for Piracy which have been commenced in several instances,
in some of which the Attorney General of the United States has been specially
directed to give his assistance and the measures still talr^n for hrinmno- cnrh
of their laws. Portuguese Property which had been captured by Privateers
fitted out or even the force of which had been augmented within the United
States, has in various instances been restored by the decrees of the judicial
tribunals at the claim of the Portuguese Consuls. The cases of the Sociedad
Felix at Baltimore and of the Poquila in the district of Maine, are recent
instances of such decisions. In December last Mr. Correa addressed a note
to this department, complaining of outrages committed on the coast of
Brazil by the Privateer Irresistible, Captain John Daniels, and requesting,
in case he should return within the United States that he might be prose-
cuted. Daniels having lately returned, the prosecution against him will be
commenced, if evidence should appear sufficient to warrant his conviction.
Copies of Mr. Correa's note and of the answer to it are herewith furnished.
The case of the Ship Monte Allegre has not yet been definitively decided,
but a letter from the District Attorney who is of Counsel for the Claimants
assures me that he has no doubt she will be restored to the Owners. He
affirms also that all the captures which have been brought into the United
States were made by Vessels fitted out before the act of 1817.
In impressing on the Brazilian Government these circumstances in proof
of the constant determination of the Government of the United States to
discharge all the duties of their friendly relations with Portugal and of the
earnest wish with which it is animated of cultivating the friendship sub-
sisting between the two Countries, you will urge, with a conciliatory temper,
with all suitable respect, but with firmness and energy the right of the United
States to a return of these amicable dispositions and the interests of their
Citizens depending upon them. . . .
Your communications to this Department, as well upon the subject
properly belonging to your mission, as upon South American Affairs Gener-
ally, and upon every thing which you shall consider to have a bearing upon
the public interest, will be as frequent as the opportunities for conveyance
will admit.
I am [etc.].
79
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Smith Thompson, Secretary of
the Navy1
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, May 20, 1819.
SIR: The paper, a copy of which is herewith enclosed, will exhibit to you
the object of the President in directing that Captain Oliver H. Perry should
1 MS. Domestic Letters, XVII.
102 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
be instructed to take the command of the United States' Ship John Adams,
and proceed on a voyage, first to Venezuela, and afterwards to Buenos
Ayres — If the depth of water drawn by the ship should render it imprac-
ticable for her to pass over the bar at the entrance of the River Orinoco,
Captain Perry will leave the ship in the command of his first Officer at the
Island of Margarita, or at any other more convenient station for a time
sufficient for him to perform the duties now to be assigned to him — During
his absence the ship may be employed on a cruize between that Island and
St. Domingo, for the purpose of protecting the commerce of the United
States in those waters, under the special instructions from the Navy Depart-
ment, in execution of the acts of the last session of Congress, relating to
Piracy & the Slave trade— It is supposed that the absence of Captain Perry
will not exceed one month, at the end of which he will direct that the ship
should return to a place of rendezvous, either of the Island of Margarita, or
at any other point where he can with most convenience join her, and resume
the command. He will then proceed without delay to the River La Plata,
and if the depth of water will permit, to Buenos Ayres. If not, he will
leave the ship again at Montevideo, and proceed in person to Buenos Ayres —
In both cases it will be desirable, if possible, that he should go in the ship ;
but at all events he will appear only in the character of her commander.
He will nevertheless, on his arrival at Angostura and at Buenos Ayres, by
personal visit to the supreme chief and Director, or to the persons who
may have succeeded them, at the head of the respective Governments, place
himself in such relations with them, as will enable him to communicate with
them freely, and to inform them that he is authorized, on the part of this
Government, to give and to receive, in return, explanations upon certain
points highly interesting to the Friendly intercourse, between the United
States and them.
As there have been agents of the United States both at Angostura and at
Buenos Ayres, and Commissioners at the latter place with avowed public
characters, and as the desire, both of Venezuela, and of the Provinces of La
Plata, to be recognized by the United States, as Sovereign and Independent
Governments, has been signified through them, the first object upon which
satisfactory explanations of the views of the President are to be given will
naturally refer to this— and Captain Perry will remark, that the President
has preferred to give them, through a Naval Officer, rather than through an
Agent, expressly appointed for the purpose, precisely because he thinks the
communication may be the more Friendly and Confidential for being en-
tirely informal. . . . This then will be one of the objects upon which
Captain Perry will give a full and candid explanation to the existing supreme
authority of Venezuela. He will state that the good wishes of this Govern-
well as the policy ol the United States, to observe, in the struggle between
Spain and her Colonies a faithful and impartial neutrality, yet that the
countenance which within the bounds of that neutrality, they have given to
the South Americans, and the part they have taken by negotiation with the
European powers, has unquestionably contributed, far more efficaciously, to
promote the cause of South American Independence, than could possibly
have been accomplished, had the United States made common cause with
them against Spain. It is now well ascertained that before the Congress of
the great European Powers at Aix La Chapelle, their mediation had been
solicited by Spain, and agreed to be given by them for the purpose of restor-
ing the Spanish Dominion throughout South America, under certain condi-
tions of commercial privileges to be guaranteed to the Inhabitants. The
Government of the United States had been informed of this project before the
meeting at Aix La Chapelle, and that it had been proposed by some of the
allied powers that the United States should be invited to join them in this
mediation. When this information was received, the Ministers of the
United States to France, England, and Russia, were immediately instructed
to make known to those respective Governments that the United States,
would take no part in any plan of mediation or interference, in the contest
between Spain and South America, which should be founded on any other
basis, than that of the total Independence of the Colonies. This declaration
was communicated before the meeting, to Lord Castlereagh and to the Duke
de Richlieu, at the Congress. It occasioned some dissatisfaction to the
principal allies, particularly France & Russia, as it undoubtedly disconcerted
their proposed mediation — Great Britain, concurring with them in the plan
of restoring the Spanish authority, but aware that it could not be carried
into effect, without the concurrence of the United States, declared it an
indispensable condition of her participation in the mediation, that there
should be no resort to Force against the South Americans, whatever the
result of the mediation might be — To this condition, France and Russia,
after some hesitation, assented; but they proposed, that if the South Ameri-
cans should reject the terms of accommodation to be offered them, with the
sanction of the mediating Powers, they should prohibit all commercial inter-
course of their subjects respectively with them. To this condition Great
Britain declined giving her assent; her motive for which is sufficiently obvious,
when it is considered that after the Declaration of the United States, the
practical operation of such a non-intercourse between the allies and the
South Americans, would have been to transfer to the United States the
whole of the valuable commerce carried on with them by the merchants of
Great Britain. As a last expedient it was proposed that the Duke of
Wellington, should be sent to Madrid, with the joint powers of all the allied
Sovereigns, to arrange with the Spanish Cabinet, the terms to be offered to
104 PART l '• COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
the South Americans, which was again defeated by the Duke's insisting that
if he should go, a previous entry should be made upon the protocol at Aix
La Chapelle, that no force against the South Americans, was in any result
of his Embassy, to be used. But Spain had always connected with the
project of the mediation, a demand that the Allies should ultimately guar-
antee the restoration of her authority; and finding that this was not to
be obtained, she declined accepting the interposition upon any other
terms.
But while the Government of the United States have thus taken every
occasion offered them in the course of events, to manifest their good wishes
in favor of the South Americans, they have never lost sight of the obligations
incumbent on them, as avowedly neutral to the contest between them and
Spain — They have considered this contest as a civil War, the object of
which, on the part of Spain, was the re-establishment of her supremacy; and
on the part of the South Americans the establishment of their Independence,
as Sovereign States — While this struggle continued the United States, as
neutral to it, could neither recognize the Supremacy for which Spain was
contending; nor the Independence which the Colonies were asserting by
Arms — To have recognized the Supremacy of Spain, would have been to
take her side — To have acknowledged the Independence of the Colonies
would have been to take theirs, on the very question which was to be de-
cided by the event of the War. But as neutrals, the duty of the United
States was to consider the parties, as having equal rights in relation to third
parties, in every respect, excepting cases which involved the issue of the
War itself. As a consequence of this neutrality, they could not permit either
of the parties to fit out equip and arm ships within their jurisdiction, to
cruize against the other. Neither could they permit any Agent or Officer of
either party to issue Commissions, or enlist men within their Territory for
purposes of War against the other. The act of Mr. Clernente, in issuing such
a Commission at Philadelphia, was an outrage upon the neutrality and
Sovereignty of the United States, which, had he been a regularly accredited
Agent of a recognized Government, would have been highly offensive — It
was for acts of the same character that President Washington had demanded
and obtained the recall of a French Minister, at an early period of the exist-
ence of this Government; and nothing but an unwillingness to exercise any
severity which might bear unfavorably upon the South American cause,
could have justified the forbearance of the Government, to cause Mr.
Clemen te to be prosecuted for the violation of the Law. He had at a subse-
quent period treated the Government in a disrespectful manner, and the
President deemed it improper that any communication should be held with
him. Captain Perry will signify in a. delicate and Friendly manner to the
suDreme chief, that it wnulH hp acrrppahlp tn tK<a Prccirlon+ if TV/T,- r^mai-.*/*
Colonies, since their struggle to throw off the Domination of Spain, that of
Buenos Ayres appears to have the strongest claims to be recognized as
Sovereign and Independent. But every question of National Sovereignty
and Independence, is a complicated question of right, and of fact — and
accordingly the words of our own Declaration were, that these United Colo-
nies, are, and of right aut [ought] to be, free and Independent States. So long
therefore as this question remains at stake upon the issue of Flagrant War
no third party can recognize the one contending for Independence as Inde-
pendent without assuming as decided, the question, the decision of which
depends upon the issue of the War; and without thereby making itself a
party to the question — no longer neutral to the question, the recognizing
power can no longer claim the right of being neutral to the War — These
positions are clear in principle, and they are confirmed, by the experience of
our own revolutionary History. The acknowledgement of our Independence
by France, was the immediate and instantaneous cause of War between
France and Great Britain. It was not acknowledged by the Netherlands,
until after the War between them and Great Britain had broken out. It
was acknowledged by no other European Power, till it had been recognized
by Great Britain herself at the Peace. Had it been the Interest and policy
of the United States, to make a common cause with Buenos Ayres, the
acknowledgement of her Independence would have followed of course — But
it was the Interest of all South America that the United States should be
neutral — Neutrality itself was a system which operated altogether in favor
of the South Americans; for it recognized them as lawful Belligerents, and
no longer as Spanish subjects. As neutrals it has been in the power of the
United States, to render services to South America, which they could not
have rendered them as co-belligerents. Their neutrality has effectually
neutralized Europe, whose principal Governments have invariably avowed
that their wishes, are in favor of Spain; as freely as the United States have
avowed theirs to be in favor of South America.
The Government of the United States is convinced that the Independence
of the Provinces of La Plata, will ultimately be maintained — But while
Spain is able to maintain a fierce and Bloody War against it, and while the
whole European alliance not only refuses to acknowledge it, but has been
in continual active negotiation to devise means of aiding Spain to recover
her supremacy, the most efficient service the United States could render the
Provinces, was to pronounce their opinion against every such project, to
declare their determination to take no part in it, and to manifest their readi-
ness to recognize the Government of Buenos Ayres in concert with them.
This proposal has been made both to Great Britain and France, and will be
made as soon as circumstances shall render it prudent that it should be
made to the Emperor of Russia.
OLclLCb, WUU1U LJc mguiy uiactuvaiitcLgcuus uj uuLii me pcii Lies. out-iuiu. LUC
weakness of Spain induce her still after such an event to consider the United
States as neutral, the only possible benefit that Buenos Ayres could derive
from it, and which she does not in the existing state of things possess, would
be that of having, if she thought proper, Diplomatic and Consular Agents
in the United States formally accredited — Mr. De Forrest in the correspond-
ence above mentioned alledges nothing else — His only complaint is, that
while the Consuls of Spain are admitted before the judicial Tribunals of the
United States to support and defend the Commercial Interests of Spanish
subjects generally, the people of Buenos Ayres have not the same advantage,
because they cannot have a Consul Officially recognized as such — The
answer given to him was, that this inconvenience arose not from any in-
equality in the treatment of the two parties as Belligerents, but to the in-
equality arising from the nature of the contest itself — the Sovereignty of
Spain not being contested, and having been recognized before the existence
of the War, while that of Buenos Ayres could only be established by its
issue. . . .
Captain Perry will reside on shore at Buenos Ayres until the arrival of a
Frigate which is to follow him thither, and of which he will then take the
command. In the interval you will give him such instructions with regard
to the employment, of both the Ships, upon the South American Coast as
the service of the Navy Department may call for — Captain Perry will
report as frequently as opportunities of conveyance may render practicable,
directly to this Department, or if you think proper to the Department of the
Navy for communication to this, all his proceedings under these instructions,
and all interesting information respecting the condition, of the Countries
which he is to visit — their internal situation and prospects, and the successive
fortunes of the War in which they are engaged.
A letter to J. B. Prevost is herewith transmitted, which Captain Perry
unless he should meet him at Buenos Ayres, will forward to him wherever
he may learn it will be most likely to find him. It is a duplicate of one
already despatched to Mr. Prevost by Mr. Graham. It directs Mr. Prevost
to repair immediately to Buenos Ayres; and upon his arrival there, it will
be no longer necessary for Captain Perry to remain there — He will furnish
Mr. Prevost with a copy of these instructions, which will serve as a guide to
him so far as they can be executed by him — Mr. Prevost will then remain at
Buenos Ayres, to receive further instructions from this Department, and
Captain Perry rejoining his ship, take the directions which your further
instructions shall prescribe to him. Should Mr. Prevost be already there,
when he arrives, he will communicate immediately these instructions to him,
and make in concert with him the communication herein authorized, to the
uit> jLCbiucntjc uii siiuic a.L oueiius rxyies.
The Compensation, for this extra service, to Captain Perry, will be at
the rate of One Thousand Dollars a year, while he is on shore or absent from
his ship, without suspension of his regular compensation in the naval service.
Should you on perusal of the enclosed paper from the President, think
proper to make any addition to these instructions, founded upon it, you
will have the goodness to give such directions accordingly.
I am [etc.].
80
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to George W. Campbell, United States
Minister to Russia1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, June 3, 1819.
The course of policy pursued by the European Governments and by the
United States on this subject has been that of neutrality. But Europe has
been neutral with a leaning of inclination on the side of authority and Spain,
while the United States have been neutral, with a leaning of inclination on
the side of liberty and South America. The United States have manifested
the sincerity and earnestness of their neutrality by repeated acts of Legisla-
tion, to secure its effectual preservation, by many adjudications in their
Tribunals restoring property captured in violation of their neutral principles
and by resisting frequent and earnest applications from the Governments
organized in South America, to be recognized as Sovereign and Independent.
Great Britain has recognized the obligations of neutrality by refusing to
prohibit, at the requisition of Spain that Commercial intercourse between
her subjects and the South Americans, which existed only by the overthrow
of the Spanish dominion; and by a proclamation prohibiting British subjects
from serving either the King of Spain or the South Americans in this Civil
War. Individuals, as well British subjects as Citizens of the United States
have, in a great multitude of cases, disregarded the neutral duties and in-
junctions of their respective Countries, and taken side with Spain or with
South America, according to the dictates of their individual interests or
inclinations. It is remarkable, however, that the national feeling of England
has been strongly manifested on the side of the South Americans, by the well
known fact that, while thousands of British subjects have joined the revolu-
tionary South American Standard, a few individuals are known to have
engaged in the Royal Service of Spain. The Russian Government has
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, VIII, 34°-
reconcilable with a very rigid neutrality, by the sale of a whole Squadron
of Ships of War, and by sending them, during the war, full armed to the
Ports of Spain. Mr. Poletica however does not consider it in this light,
but as a simple sale, without reference to the objects to which Spain might
appropriate the ships, and without at all intending to take a decided part
against the colonies. It is understood also that at the Congress of Aix La
Chapelle the disposition of Russia against the Colonies and in favor of Spain
was more strongly marked than that of any other of the powers, and Mr.
Poletica has made known to me that he was instructed, if the recognition
of Buenos Ayres by the United States should not have taken place upon his
arrival here, to use whatever influence he might possess, consistent with a
due respect and deference for this Government, to dissuade us from the
adoption of this measure, as an act of hostility against Spain the Emperor's
ally.
We have not recognized the Independence of Buenos Ayres, nor is it the
intention of the President to adopt that measure with precipitation. Should
it take place after an adjustment of our own differences with Spain, it will
certainly not be with any views of hostility to her. I shall perhaps at a
future day, communicate to you more fully the sentiments which The
President entertains and the principles which he holds to be correct as
applicable to this contest in its various past and future stages.
81
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to William Lowndes, Chairman of
the Committee of Foreign Relations of the United States House of
Representatives1
WASHINGTON, December 21, i8ip.
SIR: In answer to the questions contained in your letter of the loth
instant, I have the honor to state for the information of the committee —
ist. That information has been received by the Government of the United
States, though not through a direct channel, nor in authentic form, that
another motive besides those alleged in the letter of the Duke of San Fer-
nando to Mr. Forsyth did operate upon the Spanish cabinet to induce the
withholding of the ratification of the treaty, namely, the apprehension that
the ratification would be immediately followed by the recognition by the
United States of the independence of one or more of the South American
provinces. It has been suggested that, probably, the most important of the
. l American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 674.
DOCUMENT 8l: DECEMBER 21,
explanations which the minister to be sent by Spain will be instructed to ask,
will consist of an explicit declaration of the intentions of this Government
in that respect. There is reason, also, to believe that the impunity with
which privateers fitted out, manned, and officered, in one or more of our
ports, have committed hostilities upon the Spanish commerce, will be
alleged among the reasons for delay, and perhaps some pledge may be
required of the effectual execution against these practices of laws which
appear to exist in the statute book.
It may be proper to remark that, during the negotiation of the Florida
treaty, repeated and very earnest efforts were made, both by Mr. Pizarro
at Madrid, and by Mr. Onis here, to obtain from the Government of the
United States either a positive stipulation or a tacit promise that the United
States would not recognise any of the South American revolutionary Govern-
ments; and that the Spanish negotiators were distinctly and explicitly
informed that this Government would not assent to any such engagement,
either express or implied.
2d. By all the information which has been obtained of the prospective
views of the French and Russian Governments in relation to the course
which it was by them thought probable would be pursued by the United
States, it is apparent that they strongly apprehended the immediate forcible
occupation of Florida by the United States, on the non-ratification by
Spain of the treaty within the stipulated time. France and Russia both
have most earnestly dissuaded us from that course, not by any regular
official communication, but by informal friendly advice, deprecating im-
mediate hostility, on account of its tendency to kindle a general war, which
they fear would be the consequence of a war between the United States and
Spain. It was alleged that, in the present state of our controversy with
Spain, the opinion of all Europe on the point at issue was in our favor, and
against her; that, by exercising patience a little longer, by waiting, at least,
to hear the minister who was announced as coming to give and receive
explanations, we could not fail of obtaining, ultimately, without resort to
force, the right to which it was admitted we were entitled; but that pre-
cipitate measures of violence might not only provoke Spain to war, but
would change the state of the question between us, would exhibit us to the
world as the aggressors, and would indispose against us those now the most
decided in our favor.
It is not expected that, in the event of a war with Spain, any European
Power will openly take a part in it against the United States; but there is no
doubt that the principal reliance of Spain will be upon the employment of
privateers in France and England as well as in the East and West India
seas and unon our own coast, under the Spanish flag, but manned from all
particular information possessed by the Executive with regard to the
subjects mentioned in your third inquiry. In the month of September, a
corps of three thousand men arrived at the Havana from Spain, one-third
of whom are said to have already fallen victims to the diseases of that
climate. By advices from the Havana, as recent as the 4th of this month,
we are assured that no part of this force is intended to be, in any event,
employed in Florida.
4th. A communication from the Secretary of War, also herewith enclosed,
contains the information requested by the committee upon this inquiry.
5th. At the time when Captain Read left Madrid, (i3th October,) Mr
Forsyth had no positive information even of the appointment of the person
who is to come out as the minister. Indirectly, we have been assured that
he might be expected to arrive here in the course of the present month.
I am [etc.].
82
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to General Francisco Dionisio Vives,
Spanish Minister to the United States 2
WASHINGTON, April 21, 1820.
SIR: I am directed by the President of the United States to express to you
the surprise and concern with which he has learned that you are not the
bearer of the ratification by His Catholic Majesty of the treaty signed on the
22d February, 1819, by Don Luis de Onis, by virtue of a full power equally
comprehensive with that which you have now produced — a full power, by
which His Catholic Majesty promised, "on the faith and word of a King, to
approve, ratify, and fulfil whatsoever might be stipulated and signed by
him."
By the universal usage of nations, nothing can release a sovereign from, the
obligation of a promise thus made, except the proof that his minister, so
impowered, has been faithless to his trust, by transcending his instructions.
Your sovereign has not proved, nor even alleged, that Mr. Onis had tran-
scended his instructions ; on the contrary, with the credential letter which
you have delivered, the President has learned that he has been relieved from
the mission to the United States only to receive a new proof of the continued
confidence of His Catholic Majesty, in the appointment to another mission of
equal dignity and importance.
On the faith of this promise of the King, the treaty was signed and ratified
1 American Slate Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 681. Francisco Dionisio Vives envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of Spain to the United States: Presented cre-
dentials, April 12, 1820. Last official communication from him, September 23, 1821.
also be ratified by His Catholic Majesty, so that the ratifications should,
within six months from the date of its signature, be exchanged.
In withholding this promised ratification beyond the stipulated period,
His Catholic Majesty made known to the President that he should forth-
with despatch a person possessing entirely his confidence to ask certain
explanations which were deemed by him necessary previous to the perform-
ance of his promise to execute the ratification.
The minister of the United States at Madrid was enabled, and offered, to
give all the explanations which could justly be required in relation to the
treaty. Your Government declined even to make known to him their
character ; and they are now, after the lapse of more than a year, first officially
disclosed by you.
I am directed by the President to inform you that explanations which
ought to be satisfactory to your Government will readily be given upon all
the points mentioned in your letter of the I4th instant;1 but that he consid-
ers none of them, in the present state of the relations between the two coun-
tries, as points for discussion. It is indispensable that, before entering into
any new negotiation between the United States and Spain, that relating to
the treaty already signed should be closed. If, upon receiving the explana-
tions which your Government has asked, and which I am prepared to give,
you are authorized to issue orders to the Spanish officers commanding in
Florida to deliver up to those of the United States who may be authorized
to receive it, immediate possession of the province, conformably to the stipu-
lations of the treaty, the President, if such shall be the advice and consent
of the Senate, will wait (with such possession given) for the ratification of
His Catholic Majesty till your messenger shall have time to proceed to
Madrid; but if you have no such authority, the President considers it would
be at once an unprofitable waste of time, and a course incompatible with the
dignity of this nation, to give explanations which are to lead to no satis-
factory result, and to resume a negotiation the conclusion of which can no
longer be deferred.
Be pleased to accept [etc.].
83
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to General Francisco Dionisio Vives,
Spanish Minister to the United States2
WASHINGTON, May 3, 1820.
SIR: The explanations upon the points mentioned in your letter of the I4th
ultimo,1 which I had the honor of giving you at large in the conference
1 See below, pt. xm, doc. 1094. 2 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 683.
UclWCCll Us Ull OalLUUciy laou, cUlU. LUC ijLcuj.AJL.ii.Di3 wi me aooui cum-A-a WJ.JL 11,11 i
had the pleasure oi receiving from you, of your conviction that they would
prove satisfactory to your Government, will relieve me from the necessity
of recurring to circumstances which might tend to irritating discussions.
In the confident expectation that, upon the arrival of your messenger at
Madrid, His Catholic Majesty will give his immediate ratification to the
treaty of the 22d February, 1819, 1 readily forbear all reference to the delays
which have hitherto retarded that event, and all disquisition upon the perfect-
right which the United States have had to that ratification.
I am now instructed to repeat the assurance which has already been given
you, that the representations which appear to have been made to your
Government of a system of hostility, in various parts of this Union, against
the Spanish dominions and the property of Spanish subjects, of decisions
marked with such hostility by any of the courts of the United States, and of
the toleration in any case of it by this Government, are unfounded. In the
existing unfortunate civil war between Spain and the South American prov-
inces, the United States have constantly avowed, and faithfully maintained,
an impartial neutrality. No violation of that neutrality by any citizen of
the United States has ever received sanction or countenance from this
Government. Whenever the laws previously enacted for the preservation
of neutrality have been found, by experience, in any manner defective, they
have been strengthened by new provisions and severe penalties. Spanish
property, illegally captured, has been constantly restored by the decisions
of the tribunals of the United States ; nor has the life itself been spared of
individuals guilty of piracy committed upon Spanish property on the high
seas.
Should the treaty be ratified by Spain, and the ratification be accepted
by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, the boundary line recog-
nised by it will be respected by the United States, and due care will be taken
to prevent any transgression of it. No new law or engagement will be neces-
sary for that purpose. The existing laws are adequate to the suppression of
such disorders, and they will be, as they have been, faithfully carried into
effect. The miserable disorderly movement of a number of (not exceeding
seventy) lawless individual stragglers, who never assembled within the juris-
diction of the United States, into a territory to which His Catholic Majesty
has no 'acknowledged right other than the yet unratified treaty, was so far
from receiving countenance or support from the Government of the United
States, that every measure necessary for its suppression was promptly taken
under their authority; and, from the misrepresentations which have been
made of this very insignificant transaction to the Spanish Government, there
is reason to believe that the pretended expedition itself, as well as the gross
exaggerations which have been used to swell its importance, proceed from
the same sources, equally unfriendly to the United States and to Spain.
DOCUMENT 83: MAY 3, 1 820 113
As a necessary consequence of the neutrality between Spain and the South
American provinces, the United States can contract no engagement not to
form any relations with those provinces. This has explicitly and repeatedly
been avowed and made known to your Government, both at Madrid and at
this place. The demand was resisted both in conference and written corre-
spondence between Mr. Erving and Mr. Pizarro. Mr. Onis had long and
constantly been informed that a persistance in it would put an end to the
possible conclusion of any treaty whatever. Your sovereign will perceive
that, as such an engagement cannot be contracted by the United States,
consistently with their obligations of neutrality, it cannot be justly required
of them; nor have any of the European nations ever bound themselves to
Spain by such an engagement.
With regard to your proposals, it is proper to observe that His Catholic
Majesty, in announcing his purpose of asking explanations of the United
States, gave no intimation of an intention to require new articles to the
treaty. You are aware that the United States cannot, consistently with
what is due to themselves, stipulate new engagements as the price of obtain-
ing the ratification of the old. The declaration which Mr. Forsyth was in-
structed to deliver at the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty, with
regard to the eighth article, was not intended to annul, or in the slightest
degree to alter or impair, the stipulations of that article; its only object was
to guard your Government, and all persons who might have had an interest
in any of the annulled grants, against the possible expectation or pretence
that those grants would be made valid by the treaty. All grants subsequent
to the 24th January, 1818, were declared to be positively null and void; and
Mr. Onis always declared that he signed the treaty, fully believing that the
grants to the Duke of Alagon, Count Punon Rostro, and Mr. Vargas, were
subsequent to that date. But he had, in his letter to me of i6th November,
1818, declared that those grants were null and void, because the essential
conditions of the grants had not been fulfilled by the grantees. It was dis-
tinctly understood by us both that no grant, of whatever date, should be
made valid by the treaty, which would not have been valid by the laws of
Spain and the Indies if the treaty had not been made. It was therefore
stipulated that grants prior to the 24th January, 1818, should be confirmed
only "to the same extent that the same grants would be valid if the territories
had remained under the dominion of His Catholic Majesty." This, of
course, excluded the three grants above mentioned, which Mr. Onis had
declared invalid for want of the fulfilment of their essential conditions — a
fact which is now explicitly admitted by you. A single exception to the
principle that the treaty should give no confirmation to any imperfect title
was admitted; which exception was, that owners in possession of lands, who,
i . _ _ r -L-1- _ ^~~__j- „:„„,, -^^4-r,^,^^^ f\f -(-Via Qr-v^nicK no-finn onrl tll
date 01 tne treaty, i nis naa ooviousiy no reierence to tne aoove-mentionea
grants, the grantees of which were not in possession of the lands, who had
fulfilled none of their conditions, and who had not been prevented from ful-
filling any of them by the circumstances of Spain or the revolutions of
Europe. The article was drawn up by me, and, before assenting to it,
Mr. Onis inquired what was understood by me as the import of the terms
"shall complete them." I told him that, in connexion with the terms "all
the conditions," they necessarily implied that the indulgence would be
limited to grantees who had performed some of the conditions, and who had
commenced settlements, which it would allow them to complete. These
were precisely the cases for which Mr. Onis had urged the equity of making a
provision, and he agreed to the article, fully understanding that it would be
applicable only to them. When, after the signature of the treaty, there
appeared to be some reason for supposing that Mr. Onis had been mistaken
in believing that the grants to the Duke of Alagon, Count Punon Rostro,
and Mr. Vargas, were subsequent to the 24th of January, 1818, candor re-
quired that Spain and the grantees should never have a shadow of ground to
expect or allege that this circumstance was at all material in relation to the
bearing of the treaty upon those grants. Mr. Onis had not been mistaken
in declaring that they were invalid, because their conditions were not ful-
filled. He had not been mistaken in agreeing to the principle that no grant
invalid as to Spain should, by the treaty, be made valid against the United
States. He had not been mistaken in the knowledge that those grantees
had neither commenced settlements, nor been prevented from completing
them by the circumstances of Spain or the revolutions in Europe. The
declaration which Mr. Forsyth was instructed to deliver was merely to cau-
tion all whom it might concern not to infer, from an unimportant mistake of
Mr. Onis as to the date of the grants, other important mistakes which he had
not made, and which the United States would not permit to be made by any
one. It was not, therefore, to annul or to alter, but to fulfil the eighth article
as it stands, that the declaration was to be delivered; and it is for the same
purpose that this explanation is now given. It was with much satisfaction,
therefore, that I learned from you the determination of your Government to
assent to the total nullity of the above-mentioned grants.
As I flatter myself that these explanations will remove every obstacle to
the ratification of the treaty by His Catholic Majesty, it is much to be re-
gretted that you have not that ratification to exchange, nor the power to give
a pledge which would be equivalent to the ratification. The six months
within which the exchange of the ratifications were stipulated by the treaty
having elapsed, by the principles of our constitution the question whether it
shall now be accepted must be laid before the Senate for their advice and
consent. To give a last and signal proof of the earnest wish of this Govern-
ment to bring to a conclusion these long-standing and unhappy differences
with Spain, the President will so far receive that solemn promise of immediate
ratification, upon the arrival of your messenger at Madrid, which, in your
note of the igth ultimo, you declare yourself authorized, in the name of your
sovereign, to give, as to submit it to the Senate of the United States whether
they will advise and consent to accept it for the ratification of the United
States heretofore given.
But it is proper to apprize you that, if this offer be not accepted, the United
States, besides being entitled to resume all the rights, claims, and pretensions
which they had renounced by the treaty, can no longer consent to relinquish
their claims of indemnity, and those of their citizens, from Spain, for all the
injuries which they have suffered, and are suffering, by the delay of His
Catholic Majesty to ratify the treaty. The amount of claims of the citizens
of the United States, which existed at the time when the treaty was signed,
far exceeded that which the United States consented to accept as indemnity.
Their right of territory was, and yet is, to the Rio del Norte. I am in-
structed to declare that, if any further delay to the ratification by His
Catholic Majesty of the treaty should occur, the United States could not
hereafter accept either of $5,000,000 for the indemnities due to their citizens
by Spain, nor of the Sabine for the boundary between the United States and
the Spanish territories.
Please to accept [etc.].
84
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to General Francisco Dionisio Vives,
Spanish Minister to the United States l
WASHINGTON, May 6, 1820.
SIR: In the letter which I have the honor of receiving from you, dated
yesterday, you observe that you renew the assurance that you will submit
to His Majesty the verbal discussion we have had on the third point, con-
cerning which you were instructed to ask for explanations. I have to
request of you to state specifically the representation which you propose
to make to His Majesty of what passed between us in conference on this
subject.
I pray you to accept [etc.].
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 685.
85
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to General Francisco Dionisio Vives,
Spanish Minister to the United States1
WASHINGTON, May 8, 1820.
SIR: In the letter which I had the honor of writing to you on the 3d
instant,2 it was observed that all reference would readily be waived to the
delays which have retarded the ratification by His Catholic Majesty of the
treaty of the 22d February, 1819, and all disquisition upon the perfect
right of the United States to that ratification, in the confident expectation
that it would be immediately given upon the arrival of your messenger at
Madrid, and subject to your compliance with the proposal offered you in
the same note, as the last proof which the President could give of his reli-
ance upon the termination of the differences between the United States
and Spain by the ratification of the treaty.
This proposal was, that, upon the explanations given you on all the
points noticed in your instructions, and with which you had admitted
yourself to be personally satisfied, you should give the solemn promise, in
the name of your sovereign, which, by your note of the igth ultimo, you
had declared yourself authorized to pledge, that the ratification should be
given immediately upon the arrival of your messenger at Madrid; which
promise the President consented so far to receive as to submit the question
for the advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, whether the
ratification of Spain should, under these circumstances, be accepted in
exchange for that of the United States heretofore given. But the President
has, with great regret, perceived by your note of the 5th instant that you
decline giving even that unconditional promise, upon two allegations: one,
that, although the explanations given you on one of the points mentioned
in your note of the I4th ultimo3 are satisfactory to yourself, and you hope
and believe will prove so to your sovereign, they still were not such as you
were authorized by your instructions to accept; and the other, that you
are informed a great change has recently occurred in the Government
of Spain, which circumstance alone would prevent you from giving a further
latitude to your promise previous to your receiving new instructions.
It becomes, therefore, indispensably necessary to show the absolute
obligation by which His Catholic Majesty was bound to ratify the treaty
within the term stipulated by one of its articles, that the reasons alleged
for his withholding the ratification are altogether insufficient for the jus-
tification of that measure, and that the United States have suffered by it
the violation of a perfect right, for which they are justly entitled to indem-
nity and satisfaction — a right further corroborated by the consideration
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 685.
2 See above, doc. 83,
3 Qpp Kplrvor nt YTTT r\nr* Tnn/(
DOCUMENT 85: MAY 8, l82O 117
that the refusal of ratification necessarily included the non-fulfilment of
another compact between the parties which had been ratified — the con-
vention of August, 1802.
While regretting the necessity of producing this proof, I willingly repeat
the expression of my satisfaction at being relieved from that of enlarging
upon other topics of an unpleasant character. I shall allude to none of those
upon which you have admitted the explanations given to be satisfactory,
considering them as no longer subjects of discussion between us or our
Governments. I shall with pleasure forbear noticing any remarks in your
notes concerning them, which might otherwise require animadversion.
With the view of confining this letter to the only point upon which fur-
ther observation is necessary, it will be proper to state the present aspect
of the relations between the contracting parties.
The treaty of 22d February, 1819, was signed after a succession of nego-
tiations of nearly twenty years' duration, in which all the causes of differ-
ence between the two nations had been thoroughly discussed, and with a
final admission on the part of Spain that there were existing just claims on
her Government, at least to the amount of five millions of dollars, due to
citizens of the United States, and for the payment of which provision was
made by the treaty. It was signed by a minister who had been several
years residing in the United States in constant and unremitted exertions
to maintain the interests and pretensions of Spain involved in the nego-
tiation— signed after producing a full power, by which, in terms as solemn
and as sacred as the hand of a sovereign can subscribe, His Catholic Majesty
had promised to approve, ratify, and fulfil whatever should be stipulated
and signed by him.
You will permit me to repeat that, by every principle of natural right,
and by the universal assent of civilized nations, nothing can release the
honor of a sovereign from the obligation of a promise thus unqualified,
without the proof that his minister has signed stipulations unwarranted
by his instructions. The express authority of two of the most eminent
writers upon national law to this point were cited in Mr. Forsyth's letter
of 2d October, 1819, to the Duke of San Fernando. The words of Vattel
are: "But to refuse with honor to ratify that which has been concluded in
virtue of a full power, the sovereign must have strong and solid reasons
for it; and, particularly, he must show that his minister transcended his
instructions."1 The words of Martens are: "Every thing that has been
stipulated by an agent, in conformity to his full powers, ought to become
obligatory on the state from the moment of signing, without ever waiting
for the ratification. However, not to expose a state to the errors of a single
powers, has gone beyond ms secret instructions, and consequently rendered
himself liable to punishment, or when the other party refuses to ratify."1
In your letter of the 24th ultimo, you observe that these positions have
already been refuted by your Government, which makes it necessary to
inquire, as I with great reluctance do, how they have been refuted.
The Duke of San Fernando, in his reply to this letter of Mr. Forsyth,
says, maintains, and repeats "that the very authorities cited by Mr. For-
syth literally declare that the sovereign, for strong and solid reasons, or
if his minister has exceeded his instructions, may refuse his ratification;
(Vattel, book 2, chap. 12,) and that public treaties are not obligatory until
ratified." (Martens, book 2, chap. 3. See note.) In these citations the
Duke of San Fernando has substituted for the connective term and, in
Vattel, which makes the proof of instructions transcended indispensable
to justify the refusal of ratification, the disjunctive term or, which pre-
sents it as an alternative, and unnecessary on the contingency of other
existing and solid reasons. Vattel says the sovereign must have strong
and solid reasons, and particularly must show that the minister transcended
his instructions. The Duke of San Fernando makes him say the sovereign
must have strong and solid reasons, or if his minister has exceeded his in-
structions. Vattel not only makes the breach of instructions indispensa-
ble, but puts upon the sovereign the obligation of proving it. The Duke
of San Fernando cites Vattel not only as admitting that other reasons,
without a breach of instructions, may justify a refusal of ratification, but
that the mere fact of such a breach would also justify the refusal, without
requiring that the sovereign alleging should prove it.
Is this refutation?
The only observation that I shall permit myself to make upon it is, to
mark how conclusive the authority of the passage in Vattel must have been
to the mind of him who thus transformed it to the purpose for which he
was contending. The citation from Martens receives the same treatment.
The Duke of San Fernando takes by itself a part of a sentence — "that
public treaties are not obligatory until ratified." He omits the preceding
_ * "Ce qui a ete stipule par un subalterne en conformite de son plein-pouvoir devient a la
rigueur obligatoire pour la nation du moment m§me de la signature sans que la ratification
soit necessaire. Cependant, pour ne pas abandonner le sort des etats aux erreurs d'un seul,
il a ete introduit par un usage generalement reconnu que les conventions publiques ne
deviennent obligatoires que lorsqu'elles ont ete ratifiees. Le motif de cet usage indique
assez qu'on ne peut y provoquer avec justice, que lorsque celui qui est charge des affaires de
1'etat, en se tenant dans les bornes de son plein-pouvoir publique, a franchi celle, de son
instruction secrette, et que, par consequent, il s'est rendu punissable." Liv. 2, chap. 3,
sec. 31.
DOCUMENT 85: MAY 8, l82O Iig
sentence, by which Martens asserts that a treaty signed in conformity to
full powers is in rigor obligatory from the moment of signature, without
waiting for the ratification. He omits the part of the sentence cited, which
ascribes the necessity of a ratification to a usage founded upon the danger
of exposing a state to the errors of its minister. He omits the following
sentence, which explicitly asserts that this usage can never be resorted to
in justification of a refusal to ratify, unless when the minister has
exceeded his secret instructions; and thus, with this half of a sentence,
stripped of all its qualifying context, the duke brings Martens to assert
that which he most explicitly denies.
Is this refutation?
While upon this subject, permit me to refer you to another passage of
Vattel, which I the more readily cite, because, independent of its weight as
authority, it places this obligation of sovereigns upon its immovable foun-
dation of eternal justice in the law of nature. "It is shown by the law of
nature that he who has made a promise to any one has conferred upon him
a true right to require the thing promised; and that, consequently, not to
keep a perfect promise is to violate the right of another, and is as manifest
an injustice as that of depriving a person of his property. All the tran-
quillity, the happiness, and security of the human race rest on justice, on
the obligation of paying a regard to the rights of others. The respect of
others for our rights of domain and property constitutes the security of
our actual possessions. The faith of promises is our security for the things
that cannot be delivered or executed on the spot. There would be no more
security, no longer any commerce between mankind, did they not believe
themselves obliged to preserve their faith and keep their word. This obli-
gation is then as necessary as it is natural and indubitable between nations
that live together in a state of nature, and acknowledge no superior upon
earth, to maintain order and peace in their society. Nations and their
conductors ought, then, to keep their promises and their treaties inviolable.
This great truth, though too often neglected in practice, is generally acknowl-
edged by all nations."1
The melancholy allusion to the frequent practical neglect of this unques-
1 " On demontre en droit naturel, que celui qui promet £ quelqu' un a lui confere un veritable
droit d'exiger la chose promisee; et que, par consequent, ne point garder une promesse par
faite, c'est violer le droit d'autrui, c'est une injustice aussi manifeste que celle de depouiller
quelqu'un de son bien. Toute la tranquillite, le bonheur, et la surete du genre humain
reposent sur la justice, sur 1'obligation de respecter les droits d'autrui. Le respect des
autres pour nos droits de domaine et de propriete fait la stirete de nos possessions actuelles;
la foi des promesses est notre garant pour les choses qui ne peuvent Stre livrees ou executees
sur-le-champ. Plus de sflrete, plus de commerce, entre les hommes, s'ils ne se croient point
obliges de garder la foi, de tenir leur parole. Cette obligation est, done, aussi necessaire
qu'elle est naturelle et indubitable entre les nations qui vivent ensemble dans 1'etat de
nature, et qui ne connaissent point de superieur sur la terre, pour maintenir 1'ordre et la paix
dans leur societe. Les nations et leurs conducteurs doivent, done, garder inviolablement
lenrs nmmesses ef: leurs traites. Cette erande verite, quoique trop souvent negligee dans la
I2O PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
tionable principle would afford a sufficient reply to your assertion that the
ratification of treaties has often been refused, though signed by ministers
with unqualified full powers, and without breach of their instructions. No
case can be cited by you in which such a refusal has been justly given;
and the fact of refusal, separate from the justice of the case, amounts to
no more than the assertion that sovereigns have often violated their engage-
ments and their duties: the obligation of His Catholic Majesty to ratify
the treaty signed by Mr. Onis is therefore complete.
The sixteenth and last article of this treaty is in the following words:
"The present treaty shall be ratified, in due form, by the contracting par-
ties, and the ratification shall be exchanged in six months from this time,
or sooner if possible." On the faith of His Catholic Majesty's promise,
the treaty was, immediately after its signature, ratified on the part of the
United States, and, on the i8th of May following, Mr. Forsyth, by an
official note, informed the Marquis of Casa Yrujo, then Minister of For-
eign Affairs at Madrid, that the treaty, duly ratified by the United States,
had been intrusted to him by the President, and that he was prepared to
exchange it for the ratification of Spain. He added that, from the nature
of the engagement, it was desirable that the earliest exchange should be
made, and that the American ship of war Hornet was waiting in the harbor
of Cadiz, destined in a few days to the United States, and affording an
opportunity peculiarly convenient of transmitting the ratified treaty to the
United States.
No answer having been returned to this note, on the 4th of June Mr.
Forsyth addressed to the same minister a second, urging, in the most re-
spectful terms, the necessity of the departure of the Hornet, the just expec-
tation of the United States that the ratified treaty would be transmitted
by that vessel, and the disappointment which could not fail to ensue should
she return without it.
After fifteen days of further delay, on the igth of June, Mr. Forsyth was
informed by a note from Mr. Salmon, successor to the Marquis of Casa
Yrujo, that "His Majesty, on reflecting on the great importance and inter-
est of the treaty in question, was under the indispensable necessity of
examining it with the greatest caution and deliberation before he proceeded
to ratify it, and that this was all he was enabled to communicate to Mr.
Forsyth on that point."
Thus, after the lapse of more than a month from the time of Mr. For-
syth's first note, and of more than two months from the time when your
Government had received the treaty, with knowledge that it had been
ratified by the United States, the ratification of a treatv which His Catholic
vvcivj «.i.i«- i«_o^»l. wi. u. i.vr^nu.y ^y^o.i.0 llCgUUa.UU.ll, 111
subject contained in it had been debated and sifted to the utmost satiety
between the parties, both at Washington and Madrid — a treaty in which
the stipulations by the Spanish minister had been sanctioned by succes-
sive references of every point to his own Government, and were, by
the formal admission of your own note, fully within the compass of his
instructions.
If, under the feeling of such a procedure on the part of the Spanish Gov-
ernment, the minister of the United States appealed to the just rights of
his country in expressions suited more to the sense of its wrongs than to
the courtesies of European diplomacy, nothing had till then occurred which
could have restrained your Government from asking of him any explana-
tion which could be necessary for fixing its determination upon the rati-
fication. No explanation was asked of him.
Nearly two months afterwards, on the loth of August, Mr. Forsyth was
informed that the King would not come to a final decision upon the ratifica-
tion without previously entering into several explanations with the Govern-
ment of the United States, to some of which that Government had given
rise, and that His Majesty had charged a person possessed of his full con-
fidence, who would, forthwith make known to the United States His Majesty's
intentions. Mr. Forsyth offered himself to give every explanation which
could be justly required; but your Government declined receiving them
from him, assigning to him the shortness of the time — a reason altogether
different from that which you now allege, of the disrespectful character of
his communications.
From the loth of August till the I4th of last month, a period of more than
eight months, passed over, during which no information was given by your
Government of the nature of the explanations which would be required.
The Government of the United States, by a forbearance perhaps unexampled
in human history, has patiently waited for your arrival, always ready to
give, in candor and sincerity, every explanation that could with any pro-
priety be demanded. What, then, must have been the sentiments of the
President upon finding, by your note of the I4th ultimo, that, instead of
explanations, His Catholic Majesty has instructed you to demand the
negotiation of another treaty, and to call upon the United States for stipula-
tions derogatory to their honor, and incompatible with their duties as an
independent nation? What must be the feelings of this nation to learn
that, when called upon to state whether you were the bearer of His Catholic
Majesty's ratification of the treaty to be exchanged upon the explanations
demanded being given, you explicitly answered that you were not? and,
when required to say whether you are authorized, as a substitute for the
ratification, to give the pledge of immediate possession of the territory from
which the acknowledged just claims of the citizens of the United States were
back to a solemn promise of the King, already pledged before in the full
power to your predecessor, and to a ratification as soon as possible, already
stipulated in vain by the treaty which he, in full conformity to his instruc-
tions, had signed?
The ratification of that treaty can now no longer be accepted by this
Government without the concurrence of a constitutional majority of the
Senate of the United States, to whom it must be again referred. Yet even
this promise you were, by my letter of the 3d instant, informed that, rather
than abandon the last hope of obtaining the fulfilment of His Catholic
Majesty's promise already given, the President would, so far as was con-
stitutionally within his power, yet accept.
The assurances which you had given me, in the first personal conference
between us, of your own entire satisfaction with the explanations given you
upon all the points on which you had been instructed to ask them, would
naturally have led to the expectation that the promise which you were
authorized to give would, at least, not be withheld. From your letter of
the 5th instant,1 however, it appears that no discretion has been left you to
pledge even His Majesty's promise of ratification in the event of your being
yourself satisfied with the explanations upon all the points desired ; that the
only promise you can give is conditional, and the condition a point upon
which your Government, when they prescribed it, could not but know it was
impossible that the United States should comply — a condition incompatible
with their independence, their neutrality, their justice, and their honor.
It was also a condition which His Catholic Majesty had not the shadow of
a right to prescribe. The treaty had been signed by Mr. Onis with a full
knowledge that no such engagement as that contemplated by it would ever
be acceded to by the American Government, and after long and unwearied
efforts to obtain it. The differences between the United States and Spain
had no connexion with the war between Spain and South America. The
object of the treaty was to settle the boundaries, and adjust and provide
for the claims between your nation and ours; and Spain, at no time, could
have a right to require that any stipulation concerning the contest between
her and her colonies should be connected with it. As His Catholic Majesty
could not justly require it during the negotiation of that treaty, still less
could it afford a justification for withholding his promised ratification after
it was concluded.
The proposal which, at a prior period, had been made by the Government
of the United States to some of the principal Powers of Europe for a recogni-
tion, in concert, of the independence of Buenos Ayres, was founded, as I
have observed to you, upon an opinion then and still entertained that this
recognition must, and would at no very remote period, be made by Spain
herself; that the joint acknowledgment by several of the principal Powers
opeuu uie sooner IO
accede to that necessity, in which she must ultimately acquiesce, and would
thereby hasten an event propitious to her own interests, by terminating a
struggle in which she is wasting her strength and resources without a
possibility of success — an event ardently to be desired by every friend of
humanity afflicted by the continual horrors of a war, cruel and sanguinary
almost beyond example; an event, not only desirable to the unhappy people
who are suffering the complicated distresses and calamities of this war, but
to all the nations having relations of amity and of commerce with them.
This proposal, founded upon such motives, far from giving to Spain the
right to claim of the United States an engagement not to recognise the
South American Governments, ought to have been considered by Spain as
a proof at once of the moderation and discretion of the United States; as
evidence of their disposition to discard all selfish or exclusive views in the
adoption of a measure which they deemed wise and. just in itself, but most
likely to prove efficacious by a common adoption of it, in a spirit entirely
pacific, in concert with other nations, rather than by a precipitate resort
to it on the part of the United States alone.
The conditional promise, therefore, now offered by you, instead of the
positive one which you have declared yourself authorized to give, cannot
be accepted by the President; and I am constrained to observe that he can
consider the procedure of your Government, in thus providing you with
powers and instructions utterly inefficient for the conclusion of the negotia-
tion with which you are charged, in no other light than as proceeding from
a determination on its part still to protract and baffle its final successful issue.
Under these circumstances, he deems it his duty to submit the correspond-
ence which has passed between us, since your arrival, to the consideration
of the Congress of the United States, to whom it will belong to decide how
far the United States can yet, consistently with their duties to themselves,
and the rights of their citizens, authorize the further delay requested in your
note of the 5th instant.
In the conclusion of that note, you have remarked, alluding to a great
change which appears to have taken place since your departure from
Madrid in the Government of Spain, that this circumstance alone, would
impose on you the obligation of giving no greater latitude, to your promise
previous to your receiving new instructions. If I have understood you
right, your intention is to remark that this circumstance alone would restrain
you, in any event, from giving, without new instructions, the unconditional
promise of ratification, which, in a former note, you had declared yourself
authorized, in the name of your sovereign, to give. This seems to be
equivalent to a declaration that you consider your powers themselves, in
the extent to which they were intrusted to you, as suspended by the events
to which you thus refer. If I am mistaken in taking this as your meaning,
powers affected by the present state of your information from Spain?
Please to accept [etc.].
86
President James Monroe to the United States House of Representatives 1
WASHINGTON, May p, 1820.
To THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES :
I communicate to Congress a correspondence which has taken place
between the Secretary of State and the envoy extraordinary and minister
plenipotentiary of His Catholic Majesty, since the message of the 27th
March last, respecting the treaty which was concluded between the United
States and Spain on the 22d February, 1819.
After the failure of His Catholic Majesty for so long a time to ratify the
treaty, it was expected that this minister would have brought with him the
ratification, or that he would have been authorized to give an order for the
delivery of the territory ceded by it to the United States. It appears,
however, that the treaty is still unratified, and that the minister has no
authority to surrender the territory. The object of his mission has been to
make complaints, and to demand explanations, respecting an imputed
system of hostility, on the part of citizens of the United States, against the
subjects and dominions of Spain, and an unfriendly policy in their Govern-
ment, and to obtain new stipulations against these alleged injuries, as the
condition on which the treaty should be ratified.
Unexpected as such complaints and such a demand were, under existing
circumstances, it was thought proper, without compromitting the Govern-
ment as to the course to be pursued, to meet them promptly, and to give the
explanations that were desired on every subject with the utmost candor.
The result has proved, what was sufficiently well known before, that the
charge of a systematic hostility being adopted and pursued by citizens of the
United States against the dominions and subjects of Spain is utterly destitute
of foundation; and that their Government, in all its branches, has main-
tained with the utmost rigor that neutrality in the civil war between Spain
and the colonies which they were the first to declare. No force has been
collected, nor incursions made, from within the United States, against the
dominions of Spain ; nor have any naval equipments been permitted in favor
of either party against the other. Their citizens have been warned of the
obligations incident to the neutral condition of their country; the public
officers have been instructed to see that the laws were faithfully executed,
and severe examples have been made of some who violated them.
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 676.
In regard to tne stipulation proposed as tne condition ot the ratification
of the treaty, that the United States shall abandon the right to recognise
the revolutionary colonies in South America, or to form other relations with
them, when, in their judgment, it may be just and expedient so to do, it is
manifestly so repugnant to the honor and even to the independence of the
United States that it has been impossible to discuss it. In making this
proposal, it is perceived that His Catholic Majesty has entirely misconceived
the principles on which this Government has acted in being a party to a
negotiation so long protracted for claims so well-founded and reasonable,
as he likewise has the sacrifices which the United States have made, com-
paratively with Spain, in the treaty, to which it is proposed to annex so
extraordinary and improper a condition.
Had the minister of Spain offered an unqualified pledge that the treaty
should be ratified by his sovereign on being made acquainted with the
explanations which had been given by this Government, there would have
been a strong motive for accepting and submitting it to the Senate for their
advice and consent, rather than to resort to other measures for redress,
however justifiable and proper. But he gives no such pledge; on the
contrary, he declares explicitly that the refusal of this Government to
relinquish the right of judging and acting for itself hereafter, according to
circumstances, in regard to the Spanish colonies — -a right common to all
nations — has rendered it impossible for him, under his instructions, to make
such engagement. He thinks that his sovereign will be induced by his
communications to ratify the treaty; but still he leaves him free either to
adopt that measure or to decline it. He admits that the other objections
are essentially removed, and will not in themselves prevent the ratification,
provided the difficulty on the third point is surmounted. The result,
therefore, is, that the treaty is declared to have no obligation whatever;
that its ratification is made to depend, not on the considerations which led
to its adoption, and the conditions which it contains, but on a new article,
unconnected with it, respecting which a new negotiation must be opened
of indefinite duration and doubtful issue.
Under this view of the subject, the course to be pursued would appear
to be direct and obvious, if the affairs of Spain had remained in the state
in which they were when this minister sailed. But it is known that an
important change has since taken place in the Government of that country,
which cannot fail to be sensibly felt in its intercourse with other nations.
The minister of Spain has essentially declared his inability to act, in con-
sequence of that change. With him, however, under his present powers,
nothing could be done. The attitude of the United States must now be
assumed, on full consideration of what is due to their rights, their interest,
and honor, without regard to the powers or incidents of the late mission.
We may, at pleasure, occupy the territory which was intended and pro-
vided by the late treaty as an indemnity for losses so long since sustained
by our citizens; but still nothing could be settled definitively without a
treaty between the two nations. Is this the time to make the pressure?
If the United States were governed by views of ambition and aggrandize-
ment, many strong reasons might be given in its favor. But they have no
objects of that kind to accomplish; none which are not founded in justice,
and which can be injured by forbearance. Great hope is entertained that
this change will promote the happiness of the Spanish nation. The good
order, moderation, and humanity which have characterized the movement
are the best guaranties of its success. The United States would not be
justified in their own estimation should they take any step to disturb its
harmony. When the Spanish Government is completely organized, on
the principles of this change, as it is expected it soon will be, there is just
ground to presume that our differences with Spain will be speedily and
satisfactorily settled.
With these remarks, I submit it to the wisdom of Congress whether it
will not still be advisable to postpone any decision on this subject until
the next session.
87
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Charles S. Todd (Baltimore), Con-
fidential Agent of the United States to Colombia1
WASHINGTON, June 5, 1820.
SIR: The copies of Instructions2 heretofore given to Baptis Irvine Esq.
and to the late Commodore Perry, which have been furnished you, will put
you in possession of the general views of the President, respecting the
agency with which you are charged, and also of the claims of several citi-
zens of the U. S. for depredations upon their property committed under
color of authority from the Govt. lately styled that of the Republic of
Venezuela.
Since those Instructions were given, the Congress of Venezuela by a public
act on the iyth of Dec. 1819, declared the Republics of Venezuela, and of
New-Grenada, to be united under the denomination of the Republic of
Colombia.
By the same Act the General Congress of Colombia is to assemble on
1 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 180. Charles S. Todd, of Kentucky:
Confidential agent, appointed, February 22, 1820, to obtain information concerning condi-
tion of affairs in Colombia, the relations with Spain, and concerning claims of citizens of
United States against Colombia. Returned to United States about January 19, 1824.
Commissioned secretary of legation, January 27, 1823, but declined.
2 See above, docs. 4Q and 79, Adams to Irvine, January 31, 181 8, and Adams to Thompson,
Secretary of Navy, May 20, 1819, suggesting instructions for Caotain Perrv.
find it convenient to the seat of Govt. of this Republic which is yet at
Angostura, but will probably be soon or at least before the meeting of the
Congress, transferred to Cucuta. You will make known your authority
to the existing Govt., which has undergone so frequent and essential changes,
that the persons whom you will find in power, will very probably be differ-
ent from those most recently known to us. Your appointment being to a
country in a state of Revolution, you will give no unnecessary publicity
to it.
The principal object of your attention will be to procure and transmit
to this Dept. as frequently as you may have opportunity correct informa-
tion concerning the state of the country & the progress of its affairs both
political and military. The state of their relations with Spain since the
recent changes of Govt. there will be peculiarly interesting. If as has
heretofore been the case, there should be strong internal parties constantly
operating against one another, you will cautiously abstain from taking any
side among them, or interposing in any manner with their concerns.
In the answer of Dr. Roscio to the representation made by Captain Perry
in behalf of Messrs. Nicklye & Lowell, it is admitted that the condemnation
of the Schooner Paloma & Cargo was invalid by the defect of legality in
the Commission of the captor & of power in the jurisdiction which tried
the case to adjudicate a prize made by a privateer not then belonging to
Venezuela — but this admission is annulled for all purposes of justice, or
restitution to the injured parties by the assertion that the government of
Venezuela had a right to retain them as enemy's property which had fallen
into their hands. This is incorrect in principle. The decision of a com-
petent tribunal of admiralty is according to the LaAvs of Nations, the only
means by which the fact could be ascertained whether the property belonged
to enemies or neutrals — No such tribunal having had possession of the
cause, the Government of Venezuela, could not take it for granted that the
property was Spanish, upon the faith of any proceedings before an incom-
petent tribunal — The Vice President of Venezuela could not be authorized
to constitute himself a Court of Appeal from a tribunal which had con-
fessedly no jurisdiction in the case; nor assume to give legality to that which
it is acknowledged had been done in violation of all Law. He could not
possess authority to summon either of the parties before him, or to require
of them the production of any testimony whatever — The proceedings sug-
gested by Dr. Roscio, have been if pursued, equally arbitrary and irregular
with those of the former trial — It is not doubted that before a competent
tribunal the property would have been proved to belong to Messrs. Lowell
and Nicklye, because such is confidently believed to have been the fact;
Court of Appeal, but by a Jurisdiction assumed for the occasion, would
be so contrary not only to the ordinary usages of Nations, but to the maxims
which form the safeguard of human rights and liberties in the mutual inter-
course of mankind, that it is hoped a different course will be adopted, and
the property restored, with compensation to the parties injured, without
subjecting them to incur further expenses, or to produce proofs which
could not with propriety be required of them.
In the case of the Tyger, the letter of Dr. Roscio positively promises
that restoration and compensation both for the vessel and the cargo shall
be made. You will therefore in behalf of the owners use every suitable
exertion to have this Promise carried into effect.
The promise of restitution is equally positive with regard to the schooner
Liberty, but it is asserted that her cargo was justly condemned on the
ground of her being taken in the Act of carrying provisions to a blockaded
place. The objection to the regularity of the proceedings in the trial of
this case appears upon the fact of the papers to be as strong as in the others,
and from the correspondence of Mr. Irvine with General Bolivar, the fact
of the Blockade itself appears to have been fully though perhaps less cour-
teously than might have been desired, disproved.
In all these cases, the interests of our fellow-citizens who have suffered
by these transactions are confidently committed to your zeal and assiduous
attention. In your communications with the proper authorities, you will
be careful to preserve a tone and manner at once firm and conciliatory.
Yielding no principle of right and justice, but using no harsh or offensive
expressions. The papers relating to these cases which are supposed to be
in the possession of Mr. Irvine will be forwarded to you as soon as they can
be obtained; and I would recommend to you to correspond directly with
the parties interested concerning their claims and with the view to obtain
effectual justice for them.
Dr. Roscio mentions in the communications to Commodore Perry the
Spanish Regulations of Letters of Marque and Privateers, which he says have
been adopted in Venezuela with certain Modifications. I will thank you
to obtain and forward to this Department a copy of this Ordinance as mod-
ified by the adoption of Venezuela.
The system of privateering, which has been carried on from several of
the ports and by too many of the citizens of the United States under the
various South American flags has been a reproach and calamity to this
Country. Though disavowed by all the South American governments
and among the rest by that of Venezuela, as its tendency was to annoy
their enemy, none of them have discountenanced it so explicitly as we had
a right to expect they would; nor has any one of them taken effectual
DOCUMENT 87: JUNE 5, l820 129
measures for its suppression. Until the Act of 3 March 1819 to protect
the Commerce of the United States and punish the crime of Piracy had
passed, our own Laws had been found insufficient to secure the property
of our own countrymen or of friendly Nations against these unhallowed
robberies wearing the mask of patriotism. The solicitude of Congress
to put an end to these shameful practices has been further manifested by
two acts passed at their session recently concluded — one of which is an
Act to continue the Act above mentioned, and to make further provision
for punishing the crime of piracy; and another, an Act designating the
ports within which only foreign armed vessels shall be permitted to enter.
Under the Act of 3 March 1819 numerous convictions have already taken
place, and several of the criminals have paid the forfeit of their lives. It is
to be lamented however that the hand of Justice hitherto has fallen more
upon the mere instruments than upon the still more guilty movers and
causers of these atrocious deeds; many of whom have hitherto eluded detec-
tion or evaded conviction. The trials have in several cases disclosed scenes
from which humanity turns with abhorrence; but which are the natural
and unavoidable consequences of privateering by the people of one Nation
under the banners of another. Among your important duties will be that
of contributing by every proper exertion in your power to the total suppres-
sion of this evil. Friendly explanations were given by Commodore Perry
to the Vice President of Venezuela, concerning the object and intention of
the act of 3 March 1819 and of the act of the same session against the Slave-
trade; which from the answer returned by Dr. Roscio, appear to have been
satisfactory; but the list of armed ships and privateers sailing under the
real flag of Venezuela, requested by Commodore Perry was not furnished,
nor was any notice taken of his application to obtain it. The act of 15
May last unites both objects which had been separately acted upon at the
former session, and declares the Slave-trade itself, by citizens of the United
States Piracy, punishable by Death.
You will give information of these acts of the last session to the Gov-
ernment, and suitable explanations concerning them, in the spirit of those
given by Commodore Perry, with regard to the acts of the preceding Ses-
sion. You will renew the application in the most friendly manner for a
list of the armed vessels in the actual service of the Republic, and if you
obtain it, forward a copy of it to this Department. If the request to fur-
nish this list should be declined, you will transmit to us lists of such armed
vessels publicly known to belong to Venezuela, and from the most correct
information that you can obtain, designate those really armed in their
ports from those fitted out in ours, in violation of our Laws, or elsewhere
not in the ports of Venezuela. You will urge without importunity but
I'ART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM TIIIC UNITlSD STATES
for an establishment of admiralty courts to proceed upon principles and
with forms recognized by alt established (>overnments — for subjecting the
owners and commanders of privateers to elicctive bonds, to guard against
the heavy abuses to which this species of armed force is more than all others
liable, and for inspiring neutral and foreign nations with confidence in the
justice of their proceedings, as the most; substantial guarantee to the sta-
bility of their new Institutions.
With regard to the formal recognition by the ( .overnment of the U. S.
of the Republic of Colombia, should any thing be waid to you, the obvious
reply will be that you have not been authorised to discuss the subject —
As a reason for this reserve it. may be alleged lluit. besides the actual war
still waged by Spain, during which the Independence of the other party,
could not be acknowledged without a departure from our avowed and long
established system of neutrality, the changes still occurring will require
some lapse, of time, to give to the Republic that character of permanency
which would justify the formal acknowledgment of it by foreign powers.
The Union decreed by the Congress was the immediate result of military
operations, and appears not; to have been authorized by delegations of
power to form it, from either the people of Venezuela or of New Granada.
The Congress which may sanction it, and form a definitive constitution
for the whole Republic are to assemble on the first of January next, and an
exact account of their proceedings as well as of the manner by which its
members may be elected and the portions of Country represented by them
will be among the interesting communications which -we shall expect to
receive from you.
I am [etc.].
88
John Quincy Adams, Secretary oj State, to John M. Forbes (New York),
Special A^ent of the United Sidles to Chile or JBuenos Aires1
WASHINGTON, July 5, 1820.
SIR: The certificate from this Department, which has been made out and
transmitted to you, constitutes you agent for commerce and seamen for
wither of the provinces of Buenos Ayres or of Chili, in whichsoever of them
Mr. J. H. Prevost shall not be. He is at this time at Buenos Ayres; but
having, at. one period, intimated to the President a preference to return to
C'hili, where he some time resided, it is thought due to him to leave the selec-
tion of his residence, after your arrival at Buenos Ayres , to himself. Should
ne determine to continue mere, you will proceed, eitner by land over trie
Andes, or in the frigate Constellation round Cape Horn, to Valparaiso, and
take up your residence there, or at St. Jago de Chili, which is understood to
be the seat of the revolutionary Government of that province. If he should
prefer to return thither, you will remain at Buenos Ayres.1
The commercial intercourse between the United States and those coun-
tries, though not very considerable, is deserving of particular attention.
Whatever accurate information you can obtain relating to it, as well as to the
commerce of those countries with other nations, and to their internal trade,
will be particularly acceptable. The condition of our seamen there will
also deserve your notice. The performance of these duties will involve also
the political relations between those countries and the United States. In
the progress of their revolution, Buenos Ayres and Chili have, to the extent
of their powers, and, indeed, far beyond their natural means, combined mari-
time operations with those of their war by land. Having no ships or seamen
of their own, they have countenanced and encouraged foreigners to enter
their service, without always considering how far it might affect either the
rights or the duties of the nations to which those foreigners belonged. The
privateers which, with the commissions and under the flag of Buenos Ayres,
have committed so many and such atrocious acts of piracy, were all either
fitted out, manned, and officered by foreigners, at Buenos Ayres, or even in
foreign countries, not excepting our own, to which blank commissions, both
for the ships and officers, have been sent. In the instructions to the late
Commodore Perry, (which his lamented decease prevented from being exe-
cuted by him, and a copy of which is now furnished to you,) certain articles
in the Buenos Ayrean privateering ordinance were pointed out, particularly
liable to the production of these abuses, and which, being contrary to the
established usages among civilized nations, it was hoped would have been
revoked, or made to disappear from their otherwise unexceptionable code.
These instructions were renewed to Commodore Morris ; but the time of his
stay at Buenos Ayres was so short, and he was there at a moment of so great
a change in the ruling power of the state, that, although he communicated
to the then existing Director the substance of the representations which
Commodore Perry had been instructed to make, we know not that it was
attended with any favorable result. You will consider the parts of Commo-
dore Perry's instructions which may be still applicable on your arrival in
South America as directed to yourself, and, should you proceed to Chili, will
execute them there, no communication upon the subject having yet been
made there. Among the inconveniences consequent upon this system of
carrying on maritime warfare by means of foreigners, has been occasionally,
and to a considerable extent, the enticement of seamen belonging to mer-
1 See below, pt. n, note i to doc. 260. Forbes to Secretary of State, December 4, 1820, for
an explanation of the reason why Forbes remained at Buenos Aires.
chant vessels in the ports or Jbuenos Ayres and Uhiii trom tneir engage-
ments, to enlist them in privateers or public armed vessels of those countries.
In attending to the numerous trials and convictions for piracy which have
recently afflicted our country, and cast an unusual gloom over our annals,
you will remark that a great proportion of the guilty persons have been sea-
men thus engaged, foreigners at Buenos Ayres, or enlisted in our own ports,
in violation of our laws. Whether at Buenos Ayres or in Chili, you will use
every exertion in your power, consistent with the respect and conciliatory
deportment to be constantly observed towards the existing public authori-
ties, to protect the seamen of the United States from all such enlistments,
and the owners and masters of the merchant vessels from time to time
arriving there from the loss of their men by such means.
The Commercial Digest of the Laws of Foreign Countries with which the
United States are in relation, a copy of which has been furnished you, may
suggest to you the nature of part of the information which is desirable from
South America.
Political information will be equally acceptable. The more particular and
correct the information of this nature which you can obtain, the more ac-
ceptable it will prove. Besides the struggle in South America for independ-
ence, against which Spain is the only opposite party, internal feuds and civil
wars have peculiarly marked every step of the revolutions in progress upon
that theatre. As an agent and citizen of the United States, the first advice
I shall give you is, to observe and report, with all the vigilance and discern-
ment, and penetration and fidelity to your own country, that you possess,
the movements of all parties, but to make yourself a partisan to none. From
the documents lately received here, it is apparent that a negotiation has
been some time on foot between the late Government of Buenos Ayres and
France. It is well known that a negotiation of much longer standing has
existed between the same Government and Portugal; nor has Mr. Rivadavia
been residing two or three years to no purpose in England. To ascertain
the real movements of all these parties, a neutral position, a neutral heart,
and an observing mind, are indispensable. In recommending it to your
attention, I would add the caution, neither to take upon trust what any man
shall tell you, without asking yourself what it is his interest or wish that you
should believe, nor to give more weight to conjectures than the circumstances
under which they are formed will warrant.
By the latest accounts that we have received, the Government, the Con-
gress, and the constitution of the provinces of La Plata were overthrown;
the province of Buenos Ayres stood alone, with Don Manuel de Sarratea as
governor, at its head. They were in negotiation with General Artigas, of the
Oriental Banda, and with General Ramirez, commander of the Monteneros.
In what those negotiations will result, we are to learn hereafter; and what
their effect will be upon the relations of all with the Portuguese at Monte-
DOCUMENT 89: JULY 7, 1 820 133
video is yet to be seen. Should you remain at Buenos Ayres, we shall expect
full communications from you as frequently as opportunities for transmitting
them may occur.
I am [etc.].
89
John Qtiincy Adams, Secretary of State, to John M. Forbes (New York),
Special Agent of the United States to Chile or Buenos Aires1
WASHINGTON, July 7, 1820.
SIR: A letter from Mr. Prevost to this department of 2Oth March 1819
enclosed a representation addressed to him from Mr. Echevarria, Secretary
of State of the Government of Chili complaining of certain transactions of
Captain Biddle while in the command of the U. S. corvette Ontario, in the
South Sea during the years 1817 ,and 1818. Although a full year has
elapsed since this letter of Mr. Prevost was received, yet as the orders for
his removal to Buenos Ayres, had already been despatched to him, no
opportunity has until now occurred for giving to the government of Chili
the explanations concerning those transactions which the President hopes
will prove satisfactory to them.
There are herewith enclosed a translation of the complaint of Mr. Echevar-
ria and of the answer to it which has been given by Captain Biddle upon
reference of the complaint to him by the Navy department. From these
papers you will collect the facts from which you will make such a com-
munication to the Government of Chili, as may at once tend to justify the
conduct of Captain Biddle, and to manifest the disposition entirely friendly
of the President towards Chili. It is apparent that the intentions of Cap-
tain Biddle were altogether of that character; and that if in one or two
incidents they had unfortunately a different appearance, it arose from
circumstances unknown to him and over which he had no controul. It is
observed by Mr. Prevost "that there exists a peculiar sensibility (in Chili) to
every act emanating from the Government (of the U. S.) or done by an
individual although strictly neutral. They seem (he adds) to claim a sym-
pathy from us in their struggle that they look for no where else, and cannot
bear any circumstance that indicates a contrary feeling." You will be
careful to avoid giving umbrage to this sensibility and jealousy, as far as
may be compatible with the rights and duties of our neutrality, which you
1 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 194. An instruction dated July 6, 1820,
addressed to Forbes indicates that while he was charged with making representations to the
Chilean Government on losses suffered by a United States merchant vessel he was to go to
U. S. have unequivocal proofs of their friendly Sentiments towards the
South Americans in general and those of Chili in particular. The President
would lament any occurrence which should tend to awaken other feelings,
either there or here. He relies upon your discretion, and conciliatory
deportment, to make these Sentiments manifest, and at the same time to
secure to the U. S. and their citizens, that Justice which is their undoubted
right, and their only claim in return.
I am, [etc.].
P.S. With reference to the complaint against Captain Biddle, I enclose
an extract from the instructions which have been given by the Navy depart-
ment to the Commanders of our armed vessels, a copy of which you are at
liberty to communicate to the Government of Chili.
Papers enclosed : l
{. Mr. Echevarria to Mr. Prevost (translation).
2. Captain Biddle to the President (copy).
3. Extract of Instructions from Navy Department to Commanders
of U. S. vessels.
90
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to John B. Prevost (Buenos Aires),
Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires, Chile and Peru*
WASHINGTON, July 10, 1820.
SIR: I have had the honour of receiving letters from you of the following
dates, with the enclosures to which they respectively refer, excepting the
new Tariff referred to in that of the I3th September 1819 and the paper
marked 4 in that of 16 May 1819, copies of which you are requested to
forward. Dates — 3 & 4 Octr. & 25 Novr. 1817 — 9 £ 13 Feb. — 8 March, 9
April, 10 & 20 June, 8 & 27 July & n Novr. 1818 — 15 Janry. 20 March, 15
April, 16 May, 3 July, 13 & 25 Septr. and 12 Deer. 1819 — and 10 Janry.
14 Febry. and 9, 15 and 21 March 1820.
The documents relating to a project of Negotiation with France, and
the proceedings of the late Congress upon them, are of a very interesting
1Not printed. The Chilean complaint against Biddle grew out of a charge made by
Lord Cochrane that when in Chilean waters Biddle had carried on his vessel Spanish sub-
jects from Lima, assumed to be spies. The charge also said Biddle neglected and after-
wards refused to salute the Chilean flag; and that he had on board $920,000 belonging to
enemies of Chile. The last two charges were not pressed.
2 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 196. See above, note I to doc. 89.
For the dispatches acknowledged which are pertinent to this collection, see below, under
these dates, in pt. v, except that of January 15, 1819, which is in pt. xi, and those subsequent
to September 13, 1819, which are in pt. II.
no-Luit, Lnuugn ouiuc uu&cuiiuy icaLs upon tne reai intentions 01 me
Congress in the countenance which they appear to have given to the project
of the late French Minister of foreign affairs — Other copies of the documents
transmitted by you have found their way to this country, and with them,
one, wh. seems not to have been known to you, and which has a tendency to
change in some degree the aspect of the proceedings of the Congress. If
the prosecution of the members who took part in that Negotiation which
you mention as to be commenced should be carried through it will probably
produce new and further interesting lights upon the history of South Ameri-
can affairs — We long since understood that Mr. Rivadavia went originally
to Spain with proposals not unlike those which appear in these papers to
come from the French Minister to Mr. Gomez — We have heard also of
another Negotiation, said to have been commenced through an officer of the
Spanish regiment of Cantabria, taken prisoner, perhaps in the frigate
Iphigenia; and of which if you can obtain correct information it will be
acceptable to learn the sequel — The refusal of the Director Pueyrredon to
agree to an article, by which the U. S. should be placed upon a footing of
commercial intercourse, equal to that of other nations, was more deeply
rooted than might appear from Mr. Tagle's answer to your note.
The Constellation frigate, captain Ridgely goes into the Pacific to take
the place of the Macedonian which is to return home. By this occasion
Mr. Forbes goes out with a mission similar to yours — The President leaves
it entirely at your option to remain at Buenos Ayres in which case Mr.
Forbes will proceed to Chili; or to return there in which case he will be
definitively fixed at Buenos Ayres — His commission is to either of the two,
at which you shall not be ; an alternative directed by the President for the
express purpose of leaving your future residence at the one or the other to
your own choice.2 There is however one subject which the President has
thought it would be most satisfactory to you to leave to the management
of Mr. Forbes: it is the claim of the owners of the Macedonian and of the
money taken by Lord Cochrane from Captain Smith and from the French
vessel the Gazelle. The owners of that property are citizens of the U. S.
of respectable character — No complaint has been made by them of the
course which you thought it advisable to take in this case nor have they
expressed a wish that the representations in their behalf to the Chilian
Government should be given in charge to any other person — But you are
doubtless aware that Captain Smith himself has intimated apprehensions
that your favourable opinions of the South Americans might have some
bias upon your judgment, unfriendly to the interests of his owners; and
1 For further reference to this negotiation with France, see below, pt. I, doc. 93, Secretary
of State to Forbes, July 12, 1820, and pt. n, doc. 254, Prevost to Adams, March 20, 1820,
especially note i thereto.
2 See below, pt. n, doc. 260, Forbes to Secretary of State, December 4, 1820, for an ex-
planation of the reason why Prevost did not remain at Buenos Aires.
journals of this country — Under these circumstances the President has
directed that the instructions on this affair should be given in special charge
to Mr. Forbes.
He has also directed me to transmit to you the copy of a paper purporting
to be a letter to the late Supreme Director of Buenos Ayres, from a person
said to be in Official Station in Chili, relating in so special a manner to you,
that he has thought you should be made acquainted with it — It is alleged
to have been intercepted by some officer of the Montoneros and was for-
warded to this country without comment — The President has doubts
whether it is a genuine letter; of which however you will be able to judge
with certainty.
In the instructions to Commodore Perry and afterwards to Commodore
Morris, which were communicated to you, there were some observations
respecting certain articles in the Ordinance of Buenos Ayres for the regu-
lation of privateers, to which I am under the necessity of requesting you
to call again the attention of that Government — The cases of Piracy and
murder committed by the crews of vessels sailing under the flag and with
commissions of Buenos Ayres, have been numerous and of the most atro-
cious character. They continue to be committed from day to day, and
are multiplied to such an extent that even the severest laws made here are
found ineffectual to suppress them. Within a few months upwards of fifty
persons have been convicted and had sentence of death passed upon them
in the U. S. for crimes of that description committed in vessels bearing
that flag and commission: but having scarcely an individual Buenos Ayrean
in them. These crimes are all distinctly to be traced to the Articles in that
Code against which we have remonstrated — namely, to the article which
gives the privileges of a Buenos- Ayrean, and a right to their flag, to every
foreigner, who has never even been in the country; and to that which they
are the only judges, to send their prizes where they please — There is scarcely
a Buenos Ayrean privateer which has not committed piracy of every de-
scription— It appears that at Buenos Ayres itself commissions of Artigas
have been sold to the Captains of the Buenos Ayres privateers, who have
gone to sea, and used one or the other commission as suited their purposes —
Daniels, Captain of the Irresistible, fought during the same cruise under
the commission of Buenos Ayres; and of Artigas, and long after he had been
declared a pirate at Buenos Ayres, carried his prizes to the island of Mar-
garita, where an irregular court has been instituted which condemns vessels
taken under any of the South American flags and commissions — Within
these few weeks another privateer called the General Rondeau, commanded
by a Captain Miles, has been destroyed by a part of her own crew, who
mutinied, killed one of their officers, and turned off the others, with Captain
Miles in a boat to the island of Grenada. —
account of the mutiny, in which he says of his crew, "there is no doubt but
they will capture and rob indiscriminately every vessel they fall in with,"
and expresses great anxiety that ' ' the armed vessels of all nations may be
on the alert to capture these pirates" — What sort of a personage Captain
Miles himself is, may be inferred from his having gone to Valparaiso in
one of his prizes, and there entered her as a merchant vessel of the U. S.
under forged papers, which were detained and transmitted to this depart-
ment by Mr. Hill. Of this crew forty or fifty persons have been disgorged
upon our shores; and a large portion of them are in various prisons, to be
tried for this piracy upon their Captain — but what security has the Gov-
ernment of Buenos Ayres against the piracies of Miles? — He had turned
his back upon Buenos Ayres, and sent all his prizes to Margarita. — There
is another case of a vessel which has been several months at Norfolk, passing
under the name of Wilson, with a pretended Captain of the same name
and clandestinely recruiting men in violation of our Laws. Not ten days
since she sailed from Norfolk, and has already taken a Spanish vessel bound
to Baltimore, almost within our own jurisdiction — her name is now the Boli-
var and her Captain Almeida, the same man who commanded the Louisa,
with whose piracies, all the world are acquainted. — There is not a day
passes, but we hear of new crimes of this description, committed under the
flag & commission of Buenos Ayres by people of every other nation; for,
to find among them a native or even a genuine citizen of Buenos Ayres, is
almost without example — A very earnest Representation should be addressed
immediately to the Government there, recurring to these events as afford-
ing a demonstration of the great inconveniences resulting from those arti-
cles of the Prize Code; and insisting upon the adoption of measures which
shall hold the Captains and owners of privateers sailing by their authority,
under a real responsibility to them.
I shall have the honour of writing to you again upon this subject and in
the mean time am with great respect,
Sir [etc.].
P.S. Your letter of 30 April 1820 has been this day received.
138 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
91
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Henry Hill, Vice Consul of the
United States at Valparaiso T
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, July 11, 1820.
SIR: I have had the honour of receiving your letters of 30 June, 24 July
and 31 Deer. 1818, and of 15 May, 30 June and 25 Septr. 1819, with their
enclosures; and am happy to inform you that your conduct in relation to the
ship Mercury is approved — The name of Captain Miles2 is at this moment
very notorious here, for adventures subsequent to that of his attempting to
enter Valparaiso, with forged papers of the U. S. It is by men like him and
by transactions like his that an odium is cast upon the South American
Cause, to which it ought not to be subjected.
92
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to John M. Forbes (New York),
Special Agent of the United States to Chile or Buenos Airess
WASHINGTON, July n, 1820.
SIR: You have seen in the public journals from various parts of the U. S.
that a considerable number of Seamen have been taken up, and are under
charges of Piracy and Murder committed on board a privateer called the
General Rondeau commanded by David M. Miles (of Baltimore) and carry-
ing the flag of Buenos Ayres — The Piracy and murder charged, is for a mutiny
of this crew against their captain and officers, one of whom it appears they
killed, and the rest they turned adrift in a boat, near the island of Grenada,
which they reached in safety — From thence Captain Miles found his way to
the island of Margarita, where he advertised his crew as pirates, who would
no doubt capture indiscriminately the vessels of all nations.
From all that has hitherto transpired, it appears that after cashiering him,
they made no captures — On the contrary they released one prize taken by
him; and after distributing among them the money on board the General
Rondeau, they scuttled that vessel, near the coast of the U. S. and came
ashore in a boat; dispersing themselves as well as they could to escape detec-
tion ; notwithstanding which a large number of them have been taken, and
must be tried probably for their lives; and perhaps executed.
1 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 199. The despatches here acknowledged
are not sufficiently pertinent to be printed in this collection.
2 For brief account of the conduct of Miles and his crew see below, pt. I, doc. 02, Secretary
IS Ilid.y \JG SetJIJ. 11OIU LUC IO1-
lowing facts — Some months since there was received at this department a
letter from Henry Hill, acting as Vice Consul of the U. S. at Valparaiso,
enclosing a forged Register, Sea Letter and Mediterranean Pass, of a pretended
ship Mercury, Captn. David M. Miles, which entered at Valparaiso as a
vessel of the U. S. on the 7 of May 1819, then coming from Buenos Ayres —
The pretended ship Mercury was a Prize to the privateer Union, sold at
auction at Buenos Ayres, where the forged papers were bought for 500
dollars. Mr. Hill who had received notice of this transaction, demanded the
papers of Captain Miles — detained them as forgeries, and transmitted them
to this department — Some time after he received from a certain Juan Higin-
botham, a letter, of which you have herewith a copy. This Higinbotham,
I have reason to believe was part or whole owner of the privateer General
Rondeau.
There does not appear to have been a single Buenos Ayrean on board of
this privateer — Captain Miles is stated to have had no intention of returning
there — his prizes were ordered to the island of Margarita. — These incidents
are all pressed upon your attention, to renew the remarks upon certain Arti-
cles in the Privateering Ordinance of Buenos Ayres, and to urge you (or Mr.
Prevost) to present them again in the most earnest manner to the existing
Government there. I have written to the same effect to Mr. Prevost.
While those articles remain in force the Government of Buenos Ayres hold no
controul over their own privateers — They can neither punish the guilty, nor
make satisfaction to the injured — They let loose upon the Ocean, under the
countenance of their commissions and the protection of their flags, gangs of
the most desperate Banditti; robbery and murder prowl upon the waters of
every sea, and retributive Justice itself has no means of correcting or arrest-
ing the mischief but by rousing Rapine and Murder to turn upon itself and
punishing the crimes of the leaders through the rebellion of their associates.
The frequency of these mutinies, and the horrible outrages by which they are
made infamous, point in the most unequivocal manner to the sources of the
mischief. There were no such examples in the privateering history of our
Wars, because our Privateering Regulations had no such articles as those
against which we remonstrate. Our privateersmen were under effective
Bonds; we gave no indiscriminate licence to foreigners, to take our commis-
sions and flag; and we required every capture to be brought to trial before our
own tribunals — South American privateers and pirates will be synonymous
terms till the same rules are adopted and practiced upon by their Govern-
ments— To the honour of their cause and to the administration of general
Justice this reform in their Prize Code is indispensable.
I am [etc.].
SIR: Since your instructions were prepared I have received a letter of 30
April from Mr. Prevost, with a sequel of printed papers relating to the prose-
cution for High Treason, of several members of the late Congress, on account
of the secret Negotiations with France and Portugal, under the late Govern-
ment of the Supreme Director Pueyrredon.
It appears from Mr. Prevost's letter that towards the close of the month of
March, a new effort was made to overthrow the Government of Sarratea,
by a party at the head of which was the sometime Director Alvear — it was
unsuccessful; Alvear and his party were proclaimed guilty of High Treason,
and had withdrawn from the city. By the accounts in the public journals
it appears that they were in arms, but whether with or against the Monto-
neros we are left to conjecture.
The letter speaks doubtfully of the continuance of the power of Sarratea,
and represents him as desirous of withdrawing from the public service. It
does not appear that Artigas had ratified the Treaty of February made with
Ramirez; probably he makes a declaration of war against Portugal a Sine
qua non, and that measure may be one for which the People of Buenos Ayres
are not prepared.
It is impossible to consider the present condition of Buenos Ayres other-
wise than as temporary, and other changes in the Government will probably
have happened before you arrive. At the time when Mr. Worthington drew
up articles of a Treaty with the Commissioners of Pueyrredon, they declined
inserting an article, to secure to the U. S. commercial advantages equal to
those which might be enjoyed by any other nation. Mr. Prevost on his first
arrival at Buenos Ayres, much surprized to find that such an objection had
been made, entered into a correspondence upon the subject with Mr. Tagle,
who was still the Secretary of State, and from whom he received an ambig-
uous answer — intimating that whatever Mr. Pueyrredon had intended the
Government of Buenos Ayres would secure the privileges of the most fa-
voured nation to those who should first acknowledge their Independence —
Mr. De Forrest had told us as much here before.
Should any thing be said to you on the subject of the acknowledgement of
the Government of Buenos Ayres, you will of course let it be understood
that you have no authority to discuss the subject. The changes constantly
happening there will occur as a probable reason for the delay of the Govern-
ment of the U. S. The first claim of the acknowledgement from Buenos
Ayres was to be recognized as the United Provinces of South America. The
1 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 202.
DOCUMENT 94: SEPTEMBER 30, l82O 141
next was under the stile of the United Provinces of La Plata, including the
whole Vice Royalty of La Plata. This claim was made by Pueyrredon
through Mr. Aguirre and Mr. De Forrest. All this has been swept away,
and if [we] were now to recognize the single province of Buenos Ayres, the
recognition upon reaching that city might probably find it no longer Inde-
pendent.
You will take occasion to remark whenever it may be proper that the
Government of the U. S. have never intended to secure to themselves any
advantage, commercial or otherwise, as an equivalent for acknowledging
the Independence of any part of South America. They do not think it a
proper subject for equivalent; and they have entire confidence that no
exclusive privilege will be granted to any other nation to the prejudice of the
U. S. They think themselves entitled to this, and consider it as essential
to the Independence itself to be acknowledged — aware that no such ex-
clusive privileges can be granted but by a sacrifice of the interests of the
nation which grants them, they have never intended to ask them to the
detriment of others, as they rely that they will not be conceded to others in
detriment to them.
I am [etc.].
94
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to John James Appleton, United
States Charge d' Affaires at Rio de Janeiro :
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, September 30, 1820.
Mr. Correa de Serra the Minister Plenipotentiary from Portugal to the
United States is about to leave this country for Brazils and has presented
Mr. Amado, as the Charge1 d'Affaires during his absence.
Copies are herewith enclosed of Notes which have been lately addressed
to this Department by Mr. Correa, and of the answer which has been given
them — You will see in the answer the views of the President, in relation to
the subject to which they refer.
The situation of the Brazilian Government must be materially affected,
as well by that of Portugal, and the political transactions in its immediate
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, IX, 48. John J. Appleton, of Massa-
chusetts: Acted as charge d'affaires ad interim to the Netherlands from October 20, 1817,
to April 18, 1818, and from May 5, 1818, to January 4, 1819. Commissioned secretary of
legation to Portugal, March 3, 1819. Acted as charge d'affaires ad interim from June 13, 1820,
to June — , 1821. Commissioned secretary of legation to Spain, May 8, 1822. Acted as
charge d'affaires ad interim from March 2 to December 4, 1823. Left November 23, 1824.
- n/-) NT/M-wotr A/Toir t -rRofi T pft Ancmsf -2r»
neignDournooa CAirope, as oy me course 01 anairs m DOUUI
cially in the Provinces of La Plata — You have doubtless seen the documents
published at Buenos Ayres, disclosing a negotiation for uniting French and
Portuguese interests, in a projected monarchy for that portion of South
America — It is reported from France that Mr. Hyde de Neuville, who has
lately returned home has received the appointment of Minister to Rio de
Janeiro — Should he arrive there you will be watchful of his movements, and
communicate such information as you can obtain concerning them.
I am [etc.].
95
Message of President James Monroe to the United States Congress l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, November 15, 1820.
The contest between Spain and the colonies, according to the most
authentic information, is maintained by the latter with improved success.
The unfortunate divisions which were known to exist some time since at
Buenos Ayres, it is understood, still prevail. In no part of South America
has Spain made any impression on the colonies, while in many parts, and
particularly in Venezuela and New Granada, the colonies have gained
strength, and acquired reputation, both for the management of the war, in
which they have been successful, and for the order of the internal adminis-
tration. The late change in the Government of Spain, by the re-establish-
ment of the constitution of 1812, is an event which promises to be favorable
to the revolution. Under the authority of the Cortes, the Congress of
Angostura was invited to open a negotiation for the settlement of differences
between the parties ; to which it was replied that they would willingly open
the negotiation, provided the acknowledgment of their independence was
made its basis, but not otherwise. Of further proceedings between them
we are uninformed. No facts are known to this Government to warrant the
belief that any of the Powers of Europe will take part in the contest ; whence
it may be inferred, considering all circumstances which must have weight in
producing the result, that an adjustment will finally take place on the basis
proposed by the colonies. To promote that result by friendly counsels with
other Powers, including Spain herself, has been the uniform policy of this
Government.
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 646.
DOCUMENT 96: DECEMBER 3, l82I 143
96
Message of President James Monroe at the commencement of the first session
of the Seventeenth Congress of the United States, communicated
December 5, 1821 l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, December 3, 1821.
The Government of His Most Faithful Majesty, since the termination of
the last session of Congress, has been removed from Rio de Janeiro to
Lisbon, where a revolution, similar to that which had occurred in the
neighboring kingdom of Spain, had, in like manner, been sanctioned by the
accepted and pledged faith of the reigning monarch. The diplomatic inter-
course between the United States and the Portuguese dominions, interrupted
by this important event, has not yet been resumed ; but the change of internal
administration having already materially affected the commercial inter-
course of the United States with the Portuguese dominions, the renewal of
the public missions between the two countries appears to be desirable at an
early day.
It is understood that the colonies in South America have had great success
during the present year in the struggle for their independence. The new
Government of Colombia has extended its territories, and considerably
augmented its strength; and at Buenos Ayres, where civil dissensions had for
some time before prevailed, greater harmony and better order appear to have
been established. Equal success has attended their efforts in the provinces
on the Pacific. It has long been manifest that it would be impossible for
Spain to reduce these colonies by force, and equally so that no conditions
short of their independence would be satisfactory to them. It may,
therefore, be presumed, and it is earnestly hoped, that the Government of
Spain, guided by enlightened and liberal counsels, will find it to comport with
its interests, and due to its magnanimity, to terminate this exhausting
controversy on that basis. To promote this result, by friendly counsel with
the Government of Spain, will be the object of the Government of the
United States.
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 739.
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Manual Torres (Philadelphia},
Colombian Agent in the United States l
WASHINGTON, January 18, 1822.
SIR: In reference to your letters2 of the 3Oth, of November last, and the
2d. of this month, I have the honor of informing you that the subject to
which they relate, is under the consideration of the President of the United
States, whose definitive decision concerning it, shall, when taken, be forth-
with communicated to you. In the mean time, should you receive advices
of the surrender of Porto Cavello, and the Isthmus of Panama, I have to
request you would favour me with the information of those events as early as
may suit your convenience.
I pray you [etc.].
98
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Charles S. Todd (Frankfort, Ken-
tucky), Confidential Agent of the United States to Colombia3
WASHINGTON, January 28, 1822.
SIR: I have the honour of informing you that it is the President's desire
that you should proceed as soon as will suit your convenience to South
America, to resume the duties of your Station there.
By a letter received from Mr. Torres, a copy of which is herewith enclosed,
you will see that the Seat of Government of the Republic of Colombia has
been fixed at the city of Bogota, to which you will accordingly repair as
speedily as possible.
The claims of certain citizens of the U. S. upon the Government of
Venezuela, which were heretofore recommended to your attention, you will
continue to urge, until that Justice which has been acknowledged to be due,
shall have been rendered. I would particularly remind you of that of John
A. Leamy of Philadelphia, the papers relative to which are in your possession.
It is probable that the formal recognition of the Republic of Colombia, will
ensue at no distant day. In the mean time I have to request the trans-
mission as frequently as you may find opportunities of all information of an
interesting nature which you may be able to obtain.
You are authorized to draw upon this Department for the amount of half
a year's salary in advance, to commence on the day of your leaving home to
proceed to your destination. The necessary traveling expenses to Bogota,
will be allowed you.
I am [etc.].
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 96. Manuel Torres, charge d'affaires of Colombia
to the United States: Presented credentials June 18, 1822, and served until June 10, 1823,
at or about which time he died.
2 See below, pt. vi., docs. 609 and 611.
3 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 242.
Daniel Brent, Chief Clerk of the Department of State, to John M. Forbes,
Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires x
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, February 19, 1822.
. . . Upon a call from the House of Representatives respecting the state
of things in the South American Governments, with a view to the propriety
and expediency of a formal acknowledgment of them on our part, we are
preparing a Report to the President, which will include extracts, not very
voluminous, from some of your recent dispatches. We would send more but
for the difficulty of making selections that might prove agreeable or safe to
yourself. I know not how the cat jumps in relation to this great question;
but am apt to believe that a discretionary power will be given to the Presi-
dent, to acknowledge, or not, according to his view of circumstances, the
sovereignty and Independence of any or all of these Governments. That of
Buenos Ay res has given a good moral Lesson to older and long established
States, in the formal suppression of Privateering under its flag.
100
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to President James Monroe2
WASHINGTON, March 7, 1822.
The Secretary of State, to whom has been referred the resolution of the
House of Representatives of the 30th of January last, requesting the Presi-
dent of the United States to lay before that House such communications as
might be in the possession of the Executive from the agents of the United
States with the Governments south of the United States which have
declared their independence, and the communications from the agents of such
Governments in the United States with the Secretary of State as tend to
show the political condition of their Governments, and the state of the war
between them and Spain, as it might be consistent with the public interest to
communicate, has the honor of submitting to the President the papers
required by that resolution.
The communications from the agents of the United States are only those
most recently received, and exhibiting their views of the actual condition of
the several South American revolutionary Governments. No communica-
tion has yet been received from Mr. Prevost since his arrival at Lima.
1 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 244.
3 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 819.
mere iia.b uecu muieiLu LIU
among the papers herewith submitted is a letter recently received from a
citizen of the United States, who has been some years residing there, contain-
ing the best information in possession of the Government concerning the late
revolution in that country, and specially of the character embraced by the
resolution of the House.
101
President James Monroe to the United States House of Representatives, com-
municated March 8 and April 26, 1822 1
WASHINGTON, March 8, 1822.
To THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES :
In transmitting to the House of Representatives the documents called for
by the resolution of that House of the 3Oth January, I consider it my duty to
invite the attention of Congress to a very important subject, and to com-
municate the sentiments of the Executive on it, that, should Congress enter-
tain similar sentiments, there may be such co-operation between the two
departments of the Government as their respective rights and duties may
require.
The revolutionary movement in the Spanish provinces in this hemisphere
attracted the attention and excited the sympathy of our fellow-citizens from
its commencement. This feeling was natural and honorable to them, from
causes which need not be communicated to you. It has been gratifying to
all to see the general acquiescence which has been manifested in the policy
which the constituted authorities have deemed it proper to pursue in regard
to this contest. As soon as the movement assumed such a steady and con-
sistent form as to make the success of the provinces probable, the rights to
which they were entitled by the law of nations, as equal parties to a civil war,
were extended to them. Each party was permitted to enter our ports with
its public and private ships, and to take from them every article which was
the subject of commerce with other nations. Our citizens, also, have carried
on commerce with both parties, and the Government has protected it with
each in articles not contraband of war. Through the whole of this contest
the United States have remained neutral, and have fulfilled with the utmost
impartiality all the obligations incident to that character.
This contest has now reached such a stage, and been attended with such
decisive success on the part of the provinces, that it merits the most profound
consideration whether their right to the rank of independent nations, with
all the advantages incident to it in their intercourse with the United States,
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 818.
DOCUMENT 101: MARCH 8, l822 147
is not complete. Buenos Ayres assumed that rank by a formal declaration
in 1816, and has enjoyed it since 1810, free from invasion by the parent
country. The provinces composing the republic of Colombia, after having
separately declared their independence, were united by a fundamental law
of the 1 7th of December, 1819. A strong Spanish force occupied at that
time certain parts of the territory within their limits, and waged a destructive
war; that force has since been repeatedly defeated, and the whole of it either
made prisoners or destroyed, or expelled from the country, with the excep-
tion of an inconsiderable portion only, which is blockaded in two fortresses.
The provinces on the Pacific have likewise been very successful. Chili
declared independence in 1818, and has since enjoyed it undisturbed; and of
late, by the assistance of Chili and Buenos Ayres, the revolution has extended
to Peru. Of the movement in Mexico our information is less authentic, but
it is, nevertheless, distinctly understood that the new Government has de-
clared its independence, and that there is now no opposition to it there, nor
a force to make any. For the last three years the Government of Spain has
not sent a single corps of troops to any part of that country; nor is there
any reason to believe it will send any in future. Thus, it is manifest that
all those provinces are not only in the full enjoyment of their independence,
but, considering the state of the war and other circumstances, that there
is not the most remote prospect of their being deprived of it.
When the result of such a contest is manifestly settled, the new Govern-
ments have a claim to recognition by other Powers, which ought not to be
resisted. Civil wars too often excite feelings which the parties cannot con-
trol. The opinion entertained by other Powers as to the result may assuage
those feelings, and promote an accommodation between them useful and
honorable to both. The delay which has been observed in making a decision
on this important subject will, it is presumed, have afforded an unequivocal
proof to Spain, as it must have done to other Powers, of the high respect
entertained by the United States for her rights, and of their determination
not to interfere with them. The provinces belonging to this hemisphere are
our neighbors, and have, successively, as each portion of the country acquired
its independence, pressed their recognition by an appeal to facts not to be
contested, and which they thought gave them a just title to it. To motives
of interest this Government has invariably disclaimed all pretension, being
resolved to take no part in the controversy, or other measure in regard to it,
which should not merit the sanction of the civilized world. To other claims
a just sensibility has been always felt, and frankly acknowledged; but they,
in themselves, could never become an adequate cause of action. It was
incumbent on this Government to look to every important fact and circum-
in/- nt-\ni/-»n
I48 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
the present condition of the parties, and the utter inability of Spain to pro-
duce any change in it, we are compelled to conclude that its fate is settled,
and that the provinces which have declared their independence, and are in
the enjoyment of it, ought to be recognised. . , . . ,
Of the views of the Spanish Government on tins subject, no particular
information has been recently received. It may be presumed that the suc-
cessful progress of the revolution through such a long series of years, gaining
strength, and extending annually in every direction, and embracing, by the
late important events, with little exception, all the dominions of Spam south
of the United States on this continent, placing thereby the complete sov-
ereignty over the whole in the hands of the people, will reconcile the parent
country to an accommodation with them on the basis of their unqualified in-
dependence. Nor has any authentic information been recently received of
the disposition of other Powers respecting it. A sincere desire has been
cherished to act in concert with them in the proposed recognition, of which
several were some time past duly apprized ; but it was understood that they
were not prepared for it. The immense space between those Powers, even
those which border on the Atlantic and these provinces, makes the movement
an affair of less interest and excitement to them than to us. It is probable,
therefore, that they have been less attentive to its progress than we have
been. It may be presumed, however, that the late events will dispel all
doubt of the result.
In proposing this measure, it is not contemplated to change thereby, in the
slightest manner, our friendly relations with either of the parties, but to
observe, in all respects, as heretofore, should the war be continued, the most
perfect neutrality between them. Of this friendly disposition an assurance
will be given to the Government of Spain, to whom, it is presumed, it will be,
as it ought to be, satisfactory. The measure is proposed under a thorough
conviction that it is in strict accord with the law of nations ; that it is just and
right as to the parties; and that the United States owe it to their station and
character in the world, as well as to their essential interests, to adopt it.
Should Congress concur in the view herein presented, they will doubtless see
the propriety of making the necessary appropriations for carrying it into
effect.
102
Report of the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the United States House of
Representatives, March jp, 1822 l
America, and the documents therewith communicated, having examined the
same with the most profound attention, unanimously report:
That the provinces of Buenos Ayres, after having, from the year 1810,
proceeded in their revolutionary movements without any obstacle from the
Government of Spain, formally declared their independence of that Govern-
ment in 1816. After various intestine commotions and external collisions,
those provinces now enjoy domestic tranquillity, and a good understanding
with all their neighbors, and actually exercise, without opposition from
within, or the fear of annoyance from without, all the attributes of sover-
eignty.
The provinces of Venezuela and New Granada, after having separately
declared their independence, sustained, for a period of more than ten years,
a desolating war against the armies of Spain, and having severally attained,
by their triumph over those armies, the object for which they contended,
united themselves, on the igih of December, 1819, in one nation, under the
title of "the Republic of Colombia."
The republic of Colombia has now a well-organized Government, insti-
tuted by the free will of its citizens, and exercise all the functions of sover-
eignty, fearless alike of internal and foreign enemies. The small remnant of
the numerous armies commissioned to preserve the supremacy of the parent
state is now blockaded in two fortresses, where it is innoxious, and where,
deprived as it is of all hope of succor, it must soon surrender at discretion.
When this event shall have occured, there will not remain a vestige of foreign
power in all that immense republic, containing between three and four mil-
lions of inhabitants.
The province of Chili, since it declared its independence, in the year 1818,
has been in the constant and unmolested enjoyment of the sovereignty which
it then assumed.
The province of Peru, situated, like Chili, beyond the Andes, and border-
ing on the Pacific ocean, was for a long time deterred from making any
effectual effort for independence, by the presence of an imposing military
force, which Spain had kept up in that country. It was not, therefore,
until the I2th of June of the last year that its capital, the city of Lima,
capitulated to an army, chiefly composed of troops from Buenos Ayres and
Chili, under the command of General San Martin. The greater part of the
royal troops which escaped on that occasion retreated to the mountains,
but soon left them to return to the coast, there to join the royal garrison in
the fortress of Callao. The surrender of that fortress, soon after, to the
Americans, may be regarded as the termination of the war in that quarter.
When the people of Peru found themselves, by this event, free to express
their will, they most unequivocally expressed it in favor of independence, and
with a unanimity and enthusiasm which have nowhere been excelled.
The revolution in Mexico has been somewhat different in its character and
I5O PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
progress from the revolutions in the other Spanish American provinces, and
its result, in respect to the organization of its internal government, has also
not been precisely the same. Independence, however, has been as emphati-
cally declared and as practically established, since the 24th of August last,
by the " Mexican empire," as ever it has been by the republics of the south;
and her geographical situation, her population, and her resources, eminently
qualify her to maintain the independence which she has thus declared, and
now actually enjoys.
Such are the facts which have occupied the attention of your committee,
and which, in their opinion, irresistibly prove that the nations of Mexico,
Colombia, Buenos Ayres, Peru, and Chili, in Spanish America, are in fact
independent.
It now remains for your committee to examine the right and the expedi-
ency, on the part of the United States, of recognising the independence which
those nations have thus effectively achieved.
In this examination, it cannot be necessary to inquire into the right of the
people of Spanish America "to dissolve the political bands which have con-
nected them with another, and to assume among the Powers of the earth that
separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God
entitle them." The right to change the political institutions of the state has,
indeed, been exercised equally by Spain and by her colonies; and for us to
deny to the people of Spanish America the right to independence on the
principles which alone sanction it here, would be virtually to renounce our
own.
The political right of this nation to acknowledge their independence, with-
out offending others, does not depend on its justice, but on its actual estab-
lishment. To justify such a recognition by us, it is necessary only to show,
as is already sufficiently shown, that the people of Spanish America are,
within their respective limits, exclusively sovereign, and thus, in fact, inde-
pendent. With them, as with every other Government possessing and
exercising the power of making war, the United States, in common with all
nations, have the right of concerting the terms of mutual peace and inter-
course.
Who is the rightful sovereign of a country, is not an inquiry permitted to
foreign nations, to whom it is competent only to treat with "the powers
that be."
There is no difference of opinion on this point among the writers on public
law; and no diversity, with respect to it, in the practice of civilized nations.
It is not necessary here to cite authority for a doctrine familiar to all who
have paid the slightest attention to the subject, nor to go back for its practi-
cal illustration to the civil wars between the houses of York and Lancaster.
monarchies have become commonwealths or republics, and powerful usurpers
have been recognised by foreign nations, in preference to legitimate and
powerless pretenders. Modern history is replete with instances in point.
Have we not, indeed, within the brief period of our own remembrance,
beheld Governments vary their forms and change their rulers according to
the prevailing power or passion of the moment, and doing so in virtue of the
principle now in question, without materially and lastingly affecting their
relations with other Governments? Have we not seen the emperors and
kings of yesterday receive, on the thrones of exiled sovereigns who claimed
the right to reign there, the friendly embassies of other Powers with whom
those exiled sovereigns had sought an asylum? and have we not seen to-day
those emperors and kings, thus courted and recognised yesterday, reft of
their sceptres, and, from a mere change of circumstances, not of right,
treated as usurpers by their successors, who, in their turn, have been
acknowledged and caressed by the same foreign Powers?
The peace of the world and the independence of every member of the great
political family require that each should be the exclusive judge of its own
internal proceedings, and that the fact alone should be regarded by foreign
nations. " Even when civil war breaks the bonds of society and of govern-
ment, or at least suspends their force and effect, it gives birth in the nation
to two independent parties, who regard each other as enemies, and ac-
knowledge no common judge." It is of necessity, therefore, that these two
parties should be considered by foreign states as two distinct and independent
nations. To consider or treat them otherwise, would be to interfere in their
domestic concerns, to deny them the right to manage their own affairs in
their own way, and to violate the essential attributes of their respective
sovereignty. For a nation to be entitled, in respect to foreign states, to the
enjoyment of these attributes, "and to figure directly in the great political
society, it is sufficient that it is really sovereign and independent; that is,
that it governs itself by its own authority and laws." The people of
Spanish America do notoriously so govern themselves, and the right of the
United States to recognise the Governments which they have instituted is
incontestable. A doubt of the expediency of such a recognition can be
suggested only by the apprehension that it may injuriously affect our peace-
ful and friendly relations with the nations of the other hemisphere.
Can such an apprehension be well founded?
Have not all those nations practically sanctioned, within the last thirty
years, the very principle on which we now propose to act; or have they ever
complained of one another, or of us, for acting on that principle?
No nation of Europe, excepting Spain herself, has hitherto opposed force
to the independence of Spanish America. Some of those nations have not
only constantly maintained commercial and friendly intercourse with them
152 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
in every stage of the revolution, but indirectly and efficiently, though not
avowedly, aided them in the prosecution of their great object. To these the
acknowledgment by the United States of the attainment of that object
must be satisfactory.
To the other nations of Europe, who have regarded the events occurring
in Spanish America not only without interference, but with apparent
indifference, such an acknowledgment ought not to be offensive.
The nations who have thus respectively favored or never opposed the
Spanish American people during their active struggle for independence
cannot, it is believed, regard with dissatisfaction the formal recognition of
that independence by a nation which, while that struggle lasted, has reli-
giously observed towards both the conflicting parties all the duties of
neutrality. Your committee are, therefore, of opinion that we have a right
on this occasion confidently to expect, from what these nations have done
or forborne to do, during the various fortunes of the civil war which has
terminated, that they will frankly approve the course of policy which the
United States may now think proper to adopt in relation to the successful
party in that war. It surely cannot be reasonably apprehended that
nations, who have thus been the tranquil spectators, the apparent well-
wishers, if not the efficient supporters of this party, and who have not made
the faintest attempt to arrest its progress, or to prevent its success, should
be displeased with a third Power for merely recognising the Governments
which, owing to that success, have thus been virtually permitted, or im-
pliedly approved, in acquiring the undisputed and exclusive control of the
countries in which they are established. It is, therefore, on the consistency
as well as on the justice of these nations of Europe that we may confidently
reply that the simple recognition, on the part of the United States, of the
necessary effect of what has already been done will not be considered as a
just cause of complaint against them, while the interested and immediate
agents who have been directly and actively engaged in producing that effect
have neither been opposed nor censured.
Your committee, therefore, instead of seriously apprehending that the
recognition by the United States of the independence of Spanish America
will be unacceptable to these nations, are not without hope that they may
practically approve it, by severally adopting a similar measure. It is not,
indeed, unreasonable to suppose that those Governments have, like this,
waited only for the evidence of facts which might not only suffice to justify
them, under the laws and usages of nations, but to satisfy Spain herself that
nothing has been prematurely done, or which could justly offend her feelings,
or be considered as inconsistent with her rights. As their motives for not
having hitherto recognised the independence of Spanish America may thus
be supposed to have been analogous to our own, it is permitted to presume
that the facts and reasons which have prevailed on us no longer to hesitate
them.
No nation can entertain a more sincere deference for the feelings of Spain,
or take a more lively interest in her welfare, than the United States. It is
to this deference, too evident to be doubted or misunderstood, that ought to
be ascribed the hesitation of this Government, until now, to yield to the
claims of Spanish America, although these claims were in perfect accordance
with our own principles, feelings, and interests. Having thus forborne to
act, even at the hazard of having those principles and feelings misunder-
stood on this side of the Atlantic, we have, as your committee believe, given
at once satisfactory proof of our disinterestedness and moderation, and of our
scrupulous respect to the principle which leaves the political institutions of
every foreign state to be directed by its own view of its own rights and
interests.
Your committee have been particularly anxious to show, in a manner
satisfactory to Spain herself, that the measure which this Government now
proposes to adopt has been considered with the most respectful attention,
both in relation to her rights and to her feelings.
It is not on the laws and usages of nations, or on the practice of Spain
herself, on like occasions, that your committee have relied for our justifica-
tion towards her.
The fact that for the last three years she has not sent a single company of
troops against her transatlantic colonies has not been used as evidence of
their actual independence, or of her want of power to oppose it. This fact,
explained as it is by the public acts of Spain herself, is regarded by your
committee as evidence only of her policy.
The last troops collected at Cadiz in 1819, which were destined to suppress
the revolutionary movements in Spanish America, not only rejected that
service, but joined in the revolution which has since proved successful in
Spain herself. The declaration of the leaders in that revolution was, that
"Spanish America had a right to be free, and that Spain should be free."
Although the constitution which was re-established by that revolution
guarantied the integrity of the Spanish dominions, yet the principles on
which that constitution was founded seem to discountenance the employ-
ment of force for the accomplishment of that object, in contempt of the
equal rights and declared will of the American portion of the Spanish people.
The conduct of the Government organized under that constitution has uni-
formly been, in this respect, in conformity to those principles. Since its
existence, there has not been even a proposal by that Government to employ
force for the subjugation of the American provinces, but merely recommenda-
tions of conciliatory measures for their pacification.
The answer of the Cortes, on the loth of July, 1820, to the address of the
King, furnishes conclusive proof of this policy.
esty, the re-establishment of the constitution, the faithful performance of
promises, depriving malevolence of all pretext, will facilitate the pacification
of the ultramarine provinces, which are in a state of agitation and dissension.
The Cortes, on its part, will omit no opportunity to propose and adopt
measures necessary for the observance of the constitution and restoration of
tranquillity in those countries, to the end that the Spains of both worlds may thus
form a single and happy family."
Although the ultramarine provinces are not here encouraged to expect
absolute independence, yet they are no longer treated as vassal colonies, or
threatened with subjugation, but are actually recognised as brothers in the
great constitutional and free family of Spain.
A report made to the Cortes on the 24th of June, 1821, by a committee
appointed by that body, not only manifestly corroborates the policy above
stated, but sufficiently intimates that the recognition of the independence of
Spanish America by Spain herself had nearly been the measure recommended
by that committee.
That report avers that "tranquillity is not sufficient, even if it should
extend throughout America with a prospect of permanency: no! it falls short
of the wishes of the friends of humanity.1'
In speaking of the measure demanded by the crisis, it says that this
measure was not only •warmly approved by the committee, but at first entirely
assented to by the ministers, with whom it had been discussed, and failed only
to be proposed to the Cortes "by these ministers having, on account of peculiar
occurrences, suspended their judgment." It speaks of this measure as in-
dicative of a new and glorious resolution ; that it was demanded by America
and the true interests of the Peninsula; that from it Spain might reap advan-
tages which otherwise she could never expect; and that the ties of kindred
and the uniformity of religion, with commercial relations, and those emanat-
ing from free institutions, would be the surest pledge of mutual harmony and
close union.
Your committee do not feel themselves authorized to say positively what
that measure was, but they do not hesitate to declare their entire conviction
that no measure short of a full recognition of unconditional independence
could have deserved the character, nor been capable of producing the effects
ascribed to it.
It is, therefore, sufficiently manifest that Spain, far from wishing to call
into action her means of prosecuting hostilities against the people of Spanish
America, has renounced eren the feelings of an enemy towards them, and, but
for "peculiar occurrences," had been prepared, nearly a year ago, to consent
to their independence.
She has not only practically discontinued, and even emphatically depre-
cated, the employment of force to restore tranquillity to Spanish America,
"falls short of the wishes of the friends of humanity."
While she appeals to "the ties of kindred," she undoubtedly feels them;
and if she has not abandoned her desire, so often avowed, of mere constitu-
tional union and equal commercial intercourse with her former colonies, as
between provinces of the same empire — a union and an intercourse which inter-
vening Andes and oceans seem to render highly inconvenient, if not utterly
impracticable — she evidently refers the accomplishment of this desire to
the unawed deliberations and to the congenial and kindred feelings of the
people of those colonies, and thus substantially acknowledges their inde-
pendence.
Whatever may be the policy of Spain, however, in respect to her former
American colonies, our recognition of their independence can neither affect
her rights, nor impair her means, in the accomplishment of that policy. We
cannot, for this, be justly accused of aiding in the attainment of an inde-
pendence which has already been established without our assistance. Be-
sides, our recognition must necessarily be co-existent only with the fact on
which it is founded, and cannot survive it. While the nations of Spanish
America are actually independent, it is simply to speak the truth to acknowl-
edge them to be so.
Should Spain, contrary to her avowed principles and acknowledged inter-
ests, renew the war for the conquest of South America, we shall indeed
regret it, but we shall observe, as we have done, between the independent
parties, an honest and impartial neutrality; but, on the other hand, should
Spain, faithful to her own glory and prosperity, consent that her offspring
in the new world should enjoy the right of self-government equally with their
brethren in the old, we shall sincerely rejoice; and we shall cherish with
equal satisfaction, and cultivate with equal assiduity, the friendship of
regenerated Spain and of emancipated America.
Your committee, in justice to their own feelings and to the feelings of their
fellow-citizens, have made this declaration without disguise; and they trust
that the uniform character and conduct of this people will save it from all
liability to misinterpretation.
Happy in our own institutions, we claim no privilege ; we indulge no ambi-
tion to extend them to other nations ; we admit the equal rights of all nations
to form their own governments and to administer their own internal affairs
as they may judge proper; and, however they may, in these respects, differ
from us, we do not on that account regard with the less satisfaction their
tranquillity and happiness.
Your committee having thus considered the subject referred to them in
all its aspects, are unanimously of opinion that is is just and expedient to
acknowledge the independence of the several nations of Spanish America,
without any reference to the diversity in the forms of their governments;
ana, in accordance witn tnis opinion, tney
resolutions :
Resoked, That the House of Representatives concur in the opinion ex-
pressed by the President in his message of the 8th of March, 1822, that the
American provinces of Spain which have declared their independence, and
are in the enjoyment of it, ought to be recognised by the United States as
independent nations.
Resolved, That the Committee of Ways and Means be instructed to report
a bill appropriating a sum not exceeding one hundred thousand dollars, to
enable the President of the United States to give due effect to such recogni-
tion.
103
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Joaquin de Anduaga, Spanish Min-
ister to the United States l
WASHINGTON, April 6, 1822.
SIR: Your Letter of the gth of March2 was, immediately after I had the
honour of receiving it, laid before the President of the United States, by
whom it has been deliberately considered, and by whose direction I am, in
replying to it, to assure you of the earnestness and sincerity with which this
Government desires to entertain and to cultivate the most friendly relations
with that of Spain.
This disposition has been manifested, not only by the uniform course of the
United States, in their direct political and commercial intercourse with
Spain, but by the friendly interest which they have felt in the welfare of the
Spanish Nation, and by the cordial sympathy with which they have wit-
nessed their spirit and energy, exerted in maintaining their Independence of
ail foreign controul, and their right of self-government.
In every question relating to the Independence of a Nation, two principles
are involved; one of right, and the other of fact; the former exclusively
depending upon the determination of the Nation itself, and the latter
resulting from the successful execution of that determination — This right has
been recently exercised as well by the Spanish Nation in Europe, as by
several of those Countries in the American Hemisphere, which had for two
or three Centuries been connected as Colonies with Spain — In the conflicts
which have attended these Revolutions, the United States, have carefully
abstained from taking any part, respecting the right of the nations concerned
in them to maintain or now organize their own political Constitutions, and
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 53. Joaquin de Anduaga, envoy extraordinary
and minister plenipotentiary of Spain in the United States: Presented credentials, October
31, 1821. Gave notice of intended departure, March 15, 1823.
* See below, pt. xm, doc. 1 105.
But the civil war, in which Spain was for some years involved with the in-
habitants of her Colonies in America, has in substance, ceased to exist —
Treaties equivalent to an acknowledgement of Independence, have been
concluded by the Commanders and Viceroys of Spain herself, with the
Republic of Colombia, with Mexico, and with Peru; while in the Provinces
of La Plata, and in Chili, no Spanish force has for several years existed, to
dispute the independence, which the Inhabitants of those Countries had
declared.
Under these circumstances, the Government of the United States, far
from consulting the dictates of a policy, questionable in its morality yielded
tc an obligation of duty of the highest order, by recognizing as Independent
States, Nations which, after deliberately asserting their right to that
character, have maintained and established it against all the resistance which
had been or could be brought to oppose it. This recognition is neither
intended to invalidate any right of Spain, nor to affect the employment of
any means, which she may yet be disposed or enabled to use, with the view of
re-uniting those Provinces to the rest of her dominions — It is the mere
acknowledgement of existing facts, with the view to the regular establish-
ment, with the Nations newly formed, of those relations, political and com-
mercial, which it is the moral obligation of civilized and Christian Nations to
entertain reciprocally with one another.
It will not be necessary to discuss with you a detail of facts, upon which
your information appears to be materially different, from that which has
been communicated to this Government, and is of public notoriety; nor the
propriety of the denominations which you have attributed to the Inhabitants
of the South American Provinces— It is not doubted that other and more
correct views of the whole subject will very shortly be taken by your
Government, and that it will, as well as the other European Governments,
shew that deference to the example of the United States, which you urge it
as the duty or the policy of the United States, to shew to theirs — The effect
of the example of one Independent Nation upon the counsels and measures
of another, can be just, only so far as it is voluntary: and as the United
States desire that their example should be followed, so it is their intention to
follow that of others, upon no other principle — They confidently reply that
the time is at hand, when all the Governments of Europe friendly to Spain,
and Spain herself, will not only concur in the acknowledgement of the
Independence of the American Nations, but in the sentiment, that nothing
will tend more effectually to the welfare and happiness of Spain, than the
universal concurrence in that recognition.
I pray you, Sir, to accept [etc.]
158 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
104
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to President James Monroe :
WASHINGTON, April 25, 1822.
The Secretary of State, to whom has been referred a resolution of the
Senate of this day, requesting the President to communicate to the Senate
any information he may have, proper to be disclosed, from our minister at
Madrid, or from the Spanish minister resident in this country, concerning the
views of Spain relative to the recognition of the independence of the South
American colonies, and of the dictamen of the Spanish Cortes, has the honor
to submit to the President copies of the papers particularly referred to.
105
President James Monroe to the United States Senate'1
WASHINGTON, April 26, 1822.
To THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES :
I transmit to the Senate, agreeably to their resolution of yesterday, a
report from the Secretary of State,2 with copies of the papers requested by
that resolution, in relation to the recognition of the South American prov-
inces.
106
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Richard Rush, United States
Minister to Great Britain 3
[EXTRACT!
WASHINGTON, May 13, 1822.
Among the Congressional Documents which you will receive, there are
two relating to subjects of interest to the general affairs of Europe, and which
it is presumed will meet attention, from their bearing on the policy of the
principal European Powers. I refer to the message 4 from the President
to Congress, recognizing the Independence of the South American States,
with the proceedings of Congress consequent thereon, and the Correspond-
1 American Slate Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 845.
2 See above, doc. 104.
3 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, IX, 119.
a Anduaga relating to it ; . . .
The recognition Message, and the proceedings almost unanimous of both
Houses of Congress on the Bill making appropriations for five Diplomatic
Missions to the South, are strong and clear indications of the disposition of
the Public mind in this Country. Of the view, which will be taken of this
measure as well by Spain, as by the preponderating Powers of the European
Alliance, we are yet to be informed. We trust it will not be considered even
by the British Cabinet a Rash or Hasty measure at this time. Should the
subject be mentioned to you by the Marquess of Londonderry, you will
remark that it was not understood or intended as a change of policy on the
part of the United States, nor adopted with any design of turning it to the
account of our own Interests. Possibly no one of the proposed Diplomatic
Missions may be actually sent before the next Session of Congress. The
neutrality of the United States towards the parties, so far as neutrality can
be said to exist where there is scarcely any War, will be continued. The
relations of the United States with both parties will remain the same, with
the only exception of an interchange of official, instead of informal political
and commercial Agents.
Upon both the subjects above mentioned, it will be acceptable to learn in
what light they are considered by the British Government.
107
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to David C. de Forest of New Haven,
Connecticut 2
WASHINGTON, May 23, 1822.
SIR: Having submitted to the consideration of the President of the United
States, your letter of ulto, I am directed by him to inform you
That, in the recognition of the independence of the several Governments
of South America, it is not his intention, by discriminating between them,
with regard to time, to admit any claim to prior recognition, in favor of any
one over the other.
That the letter heretofore produced by you as a voucher of your appoint-
ment as Consul General from the United Provinces of La Plata, having been
issued by a government which no longer exists, cannot be received as con-
ferring upon you that office from a federation, neither in its component parts,
nor in its existing political institutions, nor in its ruling administration,
the same.
1 See above, doc. 103, Adams to Anduaga, April 6, 1822.
* MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 104.
issued in conformity to certain articles or agreement in the form ot a com-
mercial treaty which had never been authorized by the Government of the
United States, and have always been held by them, null and void.
That even if, under all these changes, the present government of Buenos
Ayres, could be considered as the same, with that, under the authority of
which the letter produced by you, was issued, the confirmation of your com-
mission by the present ruling Administration, would be indispensable to your
obtaining an Exequatur under it; authentic information having been
received at this Department of the intention of the present authorities of
Buenos Ayres, to revoke it.
That, with regard to your claim to be received in the character of Charge
d 'Affaires from that country the President does not think proper to receive,
as invested with the privileges peculiar to the diplomatic Agents of foreign
Powers, any person being a native citizen of the United States, and domi-
ciliated in them.
I am [etc.].
108
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Manuel Torres (Philadelphia},
Colombian Agent in the United States l
WASHINGTON, May 23, 1822.
SIR: I have the honor of informing you, by direction of the President of
the United States, that he will receive you in the character of Charge
d'Affaires from the Republic of Colombia, whenever it may suit your con-
venience, and be compatible with the state of your health to repair to this
place for that purpose.
I am [etc.].
109
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Colonel Charles S. Todd (Norfolk],
Confidential Agent of the United States to Colombia2
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, July 2, 1822.
SIR: It is the President's desire that you should proceed immediately to
the Seat of Government of the Republic of Colombia. Under the authority
heretofore given you, you will communicate with the Minister of foreign
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 104.
2 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 260.
received by the President in the character of its Charge d'affaires. That
with regard to the diplomatic intercourse between the two Countries, the
President's wish is to place it on the footing most agreeable to the Republic
of Colombia itself. Mr. Torres has suggested to me his belief that a Minister
Plenipotentiary will shortly be appointed by the Colombian Government
to the United States, and that he will be authorized to negotiate a Treaty of
Amity and Commerce founded upon principles of entire reciprocity. He has
been informed that the Minister will be received with pleasure and every
proposition of negotiation with the most attentive and friendly consideration.
And you will make known to the Colombian Government that a Minister
of equal rank will be sent from the United States, in the event of the arrival
of a Minister from that Republic here. You will add that the rank of
Charg6 d'affaires corresponding with that of Mr. Torres here would be given
you, but that it would require the sanction of the Senate, who are not in
session.
Should a Minister Plenipotentiary be appointed at any time before the
next Session of the Senate, or then, you will be nominated as the Secretary
to the Legation.
110
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Pedro Gual, Secretary of State for.
Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Colombia l
WASHINGTON, July 2, 1822".
SIR : Colonel Charles S. Todd, the bearer of this letter, will communicate
to you the documents which exhibit the recognition by the Government of
the United States, of the independence of the Republic of Colombia, and
their disposition to enter into those relations of friendly intercourse, political
and .commercial, with that Republic, which are customary between inde-
pendent Nations. With this view, Don Manuel Torres has been received by
the President of the United States, in the capacity of Charg6 d'Affaires, with
which he has been clothed by the Government of the Republic of Colombia.
And I am directed by the President of the United States to inform you that
a person with diplomatic character will be appointed at an early day, to
reside, on the part of the United States, at the seat of your government.
Colo. Todd will, in the mean time, have the honor of communicating further
with you on this subject; and I pray you to give credit, as heretofore, to
whatever he shall represent to you on the part of this government.
Be pleased, Sir, to accept [etc.].
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 105.
1 62 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
111
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Richard Rush, United States
Minister to Great Britain 1
WASHINGTON, July 24, 1822.
SIR: Mr Manuel Torres, late Charg6 d'Affaires from the Republic of
Colombia, wrote me a few days before his decease, a Letter, requesting me
to recommend to your kind attentions Mr. Ravenga, now the Representa-
tive of the Colombian Government in England. I take a melancholy satis-
faction in complying with this request, not only with the view to fulfil the
last wishes of a man of the most amiable and respectable character, but as it
is altogether conformable to the wishes of the President, who will be gratified,
should it be in your power to promote, by any suitable service, the views of
Mr. Ravenga, and of his Government; particularly in obtaining that entire
and unreserved acknowledgement of the independence of his Nation, which
the United States have believed to be justly due to them, and of which
they have been the first to set the example. You will of course understand
that any step of this nature to be taken by you, will be deliberately weighed,
and adapted in its time and circumstances, as well to the delicacy due to
Spain, as to that which it is proper to observe towards the British Govern-
ment.
I am [etc.].
112
Message of President James Monroe at the commencement of the second session
of the Seventeenth Congress of the United States, communicated to the
Senate, December j, 1822 2
[EXTRACT]
A strong hope was entertained that peace would, ere this, have been con-
cluded between Spain and the independent Governments south of the United
States in this hemisphere. Long experience having evinced the competency
of those Governments to maintain the independence which they had de-
clared, it was presumed that the considerations which induced their recog-
nition by the United States would have had equal weight with other powers,
and that Spain herself, yielding to those magnanimous feelings of which her
history furnishes so many examples, would have terminated, on that basis,
a controversy so unavailing and at the same time so destructive. We still
cherish the hope that this result will not long be postponed.
Sustaining our neutral position, and allowing to each party, while the war
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers. T"XT Ti7
each, with equal rigor, the faithful observance of our rights according to the
well-known law of nations. From each, therefore, a like co-operation is
expected in the suppression of the piratical practice which has grown out
of this war, and of blockades of extensive coasts on both seas, which, con-
sidering the small force employed to sustain them, have not the slightest
foundation to rest on.
113
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to John Forsyth, United States Min-
ister to Spain *
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, January j, 1823.
Besides the correspondence with Mr. Anduaga, copies of which are here-
with transmitted, I have received several very long and earnest communica-
tions from that minister, the replies to which have been and yet are delayed,
in the hope that they may be received by him in a disposition more calm and
temperate than that which is manifested by his notes. He appears to think
it material to the interest of his Government to maintain the attitude of
loud complaint in regard to transactions with respect to which the primary
cause of complaint is on our side. The only exception to this remark relates
to a miserable attempt at an expedition against the island of Porto Rico,
headed by a foreign officer named Decoudray de Holstein, but on board of
which were some misguided citizens of the United States. One of the
vessels appears to have been fitted out at Philadelphia and one at New York,
but the first intimation of these facts, received by this Government, was long
after they had sailed, and from the island of St. Bartholomew's.
We have since learned that the masters of the vessels were deceived with
regard to their destination ; and that when it was discovered by them they
positively refused to proceed upon it, and insisted upon going into the
island of Curagoa, where the chief and others of the expedition were arrested.
You will make this known to the Spanish Government, and assure them that
this Government knew nothing of this expedition before the departure of the
vessels from the United States. This will not be surprising when it is known
that it escaped equally the vigilance of Mr. Anduaga himself, who divides his
residence between New York and Philadelphia, and of all the other Spanish
official agents and consuls at those places.
Mr. Anduaga has taken this occasion to renew, with much sensibility, all
his own complaints and those of his predecessors against armaments in our
1 American State Papers, Foreign Rdations, V, 378.
merce which our citizens, in common with the subjects of all the maritime
nations of Europe, have for many years maintained with the people of the
emancipated colonies. These complaints have been so fully and repeatedly
answered that there is some difficulty in accounting for Mr. Anduaga's
recurrence to them with the feelings which mark his notes concerning them.
Should the occasion present itself, you will give it distinctly to be understood,
that, if some of those notes remain long, and may even finally remain un-
answered, it is from a principle of forbearance to him and of unequivocal
good will towards his Government and his country.
I am [etc.].
114
President James Monroe to the United States Senate, communicated to the
Senate in executive session, February 26, 1823, l and the injunction
of secrecy since removed
WASHINGTON, February 25, 1823.
To THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES :
By a resolution of the 2yth of December last the President of the United
States was requested to communicate to the Senate such information as he
might possess respecting the political state of the island of St. Domingo;
whether the government thereof was claimed by any European nation ; what
our commercial relations with the Government of the island were, and
whether any further commercial relations with that Government would be
consistent with the interest and safety of the United States.
From the import of the resolution it is inferred that the Senate was fully
aware of the delicate and interesting nature of the subject embraced by it in
all its branches. The call supposes something peculiar in the nature of the
Government of that island, and in the character of its population, to which
attention is due. Impressed always with an anxious desire to meet every
call of either House for information, I most willingly comply in this instance,
and with a view to the particular circumstances alluded to.
In adverting to the political state of St. Domingo, I have to observe that
the whole island is now united under one Government, under a constitution
which retains the sovereignty in the hands of the people of color, and with
provisions which prohibit the employment in the Government of all white
persons who have emigrated there since 1816, or who may hereafter emigrate
there, and which prohibit also the acquisition by such persons of the right of
citizenship or to real estate in the island. In the exercise of this sovereignty
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 240.
vasion of the island has been made or attempted by any power. It is, how-
ever, understood that the relations between the Government of France and
the island have not been adjusted; that its independence has not been
recognized by France, nor has peace been formally established between the
parties.
The establishment of a Government of people of color in the island, on the
principles above stated, evinces distinctly the idea of a separate interest and
a distrust of other nations. Had that jealousy been confined to the inhabit-
ants of the parent country it would have been less an object of attention ; but
by extending it to the inhabitants of other countries, with whom no difference
ever existed, the policy assumes a character which does not admit of a like
explanation. To what extent that spirit may be indulged or to what purpose
applied our experience has yet been too limited to enable us to form a just
estimate. These are inquiries more peculiarly interesting to the neighboring
islands. They nevertheless deserve the attention of the United States.
Between the United States and this island a commercial intercourse exists,
and it will continue to be the object of this Government to promote it. Our
commerce there has been subjected to higher duties than have been imposed
on like articles from some other nations. It has, nevertheless, been exten-
sive, proceeding from the wants of the respective parties and the enterprise of
our citizens. Of this discrimination to our injury we had a right to complain
and have complained. It is expected that our commercial intercourse with
the island will be placed on the footing of the most favored nation. No
preference is sought in our favor, nor ought any to be given to others. Re-
garding the high interest of our happy Union, and looking to every circum-
stance which may, by any possibility, affect the tranquillity of any part,
however remotely, and guarding against such injury by suitable precau-
tions, it is the duty of this Government to promote, by all the means in its
power and by a fair and honorable policy, the best interest of every other
part and thereby of the whole. Feeling profoundly the force of this obliga-
tion, I shall continue to exert, with unwearied zeal, my best faculties to give
it effect.
115
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Robert K. Lowry, appointed United
States Consul at La Guayra :
WASHINGTON, April u, 1823.
SIR: It gives me very great pleasure to be able to transmit to you the
Secretary's letter, enclosing your Commission, as Consul of the United
1 MS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 277.
things in Colombia, and the determination of the President to give as few
formal Commissions as possible, till the complete recognition by the United
States of the South American Governments should be given, have been the
main obstacles to your getting such a Document as is now transmitted, a
long time ago.
I am [etc.].
116
General instructions from John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Hugh
Nelson, United States Minister to Spain :
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 28, 1823.
The critical and convulsed condition of Spain may indeed bring forth
many incidents now unforeseen, and upon which the President relies upon
your own judgement for the course which, under them, you will find it
prudent to pursue. But with regard to the ordinary relations between the
two countries there are various objects upon which I now proceed to re-
quest your attention.
The renewal of the war in Venezuela has been signalized on the part of
the Spanish commanders by proclamations of blockade unwarranted by
the laws of nations, and by decrees regardless of those of humanity. With
no other naval force than a single frigate, a brig, and a schooner, employed
in transporting supplies from Curacoa to Porto Cabello, they have pre-
sumed to declare a blockade of more than twelve hundred miles of coast.
To this outrage upon all the rights of neutrality they have added the absurd
pretension of interdicting the peaceable commerce of other nations with
all the ports of the Spanish Main, upon the pretence that it had hereto-
fore been forbidden by the Spanish colonial laws; and on the strength of
these two inadmissible principles they have issued commissions, at Porto
Cabello and in the island of Porto Rico, to a swarm of privateers, which
have committed extensive and ruinous depredations upon the lawful com-
merce of the United States as well as upon that of other nations, and partic-
ularly of Great Britain.
It was impossible that neutral nations should submit to such a system;
the execution of which has been as strongly marked with violence and
cruelty as was its origin with injustice. Repeated remonstrances against
it have been made to the Spanish Government, and it became necessary to
give the protection of our naval force to the commerce of the United States
exposed to these depredations.
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 408.
the United States and punish the crime of piracy," the President was
authorized to instruct the commanders of the public armed vessels of the
United States to take any armed vessel "which shall have attempted or
committed any piratical aggression, search, restraint, depredation, or
seizure upon any vessel of the United States, or of the citizens thereof, or
upon any other vessel; and, also, to retake any vessel of the United States,
or its citizens, which may have been unlawfully captured upon the high
seas."
A copy of this act and of the instructions from the Navy Department
to the officers who have been charged with the execution of it are herewith
furnished you. The instructions will enable you to show how cautiously
this Government, while affording the protection due to the lawful commerce
of the nation, has guarded against the infringement of the rights of all
others.
The privateers from Porto Rico and Porto Cabello have been, by their
conduct, distinguishable from pirates only by commissions of most equiv-
ocal character, from Spanish officers, whose authority to issue them has
never been shown; and they have committed outrages and depredations
which no commission could divest of the piratical character. During the
same period swarms of pirates and of piratical vessels, without pretence or
color of commission, have issued from the island of Cuba and the immediate
neighborhood of the Havana, differing so little in the composition of their
crews and their conduct from the privateers of Porto Cabello and Porto
Rico as to leave little distinction other than that of being disavowed between
them. These piracies have now been for years continued, under the im-
mediate observation of the Government of the island of Cuba, which,
as well as the Spanish Government, has been repeatedly and ineffectually
required to suppress them. Many of them have been committed by boats
within the very harbors and close upon the shores of the island. When
pursued by superior force the pirates have escaped to the shores; and twelve
months have elapsed since the late Captain General Mahy refused to Cap-
tain Biddle the permission to land even upon the desert and uninhabited
parts of the island where they .should seek refuge from his pursuit. Gov-
ernor Mahy at the same time declared that he had taken the . necessary
measures to defend his territorial jurisdiction and for the apprehension of
every description of outlaws.
Governor Mahy is since deceased; but neither the measures which he
had then taken nor any since adopted by the Government of the island
have proved effectual to suppress or in any manner even to restrain the
pirates. From the most respectable testimony we are informed that these
atrocious robberies are committed by persons well known, and that the
traffic in their plunder is carried on with the utmost notoriety. They are
dear out as sucn irom me navana. JLL n
cautiously avoid molesting Spanish vessels, but attack without discrim-
ination the defenceless vessels of all other nations. You will see by a
letter from Lieutenant Gregory to the Secretary of the Navy (p. 64 of the
printed documents) that a large portion of the crews of the Porto Rico
privateers consist of these same pirates from Cuba.
In November last, a gallant officer of the Navy, Lieutenant Allen, lost
his life in a conflict with some of these pirates; and an armament was im-
mediately afterwards fitted out, and is now on the spot under the command
of Commodore Porter, for the defence and protection of our commerce
against them. Notice was despatched of this movement to Mr. Forsyth,
by a special messenger, in January last, with instructions to him to require
of the Spanish Government the permission to land in case of necessity in
pursuit of the robbers. Copies of the instructions from the Secretary of
the Navy are herewith furnished. From this statement of facts it is ap-
parent that the naval officers of the United States who have been instructed
to protect our commerce in that quarter have been brought in conflict with
two descriptions of unlawful captors of our merchant vessels, the acknowl-
edged and disavowed pirates of Cuba, and the ostensibly commissioned
privateers from Porto Rico and Porto Cabello ; and that in both cases the .
actual depredators have been of the same class of Spanish subjects and often
probably the same persons. The consequence has been that several of the
commissioned privateers have been taken by our cruisers; and that in one
instance a merchant vessel, belonging to the Havana, but charged upon oath
of two persons as having been the vessel from which a vessel of the United
States had been robbed, has been brought into port and is now at Norfolk
to be tried at the next session of the District Court of the United States.
In all these cases the Spanish minister, Anduaga, has addressed to this
Department complaints and remonstrances in language so exceptionable
that it precluded the possibility of an amicable discussion of the subject
with Mm. In some of the cases explanations have been transmitted to Mr.
Forsyth to be given in a spirit of amity and conciliation to the Spanish Gov-
ernment. But as your mission affords a favorable opportunity for a full
and candid exposition of them all, copies of the correspondence with Mr.
Anduaga, relating to them, are annexed to these instructions, to which I
add upon each case of complaint the following remarks :
i. The first is the case of a man named Escandell, prize master of a Dutch
vessel called the Neptune, taken by a privateer, armed in Porto Cabello,
called the Virgin del Carmen, and retaken by the United States armed brig
Spark, then commanded by Captain John H. Elton, since deceased. From
the report of Captain Elton it appears: ist. That the Dutch vessel had been
taken within the territorial jurisdiction of the Dutch island of Curac.oa.
of Aruba. 3d. That he retook her as a vessel piratically captured; the
prize master, Escandell, having produced to him no papers whatsoever.
He therefore brought him and the prize crew to Charleston, South Carolina,
where they were prosecuted as pirates.
Mr. Anduaga's first letter to me on this case was dated the 24th of July,
I822,1 inclosing a copy of a letter from Escandell to the Spanish vice consul
at Charleston, invoking his protection; Escandell being then in prison, and
under indictment for piracy. He solicits the interposition of the vice con-
sul, that he may obtain, from the Captain General of the Havana and the
commanding officer at Porto Cabello, documents to prove that he was law-
fully commissioned; and he alleges that the captain of the privateer had
furnished him with a document to carry the prize into Porto Cabello; that
he did deliver this document to Captain Elton, who concealed it from the
court at Charleston; that Elton and his officers well knew that he, Escandell,
was commissioned by the King of Spain, and had assisted at the disembark-
ing of General la Torre with the privateer and the prize, but that Elton had
withheld his knowledge of these facts from the grand jury. Mr. Anduaga's
letter to me noticed this contradiction between the statement of Captain
Elton and the declaration of Escandell, and requested that the trial at
Charleston might be postponed till he could receive answers from the Captain
General of the Havana and the commandant of Porto Cabello, to whom he
had written to obtain the documents necessary to prove the legality of the
capture. This was accordingly done.
This letter of Mr. Anduaga was unexceptionable in its purport; but, on
the iyth of October,1 he addressed me a second, inclosing the papers which
he had received from Porto Cabello, and assuming a style of vituperation
not only against Captain Elton, then very recently dead, but against the
Navy in general, the Government, and even the people of the United States,
which required the exertion of some forbearance to avoid sending it back to
him as unsuitable to be received at this Department from a foreign minister.
It was the more unwarrantable, because, while assuming, as proved,
against an officer of the United States, no longer living to justify himself,
that he had concealed documents furnished him by Escandell, he declares it
"evident that not the public service but avarice, and the atrocious desire of
sacrificing upon a gibbet the lives of some innocent citizens of a friendly
power, were the moving principles of this commander's conduct." To
those who personally knew Captain Elton, what language could reply in
terms of indignation adequate to the unworthiness of this charge? And
how shall I now express a suitable sense of it, when I say that it was ad-
vanced without a shadow of proof, upon the mere original assertion of
Escandell, made in the most suspicious manner, and which the very docu-
ments from Porto Cabello tended rather to disprove than to sustain.
1 Not printed in this collection.
of his papers by Captain Elton, or pretended that he had produced any to
him. But after he had been arraigned upon the indictment, and after the
court had, at the motion of his counsel, postponed his trial to the next term,
for the express purpose of giving him time to obtain proof that he had been
commissioned, in a secret letter to Castro, the owner of the privateer, at
Porto Cabello, and in another to the Spanish vice consul at Charleston, he
makes these scandalous allegations against Captain Elton at times and
places where he could not be present to refute them. That the documents-
from Porto Cabello, transmitted to Mr. Anduaga, tended rather to disprove
than to sustain them, you will perceive by an examination of the transla-
tions of them herewith furnished you. The only documents among them,
showing the authority under which Escandell, when captured by Captain
Elton, had possession of the Neptune, is a copy of the commission of the
privateer Virgin del Carmen, which had taken the Neptune, and a decla-
ration by the captain of the privateer, Lorenzo Puyol, that, on capturing;
the Neptune, he had put Escandell, as prize master, and six men, on board
of her, ordering her into the port of Cabello, and furnishing Escandell with
the documents necessary for his voyage. No copy of these documents is pro-
duced; and the declaration of this Captain Puyol himself is signed only with
a cross, he not knowing how to write his name.
It is conceived that the only admissible evidence of Escandell's regular
authority as prize master of a captured vessel would have been an authenti-
cated copy of the document itself, furnished him by Puyol. The extreme
ignorance of this man, who appears, on the face of his own declaration, unable
to write his own name, raises more than a presumption that he knew as
little what could be a regular document for a prize master, and is by no means
calculated to give confidence to his declaration as a substitute for the authen-
tic copy of the document itself. The absurdity of the imputation of avari-
cious motives to Captain Elton is demonstrated by the fact that he delivered
up the prize, which was a Dutch vessel, to the Governor of Aruba, and to her
original captain; and as to that of his having concealed Escandell's papers-
to bring him and six innocent seamen to a gibbet, I can even now notice it
only to leave to the candor of the Spanish Government whether it ought
ever to be answered.
Copies are herewith furnished of Captain Elton's report of this trans-
action to the Secretary of the Navy ; of the agreement by which the Neptune
was by him delivered up to the Dutch commandant, at the island of Aruba,
Thielen; and of the receipt given by her original captain, Reinar Romer, to
whom she was restored. In these documents you will see it expressly
u. uy v-apcam ixomer tnai tne
"vessel and cargo, or the value thereof, should be returned to any legal
authority of the United States of America, or to the Spanish Government,
or prize claimants, in due course of the la^-s of nations" You will find, also,
that in the document signed by Captain Romer he expressly declares that
the persons by whom he had been captured purported to belong to a Spanish
felucca privateer, but not having any credentials or authority to cruise upon
the high seas with them lie supposes them to hare been pirates.
This declaration of Romer himself is directly contradictory to the asser-
tion which Escandell, in his affidavit at Charleston, on the 8th of June,
1822, pretends that Captain Romer made to the boarding officer from the
Spark, in answer to his inquiries whether Escandell and his men were
pirates. Escandell says that Romer answered they were not; Romer him-
self says that he supposes they were.
You will remark that, in the copy of Escandell's affidavit, transmitted by
Mr. Anduaga to the Department of State, the name of the Dutch captain of
the Neptune is written Reinas Buman , apparently by mistake in the copy.
The name, as signed by himself, is Reinar Romer.
On a review of the whole transaction, as demonstrated by these docu-
ments, it will be seen that the conduct of Captain Elton was fair, honorable,
cautiously regardful of the possible rights of the captors and Spanish Govern-
ment, and eminently disinterested. He retook the Neptune, a Dutch ves-
sel, at the request of an officer of the Dutch Government. He had already
known and protected her as a neutral before. He restored her to her cap-
tain without claiming salvage, and upon the sole condition that the Dutch
Governor should restore to their owners, citizens of the United States, the
proceeds of a vessel and cargo also wrongfully captured by a Spanish
privateer, and which had been brought within his jurisdiction. And he
provided that if the capture of the Neptune should eventually prove to
have been lawfully made, the Dutch commandant and the captain of the
Neptune himself should be responsible to the Spanish and American Govern-
ments and to the captors for the result.
I have entered into this detail of the evidence in this case not only to
give you the means of satisfying the Spanish Government that the complaints
of Mr. Anduaga against Captain Elton were as groundless in substance as
they were unjust to him and disrespectful to this Government and nation
in form, but to vindicate from unmerited reproach the memory of a gallant
officer, of whose faithful and valuable services his country had been deprived
by death only twenty days before these dishonorable imputations were cast
upon him by Mr. Anduaga.
The harshness and precipitation of that minister's judgment, in prefer-
ring this complaint, is the more remarkable, inasmuch as he avows in that
very note the opinion that the bare -word, without proof, of a merchant cap-
the United States to attack the armed vessel by whichhe had been plundered.
If the word of the captain of a merchant vessel, supported by his oath, were
of such trivial account, of what weight in the scale of testimony is the bare
word of a captain of a privateer who cannot write his name, to prove the
existence and authority of a written or printed document pretended to have
bien given by himself?
If the capture of the Neptune by Puyol had been lawful, her owners
would at this day possess the means of recovering indemnity for their loss
by the recapture, in the written engagements of the Dutch commandant,
Thieleman, and of Captain Romer. But it was not lawful. By the docu-
ments transmitted by Mr. Anduaga it appears that a part of the cargo of
the Xeptune, after her capture by the Virgin del Carmen, had been tran-
shipped to another vessel, and that at Porto Cabello it was condemned by
Captain Lavorde, commander of the Spanish frigate Ligera, who had
issued the privateer's commission, and then sat as judge of the admiralty
court upon the prize. And the sole ground of condemnation assigned is
the breach of the pretended blockade by the Neptune and her trading with
the Independent Patriots. You will remark the great irregularity and in-
compatibility with the principles of general justice as well as of the Spanish
Constitution, that one and the same person should be acting at once in the
capacity of a naval officer, of a magistrate issuing commissions to privateers,
and of a judge to decide upon the prizes taken by them.
But the whole foundation of his decision is a nullity. The blockade was
a public wrong. The interdiction of all trade was an outrage upon the
rights of all neutral nations, and the resort to two expedients bears on its
face the demonstration that they who assumed them both had no reliance
upon the justice of either; for if the interdiction of all neutral trade with the
Independents were lawful, there was neither use nor necessity for the block-
ade; and if the blockade were lawful, there could be as little occasion or
pretence for the interdiction of the trade. The correctness of this reason-
ing can no longer be contested by the Spanish Government itself. The
blockade and interdiction of trade have, from the first notice of them, not
only been denounced and protested against by the Government and officers
of the United States, but by those of Great Britain, even when the ally of
Spain, and who has not yet acknowledged the independence of the revolted
colonies. The consequences of these pretensions have been still more se-
rious to Spain, since they terminated in a formal notification by the British
Government that they had issued orders of reprisal to their squadrons in
the West Indies to capture all Spanish vessels until satisfaction should be
made for the property of all British subjects taken or detained under color
of this preposterous blockade and interdiction. And Spain has formally
pledged herself to make this demanded reparation.
animadvert, is that of the capture of the Porto Rico privateer Palmyra by
theUnited States armed schooner Grampus, Lieutenant Gregory, commander.
With his letter of the nth of October, 1822, l Mr. Anduaga transmitted
copies of a letter from the captain of the privateer Escurra to the Spanish
consul at Charleston, dated the i6th of September, 1822, and of sundry-
depositions taken at Porto Rico from seamen who had belonged to her re-
lating to the capture. The account of the transaction given by Lieutenant
Gregory is among the documents transmitted to Congress with the Presi-
dent's message at the commencement of the last session, pages 62, 63, and
64, to which I refer. The subject is yet before the competent judicial tri-
bunal of this country.
The captain and seamen of the Palmyra, with the exception of those charged
with the robbery of the Coquette, were discharged by a decree of the District
Court of the United States at Charleston, and the vessel was restored to her
captain; but the judge, (Drayton, since deceased,) in giving this decree, de-
clared that Lieutenant Gregory had been fully justified in the capture. By
a decree of the Circuit Court of the same district heavy damages were
awarded against Lieutenant Gregory from which sentence there is an appeal
pending before the Supreme Judicial Court of the United States. What-
ever their final decision may be, the character of the court is a sure warrant
that it will be given with every regard due to the rights and interests of all
the parties concerned, and the most perfect reliance may be placed upon its
justice, impartiality, and independence. The decision of the Circuit Court,
indeed, would imply some censure upon the conduct of Lieutenant Gregory,
and may be represented as giving support to the complaints of the Spanish
minister against him. But it is the opinion of a single judge, in direct op-
position to that of his colleague on the same bench, and liable to the revisal
and correction of the supreme tribunal. It is marked with two principles,
upon which, it may be fairly presumed the judgment of the Supreme Court
will be more in accord with that of the district. The justification of lieu-
tenant Gregory for taking and sending in the Palmyra rests upon two im-
portant facts: First, the robbery committed by part of her crew, sworn to
by Captain Souther, of the schooner Coquette, and confirmed by the oaths
of her mate and two of her seamen ; and secondly, that at the time of her cap-
ture she had commenced the firing upon the Grampus by a full volley from
small arms and cannon. But as the fact of the robbery from the Coquette
was not in rigorously judicial evidence before the Circuit Court, the judge de-
clared that, although he had no doubt the fact was true, yet, in the absence
of the evidence to prove it, he must officially decide that it was false; and as
to the circumstance of the first fire, as the Spanish and American testimony
were in contradiction to each other, he should set them both aside and form
his decision upon other principles. If, indeed, Lieutenant Gregory is ulti-
1 Not printed in this collection.
cially without justification. But, considered with reference to trie discharge
of his duty as an officer of the United States, if the declaration of Captain
Souther, taken upon oath, confirmed by those of his mate and two of his
men, was not competent testimony upon which he was bound to act, upon
what evidence could an officer of the Navy ever dare to execute his instruc-
tions and the law by rescuing or protecting from the robbers of the sea the
property of his fellow-citizens?
The robbery of the Coquette by the boat's crew from the Palmyra is
assuredly sufficiently proved for all other than judicial purposes by the fact,
which was in evidence before the District Court, that the memorandum
book, sworn by John Peabody, junior, mate of the Coquette, to have been
taken from him, together with clothing, was actually found in a bag with
clothing on board the Palmyra.
In answering Mr. Anduaga's letter of October n, I transmitted to him a
copy of the printed decree of Judge Drayton, in which the most material
facts relating to the case, and the principles applicable to it upon which his
decision was given, are set forth. Some additional facts are disclosed in a
statement published by Lieutenant Gregory, highly important to this dis-
cussion, inasmuch as they identify a portion of the crew of the Palmyra
with a gang of the Cape Antonio pirates, and with an establishment of the
same character which had before been broken up by that officer.
In a long and elaborate reply to my letter, dated the nth of December,1
1822, Mr. Anduaga, without contesting the fact that the Coquette had been
robbed by the boarding crew from the Palmyra, objects to the decision of
Judge Drayton, as if, by detaining for trial the individual seamen belonging
to the Palmyra charged with the robbery, it assumed a jurisdiction dis-
claimed by the very acknowledgment that the privateer was lawfully com-
missioned, and sanctioned the right of search, so long and so strenuously
resisted by the American Government.
In this reply, too, Mr. Anduaga attempts, by laborious argument, to
maintain, to the fullest and most unqualified extent, the right of the Spanish
privateers to capture, and of the Spanish prize courts to condemn, all
vessels of every other nation trading with any of the ports of the Independent
Patriots of South America, because, under the old colonial laws of Spain,
that trade had been prohibited. And with the consistency of candor, at
least, he explicitly says that the decrees issued by the Spanish commanders
on the Main, under the name of blockades, were not properly so called, but
were mere enforcements of the antediluvian colonial exclusions; and such
were the instructions under which the Palmyra, and all the other privateers
from Port Rico and Port Cabello, have been cruising. Is it surprising that
the final answer of Great Britain to this pretension was an order of reprisals?
or that, under the laws of the United States, it has brought their naval
1 Not printed in this collection
so instructed? The Spanish Government have for many years had notice,
both from Great Britain and from the United States, that they considered as
rightful the peaceful commerce of their people with the ports in possession
of the Independent Patriots. Spain herself has opened most of those of
which her forces have been able to retain or to recover the possession. The
blockades proclaimed by General Morillo, in 1815, were coupled with this
same absurd pretension; they were formally protested against by the Gov-
ernment of the United States; and wherever Morillo obtained possession, he
himself immediately opened the port to foreign and neutral commerce.
Mr. Anduaga seems to have had much confidence in the collusiveness of
his reasoning in this letter of December n; for, without considering the
character of our institutions which have committed to the Executive au-
thority all communications with the ministers of foreign powers, he per-
mitted himself the request that the President would communicate it to
Congress; without having the apology for this indiscretion, which, on a prior
occasion, he had alleged for a like request, namely, that it was in answer to
letters from this Department which had been communicated to the Legisla-
ture. In the former case he was indulged by compliance with his request.
In the latter it was passed over without notice. But Mr. Anduaga was
determined that his argument should come before the public, and sent a
copy of it to the Havana, where it was published in the newspapers, whence
it has been translated, and inserted in some of our public journals.
The British order of reprisals; the appropriation by the Cortes of forty
millions of reals for reparation to British subjects of damages sustained by
them, in part from capture and condemnation of their property, under this
absurd pretension ; and the formal revocation by the King of Spain of these
unlawful blockades, will, it is presumed, supersede the necessity of a serious
argument in reply to that of Mr. Anduaga upon this point. It is in vain
for Spain to pretend that, during the existence of a civil war, in which, by the
universal law of nations, both parties have equal rights, with reference to
foreign nations, she can enforce against all neutrals, by the seizure and con-
demnation of their property, the laws of colonial monopoly and prohibitions,
by which they had been excluded from commercial intercourse with the
colonies before the existence of the war, and when her possession and au-
thority were alike undisputed. And if, at any stage of the war, this preten-
sion could have been advanced with any color of reason, it was pre-eminently
nugatory on the renewal of the war, after the formal treaty between Morillo
and Bolivar, and the express stipulation which it contained, that, if the war
should be renewed, it should be conducted on the principles applicable to
wars between independent nations, and not on the disgusting and sanguinary
doctrine of suppressing rebellion.
As little foundation is there for the inference drawn by Mr. Auduaga from
commissioned as a privateer, but detaining for trial the portion of her crew
charged with the robbery from the Coquette, that it sanctions the right of
search, against which the United States have so long and so constantly pro-
tested: for, in the first place, the United States have never disputed the bel-
ligerent right of search as recognized and universally practiced, conformably
to the laws of nations. They have disputed the right of belligerents, under
color of the right of search for contraband of war, to seize and cary away
men, at the discretion of the boarding officer, without trial and without ap-
peal; men, not as contraband of war, or belonging to the enemy, but as sub-
jects, real or pretended, of the belligerent himself, and to be used by him
against his enemy. It is the fraudulent abuse of the right of search, for
purposes never recognized or admitted by the laws of nations; purposes, in
their practical operation, of the deepest oppression, and most crying injus-
tice, that the United States have resisted and will resist, and which warns
them against assenting to the extension, in time of peace, of a right which
experience has shown to be liable to such gross perversion in time of war.
And secondly, the Palmyra was taken for acts of piratical aggression and
depredation upon a vessel of the United States, and upon the property of
their citizens. Acts of piratical aggression and depredation may be com-
mitted by vessels having lawful commissions as privateers, and many such
had been committed by the Palmyra. The act of robbery from the Coquette
was, in every respect piratical; for it was committed while the privateer was
under the Venezuelan flag, and under that flag she had fired upon the Co-
quette, and brought her to. It was piratical, therefore, not only as depre-
dation of the property by the boat's crew who took it away, but as aggres-
sion under the sanction of the captain of the privateer who was exercising
belligerent rights under false colors. To combat under any other flag than
that of the nation by which she is commissioned, by the laws of nations
subjects a vessel, though lawfully commissioned, to seizure and condemna-
tion as a pirate. — (See Valin's Ordonnance de la Marine, vol. 2., p. 239.)
And although the decree of the district judge ordered the restitution of the
vessel to her captain, because it held him to have been lawfully commissioned ;
neither did the law of nations require, nor would the law of the United States
permit, that men brought within the jurisdiction of the court, and charged
with piratical depredations upon citizens of the United States, should be dis-
charged and turned over to a foreign tribunal for trial, as was demanded by
Mr. Anduaga. They had been brought within the jurisdiction of the court,
not by the exercise of any right of search, but as part of the crew of a vessel
which had committed piratical depredations and aggressions upon vessels
and citizens of the United States. The District Court, adjudging the com-
mission of the privateer to have been lawful, and considering the gun fired
under the Venezuelan flag, to bring the Coquette to, though wrongful and
have been complete piracy, discharged the captain and portion of the crew
which had not been guilty of the robbery of the Coquette, but reserved for
trial the individuals charged with that act.
The conduct of the Palmyra for months before her capture had been
notoriously and flagrantly piratical. She had, in company with an other
privateer, named the Bones, both commanded by the same captain, Pablo
Slanger, fired upon the United States schooner Porpoise, Captain Ramage,
who abstained from returning the fire. For this act of unequivocal hostility,
Captian Slanger' s only apology to Captain Ramage was. that he had taken
the Porpoise for a Patriot cruiser. — (See documents with the President's
message of December, 1822, p. 65.) Numbers of neutral vessels, of dif-
ferent nations, had been plundered by her; and among the affidavits made
to Lieutenant Gregory, at St. Thomas, was one of the master and mate of a
French schooner, that she had been robbed by a boat's crew from her of a
barrel of beef and a barrel of rice. In the letter from Captain Escurra to
the Spanish consul at Charleston, he admits the taking of these provisions,
alleging that the master of the French vessel gave them to him at his request.
The affidavit of the French master and mate shows what sort of a gift it was,
and is more coincident with all the other transactions of this privateer.
In the same letter of December n,Mr. Anduaga,with more ingenuity than
candor, attempts at once to raise a wall of separation between the pirates of
Cuba and the privateersmen of Porto Rico and Porto Cabello, and to iden-
tify the pirates, not only with all those who at a prior period had abused the
several independent flags of South America, but with the adventurers from
the United States who at different times have engaged in the Patriot service;
and he endeavors to blend them all with the foolish expedition of last sum-
mer against Porto Rico. While indulging his propensity to complain, he
revives all the long exploded and groundless charges of his predecessors in
former years, and does not scruple to insinuate that the Cuba pirates them-
selves are North Americans from the United States. It is easy to discern
and point out the fallacy of these endeavors to blend together things totally
distinct, and to discriminate between things that are identical. It is in proof
before our tribunals, in the case of the Palmyra itself, that some of the pirates
of Cuba and of the Porto Rico privateersmen are the same. Among the
Cuba pirates that have been taken, as well by the vessels of the United States
as by British cruisers, not one North American has been found. A number
of those pirates have been executed at the Bahama islands, and ten from one
vessel at the island of Jamaica, all Spanish subjects, and from the Spanish
islands. Not a shadow of evidence has been seen that, among the Cuba
pirates, a single citizen of the United States was to be found.
As to the complaints of Mr. Anduaga's predecessors, meaning those of
Don Luis de Onis, it might have been expected that we should hear no more
merits of those complaints, full satisfaction for them all had been made by
that treaty to Spain, and was acknowledged by the ratification of the Span-
ish Government in October, 1820. Since that time no complaints had been
made by Mr. Anduaga's predecessors. It was reserved for him as well to
call up those phantoms from the dead, as to conjure new ones from the liv-
ing. That supplies of every kind, including arms and other implements of
war, have been, in the way of lawful commerce, procured within the United
States for the account of the South American Independents, and at their
expense and hazard exported to them, is doubtless true. And Spain has en-
joyed and availed herself of the same advantages.
The neutrality of the United States has, throughout this contest between
Spain and South America, been cautiously and faithfully observed by their
Government. But the complaints of Mr. Anduaga as well as those of his
predecessor, Mr. Onis, are founded upon erroneous views and mistaken prin-
ciples of neutrality. They assume that all commerce, even the most peace-
ful commerce of other nations, with the South Americans, is a violation of
neutrality. And while they assert this in principle, the Spanish commanders,
in the few places where they yet hold authority, attempt to carry it into
effect in a spirit worthy of itself. The decree of General Morales, of the I5th
of September, 1822, is in perfect accord with the argument of Mr. Anduaga,
on the nth of December of the same year. The unconcerted but concur-
ring solemn protests against the former, of the Dutch Governor of Curagoa,
Cantzlaar, of the British Admiral Rowley, and of our own Captain Spence
were but the chorus of all human feeling revolting at the acts of which Mr.
Anduaga's reasoning was the attempted justification.
3. The next case of complaint by Mr. Anduaga is in a letter of the 23d of
February last, against Lieutenant Wilkinson, commander of the United
States schooner Spark, for capturing off the Havana a vessel called the
Ninfa Catalana or the Santissima Trinidad, Nicholas Garyole master, and
sending her into Norfolk. As there are reasons for believing that in this
case Lieutenant Wilkinson acted upon erroneous information, a court of in-
quiry has been ordered upon his conduct, the result of which will be communi-
cated to you. The Ninfa Catalana remains for trial at the District Court to
be held in the eastern district of Virginia in the course of the next month.
Immediately after receiving Mr. Anduaga's letter on the subject, I wrote
to the attorney of the United States for the district, instructing him to ob-
tain, if possible, an extraordinary session of the court, that the cause might
be decided without delay; but the judge declined appointing such session
unless all the witnesses summoned to the court upon the case could be noti-
fied of it, which not being practicable, the short delay till the meeting of the
regular session of the court has been unavoidable. You will assure the Span-
ish Government that the most impartial justice will be rendered to all the
DOCUMENT Il6t APRIL 28, 1823 j-g
parties concerned, as well by the adjudication of the admiralty court as by
the military inquiry- on the conduct of Lieutenant Wilkinson. I ought to
add, that no evidence hitherto has come to the knowledge of the Govern-
ment which has implicated the correctness of Lieutenant Wilkinson's in-
tentions, or manifested any other motive than that of discharging his duty
and protecting the property of his fellow-citizens.
4. The capture of the Spanish schooner Carmen, alias Gallega the Third,
by the United States sloop-of-war Peacock, Captain Cassin, has furnished
the fourth occasion for this class of Mr. Anduaga's remonstrances.
There are two declarations, or depositions, made by the captain and per-
sons who were on board of this vessel at the time of her capture: one at Pen-
sacola, and the other at New Orleans. The first, before the notary-, Jose
Escaro, by Jacinto Correa, captain of the Gallega, the pilot. Ramon Echa-
varria, boatswain, Manuel Agacio, three sailors, and Juan Martin Ferreyro,
a passenger. All the witnesses, after the first, only confirm, in general and
unqualified terms, all his statements, although many of the circumstances,
asserted by him as facts, could not have been personally known to them, and
others could not have been known to himself but by hearing from some of
them. The protest, for example, avers that, when first captured by the
Peacock, Captain Correa, with his steward and cook, were taken on board
that vessel, and, while they were there, he represents various disorders to
have been committed on board of his own vessel by the boarding officer
from the Peacock, though, by his own showing, he was not present to wit-
ness them. His whole narrative is composed of alleged occurrences on
board of three vessels, the Peacock, the Louisiana cutter, and the Gallega,
and no discrimination is made between those of his own knowledge and those
which he had heard from others. The second declaration was made before
Antonio Argote Villalobos, Spanish consul at New Orleans, only by Captain
Correa and Echavarria, the mate, and gives an account of several other Span-
ish vessels captured by the Peacock while they were on board of that vessel
as prisoners. A very inadequate reason is assigned by Captain Correa for
not having made it at the same time with the first at Pensacola; and the
whole purport of it is, to represent those other vessels which he had seen
captured as inoffensive, unarmed vessels, and the capture of them by the
Peacock as itself piratical.
Copies of the proceedings of the courts at Pensacola and at New Orleans
upon these cases are expected at this Department, and the substance of them
will be duly communicated to you.
In the meantime, the reports of Captain Cassin, of the Peacock, and of
Captain Jackson, commander of the revenue cutter Louisiana, to the Navy
Department, will give you a very different and, doubtless, more correct ac-
J^/^Vl 1 M •+• /~\f ^ Vl£lC»£k -f-t-O Tl C*O /%^-«/"\nC?
ISO PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
long to the gang of pirates of which those pretended inoffensive and unarmed
vessels certainly formed a part; that Correa and Echavarria were testify-
ing in behalf of their accomplices ; and their warm sympathy with those con-
victed pirates is much more indicative of their own guilt than of their be-
lief in the innocence of the others.
That the oilier vessels were piratical is no longer a subject of question or
dispute. Two of them were carried by Captain Cassin to the Havana,
where one of them, a schooner of nine guns, was claimed by a lady, widow
of a merchant in that city, as her property, and, at her application, supported
by that of the Captain General, was restored to her upon payment of
$1,000 salvage. The part of the cargo which had been saved was sold in
like manner with the approbation of the Captain General. The vessel had
been taken by the pirates but a few days before, and, in retaking and restor-
ing her to the owner, Captain Cassin had not only rendered an important
service to a Spanish Subject, but taken from the pirates the means of commit-
ting more extensive and atrocious depredations.
Among the articles found on board of these vessels were some of female
apparel, rent and blood-stained; and many other traces to deeds of horror
with which these desperate wretches are known to be familiar. The pirates
had, when close pursued, abandoned their vessels and escaped to the shore.
They were pursued, but not discovered. The coffee was found hidden in
the woods, and, with the vessel brought into New Orleans, has been regularly
condemned by the sentence of the court. And these are the characters,
and this the description of people, whom Captain Correa and his mate, Echa-
varria, represent, in their declaration before the Spanish consul_at New Or-
leans as innocent Spanish subjects, piratically plundered of their lawful prop-
erty by Captain Cassin. And upon such testimony as this has Mr. Anduaga
suffered himself to be instigated to a style of invective and reproach, not
only against that officer, but against the officers of our Navy generally,
against the Government and people of this country, upon which, while
pointing it out and marking its contrast with the real facts of the case, I
forbear all further comment.
Let it be admitted that the Catalan Nymph and the Gallega were law-
ful traders, and that, in capturing them as pirates, Lieutenant Wilkinson
and Captain Cassin have been mistaken; that they had probable cause,
sufficient for their justification, I cannot doubt, and am persuaded will,
upon a full investigation of the cases, be made apparent.
In the impartial consideration of this subject, it is necessary to advert to
the character of these pirates, and to the circumstances which have made it
so difficult to distinguish between lawfully commissioned and registered
Spanish vessels and the pirates.
DOCUMENT 116: APRIL 28, 1823 jgj
authority to take all commercial vessels bound to any of the ports in pos-
session of the Patriots. The very assumption of this principle, and the
countenance given to it by the adjudications of the courts, was enough to
kindle all the passions of lawless rapine in the maritime population of the
islands. It was holding out to them the whole commerce of the neutral
world as lawful prey. The next is the impunity with which those robberies
have been committed in the very port of the Havana, and under the eye of
the local Government. It is represented, and believed to be true, that many
inhabitants of the city, merchants of respectable standing in society, are ac-
tively concerned in these transactions. That of the village of Regla, oppo-
site the city, almost all the inhabitants are, with public notoriety, concerned
in them. That some of the deepest criminals are known and pointed at —
while the vigilance or energy of the Government is so deficient that there is
an open market for the sale of those fruits of robbery; and that threats of
vengeance are heard from the most abandoned of the culprits against all who
molest them in their nefarious and bloody career.
The third is, that many of the piracies have been committed by merchant
vessels laden with cargoes. The Spanish vessels of that description in the
islands are all armed, and when taken by the pirates, are immediately con-
verted to their own purposes. The schooner of nine guns, taken by Cap-
tain Cassin, and restored to its owner in the Havana, affords one proof of
this fact ; and one of the most atrocious piracies committed upon citizens of
the United States was that upon the Ladies' Delight, by the Zaragosana, a
vessel regularly cleared at the Havana as a merchant vessel.
There are herewith furnished you copies of the general instructions, from
the Secretary of the Navy, given to all our naval officers, successively
stationed in those seas, for the protection of our commerce and for carry-
ing into effect the laws against piracy and the slave trade, together with
printed copies of those laws. They will enable you to present to the
Spanish Government the most conclusive proof of the friendly sentiments
towards Spain, and of the undeviating regard to her rights which have
constantly animated this Government, and effectually to counteract any
representations of a different character, which may be made by Mr. Anduaga.
In reflecting upon the conduct of this minister, during his residence in
the United States, it has been impossible to avoid the suspicion that it has
been instigated by a disposition, not more friendly to the existing liberal in-
stitutions of his own country than to the harmonious intercourse, to which
they were so well calculated to contribute, between the United States and
Spain.
From the time of the re-establishment in Spain of a constitutional Gov-
ernment the sympathies of this country have been warm, earnest, and unan-
Oiic A3 1JU\V till CdLCHCU. 1U1 oujjjjvji Ling Liicin, a. \^u j.iaio.1 g«j<j<_i LJ.iiu.v-ioi-a.iiva.iiig
with us was as obviously the dictate of her policy as it was the leading prin-
ciple of ours. This national sentiment has not been silent or unobserved.
It was embodied and expressed in the most public and solemn manner in
the message to Congress at the commencement of their last session, as will
be within your recollection. The conduct of the Government has been
invariably conformable to it. The recognition of the South American Gov-
ernments, flowing from the same principle which enlisted all our feelings in
the cause of Spain, has been, in its effects, a mere formality. It has in no-
wise changed our actual relations, either with them or with Spain. All the
European powers, even those which have hitherto most strenuously denied
the recognition inform, have treated and will treat the South Americans as
independent in fact. By his protest, against the formal acknowledgment,
Mr. Anduaga had fulfilled his duties to his own Government, nor has any one
circumstance arisen from that event which could require of him to recur to
it, as a subject of difference between us and Spain, again. We have not
been disposed to complain of his protest, nor even of his permanent resi-
dence at a distance from the seat of Government. But the avidity with
which he has seized upon every incident which could cause unpleasant feel-
ings between the two countries ; the bitterness with which his continual notes
have endeavored to exasperate and envenom; the misrepresentations of
others, which he has so precipitously assumed as undeniable facts ; and the
language in which he has vented his reproaches upon the fair and honor-
able characters of our naval officers, upon the Government, and even the
people of this Union; and, above all, the artifice by which he suffered the
absurd and riduculous expedition of De Coudray Holstein to obtain some
paltry supplies of men and arms in this country, without giving notice of it
to this Government, when they might have effectually broken it up, leaving
it unknown to us till after its inevitable failure, when he could trump it up as
a premeditated hostility of ours against Spain, and a profligate project of in-
vasion of her possessions, are indications of a temper which we can trace to
no source, either of friendly feeling towards our country or of patriotic de-
votion to his own. It has the aspect of a deliberate purpose to stir up and
inflame dissentions between the United States and Spain; to produce and
cherish every means of alienation and distrust between them, with ultimate
views to the counteraction of these differences, upon the internal adminis-
tration and Government of his own nation.
It is hoped that he will, in no event, be permitted to return hither; and,
in the full and just explanations which you will be enabled to give upon
every complaint exhibited by him while here, the Spanish Government will
be satisfied with the justice, and convinced of the friendly disposition to-
wards Spain, which have governed all our conduct. With the same spirit,
and the just expectation that it will be met with a reciprocal return, you
whose vessels and other property have been captured by the privateers from
Porto Rico and Porto Cabello, and condemned by the courts of those places
for supposed breaches of the pretended blockade, or for trading with the
South American Independents. Restitution or indemnity is due to them
all; and is immediately due by the Spanish Government, inasmuch as these
injuries, having been sanctioned by the local authorities, military and civil,
the sufferers in most of the cases can have no resort to the individuals by
whom the captures were made. A list of ail the cases which have come yet
to the knowledge of this Department is now inclosed. There are probably
many others. An agent will be shortly sent to collect, at the respective
places, the evidence in all the cases not already known, and to obtain, as far
as may be practicable, restitution by the local authorities. Whatever may
be restored by them will diminish by so much the amount of claim upon the
Spanish Government; which will be the more indisputable, as they have al-
ready admitted the justice and made provision for the satisfaction of claims
of British subjects which sprung from the same cause.
Of the formal revocation by the Spanish Government of the nominal
blockade the Governor of Porto Rico has given express notice to Commo-
dore Porter. As a consequence of this, it is hoped that no commissions for
privateers will be issued. The revocation did, indeed, come at a critical
time ; for it cannot be too strongly impressed upon the Spanish Government
that all the causes of complaint, both by Spanish subjects against the
Navy officers of the United States, and by the citizens of the United
States, with which you are now charged, proceeded directly, or as a conse-
quence, from those spurious blockades. They were in violation of the laws
of nations. They were in conflict with the law of Congress for protecting
the commerce of the United States. It was impossible that ships-of-war
of the United States with commanders instructed to earn* that law into
execution, and Spanish privateers commissioned and instructed to carry in-
to effect the atrocious decree of General Morales, should meet and fulfil
their respective instructions without hostile collision. The decree of Gen-
eral Morales constituted all those Spanish subjects who acted under it in a
state of war de facto with all neutral nations; and on the sea it was a war of
extermination against all neutral commerce. It is to the responsibility of
her own officers, therefore, that Spain must look for indemnity to the
wrongs endured by her own subjects as necessary consequences of their
official acts, as well as for the source of her obligation to indemnify all the
innocent sufferers under them who are entitled to the protection of other
nations. You will take an immediate opportunity, after your reception, to
urge upon the Spanish Government the absolute necessity of a more vig-
orous and energetic exercise of the local authorities in the island of Cuba for
the suppression of the piracies by which it is yet infested. Their profes.
have not been followed up by corresponding action. As long since as last
May Captain Biddle, then commanding the Macedonian frigate, represented
to the Captain General, Mahy, the necessity that would frequently arise of
pursuing them from their boats to the shores on the desert and uninhabited
parts of the island, and requested permission to land for such purpose, which
was explicitly refused. Mr. Forsyth has been instructed to renew the de-
mand of this permission to the Spanish Government itself. And, as there
are cases in which the necessity will constitute the right of anticipating that
permission, Commodore Porter has been instructed accordingly. From a
recent debate in the British Parliament it appears that similar instructions
have been given to the commanders of the British squadrons despatched
for the protection of the commerce of that nation, and that when notified
to the Spanish Government, although at first resisted by them, they finally
obtained their acquiescence. These circumstances will serve for answer to
one of the most aggravated complaints of Mr . Anduaga against C aptain Cassin .
That officer did land ; and although not successful in overtaking the pirates
themselves, he did break up one of the deposits of their lawless plunder,
burned several of their boats, and took from them two of their armed ves-
sels. Mr. Anduaga sees in all this nothing but a violation of his Catholic
Majesty's territory; a sentiment, on such an occasion, which would be more
suitable for an accessory to the pirates than for the officer of a Government
deeply and earnestly intent upon their suppression.
From the highly esteemed and honorable character of General Vives, who
has, probably, before this, arrived at the Havana as Governor and Captain
General of the island, we hope for more effectual co-operation to this most
desirable event. There has been, according to every account, a laxity and
remissness on that subject in the Executive authority of that port which we
hope will no longer be seen. The boldness and notoriety with which crimes
of such desperate die are committed in the very face of authority is, of it-
self, irrefragable proof of its own imbecility or weakness. Spain must be
sensible that she is answerable to the world for the suppression of crimes
committed within her jurisdiction, and of which the people of other nations
are almost exclusively the victims. The pirates have generally, though
not universally, abstained from annoying Spanish subjects and from the
robbery of Spanish property. It is surely within the competency of the
Government of Cuba to put down that open market of the pirates which has
so long been denounced at the Havana. It appears that masters of Ameri-
can vessels which had been robbed have seen their own property openly
exposed to sale in that city, but have been dissuaded from reclaiming it by
the warning that it would expose them to the danger of assassination. One
instance, at least, has occurred of unpunished murder of a citizen of the
United States for the indiscreet expression of his expectation that the arri-
persons and property of American citizens; and other cases have happened
of outrages upon citizens of the United States in which the protecting power
of the Government has been deficient, at least, in promptitude and vigor.
To the irritation between the people of the two nations, produced by the
consequences of the abominable decree of General Morales, must be attrib-
uted that base and dastardly spirit of revenge which recently actuated a
Spanish subaltern officer at Porto Rico, by which Lieutenant Cocke lost
his life. Copies of the correspondence between Commodore Porter and the
Governor of Porto Rico on that occasion are among the inclosed papers.
They will show that the act of firing upon the Fox was utterly wanton and
inexcusable; and the President desires that you would expressly demand
that the officer, by wrhom it was ordered, should be brought to trial and
punishment for having ordered it.
117
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Thomas Randall, Special Agent
of the United States in Cuba1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 29, 1823.
SIR: During your residence in the Island of Cuba, you will from time to
time, as safe opportunities may occur communicate to this Department, in
private and confidential letters, all such information as you may be able to
obtain, relating to the political condition of the Island; the views of its Gov-
ernment and the Sentiments of its inhabitants. You will attentively ob-
serve all occurrences having relation to their connection with Spain, and to
the events which may result from the War between France and Spain,
probably now commenced. Should there be French or British Agents re-
siding at the Havanna, you will endeavour to ascertain, without direct in-
quiries, or apparent curiosity, on the subject, their objects and pursuits;
and you will notice whatever Maritime force of either of those Powers, may
be stationed in the West Indies, or present themselves in the vicinity of the
Island.
You will be mindful of any apparent popular agitation; particularly of
such as may have reference either to a transfer of the Island from Spain to
any other Power; or to the assumption by the Inhabitants of an Independ-
ent Government. If in your intercourse with Society, inquiries should be
made of you, with regard to the views of the Government of the United
JMS. Dispatches to United States Consuls, II, 283.
1 86 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
States, concerning the political state of Cuba, you will say, that so far as
they were known to you, from having resided at the Seat of Government,
the first wish of the Government was for the continuance of Cuba in its
political connection with Spain ; and that it would be altogether averse to
the transfer of the Island to any other Power. You will cautiously avoid
committing yourself upon any proposals which may be suggested to you,
of co-operation in any measure proposing a change of the political condition
of its People; but will report as above mentioned to me, whatever may in
any manner become known to you in this respect, and the communication
of which may be useful to the public service. Exercise a discriminating
judgment, upon all Evidence of what you shall report as information, so
that we may distinguish the degree of credit due to every statement of fact.
You will duly distrust mere popular rumours, but neglect no probable
source of useful information.
118
General instructions of John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Caesar A .
Rodney, appointed United States Minister to Buenos Aires1
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, May 17, 1823,
SIR: The establishment of Independent nations and Governments in
South America forms a remarkable era in the History of the world, and the
formal interchange of Diplomatic Missions with them is a memorable event
in that of our own Country. The interest which you have taken in the prog-
ress of the Revolution which has released those extensive regions from their
State of Colonial Dependence, and introduced them to their equal station
among the nations of the Earth, and the part you have already borne in the
preceding public transactions between the United States and the Republic
of Buenos Ayres, concurring with the confidence of the President in your
long tried abilities, patriotism and integrity has induced your appointment
to the Mission upon which you are about to depart.
The circumstances here alluded to, supercede the necessity of reviewing
the general course of policy hitherto pursued by the United States with re-
gard to the struggle for South American Independence. It has been fully
known to you, and should an occasion arise during the continance of your
Mission, in which it may be useful to the public service, that our system of
conduct towards South America should be unfolded, you will be amply com-
petent to the task without any need of further special Instructions from
this Department.
to, so far as they have been sustained by Agents of the respective Govern-
ments, have been informal, and disconnected. The appointment of a pub-
lic Minister to reside at that place, is the proper occasion for recurring to
the Principles upon which the future and permanent relations between the
two Countries should be settled.
Those relations will be either political or commercial.
Of all the Southern Republics, Buenos Ayres has been the longest in pos-
session of Independence uncontested within its own Territory by the Arms
of Spain. Its internal convulsions, and revolutions have been many, and
are yet far from being at their close. It has on one hand carried the War
of Independence into Chili and Peru, but on the other by its vicinity to the
Portuguese territory of Brazil it has lost the possession of Monte Video,
and of the Banda Oriental, or Eastern shore of La Plata. The first
establishment of the Buenos Ayrean Government, was under the ambitious
and aspiring title of "the Independent Provinces of South America." It
was afterwards changed for that of the Independent provinces of La Plata,
which it is believed still to retain. But it is far from embracing within its
acknowledged authority, all the Provinces situated on that River: and for
the last two or three years its effective Government has been restricted to
the single province of Buenos Ayres. It has undergone many changes of
Government, violent usurpations of authority, and forcible dispossessions
from it; without having so far as we know to this day settled down into
any lawful establishment of power by the only mode in which it could be
effected — a constitution formed and sanctioned by the voice of the people.
Buenos Ayres also, more than any other of the South American Provinces,
has been the Theatre of foreign European intrigues; with Spain itself in a
negotiation for receiving a Spanish Prince as their Sovereign ; with the Court
of Rio-Janeiro for Portuguese princes and princesses, and for cessions of
territory as the price of acknowledged Independence; and with France for
the acquisition of a legitimate Monarch in the person of a Prince of Lucca.
A hankering after Monarchy has infected the politics of all the successive
governing authorities of Buenos Ayres, and being equally contrary to the
true policy of the Country, to the general feeling of all the native Americans,
and to the liberal institutions congenial to the spirit of Freedom has pro-
duced its natural harvest of unappeasable dissentions, sanguinary civil Wars,
and loathsome executions, with their appropriate attendance of arbitrary
imprisonments, a subdued and perverted press, and a total annihilation of
all civil liberty and personal security. The existing Government of Buenos
Ayres by all the accounts received from Mr. Forbes is less tainted with this
corruption than most of their predecessors. Mr. Rivadavia, the Minister
of Foreign Relations, and most effective member of the Government is
represented as a Republican in principle, of solid talents, stern integrity, and
bLa.Cl.CS WILR WlUt-U LUCy die ULUlCCllUUlg, dliU. LU<a.L a. v^unoi.itu.i.ivjJ.J. cnJ.a-.ua, i,ing
from the people and deliberately adopted by them will lay the foundations
of their happiness, and prosperity on their only possible basis, the enjoy-
ment of equal rights.
To promote this object so far as friendly counsel may be acceptable
to the Government existing there, will be among the interesting objects
of your Mission. At this time and since October 1820, the Government con-
fined, as is understood to the single province of Buenos Ayres, is adminis-
tered by a Governor, and Captain General, named Martin Rodriguez: the
Legislative authority being exercised by a Junta elected by popular suffrage,
and a portion of which has been recently chosen. The relations between
this province, and the rest of those which heretofore formed the Vice Roy-
alty of La Plata, are altogether unsettled and although repeated efforts
have been made to assemble a Congress in which they should be repre-
sented, and by which a constitutional Union might be definitively arranged,
they have hitherto proved ineffectual.
In the mean time a more extensive Confederation has been projected
under the auspices of the new Government of the Republic of Colombia.
In the last despatch received from Mr. Forbes dated the 27 January last,
he mentions the arrival and reception at Buenos Ayres of Mr. Joaquin Mos-
quera y Arbolada, senator of the Republic of Colombia. And their Minis-
ter Plenipotentiary, and Extraordinary, upon a Mission, the general object
of which, he informed Mr. Forbes, was to engage the other Independent
Governments of Spanish America to unite with Colombia in a Congress
to be held at such point as might be agreed on, to settle a general system of
American Policy, in relation to Europe, leaving to each section of the Coun-
try, the perfect liberty of Independent self Government. For this purpose
he had already signed a Treaty with Peru, of which he promised Mr. Forbes
the perusal : but there were some doubts with regard to the character of his
associations, and the personal influence to which he was accessible at
Buenos Ayres, and Mr. Forbes, had not much expectation of his success in
prevailing on that Government to enter into his project of extensive fed-
eration.
By Letters of a previous date, November 1822, received from Mr Pre-
vost, it appears, that the project is yet more extensive than Mr. Mosquera
had made known to Mr. Forbes. It embraces North, as well as South
America, and a formal proposal to join and take the lead in it is to be made
known to the Government of the United States.
Intimations of the same design have been given to Mr. Todd at Bogota.
DOCUMENT US: MAY 17, 1823 189
It will be time for this Government to deliberate concerning it, when it
shall be presented in a more definite and specific form. At present it indi-
cates more distinctly a purpose on the part of the Colombian Republic to
assume a leading character in this Hemisphere, than any practicable ob-
ject of utility which can be discerned by us. With relation to Europe there
is perceived to be only one object, in which the interests and wishes of the
United States can be the same as those of the Southern American Nations,
and that is that they should all be governed by Republican Institutions,
politically and commercially independent of Europe. To any confederation
of Spanish American provinces for that end, the United States would yield
their approbation, and cordial good wishes. If more should be asked of
them, the proposition will be received, and considered in a friendly spirit,
and with a due sense of its importance.
The Treaty with Peru is not likely to be attended with much immediate
effect. The State of Peru itself has hitherto been, that rather of declared
than of established Independence. The temporary Government assumed
and administered by General San Martin, has been succeeded by his retire-
ment, and by a signal defeat of the Patriotic forces, which may probably re-
store all Peru to the Spanish Royalists. Mr. Forbes attributes the retreat
of San Martin, and the State of Peru after that event, and preceding this
last disaster, to misunderstandings between San Martin, and the President
of the Colombian Republic, Bolivar. This is highly probable; at all events
it is certain that the concerted project of liberating Peru by the combined
forces of Buenos Ayres, Chili and Colombia, has entirely failed; and there is
every probability that henceforth the Independence of Peru must be re-
gained by the internal energies of the People, or re-achieved by the Military
forces of the Colombian Republic only.
So far as objects of Policy can be distinctly perceived at this distance,
with the information which we possess, and upon a subject so complicated
in itself, so confused by incidents with which it is surrounded, and so com-
prehensive in its extent, the political interest of Buenos Ayres, rather points
to the settlement of its concerns altogether internal, or in its immediate
neighbourhood, than to a confederation embracing the whole American
Hemisphere. It is now little more than the government of a single city, with
a population less than half, perhaps less than one third that of New York.
To form a solid Union with the provinces with which it was heretofore con-
nected in the Vice Royalty; to put down the remnant of ecclesiastical domi-
nation, to curb the arbitrary dispositions of Military power, to establish a
truly Representative Government, personal security, and the freedom of the
press and purposes which the present administration appears to have sin-
cerely at heart, and in the pursuit of which they may without undue inter-
ference in their internal concerns to be exhorted to active and inexflexible
They will doubtless always understand that to them, Independence of
Europe does not merely import Independence of Spain nor political inde-
pendence alone. The principles of the Government now in power appear in
this respect to be sound, although from some late communications of Mr.
Forbes, it might be surmised that the dispositions of the Minister of Gov-
ernment, and of foreign affairs himself, are not entirely free from European
partialities. The occupation of Montevideo, and of the Banda Oriental by
the Portuguese has perhaps been one of the principal causes of the distrac-
tions which have marked the Revolutionary movements of Buenos Ayres.
While that occupation continues, the interests and commerce of all the
Countries watered by the Rivers Uruguay, Parana and Paraguay must be
controlled by the power holding that first and principal seaport of the Plate
River, Montevideo. The power of Portugal itself has now ceased in Brazil,
and an empire probably as ephemeral as that of Mexico, at our doors, has
taken its place. Before this last Revolution had been completed, the Por-
tuguese Government of Brazil had acknowledged the Independence of
Buenos Ayres; but that acknowledgment was dearly purchased, if paid for
by the cession of the Banda Oriental. As yet the possession of Montevideo
has been Military, by troops chiefly, if not all European Portuguese, under
the command of General Le Cor, Baron of Lacuna. These troops have fol-
lowed the Revolutionary Movement, not of Brazil, but of Portugal. The
command of their General, over them, has been for some time little more
than nominal, and as they neither recognize the Brazilian Empire, nor are
able to maintain themselves by resources from Europe, they must soon evac-
uate the country and return to Lisbon. From the time of their departure
Mr. Forbes appears to expect that the inhabitants of the Oriental Band
themselves will prefer their old and natural connection with Buenos Ayres
to a forced Union with the Empire of Brazil. It will certainly be the favor-
able moment for Buenos Ayres to recover the Eastern shore of the River, and
with it the means of re-uniting under one free and Republican Government
the scattered fragments of the old Vice-royalty of La Plata.
There will be then much less of incentive for a Buenos Ayrean Govern-
ment to the contamination of dark intrigues with Portuguese Princesses, or
to the degrading purchase of a Prince of Lucca to rule over them as a King.
The Independence of an American nation can never be completely secured
from European sway, while it tampers for authority with the families of
European Sovereigns. It is impossible that any great American interest
should be served by importing a petty prince from Europe to make him a
king in America. The absurdity of all such negotiations is so glaring, that
nothing but the notorious fact that they have pervaded the whole history
of Buenos Ayres from the first assertions of its Independence could excuse
this reference to them. The special right that we have to object to them,
is, that they are always connected with systems of subserviency to European
DOCUMENT Il8: MAY 17, 1823 IgI
interests: to projects of political and commercial preferences, to that Euro-
pean nation from whose stock of Royalty the precious scion is to be en-
grafted. The Government of Pueyrredon was deeply implicated in these
negotiations; and the consequence was, that in the project of a Treaty drawn
up and signed by his authority with Mr. Worthington he refused to insert an
article, stipulating for the United States, commercial advantages on equal
footing with the most favoured Nation. Dr. Tagle afterwards endeavoring
to explain this incident to Mr. Prevost, professed that the object had been to
grant special favors to the power which should first acknowledge their inde-
pendence. As if the surrender of the thing was an equivalent for the acqui-
sition of the name; and as if by ratifying that very Treaty the United
States would not have been the first to acknowledge the Independence of
the Government with which it was formed.
It is hoped that you will find little of this spirit remaining to contend
with. The head of the Government is yet a Military officer. But the prin-
ciples always avowed by Mr. Rivadavia, the Minister and effective Member
of the Government are emphatically American. A Government by popular
Representation and periodical election. The subordination of the Military
to the Civil authority — The suppression of ecclesiastical supremacy — The
freedom of the press, and the security of personal liberty, appear to be duly
appreciated by him, as the only foundations of a social compact suited to
the wants of his Country; and with these fundamental principles, no prefer-
ence for European connections, much less predilections for European princes
can be entertained.
The foundation of our municipal Institutions is equal rights. The basis
of all our intercourse with foreign powers is Reciprocity. We have not de-
manded, nor would we have accepted special priviledges of any kind in re-
turn for an acknowledgment of Independence. But that which we have
not desired and would not have accepted for ourselves, we have a right
to insist ought not to be granted others. Recognition is in its nature,
not a subject of equivalent; it is claimable of right or not at all. You
will therefore strenuously maintain the right of the United States to be
treated in every respect on the footing of the most favoured; or as it is more
properly expressed, the most friendly nation — Gentis amicissima\ and
should you negotiate a Treaty of Commerce you will make that principle
the foundation of all its provisions. . . .
Heretofore while the Government of Buenos Ayres authorized and en-
couraged a system of privateering as one of their means of warfare against
Spain, among the many complaints which in its consequences it gave us too
much reason to make, was that of the seduction of our seamen from our Mer-
chant-vessels frequenting the Port, to man the privateers fitting out under
the Buenos Ayrean flag. This mischief was much aggravated by two Ar-
ticles in their privateering ordinance, substantially violating the Laws of
was instructed to remonstrate against them; and among the earliest and
wisest acts of the present administration after the appointment of Mr. Riva-
davia was the renovation of all the privateering Commissions. The right
to renew them was reserved, but has not been exercised. Should it be so
during your residence there, you will renew the remonstrance particularly
against the two Articles; the 3d. and 8th. of the privateering ordinance of
I5th May 1817, by the first of which foreigners never having even been in
the Country may be Captains and Officers of privateers ; while by the other
they have a discretionary power to send their prizes where they please.
These two Articles are little less than licenses of Piracy. They trespassed
upon the rights of other nations, and held out the worst of temptations to
their seamen. It is sincerely hoped they will never be revived.
The present administration have in other respects manifested a disposi-
tion to protect our Merchant-vessels in their ports from the desertion of
their seamen, and at the representation of Mr. Forbes, issued on the I4th
March 1822, an ordinance of maritime police entirely satisfactory. Since
that time it is not known that the Masters of any of our vessels there have
had occasion to complain of the loss of their seamen by desertion; and the
principle having been thus established, it may be hoped there will be no
cause for complaint hereafter. Your attention to the maritime ordinance
is invited only as it may point you to the remedy already provided, should
there be a necessity for resorting to it. ...
119
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Richard C. Anderson, appointed
United States Minister to Colombia1
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, May 27, 1823.
The revolution which has severed the colonies of Spanish America from
European thraldom, and left them to form self-dependent Governments as
members of the society of civilized nations, is among the most important
events in modern history. As a general movement in human affairs it is
perhaps no more than a development of principles first brought into action
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, IX, 274. In American State Papers,
Foreign Relations, V, 888, will be found extracts from this instruction which contain some
paragraphs not included here since they are not pertinent and omit several portions here
included which are pertinent. Anderson was commissioned minister to Colombia, January
27, 1823. He took leave, June 7, having been commissioned to go to the Congress of
Panama, and died en route at Cartagena, July 24, 1826.
ana oy me practical
illustration, given in the formation and establishment of our Union, to the
doctrine that voluntary agreement is the only legitimate source of authority
among men, and that all just Government is a compact. It was impossible
that such a system as Spain had established over her colonies should stand
before the progressive improvement of the understanding in this age, or that
the light shed upon the whole earth by the results of our Revolution should
leave in utter darkness the regions immediately adjoining upon ourselves.
The independence of the Spanish colonies, however, has proceeded from other
causes, and has been achieved upon principles in many respects different
from ours. In our Revolution the principle of the social compact was, from
the beginning, in immediate issue. It originated in a question of right
between the Government in Europe and the subject in America. Our
independence was declared in defence of our liberties, and the attempt to
make the yoke a yoke of oppression was the cause and the justification for
casting it off.
The revolution of the Spanish colonies was not caused by the oppression
under which they had been held, however great it had been. Their inde-
pendence was first forced upon them by the temporary subjugation of Spain
herself to a foreign power. They were, by that event, cast upon themselves,
and compelled to establish Governments of their own. Spain, through all
the vicissitudes of her own revolutions, has clung to the desperate hope of
retaining or reclaiming them to her own control, and has waged, to the
extent of her power, a disastrous war to that intent. In the mind of every
rational man it has been for years apparent that Spain can never succeed to
recover her dominion where it has been abjured, nor is it probable that she
can long retain the small remnant of her authority yet acknowledged in some
spots of the South American continent, and in the islands of Cuba and
Porto Rico.
The political course of the United States, from the first dawning of South
American independence, has been such as was prescribed by their relative
duties to all the parties. Being on terms of peace and amity with Spain
through all the changes of her own Government, they have considered the
struggles of the colonies for independence as a case of civil war, to which
their national obligations prescribed to them to remain neutral. Their
policy, their interest, and their feelings, all concurred to favor the cause of
the colonies; and the principles upon which the right of independence has
been maintained by the South American patriots have been approved, not
only as identical with those upon which our own independence was asserted
and achieved, but as involving the whole theory of Government on the
emphatically American foundation of the sovereignty of the people and the
unalienable rights of man. To a cause reposing upon this basis the people
of this country never could be indifferent, and their sympathies have accord-
ILlgiy UCC.lt, WJ.LJLJ. glUCtL U1ACUJ..LJL.L.L1 I.JT U.JLJ.VJ. \-V^J.lo l.u.ii^ y , V^HIiO l,v»vu. J.JLJ. i I,v3 J.ClVWi. -L J-IV^
sentiments of the Government of the United States have been in perfect
harmony with those of their people, and while forbearing, as their duties of
neutrality prescribed, from every measure which could justly be construed
as hostile to Spain, they have exercised all the moral influence which they
possessed to countenance and promote the cause of independence. So long
as a contest of arms, with a rational or even remote prospect of eventual
success, was maintained by Spain, the United States could not recognise the
independence of the colonies as existing de facto without trespassing on their
duties to Spain by assuming as decided that which was precisely the question
of the war. In the history of South American independence there are two
periods, clearly distinguishable from each other: the first, that of its origin,
when it was rather a war of independence against France than against Spain ;
and the second, from the restoration of Ferdinand VII, in 1814. Since that
period the territories now constituting the Republic of Colombia have been
the only theatre upon which Spain has been able to maintain the conflict
offensively, with even a probable color of ultimate success. But when, in
1815, she made her greatest effort, in the expedition from Cadiz, commanded
by Morillo, Mexico, Peru, and Chile were yet under her authority; and had
she succeeded in reducing the coast of Terra Firma and New Granada, the
provinces of La Plata, divided among themselves, and weakened by the
Portuguese occupation of Montevideo, would probably not have held out
against her long. This, at least, was the calculation of her policy; and from
the geographical position of those countries, which may be termed the heart
of South America, the conclusion might well be drawn that if the power of
Spain could not be firmly reseated there, it must be, on her part, a fruitless
struggle to maintain her supremacy in any part of the American continent.
The expedition of Morillo, on its first arrival, was attended with signal suc-
cess. Carthagena was taken, the whole coast of Terra Firma was occupied,
and New Granada was entirely subdued. A remnant of Patriots in Vene-
zuela, with their leader, Bolivar, returning from expulsion, revived the cause
of independence; and after the campaign of 1819, in which they reconquered
the whole of New Granada, the demonstration became complete, that every
effort of Spain to recover the South American continent must thenceforward
be a desperate waste of her own resources, and that the truest friendship of
other nations to her would consist in making her sensible that her own
interest would be best consulted by the acknowledgment of that independ-
ence which she could no longer effectually dispute.
To this conclusion the Government of the United States had at an earlier
period arrived. But from that emergency, the President has considered the
question of recognition, both in a moral and political view, as merely a
question of the proper time. While Spain could entertain a reasonable hope
of maintaining the war and of recovering her authority, the acknowledgment
DOCUMENT IIQ: MAY 27, 1823 196
of the colonies as independent States would have been a wrong to her; but
she had no right, upon the strength of this principle, to maintain the preten-
sion after she was manifestly disabled from maintaining the contest, and,
by unreasonably withholding her acknowledgment, to deprive the Inde-
pendents of their right to demand the acknowledgment of others. To fix
upon the precise time when the duty to respect the prior sovereign right of
Spain should cease, and that of yielding to the claim of acknowledgment
would commence, was a subject of great delicacy, and, to the President, of
constant and anxious solicitude. It naturally became, in the first instance,
a proper subject of consultation with other powers having relations of
interest to themselves with the newly opened countries as well as influence
in the general affairs of Europe. In August, 1818, a formal proposal was
made to the British Government for a concerted and contemporary recogni-
tion of the independence of Buenos Ayres, then the only one of the South
American States which, having declared independence, had no Spanish force
contending against it within its borders; and where it therefore most un-
equivocally existed in fact. The British Government declined accepting the
proposal themselves, without, however, expressing any disapprobation of it;
without discussing it as a question of principle, and without assigning any
reason for the refusal, other than that it did not then suit with their policy.
It became a subject of consideration at the deliberations of the Congress of
Aix-la-Chapelle, in October, 1818. There is reason to believe that it dis-
concerted projects which were there entertained of engaging the European
Alliance in actual operations against the South Americans, as it is well
known that a plan for their joint mediation between Spain and her colonies,
for restoring them to her authority, was actually matured and finally failed
at that place, only by the refusal of Great Britain to accede to the condition
of employing force eventually against the South Americans for its accomplish-
ment. Some dissatisfaction was manifested by several members of the
Congress at Aix-la-Chapelle at this avowal on the part of the United States
of their readiness to recognize the independence of Buenos Ayres.
The reconquest, in the campaign of 1819, of New Granada to the Patriot
cause was immediately followed by the formation of the Republic of Colom-
bia, consisting of three great divisions of the preceding Spanish Government:
Venezuela, Cundinamarca, and Quito. It was soon succeeded by the dis-
solution of the Spanish authority in Mexico; by the revolution in Spain
itself; and by the military operations which resulted in the declaration of
independence in Peru. In November, 1820, was concluded the armistice
between the Generals Morillo and Bolivar, together with a subsequent
treaty, stipulating that, in case of the renewal of the war, the parties would
abstain from all hostilities and practices not consistent with the modern law
Vn it-no n a t-no-u-ii-nc /~>f /~I™1i iO( tinn Tn PVKriiarv
O'Donoju, at Cordova.
The formation of the Republic of Colombia, by the fundamental law of the
I7th of December, 1819, was notified to this Government by its agent, the
late Don Manuel Torres, on the 2Oth of February, 1821, with a request that
it might be recognized by the Government of the United States, and a
proposal for the negotiation of treaties of commerce and navigation, founded
upon the bases of reciprocal utility and perfect equality, as the most efficacious
means of strengthening and increasing the relations of amity between the
two Republics.
The request and proposal were renewed in a letter from Mr. Torres, of the
3Oth of November, 1821, and again repeated on the 2d of January, 1822. In
the interval since the first demand, the General Congress of the new Republic
had assembled, and formed a constitution, founded upon the principles of
popular representation, and divided into legislative, executive, and judicial
authorities. The Government under this constitution had been organized
and was in full operation; while, during the same period, the principal
remnant of the Spanish force had been destroyed by the battle of Carabobo,
and its last fragments were confined to the two places of Porto Cabello and
Panama.
Under these circumstances, a resolution of the House of Representatives
of the United States, on the 30th of January, 1822, requested of the President
to lay before the House the communications from the agents of the United
States with the Governments south of the United States which had declared
their independence, and those from the agents of such Governments here
with the Secretary of State, tending to show the political condition of their
Governments and the state of the war between them and Spain. In trans-
mitting to the House the papers called for by this resolution, the President,
by his message of the 8th of March, 1822, declared his own persuasion that
the time had arrived when, in strict conformity to the law of nations and
in the fulfilment of the duties of equal and impartial justice to all parties,
the acknowledgment of the independence declared by the Spanish American
colonies could no longer be withheld. Both Houses of Congress having
almost unanimously concurred with these views of the President, an appro-
priation was made by law (4th of May, 1822,) for such missions to the inde-
pendent nations on the American continent as the President should deem
proper.
On the day after the President's message of the 8th of March, the Spanish
minister, Anduaga, addressed to this Department a remonstrance against the
measure which it recommended, and a solemn protest against the recognition
of the Governments mentioned of the insurgent Spanish provinces of Amer-
ica. He was answered on the 6th of April, by a letter recapitulating the
circumstances under which the Government of the United States had
independent States nations which, after deliberately asserting their right to
that character, had maintained and established it against all the resistance
which had been or could be brought to oppose it." On the 24th of April he
gave information that the Spanish Government had disavowed the treaty
of the 24th of August, 1821, between the Captain General O'Donoju
and Colonel Iturbide, and had denied the authority of the former to con-
clude it.
On the 1 2th of February, 1822, the Spanish Extraordinary Cortes adopted
the report of a committee proposing the appointment of Commissioners to
proceed to South America to negotiate with the revolutionary Patriots
concerning the relations to be established thereafter in regard to their con-
nexion with Spain. They declared, at the same time, all treaties made with
them before that time by Spanish commanders, implying any acknowledg-
ment of their independence, null and void, as not having been authorized
by the Cortes; and on the next day they passed three resolutions, the first
annulling expressly the treaty between O'Donoju and Iturbide.
The second, "That the Spanish Government, by a declaration to all others
with which it has friendly relations, make known to them that the Spanish
nation will regard, at any epoch, as a violation of the treaties, the recognition,
either partial or absolute, of the independence of the Spanish provinces of
Ultramer, so long as the dissensions which exist between some of them and
the Metropolis are not terminated, with whatever else may serve to convince
foreign Governments that Spain has not yet renounced any of the rights
belonging to it in those countries."
The third resolution recommended to the Government to take all necessary
measures, and to apply to the Cortes for the needed resources to preserve
and recover the authority of Spain in the ultramarine provinces.
These measures of the Cortes were not known to the President of the
United States when he sent to Congress his message of the 8th of March;
but information of them was received while the bill making an appropriation
for the missions was before Congress, and on the 25th of April a resolution
of the Senate requested of the President any information he might have,
proper to be disclosed, from our minister at Madrid, or from the Spanish
minister resident in this country, concerning the views of Spain relative to
the recognition of the independence of the South American colonies and of
the dictamen of the Spanish Cortes. In answer to this resolution, the letter
from Mr. Anduaga, protesting against the recognition, and one from Mr.
Forsyth, inclosing a translation of the dictamen, were transmitted to the
Senate, which, with all these documents before them, gave their concurrent
sanction, with that of the House of Representatives, to the passage of the
bill of appropriation.
This review of the proceedings of the Government of the United States in
consistency of the principles by which they were uniformly dictated, and
that they have been always eminently friendly to the new Republics, and
disinterested. While Spain maintained a doubtful contest with arms to
recover her dominion it was regarded as a civil war. When that contest
became so manifestly desperate that Spanish Viceroys, Governors, and Cap-
tain Generals themselves, concluded treaties with the insurgents, virtually
acknowledging their independence, the United States frankly and unre-
servedly recognized the fact, without making their acknowledgment the
price of any favor to themselves, and although at the hazard of incurring the
displeasure of Spain. In this measure they have taken the lead of the
whole civilized world; for, although the Portuguese Brazilian Government
had, a few months before, recognized the revolutionary Government of
Buenos Ayres, it was at a moment when a projected declaration of their own
independence made the question substantially their own cause, and it was
presented as an equivalent for a reciprocal recognition of their own much
more questionable right to the eastern shore of La Plata.
On the i yth day of June, 1822, Mr. Manuel Torres was received by the
President of the United States as the charge d'affaires from the Republic of
Colombia, and the immediate consequence of our recognition was the ad-
mission of the vessels of the South American nations, under their own colors,
into the ports of the principal maritime nations of Europe.
The European alliance of Emperors and Kings have assumed, as the
foundation of human society, the doctrine of unalienable allegiance. Our
doctrine is founded upon the principle of unalienable right. The European
allies, therefore, have viewed the cause of the South Americans as rebellion
against their lawful sovereign. We have considered it as the assertion of
natural right. They have invariably shown their disapprobation of the
revolution, and their wishes for the restoration of the Spanish power. We
have as constantly favored the standard of independence and of America.
In contrasting the principles and the motives of the European powers, as
manifested in their policy towards South America, with those of the United
States, it has not been my intention to boast of our superior purity, or to
lay a claim of merit to any extraordinary favor from South America in
return. Disinterestedness must be its own reward ; but in the establishment
of our future political and commercial intercourse with the new Republics
it will be necessary to recur often to the principles in which it originated ;
they will serve to mark the boundaries of the rights which we may justly
claim in our future relations with them, and to counteract the efforts which
it cannot be doubted European negotiators will continue to make in the
furtherance of their monarchical and monopolizing contemplations.
Upon a territory by one-half more extensive than the whole inhabited
part of the United States, with a population of less than four millions of
DOCUMENT IIQ: MAY 27, 1823 199
souls, the Republic of Colombia has undertaken to establish a single, and
not a confederated Government.
Whether this attempt will be found practicable in execution may be sus-
ceptible of doubt; but in the new organization of society upon this hemi-
sphere, even unsuccessful experiments lead to results by which the science
of Government is advanced and the happiness of man is promoted. The
Republic of Colombia has a constitution deliberately formed and adopted
upon principles entirely republican, with an elective Legislature in two
branches, a distribution of the powers of Government, with the exception of
the federative character, almost identical with our own, and articles declara-
tory of the natural rights of the citizen to personal security, property, and
reputation, and of the inviolable liberty of the press. With such a constitu-
tion, in such a country, the modifications which experience may prove to be
necessary for rendering the political institutions most effectually competent
to the ends of civil Government, will make their own way by peaceable and
gradual conquests of public opinion. If a single Government should be
found inadequate to secure and protect the rights of the people living under
it, a federation of Republics may, without difficulty, be substituted in its
place. Practical effect having once been given to the principle that lawful
government is a compact and not a grant, the pretences for resorting to
force for effecting political revolutions disappear. The subordination of the
military to the civil power is the only principle yet remaining to be estab-
lished in Colombia to insure the liberties of the future generations as well
as those of the present age; and that subordination, although not directly
guarantied by their present constitution, is altogether conformable to its
spirit.
In the letter of February 20, 1821, from the late Mr. Torres, demanding
the recognition of the Republic of Colombia, it has been observed that the
additional proposal was made of negotiating "treaties of navigation and com-
merce, founded upon the bases of reciprocal utility and perfect equality, as
the most efficacious means of strengthening and increasing the relations of
amity between the two Republics."
In compliance with this proposal, among the documents furnished you,
for proceeding upon the mission to which you have been appointed, of
minister plenipotentiary to the Republic of Colombia, is a full power which
will authorize you to negotiate with any plenipotentiary or plenipotentiaries
of that Government, duly provided with like powers, such a treaty. The
President wishes.,, however, that every step in such negotiation should be
taken with full deliberation. The treaty, if concluded, must, as you are
aware, be reserved subject to ratification here, with the advice and consent
of the Senate, hv the. constitutional maioritv of two-thirds, as bv the consti-
2OO PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
Our commercial relations with the Colombian territory are of so recent
origin, and have depended so much upon the revolutionary condition of that
country, under which they have arisen, that our knowledge of their state
and character is very imperfect, although we are certain that they are alto-
gether different from those which may be expected to arise from permanent
interests, when the independence of the Republic shall be universally recog-
nized, and a free trade shall be opened to its inhabitants with all parts of the
world. The only important point now to be settled, as the radical principle
of all our future commercial intercourse, is the basis proposed by Mr.
Torres, of reciprocal utility and perfect equality. As the necessary conse-
quence of which, you will claim that, without waiting for the conclusion of a
treaty, the commerce and navigation of the United States, in the ports of
the Colombian Republic, should be received on the footing of equality with
the most favored nation. It is hoped, indeed, that on your arrival at the
place of your destination you will find the principle already settled, assur-
ances to that effect having been given by the Minister of Foreign Relations
to Mr. Todd. . . .
The spirit of the Colombian constitution is explicitly that of entire and
unqualified independence, and the sentiments expressed by Dr. Gual to Mr.
Todd have been altogether conformable to it. He has declared that the
intention of the Government is to treat all foreign nations upon the footing
of equal favor and of perfect reciprocity. This is all that the United States
will require, and this, so far as their interests are concerned, they have a
right to exact.
It had been, in the first instance, proposed by Mr. Torres that the treaty
of commerce and navigation should be negotiated here, and he informed me
that a minister would be appointed with powers and instructions sufficient
for concluding it at this place. Dr. Gual has informed Mr. Todd that the
views of the Colombian Government have since undergone a change; and
although they have appointed Mr. Salazar as Envoy Extraordinary and
Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States, and in March last he was
under instructions to proceed forthwith upon his mission to this country,
they were, nevertheless, exceedingly desirous that the treaty should be
negotiated there.
The President deems it of no material importance to the United States
whether the treaty shall be negotiated at Washington or at Bogota; but the
proposal having first been made for concluding it here, it was natural to
inquire what it was that produced the change in the wishes of the Colombian
Government with regard to the seat of the negotiation. Dr. Gual intimated
confidentially to Mr. Todd that it had proceeded from two causes: one, the
desire to establish a precedent which might prevail upon the great European
Governments to negotiate likewise with the Republic at its own capital, and
themselves entangled with European intrigues, and to involve the Republic
in unsuitable and perplexing engagements. With regard to the second of
these causes, whatever occasion may have been given to the distrust of
their own agents which it avows, it could have no application to their trans-
actions with the United States. By assuming the principles of independence,
equality, and reciprocity as the foundations of all our negotiations, we dis-
card all the incentives and all the opportunities for double dealing, over-
reaching, and corrupt caballing. We shall ask nothing which the Colombian
Republic can have any interest to deny. We shall offer nothing for which
she may be unwilling to yield the fair equivalent. To the other reason,
however, the President the more readily accedes, because, perceiving its full
force, it gives him an opportunity of manifesting in action the friendly dis-
position of the United States towards the Republic, and their readiness to
promote by all proper means the recognition of its independence by the
great European powers.
In the negotiation of all commercial treaties there is undoubtedly an
advantage, at least of convenience, enjoyed by the party which treats at
home; and this advantage acquires greater importance when, as is now the
case with both parties, the treaty, to become valid, must obtain the assent
of legislative assemblies. This advantage, in the ordinary course of things,
accrues to the party to whom the proposal of negotiation is first made. In-
dependent, then, of all questions of precedence, and without resorting to the
example of the first treaties negotiated by the United States, both of which
considerations have been mentioned by Mr. Todd to Dr. Gual, the United
States might insist upon having the negotiation concluded here, not only as
the first proposal of it was made to them, but because the proposal itself
was that it should be concluded here. The President, however, is well
aware of the stimulus which a treaty negotiated, and even a negotiation
known to be in progress at Bogota, will apply to the attention of European
interests, and has no doubt that it will press them to the recognition more
powerfully than they have been urged by the example, or are likely to be by
the exhortations of the North American Government. You are accordingly
furnished, by his direction, with the full power necessary for the conclusion
of the treaty. .
Among the usual objects of negotiation in treaties of commerce and
navigation are the liberty of conscience and of religious worship. Articles
to this effect have been seldom admitted in Roman Catholic countries, and
are even interdicted by the present constitution of Spain. The South
American Republics have been too much under the influence of the same
intolerant spirit; but the Colombian constitution is honorably distinguished
by exemption from it. The loth and i ith articles of our treaty with Prussia,
or articles to the like effect, may be proposed for insertion in the projected
unsullied by prohibitions of religious liberty, Colombia will deserve new
honors in the veneration of present and future ages by giving her positive
sanction to the freedom of conscience, and by stipulating it in her first
treaty with these United States. It is, in truth, an essential part of the
system of American independence. Civil, political, commercial, and re-
ligious liberty, are but various modifications of one great principle, founded
in the unalienable rights of human nature, and before the universal applica-
tion of which the colonial domination of Europe over the American hemi-
sphere has fallen, and is crumbling into dust. Civil liberty can be estab-
lished on no foundation of human reason which will not at the same time
demonstrate the right to religious freedom. The tendency of the spirit of the
age is so strong towards religious liberty that we cannot doubt it will soon
banish from the constitutions of the southern Republics of this hemisphere
all those intolerant religious establishments with which they have hitherto
been trammelled. Religious and military coercion will be alike discarded
from all the institutions framed for the protection of human rights in civil
society of independent nations, and the freedom of opinion and of faith will
be guarantied by the same sanction as the rights to personal liberty and
security. To promote this event by all the moral influence which we can
exercise, whether of example, of friendly counsel, or of persuasion, is among
the duties which devolve upon us in the formation of our future relations
with our southern neighbors; and in the intercourse which is hereafter to
subsist between us, as their citizens who may visit or transiently reside with
us will enjoy the benefit of religious freedom in its utmost latitude, we are
bound to claim for our countrymen who may occasionally dwell for a time
with them the reciprocal exercise of the same natural rights.
In the present imperfect state of our information with regard to the exist-
ing commerce between the two countries, and the uncertainty as to what its
future and permanent relations may be, it would be useless to enter into any
further detail of articles which it may be proper to propose for the intended
treaty of commerce. The Republic of Colombia, if permanently organized
to embrace the whole territory which it now claims, and blessed with a Gov-
ernment effectually protective of the rights of its people, is undoubtedly
destined to become hereafter one of the mightiest nations of the earth. Its
central position upon the surface of the globe, directly communicating at
once with the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, north and south, with the Carib-
bean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico, brings it into relations of proximity with
every other part of the world; while the number and variety of its ports on
every sea by which it is surrounded, the magnitude and extent of its naviga-
ble rivers, three of which, the Amazon, the Orinoco, and the Magdalena,
are among the largest in the world, intersecting with numberless tributary
streams, and in every direction the continent of South America, and furnish-
to every spot upon its surface; the fertility of its soil; the general healthiness
and beauty of its climate; the profusion with which it breeds and bears the
precious and the useful metals, present a combination of elements un-
paralleled in the location of the human race, and relieve, at least from all
charge of enthusiasm, the sentiment expressed by the late Mr. Torres, that
this republic appeared to have been destined by the Author of Nature "as
the centre and the empire of the human family."
But it is to man, placed in a Paradise like this, that Nature, with her
loudest, voice exclaims: "God to thee has done his part — do thine;" and the
part of man, so gifted and so endowed, is to enjoy and to communicate the
bounties of Providence so largely lavished upon him, and not to fancy him-
self destined to the empire of the human family. If the natural advantages
bestowed upon the Colombian territory were to be improved by its inhabit-
ants only for purposes of empire, that which nature has bestowed as a bless-
ing upon them would, in its consequences prove a curse inflicted upon the
rest of mankind. The territory of Colombia contains, at this moment, little
more than three million and a half of souls. Were it only as populous as its
late parent country, Spain, it would bear one hundred millions; and if as
populous as France, nearly three times that number. At the most rapid rate
of increase which human population has ever attained, even a doubling
every quarter of a century, the Republic of Colombia, for two hundred years
to come, may devote all her exertions to the improvement of her internal
means of subsistence for the multiplying myriads of her people, without
seeking support from the extension of her empire beyond her own borders.
Let her look to commerce and navigation, and not to empire, as her means of
communication with the rest of the human family. These are the principles
upon which our confederated Republic is founded, and they are those upon
which we hope our sisters of the southern continent will ultimately perceive
it to be for their own welfare, no less than for that of the world, that they
should found themselves.
The materials of commercial intercourse between the United States and the
Colombian Republic are at present not many. Our exports to it hitherto
have been confined to flour, rice, salted provisions, lumber, a few manufac-
tured articles, warlike stores, and arms, and some East India productions, for
which we have received cocoa, coffee, indigo, hides, copper, and specie.
Much of this trade has originated and has continued only by the war in
which that country has been engaged, and will cease with it. As producing
and navigating nations, the United States and Colombia will be rather com-
petitors and rivals than customers to each other. But as navigators and
manufacturers, we are already so far advanced in a career upon which they
are yet to enter, that we may, for many years after the conclusion of the war,
maintain with them a commercial intercourse, highly beneficial to both
concluded by the Colombian plenipotentiary, Mosquera, with the Govern-
ments of Peru and of Chile, and which he expected would also be shortly
concluded with Buenos Ayres. The purport of these treaties was mentioned
by Dr. Gual only. in general terms, but he said that Mr. Salazar would be
authorized to communicate copies of them to this Government, and eventu-
ally to propose that the United States should accede to them, or take a part
in the system which it was their purpose to originate. In January last,
about the same time when Dr. Gual was making this confidential communi-
cation to Mr. Todd, we learn, by despatches from Mr. Forbes, that Mr.
Mosquera was at Buenos Ayres, and had made his proposals of negotiation
to the Government there. Mr. Forbes speaks doubtfully of his prospects of
success. The general intention, but not the specific purport of the treaties
had also been communicated by Mr. Mosquera to Mr. Forbes. But th.e
Colombian minister had been more confidential with Mr. Prevost, who, in a
despatch dated the I4th of December last, states that he had obtained a
sight of the original treaty. He describes it in a preceding letter as a treaty
of alliance, offensive and defensive, containing "a pledge from each of the
contracting parties to send deputies to the Isthmus, within a limited time,
for the double purpose of effecting an union in support of a representative
system throughout, and of preventing partial associations with any one of
the powers of Europe. An agent (he adds) has gone to Mexico with the
same object; and it is in contemplation, as soon as the several treaties shall
be ratified by Colombia, to invite a representation from the United States
to preside at a meeting intended to assimilate the politics of the south with
those of the north;" and in a letter of I4th December, after having seen the
treaty, he says: "It embraces in the most express terms the several objects
to which I alluded, together with a stipulation not to enter into partial
arrangements with Spain, and not to listen to overtures on her part unac-
companied with an acknowledgment of the independence of all."
Mr. Prevost, as well as Dr. Gual, entertains higher expectations of the
success of this negotiation at Buenos Ayres than Mr. Forbes. Mr. Prevost
thinks that it must succeed, although the Government of Buenos Ayres is
secretly averse to it, and implicated in secret intrigues with the Portuguese
Government and General Le Cor for a confederacy of a different character.
Dr. Gual told Mr. Todd that proposals had been made by the Portuguese
Government at Lisbon, to Colombia, for a general confederacy of all America,
North and South, together with the Constitutional Governments of Portugal
had been rejected on account of their European aspect. Loose and indefinite
projects of the same kind have been presented by the present Portuguese
Government to us, but they have never been considered even as objects of
deliberation. Brazil has declared its own independence of Portugal, and
constituted itself into an Empire, with an Emperor at its head. General
Le Cor has lost the real command of his own army, and has been, or cannot
fail shortly to be, compelled to embark, with all his European Portuguese
troops, for Lisbon. Then will come the question between Buenos Ayres and
Brazil, for Montevideo and the Oriental Band of La Plata, and then will soon
be seen that the Republican Hemisphere will endure neither Emperor nor
King upon its shores.
Of this mighty movement in human affairs, mightier far than that of the
downfall of the Roman Empire, the United States may continue to be, as
they have been hitherto, the tranquil but deeply attentive spectators. They
may, also, in the various vicissitudes by which it must be followed, be called
to assume a more active and leading part in its progress. Floating, un-
digested purposes of this great American confederation have been for some
time fermenting in the imaginations of many speculative statesmen; nor is
the idea to be disdainfully rejected because its magnitude may appal the
understanding of politicians accustomed to the more minute but more com-
plicated machinery of a contracted political standard.
So far as the proposed Colombian confederacy has for its object a com-
bined system of total and unqualified independence of Europe, to the exclu-
sion of all partial compositions of any one of the emancipated colonies with
Spain, it will have the entire approbation and good wishes of the United
States, but will require no special agency of theirs to carry it into effect.
So far as its purposes may be to concert a general system of popular repre-
sentation for the government of the several independent States which are
floating from the wreck of the Spanish power in America, the United States
will still cheer it with their approbation, and speed with their good wishes
its success.
And so far as its objects may be to accomplish a meeting, at which the
United States should preside, to assimilate the politics of the south with
those of the north, a more particular and definite view of the end proposed
by this design, and of the means by which it is to be effected, will be neces-
sary to enable us to determine upon our concurrence with it. An agent
from France, named Molien, and Mr. Lorich, the Consul General of Sweden
in the United States, arrived at Bogota in January last. Dr. Gual told Mr.
Todd that Molien had no letters or avowed powers, though he had intimated
he was there by authority; that he was considered as a spy on behalf of a
faction in France. "He had insinuated that the United States were in-
fluenced by interested motives in recognizing the new Governments in South.
206 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
America ; that our influence in Europe had been impaired by a measure which
was considered premature; and that he supposed we were now endeavoring to
procure exclusive advantages for having been the first to recognize." And
Dr. Gual added, that Mr. Molien undertook "to give him some advice as
to our views" — Mr. Lorich came with authority.
The political systems of Europe are all founded upon partial rights and
exclusive privileges. The colonial system had no other basis ; and having no
generous or liberal views of their own, it is not surprising that they should
entertain and disseminate suspicions of the disinterestedness of others. The
French Government sends an agent to Bogota, without daring to trust him
with a credential or an avowed power; and he executes his commission by
misrepresenting our motives, upon suspicions which those to whom he makes
the misrepresentation know to be unfounded, and by testifying to those who
were benefitted by our recognition that we had made it by the sacrifice of
some part of our influence in Europe. It must be admitted that the address
of the agent in the performance of his trust was upon a level with the candor
and frankness in which it originated. While the French Government pur-
sues its new career in the affairs of the World, with Such designs, it is to be
hoped the development of them will be committed to Such performers.
Mr. Lorich's mission was simply to obtain exclusive privileges for Sweden,
which as she had nothing of exclusive benefit to offer in return, were of
course rejected.
We are well aware that our recognition of South American independence
was not palatable to the taste of any of the European Governments. But we
felt that it was a subject upon which it became us to take the lead, and as
we knew that the European Governments, sooner or later, must and would,
whether with good or with bad grace, follow our example, we determined that
both Europe and America should have the benefit of it. We hope, also, and
this is the only return which we ask, and have a right to ask, from the South
Americans for our forwardness in their favor, that Europe will be compelled
to follow the whole of our example — that is, to recognize without condition
and without equivalent. We claim no exclusive privilege for ourselves. We
trust to the sense of justice, as well as to the interest of the South Americans,
the denial of all exclusive privileges to others. The Colombian Government,
at various times, have manifested a desire that the United States should
take some further and active part in obtaining the recognition of their inde-
pendence by the European Governments, and particularly by Great Britain.
This has been done even before it was solicited. All the ministers of the
United States in Europe have, for many years, been instructed to promote
the cause, by any means consistent with propriety and adapted to their end,
at the respective places of their residence. The formal proposal of a con-
certed recognition was made to Great Britain before the Coneress of Aix-la-
DOCUMENT 119: MAY 27, 1823 207
us after his decease, Mr. Rush was instructed to give every aid in his power,
without offence to the British Government, to obtain the admission of Mr.
Ravenga; of which instruction we have recent assurances from Mr. Rush
that he is constantly mindful. Our own recognition undoubtedly opened all
the ports of Europe to the Colombian flag, and your mission to Colombia, as
well as those to Buenos Ayres and Chile, cannot fail to stimulate the cabinets
of maritime Europe, if not by the liberal motives which influenced us, at
least by selfish impulses, to a direct, simple, and unconditional recognition.
We shall pursue this policy steadily through all the changes to be foreseen
of European affairs. There is every reason to believe that the preponderat-
ing tendency of the war in Spain will be to promote the universal recognition
of all the South American Governments ; and, at all events, our course will
be to promote it by whatever influence we may possess.
Several other subjects have been mentioned in the conferences between
Dr. Gual and Mr. Todd, upon which it is proper to apprize you of the Presi-
dent's views.
1st. On the 24 January Dr. Gual stated that the Government of Peru
entertained the desire of communicating with the United States, and had
requested it to be made through that of Colombia. He afterwards men-
tioned certain complaints of the Peruvian Government against Captain
Stewart of the Franklin, as having given convoy to our vessels, conveying
Military stores to the ports of the Royalists, and committed other unfriendly
acts on their Shores — and he promised to send Mr Todd the papers relating
to these complaints. But on the 28th of February he stated that the papers
would be transmitted to Mr. Salazar, to be by him laid before this Govern-
ment.
The President will readily receive any communication from the Govern-
ment of Peru which it may be disposed to make through the medium of that
of Colombia. With regard to the complaint against Captain Stewart we
shall wait for the promised communication from Mr. Salazar to take such
measures as the occasion may render proper, and they will be adapted as well
to the friendly disposition which we feel towards the Peruvian Patriots as to
the justice due to a very distinguished and meritorious officer in the service
of our own Country. Thus far it may be proper in the present stage of this
concern for you to notice the subject on your earliest intercourse with the
Colombian Government. But it may also be advisable for you to suggest
the enquiry how far the Colombian Government in assuming the office of a
complainant for that of Peru, proposes to make itself responsible for the
complaints which we in our turn have to urge, and have hitherto ineffectually
urged upon the justice of the Peruvian Patriots themselves ! You will state
that more than three years since, Lord Cochrane issued a proclamation of
Blockade as extensive and as outrageous in its violation of the Laws of Na-
the Representative of Peru, to complain, will we trust also be commissioned
as the representative of Peru to indemnify: and if we are to answer to Co-
lombia for complaints from Peru, Colombia will hold herself responsible to us
for the demands we have upon Peru. To the justice of this principle we have
no doubt the Colombian Government will readily accede, and if unwilling to
assume the obligation of making satisfaction to us for Peruvian wrongs will
excuse us from discussing with them any question of Peruvian Rights. . . .
Our intercourse with the Republic of Colombia, and with the territories of
which it is composed, is of recent origin, formed while their own condition
was altogether revolutionary and continually changing its aspect. Our
information concerning them is imperfect, and among the most important
objects of your mission will be that of adding to its stores; of exploring the
untrodden ground, and of collecting and transmitting to us the knowledge
by which the friendly relations between the two countries may be extended
and harmonized to promote the welfare of both, with due regard to the peace
and good will of the whole family of civilized man. It is highly important
that the first foundations of the permanent future intercourse between the
two countries should be laid in principles benevolent and liberal in them-
selves, congenial to the spirit of our institutions, and consistent with the
duties of universal philanthropy.
In all your consultations with the Government to which you will be ac-
credited, bearing upon its political relations with this Union, your unvarying
standard will be the spirit of independence and of freedom, as equality of
rights and favors will be that of its commercial relations. The emancipation
of the South American continent opens to the whole race of man prospects of
futurity, in which this Union will be called, in the discharge of its duties to
itself and to unnumbered ages of posterity, to take a conspicuous and leading
part. It involves all that is precious in hope, and all that is desirable in
existence, to the countless millions of our fellow creatures which, in the
progressive revolution of time, this hemisphere is destined to rear and to
maintain.
That the fabric of our social connexions with our southern neighbors may
rise, in the lapse of years, with a grandeur and harmony of proportion cor-
responding with the magnificence of the means placed by Providence in our
power, and in that of our descendants, its foundations must be laid in princi-
ples of politics and of morals new and distasteful to the thrones and domina-
tions of the elder world, but co-extensive with the surface of the globe, and
lasting as the changes of time.
I have the honor [etc.].
DOCUMENT 121 : NOVEMBER 15, 1823 2Og
120
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Jose Maria Salazar (Philadelphia'),
Colombian Minister to the United States1
WASHINGTON, August 5, 1823 .
SIR: I have the honour of enclosing herewith, a copy of a Circular Letter
from the Secretary of the Treasury, to the Collectors of the customs, issued
by direction of the President of the United States, and containing the regu-
lations prescribed by this Government in the cases of public and private
armed vessels, with their prizes, of the Belligerent parties, in the war between
Spain and France, and in that between Spain and the Independent Govern-
ments established in Spanish America, which, by stress of weather, pursuit
of enemies, or some other urgent necessity, may be forced to enter the ports
and harbours of the United States.
These regulations have already been in force for several years in respect to
the contest between Spain and her ex-colonies. They are marked, at once,
by respect for the rights of the Belligerent parties, for the engagements of the
United States, and for the neutrality which they have felt it their duty to
observe between the parties.
I pray you, Sir, to accept [etc.].
121
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Baron de Tuyll, Russian Minister
to the United States2
WASHINGTON, November 15, 1823.
SIR: I have had the honour of receiving your note of the 4/16 instant,3
communicating the information that His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor
of all the Russias has determined, in no case, to receive any agent whatsoever,
either from the Government of the Republic of Colombia, or from any other
of the Governments de facto, which owe their existence to the events of which
the new world has, for some years past, been the theatre.
Influenced by the considerations which prescribe it as a duty to independ-
ent nations to entertain with each other the friendly relations which senti-
ments of humanity and their mutual interests require, and satisfied that those
of South America had become irrevocably independent of Spain, the Gov-
ernment of the United States thought it proper to acknowledge their inde-
pendence, in March, 1822, by an Act which was then published to the world.
1MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 149. Jose Maria Salazar, envoy extraordinary
and minister plenipotentiary of Colombia in the United States: Presented credentials,
June 10, 1823. Functions ceased, June 17, 1828. Left about July 18, 1829.
2 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 158. Baron de Tuyll, envoy extraordinary and
minister plenipotentiary of Russia to the United States: Presented credentials to the Secre-
tarv of State. Anril TO. 1821. Tnnk leave. Mnrrh TA. tfrafi.
Colombia, has appointed Ministers of the same rank, to the Governments of
Mexico, Buenos Ayres and Chili, has received a Minister and other Diplo-
matic Agents from Mexico, and preserved, in other respects, the same inter-
course with those new States that they have with other powers.
By a recurrence to the Message of the President, a copy of which is en-
closed, you will find that this measure was adopted on great consideration;
that the attention of this Government had been called to the contest between
the Parent Country and the Colonies, from an early period, that it had
marked the course of events with impartiality, and had become perfectly
satisfied that Spain could not re-establish her authority over them: that, in
fact, the new States were completely independent.
From the information contained in your note, it appears that the political
principles maintained by his Imperial Majesty and his Allies, have not led
.the Imperial Government to the same result. I am instructed by the Presi-
dent to assure you that the Government of the United States, respecting
in others the Independence of the Sovereign Authority which they exercise
themselves, receive the communication of His Imperial Majesty's determi-
nation on that subject, in the spirit of candour, frankness, and of amicable
.disposition, with which it is made.
I avail myself of the occasion [etc.].
122
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Richard Rush, United States
Minister to Great Britain1
WASHINGTON, November 29, 1823.
SIR: Your despatches2 numbered 323-325-326-330-331-332-334 and
336 have been received; containing the reports of your conferences, and
copies of your confidential correspondence, with Mr. Secretary Canning, in
relation to certain proposals made by him, tending to a concert of principles,
with reference to the affairs of South America, between the United States
and Great Britain, and a combined manifestation of them to the world.
The whole subject has received the deliberate consideration of the Presi-
dent, under a deep impression of its genial importance, a full conviction of
the high interests and sacred principles involved in it, and an anxious solici-
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, X, 120.
2 See below, pt. vm, docs. 788, 791, 794, 796, 797, 798 and 800, letters from Rush to Adams
between the dates, August 19 and October 10, 1823. The dispatch bearing the official
•number 332 is not printed in this collection since it deals with another subject, the only
pertinent portion being a statement that during a recent conference with Canning their
"attention was so exclusively engrossed by the South- American subject" that the other
was not mentioned.
DOCUMENT 122: NOVEMBER 29, 1823 211
tilde for the cultivation of that harmony of opinions and unity of object,
between the British and American Nations, upon which so much of the peace
and happiness and liberty of the world obviously depend.
I am directed to express to you the President's entire approbation of the
course which you have pursued in referring to your Government the pro-
posals contained in Mr. Canning's private and confidential letter to you, of
20 August; and I am now to signify the determination of the President con-
cerning them: — a determination which he wishes to be at once candid,
explicit and conciliatory; and which being formed by refering each of the
proposals to the single and unvarying standard of right and wrong, as under-
stood and maintained by us, will present to the British Government the
whole system of opinions and of purposes of the American Government with
regard to South America.
The first of the principles of the British Government, as set forth by Mr.
Canning, is —
1. We conceive the recovery of the colonies by Spain, to be hopeless.
In this we concur.
The second is —
2. We conceive the question of the recognition of them, as independent '
States, to be one of time and circumstances.
We did so conceive it, until with a due regard to all the rights of Spain, and
with a due sense of our responsibility to the judgment of mankind, and of
posterity, we had come to the conclusion that the recovery of them by Spain
was hopeless. Having arrived at that conclusion, we considered that the
people of these emancipated Colonies, were, of right independent of all other
nations, and that it was our duty so to acknowledge them. We did so
acknowledge them, in March, 1822; from which time the recognition has no
longer been a question to us. We are aware of considerations, just and
proper in themselves, which might deter Great Britain from fixing upon the
same time for this recognition, with us; but we wish to press it earnestly
upon her consideration, whether, after having settled the point that the
recovery of the colonies by Spain was hopeless, and after maintaining, at the
cannon's mouth, commercial relations with them, incompatible with their
colonial condition, while subject to Spain, the moral obligation does not
necessarily result of recognizing them as independent States.
"3. We are however, by no means disposed to throw any impediment
in the way of an arrangement between them and the mother country
by amiable negotiation."
Nor are we — Recognizing them as independent States, we acknowledge
them as possessing full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances,
establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which independent
States may of right do. — Among these, an arrangement between them and
fvnain. Tiv amiVahlp n pcrnri a ti nn is nnf whirh far from hein0r disoosed to im-
peae, we wouia earnestly aesire, ana, uy every proper iuecius> m uuu
endeavour to promote, provided It should be founded on the basis of inde-
pendence. But recognizing them as independent States, we do, and shall
justly and necessarily, claim in our relations political and commercial, to be
placed upon a footing of equal favour, with the most favoured nation.
"4. We aim not at the possession of any portion of them ourselves"
"5. We would not see any portion of them transferred to any other
Power, with indifference."
In both these positions we concur, — and we add —
That we could not see with indifference, any attempt by one or more
powers of Europe to restore those new states to the crown of Spain, or to
deprive them, in any manner, whatever of the freedom and independence
which they have acquired.
With a view to this object, it is indispensable that the British Government
take like ground with that which is now held by the United States, and that
it recognize the independence of the new Governments. That measure
being taken, we may then harmonize in all the arrangements and acts which
may be necessary for its accomplishment. It is upon this ground alone, as
we conceive that a firm and determined stand could now be jointly taken by
Great-Britain and the United States, in behalf of the Independence of Na-
tions: and never, in the history of mankind, was there a period when a stand
so taken and maintained, would exhibit to present and future ages, a more
glorious example of power, animated by justice, and devoted to the ends of
beneficence. On this basis this Government is willing to move in concert
with Great-Britain for the purposes specified.
We believe, however, that for the most effectual accomplishment of the
object, common to both Governments, a perfect understanding with regard
to it being established between them, it will be most advisable that they
should act separately, each making such representations to the Continental
European Allies, or either of them, as circumstances may render proper, and
mutually communicating to each other, the purport of such representations,
and all information respecting the measures and purposes of the Allies, the
knowledge of which may enlighten the councils of Great Britain and of the
United States, in the course of policy, and towards the honourable end,
which will be common to them both. Should an emergency occur, in which
a joint manifestation of opinion, by the two Governments may tend ta
influence the Councils of the European Allies, either in the aspect of per-
suasion or of admonition, you will make it known to us without delay, and
we shall according to the principles of our Government, and in the forms
prescribed by our Constitution, cheerfully join in any act by which we may
contribute to support the cause of human freedom, and the Independence of
the South American Nations.
I am [etc.].
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to He-man Allen, appointed United
States Minister to Chile1
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, November 30, 1823.
SIR: I have the honour of enclosing herewith sundry papers, relating to
complaints by citizens of the United States, against the officers, civil and
military, of the Governments of Chili and Peru.
The character of these complaints, the evidence by which they are sup-
ported, and the proceedings hitherto, concerning them, you will collect from
the papers themselves; and upon your arrival in Chili, you will take such
measures for renewing and maintaining the claim of reparation and indem-
nity, which the justice of each case may authorize and require.
It is highly important, with regard to the two essential objects of our
intercourse with Chili and Peru, the best understanding should be main-
tained between the Diplomatic and Naval Officers of the United States,
stationed in those regions. Those objects are the establishment of the most
friendly relations with the people of those countries, under their new Repub-
lican Institutions; the manifestation of a warm and cordial sentiment of
favour and sympathy to the cause in which they are engaged, so far as that
sentiment can be indulged, consistently with our neutrality, and the firm
and fearless support of the rights, and lawful interests of the United States
and of their citizens. To this end, a copy of the instructions from the Navy
Department to Captain Hull, is herewith furnished you, and it is the Presi-
dent's hope and trust, that there will be, between you and him, and every
other officer of the squadron in the Pacific, the most cordial concert and
co-operation for the benefit of the public service.
I have the honour [etc.].
124
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Richard Rush, United States
Minister to Great Britain2
WASHINGTON, November 30, 1823.
SIR: The instructions contained in my letter, dated yesterday, were given
with a view to enable you to return an explicit answer to the proposals con-
tained in Mr. Secretary Canning's confidential letter to you of the 2oth of
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, X, 123. Heman Allen, of Vermont:
Commissioned minister plenipotentiary to Chile, January 27, 1823. Took leave, July 31,
1827.
2 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, X, 125.
views of the President with regard to a more general consideration of the
affairs of South America, to serve for your government, and to be used
according to your discretion in any further intercourse which you may have
with the British Cabinet on this subject.
In reviewing the proposals of Mr. Canning, and the discussion of them in
your correspondence and conferences, the President has, with great satis-
faction, adverted to them in the light of an overture from the British Govern-
ment towards a confidential concert of opinions and of operations between
us and them, with reference to the Countries heretofore subject to Spain in
this Hemisphere. In the exposition of the principles of the British Govern-
ment, as expressed in the five positions of Mr. Canning's letter, we perceive
nothing with which we cannot cheerfully concur, with the exception of that
which still considers the recognition of the Independence of the Southern
nations as a question of time and circumstances. Confident as we are, that
the time is at hand when Great Britain, to preserve her own consistency,
must come to this acknowledgement, we are aware that she may, perhaps,
be desirous of reserving to herself the -whole merit of it, with the South
Americans, and that she may finally yield more readily, to the decisive act
of recognition, when appearing to be spontaneous, than when urged upon
her by any foreign suggestion. The point itself has been so earnestly pressed
in your correspondence and conferences with Mr. Canning, and is so explic-
itly stated in my despatch of yesterday, as indispensable, in our view,
towards a co-operation of the two Governments, upon this important inter-
est, that the President does not think it necessary that you should dwell
upon it with much solicitude. The objections exhibited by Mr. Canning
against the measure, as stated particularly in your despatches, are so feeble,
and your answers to them so conclusive that, after the distinct avowal of
our sentiments, it may, perhaps, best conduce to the ultimate, entire coin-
cidence of purposes between the two Governments, to leave the choice of
time for the recognition which Mr. Canning has reserved, to the exclusive
consideration of the British Ministers themselves.
We receive the proposals themselves, and all that has hitherto passed
concerning them, according to the request of Mr. Canning, as confidential.
As a first advance of that character which has ever been made by the British
Government, in relation to the foreign affairs between the two nations, we
would meet it, with cordiality, and with the true spirit of confidence, which
is candour. The observations of Mr. Canning in reply to your remark that
the policy of the United States has hitherto been entirely distinct and sepa-
rate from all interference in the complications of European politics, have
great weight, and the considerations involved in them had already been
subjects of much deliberation among ourselves. As a member of the Euro-
pean community, Great Britain has relations with all the other powers of
tered determination not to interfere. But American affairs, whether of the
Northern or of the Southern Continent, can, henceforth, not be excluded
from the interference of the United States. All questions of policy relating
to them, have a bearing so direct upon the rights and interests of the United
States themselves, that they cannot be left at the disposal of European
Powers, animated and directed, exclusively, by European principles and
interests. Aware of the deep importance of United ends and Councils, with
those of Great Britain in this emergency, we see no possible basis on which
that harmonious concert of measures can be founded, other than the general
principle of South American Independence. So long as Great Britain with-
holds the recognition of that, we may, as we certainly do, concur with her
in the aversion to the transfer to any other power of any of the colonies in
this Hemisphere, heretofore or yet, belonging to Spain; but the principles
of that aversion, so far as they are common to both parties, resting only
upon a casual coincidence of interests, in a national point of view selfish on
both sides, would be liable to dissolution by every change of phase in the
aspects of European politics. So that Great Britain, negociating at once
with the European Alliance, and with us, concerning America, without being
bound by any permanent community of principle, with us would still be free
to accommodate her policy to any of those distributions of power, and parti-
tions of territory which have, for the last half century, been the ultima ratio
of all European political arrangements; while we, bound to her by engage-
ments, commensurate only with the momentary community of our separate*
particular interests, and self-excluded from all negociation with the Euro-
pean Alliance, should still be liable to see European Sovereigns dispose of
American interests, without consultation, either with us, or with any of the
American nations, over whose destinies they would thus assume an arbitrary
superintendence and control.
It was stated to you, by Mr. Canning that, in the event of a proposal for
a European Congress to determine upon measures relating to South America,
he should propose that you, as the Representative of the United States,
should be invited to attend at the same; and that, in the case, either of a
refusal to give you that invitation, or of your declining to accept it, if given,
Great Britain would reserve to herself the right of declining also, to attend.
The President approves your determination not to attend in case the invi-
tation should be given; and we are not aware of any circumstances under
which we should deem it expedient that a minister of the United States
should be authorised to attend at such a Congress, if the invitation to that
effect should be addressed to this Government itself. We should certainly
decline attending, unless the South American Governments should also be
invited to attend by their Representatives, and as the Representatives of
Independent nations. We would not sanction by our presence any meeting
such meeting should take place, witn a view to any result or nosuie acuon,
solemnly protest against it, and against all the melancholy and calamitous
consequences which may result from it. We earnestly hope that Great
Britain will do the same.
ft has been observed that through the whole course of the correspondence,
and of t le conferences between Mr. Canning and you, he did not disclose
the spec r'c information upon which he apprehended so immediate an inter-
position of the European Allies, in the affairs of South America, as would
have warranted or required the measure which he proposed to be taken in
concert with you, before this Government could be advised of it. And this
remark lias drawn the more attention, upon observing the apparent coolness,
and comparative indifference with which he treated the subject at your last
conferences, after the peculiar earnestness and solemnity of his first ad-
vances. It would have been more satisfactory here, and would have afforded
more distinct light for deliberation, if the confidence in which his proposals
originated had at once been entire. This suggestion is now made with a
view to the future, and to manifest the disposition, on our part, to meet
and return confidence without reserve.
The circumstances of Mr. Gallatin's private concerns having induced him
to decline returning to Europe at this time, and the posture of affairs requir-
ing, in the opinion of the President, the immediate renewal of negociations
with France, Mr. James Brown has been appointed to that mission, and is
expected very shortly to proceed upon it.
I am [etc.].
125
Message of President James Monroe, at the commencement of the first session
of the Eighteenth Congress of the United States, communicated to the
Senate December 2, 1823 1
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON-, December 2, 1823.
The ministers who were appointed to the republics of Colombia and
Buenos Ayres during the last session of Congress proceeded, shortly after-
wards, to their destinations. Of their arrival there official intelligence has
not yet been received. The minister appointed to the republic of Chili will
sail in a few days. An early appointment will also be made to Mexico.
A minister has been received from Colombia, and the other Governments
have been informed that ministers, or diplomatic agents of inferior grade,
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 247.
would be received from each accordingly as they might prefer the one or the
other. . . .
It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great ef-
fort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the
people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with ex-
traordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has
been, so far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in
that quarter of the globe with which we have so much intercourse, and from
which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spec-
tators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most
friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side
of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating
to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our
policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced
that we resent in j uries or make preparation for our defence. With the move-
ments in this hemisphere we are, of necessity, more immediately connected,
and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial ob-
servers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in
this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which
exists in their respective Governments. And to the defence of our own,
which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and ma-
tured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we
have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it,
therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the
United States and those powers, to declare that we should consider any at-
tempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere
as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or de-
pendencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not in-
terfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence,
and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration
and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition
for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their
destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifesta-
tion of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war
between these new Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the
time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered and shall continue to
adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the com-
petent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change
on the part of the United States indispensable to their security.
The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled.
Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied
powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to them-
selves, to have interposed, by force, in the internal concerns of Spain. To
question in which all independent powers whose Governments airier trom
theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none more so than
the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at
an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the
globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the inter-
nal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the Government de facto as the
legitimate Government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to
preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting, in all
instances, the just claims of every power; submitting to injuries from none.
But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspic-
uously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their
political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our
peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if
left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impos-
sible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with
indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain
and those new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be
obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the
United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other
powers will pursue the same course.
126
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Jose Maria Salasar, Colombian
Minister to the United States1
WASHINGTON, December 5, 1823.
SIR: I have had the honour of receiving your letter of the 6th of Sep-
tember, with its enclosures and also that of the 4th November, all of which
have been submitted to the consideration of the President of the United
States.
I am instructed to assure you that the disposition of the Government
of the United States towards all the Republics of the South, remains as amica-
ble and as earnestly desirous of maintaining with them the most harmoni-
ous intercourse, as it has been constantly manifested by its public Acts;
and with none more than with the Republic of Colombia. The instructions
heretofore given, and those which will hereafter be given to the Commanders
and officers of the naval forces of the United States, have been, and will be,
dictated by this spirit, and while directed to the protection of the rights
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 160. The two notes of which the receipt is
acknowledged are not printed in this collection.
will be, marked by the determination to treat with inviolate respect the
rights, national and individual of the Southern Republics and their citizens.
A complaint against the Commander of the United States Ship Franklin
for the transactions to which the enclosures in your letter of 6th September
relate, has been transmitted directly through an Agent of the United States
at Lima,1 the answer to which will be directly given.
In receiving from you, the Representative of the Republic of Colombia,
complaints against an officer of the United States, alledged by the Govern-
ment of Peru, I am directed before entering into any discussion of them, to
enquire whether the Government of Colombia holds itself responsible to the
United States and their Citizens, for complaints which they have to prefer
against the officers of Peru, — and for the indemnities and reparations to
which they are justly entitled for the same.
I avail myself of this occasion, to observe that I shall be happy to com-
municate verbally with you, upon this and other subjects, whenever it may
suit your convenience; and to offer you the renewed assurance [etc.].
127
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to the Minister of State and Foreign
Relations of Peru2
WASHINGTON, December 12, 1823.
SIR: I have had the honour of receiving your Excellency's letter of the
sgth of March last, with its enclosures, complaining of "the introduction of
two thousand muskets, arms and amunitions to the Spaniards in the Port of
Arica, by the Ship Canton, under the protection of the Guns of the United
States Ship Franklin, commanded by Commodore Charles Stewart."
And I have also received from Mr John B. Prevost, a copy of your letter
to him of the i8th of May last, containing a repetition of the same com-
plaint, and founding upon the same an express demand that the Government
of the United States should remove Commodore Charles Stewart from the
command of the Naval forces of this Republic, in the South Sea.
These documents have received from the President of the United States,
the most deliberate consideration ; and I am directed by him to assure your
Excellency that, as he has nothing more at heart than to maintain with the
Government of Peru the most friendly Relations and intercourse, he would
not fail to mark with strong disapprobation any act of an officer in the serv-
1 See below, pt. I, doc. 127, Adams to Minister of Foreign Relations of Peru, December
12, 1823.
z MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 162. The two communications acknowledged herein
are not printed in this collection. Their contents are sufficiently revealed in this reply.
to the Peruvian Nation, or the cause which they sustain.
The instructions given to Captain Stewart, and to all the Commanders of
the Naval forces of the United States, in the Pacific, have been dictated by
the Spirit of the most cordial friendship towards the Independent Nations
of the South, and of sympathy to the Patriotic cause. The distinguished
merit of that officer whose services to the United States have been at once
a title to the highest consideration of his fellow citizens, and a pledge of
good conduct under every circumstance that might arise countenances the
hope and expectation that he could not be unmindful of those instructions,
or of the well known dispositions of this Government, and that the charges
against him before the Government of Peru have been raised upon erro-
neous impressions.
This hope and expectation are strengthened by the decisive proof, fur-
nished in documents which have been transmitted to this country, that no
muskets, arms or ammunitions were introduced or landed at Aricaby, or from,
the Ship Canton, the vessel which, at that place, received the protection of
Captain Stewart. This fact is so fully established and was so well known to
Mr. Prevost, that had the correspondence enclosed in your letter of the 2Qth
March, been communicated to him, it is not doubted that he would have
satisfied your Excellency that the charge against Captain Stewart in rela-
tion to the Ship Canton was altogether without foundation.
It is also my duty to observe to your Excellency that in the letter of
Captain Prunier, Commander of the Brig Belgrano, to Captain Stewart,
dated nth July, 1822, the only ground alledged of the intention of Captain
Prunier to take the Ship Canton, then under the Protection of Captain
Stewart, was the suspicion that the Canton had broken a blockade, declared
by the Government of Peru, from the I5th to the 22d degree of South lati-
tude— which the Government of the United States cannot, consistently
with the principles which it has invariably maintained, acknowledge as a
lawful blockade — and no part of which the naval officers of the United States
were, conformably to the Laws of Nations, bound to observe.
With the reiterated assurance of the deep interest which the United States
take in the welfare, prosperity and Independence of the people of Peru,
and of the determination of this Government to maintain with yours the
most friendly and harmonious intercourse, I pray your Excellency to ac-
cept [etc.].
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to James Brown, appointed United
State? Minister to France1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, December 23, 1823.
The Government of the United States is not desirous of being admitted
as a party to the counsels of the European Alliance; nor is it their inten-
tion to interfere in the arrangement of the affairs of Europe. But their in-
terest in those of America, cannot escape the observation of any part of
Europe, nor their own attention. The sentiments expressed in the message
of the President of the United States, to Congress, at the commencement of
their present session, will serve as guides to your conduct on this subject.
It is hoped that the European Continental Alliance will ultimately per-
ceive the inexpediency of their interference in the contest between Spain and
South America; but, while manifesting, on proper occasions, the dispositions
of this Country concerning it, you will avoid any measure by which the
Government might be prematurely implicated in it, and observing with
vigilant attention, the progress of the Allies, with regard to their general
policy, and all its applications, will report as frequently as may be conven-
ient, the result of your observations.
I have the honour [etc.].
129
President James. Monroe to the United States House of Representatives*
WASHINGTON, January 12, 1824.
To THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES :
In answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives of December 24,
requesting the President of the United States to lay before the House such
information as he may possess, and which may be disclosed without injury
to the public good, relative to the determination of any sovereign, or combi-
nation of sovereigns, to assist Spain in the subjugation of her late colonies on
the American continent, and whether any Government of Europe is disposed
or determined to oppose any aid or assistance which such sovereign or com-
bination of sovereigns may afford to Spain for the subjugation of her late
colonies above mentioned, I have to state that I possess no information on
that subject not known to Congress which can be disclosed without injury
to the public good.
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, X, 151. James Brown, of Louisiana:
Commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to France, December 9,
1823. Took leave, June 28, 1829.
z American Slate Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 263.
222 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
130
John^Qnincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Joaguin Barrozo Pereira, Portu-
guese CJiarge a" Affaires in the United States1
WASHINGTON, June p, 1824.
SIR: Your letter of the 3 1st Ultimo has been laid before the President of
the United States, by whose direction I have the honour of informing you
that the reception of Mr. Rebello in the character of Charge d'Affaires from
the Emperor of Brazil, was, in no wise intended as an act unfriendly to the
Government or people of Portugal. It was the recognition of a Government
existing in fact, and ruling in a Country which his Majesty the King of
Portugal had several years since, proclaimed as an Independent Kingdom,
and thereby absolved from all dependence upon Portugal.
The United States have never encouraged and supported the differences
between the European Powers and their possessions in America, nor have
they availed themselves of any such differences to take by force to them-
selves, any part of those possessions. In recognizing as independent States,
some of the Countries which had been Spanish Colonies, they have done no
more than has been done by His Majesty the King of Portugal, himself.
The recognition of the Independence of those States was, in no wise, induced
by any existing differences between the United States and Spain; nor was it
deemed, in any manner incompatible with her sovereign rights. Such was
the opinion of the Portuguese Government itself, with reference to the
Ex-Colonies of Spain; and such, by an application of the same principles,
must it ultimately be, as is presumed, with regard to its own relations with
Brazil.
The negotiations between the United States and the Portuguese Govern-
ment at Lisbon, having for their object the commercial relations between
the United States and Portugal, cannot be unfavourably affected by the
recognition of the Independence of Brazil. Nor is it expected that the
Allies of His Majesty, the King of Portugal, any more than the United States,
will pretend to the right which they explicitly disclaim, or to exercise the
power of fixing, irrevocably the term when the legitimate rights of Sover-
eigns should be abandoned without appeal, or asserted in defiance of the fact.
As little are the United States disposed to interfere in the affairs either of
Portugal or Brazil, in such sort as to prescribe the rights or duties of the
presumptive heir to the throne of Portugal, or to scrutinize the franchise of
those respective Nations. Faithful to the principle that every Independent
people have the right to form, and to organize their Government as to them
shall seem best, in the pursuit of their own happiness, and without encroach-
ing upon the rights of others, they have recognized the Brazilian Govern-
maintenance of the usual relations between the United States and other
foreign Independent Powers.
I have the honour of enclosing herwith, a Packet just received from
England, addressed to you; and tender you the assurance [etc.].
131
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Richard C. Anderson, United
States Minister to Colombia1
WASHINGTON, July — , 1824.
SIR: Your despatches to No. 10. inclusive, dated the first of April last,
have been received — Those which relate to the political condition of the
Republic of Colombia, and to the incidents connected therewith, which have
occurred since your arrival at Bogota, have attracted particularly the
attention of the President.
The papers, transmitted with your despatch No. 7. of 19. January,2 are
important as disclosing, rather by implication, than distinctly, the objects
of France in the Mission of Count Lerndos, Mr. Mollien, and others who
visited the South American Countries and Mexico, at the close of the
year 1822 and in 1823. That they were missions of enquiry to ascertain
what might be done with those Countries, and that the purposes in con-
templation were of a character altogether inadmissible.
The communications received at a later date from the British Commis-
sioners, approach more to the nature of proposals to which nations really
Independent may listen; but notwithstanding the intimation of Mr. Hamil-
ton respecting an alliance between Great Britain and the Republic of Colom-
bia, it is now certain that the British Commissioners were not authorized to
perform any act which would have imported the formal acknowledgment by
Great Britain of the Independence of the Colombian Republic.
The papers presented in March last to the British Parliament, of the then
recent communications between the British Government and France and
Spain, in relation to South America, have shewn the views at that time both
of Great Britain and of France — From them it appears —
1. That both those Powers considered the Spanish Supremacy in South
America, as irretrievably lost.
2. That they were both willing that by amicable negotiation, Spain should
have greater advantages secured to her than any other Country, even in-
cluding themselves.
1 MS, Instructions to United States Ministers, X, 199. The day of the month is omitted
in the record copy.
2 See below, pt. vi, doc. 641.
measures for the establishment of Monarchical or Aristocratical forms of
Government in those Countries.
It further appears that Spain, after issuing a grave decree opening the
Ports of South America to the commerce of other Nations, solicited the inter-
position of her august allies to bring back her revolted subjects in America
to their allegiance — a proposal which Great Britain did not approve, and
France did not think proper to accede to — But France was willing to meet
the other allies in conference upon the expediency of giving instructions of
Monarchy and Aristocracy, as well as of special favours for Spain to the
South Americans.
The determinations of the other allies have not yet been made known,
but the danger of the interference of any of them by force in the affairs of
South America may be considered as past — How long the British acknowl-
edgment of the Independence of the Republic of Colombia will yet be
delayed, depends more upon the internal state of the Republic itself, than
upon any external circumstances.
We have very earnestly urged Great Britain to this recognition. But we
trust that whenever it shall take place, the Government of the Colombian
Republic will listen to no persuasions, either for any grant of special favours
to Spain, or to any political lectures upon the superior excellence of Mon-
archical or Aristocratic Governments, over that of the existing Constitution
of the Republic of Colombia — We can scarcely credit that either Great
Britain, or any other European Power, will presume to give advice upon this
subject to a Republic having an established Constitution; and if they should,
we wish you distinctly, though informally, to say to the Colombian Minister
of Foreign Affairs, that we expect the very first intimation of such advice
will be met by an explicit assertion of the principle, that it is out of the circle
of admissible diplomatic communications, admitting no answer, and not
even susceptible of being received.
I am [etc.].
132
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State, to Jose Maria Salazar, Colombian
Minister to the United States1
WASHINGTON, August 6, 1824.
SIR: I have laid before the President of the United States, your confiden-
tial Note of the 2d. ultimo,2 and it has received his deliberate & full consid-
eration.
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 184.
sSee below, pt. vi, doc. 645.
DOCUMENT 132: AUGUST 6, 1824 225
He is disposed to hope, that some misunderstanding may have been oc-
casioned by the language attributed to Mr. Chasserieux at Caraccas — Being
unwilling to believe that France or any other European Power, will make its
acknowledgment of the political Independence of the Republic of Colombia,
dependent in any manner upon the form of Government, which the People of
Colombia, are alone competent to determine for themselves, and which they
have accordingly determined — Were it possible to believe that France should
found upon such a principle her conduct towards the Republic of Colombia,
the President learns with satisfaction from your Note, that which his respect
for your Nation would not otherwise permit him to doubt, that they will
maintain at every hazard their real Independence and accept no recognition
of it upon conditions incompatible with it — Such a recognition, carrying self
contradiction and absurdity upon its face.
From various recent Acts and Declarations of the French Government,
and of Officers acting under it, France appears explicitly to disclaim any
design of aiding Spain by any application of Force, for the recovery of her
antient dominion in this Hemisphere — The absurdity of such an attempt
becoming from day to day more manifest, leads to the conclusion that France
having already assumed this principle, will by the course of time and events
be constantly more confirmed in her adhesion to it — Should even the pro-
posals of her Agents, in the first instance present the establishment of a
Monarchical or Aristocratic Government, as the price of her recognition, and
should such proposals be met, by a firm and unequivocal refusal, the only
consequence to be expected will be the postponement of the recognition, and
that, as may be readily foreseen only for a short time — With regard to the
language of certain political Journals, at Paris in the months of October and
November last, it has been since amply ascertained, that the sentiments
avowed by them were not such as the French Government has since been
willing to support.
With respect to the question "in what manner the Government of the
United States intends to resist on its part any interference of the Holy al-
liance for the purpose of subjugating the new Republics or interfering in
their political forms" you understand that by the constitution of the United
States, the ultimate decision of this question belongs to the Legislative
Department of the Government. The probability of such interference of the
Holy alliance, having in a great measure disappeared, the occasion for recur-
ring to the dispositions of the Legislature did not occur during the late Ses-
sion of Congress.
The Sentiments of the President remain as they were expressed in his last
annual message to Congress — Should the crisis which appeared then to be
approaching:, and which gave rise to the remarks then made, hereafter recur,
the United States, efficaciously manintained.
As however the occasion for this resort could arise only by a deliberate and
concerted system of the allied Powers to exercise force against the freedom
and Independence of your Republic; so it is obvious that the United States
could not undertake resistance to them by force of Arms, without a previous
understanding with those European Powers, whose Interests and whose
principles would secure from them an active and efficient co-operation in the
cause— This there is no reason to doubt could be obtained, but it could only
be effected by a negotiation preliminary to that of any alliance between the
United States and the Colombian Republic, or in any event coeval with it.
The employment of Spanish force in America, while Spain is occupied by a
French army and its Government under the influence of France and her
allies, does not constitute a case upon which the United States would feel
themselves justified in departing from the neutrality which they have hith-
erto observed — The force itself being necessarily small ; and in no wise chang-
ing the nature of the contest in the American Hemisphere.
I pray you, Sir, to accept [etc.].
133
Daniel Brent, Secretary of Slate ad interim, to Hilario de Rivas y Salmon,
Spanish Charge d" Affaires in the United States l
WASHINGTON, September 22, 1824.
SIR: I was directed by the Secretary- of State, before his late departure
from this city, to furnish the Attorney of the United States for the Eastern
district of Pennsylvania with an extract from your Letter to him of the r6th.2
of August, and, at the same time, to request that officer to adopt such meas-
ures as might be deemed advisable for the preservation of the neutrality of
the United States and the vindication of their Laws, in reference to certain
armaments which you state to have been already prepared, and to others
which are now preparing, in the Port of Philadelphia, for the use and on ac-
count of some of the South American states in the contest in which they are
engaged with Spain; and I lost no time in complying with the Secretary's
Instructions.
I have the honour now, Sir, to transmit to you a copy of Mr. Ingersole, the
District Attorney's Letter, in answer to the one which I addressed to him in
pursuance of the Secretary's instructions, including a short correspondence
flatter myself, will prove abundantly satisfactory as to the armaments in
question, already sent forth from the Port of Philadelphia, and entirely
remove any apprehensions which you may entertain, with regard to those
which are in a train of preparation at the same port.
I pray you, Sir, to accept [etc.]-
134
Message of President James Monroe, at the commencement of the second session
of the Eighteenth Congress of the United States l
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, December 7, 1824.
The great and extraordinary changes which have happened in the Gov-
ernments of Spain and Portugal within the last two years, without seriously
affecting the friendly relations which, under all of them, have been main-
tained with those powers by the United States, have been obstacles to the
adjustment of the particular subjects of discussion which have arisen with
each. A resolution of the Senate, adopted at their last session, called for
information as to the effect produced upon our relations with Spain by the
recognition, on the part of the United States, of the independent South
American Governments. The papers containing that information are
now communicated to Congress.
A charg£ d'affaires has been received from the independent Government
of Brazil. That country heretofore a colonial possession of Portugal, had,
some years since, been proclaimed by the sovereign of Portugal himself
an independent kingdom. Since his return to Lisbon a revolution in Brazil
has established a new Government there, with an Imperial title, at the
head of which is placed the prince, in whom the Regency had been vested
by the King at the time of his departure. There is reason to expect that,
by amicable negotiation, the independence of Brazil will ere long be recog-
nized by Portugal herself.
With the remaining powers of Europe, with those on the coast of Bar-
bary, and with all the new South American States, our relations are of a
friendly character. We have ministers plenipotentiary residing with the
Republics of Colombia and Chili, and have received ministers of the same
rank from Colombia, Guatemala, Buenos Ayres, and Mexico. Our com-
mercial relations with all those States are mutually beneficial and increas-
ing. With the Republic of Colombia a treaty of commerce has been formed,
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 354.
Ul W 1JU(_1
for a like treaty would have been commenced with Buenos Ayres, had it
not been prevented by the indisposition and lamented decease of Mr. Rod-
ney, our minister there, and to whose memory the most respectful attention
has been shown by the Government of that Republic. - • •
With respect to the contest to which our neighbors are a party, it is evi-
dent that Spain, as a power, is scarcely felt in it. These new States had
completely achieved their independence before it was acknowledged by the
United States, and they have since maintained it with little foreign pres-
sure. The disturbances which have appeared in certain portions of that
vast territory have proceeded from internal causes, which had their origin
in their former Governments, and have not yet been thoroughly removed.
It is manifest that these causes are daily losing their effect, and that these
new States are settling down under Governments elective and representa-
tive in every branch similar to our own. In this course we ardently wish
them to persevere, under a firm conviction that it will promote their hap-
piness. In this their career, however, we have not interfered, believing
that every people have a right to institute for themselves the Government
which, in their judgment, may suit them best. Our example is before
them, of the good effect of which, being our neighbors, they are competent
judges, and to their judgment we leave it, in the expectation that other
powers will pursue the same policy. The deep interest which we take in
their independence, which we have acknowledged, and in their enjoyment
of all the rights incident thereto, especially in the very important one of
instituting their own Governments, has been declared and is known to the
world. Separated, as we are, from Europe by the great Atlantic Ocean,
we can have no concern in the wars of the European Governments, nor in
the causes which produce them. The balance of power between them,
into which ever scale it may turn, in its various vibrations, cannot affect
us. It is the interest of the United States to preserve the most friendly
relations with every power, and on conditions fair, equal, and applicable
to all. But in regard to our neighbors our situation is different. It is
impossible for the European Governments to interfere in their concerns,
especially in those alluded to, which are vital, without affecting us; indeed,
the motive which might induce such interference in the present state of the
war between the parties, if a war it may be called, would appear to be
equally applicable to us. It is gratifying to know that some of the powers
with whom we enjoy a very friendly intercourse, and to whom these views
have been communicated, have appeared to acquiesce in them.
DOCUMENT 135: MARCH 26, 1825 22Q
135
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Joel R. Poinsett, appointed United States
Minister to Mexico1
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, March 26, 1825.
SIR: The mission on which the President wishes you, with all practicable
despatch, to depart, would, at any time, be highly important, but possesses,
at this moment, a peculiar interest. Every where, on this continent, but
on the side of the United Mexican States, the United States are touched
by the Colonial Territories of some Sovereign Authority, fixed in Europe.
You are the first Minister actually leaving the United States, to reside
near a Sovereign Power established and exerted on this continent, whose
territories are coterminous with our own. You will probably be the first
Minister received by that Power from any foreign State, except from those
which have recently sprung out of Spanish America. The United Mexican
States, whether we regard their present posture, or recall to our recollec-
tion their ancient history, and fortunes, are entitled to high consideration.
In point of population, position and resources, they must be allowed to
rank among the first powers of America. In contemplating the prog-
ress in them, towards civilization, which the Aborigines had made at the
Epoch of the Spanish invasion, and the incidents connected with the Span-
ish conquest which ensued, an irresistible interest is excited, which is not
surpassed, if it be equalled, by that which is awakened in perusing the
early history of any other part of America. But what gives, with the
President, to your Mission, peculiar importance, at this time, is that it
has, for its principal object, to lay, for the first time, the foundations of
an intercourse of amity commerce, navigation and neighbourhood, which
may exert a powerful influence, for a long period upon the prosperity of
both States.
In more particularly inviting your attention to the objects which should
engage it on your mission, I will, in the first place, refer you to the general
instructions which were given by my predecessor, on the 2yth May, 1823,
to Mr. Anderson, the minister of the United States at Colombia, of which
a copy is annexed, and which are to be considered as incorporated in these.
So far as they are applicable alike to the condition of Colombia and of
Mexico, and shall not be varied in this or subsequent letters, you will view
them as forming a guide for your conduct. In that letter of the 27th of
May, the principles which have regulated the course of this Government
in respect to the contest between Spanish America and Spain, from its
1MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, X, 225. Henry Clay, of Kentucky:
Cnmrmssinnpri f^prrptarv nf fyfntp hv Prfsidpnt Tnhn Oninr.v Adams Marrh 7. 182=;: re-
230 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
origin, are clearly stated, explained and vindicated; and the basis of those
upon which it is desirable to place the future intercourse between the
I'r.hed States and the several Governments which have been established
in ^pani-h America, are laid down; — so that, although that Letter was
intt nded to furnish instructions for the American Minister deputed to one
* f th',-e Governments only, it should be contemplated as unfolding a sys-
u-r.i «.,'! relations which it is expedient to establish with all of them.
i rr.m that letter, as well as from notorious public facts, it clearly appears
that the people and the Government of the United States have alike,
thr.jUjjhout all the stages of the struggle between Spain and her former
f Y k,R;e?. cherished the warmest feelings and the strongest sympathies
t-:. wards the latter; that the establishment of their Independence and free-
<ii,m has been anxiously desired ; that the recognition of that Independence
was made as early as it was possible, consistently with those just consider-
ations of policy and duty which this Government felt itself bound to enter-
tain towards both parties; and that, in point of fact, with the exception of
the act of the Portuguese Brazilian Government, to which it was prompted
\>y self interest, and which preceded that of the United States only a few
months, this Government has been the first to assume the responsibility
and encounter the hazard of recognizing the Governments which have
U-tn formed out of Spanish America. If there ever were any ground for
imputing tardiness to the United States in making that recognition, as it
inspects other parts of what was formerly, Spanish America, there is not
the slightest pretext for such a suggestion in relation to Mexico. For
within a little more than a year after its independence was proclaimed, the
frilled States hastened to acknowledge it. They have never claimed, and
do net now claim, any peculiar favour or concession to their commerce or
navigation, as the consideration of the liberal policy which they have
observed towards those Governments. But the President does confidently
expect that the priority of movement on our part which has disconcerted
plans which the European Allies were contemplating against the inde-
pendent Governments, and which has no doubt, tended to accelerate
i-imilar acts of recognition by the European Powers, and especially that of
Great Britain, will form a powerful motive with our southern neighbours,
and particularly with Mexico, for denying to the commerce and navigation
of those European States, any favours or privileges which shall not be
equally extended to us. ...
The victorious termination to which Genl. Bolivar has recently brought
the war in Peru, liberates the Colombian arms from any further employ-
ment against the forces of Spain in South America. Those of Mexico have
no Spanish force to encounter in North America. In this state of the con-
test, it is to be hoped that Soain. listening tr» wi<«>r an
formal pacification with the Southern Nations, to put an end to a war
which she has not the ability any longer to wage. Such a pacific disposi-
tion, it is presumed, will be cordially met by the Government of the United
Mexican States, and you will avail yourself of every fit occasion to strengthen
it by friendly and frank representations of the desire of the President to
see an honourable close of the war. Nevertheless, peace may not be estab-
lished, and the pride of Spain may dissuade her from acceding to terms
which a prudent regard of her actual comparative weakness should render
acceptable. If the war be indefinitely protracted, to what object will the
arms of the new Governments be directed? It is not unlikely that they
may be turned upon the conquest of Cuba and Porto Rico, and that, with
that view, a combined operation will be concerted between those of Colombia
and Mexico. The United States cannot remain indifferent to such a move-
ment. Their commerce, their peace and their safety are too intimately
connected with the fortunes and fate of the Island of Cuba to allow them
to behold any change in its condition and political relations without deep
solicitude. They are not disposed, themselves, to interfere with its present
actual state; but they could not see, with indifference, any change that
may be attempted in it. It commands, from its position, the Gulf of
Mexico, and the valuable commerce of the United States, which must
necessarily pass near its shores. In the hands of Spain, its ports are open,
its cannon silent and harmless, and its possession guaranteed by the mutual
jealousies and interests of the maritime powers of Europe. Under the
dominion of any one of those powers other than Spain, and especially under
that of Great Britain, the United States would have just cause of serious
alarm. Nor could they see that dominion passing either to Mexico or
Colombia without some apprehensions of the future. Neither of those
two states has, or is likely shortly to acquire, the naval ability to maintain
and protect Cuba, if its conquest could be achieved. The United States
have no desire to aggrandize themselves by the acquisition of Cuba. And
yet if that Island is to be made a dependence of any one of the American
States, it is impossible not to allow that the law of its position proclaims
that it should be attached to the United States. Abounding in those pro-
ductions to which the soil and climate, both of Mexico and Colombia are
best adapted, neither of them can want it: whilst, in that view of the sub-
ject, if the United States were to lend themselves to the suggestions of
interest, it would, to them, be particularly desirable. If the population of
Cuba were capable of maintaining, and should make an unprompted decla-
ration of, its independence, perhaps it would be the real interest of all
parties that it should possess an independent self Government. And then
it would be worthy of serious consideration whether the powers of the
American Continent would not do well to guarantee that independence
against all European attacks upon its existence. What the President, how-
ever, directs you to do is to keep a vigilant attention upon every movement
towards Cuba, to ascertain the designs of Mexico in regard to it, and to
put him, early, in full possession of every purpose of the Mexican Govern-
ment relative to it. And you are authorized, if, in the progress of events
it should become necessary, to disclose frankly the feelings and the interests
as here developed, which the people of the United States cherish in respect
to that Island. . . .
You will bring to the notice of the Mexican Government the message of
the late President of the United States to their Congress, on the zd Decem-
ber, 1823, asserting certain important principles of inter-continental law,
in the relations of Europe and America. The first principle asserted in
that message is, that the American continents are not henceforth to be con-
sidered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers. In
the maintenance of that principle all the independent Governments of
America have an interest; but that of the United States has probably the
least. Whatever foundation may have existed three centuries ago, or even
at a later period, when all this continent was under European subjection,
for the establishment of a rule, founded on priority of discovery and occu-
pation, for apportioning among the powers of Europe parts of this conti-
nent, none can be now admitted as applicable to its present condition.
There is no disposition to disturb the colonial possessions, as they may
now exist, of any of the European powers; but it is against the establish-
ment of new European colonies upon this continent that the principle is
directed. The countries in which any such new establishments might be
attempted are now open to the enterprise and commerce of all Americans.
And the justice or propriety cannot be recognized, of arbitrarily limiting
and circumscribing that enterprise and commerce, by the act of voluntarily
planting a new colony, without the consent of America, under the auspices
of foreign powers, belonging to another and a distant continent. Europe
would be indignant at any American attempt to plant a colony on any part
of her shores, and her justice must perceive, in the rule contended for, only
perfect reciprocity.
The other principle asserted in the message is, that whilst we do not
desire to interfere in Europe with the political system of the allied powers,
we should regard as dangerous to our peace and safety any attempt, on their
part, to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere. The polit-
ical systems of the two continents are essentially different. Each has an
exclusive right to judge for itself what is best suited to its own condition
and most likely to promote its happiness; but neither has a right to enforce
upon the other the establishment of its peculiar system. This principle
was declared in the face of the world, at a moment when there was reason
to apprehend that the allied powers were entertaining designs inimical to
ground tor believing that the declaration ot it had considerable effect in
preventing the maturity, if not in producing the abandonment, of all such
designs. Both principles were laid down, after much and anxious delib-
eration, on the part of the late administration. The President, who then
formed a part of it, continues entirely to coincide in both. And you will
urge upon the Government of Mexico the utility and expediency of asserting
the same principles on all proper occasions.
I have the honour [etc.].
136
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Jose Silvestre Rebello, Brazilian Charge
d' Affaires in the United States1
WASHINGTON, April 13, 1825.
SIR: I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt, at this Department,
of your two Notes, the one under date the 28th. January, and the other
the 6th. day of April 1825. The delay, in transmitting an answer to the
former, has arisen from arrangements incident to the formation of a new
Administration, and not from any insensibility to the important proposi-
tions which it announces, or disrespect to the Government of Brazil or its
Respectable Representative here. To those propositions, the President
has given the most attentive Consideration. They are 1st. that the United-
States shall enter into a Convention with your Government to maintain
its independence, in the event of Portugal being assisted by any foreign
power to reestablish its former sway ; and secondly, that a treaty of alliance
and defence be formed between the United-States and the Government of
Brazil to expel the arms of Portugal from any portion of the Brazilian ter-
ritory of which they might happen, in the progress of the war, to take
possession .
The President of the United States adheres to the principles of his Pred-
ecessor, as set forth in his message of the 2d. December 1823 to the Amer-
ican Congress. But with respect to your first proposition, as there does
not appear, at present, any likelihood of Portugal being able to draw to
her aid other powers to assist her in resubjugating the Brazils, there would
not seem to be any occasion for a Convention founded upon that improbable
contingency. The President on the contrary, sees with satisfaction that
there is a reasonable probability of a speedy peace between Portugal and
the Government of Brazil, founded upon that Independence of which the
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 212. For the two notes acknowledged, see
below, pt. in, docs. 400 and 403, Jose Silvestre Rebello, charge d'affaires of Brazil to the
United States: Presented credentials, May 26, 1824. Took leave by letter, September i, 1829.
enter into the proposed Convention, you will be pleased to assure your
Government, that the determination of the President does not proceed
from any abatement of the interest which the United States have con-
stantly felt in the establishment of the Independence of Brazil, but is dic-
tated solely by the want of those circumstances which would appear to be
necessary to justify the formation of such a Convention. If in the progress
of events there should be a renewal of demonstrations on the part of the
European Allies to attack the Independence of the American States, the
President will give to that new state of things, should it arise, every con-
sideration, which its importance would undoubtedly demand.
With respect to your second proposition of a Treaty of alliance offensive
and defensive to repel any invasion of the Brazilian Territories by the
forces of Portugal, if the expected Peace should take place, that also would
be unnecessary. But such a treaty would be inconsistent with the policy
which the United-States have heretofore prescribed to themselves, that
policy is, that whilst the war is confined to the parent Country and its
former Colony, the United-States remain neutral, extending their friend-
ship and doing equal justice to both parties. From that policy they did
not deviate during the whole of the long contest between Spain, and the
several Independent Governments which have been erected on her former
American Territories. If an exception to it were now for the first time
made, the justice of your Sovereign will admit that the other new Govern-
ments might have some cause to complain of the United-States.
Whilst I regret that these considerations of policy which the United
States feel themselves bound to respect, will not allow them to enter at
this time into either of the two compacts suggested by you, I have much
satisfaction in concurring with you in the expediency of permanently unit-
ing our two Nations in the ties of Friendship, Peace and Commerce — With
that view I am instructed to say to you, that the United States are disposed
to conclude a Treaty of Peace, Amity, Navigation and Commerce with the
Government of Brazil, and that they are willing to adopt, as the basis of
the mutual regulations of the Commerce and Navigation of the two Coun-
tries, a principle of equity and perfect reciprocity. If you should be em-
powered to negotiate such a Treaty, I shall take great pleasure in entering
upon the discussion and consideration of its terms at such time as may be
mutually convenient
I pray you, Sir, to accept [etc.].
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to John M. Forbes, United States Charge
d' Affaires at Buenos Aires1
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, April 14, 1825.
No one knows better than yourself what a deep interest has been taken
by the people and Government of the United States in the success of the
Patriot cause of Spanish America throughout all its fortunes and struggles.
The recognition of the Independence of the new Governments was made as
early as it was possible, consistently with all those considerations of policy
and duty which this Government felt itself bound to entertain towards
both parties. In point of fact, with the exception of the Act of the Portu-
guese Brazilian Government, to which it was prompted by self interest,
and which preceded that of the United States only a few months, this Gov-
ernment was the first to assume the responsibility, and to risque the con-
sequences of acknowledging the new Governments formed out of Spanish
America. The United States have never claimed, and do not now desire,
any particular favour or concession to their commerce or navigation, as
the consideration of the liberal policy which they have observed towards
those Governments. But the President does confidently expect that the
priority of movement on our part, which disconcerted schemes meditated
by the European Allies against the Independent Governments, and has
tended to accelerate similar acts of recognition by the European Powers,
and especially by Great Britain, will form a powerful motive with the
Government of Buenos Ayres, for denying to the commerce and naviga-
tion of any of those European States any favours or privileges which shall
not be equally extended to us. . . .
You will bring to the notice of the Government of Buenos Ayres, the
message of the late President of the United States to their Congress, on
the 2nd December, 1823, asserting certain important principles of inter-
continental law in the relations of Europe and America. The first prin-
ciple asserted in that message is that the American Continents are not,
henceforth, to be considered as subjects for future Colonization by any
European Powers. In the maintenance of that principle, all the Independ-
ent Governments of America have an interest, but that of the United States
has probably the least. Whatever foundation may have existed three cen-
turies ago, or even at a later period, when all this continent was under
European subjection, for the establishment of a rule, founded on priority
of discovery and occupation, for apportioning among the Powers of Europe,
parts of this Continent, none can be now admitted as applicable to its
present condition.
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, X, 259.
236 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
There is no disposition to disturb the Colonial possessions, as they may
now exist, of any of the European Powers; but it is against the establish-
ment of new European Colonies upon this continent, that the principle is
directed. The countries in which any such new establishments might be
attempted, are now open to the Enterprise and Commerce of all Americans.
And the justice and propriety cannot be recognized, of arbitrarily limiting
and circumscribing that enterprise and commerce, by the act of voluntarily
planting a new Colony without the consent of America, under the auspices
of foreign Powers belonging to another and a distant Continent. Europe
would be indignant at any American attempt to plant a Colony on any
part of her shores. And her justice must perceive, in the rule contended
for, only a perfect reciprocity.
The other principle asserted in the message is, that whilst we do not
desire to interfere, in Europe, with the political system of the allied Powers,
we should regard as dangerous to our peace and safety, any attempt on
their part, to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere. The
political systems of the two Continents are essentially different. Each
has an exclusive right to judge for itself what is best suited to its own con-
dition, and most likely to promote its happiness; but neither has a right
to enforce upon the other, the establishment of its own peculiar system.
This principle was declared in the face of the world, at a moment when
there was reason to apprehend that the allied Powers were entertaining
designs inimical to the freedom, if not the Independence, of the new Gov-
ernments. There is ground for believing that the declaration of it had
considerable effect in preventing the maturity, if not in producing the
abandonment, of all such designs. Both principles were laid down after
much and anxious deliberation on the part of the late Administration. The
President who then formed a part of it, continues entirely to coincide in
both. And you will urge upon the Government of Buenos Ayres, the
utility and expediency of asserting the same principles on all proper occa-
sions.
The series of your despatches from No. 6. to No. 12, inclusive, has been
received. The President has been gratified with the funeral honours
awarded by the Government of Buenos Ayres, to the late Minister of the
United States, Mr. Rodney, and the respectful attention subsequently
shown to his memory. You will communicate to that Government the
grateful sensibility which is entertained to their delicate and friendly tes-
timonies on that melancholy occasion.
The Government of the United States is sincerely desirous to cultivate
and maintain the most friendly relations with all the new States formed out
of what was Spanish America. It is expected that every Representative of
this Government near those States will constantly bear in mind, and seize
they should be cheerfully and frankly rendered; whilst all improper inter-
ference in their public councils, all expressions of contempt for their habits,
civil or religious, all intimations of incompetency on the part of their popula-
tion, for self Government, should be sedulously avoided. Entertaining
these views, the President saw with approbation, the discountenance you
gave to the proposed meeting of Super-cargoes and Captains to remonstrate
against the passage of the Law prohibiting the importation of flour, excep-
tionable as that Law is deemed. Such a meeting of foreigners would not
have been tolerated in our own Country, and we could not expect that what
we should be the first to condemn in respect to ourselves, would be agreeable
to others. If our citizens have complaints to make, they must not take
justice into their own hands, but prefer all such complaints through the
regular and accredited organs.
You will communicate to the Government of Buenos Ayres the pleasure
which the President derives from beholding the prospect of a speedy con-
clusion of the war between Spain and her late Colonies. The recent decisive
events in Peru have terminated it on the Continent in fact ; and there wants
now only a Treaty which the interests of Spain would seem to recommend,
that she should not longer delay negociating, to put an end to it in form.
If you should find that you can impart any strength to the dispositions for
so happy an event in the Government of La Plata, you will not fail to im-
press upon it, how very agreeable it will be to the United States to see the
People of La Plata in the full enjoyment of all the blessings of Peace, Inde-
pendence, and Free Government.
138
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Condy Raguet, appointed United States
Charge d1 Affaires in Brazil*
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 14, 1825.
SIR: The President having, by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate, at its late session, appointed you Charge d'Affaires of the United
States to the Brazilian Government, I transmit, herewith, your commission,
and also a letter of credence to be presented to the Minister of Foreign
Affairs, when you communicate to him your appointment. In the dis-
charge of the duties of the honourable station to which you have been pro-
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, X, 266. Condy Raguet, of Pennsylvania:
Commissioned charge d'affaires to Brazil, March 9, 1825. Because of delay in the receipt
of his credentials he did not assume his new dignity until October. See below, pt. m, doc.
412 note. He had been consul at the same place. Left, April 7, 1827, having previously
demanded his passports.
238 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
rnoted, it is requested that you will continue to manifest the same zealous
attention to the interests of the United States that you have heretofore dis-
played in that of their Consul at Rio Janeiro. The commerce of the United
States, already considerable with the Brazilian territories, is susceptible of
great augmentation, and you will, therefore, lose no opportunity to advance
its interests, and increase its facilities. Both France and Great Britain
will probably strive to obtain for themselves peculiar privileges in the trade
with Brazil. Great Britain will, no doubt, seek to secure with the new
Government, the same extraordinary advantages as those which her Com-
merce has so long enjoyed with Portugal — advantages which have placed
Portugal almost in the condition of a colony or dependence of Great Britain.
You will resist, firmly, and constantly, any concessions to the Commerce or
Navigation of either of those two powers, which are not equally extended to
the Commerce and Navigation of the United States. They neither claim
nor desire, for themselves, any peculiar commercial privileges. But they
are entitled confidently to expect, if not to demand, from all the circum-
stances by which they stand connected with the Government of Brazil, that
no such peculiar commercial privileges be granted to others. The United
States were the first to acknowledge that Government, disregarding all the
risks incident to the fact, and to the nature of its recent establishment, and
overlooking the anomaly of its political form in the great family of American
Powers. The United States do not claim, from this prompt and friendly
measure, favour; but they insist upon equal justice to their commerce and
navigation. And the President is altogether unprepared to see any Euro-
pean State, which has come tardily and warily to the acknowledgment of
Brazil, running off with commercial advantages which shall be denied to an
earlier and more uncalculating friend.
Mr. Rebello, the Brazilian Minister here, addressed a note to this Depart-
ment on the 28th day of January last, and another on the 6th instant, pro-
posing, in substance, a Treaty of offensive and defensive alliance between
the two Countries, against the European alliance; and also a similar Treaty
against Portugal, if she should invade the Brazilian territories. He was
answered on the nth Instant, and copies of his notes, and of the answer
accompany this Despatch. You will observe that the President declines
entering into either of the proposed Treaties, but the answer contains a
proposition to conclude a commercial Convention, regulating the commerce
and navigation of the two Countries. No reply to this proposal has been
yet received; but should one reach the Department before this Despatch
leaves it, a copy of it will be sent to you. The decision upon Mr. Rebello's
overtures has been made in conformity with that neutral policy which the
United States have prescribed for themselves. It has not proceeded from
any diversity of views between the late, and present, Administration, as to
LUC r resident aaneres, ana you win
embrace every proper opportunity to impress upon the Brazilian Govern-
ment, the advantage which accrued to America from their promulgation at
that epoch. There can be but little doubt that the ground then taken con-
tributed to dissuade the European Allies from embarking in the cause of
Spain, and, consequently, from uniting with Portugal, against their respec-
tive Colonies. You will also inculcate the utility of the Brazilian Govern-
ment maintaining, in its correspondence and intercourse with the European
Powers, the same principle which has been proclaimed here against the
establishment, on this Continent, of new European Colonies.
139
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to William Miller, appointed United States
Charge & Affaires to the United Provinces of the Centre of America l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 22, 1825.
SIR: The President having, by and with the advice and consent of the
Senate, appointed you Charge d'Affaires to the Government of the Federal
States of the Centre of America, I have the honour to transmit, herewith,
your Commission, and also a letter of credence which you will present to the
Minister of Foreign Affairs, at your first interview with him.
The Republic of Guatemala is of more recent formation than those, the
Independence of which was recognized by the Government of the United
States, in March 1822. But there are circumstances in its origin and sub-
sequent conduct, which give it a claim to the interest and regard of the
United States, perhaps even superior to that which they have ever felt in
any of the other Southern Republics.
The Province of St. Salvador, one of the constituent states of the Repub-
lic of Guatemala, by a solemn Decree of its congress, freely chosen by the
people, did, on the 5th day of December, 1822, propose its annexation to
our own Union, as one of these United States. This measure was adopted
as an expedient for escaping from the oppression with which they were
menaced, of being annexed, by force, to the Mexican Empire, while under
the Government of Yturbide. For the purposes of carrying it into effect,
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, X, 285. William Miller: Commissioned
as charge d'affaires to Federation of Central America, March 7, 1825. Died September 10
at Key West on his way to his post. An instruction practically identical with this ex-
tract was on February 10, 1826, addressed to John Williams. See MS. Instructions
to United States Ministers, XI, 5. John Williams, of Tennessee: Commissioned charge
d'affaires to Federation of Central America, December 29, 1825. Took leave, December I,
1826.
United States, and, in the beginning of September, 1823, repaired to the
City of Washington. In the interval between the time of their appoint-
ment and that of their arrival, here, a Revolution in Mexico had overthrown
the Government of Yturbide, and the Republican Rulers who succeeded
to his power, acknowledged the right of the people of Guatemala to insti-
tute a Government for themselves, and withdrew all claim of supremacy
over them. This course of events superseded the determination which
the Congress of St. Salvador had formed, of offering to unite their fortunes
with our Confederation: but in announcing this new direction given to
their affairs, the Commissioners Messrs. Manuel J. Arce, and Juan M. Rod-
riguez declared that the people, their constituents, were animated with
the sincerest sentiments of attachment to the Government of the United
States; that there was a great similitude of principles between them and the
people of this Union, and that, in every emergency, which might befall
them, they would place great reliance upon our friendship to support them
against the oppression of Tyranny.
Whatever obstacle there might have been in physical relations, or in the
Constitutional arrangements of our own Government, to the proposed
Union, the proposal itself, and the spirit in which it was made, were em-
inently adapted to inspire the warmest sentiments of regard and attach-
ment towards a foreign People, speaking a different language, who thus
confided in our honour and justice, and thus gave, in the face of all man-
kind, the most glorious of testimonials to the wisdom of our Institutions,
and to their sense of their tendency to promote the happiness of those who
live under them.
On the 8th of February last, Mr. Canaz, the Minister of the Republic
of the Centre, addressed a Note to this Department, which affords a new,
and highly interesting proof of the friendly sentiments entertained by his
Government towards the United States. In that Note, after calling the
attention of this Government to the important object of uniting the Atlantic
and Pacific Oceans by a Canal navigation, through the Province of Nica-
raguay, by the direction of his Government, he offers to that of the United
States to share in that great enterprise, and, by means of a Treaty, per-
petually to secure the advantages of it to the two Nations. To that note,
an answer was transmitted on the day of this month, and copies of
them, both, accompany these instructions. From the perusal of the answer,
without declining the friendly proposal, you will perceive that a decision
upon it is postponed to the acquisition of further information; and you
are desired to direct your attention particularly to that object. It will,
at once, occur to you to ascertain if surveys have been made of the pro-
posed route of the Canal, and if entire confidence may be placed in their
accuracy;— what is its length; what the nature of the Country, and of the
DOCUMENT 139: APRIL 22, 1825 24!
ground through which it is to pass; — can the supply of water for feeders be
drawn from the Lake Nicarauguay or other adequate sources; — in short,
what facilities do the Country and the state of its population afford, for
making the Canal, and what are the estimates of its cost? It is not in-
tended that you should inspire the Government of the Republic of Gaute-
mala with any confident expectation that the United States will contribute,
by pecuniary or other means, to the execution of the work, because it is
not yet known what view Congress might take of it. What the President
desires is to be put in possession of such full information as will serve to
guide the judgment of the Constituted Authorities of the United States in
determining in regard to it, what belongs to their interests and duties.
The Republic of the Centre of America being situated precisely at the
Isthmus which forms the connexion between the two American Continents,
and at the seat of Commerce carried on by the Bay of Honduras and the
Musquito Shore, between the Gulph of Mexico, and the Southern Ocean,
here drawn in their closest proximity to each other, the relations both
political arid commercial, between that Country and the United States,
must acquire, from year to year, magnitude and importance. But of all
the Countries of the Southern Continent, it is that with which we have
hitherto had the fewest relations, and concerning which we have the latest
information. To obtain that information is one of the objects of your
mission, as well as to give proof to the worthy Republicans of those regions
that the Government of the United States has felt, with great sensibility,
the signal marks of confidence and friendship already received from them.
It will be a leading and constant object of your attention, then, to obtain,
and to communicate to this Department, by every opportunity of convey-
ance, that may occur, information, as well respecting the physical condi-
tion of the Country, as the moral and political character of the inhabitants.
The Geographical boundaries of the Republic, its standing with the neigh-
bouring Countries of Mexico, Colombia and Peru; the present state of its
Government; its prospect of forming a permanent Republican Constitu-
tion, and the State of its relations with European Powers will all form im-
portant subjects of enquiry. You will, especially, observe the Country,
with reference to its future capabilities of a Commerce, mutually advanta-
geous, with the United States, and communicate the result of your observa-
tions. You will avail yourself of every occasion to impress the Govern-
ment of the Republic of Guatemala with the friendly dispositions towards
it, of that of the United States. You will answer, in the most frank and
full manner, all enquiries from that Government, having for their object
information as to the practical operation of our own, or any of our, Insti-
tutions. And whatever is oeculiar in their own habits, relisrious or civil.
242 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
140
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Alexander H. Everett, United States Min-
ister to Spain l
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 27, 1825.
Besides the preceding objects to which your attention will be directed,
others of great interest will also claim it. Of these, that of the highest im-
portance is the present war between Spain and her former Colonies, on this
Continent. The President wishes you to bring this subject, in the most
conciliatory manner possible, before the Spanish Government. It would
be as unnecessary, as unprofitable to look to the past, except for the purpose
of guiding future conduct. True wisdom dictates that Spain, without in-
dulging in unavailing regrets on account of what she has irretrievably lost,
should employ the means of retaining what she may yet preserve from the
wreck of her former possessions. The war upon the Continent, is, in fact,
at an end. Not a solitary foot of land from the western limit of the United
States to Cape Horn owns her sway; not a bayonet in all that vast extent,
remains to sustain her cause. And the Peninsula is utterly incompetent
to replace those armies which have been vanquished and annihilated by the
victorious forces of the new Republics. What possible object, then, can
remain to Spain to protract a war which she can no longer maintain, and to
the conclusion of which, in form, there is only wanting the recognition of
the new Governments by Treaties of peace. If there were left the most
distant prospect of her reconquering her Continental Provinces, which have
achieved their independence, there might be a motive for her perseverance.
But every expectation of such re-conquest, it is manifest, must be perfectly
chimerical. If she can entertain no rational hope to recover what has been
forced from her grasp, is there not great danger of her losing what she yet
but feebly holds? It should be borne in mind that the armies of the new
States, flushed with victory, have no longer employment on the Continent:
and yet whilst the war continues, if it be only in name, they cannot be dis-
banded, without a disregard of all the maxims of just precaution. To what
object, then, will the new Republics direct their powerful and victorious
armies? They have a common interest, and a common enemy; and let it be
supposed that that enemy, weak and exhausted as he is, refuses to make
peace; will they not strike wherever they can reach? And from the prox-
imity and great value of Cuba and Porto Rico, is it not to be anticipated that
they will aim, and aim a successful blow too, at those Spanish Islands?
*MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, X, 302. Alexander H. Everett of
Massachusetts: Commissioned secretary of legation to the Netherlands, January 24, 1815.
Acted as charge d affaires ad interim from May i to July 15, 1815. Commissioned envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Spain, March 9, 1825. Took leave, July 27
States to declare that they have constantly declined to give any countenance
to that disposition.
It is not, then, for the new Republics that the President wishes you to
urge upon Spain the expediency of concluding the war. Their interest is
probably on the side of its continuance, if any nation can ever have an inter-
est in a state of war. But it is for Spain herself, for the cause of humanity,
for the general repose of the world, that you are required, with all the deli-
cacy which belongs to the subject, to use every topic of persuasion to impress
upon the Councils of Spain, the propriety, by a formal pacification, of ter-
minating the war. And, as the views and policy of the United States, in
regard to those Islands may possibly have some influence, you are author-
ized, frankly and fully to disclose them. The United States are satisfied
with the present condition of those Islands, in the hands of Spain, and with
their Ports open to our commerce, as they are now open. This Government
desires no political change of that condition. The population itself, of the
Islands is incompetent, at present, from its composition and its amount, to
maintain self government. The maritime force of the neighbouring Repub-
lics of Mexico and Colombia is not now, nor is it likely shortly to be, adequate
to the protection of those Islands, if the conquest of them were effected.
The United States would entertain constant apprehensions of their passing
from their possession to that of some less friendly sovereignty. And of all
the European Powers, this Country prefers that Cuba and Porto Rico should
remain dependent on Spain. If the war should continue between Spain and
the new Republics, and those Islands should become the object and the
theatre of it, their fortunes have such a connexion with the prosperity of the
United States that they could not be indifferent spectators ; and the possible
contingencies of such a protracted war might bring upon the Government
of the United States duties and obligations, the performance of which, how-
ever painful it should be, they might not be at liberty to decline. A sub-
sidiary consideration in favour of peace, deserving some weight, is, that as
the war has been the parent cause of the shocking piracies in the west Indies,
its termination would be probably followed by their cessation. And thus
the Government of Spain, by one act, would fulfil the double obligation
under which it lies, to foreign Governments, of repressing enormities, the
perpetrators of which find refuge, if not succour, in Spanish territory, and
that to the Spanish Nation itself, of promoting its real interests.
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Henry Middleton, United States Minister
to Russia *
WASHINGTON, May 10, 1825.
SIR: I am directed by the President to instruct you to endeavor to engage
the Russian Government to contribute its best exertions towards terminat-
ing the existing contest between Spain and her colonies.
Among the interests which, at this period, should most command the
serious attention of the nations of the Old and New World, no one is be-
lieved to have a claim so paramount as that of the present war. It has
existed, in greater or less extent, seventeen years. Its earlier stages were
marked by the most shocking excesses, and, throughout, it has been at-
tended by an almost incalculable waste of blood and treasure. During its
continuance whole generations have passed away without living to see its
close, while others have succeeded them, growing up from infancy to major-
ity without ever tasting the blessings of peace. The conclusion of that war,
whatever and whenever it may be, must have a great effect upon Europe
and America. Russia is so situated, as that, while she will be less directly
affected than other parts of Christendom, her weight and her councils must
have a controlling influence on its useless protraction or its happy termi-
nation. If this peculiar attitude secures her impartiality, it draws to it
great responsibility in the decision which she may feel it proper to make.
The predominance of the power of the Emperor is everywhere felt. Europe,
America, and Asia, all own it. It is with a perfect knowledge of its vast
extent, and the profoundest respect for the wisdom and the justice of the
august personage who wields it, that his enlightened and humane councils
are now invoked.
In considering that war, as in considering all others, we should look back
upon the past, deliberately survey its present condition, and endeavor, if
possible, to catch a view of what is to come. With respect to the first
branch of the subject, it is, perhaps, of the least practical importance. No
statesman can have contemplated the colonial relations of Europe and Con-
tinental America without foreseeing that the time must come when they
would cease. That time might have been retarded or accelerated, but
come it must, in the great march of human events. An attempt of the
British Parliament to tax, without their consent, the former British col-
onies, now these United States, produced the war of our Revolution and
led to the establishment of that independence and freedom which we now
* A merican State Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 846. Henry Middleton of Snnrti r* mlin a •
Mra
T^7*utMSf~ra7±^^
might have postponed, but could not have prevented our ultimate separa-
tion. The attempt of Bonaparte to subvert the ancient dynasty of Spain,
and to place on its throne a member of his own family, no doubt, hastened
the independence of the Spanish colonies. If he had not been urged, by
his ambition, to the conquest of the Peninsula, those colonies, for a long
time to come, might have continued quietly to submit to the parental sway.
But they must have inevitably thrown it off, sooner or later. We may
imagine that a vast continent, uninhabited, or thinly peopled by a savage
and untutored race, may be governed by a remote country, blessed with the
lights and possessed of the power of civilization ; but it is absurd to suppose
that this same continent, in extent twenty times greater than that of the
parent country, and doubling it in a population equally civilized, should
not be able, when it chooses to make the effort, to cast off the distant author-
ity. When the epoch of separation between a parent State and its colony,
from whatever cause, arrives, the struggle for self-government on the one
hand, and for the preservation of power on the other, produces mutual
exasperation, and leads to a most embittered and ferocious war. It is then
that it becomes the duty of third powers to interpose their humane offices,
and calm the passions and enlighten the councils of the parties. And the
necessity of their efforts is greatest with the parent country, whose pride,
and whose wealth and power, swelled by the colonial contributions, create
the most repugnance to an acquiescence in a severance which has been
ordained by Providence.
In the war which has been so long raging between Spain and her colonies
the United States have taken no part, either to produce or to sustain it.
They have been inactive and neutral spectators of the passing scenes. Their
frankness forbids, however, that they should say that they have beheld those
scenes with feelings of indifference. They have, on the contrary, anxiously
desired that other parts of this continent should acquire and enjoy that
independence with which, by the valor and the patriotism of the founders
of their liberty, they have been, under the smiles of Heaven, so greatly
blessed.
But, in the indulgence of this sympathetic feeling, they have not for one
moment been unmindful of the duties of that neutrality which they had
deliberately announced. And the best proof of the fidelity with which they
have strictly fulfilled its obligations is furnished in the fact that, during the
progress of the war, they have been unjustly accused, by both parties, of
violating their declared neutrality. But it is now of little consequence to
retrace the causes, remote or proximate, of the revolt of the Spanish colonies.
The great and much more important consideration which will, no doubt,
attract the attention of his Imperial Majesty is the present state of the con-
test. The principles which produced the war, and those which may be
246 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
incorporated in the institutions of the new States, may divide the opinions of
men Principles, unhappily, are too often the subject of controversy; but
notorious facts are incontestible. They speak a language which silences all
speculation, and should determine the judgment and the conduct of States,
whatever may be the school in which their rulers are brought up or prac-
ticed, and whatever the social forms which they would desire to see estab-
lished. And it is to the voice of such facts that Europe and America are
now called upon patiently to listen.
And in contemplating the present state of the war, what are the circum-
stances which must forcibly strike every reflecting observer? Throughout
both continents, from the western limits of the United States to Cape Horn,
the Spanish power is subdued. The recent decisive victory of Ayacucho has
annihilated the last remains of the Spanish force. Not a foot of territory in
all that vast extent owns the dominion, not a bayonet sustains the cause of
Spain. The war, in truth, has ended. It has been a war between a con-
tracted corner of Europe and an entire continent; between ten millions of
people, amidst their own extraordinary convulsions, fighting, at a distance
across an ocean of three thousand miles in extent, against twenty millions
contending at home for their lives, their liberty, and their property. Hence-
forward it will present only the image of a war between an exhausted dwarf
struggling for power and empire, against a refreshed giant combating for
freedom and existence. Too much confidence is reposed in the enlightened
judgment of his Imperial Majesty to allow of the belief that he will permit
any abatement of his desire to see such a war formally terminated, and the
blessings of peace restored, from sympathies which he may feel, however
strong, for the unhappy condition of Spain. These very sympathies will
naturally lead his Imperial Majesty to give her the best and most friendly
advice in her actual posture. And in what does that consist? His Imperial
Majesty must be the exclusive, as he is the most competent judge. But it
will not be deemed inconsistent with respect to inquire if it be possible to
believe that Spain can bring the new States again under her dominion.
Where does the remotest prospect of her success break out? In Colombia,
Mexico, or Peru? The reconquest of the United States by Great Britain
would not be a more mad and hopeless enterprise than that of the restoration
of the Spanish power on these continents. Some of the most considerable
of the new States have established Governments, which are in full and
successful operation, regularly collecting large revenues, levying and main-
taining numerous and well appointed armies, and already laying the founda-
tions of respectable marines. Whilst they are consolidating their institu-
tions at home, they are strengthening themselves abroad by treaties of
alliance among themselves, and of amity and commerce with foreign States.
spective revolutions?
We should not deceive ourselves. Amidst all the political changes of
which the new States are destined to be the theatre, whatever party or
power may be uppermost, one spirit will animate them all, and that is, an
invincible aversion from all political connexion with Spain, and an uncon-
querable desire of independence. It could not be otherwise. They have
already tasted the fruits of independence. And the contrast between what
their condition now is in the possession of free commerce, liberal institutions,
and all the faculties of their country, and its population allowed full physical
and moral development, and what it was under Spain, cramped, debased,
and degraded, must be fatal to the chimerical hope of that monarchy, if it be
cherished, by any means whatever to re-establish her power. The cord
which binds a colony to its parent country being broken is never repaired. A
recollection of what was inflicted and what was borne during the existence
of that relation, the pride of the former governing power, and the sacrifices
of the interests of the colony to those of the parent, widen and render the
breach between them, whenever it occurs, perpetual. And if, as we may
justly suppose, the embittered feelings excited by an experience of that
unequal connexion are in proportion to the severity of the parental rule, they
must operate with irresistible force on the rupture which has taken place
between Spain and her colonies, since in no other instance has it been exerted
with such unmitigated rigor.
Viewing the war as practically terminated, so far at least as relates to
Spanish exertion on the continent, in considering the third branch of the
inquiry which I proposed, let us endeavor to anticipate what may be ex-
pected to happen if Spain obstinately perseveres in the refusal to conclude a
peace. If the war has only a nominal continuance, the new Republics
cannot disband .their victorious armies without culpable neglect of all the
maxims of prudence and precaution. And the first observation that occurs
is, that this protracted war must totally change its character and its objects.
Instead of being a war of offensive operations, in which Spain has been
carrying on hostilities in the bosom of the new States, it will become one to
her of a defensive nature, in which all her future exertions must be directed
to the protection and defence of her remaining insular possessions. And
thus the Peninsula, instead of deriving the revenue and the aid so necessary
to the revival of its prosperity' from Cuba and Porto Rico, must be further
drained to succor those islands. For it cannot be doubted that the new
States will direct their combined and unemployed forces to the reduction of
those valuable islands. They will naturally strike their enemy wherever
they can reach him. And they will be stimulated to the attack by the
double motive arising from the richness of the prize, and from the fact that
those islands constitute the rendezvous of Spain, where are concentrated
248 'ART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
and from which issue all the means of annoying them which remain to her.
The success of the enterprise is by no means improbable. Their proximity
to the islands, and their armies being perfectly acclimated, will give to the
united efforts of the Republics great advantages. And if with these be
taken into the estimate the important and well known fact that a large por-
tion of the inhabitants of the islands is predisposed to a separation from
Spain, and would therefore form a powerful auxiliary to the republican arms,
their success becomes almost certain. But even if they should prove
incompetent to the reduction of the islands, there can be but little doubt
that the shattered remains of Spanish commerce would be swept from the
ocean. The advantages of the positions of Colombia and Mexico for
annoying that commerce in the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean sea must
be evident from the slightest observation. In fact, Cuba is in the mouth of a
sack, which is held by Colombia and the United Mexican States. And if,
unhappily for the repose of the world, the war should be continued, the
coasts of the Peninsula itself may be expected soon to swarm with the
privateers of the Republics. If, on the contrary, Spain should consent to
put an end to the war, she might yet preserve what remains of her former
American possessions. And surely the retention of such islands as Cuba and
Porto Rico is eminently worthy of serious consideration, and should satisfy
a reasonable ambition. The possessions of Spain in the West Indies would
be still more valuable than those of any other power. The war ended, her
commerce would revive, and there is every reason to anticipate, from the
habits, prejudices, and tastes of the new Republics, that she would find, in
the consumption of their population, a constantly augmenting demand for
the produce of her industry, now excluded from its best markets. And her
experience, like that of Great Britain with the United States, would demon-
strate that the value of the commercial intercourse would more than indem-
nify the loss, while it is unburdened with the expense incident to political
connexion.
A subordinate consideration, which should not be overlooked, is, that large
estates are owned by Spanish subjects, resident in Spain, which may possibly
be confiscated if the war be wantonly continued. If that measure of rigor
shall not be adopted, their incomes must be greatly diminished during a
state of war. These incomes, upon the restoration of peace, or the proceeds
of the sales of the estates themselves, might be drawn to Spain, and would
greatly contribute towards raising her from her present condition of embar-
rassment and languishment. If peace should be longer deferred, and the
war should take the probable direction which has been supposed, during its
further progress other powers not now parties may be collaterally drawn into
it. From much less considerable causes the peace of the world has been
and the experience of the Emperor on the vicissitudes of war must have
impressed him with the solemn duty of all Governments to guard against
even the distant approach of that most terrible of all scourges by every
precaution with which human prudence and foresight can surround the
repose and safety of States.
Such is the view of the war between Spain and the new Republics which
the President desires you most earnestly, but respectfully, to present to his
Imperial Majesty. From this view it is evident that it is not so much for
the new States themselves as for Spain that peace has become absolutely
necessary. Their independence of her, whatever intestine divisions may,
if intestine divisions shall, yet unhappily await them, is fixed and irrevocable.
She may, indeed, by a blind and fatal protraction of the war, yet lose more:
gain, for her, is impossible. In becoming the advocate for peace, one is the
true advocate of Spain. If the Emperor shall, by his wisdom, enlighten the
councils of Spain, and bring home to them a conviction of her real interests,
there can be no fears of the success of his powerful interposition. You are
authorized, in that spirit of the most perfect frankness and friendship which
have ever characterized all the relations between Russia and the United
States, to disclose, without reserve, the feelings and the wishes of the United
States in respect to Cuba and Porto Rico. They are satisfied with the
present condition of those islands, now open to the commerce and enterprise
of their citizens. They desire for themselves no political change in them.
If Cuba were to declare itself independent, the amount and the character of
its population render it improbable that it could maintain its independence.
Such a premature declaration might bring about a renewal of those shock-
ing scenes of which a neighboring island was the afflicting theatre. There
could be no effectual preventive of those scenes, but in the guaranty, and in
a large resident force of foreign powers. The terms of such a guaranty, and
the quotas which each should contribute of such a force, would create per-
plexing questions of very difficult adjustment, to say nothing of the continual
jealousies which would be in operation. In the state of possession which
Spain has, there would be a ready acquiescence of those very foreign powers,
all of whom would be put into angry activity upon the smallest prospect of a
transfer of those islands. The United States could not, with indifference,
see such a transfer to any European power. And if the new Republics, or
either of them, were to conquer them, their maritime force as it now is, or
for a long time to come is likely to be, would keep up constant apprehensions
of their safety. Nor is it believed that the new States desire, or will attempt,
PART l '• COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
the acquisition, unless they shall be compelled, in their own defence, to make
it, by the unnecessary prolongation of the war. Acting on the policy which
is here unfolded, the Government of the United States, although they would
have been justified to have seized Cuba and Porto Rico, in the just protection
of the lives and the commerce of their citizens, which have been a prey to
infamous pirates finding succor and refuge in Spanish territory, have signally
displayed their patience and moderation by a scrupulous respect of the
sovereignty of Spain, who was herself bound, but has utterly failed, to repress
those enormities.
Finally, the President cherishes the hope that the Emperor's devotion to
peace, no less than his friendship for Spain, will induce him to lend the high
authority of his name to the conclusion of a war the further prosecution of
which must have the certain effect of an useless waste of human life. No
power has displayed more solicitude for the repose of the world than Russia,
who has recently given the strongest evidence of her unwillingness to disturb
it, in the East, by unexampled moderation and forbearance. By extending
to America the blessings of that peace which, under the auspices of his
Imperial Majesty, Europe now enjoys, all parts of this continent will have
grateful occasion for regarding him, as the United States ever have done, as
their most potent and faithful friend.
This despatch is confided to your discretion, to be communicated in
extenso, or its contents disclosed in such other manner to the Government of
Russia as shall appear to you most likely to accomplish its object.
I have the honor [etc.].
142
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Rufus King, appointed United States Min-
ister to Great Britain 1
WASHINGTON, May n, 1823.
SIR: The coincidence in the policy of the United States and Great Britain,
and the friendly communications which the British Government has made to
this, in regard to the war between Spain and the new States on this Conti-
nent, require that there should be observed the utmost frankness in the inter-
course between the two Countries. It is in this spirit that you are requested
to make known to the Government of Great Britain, the desire which ani-
mates the President, to see that War honourably terminated. Its further
prosecution can be attended with no beneficial effect to Spain herself, and if
she is made sensible of her true interests, and the dangers to which her insular
end to it. Instructions have been given to Mr. Poinsett, and will be given to
others of our Ministers near the new States, to strengthen in them, if neces-
sary, a disposition to peace. Mr. Everett is charged with similar instructions
to operate at Madrid. The same object will be confided to our Ministers at
Paris and St. Petersburg. I transmit you, herewith, a copy of my official
note, addressed to Mr. Middleton,1 as best explaining the views which are
entertained by the President. You are authorized to make such use of it
with the British Government as your judgment shall approve. It is under-
stood that the local Government of Cuba has petitioned the King of Spain to
make peace, by acknowledging the Independence of the new States. If Great
Britain, and the other principal European Powers, would heartily unite with
the United States in these pacific endeavours, the President entertains the
confident hope that a stop would be put to the further, and unnecessary ef-
fusion of human blood.
I am [etc.].
143
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to James Brown, United States Minister to
France 2
WASHINGTON, May 13, 1825.
SIR: The President entertains a strong desire to see the war between Spain
and her former Colonies terminated. Besides the considerations of human-
ity which, alone, would be quite sufficient to create such a desire, the danger
to the peace of other States, and of the United States especially, gives much
additional strength to the sentiment. With the view to promote that inter-
esting object, Mr. Poinsett has been, and others of our Ministers to the new
States will be, instructed to use their best exertions. But it is in Europe
more than in America that our efforts must be directed. And the strong
ground to take is that peace is more necessary to Spain than to the new Re-
publics. Accordingly, Mr. Everett has been instructed to endeavour to
make Spain sensible of the advantages to her of putting an end to the war,
and the dangers which hang over her by its further useless prosecution. I
have also, by the directions of the President, addressed a note to Mr. Middle-
ton, to enlist the Government of Russia in the cause of peace. Mr. King has
received similar instructions, in reference to Great Britain. And you are re-
quested to open the matter to the French Government, in the hope that they
may co-operate in the great object. To enable you to lay before that Gov-
ernment our views, I transmit you, herewith, a copy of the despatch to Mr.
1 See above, doc. 141, Clay to Middleton, May 10, 1825.
2 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, X, 356.
252 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
Middleton,1 the use of which is committed to your discretion. A like copy
has been put into the possession of Mr. King. Information has reached us,
that the local Authorities of Cuba have petitioned the King of Spain to ac-
knowledge the new Republics, and close the war. By a concerted system of
action, direct and collateral, on Spain, it is hoped that she may be made to see
the necessity of peace. And great confidence would be placed in this hope, if
Russia and France, the Powers most likely to influence the Councils of Spain,
would lend their hearty co-operation.
I am [etc.].
144
Daniel Brent, Acting Secretary of State, to Baron de Tuyll, Russian Minister
to the United States 2
WASHINGTON, May 23, 1825.
Mr. Daniel Brent presents his compliments to the Baron de Tuyll, Envoy
Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from Russia, and has the honour
to return to him the project of a Despatch which the Baron lately prepared
for Count Lieven, His Imperial Majesty's ambassador in London, and which
Mr. Brent submitted to the perusal of the President of the United States on
Saturday last, agreeably to the wish of the Baron. tyLr. Brent takes great
pleasure in adding that the President sees in the project referred to a just in-
terpretation of the tenor and purpose of the instructions which he had re-
cently caused to be given to the representative of the United States at the
court of H. I. M. in relation to South American affairs.
145
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Richard C. Anderson, United States Min-
ister to Colombia 3
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, September 16, 1825.
During the last spring, the Ministers of Colombia and Mexico near this
Government, made separate, but nearly simultaneous, communications to
this Department, in relation to the contemplated Congress at Panama.
- .-*- • - -
at that Congress ; that it was not expected that they would take any part
in its deliberations, or measures of concert, in respect to the existing war
with Spain, but that other great interests affecting the Continent of America,
and the friendly intercourse between the Independent Nations which are
established on it, might be considered and regulated at the Congress; and
that, not knowing what might be the views of the United States, a previous
enquiry was directed to be made, whether they would, if invited by Colombia
or Mexico, be represented at Panama; and if an affirmative answer were
given, each of those Ministers stated that the United States would be ac-
cordingly invited by his Government to be represented there. The Presi-
dent instructed me to say, and I accordingly replied, that the communica-
tion was received with great sensibility to the friendly consideration of the
United States, by which it had been dictated ; that, of course, they could not
make themselves any party to the existing war with Spain, or to councils
for deliberating on the means of its further prosecution; that he believed
such a Congress as was proposed, might be highly useful in settling several
important disputed questions of public Law, and in arranging other matters
of deep interest to the American Continent, and to the friendly intercourse
between the American Powers; that before such a Congress, however, as-
sembled, it appeared to him to be necessary to arrange between the different
Powers to be represented, several preliminary points, such as, the subjects
to which the attention of the Congress was to be directed ; the nature, and
the form, of the Powers to be given to the Ministers, and -the mode of organ-
izing the Congress. If these preliminary points could be adjusted, in a
manner satisfactory to the United States, the Ministers from Colombia and
Mexico were informed that the United States would be represented at the
Congress. Upon enquiry, if these preliminary points had yet engaged the
attention of the Government either of Colombia or Mexico, they were
unable to inform me that they had, whilst both appeared to admit the
expediency of their being settled. Each of them undertook to communicate
to his Government the answer which I had been instructed by the President
to make; and nothing further has since passed. It has been deemed proper
that you should be made acquainted with what has occurred here on this
matter, in order that, if it should be touched upon by the Colombian Gov-
ernment, you may, if necessary, be able to communicate what happened.
Should the President ultimately determine that the United States shall be
represented at Panama you will be designated for that service, either alone,
or associated with others, and you will hold yourself in readiness accord-
ingly. We shall make no further movement, until we hear from the Gov-
ernment of Colombia or Mexico. . . .
On the loth day of May last, I addressed an official note by the direction
of the President, to the Minister of the United States at St. Petersburg,
254 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
(of which a copy is herewith transmitted to you) having for its object to
engage the friendly offices of Russia, to hasten a peace between Spain and
the new American States. The same note, or the substance of it, has been
communicated through the Ministers of the United States, to the Courts of
Paris and London, with the same purpose of peace. The hope has been
indulged that, by a common exertion, and especially by the interposition of
the Emperor of Russia, Spain may be made sensible of her true interests,
and consent to terminate a war which she has no longer the ability to prose-
cute. No information has been yet obtained from Russia, of the manner
in which the Emperor has received this appeal to his humanity and his
power. From the reception given to the application, by France, we are
confirmed in the previous impression of the importance of the movement of
Russia, and new efforts, if they shall be considered likely to be useful, will
be employed to urge her to the great work of pacification. In the mean-
time, it is deemed proper to put you in possession of what has been done,
and of the copy of the note itself, which you are authorised to communicate
to the Government of Colombia, or such parts of it as may appear to you
to be expedient.
146
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Rufus King, United States Minister to
Great Britain l
WASHINGTON, October 17, 1825.
SIR: Your despatch under date, the nth August,2 at Cheltenham with
Mr. Canning's communication of the 7th of the same month, has been duly
received; as also that of the 2ist of August,3 at London, transmitting his
note, with the Tripartite instrument which he proposes to be signed by the
Governments of the United States, Great Britain and France. These
several papers have been laid before the President, and been deliberately
considered.
He sees, with much satisfaction, the entire coincidence which exists
between the Governments of the United States and Great Britain, as to the
expediency of terminating the war between Spain and her former Colonies
and their concurrence also, in the fitness of the Island of Cuba continuing to
abide in the possession of Spain. Agreeing, as the two Powers do, in those
two important objects, the hope is indulged that they may ultimately be
induced to think alike as to the means best adapted to their accomplishment
I he great object— that which is mmmmAnH^ oi;w u,, *i_ _•_,._„. , r „
DOCUMENT 146: OCTOBER 17, 1 82 5 255
parties, and of humanity — is the termination of the war. Whatever dangers
threaten Cuba, within, or from without, are to be traced to the war. That
ceasing, they will quickly disappear. And they will equally vanish, whether
peace is concluded by recognizing the new States, or a simple suspension of
hostilities takes place without such recognition. With this view of the
matter, the President, shortly after the commencement of the present ad-
ministration, thought it advisable to direct the efforts of this Government
towards bringing about a peace. Aware of the hopelessness of a direct
appeal to Spain herself, it was thought best to invoke the interposition of
the great Powers of Europe, and especially of Russia, believed to have a
preponderating influence in the councils of Spain. Accordingly, a Note was
transmitted to the American Minister at St. Petersburg, to be communicated
to the Government of Russia, and a copy of it was also forwarded to you,
and to Mr. Brown at Paris, to be used in communications with the respective
Governments of Great Britain and France. In that note, it was attempted
to be shewn that, if it were the true interest of both belligerents, it was
evidently still more that of Spain, to put an end to the war; that, so far as
respected the object of the recovery of her dominion over the Colonies, the
war was concluded ; and that its further prosecution could only be attended
with an useless waste of human blood, and the probable loss of Cuba and
Porto Rico, with the danger of involving in its calamities, other Powers, not
now parties to it. It was also distinctly stated in that note, that the United
States, for themselves, desired no change in the political condition of Cuba;
that they were satisfied it should remain, open as it now is, to their com-
merce, in the hands of Spain ; and that they could not, with indifference, see
it passing from Spain to any European Power.
Absolute confidence in the success of these pacific exertions, however it
might have been warranted by the actual state 'of the war, has never been
cherished. They were justified by the purity of the motives which dictated
them, and whatever may be their result, no regret can ever be felt on account
of their having been made. Mr. Canning is greatly mistaken in supposing
us to have counted upon the impression, to be made, by the employment of
the blandishments of flattery with Russia; nor can it, for a moment, be
admitted that the Emperor would be susceptible to their influence. They
are instruments foreign to our habits, to our principles, and to our institu-
tions, which we have practiced neither on that, nor on any previous occasion.
If it were possible for us to employ such auxiliaries, we should have to resort
to other climes and to other schools to qualify ourselves for their use. Our
relations with Russia have been generally satisfactory, and characterized by
mutual amity; but we have every reason to believe that this happy result
has proceeded from a sense of the justice of the two Powers to what was due
to the interests of each, and not to attainments, of the possession of which
256 PART i: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
and preponderating influence of Russia are dwelt upon, they are notorious
facts, and we have the authority of Mr. Canning himself for considering her
as the "moving soul of the continental alliance."
We have heard from France, and although the answer given by Count de
Damas to Mr. Brown is not so encouraging as could have been wished, it
has not yet divested us altogether of hope. He thinks the present period
not favourable to peace; but he, at the same time, admits the correctness of
the views presented by this Government as to the state of the war, and in
regard to the real interests of Spain. The difficulties, he believes, which
lie in the way of peace, grow out of the personal character of the Monarch,
and the mortified pride of Spain. Mr. Brown inferred, from what occurred
at his interview with the French Secretary, that which we, before, well
knew, that the first movement on Spain, must come from Russia, and that
France would follow, rather than lead. From Russia we have not yet heard.
Mr. Canning may be right in predicting a failure of the attempt ; but we
would not willingly believe in such a discouraging issue, for the reasons
which he assigns. It is possible that the principles and prejudices of the
Emperor of Russia may be opposed to the establishment, in Spanish Amer-
ica, of free Governments springing out of a revolution. But, if they be, in
fact, established; if the power of Spain is altogether incompetent to their
overthrow, and the recovery of her former dominion, it is difficult to con-
ceive that he should dissuade her from yielding to a necessity absolutely
incontrollable. We know that the Emperor of Russia does maintain the
most perfectly friendly relations with a State whose social forms are directly
opposite to those of Russia. If the Emperor of Russia advised Spain to
refuse an acknowledgement of the Independence of the former Colonies,
and to persevere in the war, that advice must have been given when a gleam
of hope remained. Now that it is forever obscured, to suppose that he
would persist in that advice after subsequent events, and especially after the
decisive battle of Ayacucho, would be to attribute a degree of perverse
obstinacy to the Emperor, utterly incompatible with the fidelity of the
friendship which he entertains for Spain, and which should be very reluc-
tantly credited. If he has lost the opportunity of taking the lead in that
line of policy which the United States and Great Britain have wisely adopted,
that remains to him, of being the great Pacificator between the Continent
of America and Spain. And, bearing in mind that principle of our nature
which impels us anxiously to hope for the possession of a desired object, not
yet within our grasp, and even to exaggerate its importance beyond that
which we attach to acquisitions already made, there is reason to believe
that, by now becoming the successful agent of peace, the Emperor may
is indeed bad enough, whether viewed at home or abroad. But the Nation
remains, and yet presents elements which, if wisely combined, and directed,
would make it a powerful and respectable State. With a population not
much short of ten millions, at home, a fine country, genial climate, and the
ample Colonial possessions of Cuba and Porto Rico, to say nothing of other
insular domains, Spain wants only wise Government, and peace. If, as is
alleged, by pursuing the advice of the Emperor, she has lost, or has been
unable to reconquer, her American Continental possessions; and if, by con-
tinuing in a state of hostilities, she puts in eminent peril what remains to
her in this hemisphere, we must be disposed to believe that he will inculcate
upon her, other councils, unless, (which cannot be believed) he has not the
intelligence to comprehend, or the sincerity to recommend, that, which, in
the present state of things, is the obvious interest of Spain. These are some
of the views which lead us yet to cling to the hope that Russia may inter-
pose her good offices to produce peace, notwithstanding the contrary predic-
tions so confidently put forth by Mr. Secretary Canning. That object is,
however, in itself so desirable, that all fair and practicable means of bringing
it about should be considered with the utmost candour and deliberation.
It is in this state of feeling that Mr. Canning's proposal has been taken up,
and attentively and respectfully examined.
That proposal is, the signature by the United States, Great Britain and
France, either of three ministerial notes — one between Great Britain and
the United States, — one between the United States and France, and one
between France and Great Britain; — or one Tripartite note, signed by all,
disclaiming, each for himself, any intention to occupy Cuba, and protesting
against such an occupation by either of the others. And the draft of such
a paper as is contemplated by the latter alternative, accompanies Mr.
Canning's note of the yth of August. He thinks that Spain apprehends
danger to Cuba from the suspected ambition of the old Powers (Great
Britain, France and the United States) whilst she thinks comparatively but
little of that which impends over it from the new; and he cherishes the belief
that, when we jointly go to Spain with this disclaimer of all designs upon
Cuba, in our hands, she will be soothed, and disposed to listen to our united
Councils, which, otherwise, would be heard with suspicion, and repelled with
resentment.
Considered as a measure of peace, I am not satisfied that Mr. Canning's
estimate of the value of his proposal, is not too high. Whatever follies the
King of Spain may have committed, we must still treat of him as a rational
being, operated upon by similar motives to those which generally influence
the conduct of Rulers. His fears now are, that, taking advantage of his
weakness, and of vicissitudes in the existing war, one of the great maritime
Powers of Europe or America may wrest Cuba from him; and his interests
258 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
require security for that important Island. Whilst the danger continues,
both his fears and his interests would seem to unite on peace, by which it
may be effectually removed. But if he is quieted as to the greatest source
of his apprehensions, and thus made secure in his possessions, a powerful
motive of peace would be withdrawn. And he might then, with perfect
composure, calculate the cost, and the comparatively little danger to Cuba
from the new States, arising out of the protraction of the war. If, as is
quite likely, Spain entertains the alleged suspicions of the old Powers, she
ought to suppress them, the moment they advise the conclusion of peace, a
state unpropitious to their realization, being founded altogether on the con-
tingency of the continuance of the war. And I confess, I am not sure, that
Spain, tranquilized in all her apprehensions about further colonial losses,
would not find herself strengthened in her resolution to prolong the war, in
the hope of re-establishing her antient power on some part of this Continent.
After all that has happened, it would be too sanguine to believe that the
United States and Great Britain can place themselves in any attitude that
would induce Spain to take counsel from them, as from sincere, disinterested,
and acceptable advocates of peace. And it may be doubted whether it
would not be better, in aid of the cause of peace, to leave her to the opera-
tion of the full force of all her apprehensions about the possible contingencies
which may assail her West India possessions in the further progress of the
war, rather than give her the proposed security against those which she now
most dreads.
We cannot, then, in the proposal of the British Government, discern the
tendency towards peace which they believe it to possess. On the contrary,
it is to be feared that, instead of its hastening the termination of the war,
the sanction of the three Powers being known by Spain to be given to it,
may retard the arrival of peace. If, instead of approaching Spain, with a
diplomatic instrument, lulling her most serious apprehensions about Cuba,
she were left to speculate upon all the possible dangers, from every quarter,
which may assail her most important Colonial possession ; and if, moreover,
she were told by the three Powers, or by Great Britain and the United States \
that, in the event of the people of Cuba declaring their independence, those
Powers would guarantee it, she would be much more effectually awakened
to a true sense of the perils to which perseverance in her present misguided
policy might expose her. But if we are mistaken,— if the proposal of Mr
Canning would conduce to peace, by a suspension of hostilities, at least, as
he supposes, there is no incompatibility between it and the previous attempt
on the part of this Government, to bring it about through the instrumentality
of Russia, and the great maritime Powers of Europe, acting in concert with
of the utility of qualifying some of the parties in this common exertion, more
effectually to espouse the cause of peace, by so manifesting their forbearance
and disinterestedness as to lead Spain to listen, without suspicion, to their
councils. If it were deemed expedient to accede to his proposal, and he is
right in believing it to possess any peace virtue, it may well stand along side
of the measure of this Government, to which, in that view of it, it would
prove auxiliary.
There is another aspect of the British proposal in which it is viewed more
favourably. The British Minister truly says that the United States cannot
allow the occupation of Cuba by either Great Britain or France, and neither
of those Powers would acquiesce in the occupation of it by the United States.
If the acceptance of it would not, (and so we are inclined to think) operate
as a new inducement to Spain to put an end to the war, it might have a
quieting effect among the great maritime powers themselves, by removing
all causes of suspicion on the only subject which, in the existing state of the
world, is likely to engage, materially, their solicitude, in regard to their own
security. This is what is here understood to be the real object of the pro-
posal. A declaration on the part of the Government of the United States
that it will abstain from taking advantage of any of the incidents which
may grow out of the present war, to wrest Cuba from Spain, is unnecessary,
because their pacific policy, their known moderation, and the very measure
which they have, already, voluntarily adopted, to bring about peace, are
sufficient guaranties of their forbearance. From the amicable relations
which, happily, exist between Great Britain and the United States, and the
perfect union in their policy, in respect to the war between Spain and the
new States, no apprehension can be felt that Great Britain will entertain
views of aggrandizement in regard to Cuba, which could not fail to lead to
a rupture with the United States. With respect to France, aware as her
ministers must be that neither Great Britain nor the United States could
allow her to take possession of Cuba, under any pretext, the hope is indulged
that she will equally abstain from a measure, fraught with such serious con-
sequences. Considering, however, the distracted condition of Spain, every
day becoming worse and worse, and the intimate relations which subsist
between the two branches of the House of Bourbon, it must be admitted
that there is some cause of apprehension on the side of France. The fact
of having given instructions to the Captain General of the French forces in
the West Indies, to aid the Governor of Havanna to quell internal disturb-
ance, proves that the French Government has deliberated on a contingent
occupation of Cuba; and possession once gained, under one pretext, would
probably be retained under the same pretext or some other. With the view,
therefore, of binding France, by some solemn and authentic act, to the same
course of forbearance which the United States and Great Britain have
260 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
mutually prescribed to themselves, the President sees no great objection,
at present, to acceding to one, or other, of the two alternatives contained in
Mr. Canning's proposal. As information, however, is shortly expected from
Russia, as to the manner in which the Emperor has received the invitation
to employ his friendly offices to bring about a peace, no instruction will now
be given you, as to the definitive answer to be communicated to the British
Government. In the mean time, you are authorized to disclose to it the
sentiments and views contained in this despatch.
I am [etc.].
147
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to James Brown, United States Minister to
France l
WASHINGTON, October 25, 1825 .
SIR : During the last summer a large French fleet visited the American seas
and the coast of the United States. Its object naturally gave rise to much
speculation. Neither here nor through you at Paris was the Government
of the United States made acquainted with the views of that of France in
sending out so considerable an armament. The President conceives it
due to the friendly relations which happily subsist between the two nations,
and to the frankness by which he wishes all their intercourse to be charac-
terized, that the purpose of any similar movement hereafter, made in a season
of peace, should be communicated to this Government. You will therefore
inform the French Government of his expectation that such a communication
will, in future, be accordingly made. The reasonableness of it, in a time of
peace, of which France shall enjoy the blessings, must be quite apparent.
The United States having, at the present period, constantly to maintain, in
the Gulf of Mexico and on the coasts of Cuba and Porto Rico, a naval force
on a service beneficial to all commercial nations, it would appear to be quite
reasonable that, if the commanders of any American squadron, charged with
the duty of suppressing piracy, should meet with those of a French squadron
the respective objects of both should be known to each. Another considera-
tion to which you will advert, in a friendly manner, is the present condition of
theislands of Cuba and Porto Rico. Theviewsof the Executive of the United
States m regard to them have been already disclosed to France by you on
the occasion of inviting its co-operation to bring about peace between Spain
and her former colonies in a spirit of great frankness. It was stated to the
French Government that the United States could not see, with indifference,
those islands passing from Scam tn *™ «+i,«. T? , ., .
Guinea OH UUIL auujeci, uicu may arise, you win now aau tnai we couia not
consent to the occupation of those islands by any other European power
than Spain under any contingency whatever. Cherishing no designs on
them ourselves, we have a fair claim to an unreserved knowledge of the views
of other great maritime powers in respect to them. If any sensibility should
be manifested to what the French minister may choose to regard as sus-
picions entertained here of a disposition on the part of France to indulge a
passion of aggrandisement, you may disavow any such suspicions, and say
that the President cannot suppose a state of things in which either of the
great maritime powers of Europe, with or without the consent of Spain,
would feel itself justified to occupy or attempt the occupation of Cuba or
Porto Rico without the concurrence or, at least, the knowledge of the United
States. You may add, if the tenor of your communications with the French
minister should seem to make it necessary, that, in the course of the past
summer, rumors reached this country, not merely of its being the design of
the French fleet to take possession of the island of Cuba, but that it had, in
fact, taken possession of that island. If the confidence in the Government
of France, entertained by that of the United States, could not allow it to
credit these rumors, it must be admitted that they derived some countenance
from the weakness of Spain, the intimate connexion between that monarchy
and France, and the general ignorance that prevailed as to the ultimate
destination and object of a fleet greatly disproportionate, in the extent of its
armament, to any of the ordinary purposes of a peaceful commerce.
You are at liberty to communicate the subject of this note to the French
Government, in conference or in writing, as you may think most proper;
but in either case it is the President's wish that it should be done in the
most conciliatory and friendly manner.
I am [etc.].
148
Henry Clay, Secretary of Slate, to Rufus King, United States Minister to
Great Britain 1
WASHINGTON, October 26, 1825.
SIR: Since the date of my note to you of the iyth2 of the current month,
your despatch No. 5, under date at London, on the I3th3 of September,
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, X, 405.
2 See above, doc. 146.
3 See below, pt. vin, doc. 839.
at Stems, on the 8th of the same month. It appears from his statement that
the French Minister, after having encouraged the overture of the British
Ambassador, in a manner which led him to believe that France would will-
ingly concur in the proposed declaration respecting the Spanish Islands, has
suddenly changed his language, and formally declined to accede to the
proposal. Under these circumstances, and without waiting for the desired
information from Russia, which is not yet received, it seems to the President
to be altogether useless and improper for the Government of the United
States to unite with that of Great Britain in repeating the proposal to France.
With respect to the signature of such a declaration by the United States and
Great Britain alone, for the reasons which are stated in my note of the 1 7th
instant, it cannot be necessary. After the friendly and unreserved com-
munications which have passed between the two Governments, on this
subject, each must now be considered as much bound to a course of forbear-
ance and abstinence, in regard to Cuba and Porto Rico, as if they had pledged
themselves to it by a solemn Act.
But, supposing the British Ambassador at Paris to have laboured under
no misconception as to the encouragement which he supposes Count de
Damas to have given, prior to his having formally declined to accede to the
British proposal, the motives for obtaining from France some security for the
observance of the same course of moderation which the United States and
Great Britain have respectively prescribed to themselves, instead of losing
any of their original force, have acquired additional strength. I have,
therefore, by direction of the President, prepared an instruction for Mr.
Brown, of which a copy is herewith transmitted, to inform the French
Government, that, under no contingency, with, or without the consent of
Spain, can the United States agree to the occupation of the Islands of Cuba
and Porto Rico, by France. You are authorized to communicate its con-
tents, by reading it, to Mr. Canning. If the British Government should
direct its Ambassador at Paris, in like manner, to protest against France,
under any circumstances, taking possession of those Islands, it can hardly
be doubted that if she really has entertained any designs upon them, they
will be abandoned. And the substantial object of the British Government
will have been attained, and by means but little variant from those which
it had devised. In coming to the determination to cause the above com-
munication to be made to France, through the American Minister, the
President has been influenced in a considerable degree, by a desire to corre-
spond to the wishes of the British Government, which cannot fail to recog-
nize, in that measure, a signal proof of the confidence and friendship of the
Government of the United States.
I have the honour [etc.].
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Hilario de Rivas y Salmon, Spanish Charge
d' Affaires in the United States1
WASHINGTON, December 15, 1825.
SIR: Shortly after the receipt of the letter which, on the 22cl. September 2
last, you did me the honor to address to me, instructions were transmitted to
the respective law officers of this Government at Philadelphia and New York,
to examine into the facts stated by you, and if they should find any of the
acts to which they related were contrary to law or to the obligations of our
neutrality, to institute the necessary legal proceedings to prevent or punish
them. The answer from both those officers is in substance, that the circum-
stances detailed by you, if established by competent proof, would not be
contrary to law, and therefore that the parties concerned would not be ame-
nable to the tribunals of the country. The President might have been con-
tented with this answer, and refrained from giving any further orders in
regard to the vessels alleged by you to be ultimately destined to be employed
against Spain, in the existing war. But anxious to afford to the Govern-
ment of that country a new proof of the earnest desire of this, scrupulously
to fulfil all of its neutral duties, before I had the honor of receiving your note
of the 29th. ulto. the President had caused the proper instructions to be
transmitted to New York to require of the owners of the vessels which are
said to be fitting out there for belligerent purposes to give bond with suffi-
cient sureties that they shall not be employed to cruise or commit hostilities
against any power with which the United States are at peace.
I pray you to accept [etc.].
150
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Jose Maria Salazar, Colombian Minister
to the United States 3
WASHINGTON, December 20, 1825.
SIR: During the last Spring I had the honor to state to you that the Gov-
ernment of the United States had addressed that of Russia4 with the view
of engaging the employment of its friendly offices to bring about a peace, if
possible, between Spain and the new American Republics, founded upon the
basis of their independence; and the despatch from this Department to the
American Minister at St. Petersburg, having that object, was read to you.
I have now the satisfaction to state that it appears, by late advices just
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 243.
2 Not included since its purport is clear from this reply.
8 Ibid., 245. Virtually the same was addressed on the same day to the Mexican Minister .
4 See above, doc. 141, Clay to Middleton, May 10, 1825.
not
exerting his friendly endeavours to put an end to the war. The first would
be naturally directed to his Allies, between whom and His Imperial Majesty
it was desirable that there should be, on that interesting subject, concurrence
of opinion and concert in action. Our information from Europe authorizes
the belief that all the great powers are now favourably inclined towards
peace, and that separately or conjointly, they will give pacific counsels to
Spain. When all the difficulties exterior to Spain, in the way of peace, are
overcome, the hope is confidently indulged that those within the Peninsula
cannot long withstand the general wish. But some time is necessary for the
operation of these exertions to terminate the war, and to ascertain their effect
upon the Spanish Government. Under these circumstances the President
believes that a suspension, for a limited time, of the sailing of the Expedition
against Cuba or Porto Rico, which is understood to be fitting out at Cartha-
gena, or of any other expedition which may be contemplated against either
of those Islands by Colombia or Mexico, would have a salutary influence on
the great work of peace. Such a suspension would afford time to ascertain
if Spain, resisting the powerful motives which unite themselves on the side of
peace, obstinately resolves upon a protraction of the war. The suspension is
due to the enlightened intentions of the Emperor of Russia, upon whom it
could not fail to have the happiest effect. It would also postpone, if not
forever render unnecessary, all consideration which other powers may, by an
irresistible sense of their essential interests, be called upon to entertain of
their duties, in the event of the contemplated invasion of those islands, and
of other contingencies which may accompany or follow it. I am directed,
therefore, by the President to request that you will forthwith communicate
the views here disclosed to the Government of the Republic of Colombia,
which he hopes will see the expediency, in the actual posture of affairs, of
forbearing to attack those islands until a sufficient time has elapsed to ascer-
tain the result of the pacific efforts which the great powers are believed to be
now making on Spain.
I seize, with pleasure [etc.].
151
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Baron de Tuyll, Russian Minister to the
United States l
WASHINGTON, December 26, 1825.
According to my promise made to you on Saturday last, I have the honor
to transmit herewith an extract from an official note which on the 2oth
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 247.
Minister.
I avail myself [etc.].
152
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Henry Middleton, United States Minister
to Russia 2
WASHINGTON, December 26, 1825.
SIR: Your despatches8 (Nos. 48 and 49) have been duly received and sub-
mitted to the President. He sees with much satisfaction that the appeal
which has been made through you to the Emperor of Russia, to employ his
friendly offices in the endeavor to bring about a peace between Spain and the
new American Republics, has not been without favorable effect. Consider-
ing the intimate and friendly relations which exist between the Emperor and
his allies, it was perhaps not to be expected that, previous to a consultation
with them, language more explicit should be held than that which is con-
tained in Count Nesselrode's note. Although very guarded, it authorizes the
belief that the preponderating influence of Russia has been thrown into the
scale of peace. Notwithstanding the predictions of a contrary result, con-
fidently made by Mr. Secretary Canning, this decision of the Emperor corre-
sponds with the anticipations which have been constantly entertained here
ever since the President resolved to invoke his intervention. It affords
strong evidence both of his humanity and his enlightened judgment. All
events out of Spain seem now to unite in their tendency towards peace ; and
the fall of the Castle of St. Juan d'Ulloa, which capitulated on the eighteenth
day of last month, cannot fail to have a powerful effect within that Kingdom.
We are informed that when information of it reached the Havana it produced
great and general sensation ; and that the local Government immediately des-
patched a fast sailing vessel to Cadiz to communicate the event, and, in its
name, to implore the King immediately to terminate the war and acknowl-
edge the new Republics, as the only means left of preserving Cuba to the
Monarchy.
In considering what further measures could be adopted by this Govern-
ment to second the pacific exertions which, it is not doubted, the Emperor is
now employing, it has appeared to the President that a suspension of any
military expedition which both or either of the Republics of Colombia and
Mexico may be preparing against Cuba and Porto Rico might have a good
auxiliary influence. Such a suspension, indeed, seemed to be due to the
friendly purposes of the Emperor. I have accordingly addressed official
1 See above, doc. 150.
2 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 850.
3 See below, pt. xn, docs. 1024 and 1026.
their Governments, an extract
tialiy the same) is herewith transmitted. You will observe it intimated in
those notes that other Governments may feel themselves urged, by a sense of
their interests and duties, to interpose in the event of an invasion of the is-
lands, or of contingencies which may accompany or follow it. On this sub-
ject it is proper that we should be perfectly understood by Russia. For our-
selves, we desire no change in the possession of Cuba, as has been heretofore
stated. We cannot allow a transfer of the island to any European Power.
But if Spain should refuse to conclude a peace, and obstinately resolve on
continuing the war, although we do not desire that either Colombia or Mexico
should acquire the island of Cuba, the President cannot see any justifiable
ground on which we can forcibly interfere. Upon the hypothesis of an un-
necessary protraction of the war, imputable to Spain, it is evident that Cuba
will be her only point d'appui in this hemisphere. How can we interpose, on
that supposition, against the party clearly having right on his side, in order
to restrain or defeat a lawful operation of war? If the war against the islands
should be conducted by those Republics in a desolating manner; if, contrary
to all expectation, they should put arms into the hands of one race of the in-
habitants to destroy the lives of another; if, in short, they should countenance
and encourage excesses and examples, the contagion of which, from our
neighborhood, would be dangerous to our quiet and safety, the Government
of the United States might feel itself called upon to interpose its power. But
it is not apprehended that any of those contingencies will arise, and, conse-
quently, it is most probable that the United States, should the war continue,
will remain hereafter, as they have been heretofore, neutral observers of the
progress of its events.
You will be pleased to communicate the contents of this despatch to the
Russian Government. And as, from the very nature of the object which has
induced the President to recommend to the Governments of Colombia and
Mexico a suspension of their expeditions against the Spanish islands, no def-
inite time could be suggested for the duration of that suspension, if it should
be acceded to, it must be allowed, on all hands, that it ought not to be un-
necessarily protracted. Therefore, you will represent to the Government of
Russia the expediency of obtaining a decision from Spain as early as possible
in respect to its disposition to conclude a peace.
I am [etc.].
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to John M. Forbes, United States Charge
& Affaires at Buenos Aires x
WASHINGTON, January p, 1826.
SIR: Your dispatches to No. 26, inclusively, with their several inclosures,
have been safely received at this office. As it is not recollected that they
call for any special instructions, I will only add, with respect to them, that,
while they exhibit proof of great zeal on your part, in collecting interesting
information, in reference to the Political condition of Buenos Ayres, the
diligence and manner employed in presenting it to this Department give
great satisfaction.
During the last spring, Mr. Middleton, our Minister at St. Petersburg, was
instructed2 by this Department, by direction of the President, to endeavour
to engage the Russian Government, to contribute its best exertions towards
terminating the existing contest between Spain and the new American Re-
publics, upon the basis of their Independence; and I have the satisfaction, to
state to you that it appears by late advices from that Minister that the appeal
which he had, accordingly, made to the Emperor of Russia, was received
with much favour; and there is reason to believe that the Emperor is now
exerting his friendly efforts to put an end to the war. Our information,
moreover, authorizes the belief that all the great Powers of Europe [between
whom of his allies, and the Emperor of Russia, there must be concurrence of
opinion and concert in action, to effectuate this object] are disposed, sepa-
rately, or conjointly, to give pacific counsels to Spain. Some time, however,
is necessary for those exertions and sentiments to accomplish their desired
effect; and in the mean while, the Ministers of Colombia3 and Mexico at
this place, have been severally requested, by direction of the President, to
procure, if possible, a suspension of any attack which may be meditated by
either, or both, of their Governments upon the Islands of Cuba and Porto
Rico, there appearing some reason to apprehend that a considerable naval
Armament, collected at Carthagena, was destined for that service. This
suspension seemed due to the enlightened intentions of the Emperor of
Russia, whose mediation had been invoked by this Government, as well as to
the circumstance that it would render unnecessary to other nations, and
particularly to the United States, the delicate consideration which they
might be otherwise called upon to entertain in reference to their essential
interests, in the event of the attack or invasion in question. These gentle-
men could do no more than answer that they would refer the matter to their
respective Governments for their decision upon it. We owe it to the friendly
relations between the United States and Buenos Ayres, and to the immediate
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers XI, i. The number 26 here acknowledged
is not printed in this collection, since it is not sufficiently pertinent. The documents which
are pertinent will be found in pt. n, below.
2 See above, doc. 141, Clay to Middleton, May 10, 1825.
154
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to the United States House of Representatives l
WASHINGTON, March 29, 1826.
The Secretary of State, to whom has been referred, by the President, the
resolution of the House of Representatives of the syth March, 1826, request-
ing him to transmit to that House certain parts of the correspondence be-
tween the Department of State and the minister of the United States at
Mexico, and to communicate certain information therein mentioned, has the
honor to report:
That no answer was transmitted from this Department to the letter of
Mr. Poinsett, No. 22, under date at Mexico, of the 28th September, 1825 ;2
that No, 18, from Mr. Poinsett, under date of the I3th of the same month,
and No. 22, relate to the same subject ; the first stating the obstacle which had
occurred to the conclusion of the commercial treaty in the pretension brought
forward by Mexico to grant to the American nations of Spanish origin
special privileges which were not to be enjoyed by other nations; and the
second narrating the arguments which were urged for and against it in the
conferences between Mr. Poinsett and the Mexican ministers ; that No. 22
was received on the gib. of December last, and the answer, of the gth of
November, 1825, from this Department to No. 18, having been prepared and
transmitted, superseded the necessity, as was believed, of any more particular
reply to No. 22.
That extracts from the general instructions to Mr. Poinsett, under date
the 25th March, i825,3 are herewith reported, marked A; that the United
States have contracted no engagement, nor made any pledge to the Govern-
ments of Mexico and South America, or to either of them, that the United
States would not permit the interference of any foreign power with the in-
dependence or form of government of those nations, nor have any instruc-
tions been issued authorizing any such engagement or pledge. It will be seen
that the message of the late President of the United States of the 2d of
December, 1823,^ is adverted to in the extracts now furnished from the in-
structions to Mr. Poinsett, and that he is directed to impress its principles
1 American Stale Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 908.
_ z None of the communications mentioned in this paragraph are printed in this collection,
since they relate, as here appears, to commercial matters.
3 For the portions of these instructions pertinent to the present collection, see above, doc.
135. Their date, according to the record copy in the archives of the Department of State,
and also the original in the archives of the Embassy in Mexico City, is March 26.
4 See above, doc. 125.
the danger to which Mr. Monroe alludes, of an interference by the allied
powers of Europe to introduce their political systems into this hemisphere,
have ceased. If, indeed, an attempt by force had been made by allied Eu-
rope to subvert the liberties of the southern nations on this continent, and to
erect upon the ruins of their free institutions monarchical systems, the people
of the United States would have stood pledged, in the opinion of their Execu-
tive, not to any foreign State, but to themselves and to their posterity, by
their dearest interests and highest duties, to resist to the utmost such at-
tempt; and it is to a pledge of that character that Mr. Poinsett alone refers.
That extracts from a despatch of Mr. Poinsett, under date the 2ist August,
1825, marked B, are also herewith reported, relating to the movements of the
French fleet in the West India seas during the last summer; that his previous
letter, to which he refers, on the same subject, with the accompanying papers,
is accidentally mislaid, and cannot, therefore, now be communicated, which
is less regretted because the information contained in that now reported, it is
presumed, will be entirely satisfactory.
All which is respectfully submitted.
155
President John Quincy Adams to the United States House of Representatives,
relative to instructions to Ministers of the United States and concerning any
pledge given on the part of the Government to Mexico and South America l
WASHINGTON, March 30, 1826,
To THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES :
In compliance with a resolution of the House of Representatives of the
2yth instant, requesting a copy of such parts of the answer of the Secretary of
State to Mr. Poinsett's letter to Mr. Clay, dated Mexico, September 28,
1825, No. 22, as relates to the pledge of the United States therein mentioned;
and also requesting me to inform the House whether the United States have,
in any manner, made any pledge to the Governments of Mexico and South
America; that the United States would not permit the interference of any
foreign power with the independence or form of government of those nations ;
and, if so, when, in what manner, and to what effect; and also to communi-
cate to the House a copy of the communication from our minister at Mexico,
in which he informed the Government of the United States that the Mexican
Government called upon this Government to fulfil the memorable pledge of
the President of the United States, in his message to Congress of December,
1823, I transmit to the House a report2 from the Secretary of State, with
documents containing the information desired by the resolution.
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, V, 907.
270 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
156
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Jose Maria Salazar, Colombian Minister
to the United States1
WASHINGTON, April u, 1826.
SIR: I have received and submitted to the President the official note which
you addressed to me on the igth ultimo,2 and by his direction I have now the
honor to transmit this answer.
You have been already apprized, and Mr. Anderson has also communi-
cated at Bogota to your Government, that a negotiation was, in May last,
authorized to be opened with Russia, having for its object the termination of
the existing war between the new American Republics and Spain, upon the
basis of an acknowledgment of their Independence. About the same time
instructions were given to the Ministers of the United States at the courts of
London and Paris to engage them to co-operate in the accomplishment of the
same object: And Mr. Everett, our Minister at Madrid, was also directed to
lose no suitable occasion to inculcate on the Councils of Spain the utility of
formally concluding a war, which had substantially come to an end, in con-
sequence of the entire inability of Spain to prosecute it any longer, with the
smallest prospect of success. The overture to Russia was well received ; and
there is reason to believe that the European alliance has become satisfied, and
through the interposition of the late Emperor Alexander, will advise Spain
that her true interest, under actual circumstances, as well as that of human-
ity, calls aloud for peace — Great Britain entirely concurs in the necessity of
it — Spain alone, it is believed, of all the Powers, at the date of our last des-
patches from Madrid, had not yet yielded to the force of events, which have
forever separated her from her former colonies.
In employing the good offices of the United States in the endeavour to pre-
vail upon Spain to agree to a suspension of hostilities, for a limited term, ac-
cording to the request contained in your note, the President sees only a con-
tinuation, in effect, of the negotiations already commenced — An armistice for
ten or twenty years would, in fact, be one of the modes of effectuating the
purpose of those negotiations. I am therefore directed by the President to
say, that instructions shall be given to the Minister of the United States at
Madrid to endeavour to prevail upon the Government of Spain to agree to a
suspension of hostilities for a limited time, and upon the conditions, as stated
in your note. Viewing the relative means on the part of Spain to defend, and
those of Colombia, Mexico and the Central Republic, to attack the Islands of
Cuba and Porto Rico, and the Marianos, and, moreover, that during the
operation of the proposed armistice, if it shall be concluded, the power of the
forces in those islands — On whatever terms it may be found practicable to
put an end to hostilities, it will be a source of satisfaction, if Spain, declining
to assent to peace, as heretofore recommended by the President, should even
listen to that modification of it, which is now proposed by your Government;
and the gratification of the United States will be greater, if their Government
shall be in any way instrumental in bringing about an event so desirable.
Accept [etc.].
157
Henry Clay, Secretary of Stale, to Alexander H. Everett, United States Min-
ister to Spain 1
WASHINGTON, April ij, 1826.
SIR: I transmit, herewith, a copy of the answer of Count Nesselrode2
to the overture through Mr. Middleton which was authorized by my des-
patch of the loth day of May i825,3 of which you are in possession of a
copy. From a copy of Mr. Middleton's Letter to me, now also forwarded,
you will perceive that he thinks a more favourable effect was produced by
that overture on the Russian Government than the terms of Count Nessel-
rode's answer would strictly import. Mr. Middleton's interpretation, in
that respect, of the views of Russia has been sustained and strengthened
by the Russian Minister, the Baron de Tuyll, in several interviews which
I have had with him. As we have not heard through you, or from any
other source, of any attempt at Madrid, on the part of the Russian Govern-
ment, to enforce on Spain pacific counsels, we should be disposed to question
the correctness of the opinion of Mr. Middleton, but from considerations
arising out of the journey commenced during last summer, by the late
Emperor, and his subsequent death. That unexpected and lamented
event has produced, at St. Petersburg a state of things, to an account of
which Mr. Middleton's late despatches have been exclusively confined.
As the Emperor Nicholas has announced his intentions to follow in the
footsteps of his predecessor, we may conclude that he will co-operate in
bringing about a peace, if possible, between Spain and the new Republics,
unless we have been misinformed by Mr. Middleton and Baron Tuyll.
On the 20th day of last December,4 I addressed a note to each of the
ministers from Colombia and Mexico, a copy of which is now forwarded, for
the purpose of prevailing upon their respective Governments to suspend
any expedition which both or either of them might be fitting out against
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, XI, 21.
2 See below, pt. xn, doc. 1025, Nesselrode to Middleton, Aug. 20, 1825.
* See above, doc. 141.
*See above, doc. 150.
272 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
the Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. The President considered the suspen-
sion might have a favourable effect upon the cause of peace, and it was also
recommended by other considerations. We have not yet been officially
informed of the result of the application, but it was made under auspicious
circumstances, and there is reason to believe that it will be attended with
the desired effect. You will avail yourself of this measure to impress upon
Spain the propriety of putting an end to the war, and urge it as a new proof
of the friendly dispositions of this Government.
In respect to Cuba and Porto Rico, there can be little doubt, if the war
were once ended, that they would be safe in the possession of Spain. They
would, at least, be secure from foreign attacks and all ideas of Independence
which the inhabitants may entertain, would cease with the cessation of the
state of war which has excited them. Great Britain is fully aware that the
United States could not consent to her occupation of those Islands, under
any contingencies whatever. France, as you will perceive by the annexed
correspondence with Mr. Brown and with the French Government, also well
knows that we could not see, with indifference, her acquisition of those
Islands. And the forbearance of the United States in regard to them, may
be fully relied on, from their known justice, from their patience and modera-
tion heretofore exhibited, and from their established pacific policy. If the
acquisition of Cuba were desirable to the United States, there is believed to
be no reasonable prospect of effecting, at this conjuncture, that object.
And if there were any, the frankness of their diplomacy, which has induced
the President freely and fully to disclose our views both to Great Britain
and France, forbids, absolutely, any movement whatever, at this time, with
such a purpose. This condition of the great maritime Powers (the United
States, Great Britain and France) is almost equivalent to an actual guaranty
of the Islands to Spain. But we can enter into no stipulations, by Treaty,
to guaranty them. And the President, therefore, approves your having
explicitly communicated to Spain that we could contract no engagement to
guaranty them. You will continue to decline any proposal to that effect,
should any such, hereafter, be made.
I received a note from Mr. Salazar the Colombian Minister, under date
the igth ulto.,1 to which an answer was returned on the nth instant,2 of
both of which, copies are herewith transmitted. The purport of his note
was to engage the good offices of this Government in the endeavour to pre-
vail upon Spain to agree to an armistice, on the terms specified, with the
new Republics. The President has acceded to the wishes of Colombia as
you will observe in my reply. And I am directed by him to instruct you,
if peace be unattainable, to press on Spain the expediency of consenting to a
suspension of hostilities. The circumstances enumerated by Mr. Salazar
fact of the intelligence just received here in apparently an official form, of the
fall of the Castle of Callao ; and the information which we have also received
that Chili has sent forth a powerful expedition under the command of her
President in person, against the Archipelago of Chiloe, which has prob-
ably, before this time, been reduced by the arms of that Republic.
I shall address a Letter to you, in a short time, pointing out several
objections to the project of a convention which you have submitted to the
Duke del Infantado. In the mean time,
I am [etc.].
158
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Henry Middleton, United States Minister
to Russia1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, April 21, 1826.
We have not yet heard of the definitive decision of the Republics of
Colombia and Mexico, on the application made to them, respectively, by
this Government, to suspend any expedition meditated against the Spanish
Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. A principal object of that suspension, you
will recollect, was to afford time to ascertain the effect produced on Spain,
of the operation of those pacific Counsels which we were led to brlieve the
late Emperor would give at the instance of this Government. The necessary
time for that purpose, has been in fact gained, whatever their decision may
be, and no expedition is yet understood to have sailed from the Ports of
either of them, against those Islands. You will, therefore, represent to the
Russian Government the just expectation which, after all that has happened,
is entertained by the President, that they will use their best exertions to
hasten the conclusion of peace. We have not been informed, from Madrid,
of any efforts on the part of Russia to that end. In truth, the tenour of
Mr. Everett's despatches is, that the Russian Minister accredited to Spain,
has employed no activity in the cause of peace, if he has not lent his counte-
nance to the further prosecution of the war. Whatever, in that respect may
have been his conduct, no favourable change has yet been wrought on the
Spanish Government, which, at our last dates from Madrid, does not appear
to have been prepared to resolve on peace. You will ascertain from the
Russian Government what has been done by it on that subject, if any
thing, and what it conceives to be the prospects in future. You will have
received information of the surrender to the Mexican Republic of the
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, XI, 24.
274 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
Castle of St. Juan de Ulloa. I have now to add that of the fall of the Castle
of Callao, which capitulated to the arms of Colombia and Peru, and the
reduction, by those of Chili, of the Archipelago of Chiloe, of which intelli-
gence has just reached us. Thus the predictions contained in my note of
the loth of May last, continue to be progressively verified, and the war is
every day more and more changing its character, and becoming, as to Spain,
altogether defensive. That with respect to Cuba and Porto Rico remains
to be fulfilled, but its ultimate accomplishment, and that at no very distant
day, is inevitable, in the course of events, if the war is not ended.
The new Republics, far from being intoxicated by their signal successes,
appear to desire peace more and more, as they multiply. I received from
the Colombian Minister an official Note, under date the igth Ultimo,1
requesting the good offices of this Government to procure a suspension of
hostilities for a term of ten or twenty years. By the direction of the Presi-
dent, I returned an answer, acceding to the request, if peace should be un-
attainable in a more acceptable form; and on the I3th day of this month,2
I addressed a Note to Mr. Everett instructing him to urge Spain to agree
to the proposed armistice, if she were not prepared to subscribe to a general
peace on the basis of acknowledging the Independence of the new Republics.
I now transmit you copies of these three several notes, with the direction
of the President that you will invite the co-operation of Russia to put an
end to hostilities, in this limited form, if the object shall have been found,
in the mean time, unpracticable on that more extensive basis.
159
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Baron de Maltitz, Russian Charge d" Affaires
in the United States 3
WASHINGTON, May 26, 1826.
SIR: I have the honor to transmit to you enclosed, to be forwarded to
your Government, a copy of an official note addressed by Mr. Ravenga,4
the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Colombia to Mr. Anderson,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States
near that Republic. From the perusal of that note, it will be seen that the
Government of Colombia accedes to the request, made by this Government,
in the note addressed to Mr. Salazar under date the 2Oth day of December
1 See below, pt. vi, doc. 654.
- See above, doc. 157.
that any expedition destined against the Spanish Islands of Cuba and
Porto Rico might be suspended to afford time to ascertain the result of the
pacific counsels which the Russian Government was expected to employ with
Spain. The Republic of Colombia has given, in this instance, fresh proof
of its desire of peace, and of the respectful consideration which it entertains
for the friendly intentions of Russia.
I profit of this occasion [etc.],
160
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Jos^ Maria Salazar, Colombian Minister
to the United, States*
WASHINGTON, October 25, 1826.
SIR: I have the honour to acknowledge the due receipt of your Note under
date the 29th. Ulto.3 at New York, communicating to the Government of the
United States information, and certain acts of the Executive Government of
Colombia, in regard to the painful events which occurred in the Department
of Venezuela in the month of April of the present year.
The Government of the U. States takes the most sincere and lively interest
in all that concerns the repose and prosperity of the Republic of Colombia.
The President heard therefore of those events with deep and unaffected
regret. And he anxiously hopes that the measures which have been adopted
by the Government of Colombia to repress the Military insurrection, which
you describe, may be attended with the happy effect of preserving the
authority of the Constitution and Laws, and at the same time, of averting
the Calamity of a Civil War.
With respect to the particular object of your Note that of communicating
the fifth Article of the decree of the 8th. of July last, promulgated by your
Government, by which it declares the irresponsibility of the Republic of
Colombia for losses and damages which may be sustained by citizens of
Foreign Nations, in consequence of the disorders which unhappily prevail in
Venezuela, the President hopes that no loss or damage to any Citizen of the
United States will accrue from those disorders. But if any such loss or
damage has accrued or should arise, he cannot admit that the Government
of Colombia would not be responsible for it. And the right is, therefore,
expressly reserved to prefer any claim to which those disorders may give
birth. As the discussion of such a claim at this time might be of an abstract
question, it is postponed until the necessity for entering upon it shall be
known.
I pray you to accept [etc.].
1 See above, doc. 150.
2 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 298.
3 Not orinte.H in this ml WHnn
276 PART i: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
161
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Don JosS Maria Salazar, Colombian Min-
ister to the United States1
WASHINGTON, October 31, 1826.
SIR: I regret that circumstances of which you are well apprized, have
prevented an earlier acknowledgment of the Note which you did me the
honour to address to me on the roth, of July last.2 The delay has, however,
afforded to the President an opportunity of more deliberately considering
its interesting contents, and forming that decision on the proposal of your
Government which I have now to communicate.
The interest which the Republic of Colombia takes in the termination of
the war between the Brazils and Buenos Ayres is honourable to her human-
ity. The Government of the United States has seen, with regret, the com-
mencement, and would behold, with great satisfaction, the conclusion of
that war. The differences between the Belligerents were not of a nature to
justify the wasting, in a premature and useless war, those exertions and
resources which would be better employed in establishing and strengthening
their respective infant institutions. But the war, in fact, exists, and the
question is, what are the best means to put an end to it? The proposal of
your Government is, that a joint mediation should be offered by the United
States, Colombia and Great Britain. The formal offer of such a mediation,
without having any intimation from either belligerent that it would be
acceptable, might not conduce to the object desired, unless the mediating
powers were prepared, which they are supposed not to be, to coerce by force
of arms compliance with the conditions which they might agree to prescribe.
We have no communication, from either of the parties to the war, that our
Interposition to bring about a peace would be agreeable. Without, there-
fore, deciding how far it might, at any time, be expedient to offer, on an
American subject and to American powers, a joint mediation composed
partly of an European State and partly of American Nations, the President
thinks that, under present circumstances, such a mediation as is supposed to
be contemplated is of too doubtful advantage to warrant the United States
to become a party to it. But you will assure the Government of Colombia
that the respective Ministers of the United States, at Buenos Ayres and Rio
Janeiro, will be instructed to afford their good offices, and to offer those of
the United States, in putting an end to a war so injurious in its example and
so pernicious in its consequences to the American hemisphere.
I avail myself of this occasion [etc.].
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 304.
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to James Cooley, appointed United States
Charge d' Affaires in Peru1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, November 6, 1826.
It should be a leading and constant object of your attention to obtain, and
communicate to this Department, by every opportunity of conveyance, that
may occur, information as well respecting the physical condition of the
Country, as the political and moral character of its institutions and inhab-
itants. The geographical boundaries of the Republic, its connexions with
Mexico, Colombia, the Republic of Bolivia, and Chili; the present state of
its Government, Revenue, Army and Navy; its prospect of forming a per-
manent Republican Constitution ; the produce of its mines now and formerly ;
and the state of its relations with European Powers, will all form important
matters of enquiry and investigation. You will especially observe the
Country with reference to its present or future capabilities of a commerce
mutually advantageous to the United States and to Peru, and communicate
the result of your observations. We should like, also, to possess accurate
information as to the actual condition of the Aborigines within the limits of
the Republic. Have they made any, and what, advances in civilization?
Are they governed by their own laws, or by those of the Vice Royalty,
formerly, and of the Republic, now? Or partly by one code and partly by
the other? Have they any civil rights or privileges secured to them, and do
they take any, and what part in the government of the Republic? Have
they a taste for, and a sense of, the value of, property? Has any progress
been made in their conversion to the Christian Religion? What have been,
and now are, the means employed to civilize them?
You will avail yourself of every suitable occasion to impress the Govern-
ment of the Republic of Peru with the friendly dispositions entertained
towards it by that of the United States. You will answer in the most frank
and full manner, all enquiries touching the practical operation of our Con-
federacy, or any of our institutions. And you should cautiously abstain
from treating with disrespect whatever you may remark to be peculiar in
the habits of the people of Peru, civil or religious.
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, XI, 180. James Cooley, of Pennsyl-
vania: Commissioned charg6 d'affaires to Peru, May 2, 1826. Died at his post, Feb-
ruary 24, 1828.
Henry Clay Secretary of State, to Baron de Maltitz, Russian Charge d" Affaires
in the United States1
WASHINGTON, December 23, 1826.
The Undersigned, Secretary of State of the United-States, in acknowl-
edging the receipt of the Note of Baron de Maltitz, Charg6 d'Afiaires of His
Imperial Majesty, the Emperor of all the Russias, under date the soth. day
of November last,2 cannot deny to himself the pleasure of repeating, in
writing, the expression which he has already had the honour to make
verbally, in an interview with the Baron, of the high satisfaction which the
President has derived from a perusal of the above Note and of the late
despatches, relating to the subject matter of it, received from the Minister
of the United States at the Court of St. Petersburg. It is peculiarly grati-
fying to the Government of the United States to find that the Successor of
their illustrious and lamented Friend cherishes towards them the same senti-
ments of respect and esteem which he ever entertained, and of which he gave
many signal proofs, and that he concurs in his enlightened views on the great
question of pacification between Spain and her former American Colonies.
Such an unbroken continuity of the policy adopted by the Emperor Alex-
ander greatly abates the force of the shock which the recent dispensation of
Providence otherwise would have inflicted.
The President never, from the moment of the receipt of the Note of Count
Nesselrode under date the 2Oth. day of August in the last year,3 permitted
himself to doubt the sincerity of the late Emperor's desire that peace should
be concluded between Spain and the new American States, nor that he would
employ, in such manner as might appear to him most proper, his best
endeavours to bring about that happy event. Information from Madrid
did, at one time, create some apprehensions that the humane intentions of
the Emperor Alexander were not seconded with sufficient zeal by his Min-
ister at that Capital; but these apprehensions have been dissipated by the
assurances which have been received from Baron de Maltitz.
The wishes of the United States in regard to Cuba and Porto Rico remain
unchanged. They desire no disturbance of the possession of Spain, believing
it most compatible with the interests and harmony of all the great powers.
They would see any such disturbance, at the instance and by the arms of
any power, with great regret. The new States have hitherto forborne, and
that principally in deference to the declared desire of the United-States and
Russia, to attack those islands. Whilst, on the other hand, Spain, instead
of listening to the councils of peace and moderation which the hopelessness
alone of the War ought to have inspired, has sent forth, from the post of
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 316.
3 See below, pt. xn, doc. 1035.
» See below, pt. xn, doc. 1025, enclosed with Middleton to Clay, August 27 1825
hostile operation against the territories of some of the new States. It was
dispersed and disabled in a storm; but neither the frowns of Providence, the
distractions at home, nor the disasters which await her, in a further prose-
cution of the war, appear yet to have awakened that unfortunate Monarchy
to a sense of the absolute necessity of terminating the existing hostilities.
Although the Government of the United-States is extremely unwilling to
see any attempt made, from any quarter, to wrest from Spain the possession
of those islands, and may yet continue to employ their exertions to prevent
it, the Undersigned is constrained, in frankness, to repeat what has been
already communicated to the Government of Russia, that if Spain shall still
unnecessarily prolong the war, and drive the new States to the necessity of
conquering peace in Cuba and Porto Rico, the Government of the United
States could not justly interpose, unless a character should be given to the
war of invasion which would render it, in reference to their own duties and
interests, improper that they should remain neutral spectators.
But the President sees with great pleasure the determination of the Em-
peror Nicholas, as announced by Baron de Maltitz, to persevere in his
efforts to prevail upon Spain to comprehend, in the actual posture of affairs,
that her true interests are on the side of peace. And he cannot but persuade
himself that those efforts will be crowned with complete success, and that the
answer required by His Imperial Majesty from the Court of Madrid to the
overtures for the conclusion of the war, either in the form of a treaty of
peace or an Armistice — an answer which the President will continue most
anxiously to expect — will be auspicious to the friends and hopes of humanity.
The Undersigned seizes this occasion [etc.].
164
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Jos e Maria Salazar, Colombian Minister
to the United States1
WASHINGTON, January 9, 1827.
SIR: I have the honour to transmit to you for the information of your
Government, Extracts from despatches which have been received at this
Department from the Ministers of the United States at the Courts of St.
Petersburg and Madrid, a copy of a Note from Mr. Middleton to Count
Nesselrode, a copy of a note from the Duke del Infantado to Mr. Everett and
copies of two notes which have passed between the Baron de Maltitz, the
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 321. The record does not enable one to identify
exactly these extracts; but see above, Clay's notes to the Russian charge and below, pts. xn
and xin.
or an Armistice between the new American Republics and bpam. It we are
not authorised to conclude, from these documents, that there will be a speedy
termination of the existing hostilities, they at least justify a strong hope that
an event so desirable can not be much longer delayed . And they prove that
the reigning Emperor of Russia has succeded to the enlightened views which
his illustrious predecessor entertained on that important question. These
documents further substantiate the friendly interest which the United States
have never ceased to take and the happy results of their interposition with
European Powers, in the cause of pacification. The Government of the
United States will continue to employ to that end their good offices. And
the President indulges the anxious wish that Spain will finally at some early
day yield to the united cooperation, and the combined motives which press
upon her to put an end to the further unnecessary continuation of the War.
I pray you [etc.].
165
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Jose Maria Salazar, Colombian Minister
to the United States1
WASHINGTON, January 15, 1827.
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the loth.
instant,2 stating the capture of the Colombian privateer, the Zulme, by the
Spanish Vessel the Mars, and another Spanish Brig, within the jurisdictional
limits of the United States, and claiming the restoration of the Privateer and
her crew. No other information of the capture has been received at this
Department; but that which you have communicated has been deemed
sufficient to lay the foundation of a demand upon the Spanish Government3
for the restoration of the Privateer and her crew. And I have accordingly,
by the directions of the President, instructed Mr. Everett, the Minister of
the United States, at the Court of Madrid, formally to make that demand.
You must, however, be sensible, Sir, that the proof of the alleged facts,
resting as it now does solely upon the ex-parte statement of the Captain of
the Privateer, which is not even verified by oath, will not be deemed sufficient
to make out the case, I have therefore to request that you will furnish au-
thentic and complete evidence verifying the illegality of the Capture. I
avail myself of this occasion to tender you assurances [etc.].
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations. Ill, 324.
* rsot printed in this collection.
3 See below, pt. i, doc. 166, Clay to Vives, February 12 1827
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Francisco Dionisio Vives, Governor and
Captain General of Cuba1
WASHINGTON, February 12, 1827.
SIR: A complaint has been received at this Department from the Minister
of the Republic of Colombia, of the capture of the Colombian Schooner
Zulme, within the jurisdictional limits of the United States. The capture is
alleged to have been made on the 30th day of May of the last year by two
Spanish armed Brigs, between Logger Head Key and, Newfound Harbour,
five miles to the South East of Key Lobo, on the Coast of Florida, the
Schooner being at anchor within the reef in about three fathoms water.
The Captors are stated afterwards to have carried their prize to the Ha-
vanna, where she yet is, and where the Crew is kept in confinement. Upon
this state of the case the Colombian Minister accredited to this Government
has demanded, in the name of his own, the restitution of the Zulme and her
Crew, together with damages for the capture and detention.1 The United
States being desirous to maintain, with perfect impartiality, the state of
neutrality in which they stand to the belligerents, feel themselves called
upon by all the obligations which it imposes, as well as by the duty of vin-
dicating their own violated territory, to cause full reparation to be made,
should the facts as stated turn out to be true. Mr. Everett has been ac-
cordingly instructed to make the proper representations at Madrid. In the
mean time, much delay may be avoided, if your Excellency should see fit
to interpose your authority to cause the restoration and indemnity due to
the occasion to be at once made. The repeated manifestations which you
have given of your desire to preserve the amicable relations between the
United States and Spain, have induced the President to direct that this
application should be addressed directly to you, in the hope that, being
enabled to satisfy yourself on the spot of the irregularity of the capture, you
will forthwith direct the Schooner and her Crew to be restored, with such
damages as belong to the justice of the case.
I avail myself of this occasion [etc.].
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 326.
282 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
167
Henrv Clay, Secretary of State, to Daniel P. Cook, United States Confidential
Agent to Cuba1
WASHINGTON, March 12, 1827.
SIR: The very great interest which the United States have in the future
fortunes of Cuba, and the present dangers to which that Island is exposed
from foreign attack, as well as from internal commotion, render it expedient
that this Government should have some confidential agent on the spot,
who can communicate from time to time whatever may be likely to affect
its condition. The President entertaining a high opinion of your prudence,
patriotism and ability, was desirous to avail the public of your services on
this occasion, and therefore directed me to propose the commission to you.
Having determined to accept it, you will be pleased to proceed without
unnecessary delay, to the Havana, from such port of the United States as
may appear to you most convenient and agreeable. It is deemed best that
your agency should not be publicly known, as by keeping it secret, you will
be more able to penetrate the views and designs of parties and persons, and
collect that information which we desire to possess. But a commission is,
nevertheless, herewith, transmitted to be used, if necessary, for the protec-
tion or safety of your person, or in any emergency in which it may appear to
you to be proper to exhibit it; and a cypher is, likewise, sent, with directions
for its use, to be employed in your despatches whenever you may deem it
advisable.
The objects to which you will particularly direct your attention, and on
which it is desirable to obtain all the information that may be practicable,
are:
1st. The state of the population of the Island, exhibiting the relative
members of the various Castes, their dispositions towards each other, educa-
tion, intelligence etc.
2nd. The condition of its agriculture, extent of foreign commerce, and
proportion of good land yet waste and in cultivation.
3d. The state of political parties in the Island, their views with regard to a
continuation of their existing connexion with Spain, or in favor of Independ-
ence, or towards the new American Republics; and, especially, whether a
preference exists, and on what account, for one of those Republics, and an
aversion towards another of them. We have understood here, that a party
in the Island is anxious that it should be connected with Mexico, and that a
great repugnance exists among the inhabitants to any connection with
Colombia.
4th What are the Spanish means of resisting an attack, should one be
made, by the combined or separate forces of Colombia and the United
and to what probable extent?
5th What are the Spanish means of resistance, naval and military, if
war should be the issue of her present relations with Great Britain; and the
latter should attack Havana? And what are the dispositions of the in-
habitants towards a colonial connexion with Great Britain?
In particularizing these objects, it is not intended to exclude others which
may present themselves to you. On the contrary, the President desires
any sort of information which may tend to the formation of a correct estimate
of the value of the Island, its resources, natural and artificial, its capacity
to maintain its independence, or to resist any foreign attack with which it
may be menaced, and the dispositions and wishes of its inhabitants in respect
of the continuance of its colonial condition, to independence, or to a con-
nexion with any, and which, of the new Republics.
The design of your agency being exclusively that of collecting and trans-
mitting information to this Government, you will keep yourself aloof from,
and entirely unconnected with, any of the parties within the Island. It
does not enter into the policy or views of the Government of the United
States, to give any stimulus or countenance to insurrectionary movements,
if such be contemplated by any portion of its inhabitants — Our position
being that of peace with Spain, and neutrality in the existing war between
her and the new American Republics, fixes our duties in reference to any
commotions which may be either meditated, or, in fact, may arise in the
Island. And if they should happen to be of a character, or to take a turn,
which would require of the United States, from the relations in which they
stand to the Island, to interpose their power, it will be time enough for the
Government here, to consider and decide the nature of their intervention,
when the exigency arises.
Your allowance will be at the rate of four thousand five hundred Dollars
per annum, to commence from the time of your departure from this city,
to proceed to a port of embarkation. As to the duration of the service, no
time can be prescribed for it, at present, It will last until the occasion which
has suggested it shall cease.
In addition to the above, an allowance will be made to you of a sum equal
to your travelling expenses hence to the port of embarkation, of your passage
thence to the Havana, of your passage back to the United States from Cuba,
and of your expenses from the port of your debarkation in the United States,
to your home. The sum of one thousand Dollars is advanced to you upon
account.
I am [etc.].
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Francisco Dionisio Vives, Governor and
Captain General of Cuba1
WASHINGTON, March 14, 1827.
SIR: The Honble Daniel P. Cook, late a Member of the House of Repre-
sentatives of the United States from the State of Illinois who will deliver
you this Letter, being advised by his Physicians to try the effect of a sea
voyage and the climate of Cuba upon the very delicate state of his health,
I beg leave to recommend him to your kindness and hospitality during his
abode on the island of Cuba. The President has thought it expedient, to
avail himself of the opportunity of Mr. Cook's visit to the Havannah to
charge him confidentially with a commission,2 in the execution of which I
have also to request such aid as Your Excellency may think proper to give.
Your Excellency need not now be told of the frankness and impartiality
which have constantly characterized the Government of the United States,
during the whole of the war between Spain and her late Colonies ; nor is it
necessary to remind you of the explicit and repeated declarations of the
wishes of the Executive of the United States that the actual posture of things
in regard to Cuba should not be disturbed. The solicitude which the United
States naturally feel in the preservation of the present condition of that
island is greatly increased by the doubtful aspect of the relations between
Spain and Great Britain. And it would tend to quiet our apprehensions if
we were assured that the means of defense which the island of Cuba possesses
are adequate to repel any attack that may possibly be made either by any
European power or by the new States of America. The object therefore of
the commission with which Mr. Cook is charged is to ascertain as far as it
may be deemed proper the capabilities of the island to resist any such attack,
and also information on any collateral points which may assist us in forming
an accurate judgment on the degree of safety and security which the island
actually enjoys. Your Excellency will fully appreciate the motives which
influence the President in instituting this enquiry, and I hope will feel your-
self authorized to cause any facilities in your power to be afforded to Mr.
Cook in the accomplishment of the above commission.
I seize with pleasure, this occasion [etc.].
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 330.
• See above, doc. 167.
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Jose Maria Salazar, Colombian Minister
to the United States1
WASHINGTON, March 20,
SIR: I have the Honor, in reference to the subject of the Note which I
received from you, under date the 5th. of January last,2 which contained a
complaint of the capture of the Colombian Schooner Zulme within the terri-
torial limits of the United States by two Spanish armed Brigs, which sent
the captured Vessel into the port of Havanna, to transmit to you, herewith,
the Copy of a Letter which I wrote to General Vives, Governor and Captain
General of the Island of Cuba on the I2th. of last month,3 requesting him,
if he should see fit, to cause the schooner in question and her Crew to be
restored, with such damages as might be found to belong to the justice of
the case, to avoid the delay which would necessarily attend the application
for the same purpose which Mr. Everett is instructed to make directly to
the Spanish Government.
Whilst I pray you to excuse the accidental delay which has occurred in
answering your Note, you will readily perceive, in the steps which have been
taken in the matter to which it relates, a new proof of the friendly solicitude
of this Government, to maintain and cherish the amicable relations subsisting
between it and the Republic of Colombia.
I offer anew, Sir [etc.].
170
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Pablo Obregon, Mexican Minister to the
United States*
WASHINGTON, May 21, 1827.
SIR: Commodore Porter, in the service of the United Mexican States, with
the Mexican Squadron under his command, has been, as you are no doubt
aware, some time in the port of Key West, an appendage of East Florida.
From the remote situation of that port, and the almost uninhabited condition
of the Island, the Government here has not been always regularly advised of
the movements of Commodore Porter's Squadron. His entry into the port
was supposed to be for the purpose of that hospitality, which the United
States are ever ready to dispense alike to the public Vessels of all friendly
foreign Countries; and his subsequent detention in it was supposed to be in
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 335.
2 Not printed in this collection.
8 See above, doc. 166.
* MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 357.
egress hazardous, cut miormauon uas icccn<,vy ico.^^^^ ^« ^^— v— — »,
that" Commodore Porter is availing himself of his position to increase his
force, and to send out cruizers to annoy the Spanish Commerce. Such a
Ixrlligerent use of a port of the United States is contrary to that state of
known neutrality in which they stand in respect to the existing war between
Mexico and Spain. Whilst the Government of the United States is ever
ready and anxious to fulfil all the obligations of the most liberal hospitality,
they cannot allow any departure within their jurisdiction from the line of a
strict and impartial neutrality.
I am directed therefore by the President to request that you will adopt
Mich measures as may appear to you proper to prevent any act or proceeding
on the part of Commodore Porter, in violation of the neutrality of the
United States.
I pray you to accept [etc.].
171
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Hilario de Rivas y Salmon, Spanish Charge
d' Affaires in the United States1
WASHINGTON, June 9, 1827.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Note of the 3ist.
ultimo, which I have submitted to the President of the United States.
Without entering into the general discussion of the principles which should
regulate the conduct of a neutral Nation, during a state of war, which may
unhappily exist between other Nations — a discussion which does not appear
to me to be necessary at this time, I will limit myself to a few general
observations.
The United States have been most anxious, during the whole course of
the war between Spain, and the Southern Republics, strictly to perform
towards each party all the duties of an impartial neutrality. The Govern-
ment of this Union has never willingly permitted a violation of any of those
duties. If there has been any such violation, it has not been with the con-
.*nt or knowledge of the Government. Should any instances have never-
tnete* happened, it ought to be recollected, on the other hand, that the
nited btates have had much cause to complain of injuries inflicted by the
Uhigerents on their lawful commerce; and sometimes of violation of their
territorial jurisdiction. A recent instance of want of respect to that juris-
diction occurred on lite same Coast of Florida to which you refer, in the
£h i" tr .Schrcr ** Zulme by t™ armed vessei* - *e
of the king of Spam. And to this day we have no information that
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 365.
territorial rights, or any indemnity awarded to the parties who suffered in
consequence thereof.
With respect to the vessels, built within the United States, which are
referred to in your two notes of the 22d. September and 29th. November
1825, they did not leave our ports armed and equipt for hostile action. And
it is remarkable that at the very moment when the precautionary measure
was adopted in the United States of placing those vessels under bond, that '
very measure was suggested by the Duke del Infantado the Spanish Minister
of Foreign Affairs to the Minister of the United States at the Court of
Madrid, as one that would be proper, and satisfactory to the Government
of Spain.
If vessels have been built in the United States and afterwards sold to one
of the belligerents and converted into Vessels of War, our Citizens engaged
in that species of manufacture have been equally ready to build and sell
Vessels to the other belligerent. In point of fact both belligerents have
occasionally supplied themselves with Vessels of War from Citizens of the
United States. And the very singular case has occurred of the same Ship-
builder having sold two Vessels, one to the King of Spain, and the other to
one of the Southern Republics, which Vessels afterwards met and encoun-
tered each other at Sea.
During a state of war between two Nations the Commercial industry and
pursuits of a Neutral Nation are often materially injured. If the neutral
finds some compensation in a new species of industry which the necessities of
the belligerents stimulate or bring into activity it cannot be deemed very
unreasonable that he should avail himself of that compensation, provided he
confines himself within the line of entire impartiality, and violates no rule of
public law.
The article in the treaty of 1795, between the United States and His
Catholic Majesty cited by you does not apply to such a service as that in
which Commodore David Porter has engaged under the Government of the
United Mexican States. That article prohibits any Citizen Subject or in-
habitant of the United States to apply for or take any Commission or Letters
of Marque for arming any Ship or Ships to act as privateers against the sub-
jects of His Catholic Majesty "or the property of any of them, from any
Prince or State with which the said King shall be at War". Commodore
Porter is not known to have applied for or taken any Commission or Letter
of Marque from the Government of Mexico, for arming any Ship or Ships to
act as privateers against the subjects of his Catholic Majesty, or their prop-
erty. He is understood to have entered the public Naval Service of that
Government, and that is not prohibited by the treaty. But even if he had
incurred the penalty of piracy, which is denounced by the same article of the
treaty, it cannot be admitted that the United States are bound to seize and
consider whether he is comprehended or not in that provision of the treaty.
The refuge which Commodore Porter has taken in the port of Key West
was not desired by the Government of the United States. He sought it to
escape from the danger of a Superior force, and to enjoy that hospitality
which the United States dispense equally to all friends and which would be
satisfactorily rendered to a Squadron of his Catholic Majesty, under analo-
gous circumstances. The fact of his long continuance there the Government
of the United States supposed attributable to the presence of that Superior
force, which if it has as you state, preceded to Blockade the port of Key
west, has undertaken what it had no right to do by the public law.
Key west as you well know, is one of the remotest points of our Southern
frontier. It is but thinly peopled. This Government has no force there.
Information from it is not very regularly received. Reports having however
reached Washington that some of the proceedings of Commodore Porter at
Key West might not be considered as strictly compatible with the neutrality
of the United States, prior to the receipt of your note, a representation to
that effect was made from this Department to the Mexican Minister who, in
answer, gave the strongest assurances that due respect should be paid to the
neutrality of the United States. I have the honor to transmit to you here-
with a Copy of a Letter from the Collector of that port addressed to Commo-
dore Laborde, from a perusal of which you will perceive that nothing has
been done within the knowledge of that officer by Commodore Porter, con-
trary to our neutral obligations. And this statement of the Collector is
corroberated by the testimony of Lieut. Thompson furnished by yourself, in
which he states that the authorities at Key West were ignorant of the expedi-
tion which was placed under his command.
If the force of Commodore Porter, while his Squadron has been at Key
West, has been augmented, if he has availed himself of that position to send
out Cruizers for the purpose of annoying the Spanish Commerce, and cap-
turing Spanish Vessels, and returning into port with them, and if he has
undertaken to sell his prizes in that port, he has abused the hospitality of the
United States.
Assuming the accuracy of the documents transmitted by you to this De-
partment, which we have no reason to doubt, Commodore Porter has made a
belligerent use of that station, which he ought not to have done. This being
the first authentic information which we have received of his illegal conduct,
I have the satisfaction to inform you that prompt and efficient measures will
be taken to cause the neutrality of the United States to be duly respected by
Commodore Porter's squadron in the port of Key West.
We have no information whatever of 160 Seamen having been sent from
the port of New York to strengthen the force of Commodore Porter, other
than that which is contained in your Note; and we cannot but believe that
communicated the statement to you.
With respect to the demand which you make that the Bonds which have
been taken from the Owners of Vessels, that they should not employ them
against any power with which the United States are at peace, the President
would direct the necessary prosecutions to be instituted against the obligors,
if we possessed any evidence of the breach, of their obligations ; and if you will
furnish such evidence, or inform us where it can be procured by reasonable
efforts, the prosecutions will be accordingly ordered. But the mere fact of
the employment of any such Vessels by the Enemies of Spain, in belligerent
operations, would not of itself be sufficient to subject the obligors to a for-
feiture of their bonds. They did not bind themselves that, at no future time
indefinitely, after they had, by a bona fide transfer, of their Vessels, lost all
control over them, should they be employed, in the possession of others,
against a friend of the United States. They were bound for their own good
conduct, not for the acts of others.
I pray you to accept [etc.].
172
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Chevalier Francisco Tacon, Spanish Min-
ister Resident to the United States l
WASHINGTON, D. C. October 31, 1827.
SIR: I have submitted to the President of the United States the Letter
which you did me the honor to address to me on the 5th. instant. Having
conveyed the first information which was received at this Department of the
equipping of the Corvette Kensington, in the port of Philadelphia, shortly
after the receipt of it, an inquiry was directed into the condition and circum-
stances of that Vessel, and the proper Law Officer of the Government was
instructed, if they were found to be such as were prohibited by Law, to
institute the requisite prosecutions. An order has been issued from the
proper Department to the Collector of the Port of Philadelphia, to require
of her owner or Consignees, if necessary, bond, with sufficient sureties, in
conformity with the provisions of the Act of Congress of the 20th. April,
1818, that the Vessel shall not be employed by the Owners to cruize or com-
mit hostilities against any Nation with which the United-States are in peace.
Perhaps I ought to content myself with the above statement, as presenting
a sufficient answer to your Note. But the Government of the United States,
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, III, 396. Francisco Tacon, minister resident of Spain
in the United States: Presented credentials, July 25, 1827. Presented credentials as envoy
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, November n, 1833. Died in Philadelphia,
June 22, 1835.
290 PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
participating most sincerely in the desire expressed by you, that all causes of
complaint which might impair the friendly relations happily subsisting be-
tween the two countries, should be removed, or satisfactorily explained, I
will add a few general observations.
It is certain that the United States from their proximity to the theatre of
the existing war between Spain and the Southern Republics, offer in their
commerce, their manufactures, and their navigation, greater facilities to its
prosecution than any other nation. This Government has nevertheless,
been most anxious that neither party should draw from the United States any
resources contrary to the public Law, and to the duties of an impartial neu-
trality. Nor can it be admitted that the efforts of the Federal Government,
to prevent the violation of neutral obligations, have been ineffectual. Of the
aids which the fair commerce of the United States supplies, both belligerents
have occasionally taken free advantage. If the Citizens of the United States
had sold objects of their legitimate commerce and industry to one party, and
refused a sale of similar objects to the other party, there would have existed
just ground of complaint. But no such partiality has been practised.
With respect to the particular article of Ships, as stated in the Letter which
I had the honor of addressing to your predecessor, under date the 3d. day of
June last, both Spain and some of the Southern Republics are believed to
have freely availed themselves of the industry and commerce of the people of
the United States in the procurement of them. Nor is it believed that the
public Law or usuage among Nations is opposed to the sale of ships, as an
object of commerce to either belligerent.
Ship Building is a great branch of American Manufactures, in which the
Citizens of the United States may lawfully employ their capital and industry.
When built, they may seek a market for the article in foreign ports as well as
their own. The Government adopts the necessary precaution to prevent any
private American Vessel from leaving our ports equipped and prepared for
hostile action; or, if it allow, in any instance, a partial or imperfect arma-
ment, it subjects the owner of the vessel to the performance of the duty of
giving bond, with adequate security, that she shall not be employed to cruize
or commit hostilities against a friend of the United States.
It may possibly be deemed a violation of strict neutrality to sell to a bel-
ligerent, vessels of war completely equipped and armed for battle: and yet
the late Emperor of Russia could not have entertained that opinion, or he
would not have sold to Spain during the present war, to which he was a
neutral, a whole fleet of Ships of War, including some of the line.
But if it be forbidden by the Law of neutrality to sell to a belligerent an
armed vessel completely equipped and ready for action, it is believed not to
Vi*i /»rvn+f *a f ~\7 ir\ •hna t" T otir i^r\ coll -frs o Vvolli rvor-an-f- o TT^C
their incontestable right to dispose of the property which they may have in
an unarmed ship to a belligerent, would, in effect be, to demand that they
should cease to have any commerce, or to employ any navigation, in their
intercourse with the belligerent. It would require more — it would be neces-
sary to lay a general embargo, and to put an entire stop to the total commerce
of the neutral with all nations. For if a ship, or any other article of manu-
facture, or commerce, applicable to the purpose of war, went to sea at all, it
might, directly or indirectly, find its way into the ports, and subsequently
become the property, of a belligerent.
The neutral is always seriously affected in the pursuit of his Lawful com-
merce by a state of war between other powers. It can hardly be expected
that he shall submit to a universal cessation of his trade, because, by possi-
bility some of the subjects of it may be acquired in a regular course of busi-
ness by a belligerent, and may aid him in his efforts against an enemy. If
the neutral show no partiality ; if he is as ready to sell to one belligerant as the
other; and if he take, himself, no part in the war, he cannot be justly accused
of any violation of his neutral obligations.
So far as an investigation has been yet made, it has not resulted in the
ascertainment of the fact stated by you, that the Kensington belongs to the
Mexican Government. On the contrary, it appears that she is the property
of American Citizens, built with their capital, and by their industry. They
affirm that they neither have engaged, nor intend engaging, a single sailor to
man her for any other purpose than that of peaceful commerce.
The alleged inefficiency of the bonds which have been exacted of the
Owners or Consignees of vessels, according to the enactment of the act of
Congress of the 20th. April, 1818, to accomplish the purpose for which they
were executed, cannot be admitted. If in any instance, those bonds have
been violated, it is unknown to the Government of the United States. And
if you will communicate any evidence, or information by which evidence may
be acquired to establish the fact that the obligors have deviated from their
obligation, in any case, a prompt enforcement of it will be ordered.
Such, Sir, is a candid exposition of the views and principles which have
guided the Government of the United States, I cannot doubt that it will be
received by His Catholic Majesty as a further evidence of the fairness and
justice which the United States have uniformly observed throughout the
whole progress of the present unhappy War.
I avail myself of this occasion [etc.].
2Q2 PART i: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
173
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to John M. Forbes, United States Charge
d? Affaires at Buenos Aires1
WASHINGTON, January 3, 1828.
SIR: I should have, long since, noticed the subject which formed the princi-
pal topic of your conference with the President of the Argentine Republic, in
August of the year before last (a minute of which, together with your cor-
respondence on the same subject, with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of that
Republic is transmitted with your despatch No 40 2) if the arrival of a
Minister from Buenos Ayres had not been expected. In both the minute
and the correspondence above referred to, it is stated that such a minister
was about to be sent to the United States; but as he has not arrived, and as
we have heard nothing, of late, about him, I will not longer delay communi-
cating to you the views which are entertained by the President of the United
States, on the two enquiries with which Mr. de la Cruz concludes his note to
you. Those enquiries relate to the declaration of the late President of the
United States, contained in his message to Congress, of the 2d. December
1823, against the interference of Europe with the affairs of America. At the
period of that declaration, apprehensions were entertained of designs, on the
part of the Allied Powers of Europe to interfere, in behalf of Spain, to reduce
again to subjection, those parts of the Continent of America which had
thrown off the Spanish yoke. The declaration of the late President was that
of the head of the Executive Government of the United States. Although
there is every reason to believe that the policy which it announced was in
conformity with the opinion both of the nation and of Congress, the declara-
tion must be regarded as having been voluntarily made, and not as conveying
any pledge or obligation, the performance of which foreign nations have a
right to demand. When the case shall arrive, if it should ever occur, of such
an European interference as the message supposes, and it becomes conse-
quently necessary to decide whether this country will or will not engage in
war, Congress alone, you well know, is competent, by our Constitution, to
decide that question. In the event of such an interference, there can be but
little doubt that the sentiment contained in President Monroe's message,
would be still that of the People and Government of the United States.
We have much reason to believe that the declaration of Mr. Monroe had
great, if not decisive, influence, in preventing all interference, on the part of
the Allied Powers of Europe to the prejudice of the new Republics of America.
From that period down to the present time, the efforts of the Government of
the United States have been unremitted to accomplish the same object. It
was one of the first acts of the present administration to engage the head of
n/ro T j. ^'
offices to put a stop to the further effusion of human blood, by the establish-
ment of a peace between Spain and those new Republics. Entering fully
into the views of the United States, he did give his advice, to that effect, to
the Spanish Government. His successor, the Emperor Nicholas, is known to
march in the same line of policy which was marked out by his illustrious
brother.
Not long after President Monroe's declaration, Great Britain took the
decided step of acknowledging the independence of several of the new Re-
publics. More recently France, and other European Powers, have given
indications of their intention to follow the example of the United States.
It may then be confidently affirmed that there is no longer any danger
whatever of the contingency happening, which is supposed by Mr. Monroe's
message, of such an interference, on the part of Europe, with the concerns of
America, as would make it expedient for the Government of the United
States to interpose.
In respect to the war which has unhappily been raging between the Ar-
gentine Republic, and the Emperor of Brazil, the President has seen it with
great regret, and would be very glad to hear of its honorable conclusion.
But that war cannot be conceived as presenting a state of things bearing the
remotest analogy to the case which President Monroe's message deprecates.
It is a war strictly American in its origin and its object. It is a war in which
the Allies of Europe have taken no part. Even if Portugal and the Brazils
had remained united, and the war had been carried on by their joint arms,
against the Argentine Republic, that would have been far from presenting
the case which the message contemplated. But, by the death of the late
King of Portugal, there has been a virtual separation between the Brazils and
Portugal, and during the greater part, if not the whole, of the period of the
war, the condition of Portugal has been such as to need succor, rather than be
capable of affording it to the Brazils.
The general policy of the United States is that of strict and impartial
neutrality in reference to all wars of other Powers. It would be only in an
extreme case that they would deviate from that policy. Such a case is not
presented by the present war.
You will communicate in the most friendly manner, the substance of this
despatch to the Government near which you reside.
I am [etc.].
294 PART I '• COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
174
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to J. Rafael Revenga, Colombian Secretary of
State for Foreign Relations1
WASHINGTON, January 30, 1828.
SIR: I have received the Letter which your Excellency did me the honor
co address to me, on the 25th. of September of the last year,2 by the direc-
tions of the Liberator President on his assumption of the exercise of the
National Executive power of the Republic of Colombia. The object of
your Excellency's letter is to explain to the satisfaction of the Government
of the United States the reasons which induced the publication at Caracas
of a communication from Mr. Watts, Charge1 d'Affaires of the United-States
near the Republic of Colombia.
There is no one point in the foreign relations of the United States about
which their Government has ever been more solicitous, than that of scru-
pulously avoiding all interference in the internal affairs of another nation.
This rule of conduct, which has been invariably observed by the Govern-
ment of the United States, is founded upon the double motive of self respect,
and respect for foreign powers. As we could ourselves tolerate no inter-
ference in our affairs by any foreign power, we suppose no foreign power
would admit of any interference, on our part, in its affairs.
The communication of Mr. Watts, to which Your Excellency refers, was
made without instruction ; and the first information of it which reached the
Government of the United States, was received through the channel of the
public prints. In making that communication Mr. Watts was no doubt
actuated by a zealous interest which he took in the affairs of Colombia, and
he was probably also influenced by the laudable object of healing, rather
than exciting, intestine divisions. Your Excellency does the Government
of the United States no more than justice in supposing that it takes a deep
concern in whatever relates to the prosperity of the Republic of Colombia.
It has, consequently, seen, with regret, late events occurring within the
bosom of that Republic, whose tendency appeared to be to impair its happi-
ness; and it hails with joy the restoration of a more auspicious state of
things. Although the Government of the United States cherishes these
sentiments, it could not have allowed itself to take any part in the internal
transactions of Colombia the proper estimate of which belongs exclusively
to her own Government and people.
Whilst I feel that the occasion calls for these explanations, I take great
pleasure in being the organ of expressing the satisfaction of the President
of the United States with the reasons assigned in Your Excellency's Letter
for the publication of Mr. Watts' communication. One half of the objec-
tion to that communication is removed bv the ascertainment of thp fart
and with respect to the other half relating entirely to the United States, the
President is disposed to overlook it, under all the circumstances of the case.
With assurances of the most sincere and undiminished friendship, on the
part of the United States, for the Republic of Colombia, I beg leave [etc.].
175
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Francisco Tacon, Spanish Minister Resident
to the United States1
WASHINGTON, April u, 1828.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Note of the 26th.
ultimo,2 transmitting a copy of the representation addressed to you by the
Captain General of the Island of Cuba, in relation to the capture of the
Spanish hermaphrodite brig Reyna Amelia, off the port of Matanzas, by a
Mexican vessel of war, and subsequently brought into the port of Key west.
You demand a surrender of the prize, as having been illegally captured, and
you allege that the shelter which has been afforded her in an American port
is an additional proof that the neutrality of the United-States is not such
as is defined by the Law of Nations, nor that which is required by treaties :
and that all its advantages as practised in the United States, are in favor
of the enemies of the King of Spain.
If the prize in question had been captured within the jurisdiction of the
United-States, the President would not hesitate to direct its restoration to
its lawful Spanish owners: but it appears to have been taken on the high
seas, or, at least, without the jurisdiction of the United States. In entering
the port of Key west nothing more has been done, or will be permitted, in
relation to this prize, than, under analogous circumstances, would be allowed
in regard to a prize taken by a Spanish vessel, and brought into the same
port. Neither the Reyna Amelia, nor any of the prize goods which she may
have on board, will be permitted to be sold or otherwise disposed of, in the
United States : but the departure of both will be required. It is very possible
that some irregularities may have been committed on the Coast of Florida
by both belligerents. The Government of the United States has given no
sanction to any such irregularities; and whenever they have occurred, has
seen them with regret. It has had occasion, recently, to demand of the
Government of Spain, a surrender of the Colombian private armed schooner
Zulme, captured by Spanish Cruisers on the same Coast of Florida, within
the jurisdiction of the United States, and I am sorry to be obliged to inform
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, IV, 8.
2 Not printed in this collection.
296 PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
you that that demand remains yet to be complied with. You must be
sensible that the best title which His Majesty, the King of Spain, can have
to an enforcement, in his behalf, of the neutrality of the United States,
would be derived from the respect to the same neutrality which he may
exact from those acting in authority under him.
In the instance of the Reyna Amelia, as she has merely sought that
asylum which is equally granted to both parties, and as no sale or disposi-
tion of the Vessel or Cargo will be allowed, no violation of the public law,
nor of the obligation of existing treaties, can be admitted.
I avail myself [etc.].
176
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Pablo Obregon, Mexican Minister to the
United States1
WASHINGTON, May i, 1828.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Note of the i8th.
ultimo,2 in relation to the Mexican brig of War Hermon, and her prize, the
Spanish privateer brig Reyna Amelia, in the port of Key West. You state
that the Mexican brig captured her prize off Matanzas, and that being at
the time in sight of the Enemy's Cruisers, and his prize being in the impos-
sibility of proceeding further, in consequence of the results of the engage-
ment, he had towed her into the port of Key West: that Captain Hawkins
applied to the Collector of that port, representing the impossibility of the
prize proceeding to a Mexican port without the necessary repairs, and ask-
ing permission to make them, and for that purpose, to sell a part of the Car-
go to defray expenses: That the Collector refused permission to make the re-
pairs, on the ground that the Mexican brig had violated the neutrality of the
United-States, and stated that if the prize remained in port she would be
placed in the custody of the customhouse officers, at the disposition of the
President of the United States: That Captain Hawkins proceeded, notwith-
standing, to repair his prize, which was opposed by the Collector upon the
same ground of violation of the neutrality of the United-States, and for the
further reason that Captain Hawkins had disobeyed the verbal and written
orders which he had received not to dispose of the prize: And that the Col-
lector subsequently directed the seizure of the prize, ordered her sails to be
unbent, and the Mexican flag to be taken down, and Captain Hawkins to
leave the port with the Brig Hermon. Against this conduct of the Collector,
it appears that Caotain Hawkins nrotested.
From information received from the Collector it appears that Captain
Hawkins had previously made a use of the hospitality granted him and the
brig Hermon in the port of Key West, inconsistent with the neutrality of the
United States: that he had appeared to regard it for ail the purposes of bel-
ligerent operations against the commerce of Spain, as a Mexican port, issuing
out of it for the purpose of annoying that commerce, and returning to it at
pleasure: that he had brought prizes into it, taken from Spain, and had ran-
somed some of them within the port; and that he had supplied himself prior
to the cruize which terminated in the capture of the Reyna Amelia, with
Cannon shot procured in the port of Key West.
This is not the first instance of an abuse of the privileges of the hospi-
tality of the United States by Mexican armed Vessels in the same port. Its
situation is such as to afford great facilities to the Mexican armed vessels in
committing depredations upon Spanish Commerce without offering corre-
sponding advantages to the other belligerent. Without regard to that in-
equality the Government of the United States has been sincerely disposed to
perform, towards both belligerents, all the offices of hospitality enjoined by
humanity and the public law, and consistent with their friendship to both.
But it can permit neither, under allegations of distress, whether feigned or
real, to perform acts incompatible with a strict and impartial neutrality. It
may become the Government of the United States seriously to consider
whether it ought not to apply the only effectual remedy for preventing irreg-
ularities by excluding the armed vessels of both belligerents and their prizes
from the port of Key- West, which offers so many temptations to the viola-
tion of the neutrality of the United States. It appears from the statement
which you have yourself presented, that Captain Hawkins in defiance of the
authority of the Collector, proceeded to repair his prize and remained in
port with the brig Hermon, after he had been required to depart.
Under all the circumstances of the case, the President does not feel it in-
cumbent upon him to direct the delivery of the prize to Captain Hawkins.
But deems it proper to leave the question to be settled by the proper judi-
cial tribunals, which are competent to afford adequate redress to Captain
Hawkins if he has been really injured. Those tribunals will decide whether
there has been any such violation of the laws and neutrality of the United
States as to make it the duty of their Government to withhold the surrender
of the prize.
With respect to the lowering of the Mexican flag, that was the mere conse-
quence of the forfeiture and seizure of the prize. It was not intended, and
ought not to be regarded as manifesting any disrespect or indignity to the
flag or Government of the United Mexican States.
The laws of the United States do not admit of the sale, within their juris-
diction, for any purpose, of prize goods taken by one belligerent from another
and brought into their ports. This Government does not take jurisdiction
298 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
at all upon the question of prize or no prize, but leaves that question, ex-
clusively to the cognizance of the tribunals of the respective belligerents.
Whether, therefore, the capture of the Reyna Amelia was complete or not
when she entered the port of Key West, there was no right to sell any portion
of her cargo, at least prior to a regular condemnation.
I have the honor to transmit you, herewith, a copy of a Treasury Circular
long since issued and published — in which the course of policy pursued to-
wards belligerents is distinctly announced.
I avail myself [etc.].
177
Daniel Brent, Chief Clerk of the Department of Slate, to Francisco Tacon,
Spanish Minister Resident to the United States1
WASHINGTON, August 2, 1828.
SIR: I duly received your Letter of the 28th. of June,2 addressed to the Sec-
retary, stating that it had come to the knowledge of your Government that
Commodore Porter, of the Mexican Navy, had published a decree, command-
ing that all neutral vessels, having on board Spanish property, or articles
contraband of war, should be detained, and the said property, or articles con-
fiscated ; and that you had received instructions from your Government to
represent to this, that His Catholic Majesty would be compelled to adopt
reciprocal measures with regard to the vessels of this Union, if this Govern-
ment did not cause its flag to be respected in the matter referred to ; and in
the absence of Mr. Clay, I submitted your Letter to the President, I am di-
rected by him now to inform you, as I have the Honor of doing, that no time
was lost on the part of this Government, after the appearance of the decree
in question, in remonstrating with that of Mexico, against its principles and
legality, and that there is reason to believe that the Government of Mexico
will not enforce it, with regard to vessels of the United States.
I pray you, Sir, [etc.].
178
Daniel Brent, Chief Clerk of the Department of State, to Francisco Tacon,
Spanish Minister Resident to the United States9
WASHINGTON, September 20, 1828.
SIR: In the continued absence of the Secretary of State, I had the honor
to receive the Note which you addressed to him, under date the I5th. in-
and of several other Vessels under Buenos Ayrean Colours, had anchored in
Long Pond near New York, where he was engaged in recruiting seamen ; —
and that you had been moreover informed that a Vessel was fitting out at
Baltimore under the direction of Captain Cotherell, to be employed as a pri-
vateer against the subjects of His Catholic Majesty, — and requesting that
proper measures might be adopted to prevent and punish these infractions
of the neutrality of the United States.
I will lose no time, upon Mr. Clay's return to the Seat of Government, in
laying your Note before him; and in the mean-while, I take great pleasure in
stating for your information, that I have submitted it to the President, who
has caused such orders to be given, as, it is hoped, will prove effectual in ar-
resting the proceedings complained of against Captain Fournier, if these pro-
ceedings shall have been correctly reported to you, and in stopping, likewise
the armament of the Vessel of War at Baltimore, to which you refer, if that
armament shall also prove to be of the character imputed to it.
I take advantage of this occasion [etc.].
179
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Alejandro Valez, Colombian Charged1 Affaires
in the United States*
WASHINGTON, October 14, 1828.
SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your Letter of yesterday. I
participate the regret which you express on account of our not having a per-
sonal interview, when you were last in this City. Having always derived
from our official intercourse a high degree of satisfaction, I should have been
happy, if it had been conformable with the views of your Government and
with your own wishes that you should have continued to represent it. I
hope, in the different disposition which has been made, that you will find
your interests and prosperity promoted, and that your Successor may be ani-
mated by the same frank and friendly sentiments which I have always found
in you :
It is very gratifying to me to know that my efforts to produce the recog-
nition of Colombia, as an Independent State, are justly appreciated by you.
They proceeded from a conviction that it was an act of justice, and from a
lively interest which I felt in the welfare of that Republic. That interest is
unabated, and I shall continue to cherish it, under all vicissitudes.
1 Not printed in this collection.
2 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, IV, 76. Alejandro Velez, charge d'affaires of Co-
lombia to the United States: Placed in charge of legation, June 17, 1828. Department
informed, by note of August 11, 1828, of the withdrawal of legation. Transmitted his letter
of recall to Department, August 17.
3OO PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
I thank you for your obliging offer to execute any Commands I might
have for Colombia. I have none at this time. I beg you to carry with you
my anxious wishes for the happiness, and prosperity of your Country and
for your own.
I am [etc.],
180
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to F. I, Mariategui, Minister of Foreign
Affairs of Peru1
WASHINGTON, December 30, 1828.
MOST EXCT. SIR: I had the honor of receiving, several months ago, an of-
ficial Letter under date the i6th of November of the last year, from Mr. F.
I. Mariategui, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Peru, recount-
ing the events which led to the present Constitution of that Republic, com-
municating apprehensions that General Bolivar meditated war upon it, and
inviting the Government of the United States to interpose its mediation in
defence of the peace and freedom of Peru. The Letter is presumed to have
been addressed directly to the Secretary of State of the United-States, be-
cause the Republic of Peru had no diplomatic Representation accredited near
them. The death of Mr. Cooley, the Charg£ d' Affaires of the United States
at Peru, and the delay incident to the designation of his successor, have
hitherto prevented the return of such an answer as was due to the important
character of that Letter. Mr. Larned, our Charge d'Affaires at Chile, hav-
ing been appointed to replace Mr. Cooley, is charged to communicate2 the
views of the President which I hope will prove entirely satisfactory to Your
Excellency, and to your Government.
I avail myself [etc.].
181
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Samuel Larned, United States Charge
d'Affaires in Peru*
WASHINGTON, January i,
SIR: I received an official letter from the Minister of Foreign Relations of
the Republic of Peru, under date the i6th. November, of the last year,
1 MS Notes to Foreign Legations, IV, 131. The letter of which the receipt is here
acknowledged is not printed in this collection. Its contents are evident from doc 1 8 1 below
See below, pt. I, doc. 181, Clay to Larned, January I, 1829.
T I* ^S- InstrHct.ions to United States Ministers, XII, 177. Samuel Larned, of Rhode
Island: Commissioned secretary of legation in Chile, November 18, 1823. Left in charge
July 31 1827 Commissioned as charge d'affaires. February 20. 1828. Left Orf-nhpr f/.'
DOCUMENT l8i: JANUARY I, 1829 301
communicating the events which preceded and led to the formation of the
present Constitution of Peru, imputing to General Bolivar vast designs of
Ambition, and expressing apprehensions that he entertained hostile designs
against Peru, and that an attempt would be made to conquer it by the com-
bined forces of Colombia and Bolivia. The letter, of which a copy is here-
with transmitted, concluded by inviting the Government of the United
States to interpose its mediation in defence of the peace and freedom of Peru.
Several causes, among which may be mentioned the death of Mr Cooley,
and unavoidable delay in the designation of his successor, have hitherto
postponed the return of such an answer as was due to the important nature
of that communication. The Government of the United States has ever
taken, and continues to feel, the deepest interest in the success and prosperity
of the southern Republics of the Continent of America. It is sensible that
peace is required by their condition, to enable them to repair the ravages of
war; to establish and consolidate their free institutions, and to take that
respectable stand among the nations of the earth, which, it is sincerely hoped,
they will occupy. It would be just cause of deep and universal regret if at
the moment when one war is extinguished on the Atlantic side of South
America, another should be lighted up on that of the Pacific. Although
other information had reached us, corroborating that which is contained in
the letter of the Minister of Foreign Relations of Peru, of the inimical de-
signs upon that Republic of General Bolivar, the President, reluctant to
credit them, had entertained a hope that the distracted condition of Colom-
bia, and the disorder of her finances, if not a proper sense of his true glory,
would have dissuaded him from rashly engaging in foreign war. Recent
intelligence received here, however, seems to render too probable such an
event.
General Harrison, the Minister of the United States near the Republic of
Colombia, has recently taken his departure to proceed to the discharge
of the duties of his mission. In consequence of the anxiety which the Presi-
dent feels that the menaced war should not be kindled, that Minister has
been charged among the first duties which he performs, upon his arrival at
Bogota, to communicate to the Government of Colombia, the President's
"anxious wish that the war may be averted if it has not broken out, or may
be honorably terminated, if it has commenced." And he was directed to
embrace some suitable occasion "to communicate this sentiment to the
Colombian Government, and to express the gratification which the Presi-
dent will derive from the existence of peace and a good understanding
between two countries in whose prosperity and happiness the United States
must ever feel a lively interest."
Vrm iirill ciccnr<=» i-lii^ r~ir»Arp>rnmpnf of Pprn thai" it r1r>f=><? nnt tr>r> TiicrhKr p>cft..
302
PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
power, not inconsistent with the paramount duties which it owes to the
People of the United States. And you will communicate to it the substance
of this despatch with the purport of the instruction given to General Har-
rison.
The policy of the United States is that of peace and friendship with all
nations, always regretting, but carefully avoiding taking any part in, their
wars, and abstaining, with the utmost caution and delicacy from all inter-
ference in their internal concerns. Hitherto the United States have never
assumed the office of Mediator. It is one which draws after it high duties
and great responsibility, and it ought never to be undertaken but upon full
consideration of his own condition, and that of both of the States between
which it is proposed he should mediate. It ought not to be undertaken
without the consent of both those States. As the Government of Colombia
has not requested the mediation of the United States, and has given no
intimation of its wishes upon that subject, it is deemed proper to wait until
an answer shall be received to the communication which General Harrison
has been instructed to make. Without intending now to pledge the Govern-
ment of the United States to assume the office, whatever may be the nature
of that answer, you will inform the Government of Peru, that, when it is
received, this Government will be able to decide how far it will be compatible
with its own interest and its friendly relations with its two sister Republics
to interpose between them.
I transmit, herewith, a letter addressed to the Minister of Foreign Rela-
tions of the Republic of Peru, which you will deliver to that officer. On
perusing it, you will perceive that he is referred to you for the views of the
President in regard to the proposed mediation.
I am [etc.].
182
Henry Clay, Secretary of State, to Xavier de Medina, Colombian Consul
General at New York l
WASHINGTON, February p, 1829.
SIR: I have the honor to acquaint you, for the information of your Gov-
ernment, that in compliance with its wish, as signified by Don Alexandra
Velez, late Charg£ d'Affaires, to the United States, Instructions were given,
by this Department to the Minister of the United-States at Madrid, on the
2 ist. of June last,2 to endeavour to procure the exchange of a number of
Prisoners, belonging to the Colombian Privateer, General Armoria, cap-
tured, with that vessel, off the Coast of Snain. and
lotn. ot jjecemoer, just receivea at tms uepartment.
It gives me great pleasure to commtunicate this agreeable intelligence to
you, and to offer you assurances [etc.].
183
Martin Van Buren, Secretary of State, to Xavier de Medina, Colombian Consul
General at New York l
WASHINGTON, May 6, 1829.
SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Letter of the
1 8th.2 instant, containing an interesting exposition of occurrences which had
lately taken place in Colombia, and had reduced that Nation to the necessity
of temporarily assuming a form of Government, best calculated, in its
judgment to rescue it from an accumulation of evils which had been brought
upon it by a long train of unfortunate circumstances; and I pray you to
accept the assurance of my full appreciation of the very friendly motive, on
the part of your Government, which has led to this communication, and
you will be pleased at the same time to receive with kindness the expression
of my best wishes, that the difficulties and struggles in which your Nation
has been so long involved may be happily surmounted and removed, by the
Convention which is to meet in the next year, under the order of President
Bolivar, of whose past services in the cause of freedom and his Country the
history of Colombia affords so many striking proofs and whose continued
attachment to the principles of free Government will I trust be made equally
manifest by future events.
I am moreover authorised and directed by the President to inform you,
that the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, recently ap-
pointed by him, who will forthwith proceed on his Mission to the Republic of
Colombia, will be fully instructed to express the views and feelings of the
President upon all the points in which the two Governments have a common
interest, and to request you to make his sentiments known to your Govern-
ment, that he, likewise, takes a sincere interest in the good fortunes, pros-
perity and happiness of the people of Colombia, that he deeply sympathises
with them in the sufferings and privations which they have so long under-
gone, and that his best wishes also will attend the proceedings of the Assem-
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Legations, IV, 175. Martin Van Buren, of New York: Commis-
sioned Secretary of State by President Jackson, March 6, 1829; resigned April 7, 1831.
a Not printed in this collection.
304 PART l : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
bly referred to, that they may result in a Government eminently and entirely
adapted to secure the permanent Independence, Happiness and Prosperity
of its Constituents, and particularly to express the strong desire he feels that
the war which now unhappily rages between the two Republics of Colombia
and Peru, should be speedily terminated in a manner consistent with the
honor and interest of both.
I have the honor [etc.].
184
Martin Van Buren, Secretary of State, to Joaquin Campino, Chilean Minister
to the United States1
WASHINGTON, May 26, 1829.
The Undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has received
the Note which Mr. Joaquin Campino, Minister Extraordinary and Pleni-
potentiary of the Republic of Chile, addressed to him on the ist. of this
month,2 accompanied by translations of certain Notes from the Govern-
ments of Chile and the United Provinces of Rio cle la Plata, respecting the
institution of a Mediation between those of Peru and Colombia, with a view
to avert the impending contest between the two last mentioned States:
to which scheme Mr. Campino by direction of his Government, invites that
of the United States to become a Party; — and he has, likewise, received the
Note which Mr. Campino addressed to him, on the yth. instant, upon the
same subject.
Having submitted both these Notes to the consideration of the President,
the Undersigned has the honor, by his direction, to state to Mr. Campino,
that the Government of Chile does full justice to that of the United States,
in the estimate which it has been pleased to form of the deep interest which
the latter has always felt, and continues to feel, in the prosperity and happi-
ness of the two Republics referred to; and of the pleasure which the re-
establishment of amity and good understanding between them, is so well
calculated to afford to the Government of the United States.
In accordance with this sentiment, common to the late and present
Administration, measures were seasonably taken by both, for making known
to the Governments of Colombia and Peru, respectively, the earnest desire
entertained by the Government of the United States, for the restoration of
peace and amity between them.
The Undersigned is peculiarly happy in being able now to inform Mr.
Campino, that he has just received from an authentic quarter, the gratifying
1 MS. Notes to Foreign Leeations. IV. 187. Tnanm'n Tamr,;™ or,,^,, „„< r:
in uciiigcin-c ui uic ciuuucu ^uiiL-iuaiuij. ui pi jLiimmcu y cii UL.ICS ui JL
Colombia and Peru ; and it gives him very great satisfaction to furnish Mr.
Campino, with the enclosed number of the Gazette Extraordinary of Bogota,
containing a copy of the Treaty.
The Undersigned takes advantage of the occasion [etc.].
185
Martin Van Buren, Secretary of State, to Cornelius P. Van Ness, appointed
United States Minister to Spain 1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, October 2, 1829.
Among the events which have affected the condition of Spain, that which
has wrought the greatest change in her political institutions, is the revolution
by which her possessions on the Continent of America have, after a pro-
tracted and severe contest, been separated from the mother country. Situ-
ated, as we were, with territories adjoining those possessions, and viewing in
the progress of that revolution the extension over a vast portion of the new
World of the blessings of independence, and of our own principles of free
government, the United States could not remain unconcerned spectators of
a struggle whose probable result was to afford a new field for the commercial
enterprise of their citizens, and to unfold new and unknown resources to the
commerce of the world. Yet, true to the long established policy which for-
bade their interfering in the internal concerns of other nations, the Govern-
ment of the United States continued scrupulously to observe the principles
of the strictest neutrality, until, impelled by the inevitable course of events
and by the unanimous voice of the nation, it yielded its acknowledgment of
the independence of the new States, with most of whom we are now pursuing
and realizing the advantages of a free trade, equally beneficial to all the
parties concerned.
The contest between Spain and her former colonies must now be considered
as at end; yet, still entertaining vain hopes of reconquering them, she with-
holds her acknowledgment of an independence which has long since been
recognized by the most powerful and influential Governments of Europe, who
acting in the general interest of mankind, and for the advancement of the
prosperity as well of Spain herself as of her former colonies, have endeavored,
by the interposition of their friendly advice, to put an end to a contest which
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, XIII, 21. Cornelius P. Van Ness, of
Vermont: Commissioned envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Spain, June
I, 1829. Took leave, December 21, 1836.
306 PART I : COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
afflicts humanity, and never can lead to any decisive result. Your predeces-
sors were instructed to seize every opportunity of aiding in the restoration of
peace by holding up to the view of His Catholic Majesty's Government the
advantages which might still be secured by a timely acknowledgment of the
independence of the Spanish American States; and it is the wish of the Presi-
dent, should any fit occasion present itself of conveying to the Spanish
Government his views on the subject, that you should express his earnest
desire for the restoration of peace in America.
Full reliance is placed on your discretion that the manner and occasion
adopted for this communication, will be such as to avoid unprofitable irrita-
tion, the effect of which might tend to defeat the object in view.
One of the considerations which the Ministers of the United States who
preceded you at the court of His Catholic Majesty were advised to press upon
his Government as an inducement for him to terminate the contest with his
late Colonies, is the preservation of his insular possessions in the West Indies,
which still constitute a part of the Spanish Monarchy. Cuba and Porto
Rico, occupying, as they do, a most important geographical position, have
been viewed by the neighboring States of Mexico and Colombia, as military
and naval arsenals which would at all times furnish Spain with the means of
threatening their commerce, and even of endangering their political existence.
Looking with a jealous eye upon these last remnants of Spanish power in
America, these two States had once united their forces, and their arm, raised
to strike a blow which, if successful, would for ever have extinguished Spanish
influence in that quarter of the globe, was arrested chiefly by the timely
interposition of this Government, who, in a friendly spirit towards Spain, and
for the interest of general commerce thus assisted in preserving to his Catho-
lic Majesty these invaluable portions of his Colonial possessions.
The Government of the United States has always looked with the deepest
interest upon the fate of those islands, but particularly of Cuba—Its geo-
graphical position which places it almost in sight of our southern shores, and,
as it were, gives it the command of the Gulf of Mexico, and the West Indian
seas, its safe and capacious harbors, its rich productions, the exchange of
which for our surplus agricultural products and manufactures, constitutes
one of the most extensive and valuable branches of our foreign trade, render
it of the utmost importance to the United States that no change should take
place in its condition which might injuriously affect our political and com-
mercial standing in that quarter. Other considerations connected with a
certain class of our population, make it the interest of the southern section
of the Union that no attempt should be made in that island to throw off the
yoke of Spanish dependence, the first effect of which would be the sudden
emancioation of a rmmprrmc do-c
DOCUMENT 185: OCTOBER 2, 1829 307
relax in its colonial system, and to adopt with regard to those Islands, a more
liberal policy which opened their ports to general commerce, has been so far
satisfactory in the view of the United States, as in addition to other consid-
erations, to induce this Government to desire that their possession should not
be transferred from the Spanish crown to any other Power. In conformity
with this desire, the ministers of the United States at Madrid have, from
time to time, been instructed attentively to watch the course of events, and
the secret springs of European diplomacy, which, from information received
from various quarters this Government had reason to suspect had been put in
motion to effect the transfer of the possession of Cuba to the powerful allies
of Spain. It had been intimated at one time that the armed interference of
France in the affairs of that country would extend over her insular posses-
sions, and that a military occupation of Cuba was to take place for the al-
leged purpose of protecting it against foreign invasion, or internal revolu-
tionary movements. A similar design was imputed to the Government of
Great Britain; and it was stated that, in both cases, a continuance of the
occupation of the Island, was to constitute in the hands of either of those
Powers, a guaranty for the payment of heavy indemnities claimed, by France,
on the one hand, to cover the expenses of her armies of occupation; and by
Great Britain, on the other, to compensate her subjects for spoliations al-
leged to have been committed upon their commerce. The arrangements
entered into by Spain with those two Powers, by means of treaties of a recent-
date, and providing for the payment of those indemnities, although removing
the pretext upon which the occupation of Cuba would have been justified,
are not believed entirely to obviate the possibility of its eventually being
effected. The Government of the United States considers as a much stronger
pledge of its continuance under the dominion of Spain, the considerable
military and naval armaments which have recently been added to the ordi-
nary means of defence in that Island, and which are supposed fully adequate
for its protection against any attempt on the part of Foreign Powers, and for
the suppression of any insurrectionary movement on that of its inhabi-
tants.
Notwithstanding these apparent securities for the maintenance of the
Spanish authority in the Island of Cuba, as it is not impossible that Spain, in
her present embarrassed and dependent situation might be induced to yield
her assent to a temporary occupation of it as a pledge for the fulfilment of her
engagements, or to part with her right of property in it, for other consider-
ations affording immediate relief in the hour of her distress, it is the wish of
the President that the same watchfulness which had engaged the attention
of your predecessors in relation to this subject, should be continued during
your administration of the affairs of the Legation of the United States at
j __ 1 __ _ ____ :~i --- ._ j — 1,~~_ j.u:_ TV — ~_j
the United States, with regard to the Spanish Islands fully known to the
Government of His Catholic Majesty, whom you will find already possessed
of every information which you will have it in your power to communicate
upon this head. But it is not improbable that the same inquisitiveness
which has hitherto been manifested on the part of that Government in rela-
tion to it, may again be evinced by the Spanish Ministers, who, affecting to
construe the avowed anxiousness of the United States into a determination
not to suffer the possession of Cuba to pass into the hands of other Powers,
have inquired how far this Government would go in sustaining that deter-
mination: Should similar inquiries be made of you by the Ministers of His
Catholic Majesty, you are authorized to say, that the long established and
well known policy of the United States which forbids their entangling them-
selves in the concerns of other nations, and which permits their physical
force to be used only for the defence of their political rights and the protec-
tion of the persons and property of their citizens, equally forbids their public
agents to enter into positive engagements, the performance of which would
require the employment of means which the people have retained in their
own hands: But that this Government has every reason to believe that the
same influence which once averted the blow ready to fall upon the Spanish
Islands, would again be found effectual, on the recurrence of similar events,
and that the high preponderance in American affairs of the United States as
a great naval power, the influence which they must at all times command as a
great commercial nation in all questions involving the interests of the general
commerce of this hemisphere, would render their consent an essential pre-
liminary to the execution of any project calculated so vitally to affect the
general concerns of all the nations in any degree engaged in the commerce of
America. The knowledge you possess of the public sentiment of this country
in regard to Cuba, will enable you to speak with confidence and effect of the
probable consequences that might be expected from the communication of
that sentiment to Congress in the event of any contemplated change in the
present political condition of that Island.
Martin Van Bur en, Secretary of State, to Anthony Butler, appointed United
States Charge d1 Affaires in Mexico l
[EXTRACTS]
WASHINGTON, October 16, 1829.
The views and wishes of the President, both personal and official, are
directed to the success and permanent prosperity of the Republic of Mexico.
He asks at her hands nothing but justice, and would not accept from her
any advantage for the United States which would not be reciprocal, entirely
satisfied as he is, that, in the prosperity and glory of the Republic of Mexico,
the true interests of his own country would be better promoted than by her
depression and disgrace. He sees with regret the attempt of Spain to rees-
tablish her dominion over her, and sincerely wishes Mexico a safe deliver-
ance from the attacks which are made and threatened upon her liberties.
This is not, therefore, the moment which he would have selected for remon-
strance against the policy of Mexico towards this country, if the imperious
obligations of duty would allow of its postponement; but notorious facts,
the nature of which is too well understood to require explanation, leave him
no choice in the matter. Longer silence on his part might work injustice
to the United States, and prove injurious to Mexico.
A brief recapitulation of the leading circumstances, in our intercourse
with that nation, is sufficient to show that her conduct has not been of that
open and friendly character which it was our hope to find, as it had been
our endeavor to inspire, in the people of that country, by the liberal and
magnanimous bearing of the Government and people of the United States
towards them.
From the earliest dawn of the Mexican Revolution, the friendly disposi-
tion of this whole nation began to manifest itself in a manner which could
not have escaped the notice of the Mexican people, which drew from the
mother-country frequent animadversions upon our partiality towards her
revolted colonies; and was, in no small degree, productive of a coolness in
our intercourse with her, highly prejudicial to the interests of our citizens.
Yet the United States, drawn by a community of views and feelings towards
a young nation, engaged, as they once had been, in a struggle of life and
death for independence and freedom, continued to sympathize with Mexico;
and nothing but their immutable principles of non-interference in the
domestic concerns of other Nations, and of inviolable neutrality towards
belligerents, prevented them from extending a helping hand to the young
Republics of America. So long as these principles required it, the United
1 MS. Instructions to United States Ministers, American States, XIV, 150. Anthony Butler,
of Mississippi: Commissioned charge1 d'affaires to Mexico, October 12, 1829. The credentials
of his successor were presented, May n, 1836.
States remained inactive, though not unconcerned, spectators of the con-
test; while many of their citizens, voluntary exiles in the cause of American
liberty, fought by the side of their Mexican friends, to expel from the con-
tinent the last remnants of Colonial oppression. But, from the moment,
that, consistently with their rule of conduct, and the established principles
of public law, they could consider Mexico and Spain as two distinct Nations,
which fate had, for ever separated, the United States pronounced the free-
dom of America; and their Congress, with an unanimity of which the history
of legislation affords no example, invited Mexico and her sister Republics to
take their rank among the Independent Nations of the earth. The influence
which this important event had upon the conduct of the European Powers,
is too well known to require elucidation. The example of the United States
was followed almost immediately; and Mexico, a little more than one year
after she had proclaimed her independence, was represented at Washington
by a Minister invested with all the prerogatives of the Ambassador of a free
State, and diplomatic and commercial relations were, soon after, established
between her and the most influential Powers of the Old World. The time
has been when Mexico was not disposed to deny in how great a degree those
proud and auspicious results were justly attributable to the prudent, yet
bold and friendly policy of this Government towards the New States of
America. The people of this country had a right to expect, in return for
their magnanimous and disinterested conduct, the manifestation, at least, of
such a sentiment on the part of the people of Mexico, which neighboring
States should cherish, as it is their interest to cultivate and improve them.
Every step which has since that period been taken by the United States,
in their advance to meet Mexico upon terms of mutual good will, has been
marked by a character of benevolence and disinterestedness whose object
could not be mistaken. A minister of the highest rank, and invested with
the most unlimited powers, was despatched to the metropolis of the Mexican
Confederacy, provided with instructions whose every word breathes a spirit
of philanthropy and disinterested concern for the welfare of Mexico, which
ought to have disarmed every feeling of jealousy and enmity, if, indeed,
after what had passed, it could have been imagined that any such were
entertained by the Government or people of that country. . . .
Whilst this Government was thus endeavoring at home to promote the
true interests of the two countries, and to show, by acts of the most unequiv-
ocal character, its desire to lay the foundation of a close and lasting- union
between them, the same friendly spirit was displaying itself abroad, in their
diplomatic intercourse with the most powerful and influential among the
European Nations.
Early in 1825, the Minister of the United States at the Court of the
Emperor of Russia, then standing at the head of an European Alliance which
seemed to hold the scale that weighed the destinies of Empires and States
was instructed to use every effort to induce that monarch to take into his
serious consideration the then relative condition of Spain and her Ancient
Colonies, and to prevail upon the former to terminate a contest as unavail-
ing for her, as it had proved wasteful of blood and treasure to both parties.
Similar instructions1 were, at the same time, given to the diplomatic
Representatives of the United States at Paris and London; and thus a
simultaneous effort was made, at the court the three greatest potentates of
the world, to bring the united weight of their influence to bear upon the
councils of the King of Spain, and to infuse into them a spirit more favorable
to the cause of exhausted America. This friendly interference on the part
of the United States, was received in a spirit corresponding with that by
which the measure had been dictated; and this Government has every
reason to believe that the three Sovereigns to whom it was addressed were
well inclined to the great object in view, and in which this Government was
the first to act. If their efforts proved as unavailing as the repeated and
urgent representations which were made at the same time, and with the
same view by our Minister at the Court of His Catholic Majesty, it was
because of the uncompromising passions and unbending obstinacy which
smothered the voice of reason in the councils of an unfortunate Sovereign,
soured by adversity and blind to the true interests of his kingdom. Far
from our being discouraged by the failure of this expedient, and still animated
by a desire for the restoration of peace in America, it has, down to the
present period, been made a standing instruction to the Ministers of the
United States at the Court of His Catholic Majesty to avail themselves of
every fit occasion to induce his Government to give permanent tranquility
to Spanish America by the recognition of its independence, and thereby to
confer a signal blessing on the civilized world, and on no part of it more
than Spain herself.
1 See above, doc. 141, Clay's instruction to Middleton at St. Petersburg, May 10, 1825,
and his instructions within the next few days to the United States Ministers at London,
Paris, and Madrid.
312 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
187
Martin Van Bur en, Secretary of State, to Cornelius P. Van Ness, United
States Minister to Spain *
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, October 13, 1830.
SIR: I am directed by the President to call your attention to that part of
your general instructions2 which contains an expression of his solicitude
that Spain should recognise the independence of her former American
Colonies, and of his wish that you should pursue the course which had been
pointed out to several of your predecessors, by availing yourself of every
fit opportunity to make an impression upon the Spanish Government favor-
able to that step, as far as that could be done without exciting jealousies and
irritation on their part, which might affect injuriously the interests of this
country, without promoting the object in view. The present is deemed an
auspicious moment to press the subject on account of general causes as well
as of some considerations of a special character which it is made my duty to
bring to your view. Your private letter has confirmed our anticipations as
to the effect which the French Revolution was likely to produce upon the
policy of the existing authorities in Spain. It is not, one would suppose,
possible, that with the example of Charles X. before his eyes, the present
King of Spain can be so blind to his own interests and safety, as not to see
and feel that his only hope to escape a similar fate consists in pursuing a
course opposite to that which was adopted by his infatuated and unfortunate
relative. Should it be his good fortune to embrace views of duty and policy
so obvious and so just it must readily occur to him that there is no step that
he could take, short of the direct concession of a free constitution to his
subjects, which would inspire more confidence in the liberality of his views
throughout the world than the prompt recognition of the independence of
Spanish America.
Of the hopelessness of all attempts on the part of the crown of Spain
to reconquer those States — of the interest which the world, and no part of
it more than Spain, herself, has in the final settlement of that question,
and the consequent folly of keeping it on foot, it is not necessary now to
speak. These considerations are fully discussed in your instructions, and
cannot fail to be duly appreciated by you, and must, also, be confirmed by
your personal observations. If the Spanish Cabinet are yet inaccessible to
their influence, there is, perhaps, too much reason to believe that nothing
short of the scenes which have recently been witnessed in France, can raise
their views of human rights and human happiness to a level with those which
we cherish, and which, without in the slightest degree interfering in the in-
ternal concerns of other nations, we desire to see universally approved.
Government, by friendly advice and remonstrance, to consent to the recogni-
tion of the Independence of the South American States. Colonel Tornel,
in behalf of Mexico, invited a similar movement on the part of this Govern-
ment. The general interest which the United States have always taken in
whatever concerns the welfare of those of their Southern neighbors, would, of
itself, be sufficient to induce the President to do all that can be done con-
sistently with our established foreign policy, to effect the object so justly
desired by those States. The past and present relations between us and our
immediate neighbor, Mexico, furnish an additional motive for such a course,
on his part. Of the unfounded jealousies in respect to the views of the
United States towards that Republic which were heretofore entertained,
you cannot be ignorant, nor of the embarrassments in the relations of the
two countries which have resulted therefrom. I am happy to be able to
inform you, that, through the exercise of suitable means, those jealousies
have been substantially removed, and that although the principal men who
now influence the Government of that country did not belong to the party
heretofore supposed most favorable to the United States, they have, never-
theless, been impressed with just views of us, and of our wishes, and are well
disposed to cherish and maintain such relations between the two countries
as will best comport with the character, and most effectually subserve the
true interests of each. It would, therefore, be at this time more particularly
acceptable to the President to render himself useful to that Republic. This
Government has, also, been given to understand that if Spain should perse-
vere in the assertion of a hopeless claim to dominion over her former Colonies,
they will feel it to be their duty as well as their interest to attack her colonial
possessions in our vicinity — Cuba and Porto Rico. Your general instruc-
tions are full upon the subject of the interest which the United States take
in the fate of those Islands, and particularly of the latter. They inform you
that we are content that Cuba should remain as it now is, but could not
consent to its transfer to any European power. Motives of reasonable state
policy render it more desirable to us that it should remain subject to Spain
rather than to either of the South American States. Those motives will
readily present themselves to your mind. They are principally founded
upon an apprehension that, if possessed by the latter, it would, in the present
state of things be in greater danger of becoming subject to some European
Power than in its present condition. Although such are our own wishes
and true interests the President does not see on what ground he would be
justified in interfering with any attempts which the South American States
might think it for their interest in the prosecution of a defensive war to make
314 PART I: COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE UNITED STATES
upon the Islands in question. If, indeed, an attempt should be made to
disturb them by putting arms in the hands of one portion of their population
to destroy another, and which, in its influence, would endanger the peace
of a portion of the United States, the case might be different. Against such
an attempt the United States, being informed that it was in contemplation,
have already protested, and warmly remonstrated in their communications,
!a-t -uninier, with the Government of Mexico. But the information lately
communicated to us, in this regard, was accompanied by a solemn assurance
that no such measures will, in any event, be resorted to; and that the contest,
if forced upon them, will be carried on, on their part, with strict reference
to the established rules of civilized warfare.
The President finds in this consideration, an additional motive to desire
that Spain should no longer withhold her recognition of the Independence
of the New American States, and he cannot but hope that the matter, when
wtll understood and fully considered, will be viewed in the same light by
Spain herself. Xo objections are perceived against a frank communication of
tlie substance of your instructions in this regard to the British Minister at
the Court of Spain, nor to a cooperation with him (if the information given
itj tin? Government prove correct,) in effecting the desired result. The Pres-
ident, however, always relies upon your discretion that nothing shall be
done, or attempted by you, which can, to any extent, impair the friendly re-
lati-.n^ between the United States and Spain, or which would, in substance,
conflict with the well known policy of the United States in regard to its in-
terference in the internal concerns of other countries.
188
Martin Van Burm, Secretary of State, to John Hamm, appointed United
States Chargt $ Affaires in Chile1
[EXTRACT]
WASHINGTON, October 75, 1830,
Sis . You are already informed of your appointment as Charge" d'Aff aires
of the United States near the Republic of Chile, and of the President's de-
sire that you should repair to Santiago, to enter upon the duties of your
mission. I now proceed to furnish you with the instructions of this Depart-
ment for your guidance in conducting the diplomatic relations of the United
States with that Republic.
Shortly after the recognition by this Government of the independence of
ni f*:Sl. !l?strac?i°ns 5 L'°««d States Minister, American States, XIV, 83. John Hamm,
ister Plenipotentiary of this Government near that of Chile, who, in Novem-
ber of 1823, proceeded to Santiago. This first movement towards the estab-
lishment of regular intercourse was, in 1827, reciprocated by Chile, by the
appointment, in the person of Mr. Joaquin Carnpino, of a minister of the
same rank, who continued to reside in the United States, in his public ca-
pacity, until May, 1829, when he took his leave of this Government, near
which that of Chile has remained unrepresented ever since.
The principal objects of Mr. Allen's mission, besides apprizing the Gov-
ernment near which he was accredited, of its recognition by this, were to
arrange our commercial relations with that country upon a permanent and
advantageous footing of reciprocity.
PART II
COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
189
The Governing Junta of the Provinces of the Rio de la Plata to James Madison,
President of the United States l
[TRANSLATION]
BUENOS AIRES, February u, 1811.
The marked proofs which your Excellency has given of your Beneficence
and magnanimity towards the Province of Caracas are irrefragable testi-
monies of the lively Interest which your Excy takes in the Rights of Human-
ity. In truth, none are more likely to respect them in others than those
who have had the misfortune to see them outraged towards themselves.
The perfect conformity of our Political Situation, and of the causes of it,
with that of the Noble Caraquans, gives us an equal Right to hope that it
will be agreeable to your Excellency, that the United States should tighten
with the Provinces on the Rio la Plata the common chain of Nations, by a
Cordiality more firm and expressive.
The Inhabitants of these Provinces, for a long time past, altho' much op-
pressed under the yoke of an arbitrary authority, fulfilled their Duties, with
all the fidelity of subjects and all the Honor of Citizens. They were per-
suaded that the Reunion of the whole Spanish Monarchy was the only thing
that could save it from Ruin. To secure this Union there could have been
no Sacrifice that could have appeared too great for a People, who had at the
price of their Blood succeeded in redeeming these Dominions. In effect, to
Save the Kingdom from this assassinating orde [sic] which now crams itself
with the carcass of Europe, every thing was put in contribution, and so long
as our Hopes lasted, we considered it our Duty not to think of ourselves.
The Theatre changed its scene — almost the whole of the Peninsula fell under
the Dominion of the common oppressor and that Body of Ambitious Egotists,
of which was composed the Central Junta, was dissolved and dispersed.
This was precisely the case, in which the same Principles of Loyalty which
had until then retained us in Union with Spain authorised our separation.
1 MS. Papers relative to the Revolted Spanish Provinces. The document of which this is a
translation reached the Department as an enclosure to the following letter from Taleifero de
Orea to Secretary of State, Monroe:
[TRANSLATION]
PHILADELPHIA, June 18, 1811.
EXCELLENT SIR: A gentleman who has arrived in this City from Buenos Ayres has
charged me to send to the His Excy the President the two inclosed official letters from
the Supreme Junta at that Place — desiring an answer for that government or some other
Document to prove that these letters were delivered — _
Your Excy being the only channel (for such communications) and being satisfied of
,,^,._ „«„,}„ ,•.<-£• T +n\ra. *-ko T JK«»i-*-Tr onH -Mlo TTnnnr rtf HlMwiMnor i-Kom <vi vttYlt
selves to the ephemeral authorities which had lost the Character ot IJigmty
& Independence.
Moreover, a Club of proud oligarchists composing this "audiencia", over
whom presided a Vice-Roy as avaricious as ambitious, in place of softening
the evils of the Country and of gaining our Confidence, endeavor'd to keep
us in a torpid State, and thro' our negligence to confirm their Tyranny.
Their re-iterated attempts to subvert the State, and their suspicious meas-
ures obliged us to depose them.
Such are the Reasons which have induced the Capital of the kingdom of
La Plata to instal the governing Junta, which happily rules over these Prov-
inces. The towns in the Interior, now freed from their ancient Tyrants, do
not cease to bless the moment in which they saw re-established the impre-
scriptible Rights with which nature endowed them. The Junta, to comply
with the general wish of the Provinces for a national Congress, redoubles its
labors and activity in the midst of dangers no less worthy of greatness of
Soul than the labor of SeSafanes (Cecephus). This august assembly will
meet in a short time, and will have the sweet consolation of seeing the
poisonous Hydra of fealty destroyed.
There will be some who will give an odious interpretation to these Pro-
ceedings. There will be many who will blacken with the mark of perfidy
actions that have Truth for their basis. For the purity of our Intentions we
appeal to the Tribunal of Reason: we appeal to the Nations now existing,
and to Posterity — In short, we appeal to the Consciences of the very
Persons who calumniate us.
This Junta has too exalted an Idea of the high Character which distin-
guishes the United States of America to doubt for a moment the Equity of
its decisions — It does your Excellency the Justice to believe that you are
friendly to its cause, and that you will receive with Pleasure the grateful
Impressions of its friendship.
God preserve your Excy many years.
190
The Governing Junta of the Provinces of the Rio de la Plata to James Madison,
President of the United States1
[TRANSLATION]
BUENOS AIRES, February 13, 1811.
Don Josef R Poinsetts has just presented himself to this Junta with a
credential signed by the Secy (of State) to be accredited as commercial
agent of the U States in this America and this government conformably to
1 MS. Papers relative to the Revolted Spanish Provinces.
Letter dated yesterday has decreed his admission to the full exercise of his
agency, which it considers as a preliminary to the Treaties between Nation
and Nation which will be formed to point out the Rules of a permanent
Commerce and of the greatest amity and Union between the two States.
191
Cornelia de Saavedra, President of the Governing Junta of the Provinces of
the Rio de la Plata, Domingo Matheu, and eleven others, to James
Madison, President of the United States1
BUENOS AIRES, June 6, 1811.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: This Government, desirous of securing the fullest
safety for these countries from the attacks from abroad of other peoples
who either are its enemies or assault its liberty, entertains the just wish to
secure the adequate force to enforce respect for itself and maintain its rights.
Since it needs arms for that purpose, which it believes it could not obtain
better than from your generous nation which appreciates in the most noble
manner the just liberty of men, it has decided to send with its powers and
appropriate instructions citizens Don Diego de Saavedra and Don Juan
Pedro de Aguirre, in order that they can purchase these in the United States
and forward them with all the safety and caution that they can command:
and it also hopes that your Government will be generous enough to deign to
assist and protect its envoys in the achievement of the purpose of their
mission; but, considering also that the better success of that mission and
the safety of the undertaking of so much importance to us essentially de-
pends on the greatest and most solemn secrecy, it has also decided that in
carrying out their mission the above named gentlemen will keep from the
public their true names, which are as above stated, and go under those of
Pedro Lopez and Jose Cabrera, and will carry two passports to that effect
and also to avoid compromising in any way your nation in the eyes of Eng-
land or any other, which, although without ground, might imagine they were
offended. In the understanding that this measure is taken for the precise
intent of communicating frankly with your Government through your Ex-
cellency's respected medium as is done, and recommending to the effective
protection of your Excellency the persons of its commissioners and the pur-
pose of their commission ; without a doubt that your Excellency's kindness
will generously lend itself to the views and desires of this Government,
which will be extremely pleased to comply with what it may have the honor
to be asked at any time by your nation.
May God guard your Excellency many years.
1 MS. Papers relative to the Revolted Spanish Provinces.
Cwnelio de S^itedra, President of the Governing Junta of the Provinces of the
Kio de ai Plain, to James Madison, President of the United States1
[TRANSLATION]
BUENOS AIRES, June 26, 1811.
M« -r EXCELLENT SIR: My son Don Diego deSaavedra will have thehonour
rf pLdny in Your Excellency's hands this Letter, and of paying his com-
;."::•.:».::!-> to V. Ecy. in my name. — He goes from this Court in company
mlth I)i,n Juan Pedro Aguirre, both commissioned by this Superior Govern-
rr.i-r.t. for the purposes which Yr. Ezy. will perceive by the credentials au-
thurizing their Mission. To procure the necessary aid of arms against
every European, who is opposed to the cause of that Liberty which the
IV 'pie of America have recovered, is the interesting object of their Mission.
\Ve ran look to no other Power better enabled to aid us than our Brethern
of Nurth-America, over whom YT. Ex^. so worthily presides — I take the
li!*-ri.y of recommending these Gentlemen to Your Excellency, to forward
the s-l-jeci- explained by their instructions which will be shewn to you. It
i«! important that they should conceal from the Public, their real names, the
farmer l^ing a Captain of Dragoons, and the latter, the actual Secretary of
th- M-»>: Excellent Cabildo. (Court of Justice)
I c-.in a-sure Yr. Exy. that this frank and liberal Government will take
jurk uLr pleasure in establishing with their Fellow-Countrymen of N.
Arm-nea, all kinds of mercantile relations, and that it desires to preserve the
-trie test friendship towards V. Excy. of whom, I have the honor to be [etc.].
193
W, G, Miller. United Slates Consul at Buenos Aires, to James Monroe, Secre-
tary of State of the United States -
BUENOS AIRES, April 30, 1812.
SIR : I had the honor to address you on the 25 UP. and to inform you the
intended meeting of the assembly for the purpose of electing a new member
f»r t'nt Executive: Agreably to the decree of Gov: the assembly met on
Monday: its < opening was announced to the public by the discharge of the
I- on < ; un- &c : this formality and compliment on the part of Gov*. induced the
people generally to suppose the Executive were inclined to permit them to
Enjoy the ir rights as representatives of the people: after a due consideration
Juan Mdrtyn Puereydon late Commr in chief of the army in Peru was
- MS. Not« from Argentine Legation, I. « MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
elected as the new member: the Gov. thro' their partisans 3 of the Cabildo
& three of the members, endeavored to obtain the election of another person,
but finding the opposition too great, they assented immy. to the choice of
the candidate submitted to their approbation.
A discussion then took place respecting the supliente until the arrival of
Puereydon: the Executive, insisted on their right to name, whom they
might think proper, as having the supremacy over the assembly, and
named "Rivadavia", urging, the inconvenience, of a stranger, being ad-
mitted into the Executive, and thus becoming possessed of the Secrets of
State; to this nomination, the assembly would not assent: but insisted on
the right of electing a supliente as inherent in them: A warm discussion then
took place: it will elucidate the subject, if the reserved object of the well
meaning members, of the assembly be stated, & which had been arranged by
several of the members that were actually elected & those who had expected
to be elected: the first was, the declaration of Independence.
An Enquiry into the state of the negociations with the U S. the corre-
spondence that had passed and what had been done to conciliate them, in
their favor, the powers of the deputies sent the state of the negociations with
Caraccas, & Condinamarca : the recognition of their independence these
objects were gradually to have been brot on the Tapis but it was necessary
to establish the supremacy of the Assembly ere it could be done with pro-
priety: The Gov1. on their part brot forward three other resolutions to
which they wished the acknowledg*. of the Assembly that they were the
Executive of an independent people —
Reply : we have not declared independence we therefore cannot recognize
you as an Executive of an Ind1. Government.
That a tax must be levied by the Assembly, on the people and provinces
to amount to 2 millions dollars annually,—
Reply. We cannot grant you any such power or can we tax the prov-
inces & people: We have no such powers. Let the people from, the interior
send us the powers or let them send other deputies.
(It must be observed that the members representing the interior towns
were all citizens of Bs As. chosen by the people above from the impossibility
of their being chosen amgst. themselves in time for the Assembly: they were
the ablest men.) the acknowledg1 of the independence of Carraccas & Con-
dinarmarca.
Reply; This, the assembly of a colony, cannot do: Under what character
can we treat with them: let us declare our own independence & then we
can acknowledge theirs :
The chagrin of the Executive was considerable at this unexpected denial
of their propositions: their object in obtaining the consent of the Assembly
to the taxation was to render them hated by the people All the intentions
of the Assembly were however frustrated by the imprudence of some of the
"01 P \RTIi: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
*J*"T
young members, who on the heat of discussion discovered at too early a
moment their views: one of the members of the assembly a decided partizan
of the Gov. whether right or wrong as he declared in ye room, instantly
escaped privately and informed the Gov: of the subject in discussion.
The assembly finding their privildges thus invaded, voted the arrest of the
member which was immediately carried into effect: the president of the
assembly ''alcalde the first vote in the Cabildo) which formed 12 members in
the meeting wrote with the approbation of the Assembly, a letter to the
Exec* unfolding their objects £ inviting the members to a friendly Confer-
er.ct- : to this the executive replied directing the assembly to act in conformity
to i he Cons" and not interfere in matters not relating to their dep1. a warm
discussion took place: one of the members, who had been one, of the 13 who
composed the first assembly, which had elected the Executive said, there are
five Citizens present who were my associates: I call on them to say whether
when they gave their assent to the act of installation they considered they
were signing an act & naming an executive to be superior in power to the
assembly: Let the orig1. document or record be produced: it is in the archives
of GovS Let it be examined & inform yourselves whether any such power
as is now claimed by the executive was then granted them. I deny it: my
associates deny it: surely six out of 13 are entitled to some credit : the Execu-
tive urge that they have formed a constitution and that as it had been sworn
to by the people it must be considered the guide of the assembly in their
proceedings, was that constitution ever approved or submitted to the con-
sideration even of any regular representation of the people: it was formed by
the Executive in direct opposition to the tenor of the powers invested in
them, & sworn to by a small number of the people, under the point of the
bayonet, for the troops had sworn to defend it first.
A note was then passed requesting the inspection of the document alluded
to: the Executive returned for answer that it was not to be found:
The Executive then finding, that in the Event of the supremacy of the
assembly being establish*1, and, that one of the members had moved that
the people be called together, there would be an end of their power: and
their measures strictly examined, determined to do away [with] the assembly
without delay: three days previous to its meeting, it had been declared by
public Bands death for any 3 persons to be found in the streets together
during the scene of its sitting: availing themselves of this Law & perceiving
the assembly which had opened at 8^ & cond. in session until 7pm, had still
the same objects in view, they sent an officer with the Copy of the Law &
dissolved the assembly desiring the members to return to their houses under
pain of incurring its penalties : also suspending the functions of the Cabildo ! ! ! !
this was an act of violence unknown to the people: unprecedented and
created such general irritation that it was current that the members of the
the way down : Letters recvd a few days since from him. stated that he had
some hope of coming to an arrangement with Goyonche: & making peace
the sudden retreat of the latter from Suypacha in consequence of another
revolution of the Cochabambi means who had it is said attacked a division
of his army (500) & routed them, had put an end to the discussions.
Belgrano is now Commr in chief in peru he is at 10 leagues from Jujui, his
force is small, the hatred of the people of Peru to the Gov. of B Ass is almost
as great as it was to that of the Old Sps. and it will be difficult to appease
their resentment: originating in the impolitic conduct of Castelli & the
Governm*.
Paraguay continues tranquil: the people are very happy under the change:
the Gov'. is very popular, and affairs are approaching the crisis: independ-
ence will be declared by them ere long: a copy of the constitution of the
United States translated by the consul General whilst here: has been re-
quested of me by the president of the Junta :
The President of the Executive of this Gov: Don Manuel de Sarratea left
Bs As. this morning to join the army on the other side and direct its opera-
tions, he precedes the Etat majeur: the chief of which will proceed from
hence on Saturday: 600 Cavalry & 300 infantry regulars uniformed &c: left
this with Sarratea, French's & Terrada's divisions have not yet joined
Artigas: who has thought it prudent to retreat across the Uruguay, as the
Portuguese had advanced rapidly: Several Garrisons have been left on the
road, hence his whole regular force will hardly exceed: 4800 to 5500 men:
The British Cons: General M. Staples has not been received by this Gov.
he presented his patents which were returned to him with a letter stating
that the B. Gov*. had not addressed them an introductory letter or taken
any notice of the many letters written to them: a long time since: The preju-
dice agfc. the English is consequently very strong and has evinced itself in
many acts of disgust & neglect:
I had the honor of a letter from the Consul Gen1, under date 10 Ap. he
mentions that the Troops of Conception were at the River Maule, but that
there was reason to suppose an accommodation would take place as the
president had left S. lago for that purpose:
I have the honor [etc.].
326 PART II I COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
194
IJT. G. Miller, United Stales Consul at Buenos Aires, to James Monroe, Secre-
tary of State of the United States1
BUENOS AIRES, July 16, 1812.
SIR: I had the honor to address you on the 30 Ap.2 per the Aligator via
Boston advising the meeting of the assembly and its dissolution by order of
the Executive:
On the 15 May the emergencies of Cover1, compelled the Executive to
resort to a contribution to be levied on the different classes. Gazette May
15 Lit is as heavy as the city can possibly bear & evinces the scanty re-
sources (exclusive of foreign duties) of the country: a national lottery has
contributed 10,000 $ more.
On the 19 May the deputies Saavedra & Aguirre arrived in the Liberty
with a small supply of arms, magnified by the Agents of Gov*. the friendly
reception given to these gentlemen the general interest in the success and
enthusiasm in favor of the Liberty of this country shewn by all classes, in the
U S and the partial attainment of their object, has produced the effect ex-
pected: the U. S. are looked up to as the only sincere friends of their cause
not only by the Government but by the people : The deputies brot no packet
for the Consul General.
On the 22 May Puereydon took his seat in the Executive he appears to
possess liberal sentiments, has frequently visited Europe, & has been a per-
sonal sufferer for defending the cause of his country: having been imprisoned
by the V. King Liniers & threatened with the scaffold in Spain : of his party
are the most respectable & influential Creoles in the plan; Several of the
members of the assembly are his particular associates: he could not conse-
quently be ignorant of the conduct of the Executive: It was natural for him
to recur to what had been done previous to his Election: he expressed his
surprize at the measures that had been adopted, which did not appear to
him calculated to advance the interest of the cause, he had personally wit-
nessed the just resentment of the people in the Interior he enquired what
?teps had been taken to soothe the public mind & questioned the right of
the Executive to dissolve the Assembly: that it was his own opinion and
that of every well wisher of the cause that the proceeding was arbitrary
unjust & subversive of the principles on which they had founded their sys-
tem and tending to suffocate the little remaining enthusiasm of the people:
that he would never submit to sanction by his name acts, (That tyrannized
the will of the people & suffocated their rights) that it was his opinion, that
an assembly should be immediately formed: the deputies to have full powers
for whatever might occur: and that the first step of the assembly should be
to decide on a suitable plan for the meeting of a general Congress, that it
sembly should meet, he would resign his functions, & submit his conduct to
an examination: that no sincere patriot could wish to maintain an office ag*.
the will of the people: Chiclana and Rivadavia immediately rejected this
proposal, considering it as a personal attack on them to bring forwd. an
enquiry into their conduct in respect to the first assembly: Puereydon tho
warmly opposed by C & Ra. effected his purpose: and Chiclana under plea of
illness retired for a few days, from the presidency which he had reasumed tho
by the Constitution it devolved on Puereydon: Letters were dispatched to
the Cabildos of the Chief towns direct them to elect deps. for the assembly, &
that the most ample powers should be given to them: there is but little doubt
that if the Civil Corps had not exceeded the troops an attm* would have been
made to remove Puereydon from above Executive:
On the 26h May a Lieutenant Colonel Don John Rademaker arrived as
Envoy Extraordinary from the P. Regent of Brazil to this Government — he
was received by an aide de Camp: of the Executive: the deb out of this person-
age his having left Rio immediately after the arrival of Mr. Staples who had
sailed from hence via Rio for England some time previous much irritated at
not being received as the Consul General of his B.M. in consequence of an
informality in his Credentials, and the want of an introductory letter to the
Government gave rise to many conjectures, and it was generally considered
as the prelude of an intrigue between the B. Minister & Carlotta: the Gazette
of the I O.July explains the object of .his mission: the due fulfillment of the
armistice on the part of the P. Regent was guarantied by the B. Minister.
A copy thereof with an order to retreat was immediately sent to the General
of the Portuguese.
On the night of the 29 June information was communicated to the Execu-
tive of the existence of a horrible conspiracy to upset the government
massacre all the Chiefs of the revolution and all persons any way connected
with the patriots: the conspirators were headed by Dn Juan Martyn Alsega
a man of the first respectability, but turbulent & ambitious, noted for his
cruelty & marked detestation of the Creoles : he was to have been the V.K. :
a slave indirectly heard the substance of the plot and disclosed it to his
master: the same day, Rademaker called on one of the members of the
Gov1. and stated to him, that it would be prudent in the Executive to be
on the alert, that they were in a critical situation and surrounded by enemies :
It appears that Alsega called on him & presented a paper signed by 48
individuals offering him I million dollars to restrain by a countermanding
order the retreat of the Portuguese troops: to this proposition, he made no
other reply than burning the paper and dismissing him: the necessary
precautions were taken by the Government who doubted the truth of
the communications: but on the accusation of the slave arrested several
persons: of these, there were two who instantly confessed the conspiracy:
not disclose tne place 01 concealment 01 /^isegas (wnu nau neu un ueeu mg ui
their arrest): they were shot: their dying confession fully developed the
plan for a particular detail of which I beg leave to refer you to the Gazette:
On them were found papers which implicated many persons of respectability
& wealth, who were also arrested: from the declaration of one of the con-
demned Alsegas' retreat was discovered and capture effected: he acknowl-
edged his signature to a paper binding himself & others to secresy &c: he
died with the firmness £ heroism becoming the Chief of a conspiracy as
bloody and as horrible as could possibly have been formed by man:
Alsega was by birth a Biscayan, arrived in this country at an early age
where he has acquired a large fortune: in the year 93 [?] he was instrumental
in seizing a number of frenchmen resident in Bs As & subjecting them to the
torture: Antoneius an Italian now resident in Philad was also a victim: his
energy originated the vigorous measures adopted by the Cabildo in [blank]
for repelling the attack of the B. Troops under Whitelocke: On the I Jan'y
1809 (Liniers being then V.K.) he headed a conspiracy of European Span-
iards to expell the V.K. and declare independence: he escaped. His parti-
zans say accomplices, were imprisoned: It is little doubted but that he would
have been a strenuous supporter of the independence of this Country if it
could have been effected by European Spn. the idea of subjection to Creole
Gov. few old Spaniards could or can yet brook:
17 persons have been executed amongst others the second in command a
Bethlemite rnonk: to have been a Colonel of Cavalry: Santhonac: a Catalan:
who gave the plan of attack and was have been Commandante of arms, &
General : formally a colonel of artillery imprisoned by Liniers as an accom-
plice of Alsega's in the revolution before mentioned: released by the Junta &
appointed principal of the Mathematical School with a salary of 2000$
500$ more than any of the Members of Gov. receive: Tellichea a wealthy
merchant £ of respectability: returned 5 mos. since from Banishment by
permission of the Executive.
There can be but little doubt that the conspiracy would have succeeded
for the time: the plan was admirably well laid: the confession of the monk
in reply to the question "who are immediately interested" was from N to S.
from E to \V not an Old Spd. would have been wanting: that there was
force sufficient for the Enterprise: that all were armed in one way or other.
Exclusive of the assistance of the MVideans it appears they were well
assured of the ultimate success of the Portuguese troops, the correspondence
of the minister of the United S. at Rio J° will have communicated the
dissensions and oppositions of the interests of the P. & Princess : Rademaker
was the agent of the Prince & Souza the partizan of the princess & disposed
to meet her views That Carlotta was the prime mover of the Conspiracy is
the general opinion, and as she had hitherto directed the movements of the
directed three different letters to the general Sousa ordering the retreat of
army: to the last he received the reply of the general that he dare not move:
who also enclosed copy of an order from Carlotta forbidding him to retreat
but remain and in the event of being called on by Alsega to give every aid
in his power:
The extreme moderation of the Creoles who notwithstanding the fer-
ment the bloody intentions of the Spaniards had given rise to, have not
committed a single excess, the vigor of government in arresting all persons
denounced & punishing on conviction only the heads of the conspiracy &
permitting the families of the convicted to enjoy in peace the property will
tend to gain the cause many friends & establish the system.
The gazettes give a correct statement of the situation of affairs in Peru:
the defeat of the cochabambinos is not likely to produce any effect of
consequence.
Paraguay has been invited to send deputies to the assembly: in which
Bs A3 will have five members :
The Naval force of this government is now much reduc'd, by the capture
of the Ketch in a bay on the coast of Patagonia, thro' ye treachery of the
Governor of a settlement to whom the Commandante was directed to
deliver in person a packet he fell into the snare and the crew were gradually
seduc'd on shore until there remained only twenty on board when she was
carried by two boats, & sent to MV. the addition of this vessel to the MY0,
Squadron makes their force fully competent to annoy the trade of this river,
any moment they feel so disposed:
There are now 1800 musquets in town, & the gov*. has not the funds to
send and purchase more : the Creoles are generally of very moderate fortune :
there are not ten Creoles in Bs As. who are worth 80000$ each : how they are
to obtain arms is a query: there are only five vessels in this place owned by
Creoles: Silver has become very scarce as the mines of Potosi are no longer
worked : the only supply that can be expected must come from Chili in which
kingdom it seems they have lately discovered and are working with activity
two very rich mines.
The commerce of the US. to this port for the last six months has been
very trifling seven vessels with cargoes consisting % of German goods %
of native articles such as lumber, fish, rice, cordage, butter sperm: candles,
boots shoes, saddlery, furniture, hats Windsor chairs, porter cider rum, gin,
paper, & naval stores the unsettled state of the country intimidates specula-
tors: the presence of a national ship would give security to the American
trade in the River which would immediately encrease: a considerably greater
respect & security to our Citizens and be highly flattering to the government
& people: as it would have the appearance of protection and attention to
their interests tho in fact be protecting our own: had the threatened revolu-
immediate retaliation would have impeded any attempt on them, if a
frigate had been in the river.
I have the honor [etc.].
P.S. The assembly will meet in August and it is generally said Puereydon
will be elected president and form an executive with three secretaries : the
continual divisions of a multiplied executive have disgusted the true friends
of the cause: Independence will not be declared, as far as it is in my power
to judge from the ideas expressed by the various members of gover1. &
the assembly untill the fall of MV. which is rendered problematical by the
vigorous exertions made for a determined resis6. or unless an unexpected
supply of arms should arrive in which case the congress (the members from
which are to be elected the ensuing month) will immediately throw off the
mask: the hastiness of some of the patriots of Bs A8, may however force a
declaration from the executive, by the people of Bs As. alone under the
impression that it will be followed by the other provinces.
With Consideration [etc.].
195
W. G. Miller, United States Consul at Buenos Aires, to James Monroe, Secre-
tary of State of the United States1
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, August 10, 1812.
SIR: On the 6 [16?] Ultimo2 I had the honor to address you advising the
happy escape of the patriots from a diabolical conspiracy fomented, by the
Intrigues of Carlotta: as my letter was duplicated I do not deem the contents
of the letter of sufficient moment to forwd. a third per dubious conveyance :
Much less so when the gazettes which contain a very fair statement of the
facts accompany the present.
The idea expressed in the last paragraph of the letter alluded to respecting
the probable hastiness of some of the patriots to force a declaration from the
Gov. of Independence had nearly been realized Several of the Coffee house
politicians endeavored to inflame the minds of the Citizens, against the
Gov. for issuing a general amnesty to all who would come forward and. deliver
up any arms that might be held by them: Gov. issued the second proclama-
tion: (See gazettes) this did not suffice to allay the ferment: an immediate
declaration of indepe was insisted on and the banishment of all the Euro-
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I. s See above, pt. ir, doc. 194.
of the public peace retired to their houses: they were immediately arrested
by the Secretary of Gov and sent off to the army the ensuing morning in
number about 20: tranquillity has since reigned: The executions have not
yet stopt: 29 have been shot: 4 others are under sentence of death as accom-
plices in the consp of 4 July.
196
W. G. Miller, United States Consul at Buenos Aires, to James Monroe, Secre-
tary of State of the United States
BUENOS AIRES, August 18, 1812 >
SIR: I have the honor to forward you a packet from the Consul Gen-
eral,— The ideas expressed in my P.S.2 had nearly been realised : Several
hot headed patriots attempted to force the Gov1. into a declaration of
Independence and the further punishment of the persons compromised in
the Conspiracy: the proclamation issued on the 26 July explanatory of that
of the 24 will evince, the indisposition of the Gov. to meet the bill of the
People : it did not satisfy the hotheaded : they were permitted to rave until
night and were then arrested & banished in number 22 to the army the ensg
morning.
The assembly it is said will meet on the 27h. Ins: It is feared that Chiclana
& Rivadavia will attempt to impede the meeting, and that a disturbance
will be the consequence.
Goyonchi'has again reassembled his troops at Suypacha, with the intention
of coming on to Salta. The Com. in Chief Belgranno has issued a proc-
lamation for all persons to remove from Jujui: he writes in very flattering
terms of the State of his little army: the Baron Hollenbrugh writes that they
can make a good resistance : they have only two thousand men to oppose 4 or
5000 — The Intelligence from the army on the opposite shore is not very
flatt8. Divisions between the Chiefs threaten a sad disappointment of the
hopes enterd by the patriots Artigas it is currently reported had withdrawn
from the army.
Should Goyonchi advance rapidly and be successful & not declare for the
Independence of the Country the situation of things will become very
critical. It is to be hoped his views are personal : —
I am [etc.].
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
z See above, pt. n, doc. 194, Miller to the Secretary of State, July 16, 1812.
The Constituted Assembly of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata to James
Madison, President of the United States1
[TRANSLATION]
FORTRESS OF BUENOS AIRES, July 21, 1813.
SIR: Since the voice of Liberty has resounded throughout the extensive
Territories of Rio de la Plata, men accustomed to calculate events, justly
flattered themselves, that the great People of the United States of America,
would never be indifferent to the emancipation and prosperity of these
Colonies. Engaged in the same career which was so gloriously terminated
by yourselves, the identity of interests and reciprocity of relations being
naturally cemented, give grounds to hope for your early protection, more
especially as the other powers are almost exclusively occupied in the ruinous
Continental War, each of which supports in its turn, and under distinct
forms, European tyranny and ambitions.
Unfortunately the vacillations and uncertainty, the unavoidable accom-
paniment of a transition from one form of government to another, in a
People who have been for a long time enslaved, have equally operated in
these Provinces and prevented them from pursuing the proper course for the
establishment of direct relations with Your Government, to which a new
obstacle has been added, by the recent rupture between the U. States and
England, which may embarrass and frustrate the best intentions.
But at length the Love of Liberty, surmounting all obstacles, has tri-
umphed over its Enemies, and after a constant series of victories, has sub-
stituted good order, which will ensure the result of our glorious Revolution.
The constituted assembly of the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata, and the
Executive Power being founded on a basis no less firm, than liberal, and
every thing conspiring to the maintenance of the great cause, which duty
supports against the impious doctrine of those who advocate a submission
to the prescription and exclusive interests of Kings, will finish their great
work by a Declaration of the Independence of this Hemisphere.
Under such fortunate circumstances this Government has the Honour to
felicitate Your Excellency on your installation, and to tender thro' Your
Excy., to The Honourable The American Congress, its most high respect and
sentiments of friendship.
The dispositions arising from an analogy of political principles, and the
indubitable characters of a National sympathy, ought to open the road to a
fraternal alliance, which should unite forever the North and South Americans,
by adopting in the Congress of the United States and the Constituted As-
sembly of the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata, the basis of social benefi-
1 MS. Notes from Argentine Legation, I.
the Governments of the two Americas, there does not exist those fatal
distinctions which separate political morality, nor those artificial manoeu-
vres which deform the Cabinets of the Old World.
I pray Your Excellency to accept [etc.].
198
W. G. Miller > United States Consul at Buenos Aires, to James Monroe, Secre-
tary of State of the United States l
BUENOS AIRES, August i, 1813.
SIR: I have since writing the preceding with a view to correct any false
impressions its perusal might give rise started the question with several of
the members of the Executive & Assembly: respecting their intentions:
I am positively assured Sir, that on the estb* of a consn. it will (sic} formed
on the base of one Indivisible Republic of which Bs A8, will be the Capital
"Sooner death than a Confederation for this Country in its present state of
ignorance & barbarism: said one the most influential members: Our prov-
inces are extended: our people poor: our ignorance great and hence it is that
Bs. As. & her Capitalists only have hitherto borne all the expense of this
Revolution: which has now cost her $16,500,000 dra. Can the people of the
Interior say we have as yet received from them any thing like a tenth part of
their proportion of this enormous expense — The Troops are fed by us:
the powder balls cloathing found by us : what have they hitherto furnished
us more than cattle & recruits. Such Sir are the arg\ in favor of an Ind.
Republic. 2 centuries to come our descendents will talk of a Confederation:
Until then we must content ourselves preparing the minds of our people &
leave it to our posterity to profit by the example Your Country has given
us. The Confederation destroy 'd Carraccas and tho so near Your Country
her Independence is gone.
I have Sir given you the ideas as they were commund. to me this morning
& without any comment, have the honor to renew [etc.].
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: The Supreme Assembly of the United Provinces
has conferred on me the Supreme Direction of the State; and I do myself an
honor in communicating it2 to you, together with the public papers which
contain the decree of the Sovereign body. The United Provinces of Rio
de la Plata aspire to a close and intimate relation with the United States;
and it would give me a pleasure if you, according to the known generosity
of your character, would permit me to communicate to them the wishes of
my count rymen. It gives me great pleasure to have the present opportunity
of communicating to you my respects, and most anxious solicitude for a
friendly alliance.
God keep your Excellency many years.
200
Genasio Antonio de Posadas, Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the
Rio de la Plata, to James Madison, President of the United States*
BUENOS AIRES, March p, 1814.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: Ever since Spanish America began to struggle for
their independence, the Republic of the United States has manifested a de-
sire to favor their glorious enterprize; and it may be that distance has pre-
vented them from giving us such succor as would ere now have ended our
fatigues. But left to ourselves, we have made every exertion that honor and
patriotism command; and notwithstanding the indefatigable & oppressive
conduct of our enemies, this precious part of the New World still retains its
freedom. At the period when our independence was about to be confirmed,
the extraordinary victories of the Allied Powers of Europe again deranged
our affairs. The victories of the North, which obliged France to cease op-
pressing Spain, may enable our enemies, with the assistance of Great Britain,
to injure our cause, if some powerful arm does not volunteer her aid. Though
humanity and justice are interested in the sacred cause defended by South
America, four years of experience have taught this people, that it is not for
the interest of the Potentates of Europe to favor the independence of the
1 MS, Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
I ?f| £]ie foilf»"f E document, which bears this same date, address, and signature.
MS>. Consukr Letters, Buenos Aires, I. A copy of the same is also found in Notes from
tne Argentine Legation.
on our degradation. Perhaps the preponderance we should give to your
influence in the commercial world has not a little influence. It is on you
we place our present hopes, who have the happiness to govern the only free
people in the world, whose philosophic & patriotic sentiments we are am-
bitious to imitate. I am sensible the war, in which you are at present en-
gaged, will prevent your giving us that immediate aid that would end our
troubles. The people of this country can as yet support their cause with
dignity, could they procure a supply of arms & ammunitions. Your Ex-
cellency cannot fail of being able to afford us these supplies ; and our prompt
and ready payment cannot be doubted. Your Excellency may be assured
that the Provinces of Rio de la Plata will not be ungrateful for such a relief,
and will be ready to engage in any treaties of commerce that will be advan-
tageous to the United States. The interest that the inhabitants of said
States have generally felt for the success of our cause, convinces me of the
happy result of this request. And I will thank your Excellency to take the
first opportunity to honor me with an answer.
God keep your Excellency many years.
201
Joel Roberts Poinsett, United States Consul General at Buenos Aires, to James
Monroe, Secretary of State of the United States1
BUENOS AIRES, June 14, 1814.
SIR: By the cartel Essex Junior I had the honor to inform you of the state
of Chile, and of the negotiations then pending, thro' the mediation of the
British Commander, between the royal and patriot armies; the enclosed
monitor contains the result: provided no revolution interrupts the course of
the capitulations, the priveleges granted the patriots will be but temporary;
but it is probable, that the aspect of affairs here will determine, as it has
hitherto, the conduct of Chile; the fall of Montevideo would occasion an
immediate counter-revolution in that Kingdom.
Notwithstanding the determination expressed in my last not to oppose the
capitulation, especially as it was assured me, that the ports would remain
open to the American commerce, the government of Chile fearful of opposi-
tion, and instigated by a violent letter from Lord Strangford, and by the
british Commander, insisted upon my making immediate use of the pass-
port which I had solicited a few days before, I enclose their note with a copy
of my answer.
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
which ha- already obtained a considerable advantage over that of Monte
Video: tb;it place blockaded by a superior force both by land and water
mi.'-! -north- fall if indeed the differences which exist among the patriots &
which divide their councils and their armies, do not again prevent it. Dn.
Manuel Saratea a former member of the government has been sent to Eng-
L:i..l; a mission which has originated from the prevailing opinion of a rupture
between G Britain & Spain the present Government of this Country will
endeavour to obtain the protection of the latter at any price such is however
the (Ih-positSon of the people that the English never can gain a permanent
ft. -".ting in these countries.
The English have here in two instances carried into effect the distinguish-
ing principle of their maritime right to respect only such neutral ports as
iui\e a sufficient force to cause their neutral rights to be respected. You
are already informed of the attack on the Essex within a cable length of the
Shore: and a few days since the Hope a ship from New York on a voyage of
discovery was seized in the outer roads of this port and sent a prize to Rio
de Janeiro. Their trade is exposed to a just retaliation of this principle with
stldum more than single Frigate to protect it, two sloops of war better than
Frigate eighteen feet being the utmost ship should draw.
I h.ive the hunor [etc.].
202
Lloyd Halsey, United States Consul at Buenos Aires, to James Monroe,
Secretary of Slate of the United States1
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, February n, 1813.
. . . The state of the political affairs of these Provinces is at its Crisis.
The army of Peru which is near 6500 strong & within a few leagues of
Suipacha where the Limianian Army under Gen1. Pezuela is fortified, re-
mains in inactivity leaving the latter to consume the produce of the mines
of Puto-L & the resources of that Province and effectually preventing any
trade & communication with it. — Artigas a chief of intelligence in the
kind of warfare in which he is engaged, has complete possession of the other
side of the River la Plata above Montevideo & what is called the entre Rios
as far as Corrientes & altho1 this Government has made considerable exer-
tions to reduce him, they have proved ineffectual ; the Secy of State, Herrera,
has gone to Montevideo to propose a reconciliation to confirm his command
1 MS. Coasakr Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
DOCUMENT 2O3: MAY 5, 1815 337
of that part of the territory, reserving Montevideo and Maldonado to this
Government — the success of which mission is not yet known. — In conse-
quence of this state of things the intercourse with Paraguay (one of the im-
portant trades with this Capital) is much curtailed, & the Subjugation of
Chili has cut off all communication with that Province. — Preparations
greater than the reduced means of this Government will admit of are making,
to repell the long talked of expedition from Cadiz; it will be able to bring
7000 men into the field, 4000 of which are old troops, perhaps as good as
those that may come from Spain; The Country people in this vicinity are
very active in the employment that will be assigned them principally, that
of driving back the cattle & depriving the enemy of subsistence; from these
different resources of defence reasonable hopes are entertained that if the
expedition from Cadiz came with no more than 8000 troops this Government
will be able to repel it. There was in the early part of January a change in
the head of the Government, Gen1. Carlos Albiar [Alvear?] was chosen by the
assembly supreme Director, and is now filling that office, he is a young Gentle-
man of talents and promise, and altho' the election did not seem to give
general satisfaction, his firmness, activity & zeal in the cause in which the
Country is engaged will command respect. The Government of these prov-
inces looks forward with much anxiety to a peace between the United States
and Great Britain, both for the commerce that will naturally follow, as also
with expectations that the President of the U. S. will facilitate to it some
muskets, sabres, powder, and other munitions of war, of which it is in great
necessity. — Should this Country succeed (which it can with difficulty effect
without some assistance) in establishing a Government independent of
Spain, the trade of the United States here will be lucrative and important,
but should it for the want of assistance succumb, the ports will be shut
against foreign trade, more particularly against the flag of the United States.
203
Thomas Lloyd Halsey, United States Consul at Buenos Aires, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, May 5, 1815.
I have now to inform you of a new change in the Government of these
provinces, which took place on the 16th ult°. — The discontent had become
general, the army in Peru that had refused to receive Gen1 Alvear as their
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
troops sent by this Government against him was so great, that the orncer
commanding at Montevideo, with about 800 Men in the garrison, were
obliged hastily to abandon the important fortress of Montevideo and the
town, to Artigas, who soon after crossed the river at Ste Fee, marching upon
Bs Ayres.
A corps of troops under the command of the Secy of War Viana was sent
to oppose Artigas' progress, the first division of this Corp under the Com-
mand of Colonel Alvarez seized on the person of Viana & the other principal
officers who would not join him in opposing the Existing Gov1. on the
receipt of which information at Buenos Ayres the murmers of the people
could not longer be stifled, the Cavildo took upon itself the administration,
sent a deputation to the Director Gen1 Alvear (who wras encamped three
leagues from the city with 3500 troops) who after two days demur was
induced to give up the command & embark on board the British frigate;
during this period the city was in commotion and the civic troops under
arms, for the defence of it; the citizens behaved very well and seemed
determined that if Alvear enterd the city, to defend it to last extremity,
their conduct gave me good grounds to hope that united with the veteran
troops they will be able to repel any force from Spain that does not exceed
8000 men.
Electors were chosen in the town for the appointment of a provisional
Gov1., until a general Congress can be called to form a constitution the result
of the united deliberations of the representatives of the different provinces
freely elected. — It is proposed to adopt that of the United States as
nearly as possible. General Rondeo commanding the army of Peru was
chosen Director pro tempore, Colonel Alvarez fills the place till he shall
arrive and was this day installed. — I deferred writing this dispatch till
the last moment allowed me, with the hopes of being able to communicate
more particularly the several members that compose the new Government,
it will make a part of my next respects. — All the leaders of the former
Government are imprisoned and are proceeded against with much severity. —
I have the honor to accompany for your inspection the most important
papers that have appeared in this revolution.
The Patria colours have since been waving and the Independence of this
Province will be proclaimed on the 2Qth Inst. —
The Expedition of 10,000 men from Cadiz to invade this Country, is
stated to have been seen at Teneriff the latter end of february ; every prepara-
tion the little means of this people permit of, will be made to defend it. —
Unofficially some of the numbers of the Cavildo have expressed to me the
relations & intercourse with the United States that it is to His Excellency
the President of the United States and the Americans, they look for support
in this struggle.
204
Ignacio Alvarez, Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Rio de la
Plata, to Thomas Lloyd Halsey, Consul of the United
States at Buenos Aires*-
BUENOS AIRES, May 10, 1815.
On the sixth day of this month, I have taken possession of the Government
to which I was elected by the votes of this worthy people in the capacity of
Deputy: The administration of the State is given to other hands to end the
calamities which were experienced at the hands of the former administration,
without, however, this making any change for the worse in the consideration
of esteem and regard which the country bears to the persons vested with
the public character as delegates of the foreign Powers. In addition, there
is an especial reason for distinguishing you on account of the origin of your
representative office. While on account of the obstacles found in the
distance and lack of communication we have been unable to tighten our
relations with the United States of the North, we know none the less that a
reciprocal interest and analogous sentiments invite us to bind our fate
with the virtuous sons of Washington. In presenting myself to you in
this new office, with all the testimonials of regard which belong to you, I
believe it my duty to beg you to bring to bear the whole influence of your
relations with your court to the effect that circumstances so permitting,
we may receive the aid that would be within your reach and especially war
implements, under the assurance that the amount will be fully satisfactory
to this capital and that you let me know the opportunity for sending of
communications to the Honorable President of the United States, to whom
I shall have the pleasure of sending in the name of our Provinces, the
sentiments of respect and high consideration which are borne him by his
brothers in the South.
May God Guard you many years.
1 MS. Papers relative to the Revolted Spanish Provinces.
340 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
205
Thomas Llo\d JIalsev, United Stales Consul at- Buenos Aires, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States1
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, July 17, 1815.
SIR: With the copy of my dispatch of the 5th. May, I have [sic] the honor
to accompany a copy of the Note No. 4 of His Excellency Dn. Ignacio
Alvarez, announcing his accession to the Governm1. in quality of Director
fit- ! E-taclo Suplente, & copy of my Reply No. 5. to that note; since which no
«.ftk:a! communication has been received. The Limenian Army under the
command of General Pezuela, after meeting with some partial defeats,
abandoned its strong position of Cotagaita, & retreated towards the
Dtsaguadero, leaving Potosi on its' right, which was taken possession of by
the advanced Corps of the Army of Gen1. Rondeau on the 5th. May. And
a division of the Army left that City a few days after to pursue the retreating
army. — Xo further information has been received from it since that period. —
The possession of Potosi & the adjacent Country will be of the greatest
importance to this Governm*. as it will afford the means of paying the troops
in Peru, long in arrears, it may in a short time send pecuniary assistance to
Buenos Ayres, & certainly will open an advantageous Channel of Commerce.
The Chief Artigas who had masked his hostility against this part of
the Country with the insidious pretext, that it was solely to displace the lead-
ers of the then Governm*. has continued to pursue measures of restriction, &
non intercourse, & recently when, the Expedition was daily expected made
the most unwarrantable & insulting demands of this Governm1. such as he
knew it could not I compatible with its dignity) accede to ; This demand made
at a time when all local bickerings should have been forgot, or at least
deferred, to unite in defending the Country against the Cruel Invaders has
persuaded every mind of his ambitious or treacherous views, long since has
the Governm*. received information meriting consideration, that Artigas
accepted & holds a Commission of Brigadier in the Spanish service, his
genera] conduct induces a belief of the fact. —
Deputies from him have been here some days to treat on a pacification &
Intercourse, but his demands are still too extravagant to accept of. —
Should they persevere it is the determination of the Governm*. of Bs. Ayrs.
to send a vessel of War in front of Maldonado, one before Montevideo,
another to the Colonia, & two to the pass of Ste. Fee.
Those vessels will compleatly cut off the Communication between the
different places of the other side, & will add to their present distress; you
will judge of the extent of it when I tell you that all articles of produce there,
have triple value here. —
which have given to the U.S. a distinguished rank & importance with all
foreign nations & which are a presage of its high destiny) will lead many of
our Enterprizing Countrymen to adventure their ships & property to this
profitable market. . . .
P. S. July igih. The Deputies sent here by Artigas have been dismissed
without having effected the object of their mission; the demands were so
unreasonable & insulting that this Gov1. could not accede to them without
great humiliation, incompatible with its dignity. — The demands were:
Ist Montevideo to be put in the state it was when taken from the Crown
of Spain. — with all is Cannon, military stores, &c, &c
2d. 1,500 muskets for Artigas, & 300 for Cordova. —
3d. A large sum of money, (the am*, am not informed of). —
This Gov*. conducted the conferences with great moderation; it wished
to know under what pretext, they could make such demands, & for what
object they wanted these arms, when no hostilities existed in this part of
the Country but which Artigas had made & was making against this Gov1. ;
that if they should be attacked by the Portuguese, it would furnish not only
arms, but soldiers; that Montevideo was taken from the Crown of Spain,
by their valor & perseverance, after a most protracted siege, made at an
enormous expense, & what it contained this Gov*. was justly entitled to by
right of conquest. — & that by giving up the important fortress to them was
more than they had a right to expect. —
Measures of defence & precaution will be immediately taken; 1500 will
march in two days to S**. Fee, & four or five vessels of war put in active
service.
206
Ignacio A Ivarez, Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata,
to James Madison, President of the United States l
[TRANSLATION]
BUENOS AIRES, January 16, 1816.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: The circumstances are well known, which have
heretofore prevented these Provinces from establishing with the United
States of America, the relations of amity and strict correspondence, which
reciprocal interest and a common Glory ought to have inspired — At
length the obstacles which were opposed to our desires, have been overcome
and we have the fortune to be able to send near Your Excellcy a Deputy to
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
of a just cause and sacred in its principles, — and which is moreover en-
nobled by the heroic example of the United States over whom Y.E. has the
Glory to preside.
A series of extraordinary Events and unexpected changes, which have
taken place in our antient Mother-Country, have constrained us not to
make a formal Declaration of National Independence: nevertheless our con-
duct and our Public Papers have sufficiently expressed our Resolution.
When this Letter reaches Your Excellency, The General Congress of our
Representatives will have met, and I can assure you, without fear of being
mistaken, that one of its first acts, will be a solemn Declaration of the Inde-
pendence of these Provinces of the Spanish Monarchy and of all other
Foreign Sovereigns or Powers.
In the mean time our Deputy near Your ExcelP will not be invested with
a Public character, nor will he be disposed to exceed the object of his Mission,
without an understanding with Y.E. and your Ministers. That these views
may be exactly fulfilled, I have selected a Gentleman who from his personal
qualhies, will not excite a suspicion that he is sent by the Government in-
vested with so serious and important a Commission — He is Colonel
Martin Tompson who independently of this Credential, has the Title, which
we are accustomed to give to our Deputies — I hope that Your Excy will
be pleased to give him full credit and secure for him all the consideration
which in a like case, we would give and secure to the Ministers whom Your
Excy may think proper to send to these Provinces.
The said Deputy has it specially in charge to offer to Your Excy in my
Xame and in that of the Provinces under my direction the profound respect
and particular estimation with which we view the very Illustrious Chief of
so powerful a Republick — May Your Excellcy deign to receive these Ex-
pressions and to give us an occasion to accredit them.
God preserve your Life many Years!
207
Thomas Lloyd Hahey, Untied States Consul at Buenos Aires, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States1
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, April 20, 1816.
The year for which Don Ignacio Alvarez was elected, having expired &
the Congress assembled at Tucuman not having elected a successor, the
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
Gen . Don Antonio Belcareel [Balcarce?] Director Interino until the Election
by the Congress is known.
The Army of Buenos Ayres near Jujui has been much reinforced, it is
considered now to amount to 4000 Men. The parties or Factions are injuring
the cause of Freedom & Independance in this Country & if continued, will
assuredly ruin it.
No man has risen among them of sufficient merit to direct with Wisdom
either the affairs of Government or their Armies, no man who carries with
him the public esteem, none of those able & disinterested patriots who led
& pushed on the people of the United States to the happy Independence
they acquired. —
I have the Honor [etc.].
208
Thomas Lloyd Halsey, United States Consul at Buenos Aires, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States1
BUENOS AIRES, July 3, 1816.
SIR: With the Copy of my note to this Gov'mt N° 16, I have the honor
to accompany the Copy of its answer N° 17 by which you will observe the
friendly disposition towards the United States.
The situation of this Country is extremely critical, its resources are much
diminished, Factions and divisions prevail, & no person of talents & energy
appears to take the lead & carry forward the cause of Independance, &
unless the United States lends some speedy assistance, it will soon be
obliged to submit to its old Master.
This Gov'mt would listen to almost any proposition of the United States,
to give it advantages in trade, or perhaps place itself more immediately
under the direction of North America, if the United States would afford
assistance necessary to accomplish their Independance.
Sensible of the Justice & prudence of the Councils of the Government of
the United States, I would not hint at any interference under other circum-
stances than the present. Spain has been unprovokedly guilty of great
depredations on the Commerce of the United States during the War in
which she was engaged against Great Britain, as also of indirect hostility
during the war between the United States & England, without appearing
inclined to make proper compensation for her injustice.
The cause of the people of this Country, to free itself from an odious
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I. The enclosures mentioned in the first para-
graph are not printed in the present collection.
must feel an interest.
It would appear to be the Policy of the United States that the whole
Continent of America should be united, at least in friendly intercourse &
commercial relations, and these encouraged & strongly cemented, that at
some future period, United they may be able in a measure to resist the pre-
ponderating influence of Europe. Spain must from the proximity of her
most important Colonies to the United States sooner or later be at War with
us, this will take place the first moment she feels herself sufficiently strong
for the contest; why then it might be asked, suffer this favourable opportu-
nity to pass, by seizing on the Floridas indemnify the Citizens of the United
States for their heavy losses ; & by assisting the inhabitants of these prov-
inces in a righteous cause, which must have the wishes of all good men,
would gain to the Government of the United States, the Glory of giving
Freedom to a part of their Species & the applause of the liberal part of the
Civilized \Vorld. — I hope you will not think I have taken upon myself an
improper latitude in my observations & that you will be pleased to attribute
them, to the same generous feelings which animated you in the cause of the
liberty of our beloved Country.
The Congress is still in Session at Tucuman, Don Martin Puyridon has
been elected by that assembly Supreme Director & General of the Army in
Peru, it consists of about 2500 Men £ has its head Quarters in advance of
Salta. The Corps of troops under S1. Martin at Mendoza is about 3000
Strong, that under Diaz Vales near S1 Fee about 1500 Strong, & in Buenos
Ayres there may be 1500 regular Troops, besides the Corps of Civicos about
3000 & the Militia Cavalry about 2000; these compose the whole military
force of these provinces.
It is believed here that a Portuguese Expedition, consisting of 2 Ships of
the Line, 2 Frigates, & several smaller vessels of War with 8000 troops, is
preparing at Rio Janeiro, with the intention to attack & possess itself of
Monte Video & the Territory on the other side the River La Plata — As
far as I can learn, it is not the intention of this Government to interfere
unless the Portuguese commit some act of Hostility against this province.
My friend Mr Devereux who will be the bearer of this will inform you
more particularly of the state of this Country than I can possibly do in a
dispatch ; to him I beg to refer you.
I have the honor [etc.].
P.S. One or two frigates in this river would be very advantageous to the
Commerce of the U S. at this port.
Thomas Lloyd Halsey, United States Consul at Buenos Aires, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United, States l
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, July 24, 1816.
. . . And you will also find herewith a Note of this Gov'mt N° 20
announcing the declaration by the Congress assembled at Tucuman, of the
Independence of the Provincias Unidas del Rio de la Plata on the 19th
Instant.
[ENCLOSURE; TRANSLATION]
Miguel Yrigoyen, Francisco Antonio a Escalada, and Manuel Obligado, to
Thomas Lloyd Halsey, United States Consul at Buenos Aires z
The Government has just received official notice that the Sovereign Con-
gress of these Provinces meeting in the city of Tucuman has declared the
independence of this part of South America from the domination of the
Kings of Spain and its Metropolis.
By this step the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata have been raised
to the rank of Nation1 and have cast the die that decides their destiny.
Conquest and might have put these Countries under the domination of Spain
in the time of its weakness : its actual strength separated them on the day of
that ominous dependency.
It can not be forgotten that in this heroic revolution the people of the
Union have had their eyes fixed in advance upon that great Republic that
exists in North America. The United States since their Glorious liberty
have been as a luminous constellation pointing the way opened by Provi-
dence to the other people of this part of the Globe.
Please then hear from the voice of the Government these sincere senti-
ments on the present occasion, the President of the United States translating
them for you, with the object that this respectable Magistrate of the first
free nation of America draws your attention to the state in which we find
ourselves, and wishes you to accept the congratulations of his Government
on the close union of Relations between the people that are in charge of it
and that of ours, since the latter no longer belongs to Spain, but to ourselves.
Indeed this is the precious moment to advance the commercial relations
that have already been begun, with the profit that two Governments alike
in their natural importance should await from each other; by which you
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
2 On July 9, 1816, the Congress of Tucuman declared the Independence of the United
Provinces of South America". Although in practice the name generally applied to the new
state was the "United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata", the official titk as given_in the
Declaration of Independence is consistently used in the headings to documents in this print
bearing a subsequent date.
,;nce t«-- !.';e atuR'-aiU rresident to wnom you win aiso
inrUn./i-.n touard everything that may lead to the prosperity of the United
'he Mercy of God, Buenos Aires, July 19, 1816.
210
. ':••«:'.:*• Lk\d Ifclsey, United States Consul at Buenos Aires, to James Monroe,
Secretary of Stale of the United States1
BUENOS AIRES, August 20, 1816.
SLR: ! have the honor to enclose you duplicate2 of the Note of this
< .'Aernnieni X° 20 announcing to me the Declaration of the Independence
<••! these Provinces —
The Pt »ntigiie>e Expedition that sailed from Rio Janeiro put into Sfc
("vitharine- whether intentionally or by stress of weather is unknown here;
s- •< '-cc'rei has been the Portuguese Gov'mt as to the object of the Expedition,
th.i: al'b; there is even,- probability that its destination is Monte Video
and a! •!:•.*' no oilier one is imagined still there exist many doubts of it,
I have the Honor 'etc.-.
211
A.;R Martin de Pucyrredon. Supreme Director of the United Provinces of South
America, to Jarr.es Madison. President of the United States3
[TRANSLATION]
BUENOS AIRES, January i, 1817.
MO~T EXCELLENT SIR: Being placed at the head of these provinces by the
suffrage of the Congress of its representatives, and having had the honor, on
a furnitr ixcasion, of oiiering to your excellency the tribute of my respects,
and a* the same time of transmitting the act of the declaration of our inde-
pender.ctj* the ancient Government of the King of Spain and his successors,
^profit of the present occasion to notify your excellency that I have ordered
Colonel Dun Martin Thompson, the agent of this Government near the Gov-
ernment of your excellency, to cease to exercise the functions appertaining to
1 MS. Consakr Lttrers. Buenos Aires, I
• 1 8i6-
DOCUMENT 212: JANUARY 30. iSlJ 347
his character as such. When first sent to the United States, he went in the
character of agent; and of this your excellency was apprized by despatches of
the 1 6th of January of the last year, in which was assigned, as the reason for
not having appointed to so important a mission a person of greater considera-
tion and weight, the necessity of obviating all suspicion that might otherwise
have arisen concerning its object. It is with much concern that I have
learned, by the communications themselves of our said agent, that he has
arbitrarily departed from the line of the duties marked out for him, and that,
without having duly estimated the honor of conferring with you, he has
granted licenses which are in direct contradiction with the said princip'es.
My predecessor rested all his hopes of a favorable issue to the commission
given to Mr. Thompson on the generosity and magnanimity of your excel-
lency; and I, who entertain the same sentiments, venture to hope that, sus-
pending for the present the appointment of an agent, we shall receive proofs
of your friendly dispositions towards these people; but if your excellency
should deem it necessary that a formal agent should be appointed, I shall,
upon the first intimation, take a particular pleasure in making choice of a
person who may be worthy of the consideration of the illustrious chief to
• whom, he will be sent.
I have the honor to avail myself of this occasion to renew to your excel-
lency the sentiments of respect and high esteem, which it is the boast of
the people over whom I preside to entertain for you, and to offer you the
like homage in my own name.
May God preserve you many years.
212
Thomas Lloyd Halsey, United Slates Consul at Buenos A ires, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States L
BUENOS AIRES, January jo, 1817.
SIR: When Col1 Devereux was in this Country the last year he seemed to
take a lively interest in the cause of its Independence and sensibly felt the
inadequate means of this Government when threatened by an additional and
neighbouring enemy and grieved that no friendly power should have stept
forward to lend assistance to a people struggling (with immense sacrifices) in
the sacred cause of Liberty and Independence. —
Those feelings led this Generous friend to mankind and to freedom to
European Nations to assist her in the Contest for Freedom, but that this
unhappy People should not as yet have found a Single Friend to aid them
and that even the Free Sons of Columbia inhabiting the Northern Sphere
should be insensible and indifferent to the sacred Cause of the Independence
of the whole of the inhabitants of the Continent of America. Inspired by
these reflections and knowing the Sentiments of many of the leading mem-
bers of the Government of the United States and also the general impulse of
the Inhabitants, this Worthy Citizen of the United States determined to
make an effort in favour of this Country. — He presented a memorial to
this Government offering his Services to procure a Loan in the United States
under the Guarantee of the Government persuaded that the Government of
the United States impressed with the justice of the cause and the Policy of
the measure will do so. — The proposition was sent to the Congress at
Tucuman and received its sanction & it has been accepted and agreed to
by the Supreme Director and the assisting Members of the Congress here, on
the terms of the proposition directed to His Excellency the President of the
United States and forwarded by this opportunity, to which I take the liberty
to refer you. —
This Country composing the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata is in
a perilous situation, surrounded by enemies with considerable internal de-
sentions, the Treasury and means exhausted, the Portuguese in possession
of a considerable part of the Banda Oriental (altho it is thought that much
time will pass before they get quiet possession of the Country). — In fact
I consider the subjugation of these provinces as the death blow to the last
efforts of the Spanish Americas for Independence, but that timely Succour
being given, together with their determination to resist and the new impulse
which the assistance of the United States will insure, reasonable hopes may
be entertained of their ultimate success. —
I have the honor to transmit a dispatch of this Government to His Ex-
cellency the President of the United States enclosing the terms that the loan
is to be contracted for, after receiving the Guarantee of the Government. —
The Portuguese took possession of Monte Video on the 19th Instant, the
troops of Artigas having previously evacuated the place, not considering
themselves sufficiently provided to stand a Siege. —
I have the Honor [etc.].
Juan Martin de Pueyrredon, Supreme Director of the United Produces of South
America, to James Madison, President of the United States1
BUENOS AIRES, January 31, 1817.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: This Government being more than ever engaged in
the pending struggle to bring to an end the happy independence that has
been sworn and proclaimed by the peoples, every means has been tried to
ward off the risks, achieve results and seal the character of honor that is
already ours. In spite of such plausible plans, our cause was not given the
impulse that could bring the enemy to earth by making known to him the
weakness of his undertaking, because the lack of funds at times paralyzed the
measure of hostilities and at other times failed of the strength which our
sacred endeavor called for. In so hard a conflict providence has extended to
me aid through Don Juan Devereux, to whom I was invited [invitado] by
the Consul of the United States, Mr. Thomas Lloyd Halsey, in the sum of
$2,000,000, which under certain conditions may be lent to my Government.
I have not hesitated in accepting both for the end which urges its acceptance
and also the features of the contract: It has been approved by the proper
authorities and in accord with the above named Consul, the articles it con-
stituted and which are herewith enclosed, were approved. There only re-
mains for your Government to extend the protection needed to carry it into
effect and that is mainly what our people ask of Your Excellency through me.
Convinced as they are that the liberty enjoyed by your States is the same
as that which they proclaim, they have full confidence in the guaranty of Your
Government for that loan and now indulge the great pleasure of a friendly
correspondence between brothers and tender even now the most sincere
cordiality and reciprocal union in honor of the just cause which they cham-
pion.
May God guard Your Excellency many years.
214
Thomas Lloyd Halsey, United States Consul at Buenos Aires, to James Monroe,
Secretary of State of the United States*
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, March 3, i8ij.
SIR: The accompanying is Copy of the last dispatch that I had the honor
to address forwarded by the Brig Elizabeth for New York.
1 MS. Papers relative to the Revolted Spanish Provinces.
- MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
Government has thought proper to prohibit the departure of Mr Carreras
who arrived here from, the United States a few days previous, with two
vessels having on board many French and American Officers & Artizans —
The Officers it is said will be employed by the Government, and the Artizans
with liberty to remain in the Country or return to the U.S.
The divisions between O'Higgins & Carreras was the cause of the late
subjugation of Chili and as this Government sided with the party of
O'Higgins who accompanied the army to Chili, it doubtless conceived that
the return of Carreras to his Country might produce new factions & dis-
orders and similar consequences.
The Division of the Portuguese Army at Montevideo remains in that
vicinity hemmed in by the light Corps of Dn Fructos Rivero, who has dis-
troyed most of the Grain, and much harrasses the Army. — The Division
of the Portuguese in the interior are however gaining some advantages,
they have Corps in the vicinity of Goya & Carricutes.
215
Juan Martin de Pueyrreddn, Supreme Director of the United Provinces of South
America, to James Monroe, President of the United States1
[TRA.NSLA.TION]
BUENOS AIRES, March 5, 1817.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: The liberal and benevolent principles which dis-
tinguish your Government induce me to believe that the recent triumphs of
liberty in these United Provinces of South America will be heard with pleas-
ure by your excellency and the happy citizens of your republic. This confi-
dence, and the conformity of the principles which actuate the inhabitants of
this hemisphere with those that stimulated the heroic efforts of the United
States of the north in the achievement of their independence, encourage me
to make known to your excellency the restoration of the opulent kingdom
of Chili, by the patriot forces of my Government.
The printed documents which I have the honor to enclose contain ac-
counts of the most memorable events of the last campaign. It was opened
by the passage of the formidable mountains of the Andes; and, through the
interposition of Providence, our victorious arms have given liberty to a
million and a half of the inhabitants of the new world.
tion, and my desire to strengthen the bonds of union and mutual interest
between the two nations.
God preserve you many years.
216
Thomas Lloyd Halsey, United States Consul at Buenos Aires, to the Secretary
of State of the United States1
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, March 26, 1817.
The tide of Fortune has changed surprizingly of late in favour of the
liberty of these Countries. Chili is completely in possession of the Patriot
Army and an army of 6,000 Men is organizing there with the intention of
making a descent on the Coast of Limanian Peru the latter part of this year.
Advices of new successes in upper Peru were received two days since a
party of Guemes troops attacked a small Fort in the rear of the Spanish
Army, took Seven pieces of Artillery a quantity of Military Stores £ Cattle
one Standard & put to the sword Eighty men.
The Portuguese on the other side of this River made a movement lately
towards the river Sfc Lucia a few leagues from Monte Video immediately
after which Dn Fructos Rivero's troops appeared in the vicinity of the Town
and threatened it.
217
Commission to Manuel Hermenegildo de Aguirre, granted by Juan Martin de
Pueyrredon, Supreme Director of the United Provinces of South America -
[TRANSLATION]
BUENOS AIRES, March 28, 1817.
The Supreme Director of the United Provinces of South America.
Inasmuch as it is necessary to appoint a person who, in the character of
agent of this Government near that of the United States of North America,
may promote whatever conduces to the progress of the cause in which these
provinces are engaged, to their honor, and the consolidation of the great
work of our liberty: therefore, the necessary qualities of probity, capacity,
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, i?5-
352 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
and patriotism, uniting in the Commissary General of War, citizen Don
Manuel Hermenegildo de Aguirre, I have appointed him agent of this Gov-
ernment near that of the United States of North America, granting to him
the privileges, pre-eminences, and prerogatives which belong to the said title.
In pursuance whereof, I have given the present, signed by me, counter-
signed by my Secretary of State for the Department of the Government and
Foreign Affairs, and sealed with the seal of the national arms. Given at
Buenos Ayres, the 28th day of March, 1817.
[Arms] JUAN MART!N DE PUEYRRED6N.
GREGORIO TAGLE, Minister of State.
218
Don Jose Francisco de San Martin, General of the Army of the Andes, to James
Monroe, President of the United States l
[TRANSLATION]
SANTIAGO, CHILE, April JT, 1817.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: Charged by the Supreme Director of the provinces
of South America with the command of the army of the Andes, Heaven
crowned my forces with a victory on the I2th of February over the oppressors
of the beautiful kingdom of Chili. The sacred rights of nature being restored
to the inhabitants of this country by the influence of the national arms and
the efficacious impulse of my Government, fortune has opened a favorable
field to new enterprises, which secure the power of liberty and the ruin of the
enemies of America. Towards securing and consolidating this object, the
Supreme Director of the Government of Chili has considered, as a principal
instrument, the armament in these States of a squadron destined to the Pa-
cific ocean, which, united to the forces that are preparing in the river La
Plata, may co-operate in sustaining the ulterior military operations of the
army under my command in South America; and, convinced of the advan-
tages which our actual political situation promises, I have crossed the Andes
in order to concert in that capital, among other things, the guaranty of my
Government, and, in compliance with the stipulations between the Supreme
Director of Chili and its intimate ally, to carry into effect the plan which has
been confided to Don Manuel Aguirre. Your excellency, who enjoys the
honor of presiding over a free people, who contended and shed their blood in a
have the high satisfaction of assuring your excellency that the arms of the
country under my orders will not fail to give consistency and respect to the
promises of both Governments.
I am happy in having this agreeable occasion [etc.].
219
Juan Martin de Pueyrred6n, Supreme Director of the United Provinces of South
America, to James Monroe, President of the United States1
[TRANSLATION]
April 28, 1817.
When the interests of sound policy are in accord with the principles of
justice, nothing is more easy or more pleasing than the maintenance of
harmony and good understanding between Powers which are connected by
close relations. This seems to be exactly the case in which the United
States and these provinces stand with respect to each other; a flattering
situation, which gives the signal of our success, and forms our best apology.
It is on this occasion that citizen Don Manuel Hermenegildo de Aguirre,
Commissary General of War, is deputed towards you in the character of the
agent of this Government. If his recommendable qualities are the best
pledge of the faithful discharge of his commission and of its favorable issue,
the upright and generous sentiments of your excellency are not less auspicious
to it. The concurrence of these circumstances induces me to hope the
most favorable results.
I trust, therefore, that your excellency will be pleased to grant to the said
citizen Aguirre all the protection and consideration required by his diplo-
matic rank and the actual state of our relations. This will be a new tie, by
which the United States of the north will more effectually secure the grati-
tude and affection of the free provinces of the south.
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 176.
354 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
220
W. G. D. Washington, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary
of State of the United States1
BUENOS AIRES, October i, 1817-
On the 22nd. Ulto. I waited on his Excellency the Supreme Director,
& think I had the good fortune, to make a satisfactory explanation to
him respecting the non compliance of the Government of the United States
with the memorial of Col. Devereux heretofore offering the guarantee of
a Loan.
I had a tedious voyage, not arriving here till the 5th Ulto. — As soon
as it was deemed proper by me, I paid my respects to the existing authorities,
and was introduced by the Secretary of State to the Supreme Director,
on the I3th, purposely, without any publicity or form — As he speaks
french I found no difficulty in conversing freely with him, and immediately
frankly explained my views in coming hither, agreeably to my instructions.
The Director received & treated me with candor & friendship, who
together with the People in general in this place, appear to have a par-
tiality for the Citizens of the United States — Moreover I determined
to have nothing to do with the little political intrigues here, & told the
Director on my introduction, that it was the Character of my Govern-
ment to be without mystery & that I should always act in a plain & open
manner. Altho' it appeared to disappoint expectations, yet I told him
very emphatically, that the crisis had not arrived when it might be deemed
expedient for the United States to espouse the Cause of the South American
Patriots; and such were our political relations with old Spain that we
were bound by honor & integrity not to meddle in the contest, which
would have been the case, had the United States, have lent its aid to the
Loan of money as proposed by Col. Devereux; And therefore, when they
took a part, they would do it openly, not indirectly — The Director observed
that the proposition for the Loan did not come from them, but from Col.
Devereux — I told him, that the Col. had in his own personal zeal, I was led
to believe, from the positive assurance of the President, thro' the Depart-
ment of State, acted beyond his authority — I concluded the interview by
telling the Director, that if he deemed it necessary I would make a formal
official communication on the subject, which he might lay before the mem-
bers who composed the Congress of Tacuman & that of Buenos Ayres, but
I believe this will not be required —
I could say many things respecting the state of this Country, Chili
&c &c, but as I was informed a cypher would be furnished me, I shall
reserve many opinions till I receive it should it still be thought necessary.
I shall postpone crossing the Andes as late as the season will permit,
then proceed on for Santiago —
With distinguished consideration [etc.].
221
W. G. D. Worthington, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary
of State of the United States1
BUENOS AIRES, October 4, 1817.
SIR: Since my despatch of the ist. Inst.2 I last night received an official
letter from Mr. Tagle, Secretary of State here, dated the 3rd, a translation
& copy of which I have the honor to enclose.
The two papers mentioned by Mr. Tagle were my Passport & Credential
Letter of the 23rd of January last, which I presented on the I3th. Ulto. —
And were retained under consideration, I presume, till yesterday.
The expressions in Mr. Tagle's letter seem to confirm the opinions I had
expressed to you — The expectations were so high & the feelings so strong,
in favour of receiving a Minister from the United States, acknowledging
their Independence, that notwithstanding I took great care to impress it
before I landed & afterwards that I was only a Special Agent for Commerce
&c, they seemed a long time loth to relinquish their anticipations of my
being a much more important character than I was in reality —
Aware, that when this extraordinary current began to ebb, the public
mind might assume, if not repulsive, at least lukewarm impressions towards
me, I adopted the course with the Government stated in my letter of the
1st, which has I trust fully succeeded.
Unless the same overwhelming powers which put Lewis the i8th twice
on the Throne of France, be employed to replace this Country under the
Spanish Branch of the Bourbons, it is, & ever will remain independant of
Spain — And if the United States be the first to acknowledge them Free,
they will be in every respect the most favoured Nation —
I do not obtrude my opinion, that they should make such acknowledg-
ment; I only say what effect it would have here; for in all my acts, I shall
maintain my character, of a rigid Neutrality, both as it regards myself per-
sonally & the Government for which I have the honor to be Agent —
If it comported with the views of the President I should think it would
add to the safety of our own citizens, & familiarize our Naval Character
to the People of this part of the world, to have a vessel of war always sta-
1 MS. Dispatches from Argentina, I. 2 See above, pt. n, doc. 220.
356 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
tioned in these waters— The British never have less than one or two
laying in the Roads of this city— I shall now apply myself to the statis-
tical and other enquiries which grow out of my official duties, and at all
times pay attention to any subject concerning the United States, of which,
I may deem it not improper for me to take notice —
I enclose a letter addressed to me by William G. Miller, Esquire, respect-
ing the Consulate of Monte Video— he gives his reasons for declining the
appointment,— I thought it necessary to make enquiries on this head,
as I find on the 16 of March last, this place had attracted the attention
of the Ministers of the Mediating Courts at Paris; and the President might
wish to nominate some person to that situation.
With distinguished consideration [etc.].
222
W. G. D. Worthington, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru, to Gregorio Tagle, Secretary of State of the
United Provinces of South America1
JESUITS' COLLEGE SQUARE, October 6, 1817.
The Undersigned Special Agent of the U. S. for Buenos Ayres Chili &
Peru, had the honor to receive the official letter with its accompanyments,
addressed to him on the 3 Inst. by the Honorable Mr. Tagle Secretary of
State.
He has transmitted a copy of that communication to Washington and
feels confident that the President will duly appreciate the motives which
have dictated the friendly & delicate manner, in which the undersigned has
been recognized here, and will fully reciprocate those sentiments of liberality
and national predilection which his Exy. the Supreme Director has been
pleased to express towards that Chief Magistrate and the republic over
which he presides. When the undersigned had the honor of being introduced
to his Excellency the Sup. Director Shortly after his arrival, he unfolded
without reserve the Spirit of amity and purely neutral character in which he
had been directed by the President to conduct the present mission and that
his functions were of a commercial nature.
Altho the President as well as the people of the United States may regard
with the most generous Sympathy the Lofty destinies to which this portion
of thf. PTf.at ampriran familv TS ranirllv r»rr>crr<aecinor \rc*i- on^li io of rvroeoi-i +• •*•!->«.
DOCUMENT 223'- OCTOBER 29, I8l7 357
fectly neutral: For if the United States were to throw their resources, into
the Scale of the Provinces, the Mother Country might then enlist on her
Side, other Powers who would be more than equivalent.
It was therefore the Soundest policy and the most honest part to Stand
aloof at least while the other powers did so, and contemplate the Struggle as
a civil war impartially extending, to the Combatants all the aid and benefit
which they are enabled to receive according to the Law of nations.
His Excellency the Director appeared to view this Subject in a fair and
candid light and no doubt saw the true reason why the Credential letter
presented was as stated by your Honor deficient in the Customary formali-
ties.
The Undersigned will avail himself of an early opportunity to obtain by
permission official information on the inquiries with which he had the honor
of informing his Excellency the Supr. Direc. he should wish to be furnished
and takes this occasion to offer to Mr. Tagle The assurance [etc.].
223
Manuel H. de Aguirre, Agent of the United Provinces of South America to the
United States, to James Monroe, President of the United States l
WASHINGTON, October 29,
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: Th^e centuries of colonial oppression by a corrupt,
superstitious, and ignorant nation, whose obstinate and iniquitous policy ever
has been to vilify the inhabitants of South America, as being destined to
vegetate in obscurity and debasement; (such are the expressions of the viceroy
Albancos;) the violent system of keeping them in ignorance of all information
incompatible with its principles of colonial dependence; the perverse policy
of denying to the children of the mother country, and their lawful descend-
ants on the American continent, the rights of citizens in the exercise of a
practical equality; the exclusive monopoly of commerce despotically exer-
cised, regulated by the laws solely in favor of the mother country, and main-
tained by force at the price of the blood of innocent victims, natives of the
country; the black ingratitude with which it has conducted itself towards
the capital of Buenos Ayres, after having so gallantly and energetically de-
fended the Spanish dominion against the English army under General Beres-
ford in 1806, and the army of 12,000 men of the same nation, commanded by
General Whitelock in 1807; finally, the infamous engagement to force them
against their consent, to submit to the yoke which the Emperor Napoleon
358 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
imposed upon Spain, to avenge the bloody usurpations of the empires of
Mexico and Peru, prepared these people, on the 25th of May, 1810, for their
separation from the Spanish nation, already conquered by the French, not
to admit the additional circumstance that the inhabitants of these provinces
preserved them for the captive King Don Ferdinand VII. and his lawful
successors.
On the restoration of the King of Spain to his throne, a sufficient time was
afforded to give him the opportunity of correcting his counsels, stating the
grievances and injuries he complained of, and finally of proposing an honor-
able termination of these differences. Although the deputy had not yet
arrived at the court of Madrid, the King had already despatched his inexora-
ble and bloody decrees; and the expedition under General Morillo crossed the
seas to wage a war of devastation on these countries. The natural right of
self-defence imposed the necessity of taking measures to repel force by force.
Hostile armies were the worst means which could be employed to bring
about an accommodation.
When the deputy of the court of Madrid informed this Government that
the King of Spain insisted on leaving no other alternative than the most
abject submission, and that he claimed these provinces as the property of
his crown, (doubtless to make them victims to Spanish vengeance,) then it
was that the sovereign Congress of these provinces having assembled did,
in imitation of the example of their brethren and natural friends of North
America, unanimously proclaim, in the city of Tucuman, on the 9th day
of July, 1816, the solemn act of their civil independence of the Spanish
nation, of the King of Spain, his heirs and successors, and did swear, to-
gether with the people represented by them, to support their political
emancipation at the risk of their lives, fortunes, and honor.
God preserve your excellency many years.
224
W. G. D. Worthington, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru, to Gregprio Tagle, Secretary of State of the
United Provinces of South America1
[EXTRACTS]
Private. JESUITS' COLLEGE SQUARE, October 30, 1817.
SIR: At the conclusion of the letter which I had the honor to address to you
on the 6th Inst.2 1 alluded to certain enauiries which I should wish to
where — My reasons for adopting this course, are, ist because it will be
more correctly furnished me — 2ndly, because I have no inclination to do
any act while I remain here, which I should not desire, rather that it be
known to the Government than kept secret from them — srdly, because I
am of opinion that the Congress of the United States, at their Session in
December next (which will most likely continue till March or April following)
may call upon the President for such information as he may have in his
possession concerning South American Affairs, and I feel anxious that he
should be enabled to lay before the American Nation a full view of the sub-
ject: And as I hope to draw my information from official sources, I offer you
an opportunity of placing the situation of this Country in the most flattering
light, having a regard however as you no doubt will, that the statements
tho' put in the most favourable manner, will be in the main supported by
the facts — lastly because I wish to make no enquiries of this Government
which I am not willing to answer if asked of me respecting my own — There-
fore I will anticipate your reviewing those questions, by answering them in
advance (they are enclosed on a separate piece of paper).
ist The United States entertain the most liberal principles & most friendly
disposition towards the Provinces of South America, as his Excellency the
Supreme Director was particularly informed by me, on the day I was pre-
sented to him —
2nd The United States are [sic] at peace & on friendly terms with all the
great nations, of Europe & has [sic] Ministers at Petersburg, London, Paris,
The Hague, Stockholm & at Madrid— I think I may safely say that our
Foreign Relations are on a worse footing with Spain than with any of those
Powers, ist in consequence of her delay to settle our claim for indemnity
under the Treaty of San Lorenzo el Real of the 27. October 1795, in her sup-
pressing our right of Deposits at New Orleans — 2nd. The non adjustment
of our claims against her for spoliations on our Commerce previous to
the year 1802. — 3rd The difference respecting our territorial limits on the
East & West side of the Mississippi. 4th. The aid given by her Authorities
in East Florida, to the hostile Indian Savages on our Georgian frontier to
make war against us. 5th. Permitting England to send supplies to those
tribes thro' East Florida & allowing her to establish a military Depot in the
Province with a view of supporting them against the United States. And
6th. The imprisonment of American citizens & the Seizure of their property
under divers pretences both in her European & American Possessions con-
trary to Amity & the Law of Nations — Those grievances were all unre-
dressed when I left Washington. I have heard it said here that Spain has
lately ceded East Florida to the United States — but I know of nothing official
to that effect — As to the other great Powers of Europe, it is perhaps the
better policy of the United States to cultivate the particular friendship of
Russia, thereby to counterpoise, the maritime pretensions of England, as it
360 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
has been conceived, that the policy of the two nations ought to be the same
in that respect ever since the armed Neutrality of the North in which the late
empress of Russia took so conspicuous a part — But it is my opinion that
the Emperor Alexander is too much governed by his Nobles ; and if California
has been lately ceded to him, as is rumoured here, it behooves the United
States to regard that cession with considerable attention — For it appears
to me that the English having possession of Nova Scotia, the Canadas &c
and endeavouring to force into consequence an establishment at the mouth
of Columbia river (a vessel, the "Colonel Allen" now lying in these roads
with supplies &c for the Letters found from London to that place) The
Russians now getting the Californias & we already having the Spanish
territories on our South & West — It would seem that they intend to at-
tempt to revive, enlarge & carry into operation, the long exploded project
which the French formerly had, (before the death of Montcalm on the
Heights of Abraham) of forming a complete line of offensive military Posts
drawn around the old United States from Quebec to the mouth of the Missis-
sippi — These maneuvres may possibly change our relations materially
with those powers — but what effect they will have either immediately or
remotely on these Provinces of Spanish America it is perhaps not becoming
me even to surmise —
3rd In addition to the Ministers Plenipotentiary which we have in Europe,
we have one at the Court of Rio de Janeiro — our relations with the Brazilian
Government have always been of a character so little interesting that I can
only say we are on friendly terms with them, & I believe mutually respected.
4th Our Commercial & other Connections with the aforementioned powers
are governed by public Treaties, of which it would be both too tedious either
to recapitulate the substance or to enumerate them: But having all those
Treaties with me, they will be furnished you with great pleasure should you
feel a disposition to peruse any of them. . . .
I trust Sir — you will receive these remarks on my own Country its men
& purposes, as they were intended, merely to bring the two nations better
acquainted with each other; that when the period may arrive in which their
interests & affections shall unite them in habits of real friendship & free social
intercourse, they may have learnt in advance duly to appreciate each other
& not be brought together, as perfect strangers, solely by diplomatic leger-
demain— Let the new World in all its transactions, endeavour to avoid
degenerating into that political hocus pocus, by which we have seen nations
disposed of & portioned out, as if they were mere matters of personal prop-
erty— If I have sometimes wandered into an expression too warm or too
flattering when speaking of my native land, I know you will make all due
allowance, for tho' heaven have shed on your States its choicest blessings
of climatft & nf snil
1~ i:r_ ___ r~u
LA V^ g V^-OL. ^SV^l. V^^U \J i ./*- 1- VY V^ V^ \J\. 1. 1.4.L4U11. ^.\^J.1.J.^/J. U U V* I- V*»3
of a gracious Providence have been withholden from us: And I have always
found that the man whose heart beats so strongly in favor of his own coun-
try, as does that of a South American, can freely forgive the throbbings,
tho' a little too extravagant, of his Brother of the North — for to the Love
of Country, we owe, not only some of our finest sensibilities but some of
the noblest actions of our Nation. I renew to you the assurance of my
"Profound respect [etc.].
225
Hdanuel H. de Aguirre, Agent of the United Provinces of South America to the
United States, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State of the United States 1
[TRANSLATION]
WASHINGTON, December 16, 1817.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: Having had the honor to inform you, in October
last, that the United Provinces in South America had declared themselves
free and independent states, and to lay before you the reasons which sup-
ported that declaration, together with the object and credentials of my
mission to the Government of the United States, the respect I owe to the
Instructions of my constituents, and the due discharge of the trust with
•which they have honored me, now induce me to demand of this Government
"the acknowledgment of those provinces as such free and independent states.
By rny previous communications, you will have perceived that this declara-
tion was not premature, and that the provinces of Rio de la Plata abstained
from, making it whilst it could have been attributed to the effect of the diffi-
culties of the mother country. They held so lofty a conception to be among
•the obligations which they were about to contract on placing themselves in
the rank of nations; and, before they cut short the interminable catalogue
of vexations and patient sufferings of which Spanish America offers so
striking an example, they preferred exhausting all the means of conciliation
'which prudence could suggest, and proving whether their own conviction
of their rights, and of the injuries they had suffered, would rise superior to
their ancient habit of submission and obedience, and whether they were able
to surmount the obstacles and embarrassments inseparable from their new
situation. It was after repeated proofs of this kind, and after uniform re-
sults, that the Congress of those provinces declared them sovereign states,
on the gth of July, 1816,
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 180.
362 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
Notwithstanding all these proofs and precautions, the respect due to
foreign nations made my Government anxious farther to obtain an attitude
which might inspire greater confidence before it asked of them to acknowl-
edge her as worthy of the high rank to which she had raised herself. During
the space of six years previous to their declaration of independence, the
forces of these provinces had obtained signal successes on the eastern border,
having captured the whole of the royal squadron which attacked them ; re-
duced one of the strongest places in our hemisphere, after a memorable
siege, and made prisoners of war the strong garrison which defended it ; and
if victory was not always the inseparable companion of our arms in Peru,
it was often so, and enabled us to drive back the satellites of tyranny to a
greater distance from our territories.
Almost eighteen months have passed since this declaration; eighteen
months, during which the King's forces have had no other object in view
than to rivet anew the chains which Spanish America had burst asunder and
shaken off! If such an undertaking had been within the power of Spain,
she never could have had a more favorable opportunity than at present,
when she has had at her disposal, disengaged from any other calls of service,
an army numerous and warlike, and the aids of all who interest themselves
in perpetuating the monopoly and subjection of our country. It is true that
Spain proceeded to fit out an expedition the most brilliant that was ever
employed in the subjugation of our continent; but this expedition, although
repeatedly reinforced, has scarcely been able to maintain its ground with
honor in a single province; consumed as it has been by the dreadful phe-
nomena of nature, and, above all, by a six years' war of the most sanguinary
and exasperated character; while the provinces of Rio de la Plata have not
only been able, during all that time, to preserve the precious treasure of their
liberty, but to bestow it, without foreign aid, on their brethren of Chili, and
to force the King's troops to retire towards Peru, which, having been rein-
forced by fresh detachments, had ventured to show themselves on our terri-
tory. It is under such circumstances, it is after having shown and proven
the grounds and motives of its declaration, and the means it possesses to
support it, that my Government has thought it conformable to the respect
due to nations to make it known to them, and to solicit their acknowledg-
ment of its sovereignty.
My Government, considering that of the United States as one of the first
of whom it ought to solicit this acknowledgment, believed that the identity
of political principles, the consideration of their inhabiting the same hemi-
sphere, and the sympathy so natural to those who have experienced similar
evils, would be so many additional reasons in support of its anxiety. There
still exist, there still preside over the councils of the nation, many of those
who supported and sealed here with their blood the rights of man; their
DOCUMENT 226: DECEMBER 26, l8iy 363
Spanish Americans. The recollection that it was these States which first
pointed out to us the path of glory, and the evidence that they are enjoying
most fully the blessed effects of liberty, inspire me with the conviction that
it is for them also to show that they know how to appreciate our efforts,
and thereby animate the other provinces which, less fortunate, have not
yet been able to put an end to the sanguinary struggle.
I cannot close this communication without requesting you to make known
to the President the wishes of the United Provinces in South America ; and,
also, to represent to him their earnest desire to see firmly established, be-
tween these States and those Provinces, relations mutually beneficial, suited
to Governments and people whose institutions are so analogous, and all
whose interests invite them to promote and maintain a close and permanent
friendship.
God preserve you many years.
226
Manuel H. de Aguirre, Agent of the United Provinces of South America to the
United States, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State of the United States1
[TRANSLATION]
WASHINGTON, December 26, 1817.
SIR: I had the honor to inform you, on the i6th of this month, that the
United Provinces of South America, having declared themselves free and
independent, had made a request to be considered as such by these United
States; and, as you expressed a desire, in the conference with which you
honored me the day before yesterday, to be more fully informed of the
grounds on which those provinces formed their request, I now comply with
your desire.
In my said note I particularly stated the circumspection with which my
Government had proceeded, and the precautions it had taken from a sense
of its own honor, and the respect due to other nations, before it required to
be considered by them as a sovereign Power. You were pleased to remark
on the uncertainty of establishing a new Government, and the hesitation
naturally produced by such a request; and you preferred that it should be
delayed, or not made until all doubt was removed of the real existence and
duration of their sovereignty, and they had given a pledge to foreign nations
that there existed no intention to commit them by making this request.
364 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
witnessed in the capture of the royal squadron, the occupation of Monte-
video, the numerous prisoners of war who fertilize our fields, the chastise-
ment of the King's forces in Peru, and the recovery of the provinces of Chili.
Meanwhile, our interior organization has been progressively improving.
Our people have made an essay in the science of government, and have
appointed a congress of representatives, which is engaged in promoting the
general weal. A plan of military defence has been formed, in which we were
before deficient, and a system of revenue organized that has hitherto been
competent to provide for our numerous wants; finally, public opinion is
daily gaining ground, unsupported by which the Government would have
been unable to undertake the enterprises which have distinguished it.
The strength of our oppressors diminishing with the increase of our means
of defence, their hopes declining of longer tyrannizing over us, a regular
system of government, the decision of our citizens, a competent revenue,
an organized force sufficiently strong for the defence of the country, a
squadron afloat, a disposable army in Chili, and a second operating in Peru —
all this must surely undeceive our enemies, even if the habit of authority
should still flatter them with hopes.
Notwithstanding the professions of neutrality, on the part of the United
States, towards the contending parties in Spanish America ; notwithstanding
the indifference, if I may say so, with which the United States have looked
on a country deluged with blood by its tyrants, I would not offend you, sir,
by the idea that you consider it necessary that we should offer proofs of the
justice of our cause. The few of our sufferings that have come to the
knowledge of foreign nations have filled them with horror and indignation ;
never was the human race so debased elsewhere as we have been ; never did
men draw their swords in a more sacred cause. But the provinces of Rio
de la Plata mean not to exite the sensibility of the United States. They
only call upon their justice. The contest in South America can be viewed
in no other light than as a civil war; and I have proven to you, sir, the
prosperous and respectable attitude of those provinces. Are they, then,
to be thought worthy of being ranked among nations? Do their full
enjoyment of all the rights of sovereignty for more than seven years, their
successes, and present position, give them a right to become one?
The apprehension that this acknowledgment might involve the United
States in a war with the chief of the adverse party could not be justly con-
sidered by my Government as a sufficient motive to prevent their soliciting
it; since, however little of justice or prudence may be found in the councils
of the King of Spain, even that would suffice to prove that other nations
have distinct and fixed rules whereby to estimate political successes; that,
practically, they acknowledge no other sovereign power than that which is
DOCUMENT 226: DECEMBER 26, 1817 365
two parties, or the bonds of the political compact between the monarch
and the people happen to be otherwise broken, they both have equal rights,
and owe the same obligations to neutral nations. It follows, therefore,
that the contending parties in Spanish America are not subjected to different
rules.
If these rules may sometimes be varied, or admit of any alteration, the
exception should always be in favor of the oppressed against the oppressor.
It is therefore strongly contended by many of the most celebrated civilians,
"that in all revolutions produced by the tyranny of the prince, foreign
nations have a right to assist an oppressed people;" a right dictated by
justice and generosity. Now it cannot be supposed that the observance of
justice ever gave a pretext for war to the party or nation most interested in
a different conduct. Since, therefore, my Government has limited its
pretensions to the acknowledgment of its real and effective sovereignty,
which even our adversary himself would not call in question, it considers
itself authorized to take this step, by the practice of nations, by public
opinion, and the sanction of eternal justice.
In our late conference, you appeared to find an objection in the occupation
of Montevideo by the Portuguese troops. But if credit is to be given to
the correspondence between my Government and that of Brazil, the prin-
cipal motive for this war is the ancient pretension of the King of Brazil to
more extensive limits. It will probably be impossible for him to obtain
them, as one of our most distinguished commanders, supported by the most
ample resources, is now engaged in repelling them; and notwithstanding the
double family ties which now connect that sovereign with the King of
Spain, our national existence, so far from being seriously threatened by the
war in that quarter, [La Banda Oriental,] is strengthened by it. You also
remarked, that similar pretensions had been formed by other provinces of
Spanish America now contending for their liberties. Would to Heaven
that they all could now offer to this Government the same proofs of their
effective sovereignty, and equal pledges of their respective preponderating
power! Humanity would then have much fewer evils to deplore, and all
America would exhibit a united people, only rivalling with each other in
the art of improving their civil institutions, and extending the blessings and
enjoyment of social order.
When I contemplate the distinguished part the United States may take
in realizing this grand enterprise, and consider how much it is in their power
to hasten this happy period, only by giving an example of national justice,
in acknowledging the independence of those Governments who so gloriously
and by so many sacrifices have known how to obtain it, my reason persuades
366 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
227
Manuel H. de Aguirre, Agent of the United Provinces of South America to the
United States, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State of the United States 1
[TRANSLATION]
WASHINGTON, December 29, 1817.
SIR: It is painful to me to trespass on your attention with complaints; but
I should be wanting both to the trust committed to me by my Government,
and my duty to my country, if, after being informed of the purport and
effect of the law passed on the 3d of March last, for the more effectual
preservation of the neutral relations of the United States, I did not represent
to you that its effects bear hard only on those who are struggling for the
independence of Spanish America.
By the law and usages of nations, neutrals are forbidden, if I am not
mistaken, to afford any active aid to any of the contending parties; to
sanction any law granting or refusing privileges to one, which are not at the
same time effectually granted or refused to the other; and, in fine, to change
their commercial or other regulations, so as to improve the condition of the
one, to the exclusion of the other.
If, on comparing the above-mentioned law with this doctrine, and observ-
ing that whether we look to the time of its enactment or the period of its
duration, it could only be applicable to the contest now carrying on in South
America, we cannot but be surprised that it tends so directly to injure those
who are defending themselves against the most horrible tyranny; and not
only prohibits the irregularities arising from the deficiency of measures to
preserve a strict neutrality, but also prohibits or subjects to bonds, amount-
ing to a prohibition, the exportation of arms and ammunition, or any other
mercantile operation which may be considered as calculated to aid, or in
any manner to co-operate in, any measure of hostility.
If you permit me, sir, to point out the effect of that law upon those
provinces which, although engaged in the same cause with those of the Rio
de la Plata, are, notwithstanding, under distinct Governments, I would
observe that their state of defence is much inferior to that of the enemy;
that some of them, perhaps, have not the means of increasing it, if the
nearest neutral nation shuts their markets against them; and that the law
which subjects them to the impossibility, or increases the difficulty, of
augmenting their means of defence, has a direct tendency to promote
their subjugation. The unequal effects of this law are still more evident,
if we consider that, while it immediately deprives several of those provinces
of the most essential supplies, it allows their enemies to draw supplies from
DOCUMENT 228: JANUARY 6, l8l8 . 367
possible that, in refusing all manner of aid to those who are engaged in our
bloody struggle, the United States should so far restrict their commerce as to
prohibit the exportation of provisions.
I shall abstain from calling your attention to consequences still more
injurious, resulting from such a precedent; but I cannot avoid observing
that the fourth section of the law in question is evidently favorable to the
King of Spain exclusively, if we attend to the time and circumstances when
it passed.
I confidently rely, sir, on your laying before the President the subject
of the present complaint, which nothing but the necessity of the case has
compelled me to make; and also on your submitting to him, that, in our
present struggle, we not only defend the rights of mankind and the best
interests of civilized society, but that we are contending for the preservation
of our families and for our existence.
God preserve you many years.
228
Manuel H. de Aguirre, Agent of the United Provinces of South America to the
United States, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State of the United States1
[TRANSLATION]
WASHINGTON, January 6, 1818.
SIR: In the last interview with which you honored me a few days ago,
you were pleased to state that the act of the acknowledgment of the in-
dependence of the United Provinces in South America ought to be reduced
to a formal treaty between the two independent Governments, as was
practised in the case of the treaty of amity and commerce between the
United States and His Most Christian Majesty, in 1778.
Not considering myself, in truth, sufficiently authorized by my Govern-
ment to treat with that of the United States, in special terms, I then had
the honor to explain to you that my powers did not extend so far; but,
keeping in view the spirit and object of my commission, (as appear by the
credentials now in your possession,) namely, "to promote as far as may be
the honor and consolidation of the cause in which these provinces are now
engaged;" and, it appearing evident, on the other hand, to be the intention
and desire of the said sovereign congress closely to connect themselves by
368 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
fully authorized by my Government to enter into a negotiation with that
of the United States, on the general basis of a reciprocal amity and com-
merce.
I have the honor to renew [etc.].
229
W. G. D. Worthington, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State of the United States1
BUENOS AIRES, January 10, 1818.
SIR: On the 7th instant in the morning I was sent for by the Secretary of
State, Mr. Tagle, the Messenger saying that he wished to see me imme-
diately. I went, and he observed that the Supreme Director had thought
proper to pass an order, that Mr. Halsey, the United States Consul, should
leave this City in a short time, to go on board a vessel lying in the Roads.
I observed that it was hoped no violence was to be offered him; he said no.
I asked him particularly if the order had been already taken, he said yes.
I told him I regretted it, as perhaps it had been better to have suspended
his functions till the President had been informed of the matter. He said
that the Government had a right to send a Consul out of a country. I
replied there was no doubt of that if it had good reasons for so doing. He
then communicated various Charges against Mr. Halsey, respecting his
having some five or six months ago visited Genl. Artigas, an enemy of this
place, and I think of his lately having been the medium through which sedi-
tious and inflammatory papers &c. had been received here from Baltimore,
and of his meddling in the Privateering System &c. &c, for I really cannot
relate the conversation minutely or with positive assurance that my relation
is correct, as the Secretary speaks only Spanish, and tho' I confer with him
always without an interpreter, I am very deficient in the language as yet.
However I can understand him as well as he can me, so that in this respect
we are on a par.
Conceiving that I could not with decorum interfere further in this business
in this stage of it, and taking it for granted that I was sent for through
motives of friendship and delicacy to the United States, that the proceeding
might not be misunderstood, I passed on to other matters, and in a few
minutes took my leave.
In the evening of the same day I received the enclosed order, in the
DOCUMENT 229: JANUARY 10, l8l8 369
as he denied having been guilty of any improper conduct I advised him
to obey the order, protesting against it in a concise, firm and respectful
manner, and holding this Government answerable for any losses he might
suffer in consequence thereof, also to request his passports within the
24 hours. My own proceedings you will see in my two letters to the Secre-
tary of State, of the yth & 8th instant which were duly delivered to him.
On the 8th. Mr. Halsey, while waiting for his passports, I being at dinner
with him, received a note from the Secretary to delay leaving the City and
call on him at 8 O'clock next morning.
On the 9th Mr. Halsey waited on me at my rooms, and told me that the
Secretary had informed him that the order against him was annulled, and
the Secretary himself, on the same day intimated that there was no need
of my communicating the order to the President, as the thing was at an
end, and consequently it would not be necessary to answer my letters on
the subject — however to avoid all misapprehensions on the affair, I have
thought proper to communicate the facts as they occurred. I did not
ask him why the order had been repealed, as it would appear in me too
curious. Perhaps it was to avoid an unfriendly act towards the United
States. As for myself, I still believe the order is only suspended, till they
may get some positive facts against Mr. Halsey, but this is mere conjecture,
which time alone will prove.
The part I took in Mr. Halsey's case, was intended to furnish a precedent
in future, to show that I took high grounds for a functionary in such a
predicament, whether the charges were ill or well founded against him,
that his ease, convenience and respectability should be consulted, "limiting"
himself voluntarily to a Quinta, which is the most pleasant kind of country
residence here, on the Banks of the river Plata, in the suburbs of the City,
on the Pampas or Plains, and generally adorned with groves of figs, Oranges,
Olives, &c. &c.
I suppose that Mr. Halsey will write to the Secretary of State fully
on this subject, and if this Government think proper they will communicate
their charges against him. I am told the Portugueze speak in terms of
great harshness against him, if so, Mr. Sumpter [Sumter] will no doubt be
informed by them.
I must confess that such is the intermixture of our citizens in the War
and affairs of these Provinces, that they often perplex me, when I am called
upon to get them out of difficulties, as I often am; But in not one instance,
wherein I have interfered with this Government have they declined prompt
relief. They have therefore taken up the opinion that I have great influence
with this Government, and I am applied to in cases, which do not strictly
belong to mv duties, and not to lose the favourable opinion thev mav have
pensive, we have very little to say to one another, except on matters of
General politics &c. or the duties I am charged with. But Mr. Halsey,
as his fees of office are small, like most of our Consuls he mixes in commerce,
and no doubt has jealousies &c. excited against him. On the whole I
suppose the Government of the United States has, or will shortly have all
the information respecting Mr. Halsey that they may wish.
I enclose No. 52 of the Ministerial Gazette of Buenos Ayres of the 3d in-
stant, which will shew the proceedings in Chili against the United States pri-
vate Vessels, the Ship Beaver of New York, and the Brig Canton of Salem,
at Talcahuana, which is still held by the Royal Spanish Government. I
have seen private letters on the same subject, much to the same purpose.
So soon as I can possibly set off, I shall go for Chili, which I think will be
in a week or ten days, but our citizens are often liable to be harassed here
and my presence or that of some other officer of the United States in aid of
the Consul is always necessary.
230
Juan Martin dePueyrreddn, Supreme Director of the United Provinces of South
America, to James Monroe, President of the United States1
[TRANSLATION]
BUENOS AIRES, January 14, 1818.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: As long as the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata
considered the issue of the contest in which, in obedience to honour and
justice, they had engaged with the Mother Country, as doubtful, they
cautiously abstained from requiring of other Nations to compromit their
interests by a formal acknowledgment of their Independence. This manly
silence, uninterrupted either by actual reverses or the greatest difficulties
and dangers, allowed sufficient time to other Nations to apprize them of
their unavailing sacrifices, if, on consideration of their magnanimous
resolution, they had deemed it rash or unjust; — but having left us to the
exertion of our own efforts, awaiting as it were their result, the time appears
at length to have arrived, which authorizes us to claim of the respectable
powers of the civilized world a warmer interest in our sufferings and in those
eventful scenes, which, contrary to every hope of success are renewed by
Spanish vengeance throughout every part of the Continent of Columbia.
The favourable impression naturally produced by our conduct in the latter
years has had its effect on the public mind in Europe, and the case is perhaps
1 MS. Notes from Argentine Legation, I.
DOCUMENT 231: JANUARY 15, l8l8 371
not remote, of the disposition felt by a certain Nation to admit us to a
rank with it, and thus secure to it the gratitude of a People whose friendship
is not to be despised. We cannot easily persuade ourselves that the United
States of North America are willing to renounce the glory of meriting above
all others, our gratitude by their formal acknowledgment of our Independ-
ence, pointed out as they are by so many circumstances as the first to take
this step with honour; if however, motives of interest or policy dictate the
necessity of deferring this public testimony of the respect due to our virtues
and of the dispositions relative to our future destiny, we shall pursue our
illustrious career, without losing courage, or estimating any sacrifices too
high as the price of our Liberty.
Such, Most Excellent Sir, are my sentiments and those of the worthy
People over whom I have the honour to preside, which I entreat of you to
submit to the consideration of the Congress, provided that step meet your
approbation. I formerly transmitted to you the Manifest published by
the Sovereign Congress of these Provinces on the declaration of their Inde-
pendence of the Mother Country, the King of Spain his successors and of
every other Power whatsoever; and I likewise accompanied it with several
other copies to which I request you will be pleased to give the direction which
may appear most suitable to you.
I avail myself of this occasion [etc.].
231
W. G. D. Worthington, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State of the United States l
BUENOS AIRES, January 15, 1818.
SIR: I did hope e're this, I should have been furnished, semi-officially at
least, with replies to the enquiries enclosed in my letter of 30th Octr.2
last to the Secretary of State here, as expressed in my letter to you of the
30th of November, by the Brig Viper. I called on the Secretary Since
then to know if they would be answered, and he told me they would, also
I was informed privately that they had been communicated to the Congress
and would be answered. Yet I have been left to acquire that information
elsewhere, which I think had better have come to me as requested. I
could conjecture the reasons for this, but as conjectures are often unjust,
*>A»-lt n «-ve i+- «r/->n1/-1 1-\<a KJSO+- 4-r\ 1aotr£> flio micH-or-ir •(•/"» 1 1 « ra 1/el ifaftl-f Ao T fim
372 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
countries, will be guided more by the parts taken by Other Powers in relation
to these Colonies, and by the great outlines of their general character and
proceedings, than by any minute Statistical details concerning them.
At present, this Side of the Andes is governed by the Portugueze who
hold the Island of Goritta, near Maldonado on the North Side of the La
Plata, and Monte Video higher up, and they have Blockaded Colonio del
Sacramento, nearly opposite this place. Artigas who still retains a con-
siderable popularity, a Solitary daring Chief, seated on a Bulls head under a
figtree, gives laws to about 20,000 people, and still keeps possession of
Maldonado, Colonio del Sacramento, and other places up to the Parana,
and is a declared enemy to the Portugueze and Buenos Ayrean Governments.
Some other chiefs rule in Paraguay, the territory called the Entre Rios,
Santa fe &c. The Government of this place conies in for the remainder.
I think it is from the powers of Europe and the United States, that they will
receive their character, therefore the squabbles among themselves are of
minor importance.
They want some powerful ally, and perhaps as they claim to be patriots
put more stress upon that, than they ought. They often tell me the United
States had France &c. in their revolutionary struggle, but they have no one
to help them.
Chili is at present in a critical situation, General San Martin, is brave
and politic, they say, and has taken the most energetic measures, and on him.
rests the loss of Chili, or the conquest of Peru.
My baggage has just gone for Chili, and I shall immediately follow,
so that I shall most probably be witness to its most interesting struggles
for its permanent liberty or Certain devastation. Such is the present
state of things in this portion of the Globe, it is not becoming in me to
say what part the United States should take, but if they do not watch well
their interests, it is my opinion that a certain great Commercial Power of
Europe will get a footing here too firm to be displaced, and our countrymen
will lose all the glory and profit to be derived from this great contest.
This government requested me to forward by this vessel, some public
dispatches, they say, of importance, to their agent Don Manuel Her-
menegildo Aguirre, which will require his personal attendance at Washing-
ton. I did not ask what were their contents, but their messenger remarked
they were of importance and hoped they would be received by our govern-
ment favourably. I enclose the Provisional Constitution of the 3rd of
December, also the Newspapers and other public papers which have ap-
peared for the last month or two in this place. I have not heard from the
Department of State Since their letter of the 25th April last.
r» ori r+r\*\ e
Manuel H. de Aguirre, Agent of the United Provinces of South America to the
United States, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State of the United States 1
[TRA.NSLA.TION]
WASHINGTON, January 16, 1818.
SIR: I had the honor, in my interview with you on the I3th of this month,
to state to you the light in which the invasion of one of the United Provinces,
by the troops of the King of Portugal, was viewed by my Government,
thereby violating the neutrality which they had bound themselves to main-
tain conjointly with my Government. I likewise deemed it fit to inform you,
that this act of invasion by a neutral nation, for the purpose of dismembering
the integrity of the territory of Spanish America within its lawful limits,
was considered by the councils of my Government as an act of hostility
between the nations at variance, and that on this principle they had regu-
lated their conduct towards the King of Portugal.
In the same conference, I had the satisfaction to represent to you that
the trade and communication between the Provinces of Rio de la Plata and
the United States had no other basis than a decree of the Government of
those provinces, by which a free trade is granted to foreign nations, in
consequence of the imperious circumstances of the mother country in the
years 1808 and 1809, and by which that Government reserved the right of
limiting its duration, on the termination of the urgency of the case.
In the note which I previously had the honor to address you, I considered
it my duty to express the sincere and earnest desire of my Government to
establish reciprocal and close relations of amity and commerce with the
United States; and you will now permit me to request you, sir, that, in
making the President acquainted with these loyal sentiments, you will also
inform him that it is equally its desire to establish a solid and lasting friend-
ship, in order that the consequent predilection may have its full effect on
the communication and trade between both countries.
Our Lord preserve you many years.
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 182.
374 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
233
W. G. D. Worthington, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires,
Chile and Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State of the United States l
BUENOS AIRES, January 21, 1818.
SIR: I did not till this day receive the order of which, the enclosed,2 is a
copy from the Secretary of State Mr. Tagle, purporting to bear date on the
8th instant,— or I might not perhaps have been so particular in^my letter
of the loth Inst. on the case of Mr. Halsey— It appears from this that the
order of the 7th Inst— directing Mr. Halsey to embark, has been revoked
and I suppose if this Government present no future complaints against him,
this revocation should be taken, to amount to a complete amnesty of all the
charges they may have had against him up to this date, but I do not know
what representation this Government may have made on the subject — to
the President, if they have made any — as my duty is merely to state facts —
which I have done —
With distinguished consideration [etc.].
234
Juan Martin de Pueyrreddn, Supreme Director of the United Provinces of South
America, to James Monroe, President of the United States3
[TRANSLATION]
BUENOS AIRES, January 3 1, 1818.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: Swerving from the object of his mission, the Consul
of your States in these Provinces, Mr. Thomas Alsey [Halsey], who bordered
on the abuse of power did not hesitate to promote the insidious attempts
of the malcontents and disturbers of the peace. An act of prudence taken
by me far from restraining him, opened a freer field for his ideas. Even
with the leader of the anarchists, Don Jose Artigas, he entered into contracts
concerning privateering which must necessarily compromise the Provinces
under my command with the other Nations. The Consul Alsey has so often
repeated these acts contrary to the system of the Provinces that finally I
found it necessary on the seventh of this month, to issue an order that
within twenty-four hours he should go on board one of the vessels in these
1 MS. Dispatches from Argentina, I.
2 Not printed in this collection. Its purport is stated in this dispatch. If genuine, the
revocation must itself have been revoked, see below, pt. n, doc. 234. For his letter of the
DOCUMENT: 235 MARCH 29, 1818 375
waters, and wind up his business and return to his country or to the port
that might best suit his convenience out of this territory.
It is my duty not to disappoint the government of the peoples by exposing
them to the calamities of disorder. This also prompted the measure.
Regards entertained toward your Government had some influence in
suspending the measure while properly cautioning the Consul. But since,
accustomed to following his impulses, he will not be able to desist from
these designs, the time may come when this Government shall adopt vigorous
measures which might give offense to the public opinion between your
States and these Provinces. An evil fraught with so telling consequences
must be averted. It is to be hoped that your Excellency for the sake of the
tranquillity of Provinces which are yearning for union with your States,
will deign to retire Mr. Thomas Alsey from his office of Consul and order
him to return to your country sending some one else in his place who would
discharge the official duties without meddling in matters that have nothing
to do with his office and without disturbing the order and tranquillity of our
peoples. While I regret having to acquaint your Excellency with an
occurrence that will cause displeasure, I avail myself of this opportunity
to return to you my respects and offers of reciprocity.
May God guard your Excellency many years.
235
Manuel H. de Aguirre, Agent of the United Provinces of South America to the
United States, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State of the United States1
[TRANSLATION]
NEW YORK, March 29, 1818.
SIR: I have the honour to forward to you by this day's mail the enclosed
despatches of my Government for the President of the United States,
which I received by the Schooner Patriot, lately arrived at Baltimore from
Buenos Ayres.
I am specially charged by my Government to promote as far as in me
lies, the acknowledgment of its Independence by the U. States, and to ex-
press its sincere desire of establishing such relations of amity and good un-
derstanding as will have their full weight in the intercourse and commerce of
the two countries. Tf however motives of nolirv'rltrtflte the neresfiitv of
376 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
dispositions relative to our future destiny, we shall pursue our illustrious
career, without losing courage or estimating any sacrifices too high as the
price of our liberty. Such, Sir, are the sentiments of my Government and
of the People whose persevering efforts and sacrifices in the cause of their
Liberty and Independence, will, I am persuaded, entitle them to the con-
sideration of a Nation established on the principles of wisdom, and to which
you have the happiness and the glory to belong.
I have the honour [etc.].
236
Manuel H. de Aguirre, Agent of the United Provinces of South America to the
United States, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of
State of the United States1
[TRANSLATION]
NEW YORK, April 5, 1818.
SIR: Persuaded as I am that deep impressions are produced by calumny
on the minds of individuals and of Nations, — that its power is considered
proportionate to the matured understanding and prudence of those by whom
it is exercised, — that time, the discoverer of truth, rarely finds the happy
moment of enlightening opinions to a desirable extent, — and, finally, that
history abounds with examples of men who have deserved well of their
Country, falling a sacrifice to popular vengeance under the shafts of the
most odious calumny, I feel myself prompted by a just and honest desire to
efface impressions which might fix themselves in the minds of my Fellow-
Citizens and be so interpreted as to do injustice to the real sentiments I
entertain in relation to our Union, Independence and Liberty, to request of
you to rectify the following expression contained in the Report transmitted
by The President to Congress on the 25. of March last, and which according
to the Public Papers runs thus:
"He said, the Government of which he requested the acknowledgment
was that of the Country which, before the Revolution, had been the Vice-
Royalty of La Plata."
"It was then asked, whether that did not include Montevideo and the
Territory occupied by the Portugueze: the Banda Oriental, understood to
be under the Government of General Artigas, and several Provinces, still in
the undisputed possession of the Spanish Government? "
"He said it did; but observed, that Artigas, though in hostility with the
from the Union, gave him no right or authority to solicit separately, the
Independence of his Province or of those which composed the Vice Royalty
of La Plata; admitting that the Members of the Congress assembled at the
City of Tucuman on the 9th of July 1816, represented the Majority and
Plurality of those Provinces, and that the acknowledgment so solicited by
General Artigas, was to be considered as tending rather to promote anarchy,
than the good order and regularity with which the just cause of Liberty
should pursue its course. — I cannot suppose, Sir, that you will refuse me
the justice to admit my proposition: that in Civil Wars, there are interests
common to all parties, and that History affords many instances of the Union
of the most inveterate enemies when the National existence was threatened
with imminent danger, and that the greater the pressure, the nearer was the
approach to that Union among citizens combatting in the same cause and for
the same interests, who by finally conducting them to so sacred an issue as
that of Liberty and Independence, must receive the most glorious reward to
which a virtuous citizen can aspire, — that of the Deliverer of his Country!
Under a thorough conviction that these are also your sentiments as well
as those of every good citizen of the United States as it respects his Country,
my sole object in recalling these principles is to claim that justice which you
would seek for yourself if placed in a similar situation.
I have the honour [etc.].
237
Juan Martin de Pueyrred6n, Supreme Director of the United Provinces of South
America, to James Monroe, President of the United States1
May (?), 1818.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: The Supreme Government of these provinces have
long exerted their zealous efforts to establish the closest and most amicable
relations with the United States of America, to which the most obvious
interests seern mutually to invite them. This desirable object has hitherto
been frustrated by the events of the times; but the moment appears at
length to have arrived which presents to the people of these provinces the
flattering prospect of seeing their ardent wishes accomplished. In considera-
tion of these circumstances, and in conformity with the twenty-third of the
articles agreed upon with citizen William G. D. Worthington, the agent of
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 418. This undated document was first
presented to the President in May, 1818, but the day is not stated. See below, pt. n, doc.
246, De Forest to Adams, December 9, 1818, and above, pt. i, doc. 73, Adams to the Presi-
dent, January 28, 1819.
378 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
your Government in these provinces, I have nominated citizen David C.
De Forest their consul general to the United States, with the powers specified
in his commission and instructions respectively. I therefore request your
excellency to grant him the attention and consideration which, in the like
case, will be afforded to the public agents of your nation, thereby laying the
foundation of those relations which will in future render the name of your
excellency memorable in these regions.
I avail myself [etc.].
238
Retrospective look at Buenos Aires — 'Statement of W. G. D. Worthington,
Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires, Chile and Peru*
SANTIAGO, CHILE, July i, 1818.
By the last accounts which I have received The Portuguese have now
nearly got possession of the whole Banda Oriental, on the Eastern side of the
River Mildonada, Colonia del Sacramento a place the former residence of
Artigas about 80 Leagues from Buenos Ayres, called Acoyade la China on the
Uraguy — and it is said are in the possession of Purification the late residence
of Artigas, He, it is thought is driven about, no one knows where, The Por-
tuguese will no doubt next take the Island of Martin Garcia, near the mouth
of Parana, at the head of the La plata, where it forks, and then with their
fleet they can have complete controul over the whole commerce of the Rio de
la Plata, I have no doubt but they intend this a permanent conquest — The
King of Brazils— Portugal &c. thinks his South American Kingdom is and
ought to be naturally bounded by the River Oronoka & the River Plate—
If therefore he gets the Banda Oriental incorporated into his possessions, he
will have in point of physical advantages one of the first annexations in the
World—The Banda Oriental, The Territory of the Entre Rios (that is the
country between the Rivers Parana & Uraguy.)
The Missionary settlements &c. &c. — all watered by the Rios, Negro, Pa-
rana, Uruguy &c. &c. is one of the finest countries under the Sun — What
then is Buenos Ayres? A large city on the side of a great river, without a
sufficiency of foreign or domestic commerce to support her, for the Pampers
are an immense desert.— She draws all her Trade on that quarter from Men-
doza San Juan Cordova, Tuceman & Upper Peru as far as it remains now
under the Patriots— which consists of Brandies, Wines, dried fruits, hides, tal-
low, money & vicunia skins; to a considerable amount— but I have no data
from iVraguy Thro1 Santa Fc, The Population of the whole Province, in-
cluding Juxuy, Sal to, ChuxtimuH, Sam Iwdro <&c. &r dw« not exeml 95,(HX)
inhabitant)*. It must be recollected I urn not speaking of the whole Prov-
inces of the Rio dr la Plata, hut simply of that noliury one—She rnunt now
U»H* great exertion*- -I have no limitation to In-lieve she will--™! think
The tenure* of the Portuguew i* a ternjxirury our, imltw they are supported
by |Miwerfui Kurojxvin Allieu & understanding** a* to their new poHBemiion*.
There in it great antipathy between them & the People they have lately an-
nexed to them (twl. I^cor. ha» left Monte vidio, teen enobled & gone to
Rio de Janeiro. He is nucceeded by Pinto, who in wiicl to In* h*sa politic and a
great enemy to stranger*, I jinj stilt of opinion that ArtigaH will unexpected-
ly sully out, & cut them off, However this aeemw to l»e a mere conjecture.
I will not at present Hazard a npecuiution on the Kingdom of Bnwil«,
239
Tkomtu ix-Consul of tkt Untod Sto/f jr at B tunas Airm, te
John iffaham Aires) , Sptcfal Commissioner of
Ike united to South
BUKNOB AlRKB, August *f,
SIM: I am to to Inform you that on the night of the 13 Inntant
many and thrown into prison, the ailed fed
it an intention to on the of the Supreme Director and to tend
him out of the country or to him; The principle are Don
Manuel A mm of the of the Ck>v'mt in 1812, Don Miguel
Irifoyen, mm of the of Ckiv'mt previous to Mr, Puyrtidon*i
iPueyrwdinl into and Don Jumn Pedro Aguirrt a wealthy
marchaat » of this attempt to be rid of the Director
It it prevail & little doubt if
Mr Pttyrrtdon not his commotion will
On hit by the the individuate of the Town of
and wished at that his
1 I, In bit of thli tints to the Dftpftrtmtnt of
tint ewe to to to the ta*t of thin, sad In ft
tary of hb eondwett tltt l»w« that bt »d b«-
of s to ffrnt AwuiekUh/ in Spanlih
«iKi tat hidi tto wMfnoi throttA whfeh blank
had to Tkm i nothlnf on thw of Auwt ai to
to it mm or but t Ittttr of ftvt itttr, whfch foHowi
tlto MI tte it to Mr, John < «M>».mi,
380 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
might be at Tucuman or any where else than Buenos Ayres, but the munici-
pal Authorities behaved very well and influenced the town to receive the
Director as he had been appointed by the Congress indeed this same Mr
Irigoyen was one of the leading members of the Cavildo at the time who
influenced the people to receive Mr Puyrridon and was afterwards appointed
ad interim to the Supreme Gov'mt conjointly with Don Fran0. Escalada —
so that if Mr Mig1 Irigoyen is concerned in a plot against the Director, it
would appear that he must have materially changed his opinion of the
Director, or have thought him too dangerous to the welfare of the state to
be permitted to remain longer in Office. It appears that the Director is
daring, arbitrary and tramples down every thing that stands in the way of
his avarice or his ambition.
Last year he doubled the duties of imports, & this year he reduced them
and the first information given to the Congress of the measure was by sending
His decree published in the Gazettes for their approbation, altho' the provi-
sional Constitution provides that the power of laying taxes rests with the
Congress; further the Director last year seized on the persons of Cor8
Dorego, French and others and sent them to the United States and never to
this day has His Excellency laid before the Congress any proofs or evidences
of a Conspiracy to justify so violent a measure, altho' in reply to the Dis-
patch of the Director giving information of the arrest of those individuals,
the Congress replied "That those individuals should not be sent beyond the
Sea but placed in some secure situation (not to endanger the quiet of the
Country) 'till a summary of their causes were formed and evidences of their
guilt laid before the Congress"; nevertheless regardless of this they were
shipped off to the United States, nor has (as I before observed) any sum-
mary of their causes been laid before the Congress These circumstances
have been told me in confidence by a member of the Congress and are not
generally known; these circumstances are mentioned to give you an idea how
this Gov'mt is at present administered.
In pursuit of the war against General Artigas a party was formed at
Corrientes (a considerable town on the left bank of the Parana River) by
this Gov'mt in its favor and a Corps of 800 men collected and embodied these
were attacked about 10 days since in the vicinity of that town by 500 men
in the service of Artigas, part of whom were Indians, defeated and dispersed
the Corps of 800 and it is apprehended that a severe example will be made
of those of Corrientes who engaged in open hostility against their Gov'mt
the particulars of this affair are not yet known to the Publick.
Artigas' struggle against the Portuguese is a very arduous and difficult
one, cut off from his Sea Ports and hemmed in by an army of 12000 veteran
troops assisted by a considerable naw. sufficient for all the mimosas ^f snrh
Hostility of this Gov'mt; if with all these overwhelming difficulties he should
be able to bear up against them, 'till some change takes place in the policy
of this Gov'mt, the Banda Oriental may be saved, else it will form a part of
the Kingdom of Brazil & from its advantageous Agricultural, Commercial
and Military position, together with the means the Portuguese possess the
Provinces of the Rio de la Plata will also be exposed to the same fate.
The aforegoing was a dispatch intended to be sent to the Secy of State,
with a few alterations but having recd. a dispatch from the Department of
State revoking my Commission of Consul, I have tho1. more proper to send
it to you, to make such use of it as you may think proper: by the next vessel
I will send Copy of my letter to the department of State ; I have great reason
to complain of the severe conduct of the Gov*. to me, without having given
any instructions respecting the Policy of the Gov*. & my consequent con-
duct, & by recalling my commission without giving me some previous no-
tice.— I leave my interest with the Govfc. to your care, persuaded you will
do for me what to you may appear best. — It is my present intent to return
to the U. S. by the Ontario from this place or Chili, which ever place she
may sail from.
With great esteem [etc.].
240
Thomas Lloyd Halsey, ex- Consul of the United States at Buenos Aires, to Mr.
John Graham (Buenos Aires), Special Commissioner of
the United States to South America1
BUENOS AIRES, August 26, 1818.
MY DEAR SIR: The conspiracy announced & under which pretext D".
Man1. Sarratea, Juan Pedro Aguirre, & Mig1. Irigoyen, & others were im-
prisoned turns out to be, rather a conspiracy of the Director against those
Gentlemen, their lives & liberty than of them against him ; — indeed this was
suspected by many from an early stage of the examinations, as also from
letters of Puyrridon's found among the papers of the denunciation & also
from his known intimacy with the individual. —
The Gentlemen charged were set at liberty yesterday, but the affair will
not terminate there, the town is much agitated. — The denunciator now
feigns madness, altho' physicians who have visited him declared to the
contrary, it is a singular affair of which I will not at present pretend to
animadvert. — Gen.1 Artigas has established his head quarters on the Rio
Negro, equidistant from a corps of his troops in front of the Portuguese on
the Uruguay above Purification (from which place he has driven them) &
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
g2 PART n . COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
those near the Colonia.-But he is very short of everything necessary
for Military operations, such as provisions, arms, powder & ball & money,
how he keeps his men together & makes head against the Portuguese is
extraordinary, nothing but his great genius & the love of the people to him
could possibly effect it. —
With great esteem [etc.].
P.S. Will not the U. S. do something for this best & most disinterested
patriot of these regions?
241
Report of Theodorick Bland, Special Commissioner of the United States to South
America, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the
United States, on the condition of South America1
BUENOS AIRES
[EXTRACT]
BALTIMORE, November 2, 1818.
SIR: The fair prospects which seemed to be opening upon some portions of
the people of South America; the lively sympathy for their cause felt by the
citizens of the United States; and the deep interests of our country in the
fate of those provinces where colonial rule or independent freedom seem to
have been put at issue, and contested with all the energy which such a stake
never fails to excite, justly attracted the most serious attention of the Gov-
ernment. In whatever disposition of mind the South American contest and
its scenes were contemplated, whether with feelings of benevolence, and the
best wishes, or with regret, and under a sense of injury, the first thought,
that which appeared most naturally to arise in the mind of every one, was
the want of information as to the actually existing state of things. A new
people were evidently making every possible effort against their transatlantic
masters, and preparing themselves to claim a recognition in the society of
the nations of the earth. In this struggle, each contending party endeavor-
ing to strike his antagonist beyond the immediate area of the conflict, our
commercial rights had frequently received a blow, and our municipal regula-
tions were sometimes violated. New and fertile regions, rich and extensive
channels of commerce, were apparently about to be opened to the skill and
enterprise of the people of the United States; as to all which, their feelings
and their interests seemed to require to be gratified with further information.
right and the duty of our Government, to explain the views it had in some of
its measures; by timely representations and remonstrances, to prevent the
further injury which our commercial and other rights were likely to sustain,
and to procure correct intelligence as to the existing state of affairs in those
parts of our continent where the revolutionary movements had attracted the
most attention and excited the strongest interest.
For this purpose, three persons, of whom I had the honor to be one, were
selected, and sent in a public ship to South America; who being, among other
things, directed that "if, while in the execution of their instructions at
Buenos Ayres, they should find it expedient or useful, with reference to the
public service, that one or more of them should proceed over land to Chili,
they were authorized to act accordingly." They did, therefore, at Buenos
Ayres, take into consideration the expediency and utility of going to Chili,
and did there determine that, under the then existing circumstances, it
would be expedient and useful for one or more of them to go to that country.
In consequence of which, I crossed the Andes; and, having returned, it now
becomes my duty to communicate a statement of such facts, circumstances,
and documents, as I have been able to collect, and which presented them-
selves as most likely to be of importance, or in any manner useful to the
nation.
When I contemplate the wide range of the expectations of the Govern-
ment, as indicated by our instructions, and the vast extent of the subject,
and, more especially, when I meditate on the novelty and complicated na-
ture of the scene I am called on to portray, and the many circumstances
peculiar to the state of society in South America, which cast a shade of
obscurity over its affairs, and, in some instances, have absolutely, as yet,
closed the avenues of information, I feel myself under the necessity of asking
for the most liberal indulgence for the errors I may have fallen into, as well
from the difficulties of the subject itself, as from my own want of ability to
remove them.
We sailed in the United States frigate the Congress, from Hampton
Roads, on the 4th of December, 1817, and touched, as directed, at Rio
Janeiro, where we delivered the despatches committed to our charge to Mr.
Sumter, the minister of the United States resident there. After a stay of
a few days, we proceeded thence direct for the river Plata, which we ascended
in the Congress as far as Montevideo. Mr. Graham and myself visited that
city, and found it, with the country immediately around, to the extent of
about three miles, in the actual possession of a Portuguese army under the
command of General Lacor. We were treated by the general with polite-
ness, and an offer was made by him of permission to procure there every
facility we might want to convey us thence to Buenos Ayres; and also of
leave to obtain for the ship every refreshment and accommodation she might
384 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
want. Finding that it would be impossible for the Congress to proceed
much further up the river, owing to there not being a sufficient deptl^ of
water for her over a bar between Montevideo and Buenos Ayres, which
traverses the river entirely, and on which it is only eighteen feet deep, we
took passage thence in a small vessel, and landed at Buenos Ayres on the
28th day of February last.
After consulting and advising together as to the extent, object, and man-
ner of executing our instructions, it seemed to us that no time should be lost
in presenting ourselves to the Government or chief constituted authorities
of the place, and in making known to them all those subjects which we were
directed to present to their view. In arranging those points, it was deemed
most proper, in the first place, to express the friendly and neutral disposition
of our Government, and to place in a fair and amicable point of view those
measures which it had been supposed were likely to be interesting, or mate-
rially to affect the feelings or the claims of the people of the river Plata ; and
then to present the injuries many of the citizens of the United States had
sustained, and the infractions of their laws which had been committed by
armed vessels assuming the name and character of patriots, belonging to the
independent Governments of South America; and to seek the information
which our Government had directed us to obtain, and which it had been
deemed most advisable to procure from the public functionaries themselves
as far as practicable.
Accordingly, after ascertaining the names and style of the principal per-
sonages in authority, we called on his honor El Senor Don Gregorio Tagle, the
Secretary of State; and having made known to him who we were, and ex-
pressed our wish to have an interview with the Chief Magistrate of the coun-
try, a day and hour was appointed for the purpose; when we called, and
were accordingly introduced by the Secretary of State to his excellency El
Senor Don Juan Martin de Pueyrredon, the Supreme Director of the United
Provinces of South America. After the interchange of some complimentary
expressions of politeness, good wishes, and friendly dispositions, we made
known to the Director, in general terms, the character of special agents, in
which we had been sent by our Government to communicate with him, and
that our communications might be either with himself or his secretary.
The Director replied that they would be received in a spirit of brotherly
friendship, and in that form and through either of those channels which we
should deem most convenient.
In a short time after our introduction to the Director, and in about a week
after our arrival, we waited on the Secretary of State, as being the most
formal and respectful mode of making our communications to this new and
provisional revolutionary Government. We stated to the Secretarv that
DOCUMENT 241: NOVEMBER 2, l8l8 385
as a civil war, in which each party was entitled to equal rights and equal
respect; that the United States had, therefore, assumed, and would preserve
with the most impartial and the strictest good faith, a neutral position; and
in the preservation of this neutrality, according to the established rules of
the law of nations, no rights, privileges, or advantages would be granted by
our Government to one of the contending parties, which would not, in like
manner, be extended to the other. The Secretary expressed his approba-
tion of this course; but, in an interview subsequent to the first, when the
neutral position of the United States was again spoken of, he intimated a
hope that the United States might be induced to depart from its rigid neu-
trality in favor of his Government; to which we replied, that as to what our
Government might be induced to do, or what would be its future policy
towards the patriots of South America, we could not, nor were we authorized
to say any thing.
We stated to the Secretary that certain persons assuming the name,
character, and authority of an independent Government in some part of the
Mexican portion of South America, had, not long since, taken possession of
Amelia island, where they had attempted, with the name of the patriot
cause, to put on the garb, and exercise the rights incident to national inde-
pendency; that this island, so seized, lay on the coast of the Atlantic, and
immediately adjoining the boundary of the United States; that the persons
by whom it was held, under the name of the patriot authority, had committed
numerous violations and piratical depredations on the commerce of most
nations found in that neighborhood, and more especially on that of the
United States. They had not only lawlessly seized our vessels which were
navigating those seas rightfully and in peace, but the immediate vicinity of
the island to our territory had enabled them to commit other outrages on
our rights, no less serious and injurious. It was used by a nest of smugglers
to introduce their merchandise into the United States without paying the
duties; it had become a harbor for runaway slaves from the neighborhood;
and it had become a place of deposite for the most infamous of all traffic, the
trade in cargoes of slaves, which were landed there, and thence illegally in-
troduced into the adjoining states, in violation of the most positive prohibi-
tion, thus defrauding our revenue, depriving our citizens of their property,
and disturbing our peace; that the cruisers, which so mischievously prowled
the ocean from this island, not being at all scrupulous about consistency of
character, had, as was fouad most convenient, assumed the flag of Buenos
Ayr.es, or that of the other patriot Governments of South America: that,
notwithstanding the notoriety of the daring violences committed by this
band of adventurers of Amelia island, it appeared that Spain, too feeble, or
ton, situated near the mouth of Trinity river, and immediately on the coast
of the Gulf of Mexico: that, under these circumstances, the United States
had deemed it a right and a duty to break up, and entirely to remove those
two establishments, as well to preserve their own interests and that of their
citizens, as their peace with other nations; and that the Government of
Buenos Ayres, we were sure, could not fail to see, in this measure, the highly
honorable and amicable disposition of the United States towards all foreign
nations, and more especially to perceive the happy effect which it would
have on the patriot name and cause, by preventing it from being soiled
with the imputation of acts which the really honorable patriot Governments
did not deserve, and could not countenance. We stated, in addition, that
our Government would take and hold possession of Amelia island, in order
to prevent the misuse of it in future, subject to explanations to be given to
Spain; and that Galveston would be taken possession of and held as a part
of the territory of the United States.
To which the Secretary replied that the Government of Buenos Ayres had
not before been informed or heard of the abuses committed by those who
had taken possession of Amelia island and Galveston; that it had no con-
nexion whatever with those who had exercised any authority at either of
those places; and that the removal of those establishments could not fail
to be attended with good consequences to the patriot cause, by preventing
any improper imputations being cast on it; and, therefore, his Government
could certainly only see in that measure of the United States the manifesta-
tion towards it of the most friendly disposition. We stated to the Secretary
that it had been understood that many unprincipled and abandoned persons,
who had obtained commissions as privateers from the independent patriot
Government, had committed great depredations on our commerce, and had
evidently got such commissions not so much from any regard to the cause
of independence and freedom as with a view to plunder ; and that we enter-
tained a hope that there would be a due degree of circumspection exercised
by that Government in granting commissions which, in their nature, were
so open to abuse.
The Secretary replied that there had hitherto been no formal complaint
made against any of the cruisers of Buenos Ayres; and, if any cause of com-
plaint should exist, his Government would not hesitate to afford proper re-
dress on a representation and proof of the injury; that the Government of
Buenos Ayres had taken every possible precaution in its power in such
cases; that it had established and promulgated a set of rules and regulations
for the government of its private armed vessels, a copy of which should be
furnished us; and that it had, in all cases, as far as practicable, enjoined and
enforced a strict observance of those regulations and the law of nations.
We stated to the Secretary that a considerable portion of the people of the
DOCUMENT 241: NOVEMBERS, l8l8 387
United States had manifested a very favorable disposition towards the
patriot cause in South America; and the Government, also, had every dis-
position to treat the patriot authorities with the justice, dignity, and favor
which they merited; that, although our Government had, for the present,
determined on adhering to a strict and impartial neutrality between the
contending parties, it might yet deem it politic and just hereafter to adopt
other measures; and, therefore, with a view to regulate its conduct and
policy with perfect good faith and candor, as well with regard to its neu-
trality as with regard to any other measures it might deem advisable to take,
it had charged us, as special agents, to seek and endeavor to obtain, in this
country, such information as to the actual state of things as would enable it
to act with correctness, precision, and understanding, in whatever course
it may hereafter pursue. That the information thus to be obtained might
be of a character deserving the highest confidence, we had been directed to
ask it of those actually in authority, and of the then existing Government of
the country. We observed that we did then, in pursuance of our instruc-
tions, ask of that Government to furnish us with a statement, or full informa-
tion, as to the actually existing state of things; of what number of provinces
that Government was composed ; the form of its confederacy, and the con-
stitution by which they were united; the population in each province; the
principal commodities of commerce, the imports and exports; the amount of
its revenue derived from, foreign commerce as well as from internal taxation ;
the strength of its regular army, and the number of its militia; the amount
of its tonnage, and the strength and number of its public and private vessels
of war; and what were its relations with foreign nations, or with the adjoining
provinces; or had the Government of Buenos Ayres formed any treaty or
understanding with any foreign nation, or with any other of the provinces of
South America who had actually declared themselves independent, or were
then in a state of revolution and at war with Spain. We assured the Secre-
tary that our Government sought for this information from an experience
of the want of it, and in a spirit of the most perfect amity; that, until the
commencement of the present revolutionary movements in that country, it
had been so comparatively locked up from the eye, observation, and inter-
course of every foreign nation, that the real state of things in it had been but
vefy imperfectly, and, in some respects, was wholly unknown ; that the friend-
ship so openly and decidedly expressed by a considerable portion of the
people of the United States would furnish conclusive proof of the spirit of
goodwill in which this information was sought, and, in itself, was a guaranty
that their Government would, under no circumstances, use the communica-
tions that might be made for improper or unfriendly purposes towards the
people of that country. But if that Government should think proper to
note any communications it should make as private and confidential, we
the friendly dispositions of that of the United States, and that the people of
the two countries were friends and brothers, felt as such, and would act
towards each other as brothers ; that the information sought for should cer-
tainly be granted, and that orders would be given to the proper public func-
tionaries to collect, digest, and arrange it in the most acceptable and intel-
ligible form; that, as regarded foreign nations, they had hitherto had no
official communication with any of them; and that their relations with all,
except Spain, were those of mere peace, such as were obvious to the world,
without any treaty or stipulation of any kind whatever; that from some they
had met with acts of injustice and hostility, but, finding themselves so much
occupied with their revolutionary movements as to be unable to resist or
resent, they had therefore borne with wrong, and suffered the mere relations
of peace to continue.
We had several conversations with the Secretary, all of which were asked
for by us, in the course of which the matters I have related were fully and
in various forms reiterated and explained to him; and in all, from the first
to the last, the request for information was repeated in terms of similar
import, and at each interview the promise of its being soon and fully granted
was renewed.
As the promised communication was not, however, made before I took
leave of the Director and left Buenos Ayres, I shall proceed to present such
information relative to the United Provinces of South America as I have
been able to collect from those sources which were within my reach, and that
appeared to deserve confidence; leaving my statements to be corrected by
the official account which I understand has been furnished by the Govern-
ment of Buenos Ayres, where they materially differ, or to be revised by'' any
other standard you may think proper to apply. j
The new Political Union, whose Government we found seated on /the
shores of the river Plata, which once styled itself "The United Provinces of
the river Plata," and which now, having been actuated by caprice, or by
more correct or more enlarged views, assumes the name of "The United
Provinces of South America," has declared the independence, and claims khe
privilege of self-government for all the people, and the rights of a nation
all the territory of which the late Spanish viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres wa
composed in the beginning of the year 1810. It thus designates the bound-
aries of its territorial claims, and the extent of the jurisdiction it asserts. It
will be proper, therefore, to trace out its extreme limits as the country
relative to which our inquiries are to be more particularly directed.
The Spanish viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres is situated to the southward of
DOCUMENT 241: NOVEMBER 2, I8l8 389
the Portuguese dominions of Brazil, and, according to the treaty of St.
Ildefonso, of 1777, the following boundary between them was finally ad-
justed: Beginning on the coast of the Atlantic at a place called Invernada de
Felix Jose, a little to the south of the Rio Grande de St. Pedro; thence, in a
northerly direction, along mountains or highlands, to the Rio Iquacu, or
Caluetiba, or Coreitiba; thence, down that river, to the Parana; thence, up
that river, to the lower end of the Illia Grande de Salto; thence, in a westerly
direction, to where the Rio Paraguay is intersected by the tropic of Capricorn;
thence, up that river, to the mouth of the Rio Latirequiqui, near the foot of
the Cordillera de St. Fernando; where, taking leave of the dominions of
Brazil, the boundary of the viceroyalty, excluding the Indian territory to the
north, was further designated by a line directed; thence, nearly west, to the
Sierras Altisimas; thence, along the confines of the province of Mizque and
the Altos Intinuyo, including the province of La Pa2, to the Cordilleras of
the Andes which pass to the westward of Oruro and Paria, to the Cordillera
Real; thence, south, along the most elevated summit of the principal Cor-
dillera of the Andes, until it is intersected by the parallel of thirty-eight and
a half degrees of south latitude; thence, due east, to the Atlantic; thence,
with the coast of the ocean, to the beginning, at Invernada de Felix Jose.
To the south of latitude thirty-eight degrees and a half, and between the
Andes and the Atlantic, as far as the straits of Magellan, is, at present,
entirely in possession of the various tribes of Patagonian savages, over whom
the colonial Government exercised no authority, nor asserted any claim,
other than that of a right of pre-emption and of settlement in their territory
against all foreign nations; to which rights and benefits the independent
Government claims to have succeeded. That tract of country which now
forms the three provinces of Mendoza, San Juan, and St. Louis, and which,
under the Spanish Government, was called the province of Cuyo, was,
about half a century ago, attached to the colonial viceroyalty of Chili; since
that time it has continually belonged to Buenos Ayres. And the province
of Arica, which covers that space to the westward of Potosi and Chicas from
the summit of the Andes down to the Pacific Ocean, was, by a royal order,
about the year 1774 taken from the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, and
annexed to that of Lower Peru or Lima, and is at present under that juris-
diction.
The vast elevated plains, a great part of which are, in the rainy season,
entirely overflowed, lying to the north of the Llanos de Manso and the
Sierras Altisimas, that are traversed by the principal branches of the Rio
Madeira, which winds its way along the back of Brazil into l&efMaranon,
and that are also drained of their waters by some of the branches of the
Usv-M.r1n.r1 11«slA<- *•!->*> 4-1-K.AA *W»1 rtil * Oil f3 1 TT1 Cl /V« O
390 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
of the Rio de la Plata, seem to be destined to eternal vacancy, or to the
rearing of innumerable herds, and to be inhabited only by their keepers.
At present they are in the possession of several tribes of Indians, over whom,
and their territory, the Government of the viceroyalty claimed no other
right or jurisdiction than over the pampas of the south; which, however,
the patriot Government in like manner asserts, has developed on it by the
revolution.
To the westward of Paria and Oruro lie the provinces or jurisdictions of
Carangas, Pacajes or Berenguela, and to the north of La Paz, and to the
west of the Cordillera de Acama, lie the provinces or districts of Omasuyos,
Chucuyto or Puno, Lampa, Asangaro, and some others; all of which are
said by Ulloa to be within the audience of Charcas, the scene of the cele-
brated rebellion of Tupac Amaru; and which audience, according to Dean
Funes, was given entire to the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres when it was
erected, and it is so laid down. But I have excluded these provinces by
the general outline I have drawn of the viceroyalty, because, not being
able to learn that any revolutionary movements had been made in them, I
wished to disencumber the subject of our survey as much as possible, as well
by separating it from such districts as from Indian territory.
Such are, then, the outlines of this Union, or rather proposed Government,
and asserted confederation, embracing an extent of territory much more
prodigious than has ever been yet known to be comprehended under one and
the same voluntary association. Excluding the great triangular space of
Indian territory, of upwards of two hundred thousand square miles in extent,
called the Llanos de Manso, lying between the province of Paraguay and
the mountains, and excluding also the high plains to the north and the
pampas to the south, we shall find a mixed and civilized population of one
million and eighty thousand souls scattered over a space of about seven
hundred and sixty-three thousand square miles, from one extremity of it to
the other. The thirteen United States of North America, within the
boundary designated by the treaty of 1783, comprehended a territory of
about eight hundred and thirty-one thousand square miles. They erected
almost all, and some of the best of their political institutions in the severest
season of the revolutionary struggle, in "a time that tried men's souls."
They vanquished their enemy, and accomplished the final establishment of
their independence and freedom, with a population of about three millions,
seated between the seashore and the mountains, on a tract of country of
not more than two hundred and fifty thousand square miles ; their population
was composed almost exclusively of agriculturists, very thinly scattered,
as was said of them, over an immense forest. The difficulties which the
invader had to encounter, thp ^a«p with whirVi hie V>1r>nrc WO<~A noi-i-ia/4 m-
peculiar circumstances — to the nature of the country, its watercourses,
forests, mountains, and fastnesses; to the habits, manners, and customs of
the people, arising out of their political institutions, their situation, and
their necessities. Each, no doubt, had some effect ; and, in the natural order
of events, tended to the same great end, the accomplishment of our inde-
pendence and freedom.
A revolutionary struggle not materially dissimilar to that which so much
excited the interest and feelings of the civilized world, as exhibited on the
northern coasts of the Atlantic, is now making some of its most active efforts
on the shores of La Plata, and within the extensive limits I have designated.
The people of the United States, who sympathize warmly with this new
contest, will take great interest in drawing out a comparison of difficult
situations, and deducing inferences from trying circumstances analogous to
those with which they or their fathers formerly contended; and, to enable
their Government to act understandingly, and to bestow their friendship in a
manner worthy of its dignity and value, it will be necessary to look over
and examine this newly-asserted Union; to survey the locality of the several
parts of which it is composed, and to estimate the numbers and powers of
each ; to measure the spaces between them, that we may form some opinion
as to how and when they may be filled; to see how each has been, and how
it is now governed; and to inspect the bonds which hold them together,
and the repulsive principles which have driven some of them asunder. It
will be proper that these things should be done, that we may understand
how much it is to be attributed to nature, and how much to accident; how
far the revolution has been promoted by the virtues and patriotic wishes
of the people, and how much retarded by designing and ambitious military
leaders; what is to be feared, and what to be hoped, from the future.
The viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, like all others of the Spanish possessions
in America, was laid out into civil and ecclesiastical divisions, which grew
up under peculiar circumstances, were from time to time altered, and often
cast from the jurisdiction of one viceroy or governor under that of another,
according to the increase or change of population, as convenience suggested,
or to gratify the caprice or cupidity of the regal rulers. And, besides, the
very nature of the colonial Government itself was but illy calculated to
define and preserve, with any tolerable degree of distinctness, the territorial
boundaries of the several audiences, provinces, bishoprics, jurisdictions,
intendencies, presidios, and governments, into which the viceroyalty was
divided. I have, therefore, put together all I have been able to collect from
books and some intelligent persons; and, with what I saw, and by the help
of the largest and best map extant of the country, corrected down to the
year 1807, I shall describe and give the name of province to each of those
cities or districts which appear to be politically distinct, by having been
at any time so treated, or being now, or at any time heretofore,
392 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
separately represented in the body called the Sovereign Congress of the
Union.
I propose first to direct your attention to the provinces successively,
that we may note the geographical situation, extent, and population of them,
severally, and the relation which each one has, by representation or other-
wise, with the confederacy — recollecting that the ratio of representation,
fixed by the existing government or reglamento provisorio, is one represent-
ative for every fifteen thousand citizens.
The province of Buenos Ayres, situated in the southeastern corner of
the Union, is bounded by the Rio de la Plata; by the ocean to the southward
of that river; by the territory of the Patagonian Indians as far as about the
sixty-first degree of west longitude; thence by a line north to the Aroyo del
Medio; thence, by that watercourse, to the Paraguay; and thence, by that
river, to the Rio de la Plata. This is by much the most populous of the
provinces below the mountains. It contains, according to the last census,
ninety-eight thousand one hundred and five souls, which is said to be
exclusive of troops and transient persons; but, including those, it is said to
amount to one hundred and five thousand persons of all descriptions. The
army, quartered in Buenos Ayres, is said to amount to two thousand five
hundred men; if so, then it follows that, exclusive of citizens and soldiers,
this province contains a population of more than four thousand resident
foreigners and others. According to the same census, there are within the
same city and suburbs of Buenos Ayres forty-seven thousand one hundred
and eighty-four souls, exclusive of troops and transient persons. The
principal towns or villages are Ensenada, St. Isidro, and Las Conchas, on
the river Plate, and Luxan in the plain. There are, besides these, some
lesser groups of population, the rest of which is scattered over the plains of
this pampa province, that may be estimated as containing fifty thousand
square miles. In the city of Buenos Ayres is situated the strong fort,
within which is the palace, where the former Vice-King dwelt, and which is
now occupied as the residence of the Supreme Director. This city was
formerly the capital and seat of the colonial Government, and therefore,
and for that reason, asserts and maintains that it is of right, and ought now
to be, the capital and seat of the independent Government; and the Govern-
ment is now seated there accordingly. This province is represented in the
existing Congress by seven representatives, which is its full quota according
to its population.
The province called Montevideo under the royal Government, but which,
since the revolution, has acquired the appellation and is most frequently
designated by the name of the Banda Oriental, with relation to the river
. Which forms its entire Western hmmHarv and frr\m J+-Q lin'nrv nrWsOltr
DOCUMENT 241: NOVEMBER 2, l8l8 393
it is bounded by the ocean on the east, by the Rio de la Plata on the south,
by the river Uruguay on the west, and by the Portuguese dominions of
Brazil on the north. Its present population is said to amount to about
forty-five thousand inhabitants, who have for their chief leader and Gov-
ernor, General Jose Artigas. The city of San Felipe, or Montevideo, as it
is more usually called, from an elevated hill or look-out place opposite to
the point of land on which the city stands, contains at present, after the
waste, devastation, and destruction of the English, Spaniards, and Portuguese
in succession, a population of about ten thousand souls. Maldonado is
another of its towns, situated on the Rio de la Plata, near the seacoast; it
contains about two thousand inhabitants. The capital, or present seat of
Government, is held at a place called Purification, formerly Capilla Nueva;
it is a town which contains between three and four thousand inhabitants.
This province, with some unsettled Indian territory, embraces about eighty-
six thousand square miles. It has no representative in Congress, and
refuses to be represented in that body under the present political system;
and it is now at open war with Buenos Ayres.
The province of Santa Fe, within which may be included what was
called, under the colonial Government, the jurisdiction of Corrientes, lies
immediately adjoining and west of the Banda Oriental and Buenos Ayres.
It extends in a narrow slip entirely across the Union, from the Patagonian
territory on the south, to the dominions of Brazil on the north. It is
sometimes called the Entre Rios, from the greater portion of it lying between
the rivers Uruguay, Paraguay, and Parana. That part of the province
which extends over the pampas south of the Paraguay is bounded on the
west by a line drawn nearly south from that river, above the city of Santa
F6, passing the easternmost point of the Lagunas Salados de los Porongos,
leaving the village of Frayle Muerto on the Rio Tercero to the west, unto
the land of the Patagonians; thence east to the province of Buenos Ayres.
This province of Santa F6 or Entre Rios, exclusive of the Guarana tribes of
Indians dwelling above Corrientes, and the Charrnas, seated below the city
of Santa Fe, contains a civilized ^population of about twenty-five thousand
souls. The city of Santa Fe, its capital, which is pleasantly and conven-
iently situated on the right bank of the Paraguay, is said to contain ,a
population of not much more than six thousand inhabitants; and the city of
Corrientes, farther up the river, is about the same size. This long, narrow
province comprehends, including the territory of its Indians, about one
hundred and four thousand five hundred square miles. In the year 1814,
and prior to that period, it had one representative in the Congress of the
Union; it now has none, and is in alliance with the Banda Oriental, and at
war with Buenos Ayresi
Santa Fe and the Rio Salado on the east; by the Patagonian boundary over
the pampas on the south; thence, on the west, by a line to the Sierra
Comichigeles, and along that ridge to its northern extremity; thence in a
northeast direction, including the town of Tamisqui, on the Rio Dulce;
and thence across the Rio Salado. Its capital, the city of Cordova, is a neat
town, delightfully situated on the Rio Primero, and contains about ten
thousand inhabitants. The population of the whole province is estimated
at seventy-five thousand souls; and it measures about one hundred and five
thousand square miles in extent. It has, heretofore, gone astray from the
Union ; but it has been brought back into the fold of the confederation by
the bayonets of Buenos Ayres. It is reckoned a godo or tory province. It
has now only three representatives in the existing Congress, although its
full quota is five; because, as it is said, it does not choose to defray the
expense of a greater number.
The province of Punta San Luis has been carved out of the easterly portion
of the royal province of Cuyo. It is bounded on the east by the territory
of Cordova; on the south by the Patagonia pampas; on the west by the
Rio Moyalac, Leuvu, and the Desaguedero to the Laguna Grande; thence,
on the north, by a line drawn in an easterly direction to the confines of
Cordova. This province contains a population of not much more than ten
thousand souls. Its chief town, and seat of Government, is San Luis de la
Punta, or the point of St. Lewis, from its being situated at the but-end of
one of the ridges of the mountains of Cordova. The town contains about
two thousand inhabitants, and is agreeably situated in a well-watered
valley. From this place, the post road from Buenos Ayres to Mendoza
passes over the Travesia, the most dreary region I ever saw, sixty miles in
breadth, where there is not a single human habitation, nor one drop of fresh
water to be had. The town of San Luis is made one of the principal places
of confinement for the prisoners of war captured in Chili and on the frontiers
of Peru. This province is the poorest, and has been always the most
faithful to the Union. It contains about forty thousand square miles in
extent. One representative is now and has always been received from it,
although its population is below the given ratio. The present Supreme
Director was its representative when he was elevated to the station he now
holds.
To the westward of the province of San Luis, stretching along the great
Cordillera which separates it from Chili, as far south as the Rio Blanco, lies
the province of Mendoza. This province is another, and the largest of those
which have been formed out of the colonial one of Cuyo. Its whole popula-
tion is calculated at thirty-eight thousand inhabitants; of which, about
twenty-one thousand are found in the capital and its suburbs, the town of
Mendoza, which is very advantageously situated on one of the branches of
the Tunuyan, immediately at the eastern foot of the Andes. Mendoza
has a beautiful public walk, and has been much improved of late years.
The province has always been zealous and hearty in the cause of independ-
ence and liberty. It is of right entitled to two representatives; but it at
present has only one member in the existing Congress. It contains, of
plains and mountainous territory, about thirty-eight thousand square miles.
To the north of Mendoza, lying along the eastern foot of the Andes, and
extending as far north as the ridge which separates the waters of the Rio
Magana from those of the Rio Famatina, is that fine territory, bounded on
the east by Cordova, formerly called the valley, now the province of San
Juan. This includes the residue of what was formerly comprehended
under the name of Cuyo. It embraces a tract of about thirty-six thousand
square miles, and contains a population of thirty-four thousand souls;
about nineteen thousand of which are seated in its capital, San Juan de la
Frontera. The patriotic public spirit of San Juan has never been ques-
tioned ; and yet it has no more than one representative in the present
Congress, when, according to its population, it should have two.
Still further north is that pleasant valley now called the province Rioja,
toward whose boundaries we are directed by the Rio Anqualasta, by which
it is watered, and rendered fruitful, and which, after lifting its arms in
various directions among the surrounding mountains that designate the
confines of the province, terminates and subsides in a lake to the southward
of Simbolan. Its whole surface may be estimated at twenty-two thousand
four hundred square miles. The population of this province amounts to
twenty thousand souls, and its capital town is Todos Santos de Rioja la
Nueva. Rioja has been always attached to the Union. It has at present
one representative in Congress, and is entitled to no more.
Turning immediately to the east, and adjoining, we find the delightful
valley of Catamarca, which now, with that of Conando, next to it on the
north, forms the province of Catamarca. The adjacent ridges form a great
rampart all round these two valleys, and are the acknowledged and natural
limits of the province. It contains a population of thirty-six thousand
souls, and its chief city and seat of Government is Catamarca. Its extent
of territory does not exceed eleven thousand two hundred square miles.
Catamarca, beside other efforts in the cause, has manifested its sincere
devotion to independence and freedom, by furnishing from itself alone
nearly six thousand men to the patriot army. It has now, however, no more
than one representative, although its population entitles it to two.
Directly to the east of the valley of Catamarca lies the province of San-
tiago, formerly the colonial jurisdiction of Santiago del Estero. It is
bounded on the south by the territory of Cordova ; on the north by a line
running in a northeasterly direction from the head of the Hondo to the
Laguna de Molaras, and by the Indian territory of the Great Llanos de
Manso on the east. This province embraces a territory of fortv thousand
396 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
square miles in extent, and has a population of forty-four thousand souls.
Its chief city and seat of Government is Santiago del Estero, situated on
the banks of the Rio Dulce, in which there are about ten or fifteen thousand
inhabitants. Santiago has wavered in its attachment to the Union, but
has never been wanting in bravely defending the cause. Its population
rightly entitles it to three representatives in Congress; it has, however, at
present only one.
Along the whole northern frontier of Santiago, and of the valley of
Conando, lies the province of Tucuman, formerly the royal jurisdiction of
St. Miguel de Tucuman. It is bounded on the east by the mountains of the
Yuanes; on the north by a line extended from that ridge westerly to the
confluence of the Tala and the Salado; thence to the source of the Tala;
thence, along the ridges which include the valley of Palicipa, to the great
Cordillera; thence, along the Andes, to the Rio de Betlen; thence to the
confines of the valley of Conando. The population of this province amounts
to forty-five thousand souls. Its chief city and seat of Government is San
Miguel de Tucuman, situated on the Rio de San Miguel, which unites with
the Rio Dulce not far below the city. The province comprehends about
an extent of fifty thousand square miles of territory; it has been generally
attached to the Union and the cause. It was once honored with the presence
of the Congress, in which body it now has two representatives, although it
is entitled to three.
Rising from the unbroken plains, and proceeding still farther to the
northward, we next enter the province of Salta, lying in level spaces among
the elevated spurs of the Andes. It is bounded on the east by the Rio
Vermejo; on the north by the Rio Grande, to the confluence of the Aquilotes
and Siancas; thence, to the source of the Rio Perico; thence, including the
valley of Calchaqui, which forms its western boundary. This province
contains fifty thousand inhabitants, and an extent of forty-one thousand
square miles of territory. Its chief city is San Felipe el Real de Salta.
Salta has been accused of wavering in its attachment to the Union and the
cause, but it has been very much the seat of war. It is now said to be a firm
member of the confederation, and it is made the headquarters of the patriot
army of Peru, under General Belgrano. Although it ought to have three
representatives, according to its population, it has now no more than one
member in the Congress.
Ascending still in a northerly direction, we next enter the province of
Jujuy, stretching along the whole northern frontier of Salta, and extending
westward to the ridges in which are found the sources of the Rio de San
Salvador; thence, with its summits as far north as the ridge which surrounds
St. Bernardo, and along the mountains of Tacsora; thence descending by
the eastern branch of the Rio Tarija, to the territory of Salta, embracing a
DOCUMENT 241: NOVEMBER 2, l8l8 397
Jujuy amounts to twenty-five thousand inhabitants. Its chief city is San
Salvador de Jujuy, situated on the Rio Grande de Jujuy or de Aquilotes.
It has one member in the present Congress, which is its full quota of repre-
sentation. The whole, or the greater part of this province is said to be at
this time occupied by the enemy.
Turning to the west, and crossing the mountains, is found the province
of Chicas, extending along the brow of the great Cordillera of the Andes,
which separates it from the desert district of Atacama, and north of the
province of Tucuman, as far as the source of the Pilcomayo; thence, descend-
ing that stream, and passing the ruins of ancient Tarija, and ascending the
Rio Toxo until it intersects the Chica mountains, it forms what is called the
province of Chicas, extending over a space of twenty-six thousand four
hundred square miles, and which has a population of ten thousand souls.
Its chief town is the city of Tupiza, distant one hundred and eighty miles
from the city of Potosi; besides which, it contains the city of Catagayta, on
the river of the same name, which pours itself into the St. Juan below the
town and great pass of Suipaca, which, together, unite soon after with the
Pilcomayo. This province sends one representative to Congress, to which
it is entitled, and no more. It is, at present, under the royal Government.
To the north, and adjoining Chicas, lies the far-famed Potosi. The
valleys of Porco, Paspayo, and Yamparaes compose the present province of
Potosi; and the circumjacent ridges of mountains, which overlook those
valleys, form its lofty barrier and boundary, which embraces an extent of
territory not exceeding twelve thousand square miles. This province
contains a population of one hundred and twelve thousand inhabitants,
thirty thousand of which are seated in the city of Potosi itself; and the city
of La Plata or Chuquisca is said to be no less populous. This province was
attached but a short time to the Union. According to some accounts,
there were four representatives in Congress, which assembled at Tucuman
in the year 1816. Its population would entitle it to seven members, but,
at this time, it is not represented in Congress at all; and has been, for some
years past, entirely under the royal authority.
To the eastward of Potosi, and between the Rio Condorillo, which divides
it from Cochabamba and the mountains or Altos de la Intinuyo, is the
province of Mizque, which is composed of the valleys of Pomabamba,
Tomina, and Mizque. It contains a population of fifteen thousand souls,
and is nine thousand square miles in extent. Its chief city is Pomabamba.
The population of this remote province exactly entitles it to one representa-
tive, which it has sent, although it is now subject to the colonial Government.
Directly to the west of Mizque, and north of Potosi, lie the valleys of
398 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
twenty thousand inhabitants ; thirty thousand of whom are found in the
city of Charcas or Chayanta, which is its capital. This province is now,
and has been for some time past, under the government of the mother
country. But, like some others, as we have seen, from liberality, policy,
or intrigue, it has placed or continued three members in the present Congress ;
and yet, to be fully represented, Charcas ought to have ten representatives.
To the north of Charcas lies the small but prodigiously fertile territory
formerly called the valley, now the province of Cochabamba, at the head
of the Rio Grande de la Plata or Guapahi, which pours its waters into the
Great Maranon. This province contains a population of one hundred
thousand souls, the capital of which is the city of Oropesa; and yet its
extent does not exceed three thousand four hundred square miles. Cocha-
bamba, according to its population, ought to have seven representatives.
As being now, and having been for some time past, entirely under the royal
Government, it ought not to be represented at all; yet, according to some
notions, or views, or circumstances, which I do not understand, it has one
member in the present Congress.
Crossing the ridge of mountains which bound Cochabamba on the north,
we enter a delightful valley called Cicacica, watered by various small
streams with which the Rio Beni, one of the limbs of the great Amazon,
begins to form itself. This valley constitutes the province of La Paz, the
most northerly and remote one of the Union. It is said to contain a popula-
tion of about sixty thousand inhabitants, and may be estimated at an
extent of ten thousand square miles. When represented it will be entitled
to four representatives. It is now, however, entirely in possession of the
colonial authorities, and has no member in Congress.
From the northern boundary of La Paz, leaving the lofty ridges called
the Sierras Altisimas, which are almost entirely encircled by the Rio Grande
de la Plata, and passing by Santa Cruz de la Sierra la Nueva or San Lorenzo
el Real de la Frontera to the mouth of the Rio Latirequiqui, thence down
the Rio Paraguay to the lowest extremity of the territory of the Abipones,
a short distance above Santa F6; thence, ascending again by the way of the
Laguna de Molaras, and along the eastern boundary of the provinces
whose limits have been just described, to the Altos de Intinuyo, will present
a very extensive triangular space of country running in a southerly direction
into the United Provinces of South America. This territory is altogether
owned and occupied by various tribes of Indians. It is an extensive elevated
plain called the Llanos de Manso, watered by various branches of the Para-
guay passing through it ; but it is very illy supplied with timber. The tribes
of the Llanos de Manso, as well as many others to the northward, were
formerly under the pious pupilage of the Jesuit missionaries; but their
oastors haviner been withdrawn and ranellpH thpv haw Incf all +in» «•/»«, ,;«^
learned any, and are now, in situation and habits, similar to our neighbors
the Osages and Mandans of the river Missouri.
And, finally, after passing in an easterly direction over this great triangle
of Indian territory, the province of Paraguay, in many respects the most
interesting and important of the Union, presents itself. It is bounded by
the rivers Paraguay and Parana, and the dominions of Brazil; and, with an
extent of forty-three thousand two hundred square miles, it contains a
population of about one hundred and ten thousand souls. Its capital is
the ancient city of Assumpcion, situated on the left bank of the Paraguay.
This province has never been attached to the Union. About the year 1810
the Government of Buenos Ayres sent an army into it, under the command
of General Belgrano, for the purpose of forcing it into the confederacy.
The Buenos Ayres forces were compelled to retire. Soon after, Paraguay
declared itself independent, or some of the chiefs snatched the power from
the hands of the colonial rulers, and declared war or a hostile non-intercourse
against Buenos Ayres, which is the present state of the relations between
them. And not long after, Paraguay assumed a similar stand with regard
to the provinces of Santa F£ and the Banda Oriental. Paraguay, therefore,
has never, at any time, had a representation in the Congress of the Union;
but, according to its population, it would be entitled to send seven members.
This completes the survey I proposed to take of the several political
divisions of this extensive Union, and of the local situation, the extent, the
amount of population, and the relationship of each to the whole.
They having sprung from the same origin, and speaking the same lan-
guage, having been bred up in the same religious creed, and been governed
by the same laws, are of themselves strong foundations whereon to rest a
political union. These circumstances operate very powerfully throughout
Spanish America; they are among the leading causes which hold together a
part of the provinces which I have described, and they produce a disposition
in them all to unite; indeed, they seem, at times, to have excited the expres-
sion of a hope that all who speak the Castilian tongue, and worship according
to the Catholic faith in America, might be formed into one grand confed-
eracy. But the good sympathies arising from these circumstances will be
displaced by the experience of profitable advantages; and the benevolence
that is awakened by the sound of the mother tongue from the lips of the
stranger, and his observance of the same forms of divine adoration, will be
suppressed or banished by the dictates of self-interest, and a regard to
those calls and necessities which local circumstances suggest or imperiously
demand, and by those habits and customs which the peculiarities of the
country insensibly inculcate and cherish. Therefore, to form an opinion of
the nature and strength of those sympathies, interests, and circumstances,
by which these provinces are now in part united or dissevered, attracted
towards or repelled from each other, and also to render some of the traits in
400 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
the character of its population more intelligible, and to understand the
nature of its commerce, it will be necessary that we should take a survey of
this Union with reference to the physical character of the country, and
observe what are the articles produced by its soil, or by the ingenuity and
industry of its inhabitants, making no other reference to the provinces
than as they may serve to assist in designating the extent of each of those
districts which are naturally and characteristically different from the
rest.
Supposing we were to draw a line, beginning on the river Paraguay, near
the city of Santa Fe, which should sweep northwardly so as to include a
portion of the province of Cordova ; thence bending round below that ridge
of the mountains of Cordova, near the foot of which stands the town or
village of St. Augustine ; and thence passing along a little below the eastern
boundary of the province of the Punta San Luis, proceeding due south, we
should very nearly designate the western limits of one of the most extensive
and peculiar plains in the world, which stretches from the shores of the Rio
de la Plata toward the southern extremity of our continent, between the
line I have described and the coast of the Atlantic Ocean. This is the vast
flat plain or pasture ground of Buenos Ayres, or, as it is most usually and
correctly called, the pampas, which word, in the Quecha tongue of Peru,
signifies properly a valley.
This pampa, which forms a part of the territory of Cordova and of
Santa F6, and all that of Buenos Ayres, if measured entire into the country
of the Patagonian tribes, extends in length fifteen hundred miles, and in
breadth in a direct line, following the southern boundary of the Union, five
hundred miles from the ocean to its western confines. Over all this immense
space there is not a tree, not a shrub, nor a single perennial plant to be seen,
save only those few which here and there lift their heads near a herdsman's
hut. There are no hills nor eminences, and the undulations are so gentle
as only to be perceived by taking a long view over its surface ; and then the
eye passes round and round the horizon as over the face of the undulating
ocean in a calm, where there is not a single object to delight, or to relieve,
or to vary the scene. The keen blasts called the pamperos sweep over the
houseless and unsheltered plain without the least obstruction; and the
fierce rays of the sun are felt in all their unmitigated fervor. You are
sometimes in sight of thousands of animals, but they are chiefly horned
cattle and horses, and the deer, ostriches, wild dogs, and others, fly as you
approach. For a while the pampas present the mind with an agreeable
astonishment; but that soon subsides, and the eye may often be directed in
vain in any way to obtain a single glimpse of society. Surrounded by a
1 11
DOCUMENT 241: NOVEMBER 2, l8l8 401
I do not know that any chemical analysis has ever been made of the nature
of the qualities of the soil of the pampas, nor can I say that the few experi-
ments that have been tried to shade them with a lofty growth were made
with botanical skill; but they have all hitherto failed. I can only relate
what I saw, and what were recounted to me as the trials of husbandmen
and others, who, actuated by a love of gain, or directed by fancy, were
anxious to aggrandize themselves, or to decorate their possessions. It is
now two hundred and thirty-eight years since the city of Buenos Ayres was
founded, and in six miles out from the Plaza Mayor you take leave of all
quintas, and gardens, and orchards, and enter upon the great naked plain.
The post road from Buenos Ayres to Mendoza (along which I travelled)
passes five hundred miles over these pampas. In all that distance I saw
not a single stone, no gravel, nor any sand; the surface of the earth appeared
to be entirely a soft, black, rich soil on the banks of some of the rivers, and
in places a reddish clay appeared. The water in almost every well in the
city of Buenos Ayres is brackish; that of the wells in the pampas is generally
as bad, and in some places worse. The water of the river Plate is used for
drinking where it can be had. Many of the rivers of the pampas are brack-
ish, as their names indicate, and there are in these plains many salt lakes;
those called the Laguna Brava, one hundred and twenty miles, the Laguna
Palantalen, one hundred and forty miles, the Lagunas de Monte and del
Oeste, two hundred miles, and the Salinas de Paraguyes, two hundred and
sixty miles from Buenos Ayres, before the revolution, at one time employed
constantly from three to four hundred carts in carrying salt from them to
the city for the supply of the country, and they now furnish a considerable
quantity. There is under the whole of these pampas from three to twelve
feet, and in some places more; below the surface a stratum of earth of a foot
or more in thickness, which appears to be a concreted clay, about as firm as
a common brick. This concretion, as it projects along the water's edge of
the Rio de la Plata at the city of Buenos Ayres, is called tosco, or rough earth.
On the margins and beds of most of the watercourses this stratum of tosc©
is visible; and the Rio Arecefe, or the river of the paved bottom, rolls entirely
over it for a great distance. Near the banks of the La Plata, the Paraguay,
and their branches, there are a few large trees and some shrubbery; but most
of the lesser streams creep through the plains as in crooked ditches, without
their courses being perceived at any distance, either by trees, shrubs, elils,
or valleys.
The pampas are exceedingly productive in grass, and a great proportion
of them are beset with a species of thistle, which grows from two to seven
feet high, and is not unlike our garden artichoke- The only tree ,t&at seems
to flourish evefywtiere, as a -. natural free citizen, is the embu,do, or the
to indicate that nature made them, welcome where they were. There is no
tradition that, in all this immense extent of territory, called the pampas,
one single stick of good timber has been ever found growing at the distance
of one mile from the rivers. If I might be indulged in adding a conjecture
to the facts I have related, I would say that it seemed to me that this great
plain had been gently lifted just above the level of the ocean, and left with a
surface so unbroken and flat as not yet to have been sufficiently purified of
its salt and acrid matter, either by nitration or washing, as to admit of the
growth of any thing more than mere grass and herbage, out of the upper
stratum by which it is covered. The pampas are sometimes afflicted with
the most wasteful droughts, when vegetation is parched up, the ponds and
streams are dried, and the numerous herds of cattle either die of thirst, or
wander away towards the rivers in pursuit of water, and are wholly lost.
The soil of the pampas produces good wheat, barley, and Indian corn;
but the crops frequently fail. The grain of the wheat has the appearance
of a very inferior quality; but it makes excellent flour, and is said to be
much superior to that of Chili, which looks so much better on comparison.
Chacaras, or grain farms, have neither been extended nor multiplied since
the revolution ; and I question whether agriculture be likely soon to increase
in this country; while, on the one hand, it has to overcome the difficulties
incident to the want of timber, and the peculiarities of the soil, and, on the
other, to resist the temptations to pasturage, to which the country invites so
strongly, and to which it is so eminently suited. The staple commodities
of this great district of pasture ground are derived chiefly from its innumer-
able herds of cattle. It might furnish any quantity of salted beef; but the
present Government has thought proper to prohibit the putting it up.
Therefore, the only articles which it now furnishes are hides, tallow, horns,
wool and hair, viscacha, sheep and wild dog skins. In some years it produces
a surplus of wheat; and it has furnished, and still supplies, some salt from its
lakes. There are, also, some furs and swan skins, and feathers brought from
the Patagonian territory. The ostrich of -the pampas, with the size and
speed, and much of the manners and habits of that of Africa, has not a
single feather of his soft waving elegance of plumage. The pampa bird is
clad in a very coarse gray garb, which, when plundered from him, except
what is suited for bedding, is neither ornamental nor useful. Buenos
Ay res is the principal city of this district; and as it is the seat of Government,
the public manufactory of arms has been erected there. The productions
of its industry are playing cards, beer, spirits distilled from barley and fruit,
cleaned hair and wool, hats, boots and shoes, tinware, Windsor chairs,
cabinet manufacture, olive oil, candles, soap, shipbread, and some few
DOCUMENT 241: NOVEMBER 2, l8l8 403
others. In the country, the people manufacture some hats, boots, shoes,
and coarse woollen cloths.
Taking in the whole of the Banda Oriental, that which may be properly
called the Entre Rios; all the residue of Cordova, below the mountains;
all of Santiago del Estero; and so much of Tucuman and Salta as is not
extended over the mountains, and we shall describe another vast district of
the pasture lands and plains of this Union, the uses of which have been
hitherto similar to those of the pampas; but the nature and capacities of
which are very different, and the destinies of which may finally, perhaps
soon, receive another direction.
The soil of the Banda Oriental is uncommonly productive, and well
adapted to all kinds of grain, of which it can easily be made to yield a most
liberal return. Its surface is very waving, and everywhere abundantly
irrigated with never-failing springs and streams of the purest water. There
are some great spaces destitute of timber, particularly along the coast of
the river La Plata, towards the Portuguese settlement of Rio Grande de
San Pedro. Groves of fine timber, more than sufficient for all its necessary
probable wants, are, however, scattered over its whole extent, and its more
northern extremity is, for the most part, an entire forest. There has no
quality yet been discovered in its generous soil, which indicates the least
unkindness to any species of vegetable growth. There are no bogs, swamps,
or lakes to be found in any part of it; and its climate throughout is remark-
ably salubrious. In short, buxom nature frolics over this beautiful scene,
and with an open hand bestows everywhere health, variety, gaiety, and
fecundity. The Banda Oriental has, however, hitherto been applied to no
other purpose than pasturage, and the rearing of cattle, mules, and horses.
The country properly called the Entre Rios is, in most particulars,
similar to the Banda Oriental; it is very fertile, and is furnished with an
abundance of timber. There are, however, some extensive plashes in it,
such as the baxada or low grounds opposite Rosario, which are dry in sum-
mer, and, in the wet seasons, covered with water; the soil, in such places,
shoots up a species of reed, or large coarse straw; hence they are distinguished
by the Spanish name pajanal. It was in one of those pajanals, then dry,
near Santa Fe, in which the Buenos Ayres troops suffered so severe a defeat
in April last. Almost the whole of the Entre Rios, like the Banda Oriental,
has hitherto been employed only as a pasture ground; and, for that purpose,
its fertile rincons, or forks of rivers, have been considered as the most
valuable estancias, or pasture farms, in the country.
The residue of the territory of Cordova, not embraced as pampa or
mountain; all that of Santiago del Estero, with so much of Tucuman and
as lavs h^lnw the mountains, is. in general, an elevated, dry, sandy
addition of Estero to the name of the city of Santiago; for, when the Rio
Dulce pours its waters over its banks, forming a great lake in its vicinity,
it is then, unfortunately during a sickly season, truly called Santiago of the
Lake. This vast plain, as well as that of the pampas, seems destined to
eternal pasturage; hitherto, it has been applied to no other purpose. Being
at a little distance from the rivers, higher, drier, and more copiously supplied
with pure water than the pampas, it is, therefore, better adapted to the
rearing of horses, mules, and sheep, of which there are great herds and
flocks on those plains.
The principal internal commerce from Cordova and this district, prior to
the revolution, was its trade in mules, sent over to Lower Peru and Lima.
This traffic, although at present wholly cut off by the war, deserves notice as
illustrating the actual state of the country, and the nature of its productions.
At two and a half years old the mules were purchased of the breeders, in the
Banda Oriental, Entre Rios, and round about, and gathered in herds near
Cordova, where they were wintered, and remained about six months.
Thence they were taken up to Salta, where they spent a second winter; in
which time they obtained their full growth, and were put in good order for
the prodigious journey they had before them. Thus, somewhat gentled,
seasoned, and prepared, they were presented for sale in the great mule fair
at Salta, which opened in the month of March, where they were sold at from
ten to fifteen dollars a head. The drover having purchased as many as,
assisted by his peons or hirelings, he could manage, which was, on an aver-
age, two or three thousand, he set out on his journey towards Lima; which,
taking into account the circuits he would be obliged to make to find pastur-
age for the drove, may be safely computed at not less than two thousand
miles, and a great part of the way over the crags and defiles of the most
rugged and lofty portions of the Cordilleras, among which many of his mules
commonly strayed off, and were wholly lost. To reach Lima with two-
thirds of the numbers with which the journey was commenced from Salta,
was reckoned a successful voyage. Mules which cost in Salta fifteen dollars,
were sold in Lima for twenty-five or thirty dollars. One year with another,
there were, in this manner, travelled over, from Salta to Peru, from fifty to
seventy thousand mules. All the labor and transportation by beasts of
burden in Peru has been, until lately, performed entirely by mules ; and they
seem to be the only animals which can be trusted along its precipices, and
can labor under its burning sun, or that are well suited to the climate and
country. This mule trade has now been so long cut off, that the stock of
these useful animals in Peru is nearly exhausted, and the conveniencies
and the productions of the country are materially affected by it. The price
of a good mule now in Peru is more than three or four times what it was in
the years before the revolution*
DOCUMENT 241: NOVEMBER 2, 1 8 1 8 405
The productions of this extensive district of dry plains and wooded
pasture, which I have just described, are chiefly similar to those of the pam-
pas; they are hides, horns, tallow, hair, wool, sheep and wild dog skins, and
some peltry, Indian corn, wheat, barley, and rice, fine potatoes, oranges, figs,
grapes, and thence wine, brandy, and raisins, tobacco, timber, and lime.
The articles which the ingenuity and industry of the people of this district
produce for home consumption or domestic exchanges, are hats, tanned
leather, coarse cotton and woollen cloths, candlewick, and ponchos or cloak
of the country.
To the southward of the mountains of Cordova, and to the westward of
the pampas, including the whole of the province of the Punta San Luis,
and the eastern part of the province of Mendoza, is another district of mere
pasturage. It is a high, dry, broken plain, and perhaps the most barren
and unproductive of any in the Union. A great part of it is covered with
several kinds of thorny shrubbery, interspersed with which there are some
small timber trees. This district produces hides, tallow, horns, some grain,
wine, brandy, and dried fruit.
By including a considerable extent of the Entre Rios round Corrientes,
and the whole of the province of Paraguay, we shall designate a district
which by many is considered as the fairest portion of this great Union, and
equal, in its various excellencies, to any tract of similar extent in all our con-
tinent. Its climate is delightful, possessing all the advantages of that of
the torrid zone, without being visited by the fierce rays of its sun, or being
enveloped in its pernicious vapors. The face of the country is not moun-
tainous, nor anywhere flat; it is well supplied by a great variety of streams
of pure water; its soil is everywhere found to be exceedingly fertile and
productive, and a rich and variegated forest originally overshadowed the
whole, and now covers a great part. This forest produces mahogany, and
several other kinds of beautiful wood suited to cabinet work, and furnishes,
besides, an abundance and variety of timber excellently adapted to domestic
and naval architecture. This may be regarded as more particularly and
especially the agricultural district of the Union. The state of husbandry in
Paraguay is said, however, to be, like that of the other provinces, in a very
low and unimproved condition, and conducted in the most rude and unskilful
manner. The productions of the country are as various as they might be
abundant. The sugar cane grows well, but little sugar is made; its juice is
chiefly manufactured into spirits. This district produces Indian com,
wheat, and barley, but exports little or none. All the European fruit trees
nourish and produce well; the orange, fig, olive, and vine grow luxuriantly.
It produces cotton, flax, hemp, and tobacco, hides, tallow, lion skins, tiger
«l»Mr. n~+A «.n*~.,a. -r-^l-1-v.r T-f-c I'rilraKifarH-c tna-Tiiifa.r>frllr*» hats
are cut, gathered, and carefully dried; and, when perfectly cured, are put up
in sacks, made of raw hide, of about one or two hundred pounds weight, and
sent abroad over all the adjoining provinces. The young shoots and leaves
of the matte, it would seem, have received the name of yerba, rather from
the soft and herbaceous state in which they are gathered, than from the
character of the plant. The yerba is used in decoction, like the tea of
China; but, instead of making it, like that, in a pot, and serving it out in
cups, it is made in a little vase, and sucked up through a small tube of about
a foot in length, called a bombilla, or little pump, at which each one draws.
The matte is used by all ranks and classes, and is one of those luxuries which
has grown into as inveterate and necessary a habit as the use of the tea of
China in the United States.
Embracing all the residue of the Union under one view, we find an ex-
tensive mountainous district, stretching along below the eastern brow of the
Andes, from Mendoza to La Paz, and spreading out over the whole of the
province of Jujuy, as low down as the confines of the Llanos de Manso.
On all those within this district I shall bestow the epithet of the High
Provinces, as lying entirely among the broken and rugged elevations of the
Cordilleras of the Andes; some of them, from Jujuy north and west, have
been rather vaguely designated heretofore by the name of Peru- Alto, from
their having formed a part of the empire of the Incas, whose seat was at
Cuzco, three hundred and seventy miles to the north of La Paz. Through-
out the whole of the high provinces, almost every one of the Spanish settle-
ments seems to have been originally attracted to its present seat by an
expectation of the wealth to be derived by the extracting of the precious
metals from some mine in its vicinity. Each town and valley, from that of
Uspillata, near Mendoza, to those of Chicas, Potosi, and .La Paz, has had,
or now has, some productive mine in its neighborhood. Population has
gathered about these subterranean masses of wealth, and agriculture was
made necessary for the support of those who came to dig, or to profit by
digging for silver and gold. Recourse was had to the neighboring valleys,
and the cultivation of their generous soil has, in many respects, been found
more profitable, and exposed to fewer disappointments than mining.
Hence, this great district, first seated as a mining country, has now become
rather more of an agricultural one. The mines of Uspillata and Famatina
have ceased to enchant, or to be as productive as formerly; and the watered
and cultivated fields and vineyards of Mendoza, San Juan, Rioja, Cata-
1 directed, my inquiries in various ways, tor the purpose or ascertaining,
with some degree of certainty, what had been, or now was, the total amount
of the precious metals extracted from the high provinces of the Union, but
found it impossible to obtain any data whence a tolerably fair estimate of
their fecundity could be made. Before the revolution the productions of
the mines of Peru-Alto were, in part, sent to Lima, in part to the ports of
Cobija and Arica, on the Pacific; but the greater part was exported from the
city of Buenos Ayres, whence between two and three millions of dollars were
sent to Europe annually; but then a very great proportion of that amount
was derived from Chili. Again: the amount sent to Spain from Chili, every
year, was about two or three millions of dollars ; but then the whole of that
amount, together with what was sent over the Andes, cannot be set down as
its own production either, because a great portion of it was obtained from
Lima, Arica, and Cobija, in payment for its wheat; so that if we are to
ascertain the amount of the exports of each of the three viceroyalties of Peru,
Chili, and Buenos Ayres, it would be difficult to say how much was properly
its own production, because of their having been so intermingled. Since
the revolution the mines of the high provinces have been very much neg-
lected, owing to the country's having been in so distracted a state, and so
much the seat of war. It is said that, within the last year, Buenos Ayres
has exported about two millions of dollars; if so, a very small amount has
been obtained from the high provinces, because much the greater produc-
tion, or nearly all of that amount of its metallic exports, has been, in various
ways, drawn from Chili.
In addition to the precious metals, the high provinces produce copper, tin,
lead, and iron; hides, tallow, wool, wheat, corn, and barley, rice and cotton,
of which last article Catamarca is uncommonly productive. They produce,
also, wine, brandy, and abundance of dried fruit. It will be proper to
observe, however, that this district extends over a part of that singular
region of America where, owing to the elevation and range of the Andes, or
to some other causes, the vapors that are lifted into the sky are not permitted
to fall on it in rain during the summer months; and, consequently, as it
does not rain for many months together, the valleys, to be made arable, must
be irrigated from some neighboring stream of water. Beside the productions
of the mines and the valleys of this district, there is drawn from the heights
and obscure retreats of the mountains a considerable quantity of peltry, of
which gunaca, vecuna, and chinchilla skins, are the chief. The gunaca wool
is equal to the merino, and the wool or fur of the vecuna seems not only to
be capable of being manufactured into the finest cloth, but hats made of it
408 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
rival, in lightness and fineness of texture, those made of beaver. The
inhabitants of this district of the high provinces manufacture hats, shoes,
tanned leather, and several kinds of cotton and woollen cloths, and ponchos.
And, in many respects, the native Indian mode of manufacturing, as well as
the form of the fabric, has been retained.
The various routes, and the facilities by which internal exchanges are
effected, and the points at which they draw together and meet the com-
merce of foreign nations, with much truth may be considered as the cords by
which a nation or a union is bound together; along which, as by so many
nerves, each province is made sensible that it belongs to one whole, and
every limb is made to brace itself in the common cause of all. Therefore,
to complete the concise review which I propose to present to you of this
Union, its several parts, and its productions, I shall exhibit some of its
principal paths and channels of commerce, and the manner and the places
at which its productions are collected for barter among themselves, or
gathered together to meet the exchanges of our citizens and those of other
nations. These details may, perhaps, appear to be unnecessarily tedious,
but I know not how to compress them; and, besides, statistical information
consists in mere matters of calculation and interest, in which we look rather
to the value and the utility of the knowledge, than to the beauty of the
scene which it is in the power of the narrator to depict.
I have endeavored to lay before you a fair representation of the pecu-
liarities of the country; and, as may readily be supposed, some of the pecu-
liarities and the facilities of internal transportation grow out of, or are the
natural suggestions of those of the country. The pampas are, in rainy
seasons, very wet, and in places there are great pantanas, or spaces of soft
mud; for want of stone, or gravel, or wood, the roads cannot be rendered
firm for carriages. There are few places of refreshment or repair, and the
distance over them is prodigious. The carriage of burden is, therefore,
accommodated to these circumstances. The Tucurnan and Mendoza
carts, at a little distance, look like thatched cabins slowly moving over the
plain. The whole machine is destitute of a nail or a bit of iron; its great
coarse wheels are not less than eight feet in diameter; six oxen, in general
noble, strong animals, move it. The two front pair have a great length of
cord by which they draw; and the load of the cart, which, on an average,
is not less than four thousand weight, is pretty nearly balanced on the
axletree; the body of the cart is either covered with raw hide or thatch made
of reeds or straw; and, with a collection of brushwood as fuel, tied on the
top, and brought from the westward of the pampas, these carts are seen
crossing the plains in caravans of from thirty to forty together. On the
journey the oxen are unvoked occasionallv through the. dav. anrl at
IXX-UMKNT34I: NOVEMBERS, l8l8 409
a wants of thirty days or MX weclw1 pawage. There are in Buenoa Ayres
and Mendnxa u numtar of owners of these carts; and the several common
carriers of Turuman kwp aUnu two hundred of them constantly employed
in Use trad? of that city. From But»mm Ayres to Mcndoza the distance is
nine hundred milt**, and the fare in from one hundred and forty to two
hundred dollar* the cart load downwardii; but, to the westward, the fare is
only iilxnii forty dollar* the load. The route is performed in about thirty
days. From Buenos Ay re* to Cordova the distance is four hundred and
fifty miles, the fare, per eart load, it* twenty-five dollars, and the journey is
performed in about nixtern or eighteen clays. It m nine hundred miles
from Buencw Ayrea to Turuman, and the fare, per load, according to seasons,
in about one hundred and fifty dollar*, From Buenoa Ayres to Jujuy, the
distance in twelve hundred mile*, and it is the utmost extent to which the
roadi are practicable for whttel carriage*; the fare i* not leas than two hundred
dollars the cart load.
Mulev ire for transportation in every direction over land, as well
where carts can, as where they cannot travel. But they are most commonly
employed to traverse the mountains, and to bring down to Buenos Ayreu the
production! of the high provinces, San Juan ii only one hundred and
eighty to the north of Mendoxa; and along the valley parallel to the
Ancles there Is i road from one to the other; but the direct road
from San Juan to Ayres is no more than nine hundred miles, but it
si only practicable for mule*. In general, in the high provinces, there are
no which are at all for carriage*. A mule load, according to
the custom of the country, ii four hundred poundi weight, for which the
fare San Juan and Buenos Ayre* ii ten dollar*, and the route is
usually performed in thirty Front Buenos Ayre* to Cordova the fare
t§ HO in proportion further, or in other directions. From
Jujuy, the transportation can only be effected, in any westwardly or
northwardly direction, on the to La Pax, the moit remote
city of the- Union, is about hundred miles, ind the fare ii thirty-five
dollars the The who make a busines* of transportation
by from fifty to one hundred of animals in a drove, the
of which are when on a journey; and whatever may
be the they no provisions with them, nor purchase
any by the for of burdtn, Either on the plalnu, or in the
mountains, tht patientt hmrdy animal, relieved of his pack, is turned loose
tt night to hit food, and his and in the morning the load
is md he is driven on, very commonly, the whole day without
410 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
is said that individuals, by the usual mode of taking relays of hired post
horses, and pressing forward, have gone the whole route to La Paz in twenty
days, and that extraordinary expresses have gone through in twelve days
from Buenos Ayres.
These are the principal paths of the commercial intercourse of the Union
over land; the channels of communication by water, that have been ac-
cessible to foreigners, or which have been at all used by the inhabitants, are
only those of the Rio de la Plata and its tributary streams. If we should
measure directly across the mouth of this great river, from the Portuguese
dominions to the line I have designated as the boundary of the Patagonian
territory, we shall find a length of not more than about three hundred and
seventy miles of coast on the Atlantic belonging to the Union; but if, as
seems to be most correct, the river Plate be considered merely as a great arm
of the sea, and its shore be taken into the account, then the Union will be
found to have an extent of between five and six hundred miles of coast.
The Rio de la Plata is said by navigators to have many dangerous singu-
larities, and materially to differ from every other known river of the world.
No vessel drawing more than eighteen feet water can pass up to Buenos
Ayres ; and all navigators are cautioned to beware of its singularly changeful
currents, and the destructive blasts, called pamperos, which occasionally
sweep over its surface. There are no fish of passage, which, at any season,
frequent this estuary ; and, therefore, there can be no fishery anywhere in it
for the purposes of profitable commerce, except, indeed, the seals that may
be taken on the islands of Flores and Lobos, near its mouth. The Rio de la
Plata commences from Cape St. Maria, on the north, and Cape St. Antonio,
on the south; thence it gradually narrows until it reaches Buenos Ayres,
where it is about forty miles broad, and it terminates by a round end just
above the small island of Martin Garcia, which is said to command the
mouths of all the rivers which unite a little to the northwest of it, and pour
their waters into the La Plata. At present this island is uninhabited, and
seems to be considered as of little other importance than as a convenient
place to procure paving stones for the city of Buenos Ayres.
On the shore of the Banda Oriental, just within Cape St. Maria, is the port
of Maldonado. The harbor is chiefly formed by the small island of Gorette.
There are six or seven fathoms water within it, but it is not of easy access,
except for small vessels; those drawing eighteen feet or more must enter by
a crooked channel to the westward of the island. Next above Maldonado,
on the same side, is Montevideo. It is a tolerably good harbor for such
vessels as can enter, but it has not more than fourteen feet of water within
the cove. The ensenada de St. Lucia, above Montevideo, has about
eighteen feet water at its mouth, but furnishes no harbor. The Rio las
Conchas, whose mouth is in thp t^rrito™ r\f T*n<*n^e A
xr*-o,o
DOCUMENT 241: NOVEMBER 2, l8l8 4!!
for such it affords a good harbor. The city of Buenos Ayres is itself situated
on a long, straight reach of the coast of the La Plata, and the vessels trading
or belonging there lie out from two to seven or eight miles from the shore, in
a bleak, unsheltered roadstead. The ensenada de Barragan, or the mouth
of the creek of Barragan, below Buenos Ayres, affords a harbor for
vessels of about twelve feet draught of water. Except these, the only
security for any vessel, anywhere within the Rio de la Plata, is her ground
tackle.
Passing the island of Martin Garcia, and ascending the Uruguay, on tide,
by a broad and bold navigation fifty-four miles, the beautiful Rio Negro
presents itself, entering from the eastward. This limpid stream, whose
waters, collected from the pasture ground and groves, beset with sarsa-
parilla, of the Banda Oriental, are pleasant to the taste, and said to be for
many cases medicinal, is navigable for all vessels that can pass over the bar
in the La Plata, as far as Capilla Nueva, about forty miles from its mouth,
where the capital of the country, now called Purification, has not long since
been fixed. This river hides its head in the Cerro de Lascano, nearly three
hundred miles farther up, and is said to be navigable for boats some distance
above Purification.
Returning, to follow up the Uruguay, it is found to afford an easy, un-
interrupted navigation as far as St. Antonio, or Salta Chico, more than two
hundred miles above its mouth, to which place the Government of Buenos
Ayres, in the year 1810, sent several launches, of many tons burden, laden
with provisions and munitions of war for its army then stationed there;
and I have understood that it is navigable to Capilla St. Pero, a hundred
miles still further up: thence the stream is uncommonly rapid for more than
three hundred miles, to where it receives the Rio Pepry from the west, and
its right bank forms the boundary of Brazil ; thence, about fifty miles farther,
it is met by the Rio Vermejo from the east; and from thence to its source,
in the Sierra de Sta. Catherina, opposite the island of St. Catherine, on the
coast, a distance of about two hundred and fifty miles, it passes wholly within
the Portuguese dominions. The general course of this river is nearly
northeast; and its whole length, travelling with its course, may be estimated,
from its source to its mouth, at little short of one thousand miles.
Immediately opposite to the island of Martin Garcia, within a space of
about forty miles, the great river Paraguay pours its mighty collection of
waters into the Rio de la Plata through seven mouths, of which the Brazo de
la Tinta, on the left, enters the Uruguay from the west, and the Bocha de las
Palmas, on the right, enters the La Plata on a line with its western coast,
just above the Rio de Lujan; but the chief opening, and that which is most
uoiialKr Tiavio-afprJ is tV\p Rnra dpi Guante. which oresents itself directly to
412 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
and safety to Santa Fe, three hundred miles to the westward of Buenos
Ayres, which, with a fair wind, may be reached in ten or twelve days ; indeed,
it is said that such sized vessels may ascend as high as Corrientes. In
ascending the Paraguay from the mouth, you pursue a northwest course,
about two hundred miles, to Rosario, a town on the right bank; thence north,
one hundred miles, to Santa Fe, which is also situated on its right bank, and
just above its confluence with the Rio Salado; thence, bending away nearly
northeast, and ascending about four hundred and fifty miles further up,
and twenty miles below the mouth of the Parana, you arrive at the city of
Corrientes, situated on its left bank. Pursuing the same course about two
hundred miles still further up, you arrive at the ancient city of Assumption,
once the capital of the whole country, now that of the province of Paraguay
only; thence, following a course more northwardly, after ascending about one
hundred and fifty miles further up, you reach the Brazil line at the Rio
Ipane, which enters from the east, at the mouth of which is situated the
village of Nueva Sta. de Belem ; thence rising along the stream, in a direction
nearly north, and having the Portuguese dominions on the right, for a dis-
tance of three hundred miles, you meet with the Rio Latirequiqui, entering
from the west, near the end of the Cordillera de San Fernando, which
elevated range of mountains forming the boundary of Brazil, the river be-
comes wholly the right of the Portuguese ; thence pursuing the same course
for a distance of three hundred miles further through the great morass of the
Xareyes, you find the marco, or marble pyramid, erected as a boundary in
1754, near the mouth of the Rio Jouru; by ascending which some distance,
the traders of the country carry their boats over a portage of four thousand
eight hundred yards into the Guapore; by descending which to the Madeira,
and thence downward, they reach the mighty Maranon. About three hun-
dred miles farther up you find the sources of the Paraguay in the Prisidios
dos Diamantos; so called from its being said to have the richest diamond
mines in all Brazil, perhaps in the world. So that the Paraguay, in the
whole, extends itself, in a northwardly direction, nearly two thousand miles;
about fifteen hundred of which affords good boat navigation, and between six
and seven hundred is said to be practicable for sea vessels.
The principal branch of the Paraguay is the Parana; and, on entering it,
you ascend in an east direction about two hundred and thirty miles to La
Candelaria; thence, ascending northeast one hundred and fifty miles, to the
point at which it receives the Rio Ipane from the east, which is the boundary
of Brazil; thence, with those dominions to the east, pursuing the same course
one hundred and thirty miles farther up, and you arrive at the Salta Grande,
or great waterfall, which interrupts the further navigation of this stream at
the lower end of the Ilha Grande, and near the end of the CnrrlilWfl Alf-n
one the Rio Grande, which, turning to the eastward, and extending about
four hundred miles farther, is lost in the great mountains, about one hundred
and fifty miles to the north of Rio Janeiro; the other branch, called the
Parana-iva, after stretching due north about three hundred and fifty miles,
reaches its source in the lofty ridges of the Sierra de Marcella.
Of those rivers which enter the Paraguay from the west, there are only
three which, as far as I can learn, merit particular attention. The Rio del
Pasage, after collecting the waters from the valley of Calchioqui, and trav-
ersing the greater portion of the province of Salta, unites with the Rio Tala,
and forms the Rio Salado ; which, after winding its way, in a southeast direc-
tion, through the plains of Tucuman, Santiago, and Cordova, and travelling
a distance of about four hundred miles, throughout the whole of which it is
said to afford boat navigation, slants into the Paraguay at Santa Fe. The
river Vermejo, after receiving the waters of the valleys of Tarija and Rosario,
descends to the western margin of the Llanos de Manso, along which it
moves past the territories of Jujuy and Salta; then, turning to the eastward,
it crosses those great .plains, and enters the Paraguay about fifty miles above
the mouth of the Parana, travelling a distance from the town of Tarija of
more than seven hundred miles; and, about midway of its course, receives
the Rio Jujuy, after it has pursued a route of about two hundred miles in
length from the city of Jujuy. In the year 1790, Colonel Cornejo, in a boat
of several tons burden, did actually ascend the Rio Vermejo as far as the
fown of Tarija, without meeting any material obstructions from cataracts or
ripples. The river Suipacha, after receiving the waters of the St. Juan from
the salt pampas at the foot of the principal Cordillera of the Andes to the
north, and those of the Rio del Oro, which are precipitated from the same
lofty eminences, to the south, in the province of Chicas, and passing the
crags, and wilds, and fertile valleys which it meets in a course of three hun-
dred miles, finds itself associated with the branch called the Pilcomayo or
Paspayo, which has traversed a similar country for a distance of three hun-
dred miles from the foot of the mountain of the famed silver mine of Potosi;
thence, moving on their joint waters, they meet with the Rio Chachimayo,
after it has descended from the mountains of Charcas, and passed the city of
La Plata or Chuquisaca, at one hundred and fifty miles above; with which
river they unite to form the Pilcomayo, properly so called, near the eastern
end of the fertile valley of Ingre, in which the warlike Chiriguanes Indians
have twenty-six villages; from which the Pilcomayo, entering directly into
the Llanos de Manso, and crossing them in a southeasterly direction, passing
great numbers of the habitations of the savages who dwell in those plains,
pours its waters into the Paraguay by two mouths forty miles below the city
of Assumption. How far this river is practicable for boats of any size, I
have not been able to learn; but I am induced to believe, from the description
414 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
of the plains through which it passes, that it must be navigable a great part
of the way.
These are the principal paths and channels by land and water; and this is
the manner in which the greater part of the productions of this extensive
Union are transported from one province to another, or by which those
suited for a foreign market find their way to the city of Buenos Ayres ; for the
new Government allows of no other port, either for exportation or importa-
tion. One of the consequences of independence and union to our country
was, that its commerce, as well internal as external, almost immediately left
many of its former colonial courses, and sought others; directing itself to
points and along ways adapted to the natural advantages of the country and
the best interests of the people. Hence, the decline of some of our colonial
towns, and the very rapid growth of some of our cities. A similar conse-
quence, to a much greater extent, might have been expected to have arisen
from the revolution of the Spanish colonies on the river Plate ; but none such
has yet taken place. On the contrary, those noble rivers which nature seems
to have poured through their country as immense conveniences, advantages,
and benefits, have been to them the waters of bitterness and discord. An
attempt was made to export and import from and to Santa F6, which was so
great an advantage to all the country west and north of it that much traffic
began to flow that way. Buenos Ayres forbade it; and this is one of the
grounds of the controversy between Santa F6 and Buenos Ayres. The
people of the Union are contending for independence, that they may, among
their other rights and liberties, establish the freedom of commerce, so tliEft
its courses may be directed solely and exclusively by convenience, profit, and
advantage. If commerce be dragged away from courses so chosen, it is a
monopoly; and, although it may not, in some respects, be as pernicious as
that of Cadiz, it is a monopoly. One of the consequences of the present
strife to Buenos Ayres is, that it can procure not a single stick of that neces-
sary article, timber, with which the banks of the rivers beyond the La Plata
abound; but is supplied from Cordova by its carts, or timber is brought from
Brazil, or the United States; in which cases, it is admitted free of duty, and is
said to yield a good profit, such are the present high prices of timber in this
new country.
The aggregate amount of the imports of Buenos Ayres, within the last
two or three years, has been estimated at about eight millions per annum; of
this amount, about one-half consists of British manufactures, and produc-
tions of one kind or other; and the rest is made up principally of French,
German, and India goods of various descriptions, and a small proportion of
the manufactures and productions of the United States. The principal of
our commodities which have found their way to advantage to Buenos Ayres,
seem to be cordage, pitch, tar, salt fish, furniture, Windsor and rush-bottom
DOCUMENT 241: NOVEMBER 2, l8l8 415
writing paper, plank, and some other articles that I may have omitted. But
latterly our trade thither has been very limited, and has constituted rather
In carrying the goods of European and Indian continents for the purpose of
procuring the few articles we want from them, than its being a market for
our own productions of any sort.
The exports of Buenos Ayres for some years past have been, it is said, on
the decline. During the last year, they have been thus estimated; it has
exported one million of hides of all descriptions, which, valued on an average
at three dollars each, makes three millions of dollars; it is computed to have
made up three millions more, of the following articles: tallow, horns, horse
hair, jerked beef, copper, tin, lead, chinchilla skins, nutria, lion, tiger, wild
dog, seal, swan, viscacha, and sheep skins; sheep, vecuna, and guanaca wool,
and feathers, with some few others of less value, or that are produced in
smaller quantities. And the balance, consisting of two millions, it is said,
has been made up by specie derived from the mines of the high provinces,
and from Chili, in return for the foreign manufactures sent thither by the
way of Mendoza, and in payment for its matte, and by various other ways
and means.
The Spanish settlers in America have everywhere discovered a disposition
to group themselves together in towns and cities. It is rare to meet a
country gentleman resident on his estate, or to find a wealthy land owner,
who has not a house in the city, which is his usual place of abode; from which
his ehacaras and estancias, that is, his grain and grazing farms, committed to
the care of peasants or slaves, are occasionally visited. The reason of this
mode of life, it is said, arises from the inertia of the Spanish habits. The
owner commits the care of his estates to his slaves, or makes them grazing
(arms, which require little attention, that he may lounge away his time in a
city, with every convenience about him, and enjoy those long intervals of
repose of which a Spaniard is so fond. But the modern Egyptian and the
modern Greek, whose countries were once the busy hives of industry, and the
lands of enterprise and science, are as inert and as fond of repose as the mod-
ern Spaniard; may we not, then, suppose the causes of this love of repose to
have been the same in all?— the hebetating political and ecclesiastical insti-
tutions, whose impressions have been with fire and sword, and faggot, cut
and branded upon them all? But, whatever may have been the cause, such
is the fact, that the more wealthy, intelligent and better sort of people are
universally found in the cities and the towns. The best and fairest sample
of the population of the Union, it is said, is to be found in the city of Buenos
Ayrea; and there are some circumstances which render the assertion not
improbable. That city, almost ever since its foundation, has been a seat of
Government, and the emporium of all the foreign commerce of the country;
general, very intelligent, and very unanimous m their determination to sup-
port their independence, and to establish their freedom. The lower classes
have been materially benefited by the change, and they are perfectly sensible
of the happy results. With very few shades of difference, however, the
population of the great cities and principal towns of Buenos Ayres, Monte-
video, Mendoza, Santa Fe, Cordova, Salta, Tucuman, Jujuy, Corrientes,
Assumpcion, Potosi, Chuquisaca, &c. are all alike as to intelligence and
general information. In the cities are found the great body of the leading
and influential citizens of the Union, and their numbers are by no means in-
considerable, who have given an impulse to public opinion, and have kept,
and will keep, the ball of the revolution in motion until the great end be
accomplished of independence and substantial freedom.
The herdsmen or peasantry of the pampas plains form a very considerable
proportion of the population of the country. Thinly strewed over the great
pastures, those residing at a distance from the cities have, most commonly,
each one the charge of an estancia, many leagues in extent. They have little
society, are totally illiterate, lead an indolent life, and dwell on an immense
waste, in continual solitude. Their habitations are constructed in the sim-
plest form; in general, they consist of low mud walls, thatched with the long
grass of the plains, tied on a layer of reeds, with raw hide thongs, or stuck on
with mud. In the pampas a few peach trees stand round about; but the
embudo, one single one, and no more, seems to be the herdsman's favorite
shade, and designation of his dwelling. The bedding and clothing of the
family, and the whole household furniture, exhibit a scene of laziness and
dirt, yet mingled with apparent cheerfulness, great kindness, much natural
intelligence, and an evident independence of character.
From infancy the herdsman is taught to ride, and there are, perhaps, no
more expert horsemen in the world ; much riding is required by his situation
and mode of life; and to ride well is his pleasure and his pride. Either from
the custom of his Spanish ancestors, or from its real and constant utility, the
herdsman is never without a long butcher's knife, worn about his waist.
His cloak is that gay, party-colored covering, formerly used by the natives,
which seems to have been universally adapted to his taste and convenience.
The Indians and the herdsman's cloak, or poncho, as it is called, is a square
piece of cloth, something larger than a Dutch blanket, with a slit in the mid-
dle, through which the head is put, leaving it to hang down all around.
This poncho is his bed at night, and by day his cloak, a belt, a saddle cover,
or a bag, as fancy or necessity may require. It would seem as if similar
circumstances everywhere made similar suggestions. Within that region of
the globe designated as Central Asia, there are immense steps or plains not
materially different from those traversed by the La Plata and its rivers.
And it is said the Asiatic herdsman of those plains, like him of America, has,
from the most remote ages, always used as a utensil, or weapon, the lazo, or
running noose, either to manage his herd, or to attack his foe. The lazo is a
cord or thong, made of strong, well-prepared hide, about thirty yards long,
with an iron ring, or a loop at one end, through which a running noose or
lazo may be made in an instant; the other end is fastened to the cincho or
broad surcingle, which secures the saddle. The lazo, hung in a coil to the
hinder part of the saddle, is thus ready for use. So soon as it is thrown and
takes effect, the horse, as he has been taught, stands firm or moves off with
what has been caught. The lazo is thrown by a herdsman with unerring aim,
either on foot, or on horseback, or at full speed, at a fleeing animal or re-
treating foe. The herdsman of the plains is usually provided with another
instrument similar in its use to the lazo. The bola is an instrument made
with three cords of about three feet each from the knot which unites them
in the middle; to the end of each of which is fastened a ball of about two
pounds weight. The bola, with a few twirls over the head, is thrown like a
stone from a sling; and, entangling about the legs of the animal at which it is
directed, instantly prostrates it at the mercy of the pursuer. And, whether
thrown standing or at full speed, the herdsman's bola seldom flies in vain.
This instrument, like the lazo, is usually slung to the hinder part of the sad-
dle. Mounted, and thus equipped, the herdsman is ready for a journey of a
thousand miles, the protection or the seizing of his herd, or for the defence
of his country.
The European armies that have been landed on the shores of the river
Plate have found the lazo and the bola to be weapons of war of a new, sur-
prising, and singular cast. Their outposts often silently disappeared they
knew not how; a dragoon, when at a sufficient distance, apparently, to be
out of danger from his enemy, would have his horse suddenly thrown from
under him, or in an instant he himself would be snatched from his seat and
dragged to death. The European forces saw the plains covered with cattle;
but none of the wild herd could be taken ; their chase and fire frightened them
beyond their reach. The nakedness of the country was thus perceived to be
its chief fastness, and security to its inhabitants and their herds against
foreign invaders. The wars that have been waged in that country, par-
ticularly on the Banda Oriental, have made the herdsmen of those plains as
expert in the use of a gun on horseback, as of a lazo or the bola, all of which
they now carry in their warlike excursions; and they may be considered as
the most formidable guerrilla or partisan soldiery that ever existed. In
courage they are inferior to none; and the exploits that are related of their
adroit and rapid horsemanship exceed what has been told of the Parthian,
the Scythian, or the Cossack of the Don. Such are the herdsmen of the
pampas and plains, who are usually called gauchos; an epithet, like that of
yankee, originally cast on them in derision, but one which has now ripened
into a distinctive and common appellation that is no longer offensive. The
41 8 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
most active and efficient portion of the Buenos Ayrean army of Peru, under
Belgrano, is the guerrilla party of gauchos commanded by Colonel Guemes.
The peasantry of the high provinces are, a great majority of them, agricul-
turists, with the addition of the laborers in the mines. This class of the
population of the Union is not materially dissimilar from the like class as it is
described to exist under all arbitrary Governments. They are wholly
illiterate, are superstitious and indolent; but, from the thinness of the popu-
lation, and abundance of the necessaries of life, this class has not been so
pressed upon, and is, therefore, not so sordid and boorish as in some other
countries; they are cheerful, docile, active, and extremely susceptible, and
desirous of improvement.
Of those three classes of population it must be observed that each has
evidently been mingled and discolored with Indian blood. The city class
least of any; but the gauchos are a third or a half of Indian descent ; and the
husbandmen of some of the cultivated valleys of the high provinces have
the appearance of being little else than the civilized descendants of the
aborigines.
There were at the commencement of the revolution a considerable number
of slaves in the Union, of the Indian or African race. But slavery has been
abolished. The negroes have, generally, been transferred from domestic
slavery to the ranks of the army, into which about four thousand have been
enlisted; the half of which were sent to Chili, where their numbers have been
reduced nearly half. Some were sent to carry on the war against Artigas,
and have been much cut up; and the residue are quartered in the city of
Buenos Ayres, where they are believed to make good soldiers. They are
used as guards about the directorial palace, the hall of Congress, and the city.
The people of Paraguay have traits of character differing alike from the
citizen, the gaucho, and the husbandman of the high provinces. The district
of Paraguay was taken into the possession of the Spaniards from the natives,
at as early period, almost, as any portion of the viceroyalty; it has a greater
population, in proportion to its extent of territory, than most of the other
provinces. Paraguay long had the peculiar care of the Jesuits, and has had
all the benefits of their spiritual instructions. It is at once a fair sample of
their skill at civilization, and of the effects of their system, the fundamental
maxim of which was to exclude all strangers. The present race of Paraguays
are said to be a mixture of the European Spaniards and natives with perhaps
more than half Indian. They are remarkably peaceful, and taciturn in their
temper and deportment. They are more industrious than the people of the
other provinces, prodigiously attached to their country, or rather the place
of their nativity, yield a passive obedience to the powers that be, and are
much averse to strangers, to changes and new modes of every sort. They
to meet a Paraguay who cannot read and write, and who does not understand
the rudiments of arithmetic. Yet they make no other use of this precious
acquisition than to read some few homilies, and to make notes and keep
accounts of their little dealings. They never apply it to the acquisition of
any useful knowledge whatever. Their literature is merely elementary, and
made less use of than the hieroglyphics of their progenitors of Peru. Their
stern religion or more rigid habits seem to forbid them to stray from the
precepts inculcated in their youth, with so alluring, so wanton, and so erratic
a guide as modern philosophy; lest a perverse doubt, like an artful and sus-
pected stranger, should seduce them from the good old ways of their ances-
tors. The Paraguays are generally healthy, robust men, very abstemious
and sober; the great body of them are agriculturists; and their delightful
country, alike suited to the growth of the productions of the temperate and
torrid zones, supplies them with every necessary, and a variety of the luxu-
ries of life. They manufacture much within themselves, get scarcely any
thing from abroad, and have little intercourse with the rest of the world. It
is a question which future experience must solve, whether the gay and docile,
but illiterate husbandman of the Andes, or the Paraguay agriculturist, with
his smattering of letters and his Jesuit habits, shall rise most rapidly from
the obscurity of his colonial condition, and profit most by the revolutionary
changes now in progress.
This country and these people, whose extent, situation, and character I
have endeavored clearly, concisely, and fairly to delineate, were governed by
the Spanish power with the coarse machine of monarchy, and according to
its few and simple principles. The first magistrate of Buenos Ayres was the
viceroy, who was appointed by the King of Spain ; and this viceroy governed
all, overruled all, and commanded all, civil and military, but the King his
master. The members of the supreme tribunal of justice, called the royal
audience, were also appointed by the King. And all the other officers of the
Government were appointed by the viceroy or the King, or sold by him,
responsible to him alone, and removable only at his pleasure.
Whenever the population of a district of country increased to such a num-
ber as to require it, or it was otherwise thought worthy of the honor, it was
laid off into what was called a province, or jurisdiction, and a governor ap-
pointed over it; and if the population was increased and condensed into a
town, or its inhabitants had influence with the viceroy, or the viceroy thought
a spot suitable for a town, it was laid out as such, and declared to be a city;
and a tribunal called a Cabildo was organized for the regulation of its police,
and the administration of justice within it, and a certain district round.
This ayuntamiento, Cabildo, or corporation, was composed of from six to
twelve members, called regidors, according to the size of the city. The
governor of the province was, ex officio, president of the Cabildo, with power
roy could those of the royal audience, whenever he chose to take his seat,
and act as president. The office of regidor, like most others in the Spanish
Government, was venal; the price paid for it in Chili was about five hundred
dollars; and I have reason to believe that in Buenos Ayres it was valued at
about the same; it was held for life. Besides those to be had in the market,
there were generally four other regidors, residents of the city, who were ap-
pointed by the viceroy. The alguacils, or sheriffs, and baliffs of this tribunal
were venal, bought and sold at a given price, like any other merchantable
commodity of the Spanish dominions. It is of these jurisdictions the present
provinces of the Union have been constituted; and the Cabildos, thus or-
ganized, and which were continued by traffic, and the Chief Magistrate of
the Union, for the time being, until the present form of government was
adopted, are the sources, with little variation, whence sprang the existing
Congress.
Besides these, there were appointed in districts too extensive for justice to
be conveniently administered by the governor or the Cabildo, village or
country alcaldes, or territorial justices. The jurisdiction of these officers,
however, extended only to petty matters, or the apprehension of offenders ;
they m'ere a sort of justices of the peace. In addition to these, there was, in
the cities of Buenos Ayres and Montevideo, a tribunal called the consulado,
invested with jurisdiction in commercial affairs only, from which there might
be an appeal to the viceroy. These were the civil tribunals, into which the
colonist entered, with his purse in one hand and his documents in the other,
to seek protection and right, to ask for justice, and to obtain redress against
the wrongdoer.
The right of patronage to all ecclesiastical benefices belonged exclusively
to the King; but it is said there are a few unimportant livings in Buenos
Ayres is the gift of individuals. All ecclesiastical affairs were cognizable
oaly before the spiritual courts, of which each bishop had one, composed of
the himself, the fecal, proctor or lawyer, and the provisor. These
tribunals also were subject to the control of the viceroy.
But there one tribunal which bore sway over all, and that was the
tribunal of the holy inquisition, which had the power to fine, confiscate,
Imprison, hang, or burn for the offence of which the accused was convicted
by it. The two vkeroyalties of Buenos Ayres and Chili were subject to the
jurisdiction of the holy inquisition of Lima, which tribunal appointed its
in two vkeroyaJties, who furnished it with information,
had its executed, and the accused sent forward for examination, trial,
.
There was no tribunal, or any officer of any description whatever, emanat-
ing from the people, or appointed by them, or responsible to them, either
or ind»eetfys in any manner. Tnere was not, in the whole country,
such thing known as a legal and standing congregation of men, gathered
from the people for any purpose whatever. Of all the various formal and
informal means of which the people of our country have, at different times,
availed themselves, to make an expression of their collected and united
voices, not one of them, or any thing of the sort, ever appears to have been
known in Buenos Ayres before the revolution. The people of that country
appeared to have been governed with so total a disregard to their will, or
with BO watchful a determination that their voice should not be heard in any
way, that they seemed to be strangers to the methods by which it may be
collected and expressed to advantage, or not to have estimated them as they
ought. The viceroy, with a suitable number of military coadjutors and
underlings, took charge of the person and property, and the holy inquisition,
by its commissaries, had the curacy of the mind of the humble colonist;
which independent, irresponsible, and holy officers of the royal power could
only be rendered merciful, or flexible, or just, by the secret but potent opera-
tions of tangible gold. The sword of the military and the faggot of the
church thus executed the will of the monarch ; no one dared resist; complaint
was never heard; the colonist submitted in silence, suffered, and groaned
inwardly.
The Spanish colonial Government of Buenos Ayres was of a character
calculated to blight every hope of freedom, and make men passive and calm.
Hence the people of those provinces did not begin their revolution in opposi-
tion to the oppressions of the mother country. They were not excited, like
those of the United States, first to make head against the arbitrary attempts
of the parent state, to claim their privileges, to declare their independence,
and to resume a Government which had been abused by their transatlantic
rulers. It was not until, by the great agitations of Europe, the gripe of the
colonial power was loosened; until after the hand of the monarch had been
by those struggles, for a time, taken off, that the colonists began to think
and feel as men ; not until after the people on the shores of the La Plata had
been visited by a portion of the wars, and the blaze of those political con-
flicts of Europe, that they were aroused, and excited to seek, and to endeavor
to obtain and defend their own long lost rights.
The British Government, for a long time past, appear to have had a very
strong disposition to obtain a station or plant a colony on the shores erf the
La Plata. So early as the year 1740, the project was proposed, and the sub-
ject discussed. At the peace of Paris, in 1763, the subject was renewed, and
the value of such an acquisition much urged » In the latter end of the year
1805, the expedition under Sir Home Popham made a formal attack, with a
view to obtain possession of Buenos Ayres, but was driven bade. And the
disgraceful and unfortunate expedition under General Whitibeke, ra the
year 1807,, appears to have quieted British notions of adding to their trans-
pea ted and attack*, they have failed in establishing con quest and
monopoly. These attacks of the English gave the first shock to the colonial
establishments of Buenos Ayres.
In the month of July, in the year 1807, a French Government vessel ar-
rived in the river Plate with the intelligence that the old dynasty of the
mother country had bee n pushed from the throne, and Joseph Bonaparte de-
clared King In the place of a Bourbon. Liniers, the then viceroy of Buenos
Ayres, wished to recognise the new King, and Induce the people to acquiesce
In the change. This, notwithstanding all their sufferings under the Bourbon
line, they refused to do, drove Liniers from power, and declared their adhe-
sion to the old dynasty, and to what they conceived to be the cause of their
country. In this state of things, Cisneros came out from. Spain, commis-
by the Junta of Cadiz as viceroy, and assumed the reins of govern-
ment. Thus the old order of things, after having received a rude shock from
the English, thrown entirely into confusion. The British and other for-
traders, finding the did opposition removed or paralyzed, poured into the
country; the people, during agitations and changes, began to per-
ceive and to feel that a free commerce brought with it considerable advan-
tages; that there were many to reform; and that there was, in fact, no
power in Spain which could be to represent the Bourbon King, to whom
they still were determined to adhere, notwithstanding all they had experi-
and Buffered.
In consequence of agitations, to advise for the best, and restore har-
mony, a Junta in Buenos Ayres, composed of some of the
principal of that city, and their Cabildo. And on the 25th May,
1810, this Junta to the government into their own hands
until a Junta be convened composed of representatives from
the it should then be committed, until
so far its misfortuues as to be able to do justice
to itself, to the in the administrations of its colonies. Ac-
was of all power, and permitted to depart in
for day is the commencement of the revolution,
it is the of the country as the day on
" the of the Provinces of the Rio de la Plata were, by a
the slavery wMcfa the Americans had
for years;" as the day of "the political regeneration
of by the free erf man, of which they had
by tie the conquest of both
Americas." was still a or an expectation, however, that har-
and a of sort day be restored between them
it;
of all good men to endeavor to obtain.
With this resolution to establish a free Government of their own, if possi-
ble, constantly present, and operating on the minds of a great and increasing:
majority of the people, the cause has been pushed forward with improving
experience and brightening lights, amidst intrigues, and factions, and super-
stition, and angry passions, from a beginning where even rudiments were to
be collected along a curious, crooked, and wavering line, to the present point,
at which the people have finally resolved on independence, and totally re-
nounced all prospect of returning to their allegiance to Spain. This declara-
tion of independence was made by the Congress at Tucuman, on the 9th
day of July, in the year 1816; and in the fiestas civicas of the country it stands
noted as the declaration of their absolute independence, " De la declaratiSn de
nuestra absoluta independencia." At this point the people now are where
they seem to be much more disposed calmly to investigate, to learn, and
impartially to decide, than their present rulers are willing to indulge the
freedom of their speculations. I shall barely sketch out the path of this
revolution from point to point so far, leaving the causes by which it has been
impelled, and the obstacles by which it has been checked, to be more fully
collected and understood from the history of the times, except so much as
may be immediately necessary for the elucidation of the present state of
things.
After Cisneros was displaced from the viceroy alty, in the year 1810, and
compelled, with some of his adherents, natives of Spain, to embark for
Europe, a Junta of seven was formed, and a General Congress was called.
The Cabildos of the provinces, favorable to the cause of self-government,
appointed deputies, who assembled in Buenos Ayres in the month of March
of the following year; and, after a deal of altercation, were admitted as mem-
bers of the Junta Provisional, of whom the historian Dean Funes, from Cor-
dova, was one. A person named Saavedra, by intriguing with the sturdy
and free-spirited gauchos of the pampas of Buenos Ayres, obtained their
countenance and aid, by which means, on the 6th of April of the same year,
he effected a change in the organization of the ruling power, and another set
of men were placed at the helm: which change is distinguished by the name
of Saavedra's revolution. On the gth of October following, this ruling party
was suppressed, many of its members imprisoned or banished, and a new one
formed and placed at the head of affairs, called the triumvirate. The first
triumvirs were Chicklana, Dr. Pasos, and Saratea, with Rividavia as secre-
tary, all of Buenos Ayres. This triumvirate gave a new impulse to political
movements, and caused great changes in the opinions of the people: "instead
of following the public opinion for the independence and liberty of the people,
it took the opinion of parties who sought to govern according to the interest
of each faction." Hence jealousies, suspicions, fears, and rivalships were
424 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
then sown, which have continued to rankle and grow from that to this time,
and are not likely soon to be eradicated. One of them, Saratea, was sent to
take the command of the patriot army at Montevideo, in the Banda Oriental,
and had not been there long before he and Jose Artigas, who now commands
that portion of the gaucho population, quarrelled. Artigas, being apprized
in time of an attempt that was to be made on his person, fled to the plains,
was soon followed by all the Orientals, and has been at war with Buenos
Ayres, except at short intervals, ever since. Rividavia filled the seat of
Saratea from the loth of March, 1812, or thereabouts, until the 25th of May,
when Pueyrredon, the present Director, arrived from the army in the high
provinces as his successor, and Rividavia resumed his station as secretary
until the month of July following, when, owing to some misunderstanding
among the rival chiefs, Chicklana was expelled with disgrace, and Rividavia
reinstated as a triumvir. This Rividavia is said to be a man of talents. He
is now in France; and his object in visiting Europe is said to have been to
ascertain the feelings of the monarchs of the old world toward the provinces
of the new, which were struggling for independence; to see if the combined
potentates could be propitiated, by concessions or otherwise, to mercy and
forbearance; whether the angry principles by which they had been united
would induce them to make an effort of their strength on this side of the
Atlantic against the rising principles of reform; or whether they would be
governed and divided by a rational view of their interests as regards the
regions of the new world.
On the Qth of October of the same year, 1812, the Moreno faction over-
turned the triumvirate, and seized on the reins of Government. The Doctor
Moreno who headed this faction was a man of a very fine and highly culti-
vated understanding; he died soon after, on his passage to England. The
chiefs of this party were Larea, Lastelle, Pena, Asquinaga, Vieytes, and
Posados, who effected the revolution by the assistance of Jos6 San Martin,
now the commander-in-chief of the united army of the Andes in Chili, and
Charles Alvear, who was then the colonel, and lieutenant colonel of a regi-
ment of cavalry stationed in Buenos Ayres. Major Zapiola and Captain
Igarasabel, of this regiment, being ordered by its commander to seize or
destroy Pueyrredon, then a triumvir, now the Director, repaired to his house,
and searched for him with naked weapons ; and it is said he narrowly avoided
assassination, and effected his escape in disguise, and was finally saved by
remaining some time concealed. Of this party, Pena, Pasos, and Jonte, were
declared to be the ruling Junta, of which Pena was president. He was, after
some time, displaced, and succeeded by Rondeau, who continued in office
until the month of , when he went to take command of the army in the
Banda Oriental. On representing the inconveniences attending: an execu-
1 8 13, and continued one year in office; when Lieutenant Colonel Charles
Alvear was elected by the Congress to succeed him. This Alvear was a man
of a bold, unbridled temper and disposition; he had been appointed by the
Congress to the army of Peru; but, being rejected by the inferior officers, was
obliged to relinquish that command, and return. In Buenos Ayres he
quietly entered upon the duties to which he was elected. The people, how-
ever, were, from time to time, much provoked, by his highly offensive and
arbitrary conduct; until, at length, roused past all forbearance, by the bar-
barous murder of Uvieda, a worthy citizen, on Easter Sunday night, in
prison, they flew to arms, and put the city in a state of defence. The Direc-
tor threatened to force his way in at the point of the bayonet, but was given
to understand that his army would not obey him; and he then surrendered,
under a guaranty of being permitted to embark on board a British ship then
lying in the roads ; and with the greatest difficulty made his way, alone and
unattended, past an exasperated people, who pursued him to the boat on
the shore, which the British commander sent to receive him. This man is
now in Rio Janeiro, where he has taken refuge.
A Junta of the people of the city of Buenos Ayres was then summoned by
sound of the Cabildo bell; which town meeting, or junta, after some warm
debates, elected as Director, Colonel Ignacio Alvarez, acting commander-in-
chief of the troops, who had been faithful to the people, in opposition to
Alvear; and, about the same time, the Congress passed an act, called the
Statute Provincial, by which various restrictions were laid down to prevent
abuses in the exercise of the directorial authority. The clamors of the
people against Alvarez, charging him with arbitrary proceedings, misman-
agement, and peculation in office, caused him to resign his power on the day
of the expiration of the term for which he was elected; and in April, 1815,
Antonio Balcarce, now brigadier general in the united army of the Andes in
Chili, was elected; and, after continuing in office about three months, was
forced from his post by intrigue and faction. An executive, or government
of three, was then again formed, composed of Francisco Escalada, Irregogen,
[Yrigoyen] and .
During all these various changes and revolutions there has existed a body
called the representatives or deputies from the several provinces. The
members of this assemblage were chosen or appointed by the Cabildos of the
principal cities which had joined in the revolution; and it is said that there
were instances and times when they were chosen by something like a popular
election; the traces of such elections are, however, very faint and obscure,
such as perhaps would not be deemed popular by the people of the United
States, where the substance and outline of such elections are distinctly recol-
lected by the very boys of the country. It does not appear that the members
of this representative body were elected for any given time, or that the Ca-
bildos, by whom they were chosen, were at all jealous of their length of
426 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
service. Some of them have been members several years, some are newly
elected, and others represent provinces in the possession of the enemy, who,
therefore, can neither be rejected, recalled, nor re-elected by the provinces
they represent. Nor does it appear that they were tenacious of the numbers
sent from each province, or that they have been always the same. Buenos
Ayres had only four, Mendoza two, and San Juan had two members in the
Congress which met at Tucuman in 1816. Now, Buenos Ayres has seven
members, and Mendoza and St. Juan only one member each; and yet the
members vote in Congress numerically, and not by provinces. Nor does it
appear that any stipulated, personal, or local qualification has been required.
About half the body are priests; and the citizens of Buenos Ayres seem to be
deemed eligible and suitable to represent any province; in consequence of
which, the church and that city have always had their full influence. The
body, it would seem, had changed its name almost as often as its component
numbers and individuals; at first, it was called the Junta; then the Junta
Provisional; then the National Constituent Assembly; and now it is styled
the Sovereign Congress. Its deliberations appear to be conducted with re-
ligious solemnity and much debate; the yeas and nays are most generally
recorded; yet the body is guarded by soldiery, usually negroes, deemed per-
fectly trustworthy; and there are neither frequent elections, nor a free press
to call them to an account. Of all the passions and gales of the revolution,
whose violence has broken in so many directions, this body has been struck
by none. It seems to have glided on, preserving the even tenor of its way,
and to have happily retained the buoyancy of its nature amidst every angry
burst and threatening squall. Fortunately for itself, this august body has
never undertaken to call any state delinquent to account, nor in any instance
run counter to the will of the Chief Magistrate for the time being. If the
Congresses of Venezuela, Mexico, and Chili, by a factious, headstrong dis-
position, (as has been solemnly said,) have repeatedly lost those countries to
the patriot cause, no such restiveness of temper can be imputed to the Con-
gress of Buenos Ayres; on the contrary, it has, at times, so highly respected
the opinions of the people as to yield a little to a gaucho intrigue, or a town
meeting, convened by the sound of a Cabildo bell.
Some of the acts of Congress have, however, been of vital importance to
the best interests of the cause, and the Union. On the 9th of July, 1816, it
made and promulgated a declaration of absolute independence. And thus it
cast the die. The minds of the people were thus brought solemnly up, and
finally fixed at that great point about which there had previously been some
wavering. And in December 1817, its ordinance, called the reglamento
provisorio, was ratified, establishing a temporary Government for the Union,
in •wVlirVl is HpfinpH tVlP fnrmc nf ttirr* r>r»r»n1ar <a1t>r»iMrmc • rmo r\f wl-iifti •fli-a-i- nf
DOCUMENT 241: NOVEMBER 2, l8l8 427
scribed; but no time of election or term of service being specified, there has
been no use made of the terms laid down. There have been two popular
elections of Cabildos in Buenos Ayres; the first was made in 1816, when only
about live hundred votes were taken; but when the same election came round,
and was made, according to the provisions of the reglamento provisorio, in
the year following, there were as many as three thousand five hundred votes
given for the same officers. This is the first form of a popular election ever
offered to the people of Spanish America; and although confined to mere
police, or corporation offices, it is of great importance in its direct and indirect
consequences. 1 1 is a beginning which must draw after it more valuable and
efficient elections, and the whole representative system. And the great in-
crease of votes is a proof of the readiness with which the nature and uses of
the rights of franchise can be understood and adopted by any people.
The Congress which, on the 24th of March, 1816, had assembled in the
city of Tucuman, elected Juan Martin Pueyrredon Supreme Director of the
State; after which, it made the solemn declaration of absolute independence,
and then founded the present temporary Government called the reglamento
provisorio, (annexed and marked as exhibit G,1) and Pueyrredon has con-
tinued in office as Supreme Director from that time to this. By the sixth
article of the first chapter of the third section of this provisional Government,
it is declared that the person filling the station of Supreme Director shall
continue in office until a constitution is formed, unless sooner displaced by
Congress. The only check upon this loose and indefinite grant of executive
power and influence, to control Congress, and postpone the formation of a
constitution, is that of a residencies,, designated in the ninth article of the last
chapter. As this mode of responsibility by a residencia is an adoption of
that by which it -was intended under the colonial system, a governor or vice-
roy might be called to an account; and as it is wholly unlike any of the forms
by which the responsibility of a public agent is secured by any of our political
institutions, it may be well concisely to describe it. According to the Span-
ish laws of the Indies, when a viceroy or governor was removed from office,
the King appointed an agent or commissioner, most commonly a lawyer of
the country, to receive the residencia of the displaced officer; such commis-
sioner accordingly repaired to the capital, and announced, in the most public
manner, the time and place when and where he would be prepared to hear
and determine on any complaint that might be made against the late officer,
by any person, of whatever order or class, as well Indians as others. This
scrutiny could only continue in the case of a governor for sixty days, and of
a viceroy only six months after the date of the proclamation of its commence-
ment; and no cause of complaint, however grievous, could be heard or in-
mn'rpH into whiVli was not made known bv the commissioner of the residencia
extinction of his functions, is not unlike the sage old Egyptian process <n
bringing the dead to justice. It may accord with Spanish colonial notions
of calling a public functionary to account, but I should suppose il would In-
deemed widely different from what we should call republican responsibility.
Before the revolution there was a printing press in Buenos Ayres, whence
issued a weekly newspaper, merely for the purpose of printing and puhlishinjj
sundry papers and documents for the convenience of the viceroy, and under
his sanction entirely. The profits of this press, for it yielded some, were
given to an institution in the city of Buenos Ayres, called the Nifios Kx-
positos, or Foundling Hospital; hence the press obtained that name. Thi>
press is still continued, and the ministerial paper, called the Buenos Ay res
Gazette, issues from it weekly. There are, in all, three printing presses in
Buenos Ayres, and from one or the other of them there are published four
newspapers weekly. Besides these, there is a small weekly newspaper
printed in Tucuman. From the second chapter of the seventh section of t he
reglamento provisorio, one would be induced to infer that there existed some-
thing like a freedom of the press; but nothing would be more fallacious than
such an inference. The press has never been tolerated with a single day of
genuine and manly freedom in Buenos Ayres. Nothing is published but
what is flattering to the powers that be; nor is any thing inserted in the
papers from abroad, without being curtailed or remodeled to suit the taste
of the ruling party. A few attempts have been made to discuss political
subjects with severity, and to censure the political conduct of some mo.tr, tin-
consequence of which has been, that, without ceremony, the. parties have
been instantly banished or imprisoned. The press of Buenos Ayres is a
servile instrument, which neither has, nor merits, any respect or influence
whatever. Public opinion receives its direction, and gives its impulse, not
through that prostituted instrument of much good, but from books and
papers read in the closet, and from verbal conversation and private discus-
sions. And, in that manner, it has acted so efficiently as to turn a chief
magistrate from his fort, or to chase a wicked Director into exile, at the very
moment when this cowardly or crippled sentinel was going the rounds, and
crying out all was well.
Laying aside the abstract principles contained in the reglamento provi-
sorio, which speak for themselves, and the value of which depends on ihc
accuracy with which they are expressed, the currency with which they are
received, and the facility with which they can be applied and enforced, it
appears that the Spanish code of laws, so far as it is compatible with the
changes that have been made, has been adopted. This code, I take it for
granted, like that of all others of the civilized nations of Europe, which has
been gradually formed from that of ancient Rome, is, in the main, and in a
moral point of view, a rational and excellent system. But, as to all the
modes and lorms 01 administration which give to a code the pure practical
operation which its principles breathe, and which are generally understood to
constitute the leading, if not sole distinctions between free and arbitrary
institutions, the reglamento provisorio presents us with a beggarly account of
provisions, with large exceptions, which do so allay the good precedent, and
articles so pared away that there is left no bold promontory in all its coasts,
behind which the storm-chased innocent skiff can take shelter from any of
the gales of power. Except the case of the elections of the Cabildos, the
whole is, substantially, a mere reorganization of the colonial viceroyalty. It
is regarded as such in practice, and, therefore, has obtained little or none of
the real respect and confidence of the people.
But the sentiments and wishes of the people, as in all similar circumstances,
have had considerable sway over this newly-created Government. There is
a point beyond which it dares not go; and a limit, as the numerous changes
that have taken place clearly show, beyond which the forbearance of the
people cannot be stretched. As the revolution has progressed, more infor-
mation has been obtained ; the people begin to have a correct knowledge of
their rights; they are becoming more watchful, and their rulers more respect-
ful. And, as the bounds of information are extended, the field of discussion
enlarges, and the political horizon gradually clears and expands in all direc-
tions. The past changes and struggles would seem, at first view, to have
been a fruitless waste of time and labor: it has not been so; the people have
been instructed and improved by them. Public opinion, the pioneer and
precursor of all revolutions and beneficial institutions, has been ripening, and
the crisis is rapidly approaching when another and a firmer step will be
taken, assisted by the newly-acquired lights and helps. More of the old
system will be removed, and such institutions will be introduced as will fur-
nish some practical evidence at home of the benefits of civil and political
freedom, and the work of the revolution will approach its consummation.
This crisis will be considerably accelerated by the present state of the prov-
inces, their murniurings and civil wars; to pacify which, and for their own
welfare and safety, it has obviously become necessary to make an entire
change, and to introduce a new order of things. The voice of the people
must and will be heard.
On inquiring for the causes of these unfortunate differences and hostilities
among the several patriot causes, and after removing from about them all
that mere vituperation and angry invective with which they have been too
much mingled and confused, they will be found to be of vital importance; to
have for their object principles materially affecting the good of the people,
and to have originated in very rational views as to a frame of government
best suited to their country, and which was most likely to promote and secure
its general as well as its particular interests. The people of this part of
Spanish America have, from the commencement of their struggles, looked
ment of their revolution and the organization of their political institutions.
Without, in general, entering into any profound arguments or deep specu-
lations, for which, from their previous education and habits, they were
utterly unprepared, they took a view of their own situation en masse; they
saw themselves, by the removal of the colonial institutions, almost at a
single blow divested of every implement of civil government. They looked
over the immense extent of their country, and saw that it had been cut up
into provinces and jurisdictions, and in that manner governed. They then
turned their eyes towards the United States, and saw, or thought they saw,
many analogies, and a prosperity which evinced that all they beheld was
worth copying. But whether these suggestions were made from such a com-
parative view, or from the nature of things, or from whatever other cause,
the idea and utility of separate state Governments in each province, like
those of the United States, with magistrates selected by its own people from
among themselves, became very general, and was warmly embraced by a
great portion of the patriots. This party, however, in favor of the system of
confederation and representation, whatever might be its numerical strength,
or the force of its reasonings, were, as they now are, by much the weakest in
point of actual power and operation; because they had not the means, nor
have ever been allowed to exhibit any examples of their principles; and, be-
sides, they were obliged to address themselves to a people to whom the entire
field of politics was a novelty; and they had no press to give stability and
currency to their arguments. In opposition to those principles and this
party, there arose a faction in Buenos Ayres, who, looking attentively to the
interests and the aggrandi2ernent of that city, wished to establish a con-
solidated Government under a Chief Magistrate invested with powers analo-
gous to those of the late viceroy; but somewhat bridled and controlled with a
revival of the political and civil institutions of the colony, so modified as to
suit the existing state of things. And the general impression of the necessity
of being constantly armed and prepared to meet the hostilities of the me-
tropolis induced the people to yield a ready obedience to their military
leaders for the time being. Hence, to get the command of the army, and
take possession of the fort in Buenos Ayres, has hitherto been the same thing
as a complete revolution. It has at once placed in the hands of such a chief
the revenues; because Buenos Ayres has been the sole point of collecting all
the customs, all the forces, and the entire command of the state, the affairs
of which could be wielded and managed at pleasure by such a Chief Magis-
trate, according to the forms of the colonial institutions. While, on the other
hand, the opposing popular party which advocated state Governments, and
the representative system, never have, as yet, had any forms or means by
which they could gather together and express their wishes, or even make a
show of their numbers and power.
Artigas, before the same place, commanded the forces of the Banda Oriental ,
this great principle of separate state or provincial Governments, interwoven,
as it very probably was, with personal and local considerations, gave rise to a
heated controversy between them. Saratea, finding Artigas to be refractory,
and unmanageable by temptations, threats, or persuasions, determined to
have him arrested. Artigas, being apprized of this design, fled to the plains,
and in a short time all the Orientals followed; in consequence of which, the
further prosecution of the siege of Montevideo, at that time, was abandoned.
The ruling party of Buenos Ayres, perceiving the popularity of the cause of
Artigas, and his power, became extremely anxious to win him over, or at
least to conciliate him. At the request of Artigas, therefore, who then
thought, or affected to believe, that his controversy with Saratea was merely
personal, Saratea and some others were removed from the command of the
army, and his place was filled by Rondeau, and other officers put in com-
mand, whose principles, being unknown, were, therefore, not so obnoxious to
the Oriental chief. But at the same time, Artigas followed up the con-
troversy, and tested the designs of the Government of Buenos Ayres, by de-
manding, in form, that the Banda Oriental should be considered and treated
as a state under its own government, and, as such, should be left to regulate
its own concerns for itself, and be represented in due form and proportion in
a General Congress. This was treated by Buenos Ayres as an open derelic-
tion of the standard of the country; and a most unreasonable, criminal, and
declared rebellion against the only legitimate Government of the union of
all the provinces, which, as it contended, extended over the whole territory
that had been subject to the late viceroyalty; of which the city of Buenos
Ayres always had been, of right was then, and always ought to be, the capital,
whence alone all authority should emanate. This Artigas opposed, and de-
nounced as the assertion of a spirit of unjust and unreasonable domination
on the part of Buenos Ayres, to which he could not, and would not submit.
The parties were heated, reason was silenced, liberality banished, and they
repaired from the field of argument to the field of battle. Artigas, either
from an indisposition to push matters to the greatest extremity, from policy,
or from a sense of his own inferiority in point of strength, has hitherto acted
on the defensive, and confined himself within the territory of the Banda
Oriental, or of the Entre Rios, since it has taken sides with his cause. It is
said that, in this controversy, there have already been fought fifteen or six-
teen sharp battles, in each of which conflicts Buenos Ayres has been de-
feated, and suffered severely. In the last, which was fought about the ist
of April last, near Santa F6, on the northeastern side of the Paraguay, there
were of the Buenos Ayres army, which was about nineteen hundred strong,
eight hundred left dead on the field of battle, and the rest dispersed, so that
the whole army may be said to have been extinguished at a blow. This
about it was uttered from the press, yet all seemed to lament the policy by
which it had been brought about, or rendered unavoidable.
Until the year 1814 the province of Santa F6, or the district of country
called Entre Rios, had a representative in the Congress of Buenos Ayres.
Since that time it has withdrawn itself from the Union, and sided with Arti-
gas and the people of the Banda Oriental. This change and desertion of the
standard of the country are charged by the Government of Buenos Ayres to
the intrigues and seductive principles of Artigas; but, if Artigas has been
practising his arts with the people of Santa Fe" , the acts of Buenos Ayres have
most powerfully seconded his designs. By adverting to the situation of
the population of the Union, and the various paths of internal commerce
through it, by land and by water, it will be seen how very advantageously
Santa Fe is situated as a port of entry and great depot for all the country to
the west and north of it. As such it had opened itself; and commerce began
to flow into it, when Buenos Ayres interposed, and declared that no trade
should go to Santa F6 but what passed through the city of Buenos Ayres
itself. This odious and unjust monopoly was at once revolting to the minds
of the people of Entre Rios, and a proof of the correctness of the principles
contended for by Artigas. They therefore abandoned Buenos Ayres, and
are now the allies of Artigas.
In the year 1810 the Government of Buenos Ayres sent a force of five
hundred men, under the command of General Belgrano, up to the province
of Paraguay, to expel the royal authorities, and to introduce that province
under the Government of the Union. But the people of Paraguay rejected
the proffered Buenos Ayres auxiliaries. After some time, however, they of
themselves expelled the Spanish authorities; and, refusing to submit either
to a Spanish or a patriot viceroy, or chief planted in any way at Buenos
Ayres, they attempted to establish a government of their own; and, from
thenceforward until the present time, they have absolutely renounced and
forbidden all intercourse or trade with Buenos Ayres. No active hostilities
appear, however, to have been carried on as yet between these two provinces.
The Government of the people of the Banda Oriental and Entre Rios,
since their alliance, has been altogether in the hands of Artigas, who rules by
his will alone, like an absolute monarch, without attendant guards, or an
Indian casique. No frame of constitution is exhibited ; none is pretended to
exist. Justice is rendered voluntarily, or is administered according to the
mandate of the chief.
In Paraguay the reins of government are held by Francia, who, it is said,
makes a show of administering all political and civil affairs in the manner,
and according to the forms, of the consular Government of ancient Rome.
The two powerful provinces of Cordova and Santiago del Estero have both
been in rebellion against the ruling power of Buenos Ayres, which has charged
uemg a very goao, or tory province, ana Dotn ol them witn
being seduced into an unnatural desertion of the cause of liberty by the arts
and intrigues of Artigas. But Cordova has lost by the revolution its very
profitable mule trade, the nature of which I have described, and both have
suffered heavy contributions; and all their resources have been made tribu-
tary to the Buenos Ayres monopoly, and to sustain its pre-eminence. They
have both been brought back by force of arms under the Union, and are now
silent and passive. In short, it cannot nor ought it to be concealed that the
ruling party of Buenos Ayres has managed the affairs of the Union in such a
strain of domineering monopoly as to retard reform, delay the progress of the
revolution, and to render the most patriotic provinces extremely dissatisfied.
Mendoza occasionally murmurs, and San Juan is very much discontented
with the present state of affairs; and the people of those two provinces here-
tofore most attached to the Union, begin to speak openly, and in sharp terms,
of the domineering, monopolizing temper and conduct of Buenos Ayres.
Of the one million and eighty thousand souls which the late viceroyalty of
Buenos Ayres has been estimated to contain, it will be seen, by the details I
have furnished, that four hundred and eighty-three thousand, including
Jujuy, are all that acknowledge themselves subject to the present Govern-
ment of Buenos Ayres ; that the patriot provinces at war with Buenos Ayres
contain a population (exclusive of Indians) of one hundred and eighty thou-
sand souls; and that so many of the high provinces in which there have been
any revolutionary movements as contain four hundred and seventeen thou-
sand souls, are at this time and have some of them been continually under the
colonial yoke. The patriot provinces of Salta and Jujuy have been the chief
seat of war from the commencement of the revolution. The royal army was
once in possession of Salta, which is now the head-quarters of the patriot
forces under Belgrano. And the patriot army was once so successful as to
penetrate as far towards Lima as the city of Chayanta, in the province of
Charcas ; but they gave back from thence, and the Spanish army is now, it is
said, in the possession of the city of Jujuy.
Such is the extent, nature, and circumstances of this new and revolutionary
Union. The present bonds which hold it together are temporary in name,
and more so in their nature. A final declaration of independence has been
made; the people have renounced all expectation of a compromise with Spain ;
and the separation has been resolved on amidst such imbittering severities
and cruelties, that any kind of return to their former allegiance is utterly im-
possible and impracticable. The expectation of reconquest is no less vain ;
and, to be convinced of it, it is only necessary to view the country, and re-
flect a few moments on its nature, and the situation and character of its
inhabitants.
But what is to be the future course of this revolution, is a question more
difficult to determine. One thing, however, appears clear, that unless the
434 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
present civil dissensions are healed, and the warring provinces are pacified
and reconciled with each other, a very great proportion, if not all, the benehts
and advantages of the revolution which would accrue immediately as well
to themselves as to foreign nations, will be totally destroyed, or, at least,
very much diminished and delayed- The great benefit, which they are
continually promising themselves from it is, the introduction of the repre-
sentative system of government, with all its kindly and fostering institu-
tions. But their military chiefs will not suffer the system to have a com-
mencement, to be planted at all, or to have a single undisturbed day to take
root. For the petty Cabildo elections are proofs of the wishes of the
people and their disappointments. The chiefs (one and all) allege that,
during the effervescence of a revolution, popular elections are dangerous;
that submission to a strong and energetic power is necessary in such times;
and under this plea of the distractions and necessities of the times, they all
alike refuse to permit the people to make a single experiment of a general,
genuine popular election. Artigas, situated as he is, driven first in one
direction and then in another, on one side attacked by the Portuguese, on
another by the patriots of Buenos Ayres, and watching lest in another
direction an unexpected blow might reach him from Spain, has all the popu-
lation of the Banda Oriental thus pressed under an unqualified submission
to his will; and he is thus furnished with a plausible pretext for ruling over
all as arbitrarily as an Indian casique. The rulers of Buenos Ayres Lalk to
the people under them of the infinite dangers to be apprehended from Spain
on all hands; and of the indispensable necessity of keeping up a strong army
next Peru; of raising forces to invade, reconquer, ancl now to hold Chili; of
the threats and wrongs of Portugal; of the indispensable necessity of having
Artigas, and the rest of their wicked subjects, and the rebellious provinces,
completely subdued; and of the great importance of preserving the capital,
the city of Buenos Ayres itself, in perfect security, by the presence of a
strong military force. The military chief of Paraguay finds or frames
similar arguments in favor of an energetic Government; and the people
have been so far baffled, and not trusted with the means of expressing their
will or of exercising their power. Nothing is easier than to make a fine
partisan soldier of a gaucho: those of the plains of the Banda Oriental, under
Artigas, and those of Salta, under Guemes, are proofs how readily those
peaceful herdsmen can be made terrible in war; they are a class of people
who have a predisposition to an unrestrained, roving life. To lead them to
independence, therefore, an enterprising, spirited leader was all that was
necessary. And if the gauchos of the pampas shall, like those of the Banda
finrl
DOCUMENT 241 : NOVEMBER 2, l8l8 435
Ayres have a happy and continually improving effect upon the neighboring
inhabitants of the pampas. With such an example, how misguided, how
cruel was the policy which converted the city of Santa F6 from a new and
flourishing seat of commerce, exciting industry, diffusing information, the
arts of peace, and innumerable benefits all around, into the stronghold of
bands of hardy and warlike gauchos. The evils of these distractions and
civil wars, as regards the fruits, productions, and resources of the country,
are obvious. It is acknowledged that they have not merely prevented the
increase of husbandry, but have diminished its amount; many fine chacaras
or grain farms have been totally neglected or destroyed; and the stocks of
cattle, which furnish the great staple commodities of all the plains, have
been everywhere very much diminished.
These are some of the effects of these pernicious conflicts — criminations
and recriminations of leaders — and are fruitless, or only serve to irritate and
make matters more incurable. As regards the rights of self-government,
certainly that which is sound justice and solid argument in Buenos Ayres
against Spain, is equally sound and solid in the Banda Oriental and in
Paraguay ; if any one has the right to throw off the yoke, and to assume to
itself its own government, all have the same right. The rights of all of them
are, then, perfectly equal; and no one province can, in justice, have the
privilege of ruling over any other of them without its consent. To restore
peace and harmony to these contending provinces, would be to bestow on
them the greatest imaginable benefit; by removing the most imposing and
plausible pretext for all internal guards and military forces, the soldiery
must be sent, where they ought to be, to meet the foreign enemy on the
frontier, which is the only foe in arms the people ought to have to contend
with. The chiefs being thus deprived of the source of their arbitrary power,
the effect would be, at once, to give the people their liberties, and to restore
to their country all its abundance, its resources, and its blessings. But,
without this, to attempt to give to any one of the provinces a preponderancy
over the rest, would be to confirm or to drive the people of every province
into an unqualified submission to the military chief of each division of the
country; and it would be to lend a helping hand to settle the country down
under the government of a number of petty kings or princes, instead of a
confederated republic. The British Government and its authorities, with
a continually wakeful regard to their commercial interests, have endeavored
to pursue the incongruous and difficult policy of thwarting and confounding
the republican principles of the people; and, at the same time, of discoun-
tenancing the inveterate hostility of the chiefs of the provinces, so wasteful
of the commercial productions of the country. The English admiral,
a treatv of agreement with General Artigas, regulating
436 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
near, without promoting the establishment of free institutions anywhere,
insures an unrestrained trade with all the warring provinces.
Although, by the treaty of St. Ildefonso, of 1777, between Spain and
Portugal, the limits which separate Brazil from the Spanish dominions were
finally settled; and, therefore, as it would seem, on the score of right, the
King of Portugal cannot have the least pretension whatever to the Banda
Oriental, or indeed to any portion of the territory of the late viceroyalty of
Buenos Ayres; yet that monarch has invaded the Banda Oriental, claiming
to hold it by right of conquest, or on some other ground, (I know not what,)
as a part of Brazil; and a Portuguese army, under the command of General
Lecor, is now in the actual occupation of the city of Montevideo, and about
three or four miles around it. The Government of Buenos Ayres and the
King of Portugal are now at peace, and apparently a perfectly friendly
intercourse is carried on between Buenos Ayres and Montevideo; while, on
the other hand, there exists at this time, and has always been waged, the
most inveterate hostility between Artigas and the Portuguese. It would
appear that Artigas and his gauchos are bravely defending their homes, their
rights, and their country; that the King of Portugal, availing himself of the
weakness and distractions of the affairs of his kinsman Ferdinand VII,,
intended to aggrandize himself by annexing a portion of his provinces to
Brazil; and that Buenos Ayres, desirous of preserving the lucrative com-
merce of the river unembarrassed, had either actually compromised with
Portugal, or was willing to look with solemn dignity upon that which it
felt too feeble to resist or resent; or that it was at present so much exas-
perated at the enemy against whose edifice the blow of Portugal is aimed, as
to refuse to ward it off, even although it may, by its striking effectually,
itself be seriously wounded by the scattering fragments.
The revenue of the Government of Buenos Ayres has been extremely
fluctuating, owing to the very unsettled state of its political affairs. During
the early period of the revolution, it was said to have amounted to between
three and four millions of dollars per annum; at present, it does not amount
to fully two millions. In the first years of the revolution, confiscation of
the property of godos, and imprestitos, or forced loans, levied off the disaf-
fected, poured considerable sums into the treasury. These sources of
revenue are now exhausted, or have ceased. A great source of revenue is
the tithes, which are all paid into the treasury, except the salaries of the
canons, two thousand dollars per annum each, and a small deduction, which
goes to the support of the clergy generally; who, with that allowance from
the tithes, their first-fruits, alms, &c., and the proceeds of their own property,
are very well supported. It may be estimated that the clergy of the several
provinces amount to one-seventeenth part of the whole nnnnla^inn «„*•
.md .1^111 ulitiir h.tAtnt* drfhiird. thi* tMttirce of rrvrfitir lu* .•,!*«• IHTII tlimin°
j-.hr* I 1 I'*' «*?!'<« l«j,itt« tir* «f irvrinir, derived fn»m mlrrit.d U\.ltitin, art*
I hr »tl« .1% .il,t, h»r»j'«*» its fri.ulriH. .mil Hiirh like intlircrt ta\en. Hui the
|»IlSl» Jp.»l wftjjtr of inrimr f«* iitr I itiVci tUttrnt of BlU'lt**'* AyM"» i» that
JjtMjm ihr t t:i!<«m*. tif |(* ittlljrn Mil intfttift* ,uu! t*\|H»rl». I'llV
*•'•»* h.»\r .illr.uK )«r<jtin. .ttJ«t 4ft" ltkr{v l<» t'tifUtnttc .tn«t illtTtM!*?,
'»tint J«'» ii»r «l«Hsi«siu*$i uf tin rr>rtutf in thi* priiu'ip.t) l»t,utt'ti a!w»,
l"ss»in *hr NJ» ri"V,th\, !l«r«i*«» Avrr?» aiut Miifttrvulrti wrrr flu* only |K«rt«(
uf rnirv .»»*! ««41rt f»i»« *4 ihr t'u**i«»in» f*»r ihr vthctlr ft nut fry; lull, in r*»ni«*-
tjtJrittr «»! ihr m.si* .stsil {|rv«t»{4(ioH» »I|MHSI Muntrvitits*, rumntm't* w*w
ttn\rti riifjfrlv up ihr nvrr, »tml |>ii»*rtl r\i'Iu»ivt'ly thrfHtgh Biitnjtw Ayrrs,
MIUT lisrti, iitr llifitla Orint(.tt aiul Hfiirr Hut« twvr t!t*t'l»trr*i ftu'mwlvr*
ni«lr|«-n«lrfii a««i iim'ontvrtfrtl, and having; mat!* «t muHnrrniil regulation
with ihr Hftimh iPiiiiiral, ftitirli t»f ihr ir*«lr which uml ft»rn»t*rly c«» fill the
fc»firr» «»( UurtuHi Ayrr* i* m»w lirgitinifig to find its w*iy tiirrrt it» thr i*p{««iic*
»idc «»f thr rtvrr « *tiwl ihr iradr «l r*iriigiiay, having txvn l«»r «<>mt* iimr rhwet
4g*«ii*t Jliirn«»» Ayrr*. i» taking ttw? ciirrriit$fj, A tt»nwtlrrat»k* p.trt t»f
stir f»»rr>gn g«»«l«» firtfiirtiidfly MriiUh, which fwid n duty <it ilwrn«» Ayrrs,
WA.» »rnt tni«» many {»Urn» ami jimvincr* t*ryuml iu immctliatt* jurtwlu'tion.
A larur anuHtnt wna «vrf thr Amir* (mm Mrndtuo. into C'hiJi, tir intci
itir liiglt ptiivmcr* i» ihr mirthwmiward. Sincr thr «|»«*nirtg of the |Mirt» of
rhili> iiii» r«i»«r i»f irait»|itifi*iii«»n mu*t l»r tf» r\j>rn»»ivr to continue; iintt,
MtnnrtjurntU. thr rrvrnwr f hu« tlrrivr*! to Httrno* Ayrrn mu*t cruse, S«m«*
uf thmr fauMm rtfr |wfftMO«it, ami tithrr* will continttr to operate until
harmony ,ifi»«*iig ihr |m»v»nrr* »ltnlt l*e rmiorett, and thr e*fuoltfthment of
pracr. Mfdrr. «ti«t give that security to prr*on imd proyierty
which is thr *»i$ly trur of rncttttraging alt profitable pursuits, of hiw-
thtndry aiul |M»iur*tget «,» «» all other*.
The ii*i%Trfimrni f»l Ayre* ha« itti oittntanding pubitc tletit of
at«»tii f»fir fftiliiiift ft! Ttii» tielil lw» l*ern chiefly trertled by an
ttf what «rr «r tlue bills, gtvrn in di*»charge of «AUrien due
fmm thr »tate i« its military rivtt «fliiw». Thr Ciovrrriment, finding
the rrvenur fall one* half only cif at) wiinriw to tx? |Miid trt
ami ihr othrr h«lf t«» t* in ttii« catirt) t.Milrt*ti, which w r«letmilile
intleftniiely and «i In April lam. tx»!eta« ww« an much m fifty
and w*iy per crnt , |»4tr, Ncnwiil»i«ml«ng thi» ecttnomical me^nure of
itMtuifttt tiulcta*. ihr (Wivrrnmrnt. not mttl ttring able? i« m«*t the varioui
tlrittii fit!* tin ii ii» modr. tw«, thvivfurr, from lime t« time, iwuecl
it» iuiir»or on demand, a* fund* should urcruc In the ireii«ury»
Thr** arr (Utvrmment pa|x*r; there is m> amount of
it aflwit, «twl ii i* to be equal 10 what we vhuuld call mercantile
at ninety
438 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
The military force of Buenos Ayres, as estimated by intelligent persons
of that city, according to the representations current there, amount, in the
whole, to thirteen thousand infantry, fourteen hundred cavalry, and fifteen
hundred artillery, which was thus distributed. From the sum total, the
army of Santa F<§, estimated at nineteen hundred, which was extinguished
about the ist of April last, is to be deducted. And of the residue of this
military force, there are quartered in and about the city of Buenos Ayres
twenty-five hundred ; there are, in the army of Peru, at Salta, commanded
by General Belgrano, three thousand; and in the army of Chili, under
General San Martin, which, in Buenos Ayres, is called and estimated as a
part of the military establishment of the United Provinces of the Rio de la
Plata, and in Chili is called the united army of the Andes, there were said
to be nine thousand five hundred. Of this latter army, about two thousand
freed negro troops were sent from Buenos Ayres, with an intention of finally
getting rid of them by wasting them in the wars of that country, or of leaving
them to be disbanded there. The rest of the army of the Andes was origi-
nally composed of fugitive Chilinos. The army of Peru has been almost
wholly recruited in the high provinces, and has, in many respects, imposed
upon them peculiar hardships; all its provisions, cavalry, and stores have
been furnished from that country, and its ranks have been entirely filled
from it. And the numerous desertions, and continual recruiting, has hud
the effect not so much of wasting and diminishing the aggregate amount of
population, as it has of throwing it loose from the ties of its habits and
domicil, and of shifting and changing its individual location.
The naval armament of the Government of Buenos Ayres consists of ten
small vessels, brigs and schooners, of from two to twelve guns each, among
which there is distributed a marine corps of about two hundred and fifty
men.
I have made every effort to methodize and arrange all I had to present to
you, relative to the viceroyalty or provinces of Buenos Ayres, in such form
and manner as to cause the subject to be seen in a clear light, and to be
fully understood. I trust my efforts have not been altogether fruitless,
And, as likely to aid the obtaining a correct view of what I have related, and
to facilitate the use and application of some important facts, I have made
out and annexed the following statistical table :
DOCUMENT 242: NOVEMBER 4, l8l8
A STATISTICAL TABLE or THE LATH VIOBROTALTT OF BTJBNOB Anms
439
Namoa of the
provinces
Population of
Territorial extent in
square miles of
Repre-
sent'ives
Productions
Those in
the
Union
Opposed
to
Union
As yot
colonies
Those in
the
Union
Opposed
to
Union
As yet
colonies
Now
sent
Enti-
tled
Buonos Ayres..
Banda Oriental.
105,000
45,000
25,000
....
50,000
105,000
40,000
86,000*
104,500*
7
3
1
1
1
1
1
1
2
1
1
1
'i
3
1
7
3
2
5
1
2
2
1
2
3
3
3
1
1
7
1
10
7
3
7
Cattle, skins, salt.
Cattle, skins, fruit, wood.
Cattle, wood, skins, fruit,
wine, matte.
Cattle, wood, skins, fruit,
wine, tobacco, lime.
Cattle, fruit, wood.
Fruit, wine, brandy, peltry,
precious metals.
Same.
Same.
Cotton, grain, fruit, wine,
brandy.
Cattle, wood, tobacco.
Same.
Same.
Same. Peltry.
Grain, fruit, wine, brandy,
precious metals.
Same.
Same.
Same.
Same.
Same.
Grain, sugar, matte, fruit,
wine, brandy, timber.
Cordova
75,000
10,000
38,000
34,000
20,000
36,000
45,000
45,000
50,000
25,000
Punta Son Luis
San Juan
38,000
30,000
22,400
11,200
40,000
llioja
Cfttamaroa
Santiago do! Ea-
tcro
Tuouraan
Salta
50,000
41,000
30,000
Jujuy
Potosi
10,000
112,000
15,000
120,000
100,000
60,000
43',200
26,400
12,000
9,000
5,000
3,400
10,000
Misque
Charoas
Cochabamba . . .
LaPaa:
Paraguay
110,000
Total
Aggrefjato of pop-
ulation and ter-
ritory
483, OOO
180,000
417,000
643,600
233,700
65,800
26
71
[....
1,080,000
763,100
* The estimate of the extent of these provinces includes their Indian territory.
242
Joel Roberts Poinsett, ex-Agent of the United States to South America, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States1
Private. COLUMBIA, S. C, November 4, 1818.
SIR: In transmitting to you such information in relation to the affairs of
South America as may be useful to the public, I feel it my duty to com-
1 MS. Miscellaneous Letters, LXV. For Adams to Poinsett, October 23, to which this is
a reply, see above, pt. I, doc. 66. The public report, referred to in the first paragraph of
this, and its brief covering letter, both bearing this date, November 4, follow this, being
reprinted from American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 323. Since certain portions
of Poinsett's public report relate more or less exclusively to each of the three distinct por-
municate to the executive my opinion with regard to the recognition of
Buenos Ayres.
The objections which might arise from the civil war between the author-
ities of the Eastern Shore & those of Buenos Ayres; and from, the present
state of Paraguay are not, in my opinion, important. Paraguay and the
Territory of the Eastern Shore have hitherto made no attempt to form any
foreign connexion: for the late commercial arrangement between the British
Commander & Artigas cannot be viewed in that light. They would be
content to participate in the advantages of our Commerce. They would
not consider themselves aggrieved by our recognizing only Buenos Ayres and
Chile.
But Sir, how will this act be regarded by the European powers? The
principles, which characterize their Alliance are professedly antirevolu-
tionary; may not this act render them still more hostile to the republican
Institutions of this Hemisphere? Will not the powers which have Colonies
take alarm at our espousing the cause of the Emancipation of the Spanish
Colonies, merely because it is the Cause of Emancipation? For the advan-
tages, which may result to these states from the freedom of South America
are too remote to be taken into account.
The invitation of Russia to the Allies, to seize this opportunity of applying
the principles, which characterize the force and Union of the European
Cabinets, by settling the disputed claims of Spain and Portugal: and by
accomplishing the pacification of the Colonies of Spain, clearly evinces the
policy of that court.
Great Britain will probably encourage the intervention of the Allies, to
effect a pacification. She will insist upon the removal of what the Ministe-
rial prints call the absurd and oppressive restrictions on their industry and
their trade. By this Course She will gain the commerce of Mexico, where
the struggle for independence has ceased: that of the Spanish Main, Grenada
& Caraccas, where the contest is doubtful; and that of Lima, where there
has been no revolutionary movement.
The moral effect likely to be produced by the recognition of these Colonies,
has been very much overrated. The people have had but little part in the
conduct of the revolution, and have no influence in the government. They
would not feel much elated by a act, that would only strengthen the party
in power. And the provinces would view it only as confirming the usurpa-
tion of the Capital.
The Governments of Buenos Ayres since their first establishment and in
all their changes, have invariably acted towards this country as towards a
Secondary power. The disposition of the people has been correctly stated,
to be favorable to a connexion with the United States; But were that
Government to act from its own. impulse, the fear of exciting the jealousy
DOCUMENT 242: NOVEMBER 4, l8l8 44!
making a treaty with us upon the footing of the most favored nation. Their
late declaration to the contrary, notwithstanding. What Lord Chatham
said long since of the Ministers of Spain will apply to these governments
"I never met with an instance of Candour or dignity in their proceedings;
nothing but low cunning, trick, and artifice."
This disposition of the Government of Buenos Ayres was especially
manifested during the late war between this Country and Great Britain.
They avoided as much as possible all public communication with our citi-
zens: They suffered the British officers to examine all foreign letters, so as
to enable them to intercept our correspondence: and they permitted the
British Cruisers to capture our Ships in the Outer roads, within sight of
Buenos Ayres, without remonstrance or complaint.
Their principal resources since the commencement of their revolution
have been derived from the commerce of Great Britain, and the manufac-
tures of that country have become necessary to the people. The great
benefits derived from that trade will never be sacrificed to their gratitude to
us, for having been the first nation to acknowledge their Independence.
And they will never willingly adopt any measures, which might give umbrage
to Great Britain.
And suppose a treaty effected, would there be any permanence or Stability
in the advantages derived by a treaty with such a government? Revolutions
in that country have been frequent and there is every reason to believe
that they will again occur. The policy of those, who succeed in wresting
the power from their political adversaries is generally in opposition to that
formerly pursued. There is a want of Responsibility and of good faith in
these governments, and if it became their interest to disavow the acts of
their Predecessors, they would not hesitate to do it.
The advocates for this measure have said that they did not maintain
"that every immature revolution, or every Usurper before his power is
consolidated was to be acknowledged by us, but that as soon as Stability
and Order were maintained, no matter by whom, we ought to consider the
actual as the true government." Let us look to the actual state of these
countries. Can it be said that Stability and order are established where
a corrupt soldiery are accustomed to set up & pull down governments as
their Interest or Caprice dictate; & where a great proportion of the people
are opposed to the present order of things; and most of the provinces to
the Usurpation of the Capital.
The present party in power are corrupt and interested men. The Life
of Pueyrredon has been a course of successful intrigue, and he was at one
time intimately connected with the Princess Carlotta & disposed to promote
in Buenos Ayres. barrea [f\ and others ot tnat party nave returned,
and a change of government may be again looked for. Carrera too is in
Montevideo and breathes vengeance against the murderers of his brothers :
he is active, daring and intelligent and has a powerful party in Chile.
The Portuguese have an agent in Buenos Ayres, and from his frequent
interviews with Pueyrredon, there appears to be some understanding
between that Court and the Supreme Director. The Portuguese Army,
rated at 14,000 men, has taken possession of the principal places of the
Eastern Shore, and of the country between the Parana and Uruguay called
Entrerios: which last they are reported to have taken from the forces of
Artigas in the name and on behalf of the Government of Buenos Ayres.
Their advanced posts extend to Corrientes; and Buenos Ayres will not
oppose their overruning Paraguay, because that province has refused to
submit to the Capital.
The Royalists are posted at Jujui, and are in possession of all the country
above Salta. The forces of Buenos Ayres are at Tucuman. San Martin is,
they say, organising an expedition against Lima; but I do not think their
force on the Pacific sufficient to justify such an attempt. It is more probable
that his intention is to proceed to Arica or some other intermediate port,
from whence there is a good road to upper Peru. By this movement the
Army of the Royalists at Jujui will be enveloped. This plan was suggested
to them on a former occasion. The Enclosed Diagram will shew you that
the Government of Buenos Ayres is not in possession of three entire Intend-
encies. The Royalists still hold Talcahuano, which is the strongest place in
Chile, and in some measure the Key of that Kingdom — I admit that the
recognition of these Colonies is no just cause of War; and even if it were that
Spain is in no condition to declare war against the United States. But let
us recollect that when almost the whole of that country was in possession of
an enemy, The Cortes discussed the expediency of declaring War against the
United States, on the ground that we fomented a spirit of revolt in the
Spanish Colonies. Spain never calculates with prudence the chances of
political success, but frequently acts from feeling; and the subjugation of
the Colonies is a subject that enlists all the feelings of the nation. And if
we are driven to the Extremity of War what assistance can we expect from
our allies of South America? They will require Subsidies of Money and
Arms, and by their incompetence will embarass all our operations. It is
true that we might send them men capable of directing their councils and
guiding their armies, but be assured they would not place confidence in
them. They would be regarded with distrust, and would have the mortifica-
tion to see their plans baffled by the jealousy of the Creoles.
It is scarcely necessary for one, who has made so many sacrifices to
promote the independence of So. America, and whose enthusiasm in the
colonies. 1 he Interest I take in their success yields only to my regard for
the welfare of my own Country.
I have the honor [etc.].
243
Joel Roberts Poinsett, ex- Agent of the United States to South America, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
COLUMBIA, November 4, 1818.
SIR: In conformity with the request of the President of the United States,
contained in your letter of the 23d of October, I have the honor to transmit
to you such information as I possess in relation to the affairs of South
America.
I regret that my absence from. Charleston, where most of my documents
are, does not allow me to enter more into detail, and to give a fuller descrip-
tion of those countries.
As the Executive will doubtless have received from the commissioners
ample information with regard to the recent occurrences at Buenos Ayres
and Chili, I have only brought down the events of the revolution to the
period of their arrival at Buenos Ayres. In the course of this narrative I
have confined myself to facts; for I thought it unnecessary to dwell on the
motives which induced the Creoles to shake off the Spanish yoke. The
oppression under which they labored, the severe and absurd restrictions upon
their commerce and industry, are too notorious to require a comment; and
the situation of the mother country not only justified but rendered it
necessary for them to establish for themselves an internal government.
By letters which I have received since the return of the commissioners
from Buenos Ayres, I learn that the Portuguese forces are in possession of
the principal places on the eastern shore of the Uruguay, and of the country
between the Parana and Uruguay. Their advanced posts extend to the
Corrientes. The royal forces in Upper Peru are posted at the defiles of
Jujuy, and are in possession of the country above Salta. The forces of
Buenos Ayres, under the command of Belgrano, are at Tucuman. By the
last victory gained by the patriots of Chili on the plains of Maipu, the
royalists have been driven within the fortifications of Talcahuana.
I have the honor [etc.].
1 See footnote i to doc. 242, p. 439.
of all favor, and have the presentation to all civil and ecclesiastical appoint-
ments; they constitute likewise a court of appeal from the decision of the
audiences.
The viceroy is commander-in-chief, governor, intendant of the province
where he resides, and president of the royal audience, and other tribunals.
As commander-in-chief he is assisted by a council of general officers, and as
governor by an assessor and legal counsellors. He assists with great cere-
mony at the session of the royal audiences, which tribunal watches his con-
duct, and has a legal control over his actions ; and he in turn renders an ac-
count to the Council of the Indies of the public acts and private conduct of
the members of the audience. The viceroy is not allowed to trade or to
form any connexion with the people of his Government, and it was not cus-
tomary for him to enter any private house. The laws of the Indies, which in
theory are calculated to protect the colonists and Indians from oppression,
grant him almost regal powers, but restrain the arbitrary exercise of them by
the responsibility attached to any abuse of authority. At the expiration of
his office a commission is appointed to inquire into his past conduct, and all
people, including the Indians, are called upon to prefer charges against him,
and state any grievance or vexation they may have experienced during his
administration. This residencia, as it is called, has become an unmeaning
ceremony. The royal audience, which is the supreme court in the colonies, is
composed of the viceroy, who is the president, of a regent, three oidores, two
fiscals, a reporter, and an alguazil.
The law lays both them and their families under the severest restrictions,
and the president is enjoined to watch their conduct, and to receive and
transmit to the King an annual statement of their acts.
They constitute the last court of appeal in America. The viceroy is
recommended to consult them in all emergencies of the state, but is left at
liberty to act as he thinks proper. Where the authority of the president
interferes with their decisions, they may remonstrate, but his will is executed.
They have the privilege of corresponding directly with the King, and may
make any representations they think proper on the conduct of the viceroy.
When the functions of the viceroy are suspended by sickness or death, the
regent is his legal representative.
Of the Cabildo we have already spoken. Besides the alcaldes of this body,
there is a criminal judge. The city is divided into barrio or quarters, and
each quarter has an alcalde de barrio or justice. There are likewise justices
of the peace, or lieutenants of justice, as they are called, whose jurisdiction
extends over a certain district of country. They are accountable to the
governor, and are appointed for two years.
The military and clergy claim their fuero, that is, the right of being judged
by their peers, and an esprit du corps generally screens the culprit from
justice.
The spirit of litigation pervades all classes, interrupts the harmony of
society, and destroys the confidence and affection which ought to reign in
families and among near connexions. The lawyers are a numerous body;
and the practice is not, as in the United States, an open appeal to impartial
justice, but the art of multiplying acts and of procrastinating decisions until
the favor of the judge is secured by influence and bribery.
The ecclesiastical jurisdiction belongs exclusively to the King and Council
of the Indies. The Pope has ceded all his pontifical rights except that of
issuing bulls of confirmation, and even these are limited to the candidate
presented by the King of Spain.
The bishop, assisted by a fiscal and a provisor, forms the highest ecclesias-
tical tribunal; the business is transacted by the provisor, and the bishops
assist only in cases which concern ecclesiastics of rank. The ecclesiastical
tribunals have cognizance in all cases of a spiritual nature, and which concern
ecclesiastics, and in all questions arising from pious donations and legacies.
The ecclesiastical fuero or privileges are extensive ; it is sometimes (although
very rarely) mixed, as when the plaintiff is an ecclesiastic and the defendant
a layman, the cause is tried by a secular tribunal, and vice versa.
Buenos Ayres has a chapter consisting of a dean, a sub-dean and chapter,
and a certain number of prebendaries.
The parishes are served by rectoral curates, and doctrinal curates officiate
in the Indian settlements and villages, which are divided into doctrinas. The
former derive their revenue from the fees of baptism, marriage, and inter-
ments, which the latter are forbidden to receive, but have an allowance from
the treasury. Priests have been frequently employed in the administration
of the public affairs, and have had great influence over the minds of the
people, and a powerful agency in subduing and attaching them to the sover-
eign of Spain.
The zeal of the missionaries in this part of South America effected more
than the arms of the first adventurers, who, after they had conquered the
country, were repeatedly cut off by insurrections of the natives, roused to
desperation by their rapacity and oppression.
The conquest of Paraguay by the Jesuits; their large establishments on the
Uraguay; the privileges granted them by the King in order that they might
prove their assertion that, if left to themselves, and not intruded upon by
the Spaniards, they would subdue the Indians of that extensive territory,
and convert them to the Catholic faith; their rigid policy in detecting and
446 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
sending out of their limits any one whom curiosity or interest might have
tempted to trespass on their territory; the rapid subjection and conversion
of the tribes on the Uraguay and Paraguay, who were incorporated with the
Guaranis Indians; their submission to the organization of the Jesuits, who
distributed the day into periods of work, recreation, and devotion, and
established, after the manner of the Monrovians, a common magazine for the
reception of the produce of their industry, and dealt out to them, according
to the number of members in a family, the necessary articles of food and
clothing; the frequent attacks made upon them, by the unsubdued tribes, and
the depredations committed by the Mamalukes, the lawless inhabitants of
the Portuguese frontier and of Saint Pablo; the jealousy excited by the
flourishing state of these settlements about the period of the expulsion of
the Jesuits from Europe; the resistance made to the decrees sent against
them from Spain, and the final destruction of their power and confiscation
of their possessions, are facts frequently treated of, and in the hands of every
one.
There is a fund still devoted to the propagation of the Christian faith and
to the payment of missionaries, who transfer the converted Indians to the
doctrinas, where they are placed under the charge of doctrinal curates.
In the jurisdictions of Moxos and Chignitors there are some missionary
settlements, where the missionaries enjoy nearly the same privileges which
were formerly extended to the Jesuits, but they are not animated with the
same zeal or by the same ambition, and the progress of civilization has been
very slow in those countries. The missionaries are forbidden to exact any
compensation from the Indians for the performance of any Catholic rite, but
this regulation, like all the excellent and philanthropic laws instituted by the
Council of Indies to protect the wretched Indians from the rapacity of the
Europeans, is evaded by a shameful traffic in images, rosaries, and scapu-
laries, and by receiving presents and exacting work from the Indians, not-
withstanding the laws expressly exempt them from that obligation.
In the first conquest of these countries, the Spaniards profited by the feuds
which they found existing among the different nations of Indians; they
brought them into the field against each other, and the first adventurers
were successively their allies and conquerors.
The Indians were sold into captivity, and thousands perished under the
hard treatment of their inhuman masters, until the noble efforts of Las Casas
and other friends of humanity drew the attention of the Spanish court to
their sufferings. Commissioners were then despatched from Madrid to in-
quire into these abuses, and to suggest the means of reforming them, and of
alleviating the condition of the Indians. The first attempt at amelioration
was the Repartimientos de Indios. bv which thev were divided
DOCUMENT 243: NOVEMBER 4, 1 8 1 8 447
superintendence and protection of the Spaniards. The encomendero was
bound to live in the district which contained the Indians of his encomienda,
to watch over their conduct, instruct and civilize them, to protect them from
all unjust persecutions, and to prevent their being imposed on in trafficking
with the Spaniards. In return for these services they received a tribute in
labor or produce. The abuse of these protecting regulations followed closely
their institution.
The encomiendas were granted to Spaniards who never were in the coun-
try. The Indians were hired out, and the most exorbitant tribute was ex-
acted of them. In order to check these abuses, it was decreed that the
amount of tribute received from encomienda should not exceed two thou-
sand dollars, the surplus to be paid into the treasury. They were made
inalienable, and reverted to the Crown. All these regulations were found
ineffectual to secure the Indians against the rapacity of the encomenderos
and encomiendas were abolished. The Indians were next confided to the
care and protection of the missionaries and of doctrinal curates. The last
regulation in their favor gave them magistrates of their own choice, super-
intended, however, by a corregidor, to prevent the Indian alcaldes from
committing excesses in the exercise of their authority.
In the viceroyalty of Peru the Indians were subject to a tribute to the
Crown, levied on males only, from the age of ten to fifty. It was collected
by the corregidor, who had the power of exempting such as were unable,
from sickness or bad seasons, to make up the sum. They could enter into
no legal contract or sale, without the consent of the corregidor, or make any
conveyance of real estate. Their lands were sometimes seized and sold to
satisfy the tribute, and in that way only could a transfer be made, or a legal
title be obtained for Indian lands. The Indians were burdened with a
personal service to the Crown, called the mita; this was a conscription raised
among those subject to the tribute, in order to work the mines of Potosi.
Thousands of these unfortunate people were marched every year to Potosi ;
and although the period of service was only eighteen months, they were
attended by a numerous train of friends and relations, who, on the eve of
their entering the mines, sang melancholy dirges, and, sounding a horn in
solemn strains, mourned over them with all the ceremonies which they used
to evince their sorrow on the death of a relative. Their wives and children
remained with the conscripts, who harassed by a long march, seldom re-
sisted more than a year the excessive labor and noxious air of the mines.
The Indians of Peru have the appearance of habitual melancholy, and still
wear mourning for the destruction of their Incas. According to an ancient
prophecy, they expect to be one day delivered from their oppressors by a
descendant of the Incas, who is to revive the former glory of the nation.
448 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
been so strictly executed, that the unsubdued tribes are not dangerous
enemies, and for more than a century have not disturbed the tranquillity of
the Spanish settlers ; and the attempts made by the civilized Indians to re-
cover their former independence have been more easily defeated. The
Indians hand down from father to son the remembrance of their wrongs, and
constantly watch some opportunity to revenge them.
The insurrection in 1778 was the most formidable known since the con-
quest, and laid in ruins some of the finest towns of Upper Peru. Oruro was
totally destroyed, and La Paz lost the greater part of its inhabitants by
famine, whilst it was blockaded by the Indians. Had they known the use of
fire-arms, the whole of the white population of those provinces would have
been destroyed. The revolutionary Government, immediately on its in-
stallation, released them from the service of the mita, which was the most
obnoxious to them, and from the vassalage in which they were held by their
magistrates. The tribute was continued from necessity, as it afforded a
revenue which could not be relinquished at this period. In 1814 they were
relieved from the payment of the tribute, and have taken an active part in
favor of the Creoles.
The Intendant of the province is the chief of every branch of the adminis-
tration of finance ; he is assisted by an assessor, who reports on all questions
of law. The Intendant may reject his decision, and either determine on his
own responsibility, or consult another lawyer. The tribunal de cuentas,
over which he presides, consists of a contador mayor and a treasurer; they
examine and verify all accounts. There is, moreover, a supreme court of
finance. This court, of which the Intendant is president, is composed of the
regent of the royal audience, (chief justice,) the contador mayor, the treasur-
er, and the solicitor of the tribunal of accounts. These members, when their
sentences are appealed from, do not assist at the session. The customs are
collected by an administrator of the customs and a treasurer. Their ac-
counts are received by the tribunal de cuentas.
By the Spanish colonial laws the taxes were levied on the product alone.
The alcavala was reduced to five per cent, on every transfer of property and
every contract of sale. The retail dealer generally paid a composition,
which was calculated annually on the value of their stock.
The almoxarifazgo is a duty on entry, and varies from fifteen to five per
cent; the corso is a duty of two per cent, applied to support the guarda-
costas; and the consulate one and a half on imports and exports. This last
goes to defray the expenses of the consulado or board of trade. There is an
excise on distilleries. The pulperias, or small grocery stores, pay, independ-
ent of the alcavala, a certain sum per annum, about thirty-five dollars, for
license to retail liquors. A fund was formerly derived from the sale of lands,
and from the royal domains. The treasury receives the rents of vacant
DOCUMENT 243: NOVEMBER 4, l8l8 449
half-yearly product of all offices. Notaries, attorneys, receivers of the cus-
toms, tax-gatherers, excise officers, &c., pay a fine to the Crown in proportion
to the value of their office. Ecclesiastics pay the amount of the first month
of their benefice.
All articles seized on account of illicit trade, after paying the duties, are
divided among the informer, the Intendant, the captors, and the Crown.
The bull areas and cockpits belong to the King. A considerable revenue
is derived from stamps; the highest cost six dollars; and all deeds and titles,
as also papers signed by the chief officers of the administration, must be
written on this paper. If the instrument cannot be contained in a single
sheet, the rest is written on a stamped paper of a dollar. Contracts and
wills must be written on stamped paper, which costs one dollar and a half
the sheet. Every document presented in the courts of law must be on
stamped paper of the sheet; and all petitions presented by the poor,
and by Indians, must be written on stamped paper of the sixteenth of a dollar.
The paper, ready stamped, was sent from Spain, and was renewed every
two years.
For some time the treasury received one-fifth of the product of the mines.
It was afterwards reduced to one-tenth.
The mint affords a further revenue by the exclusive sale of quicksilver,
and by coining.
The monopoly of tobacco is another article of revenue. The administra-
dor de tabaco grants licenses to cultivate, and establishes shops to retail
tobacco. These estancos, as they are called, are kept by persons who receive
a certain per centage on the sales, and who give security to account for all
the tobacco put into their hands. The other monopolies, salt, cards, &c.
&c., are not productive. The post office is in the hands of Government, and
yields a considerable revenue.
The Indians who were subdued paid a capitation tax. It included all
males from ten to fifty years of age, and amounted to between five and
seven dollars. This tribute was collected by the corregidor, who had the
power of dispensing with the payment, when, from indisposition or bad
seasons, the Indian was supposed to be deprived of the means of acquiring
the amount. They could enforce it by the sale of their lands. The only
legal purchase of lands belonging to Indians was at these sales; in every other
transaction they were considered as minors; and no contract or bargain was
valid until it received the sanction of the corregidor.
The ecclesiastical dominion of the Spanish American colonies was yielded
by the bull of Alexander VI. to the sovereign of Spain. Tithes were estab-
lished in America by Ferdinand and Isabella in 1501 ; and in 1541 Charles V.
ordained that the proceeds of the tithes should be divided into four parts;
to the r.haoter: and out of the
450
PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
building and repairing churches, and the remaining four-ninths for the pay-
ment of curates and officiating ecclesiastics. This regulation continues in
force, and the tithes are farmed and sold in each province to the highest bidder.
The sale of the bulls of the crusade produces a very considerable revenue.
The general bull is bought by all the faithful, and is divided into classes,
according to the rank and fortune of the purchaser. Viceroys and their
wives pay fifteen dollars; the chief dignitaries, civil, ecclesiastical, and mili-
tary, and all possessed of fortunes exceeding twelve thousand dollars, pay
five dollars; all possessed of fortunes exceeding six thousand dollars, pay
one and a half dollar; all other persons pay thirty-one and a half cents.
The virtues of this bull are various ; but the most useful is the dispensation
from fasting on Fridays, and almost all lent. The bull to eat milk and eggs is
likewise divided into classes; the first costs six dollars; the second three
dollars; the third one and a half dollar, and the fourth thirty-eight cents.
The bulls of composition are bought by those who have obtained money or
goods by unlawful means. All classes pay two and a half dollars for this bull.
The bull for the dead lessens the term, or entirely releases the soul from
purgatory; the first class costs seventy-five cents, and the second twenty-
five cents.
The bulls of the holy crusade are printed on very coarse paper, and the
name of the purchaser is written at full length.
In the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres the ninths of the sale of bulls, and the
administration of the confiscated lands of the Jesuits, formed a branch of the
revenue, under the title of temporalidades.
THE FOLLOWING TABLES PRESENT THE STATE OF THE TREASURY OF BUENOS AYRES, FROM
JANUARY, 1811, AND SUBSEQUENTLY TO JANUARY, 1812
Remaining in the treasury from
Received
Paid
Balance
in hands
Temporalidades
$8.4.^6 4%
$4 7O6 5^
So ifil -7i
Tobacco
12,386 6£
II 115 d.i
T/l -1C2 T*
#>399 7t
Post office
1,842 -4
•3 6OI ^i
30/1*7 C)^'
Custom-house
IO0.57I 5i
161 7^8 6}
I5Q 068 T'i
»45° 5
From the royal hacienda
21,177 4-f
IIQ Q^^ ll
103,241 4*
2eRr ^i
,501 4tt
$116,828 6|
FEBRUARY, 1811
Temporalidades.
Tobacco
Post office
Custom-house.. .
Royal hacienda.
$17,007 4*
25,027 ij
4,274 6J
144,141 6i
12,775 o£
$5-663 4}
14,393 I
T'525 7T
105,832 ii
235,959 7l
$17,814 4*
27,033 3t
2,158 I*
149,095 61
227,557 3*
12,386 6?
1,842
100,878 i
21,177
DOCUMENT 243: NOVEMBER 4, l8l8 45!
A summary view of the trade of Spanish America will complete this ex-
position of their colonial policy.
It is scarcely necessary to recapitulate all the vexatious imposts with
which the Spanish Government oppressed the internal commerce of the
kingdom. Of all these, the alcavala was the most destructive of the na-
tional prosperity. It consisted of a duty varying from six to four per cent,
upon every transfer of property, and every contract of sale. The millones
was an excise on the prime necessaries of life, and was generally compounded
for with the Government by the municipalities; in consequence of which,
the magistrates established public magazines, at which all taxed commodi-
ties were to be purchased; and such as were found to have any articles of
monopoly, not obtained from the magazines, were prosecuted with the
upmost rigor. Almost all these regulations, with the royal monopolies of
brandy, cards, lead, saltpetre, sulphur, gunpowder, sealingwax, quicksilver,
salt, and tobacco, were extended to the colonies, where their pernicious
effects were more sensibly felt than in the mother country. The trade
between Spain and the colonies was confined to particular classes in both
countries, until Charles V. allowed all his Castilian subjects to fit out ex-
peditions from the principal ports of Spain; but exacted, under the penalties
of death and confiscation, that they should return to the port of Seville,
which became the emporium of the American trade. The personal influence
of the inhabitants increasing with their wealth, they induced the Govern-
ment to withdraw the permission to clear out from other ports. In 1720,
when the navigation of the river was impeded by sand-bars, and became
unfit to admit vessels of burden, the monopoly, with all its advantages, was
transferred to Cadiz. Twenty-seven vessels were fitted out for the annual
supply of Peru, Chili, and Terra Firma; and every three years twenty- three
were despatched to Mexico and the northern provinces. The colonists were
prohibited from trading with foreigners, or with Spanish vessels, not in-
cluded in their periodical fleets, and also from trading with each other.
Peru could not receive supplies from Mexico, or Buenos Ayres from Terra
Firma. No Spaniard could interfere with the trade of the interior, nor
could any colonist embark his goods to Spain on his own account. A board
of trade, established at Seville in the sixteenth century, regulated the extent,
assortment, and distribution of the periodical cargoes. No person could
load or land articles from the return cargoes without a license from this
board. The galleons could not touch at any port, or break bulk on their
passage out or home. The triennial supplies could only be distributed over
the northern colonies, and the annual galleons were appropriated to the
settlements of the south. These were extremely limited, it being supposed
that the Crown had an interest in making the same amount of duties fall
upon a small supply of goods, that the duties might be more easily levied,
dues for licenses on tonnage. An impost was laid on the bulk of the articles
shipped, without regard to their nature or value. The indulto was a duty
on the produce imported from the colonies, and fixed anew by Government
every time the fleets returned from America. The declining state of the
Spanish manufactories, and the inability of the mother country to furnish
the necessary supplies of goods, obliged the Council of the Indies to use
foreign articles, but they forced them to pass through the hands of the mer-
chants of Seville, and afterwards of Cadiz. The profits of the monopolists
of Cadiz were one hundred and seventy per cent, on goods bought in America,
and two hundred and fifty on goods sold there. The import and export
duties were exorbitant. Colonial produce bore a very high price in Spain;
and the colonists purchased the necessary articles with this monstrous
accumulation of profits and charges. Ulloa mentions that, in Quito, a
pound of iron sold for a dollar, and one of steel for one dollar and fifty cents.
The contraband trade was, in consequence, very extensive; but although this
gave the colonists a more abundant supply, it did not diminish the prices;
the profits of the smugglers always bearing a proportion to the risk of enter-
ing the goods, and to the profits of legal commerce.
In 1740 expeditions separate from the periodical fleets were permitted to
sail from the American colonies to ports formerly debarred all direct inter-
course with Spain. The high prices paid by these registered ships for
licenses amounted to a heavy duty on exports. In 1748 the permission was
extended to other ports, but was soon restored exclusively to Cadiz. In
1764 regular packet boats were first established, and sailed from Corunna to
the chief ports of America. Although permitted to trade, their cargoes
were limited in extent, and to Spanish produce. They were obliged to sail
from and return to Corunna. In 1765 the trade of the windward colonies
was laid open to several ports of Spain. The palmeo was commuted to a
duty of six per cent, on exports, and ships were cleared without licenses.
The grant which had already included Louisiana was extended in 1770 to
Yucatan and Campeachy. In 1766 the cotton trade was opened to Cata-
lonia duty free, and in 1772 to the other provinces. In 1774 colonial
produce, duty free, was permitted to be imported into several ports of Spain.
In 1778 the ordinance of 1765 was extended to Buenos Ayres, Chili, and
Peru, and soon after to Santa Fe" and Guatemala. This last ordinance
granted some abatement of duties to vessels laden with Spanish produce,
and to the precious metals, which had hitherto paid an enormous duty of
entrance. The jealousy of extending the benefits of their trade to foreigners
yielded to the necessity of supplying the colonies with slaves. The Span-
iards were incapable of conducting this traffic, and fora certain time it was
in the hands of a class of merchants in France. By the treaty of Utrecht,
the asiento was transferred to Great Britain. The contraband trade which
DOCUMENT 243: NOVEMBER 4, l8l8 453
the English mingled with the importation of slaves brought on a war, and
put a stop to this foreign monopoly. The slave trade was then transferred
to a private company, whose entrepot was Porto Rico. The total failure
of this company obliged the Government to take the supply into their own
hands; and the incapacity of the Spanish merchants to conduct this com-
plicated trade forced them to contract with a British commercial house for
an annual supply of three thousand slaves. For one year the Philippine
company introduced into Buenos Ayres nearly four thousand slaves. In
1789 the slave trade with the islands and with Caraccas was thrown open to
Spaniards and foreigners. Several exclusive companies have been formed
since the commencement of the eighteenth century, but the Philippine
company alone survived the restrictions and extravagant duties imposed
on their trade by the Government. The profits of this company are repre-
sented to have been very inconsiderable, not exceeding three or four per
cent. On the I2th of October, 1778, the Council of Indies issued a decree of
free commerce. The vessels were to belong exclusively to Spaniards, and
to be of national construction; all the officers and two-thirds of the crew
to be Spanish. This decree confined the free trade to a few ports; but
subsequent regulations extended the privilege to all the chief ports in
Spain. The ports of the colonies were divided into major and minor ports;
and some privileges were granted to the latter in order to encourage them.
The exports from Spain were divided into three classes: the articles of the
growth and manufacture of the mother country were called free articles,
and paid nine and a half per cent, duty; the second class consisted of articles
only of the manufacture of Spain, and paid twelve and a half per cent,
duty; the third class included all foreign goods shipped to the colonies
through Spain; they paid fifteen per cent, entry into Spain, seven per cent,
export, and seven per cent, entry into America; and with the maritime
alcavala, the consulate, and other charges, the duties amounted to thirty-
three and a third per cent. In 1778 the exports to the colonies were made
in one hundred and seventy ships, were worth 74,000,000 of reals vellon,
and paid 32,000,000 duty. The imports of the same year were made in one
hundred and thirty ships, valued at 74,000,000, and paid nearly 3,000,000
duty. In 1778 the value of exports was 500,000,000, and of imports
804,500,000, and the duties exceeded 55,000,000. In Buenos Ayres the
receipts of the customs in 1791 were $336,532; 1792, $468,850; 1793,
$423,623; 1794, $407,984; 1795, $310,858. The average of five years was
$389,569. It appears that in 1796 the exports to Buenos Ayres amounted to
$2,853,944, and the imports from that port to $5,058,882. The latter
consisted of 874,593 ox hides, 43,752 horse hides, 24,436 skins, 46,800
m nminrls.^ 77T arrobas of vacuna wool. 2.2HA arrobas of common
454 PART II: COMMUNICAT1UJNS JbKUM AK.UJb.lN HIM A
2,128 cwt. of jerked beef, and 185 cwt. of cured pork, valued at $1,076,877,
and the remainder, 2,556,304, in gold and silver. In the year 1802, after
the peace of Amiens, the receipts in Buenos Ayres were $857,702.
Shortly after the war broke out between England and Spain, the invasion
of these provinces by Sir Home Popham opened a new era in ^ the trade of
Buenos Ayres. This officer, on his return to England, wrote a circular to the
merchants, setting forth the extensive and lucrative market opened by this
conquest to the trade of the British empire. The want of markets in Europe
at that period, and the exaggerated picture of commercial advantages pre-
sented by Sir Home Popham, occasioned great speculation to be made to the
river Plate, and large convoys of merchantmen accompanied the expeditions
of Sir Samuel Auchmuty to Montevideo, and of General Whitlocke to
Buenos Ayres. Montevideo, during the short time it remained in the hands
of the English, afforded a very limited market, and the total failure of Gen-
eral Whitlocke's expedition obliged the merchants to return to England
without having made any considerable sales. The loss experienced on this
occasion was attributed altogether to the defeat of General Whitlocke; and
an opinion still prevailed among the merchants in London, that the markets
of Spanish America, if opened to their trade, would enable them to bear the
loss of the commerce of the continent, and to be at least equal to that in the
United States. After the British troops had evacuated the provinces of La
Plata, the clamors of the people obliged the viceroy to open the ports to
neutrals. Some Americans traded to the river Plate, but the high duties
and restrictions discouraged the commercial spirit even of our own country-
men. The trade was very limited, and principally carried on by English and
Spanish capital, covered by the American flag, and the goods were introduced
by bribery, or by favor of the viceroy. The revolution in Spain put a stop
to another attempt of the British to obtain possession of these colonies. The
deposition of the Spanish authorities, and the establishment of the Junta in
Buenos Ayres, again opened the ports of the river Plate to the British flag.
Eager to realize their former dreams of commercial prosperity, a large capital
was immediately turned into this channel. Entirely ignorant of the con-
sumption of the country, and of the wants of the inhabitants, they over-
stocked the market with every article of British manufacture. The quantity
of merchandise brought into these ports during the first six months was equal
to the former consumption of six years ; and skates and warming pans were
seen dangling in the shops of Buenos Ayres and Montevideo. The former
exorbitant duties continued to be levied with so little regard to justice, that
frequently the merchants not only lost the prime cost and freight of the
articles, but had a further sum to pay for duties; and several petitions were
presented, praying to be allowed to abandon the goods in satisfaction of the
duties. The monthly receipts of customs in Buenos Ayres, during the year
j-/«-/v,wivj.iiJ.>JL -CifJ. IMJVJiJMLBJiK 4, lOlO 455
of that year was two million two hundred and ten thousand dollars. From
the state of the market in Buenos Ayres, the merchants in England were
ruined by the slowness of the returns; and many found it necessary to in-
struct their agents to make any sacrifice, and to sell at any price. Sales at
auction, to an immense amount, were consequently made below the first
cost of the articles. The effect of these sales was to reduce the price of all
English manufactures; and I afterwards saw English prints and calicoes
retailed in the shops of Mendoza, a distance of three hundred leagues from
the coast, below the retail price in London. The English agent, who re-
ceived his per centage on the sales, and the Spanish or native consignee,
whom the law obliged him to employ, were enriched, but the principals in
England failed. Frequent attempts were made to prevail upon the Govern-
ment of Buenos Ayres to simplify the manner of collecting their duties, and
to establish a tariff of their own, independent of the absurd and complex
regulations of Spain. A more liberal system was, with difficulty, extorted
from them. The monopolies were abolished. The obligation to employ a
Spanish or native consignee was done away, and foreign merchants per-
mitted to enter their ships and dispose of their cargoes in their own name.
At the commencement of the revolution the exportation of silver was per-
mitted on payment of five per cent. duty. It was afterwards prohibited;
but the Government, finding it impossible to prevent its being smuggled from
the country, again permitted the exportation, increasing the export duty to
six per cent, for coined silver, and twelve per cent, for uncoined silver; two
per cent, for coined gold, and eight per cent, for uncoined gold, and an ad-
ditional half per cent, on both for the consulate. The mines of Potosi have
not been worked to any considerable amount since the revolution. The
specie exported is brought chiefly from Chili, and amounts to about three
millions of dollars annually. The British frigates on this station are re-
lieved every six months, and, since the year 1810, have carried to England
nearly ten millions of dollars. This money was shipped partly on account
of individuals, and partly on that of the British Government. Their agent
in Buenos Ayres, the consul general, bought the specie at a premium, chiefly
from the Spanish merchants, who were anxious to remove their funds from
America. In 1813 the Government published the following criminal regula-
tions, which remained in force for some time. The Government, being
anxious to regulate the duties, and to establish the order of their collection
in the custom-houses within the territories of the United Provinces, in the
manner most convenient to the general interests of commerce, and do away
all former abuses, to proportion the imports to the nature, necessity, and
value of the articles of commerce, as far as the extraordinary demand and
present situation of the treasury will admit, and to furnish the merchants
with a clear and exact statement of the duties to be paid, in order that they
mav. in no event, be involved in doubts and oerolexitv* which mieht in-
prosperity, have decreed, with the previous concurrence of the Permaner
Council of the Sovereign Assembly: First. From the 1st day of January, 181^
twenty-five per cent, shall be collected on all manufactures and foreig
articles, except those hereafter specified, as the only duty of entry, to b
calculated on the current market prices at the time of their extraction fror
the warehouse. Secondly. For this purpose, the merchants will presen
the invoices, with the prices affixed, which the officers of the customs sha'
examine, in order to calculate the duties. Thirdly. In case the price
fixed by the merchant be not regulated on the market price, the officer c
the customs shall signify it to him; and, should any dispute arise, two arbi
ters shall be named, one by each party, and a third chosen by them, i:
order to decide thereon. Fourthly. Foreign wines and brandies, oil, read;
made clothes, boots and shoes, and furniture, thirty-five per cent. Fifthly
Muslins and hats, fifty per cent. Sixthly. Crockery and glass, fifteen pe
cent. Seventhly. The following articles are free of all duties: quicksilver
machinery and instruments for mining, and those of the sciences and arts
all implements and tools of trade, books and printing presses, as likewis
boards and all sorts of lumber; saltpetre, gunpowder, flints, fire-arms, an<
sabres and swords for the use of cavalry. Published in the Ministeria
Gazette, and signed by Nicholas R. Pena, Juan Sarrea, Gervasia Antonii
Posadas, (Manuel) Jose Garcia, Secretary.
The market of Buenos Ayres continues to be overstocked with Englisl
goods, but their merchants are now better acquainted with the wants of th<
inhabitants; ponchos, rugs, saddles, bits, lassos, balls, and, in short, even
article formerly supplied by their domestic manufactures, are now brough
from England. The Guernsey and Jersey traders bring French and Germai
goods, which are preferred to English. Furniture, cordage, canvass, nava
stores, paper, liquors, and strong black tobacco, find a ready sale, and wil
bear the duties. All goods mentioned in the seventh commercial regulatior
are in constant demand. China and India goods sell well, and the Britisl
merchants resident in Buenos Ayres have lately despatched three ships
direct to India and China, from the river of Plate. The principal return!
are hides, tallow, horses, vacuna wool, skins, feathers, bark, copper, gold
and silver. Hides pay twenty per cent, export duty, and all the othe;
articles, except the precious metals, fourteen per cent. The commerce o
Chili offers great advantages to the traders to China and to the East Indies
It is a well known fact that specie is almost our only medium of trade witl
those countries, which not only deprives the merchant for many months o
the use of a large sum, but obliges him often to collect dollars at a premium
whereas, if the ports of Chili were used as a scala, the goods suited to tha
market, such as furniture and French and German manufactures, are ob
tained in the United States at a credit, and the returns received in Chili it
copper and silver. In Chili the mines of silver are the most productive ever
wrought. The mineral of those discovered within the last three years in the
province of Guasco yielded a most extraordinary product of silver, which,
compared with that of Potosi, is as forty to fourteen. It is not ascertained
whether these rich mines extended to any great depth.1
Furs might be obtained if there was any encouragement to collect them.
Traders might station small detachments along the coast and on the islands,
to procure seal skins, an article of great demand in China, and very abun-
dant in these seas. All instruments of trade and manufactures are intro-
duced into both countries free from duty. During the last war between
Russia and England, a press was erected in Valparaiso for the purpose of
packing hemp, and large quantities of that article were sent to England. In
the event of the intermediate ports, as they are called, (puerto intermedios,)
Arica, Arequipa, &c., being opened to a free trade, it is probable that Upper
Peru will be supplied through that channel. The distance is not so great,
and the roads are better than those to the Atlantic ports. The trade of
Chili has hitherto been confined to Lima and Buenos Ayres. The vice-
royalty of Lima was supplied with grain from the ports of Valparaiso and
Talcahuana, and the returns made in sugar, fossil salt, rice, and cotton. The
trade between Buenos Ayres and Chili was carried on by caravans of carts
from Buenos Ayres to Mendoza, at the foot of the Andes, and from thence on
mules to Santiago. The principal articles sent across the continent by the
merchants of Buenos Ayres were European dry goods and the herb of
Paraguay. They received in return the sugar of Lima, copper, and gold
and silver.
In the hands of freemen who were sensible of its advantages, and under
an enlightened Government, Chili, from the number and variety of its pro-
ductions, which yield the raw material of every sort of manufacture, has
within itself the means of greatness; and, from the number of its harbors and
great extent of coast, might carry on an extensive and lucrative commerce
with the intermediate ports, with the viceroyalty of Lima, the Philippine
islands, the East Indies, and China.
The commercial regulations of these countries have been so frequently
altered, that it is difficult to say what they now are. This uncertainty dis-
courages commercial enterprise, even more than exorbitant duties. . . .
The river of La Plata, called by the natives Parana Quasu, (Great Parana,)
was discovered by the Spaniards, under the conduct of Don Juan Dias de
Solis, in the year 15 16.2
1 In Potosi, a caxon of ore yields from fourteen to twenty marks of silver, and in Guasco
seventy marks have been extracted from a caxon but the average product is forty marks.
3 The Portuguese claim the northern shore of the river La Plata by right of discovery, and
the Spanish authors are so very contradictory in their dates of the first voyage to that river
as to make it doubtful to an impartial reader. They generally agree that the gold and silver
which Sebastian Cabot procured from the Guanani Indians, in the year 1526, had been taken
from some Portuguese adventurers who were returning from Peru; and that in 1535 Pedro
1526, by Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian navigator in the service of Spain; am
the town of Buenos Ayres to have been first settled in 1535, by Don Pedro d
Mendoza. After being twice destroyed by the Indians, it was rebuilt i:
1580, and has flourished since that period. Buenos Ayres was at first an
nexed to the Government of Paraguay, and afterwards made dependen
upon the viceroyalty of Lima and the audiencia of Charcas. In the yea
1776 the provinces of Buenos Ayres, Paraguay, and Cuyo were united unde
the government of a viceroy. In 1778 the provinces of Upper Peru wer
added to the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres. It extended on the north to th
frontiers of the Brazils, and to the viceroyalty of Lima, where it bounded o:
the provinces of Carabaya, Cuzco, and Chucuito, and westwardly on th
river Desaguedero and the province of Arica. It included the district c
Atacama, which extends along the Pacific ocean from Arica to the desert c
Atacama. On the west it was separated from Chili by the Cordilleras d
los Andes, and extended south to the straits of Magellan.
By the decree of 1778 this viceroyalty was divided into eight intendencias
each intendencia was subdivided into partidos or districts.
The intendancy of Buenos Ayres includes the town of Santa F6, situate^
between the river Salado and the Parana, in 31 degrees 46 minutes sout
latitude. Corrientes, situated on the east side of the Parana, near its June
tion with the Paraguay, in 27 degrees 33 minutes south latitude. The mili
tary government of Montevideo, situated on the northeast shore of th
river of La Plata, in 34 degrees 54 minutes 48 seconds south latitude, and i
56 degrees 9 minutes 15 seconds longitude west of Greenwich. The territor
of the eastern shore of Uraguay, or Banda Oriental, together with the thirt
towns of Guananis missions on the river Uraguay, which formerly belonge
to the Jesuits, and the territory of the Rio Negro, in Patagonia, which i
occupied by a chain of military posts extending from Luxan to the port c
Rio Negro. Buenos Ayres, the capital, is situated in 34 degrees 25 minute
26 seconds south latitude, and in 58 degrees 31 minutes 13 seconds wes
longitude. It is the see of a bishop, and includes thirty-four curacies.
de Mendoza found a party of Portuguese on the northern shore of the La Plata. Th
Portuguese accounts attribute the first discovery and settlement of that territory to the
countrymen, Alexis and Diego Gavica. In the year 1680 the Portuguese formed a settl<
ment on the northern shore of the river, and erected the fort of Colonia del Sacrament
directly opposite Buenos Ayres; the same year they were driven out of it by the Spaniard
but it was restored by the provisional treaty of 1681. In 1705 Colonia was again wreste
from the Portuguese, and was restored to them by the peace' of Utrecht, in 1715: where*
Montevideo and Maldonado were not settled by the Spaniards until the year 1724. Colon!
was besieged and taken by the Spaniards in 1762, but was again given up by the treaty c
Paris of 1763. The Portuguese were not entirely driven from their possession on the nortl
ern shore of the river until the year 1777, and the right of territory has remained a subje<
of dispute ever since. Commissioners have been appointed, and have frequently met, bi
have not been able to settle the claims of their respective courts. To the long residence <
one of these unsuccessful commissioners, Azara, we owe an excellent work on the zoolog
of these countries.
skins, bark, vacuna wool, copper, and the precious metals. Buenos Ayres
is supplied with salt, from the salt lakes in Patagonia, by annual caravans.
The intendancy of Paraguay extends on the north and eastern bank of
the river Paraguay to the river Corrientes, which falls into the Paraguay, and
to the rnouth of the Jaura, in 16 degrees 34 minutes 22 seconds south latitude;
on the east to the Brazils; on the south to the river Parana, from its con-
fluence with the Paraguay to the river Guasupraro, which falls into it a
little to the west of the town of Candelaria; thence the line runs to the
mountains of Santa Ana, including the towns of Candelaria, Santa Ana,
Loreto, San Ignacio Mini, and Corpus. This intendancy embraces the
districts of Candelaria, Santiago, Villarica, Curuguati, and Villareal. Para-
guay is the see of a bishop, and includes twelve vicarages. The exports
from this intendancy are sugar, cotton, tobacco, and the herb of Paraguay,
commonly called matte, from the calabash in which it is served. The two
last are the principal articles.
The capital town, Assumption, is situated in 25 degrees 16 minutes 46
seconds south latitude.
The intendancy of Cordova extends to the district of Tucurnan on the
north, west to the intendancy of Buenos Ayres, and on the east is bounded
by Paraguay. It includes the districts of Mendoza, San Juan, San Luis, and
Rioja.
The town of Cordova is the capital, and is situated in 31 degrees 15 min-
utes south latitude. Mendoza is situated on a river of the same name, at the
foot of the Cordilleras, in 33 degrees 31 minutes 17 seconds south latitude.
The principal articles exported from this intendancy are grain, fruits, wine,
and brandy. The bishopric of Cordova includes 8 vicarages.
The intendancy of Salta extends on the north to the district of Tarija in
Potosi, on the south to Cordova, west to the Cordilleras, and east to the
Grand Chaco. The districts of this intendancy are Tucuman, Santiago del
Estero, Catamarca, Jujuy, Nueva-Ovan, and Puna. Salta, the capital, is
situated in 24 degrees 30 minutes south latitude.
San Miguel, the chief town of the district of Tucuman, is situated in 27
degrees 10 minutes south. The principal trade of this intendancy consists
of horses and mules.
The intendancy of Potosi extends on the north to the districts of Yam-
paraes and Tomina, in Charcas; south to the district of Jujuy, in Salta; it
reaches west to the Pacific ocean, and is bounded on the east by Cochabamba.
The districts of this intendancy are Porco, Chayanta, Chicas, Tarija, Lipes,
and Atacama, which last is separated from the province of Arica by the
river Loa, and from Chili by the desert of Atacama. The precious metals
constitute the principal exports from this intendancy.
Potosi, the capital town, is situated on the north side of the celebrated
l_><_lllg,
the intendancy of La Paz, south to Potosi, west to the Desaguedero,
east to the intendancy of Cochabamba. This intendancy comprehend
districts of Yamparaes, Tomina, Pelaya, and Oruro. Charcas is an i
bishopric, and contains fourteen vicarages.
The capital, Chuquisaca, called also La Plata, is situated in 19 degrei
minutes. This intendancy abounds in minerals, salt, sulphur, &c.
The intendancy of La Paz extends north to the provinces of Carabays
Cuzco, in the viceroyalty of Lima, south to Charcas, west to the provi
of Chucuito and Arica, and on the east is bounded by the governme:
Moxos and the intendancy of Cochabamba. The districts of this intend
are Sicarica, Pacages, Omasuyos, (to which is annexed the island of Titl
in the lake of Chucuito,) Laricaxa, Chulumani, and Apolabamba.
bishopric of La Paz comprehends thirteen vicarages.
La Paz, the capital of the intendancy, is situated in 16 degrees 50 mil
south latitude. The chief produce is the Peruvian bark and an herb c
cocoa, which the Indians and Creoles chew, and are very fond of. It
article of export to the other provinces.
The intendancy of Cochabamba extends on the north to the Governme
Moxos, south it is bounded by the intendancies of Charcas and Potosi,
by Charcas and La Paz, and east by the river Paripiti, which separai
from the government of Chiquitos. The districts of this intendancy
Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Valle Grande, Mezque, Elisa, Arque, Taps
Hayopaya, and Sacaba. The bishopric of Santa Cruz de la Sierra con
hends three vicarages and four curacies. Cochabamba is the most fert
all the intendancies, and is called the granary of Upper Peru. OrepesE
capital, is situated in 17 degrees 2 minutes south latitude.
The military government of Chiquitos extends north to the mountai
Tapacures, which divide it from Moxos ; south to the mountains of Zam
west to the district of Santa Cruz de la Sierra ; and is bounded on the ea
the lake Xarayes. This government is inhabited principally by Inc
There are some missionary settlements among them. i
The military government of Moxos is very extensive. Separated
Cochabamba by the Cordilleras, it extends south to Chiquitos,. and ez
the frontiers of the Brazils. It is divided into three districts — Moxos, B£
and Pampas; and is inhabited by the tribes of Raches, Sirionos, Solo;
and Juracares, among whom are some missionary settlements.
There are several small harbors and roadsteads in the river of La . I
Maldonado, situated on the north shore, is not far from the capes, a
here are several inconsiderable roadsteads between Montevideo and the
,enada de Barragan, the first good harbor on the southwestern shore of
river. This port is easy of access, and is protected on every side. The
r objection to ships lying there, in preference to the insecure roadstead
osite the town of Buenos Ayres, is the low swampy land which surrounds
ragan, and renders the roads always bad, and in the winter almost impass-
:. There was a deduction of four and a half per cent, from the duties on
ds landed at this port, in order to defray the expense of transportation
Suenos Ayres.
'here is a small stream about two miles below Buenos Ayres which is navi-
le to Baraceas. From hence lighters convey the cargoes to the outer
is.
lie entrance of this creek is obstructed by a bar, and during the preva-
:e of westerly winds, there is not water enough for the lighters to pass.
s circumstance often occasions great detention in loading,
'he tides extend a great distance up the river, but their duration depends
n the winds. Indeed, the currents are so very uncertain, and run with
i rapidity, that it is advisable to heave the log with a lead attached to
line.
'he city of Buenos Ayres is built on the south shore of the river, and ex-
Is along the bank nearly three miles. The streets intersect each other at
it angles, dividing the town into solid squares of one hundred and fifty
is each. The houses are generally two stories high, and are built with
ace roofs. The city is defended by a fort, and is ornamented by convents,
neries, churches, and the buildings formerly appropriated to the royal
lopolies. The population of Buenos Ayres and of the adjacent country
estimated at about 70,000 souls.
'he climate is healthy and temperate. The northerly winds, when mod-
:e, last for several days, and have the effect of the sirocco on the feelings,
en violent, this wind seldom lasts longer than twenty-four hours, shifting
he south and southeast, with rain and thunder. These storms are invari-
r terminated by a pampero, or southwest wind. The west and west-
thwest winds blow with great violence, but are not frequent. During the
faience of the southwesterly winds the atmosphere is remarkably dry,
the electric fluid acquires very great activity. On passing the low ridge
ch skirts the river, the eye extends over an immense plain, spotted with a
settlements and enclosures of the cylindrical opuntia, which attains a
it height in this climate. Orchards of peach trees are cultivated to sup-
the town with fuel. The trees are planted very close to each other, and
kept low, so as to resist the force of winds, which tear up larger trees.
artichoke. This wood grows with such luxuriance that, in the great scarcity
of fuel, it is used to heat stoves and ovens.
These plains or pampas extend one hundred and sixty leagues in a west
course from Buenos Ayres. They resemble very much the steppes of the
south of Russia. Both exhibit the same boundless, unbroken expanse, the
same fertility of soil during the rainy season, and dry, parched appearance in.
the heat of summer; the total absence of trees; the streams few, flowing with,
a sluggish current, and brackish to the taste; the lakes and ponds of botn.
incrusted with salt: this mineral efflorescence on the surface of the soil in
some places giving it the appearance of being covered by a hoar frost. The
character of the inhabitants adds to the resemblance. The Querandis, or"
Indians of the pampas, are Nomades, living in temporary huts and tents on
the borders of the rivers; and, when they have exhausted the pasture on one
spot, roving with their herds and flocks to where it is abundant. The small
deer of the pampas resembles the antelope of the steppes, and the spur-winged
thegel is common to both. On these plains animal putrefaction scarcely
goes on at all. On the borders of the rivers, and in low, wet places, the en-
trails of animals putrefy, but on the high land animal substances will dry up .
This is the case in some parts of Spain and Portugal ; but at Buenos Ayres ,
where fuel is so scarce, this drying quality in the air enables the inhabitants
to burn in their furnaces and kilns the flesh and bones of animals. Sheep
were formerly dried, stacked, and sold at two dollars and a half the hundred
for these purposes.
From the mildness of the climate, and the abundant pasture afforded by
the extensive plains of Buenos Ayres, the cattle originally brought from Spain
have become so numerous that they furnish the chief support of the inhabi-
tants; this is, perhaps, the cause of the miserable state of the interior of this
country. It is not uncommon to see a proprietor of a league square of land
owning several thousand heads of cattle, and sheep, and horses, living in &.
miserable hut, and having the bare necessaries of life. His house is covered
with hides ; his furniture is made of the same materials. His yard is enclosed
by a few stakes, bound together with thongs; and he may be seen, with his
herdsmen, seated by a fire, cutting off slices of beef from a spit stuck in tlio
ground, and eating it without bread or salt.
In the vicinity of Buenos Ayres there are some very productive farms ; and
wheat and corn are raised in great abundance by simply scratching the*
ground with a wooden plough, and harrowing in grain by drawing over it a.
hide filled with earth. Even in the centre of the plains there are some spots
cultivated in grain, but the distance from a market prevents their raising
more than sufficient for their own consumption. The eastern shore of th.^
river of the Uraguay, including the shore of La Plata, abounds with cattle,
and most of the inhabitants are shepherds; where the land is cultivated, it
cts 01 tne government 01 tne j esuits are stui leu: m tms country, i ne
pie generally receive the rudiments of education, and are very subordi-
* -to their leaders. They were organized into regiments of militia, and it
lid that Paraguay can bring into the field upwards of 40,000 men. Many
tie provinces of Upper Peru possess mines, and the population is divided
;veen the wealthy proprietors, the speculators, and those who work in
mines ; and here is to be found all the corruption and misery which are
iparable from this species of gambling.
!ochabamba and some other provinces are agricultural, and the inhabi-
ts are active and intelligent. During the time Upper Peru was in the
rer of the royalists, the spirit of the revolution has been kept up in these
vinces by the guerrillas of Cochabamba.
a the city of Buenos Ayres property is equally divided ; there are no very
re proprietors, no entailed estates, and but little property in mortmain;
inhabitants are generally well informed, and their intercourse with for-
lers has given them habits of industry.
"here is very little mixture of blood in Buenos Ayres, and there are only
2e castes — the Creoles, Indians, and negroes. Notwithstanding this port
i for some time the entrep6t of the African trade, very few slaves remained
Buenos Ayres, and the government has been able to emancipate them
hout any serious injury to society.
'revious to the late revolution, the means of education were withheld from.
Creoles. It is true that there were colleges at Cordova, Chuquisaca, and
itiago de Chili, where the student was taught Latin law,1 and theology;
they were prohibited from reading any book that could enlarge their
svs, or give them an idea of their civil or political rights. Every work
t bore the stamp of genius was prohibited by the inquisition,
t was considered sinful to read any book marked with the censure of the
irch, and was deemed an act of piety to denounce any one who was known
possess such a work.
Vhen this restraint was removed, they eagerly read the theories of specula-
i politicians, and the controversies and attacks on the Christian religion,
)lished at the commencement of the French revolution ; they saw the rnon-
)us absurdity of the doctrines which had been taught them, and they too
m stopped there, and became sceptics in religion, and in politics wild and
oretical ; their legislators were ignorant of the principles of political econ-
y, and the common maxims of the science of legislation,
n the first Government, the executive and legislative powers were vested
The practice of the law in these countries was not, as in the United States, an open
eal to impartial justice, but the art of multiplying acts and procrastinating a suit until
favor of the judge was secured by bribery or influence.
constitution. By this constitution, one member of the executive resigned
his office at the expiration of every six months, and no one could act as presi-
dent for a longer period. The new members were to be elected by an assem-
bly composed of the municipality of the representatives of the towns, and
of a considerable number of citizens elected by the people of the capital,
according to the manner to be hereafter prescribed by this Government.
The Government formed a high court of appeal ; they decreed the liberty of
the press, and the security of individuals from illegal arrest. These decrees
have been renewed by each successive Government ; but the people of these
countries never have enjoyed the freedom of the press or individual security.
This Junta took the title of the Superior Provisional Government of the
United Provinces of the river of La Plata, in the name of Ferdinand VII.
Pamphlet No. I contains the constitution and the decrees. Shortly after
this estatuto was published, the assembly was dissolved; after dissolving
another assembly, this Government was abolished, and a Supreme Director
chosen. The Congress afterwards assembled and confirmed this form of
government; and the same men who voted to deprive the president of the
first Junta of all distinctions, and those whose fears were excited by his
having an escort of twenty-five dragoons, have vested the Supreme Director
with regal power and have given him a guard of three hundred select cavalry.
In all these changes the people have borne but little part. In a capital
containing upwards of 50,000 inhabitants, not more than five or six hundred
have ever voted ; and the town meetings which generally decided the change
of rulers, and often the form of government, were rarely composed of more
than two or three hundred, sometimes of less than one hundred persons.
Since the commencement of the revolution, there has been a constant strug-
gle for power between the capital and the provinces.
Buenos Ayres has hitherto maintained the ascendency, from the superior
intelligence of the inhabitants, and from having within itself the means of
carrying on the war. The duties on imports and exports furnish the prin-
cipal resources of the Government, and the leaders of the revolution are for
the most part citizens of Buenos Ayres. The provinces are governed by a
commander appointed by the executive of Buenos Ayres. Paraguay first
revolted from this dependence on the capital, and, from the commencement
of the revolution to the present day, has been governed by its own chiefs;
they are not at war with Buenos Ayres, but have no connexion nor hold any
communication with that Government. They, too, have tried a great many
political experiments, and their present form of government is copied from
ck to the arbitrary exercise of military power.
"he inhabitants of the eastern shore of La Plata have refused to submit
:he capital, and have successfully opposed the arms and negotiations of
mos Ayres; their character is represented as turbulent and daring, but
y are warlike and enthusiastically attached to their leader, Artigas, who
tends for independence, both from the Government of Spain and from
t of Buenos Ayres. No Government has ever been organized on the
•itory of the eastern shore, owing to the dissensions between the capital
i the provinces. The people of Peru have not taken a very active part
;he revolution, and many Creoles were to be found in the royal armies;
influence of the clergy contributed for some time to this state of things,
the Spanish laws, the high offices in the convent were divided alternately
ween the European and the Creole monks. The church being the only
d to preferment open to the Creoles, they crowded into it; but this alter-
ive balanced their influence. The European monks sent from Spain
•e chosen from amongst the most zealous and intelligent, and from the
pit and in the confessional chair successfully inculcated the doctrines of
ine right, and of unqualified submission to the King, and, above all, of
)licit belief in the infallibility of the clergy.
?he Government of Buenos Ayres abolished the alternative, and banished
le of the most intolerant of the European monks and clergy. The
Dies who have taken orders are enthusiastic in favor of the revolution, and
re been highly useful to that cause in the interior provinces. The influ-
:e of the clergy in the city of Buenos Ayres appears to be at an end.
e condition of the people of Chili is different from that of any other of the
inish colonies; the country is, for the most part, in the hands of large
iprietors, who let out their lands to tenants upon the conditions of personal
vice, and of the payment of a moderate rent in produce. As the landlord
y, at will, drive the tenant from his farm, or augment the rent, according
che increased value, the farmers are deterred from, improving their houses
land, and content themselves with raising what is necessary to pay the
dlord and to subsist their families. Most of the large estates are grazing
ms, and the personal services of the tenants consist principally in tending
i cattle. They are expected, however, at all times to be ready to obey
: orders of their landlord. Many of these estates are entailed, and all of
:rn incumbered with some legacy to the church. More than half the
iperty in Chili is in mortmain. With few exceptions, the clergy have been
josed to the revolutions in each of the districts. In Chili there is a
iment of militia cavalry, well mounted, and armed with lances. These
iments are under the control of the colonel, and have, in every instance,
In Lima there has been no revolutionary movement. The landed estate
are in the hands of large proprietors, and are cultivated by slaves. The
are fearful that any attempt to change the form of government would b
attended by a loss of their property; and, from the great number of black
and mulattoes in this viceroyalty, the contest would probably terminate i
the same manner as the revolution of St. Domingo.
Buenos Ayres and Chili have been virtually independent for the las
eight years, and the effect upon the character and condition of the peopl
has been highly beneficial. The human mind appears to have risen wit
elasticity from the weight of tyranny which had so long oppressed it, and t
have improved rapidly in the arts, in knowledge, and in all the comforts an
enjoyments of life. These are benefits which will not be surrendered witt
out a desperate struggle. Their forces are numerous, well organized an
disciplined, and, were the provinces united, they possess the means c
defending themselves against the efforts both of Spain and Portuga
Their dissensions and ambition render them, in the opinion of some, ur
worthy to be free ; but let us recollect that the virtues which adorn societ
and brighten the page of history are the offspring of freedom and scienc<
and that, when a people have been for centuries kept in subjection by ignc
ranee and superstition, the first effort to burst their fetters will call into actio
the most violent of the human passions, and hurry men to commit the greates
excesses. The course .of such a revolution will be too often stained by crue
ties and crimes, and will almost inevitably terminate in a military des
potism. From the mild and intelligent character of the Creoles of Sout
America, there is every reason to hope that, when emancipated from Spaii
and relieved from these present difficulties, they will follow the briglr
example of the United States, and establish a government of laws.
From the year 1580, when the city of Buenos Ayres was permanentl
settled, until the year 1778, the history of these countries comprises onl
a series of domestic vexations from the despotism of viceroys, of privatior
from monopolies and commercial restrictions, and of sufferings from wai
foreign to their interests. In the year 1778 the Indians of the provinces <
Upper Peru made an ineffectual attempt to shake off the Spanish yoki
They assembled in great force, and, under the command of Tupac Aman
a descendant of the Incas of Peru, plundered and destroyed a great man
small towns. They twice laid siege to the city of La Paz, but, being withoi
fire-arms, or ignorant of the use of them, they were repulsed with great los
After a hopeless contest of three years, they were defeated by the combine
decisive action put an end to the insurrections of the Indians of Peru, and
these colonies remained tranquil until the sudden invasion of the English in
1806.
Sir Home Popham, aware of the disposition of his Government to obtain
a footing in the Spanish colonies, and well informed of the defenceless state
of Buenos Ayres, determined to make an attack upon that city. Instead of
returning direct to England from the Cape of Good Hope, he entered the
river La Plata ; and, to the astonishment and consternation of the inhabitants,
General Beresford landed a few miles below the city of Buenos Ayres, with
two thousand men. The viceroy, Sobremente, was panic struck; arms were
distributed to the militia, who, ignorant of their use, ran out without order
to look at the enemy, and General Beresford marched into the city, and
took possession of the citadel without opposition. Don Juan Martin Pueyrr-
ed6n was the only officer who, at the head of a company of hussars, harassed
the enemy's march.
Sir Home Popham returned to England with the fleet, and General
Beresford did every thing that could be expected from a brave and generous
commander to reconcile the inhabitants, and to secure his conquest. These
officers had calculated only the facility of surprising the town, and had over-
looked the difficulty of keeping possession of an enemy's country with a
small force, at so great a distance from their resources. The inhabitants
were irreconcileably opposed to the British. The Chevalier de Liniers, a
French emigrant in the service of Spain, passed over to the eastern shore of
the river, and excited the inhabitants to arms ; and the viceroy, who had fled
to Montevideo, assembled a small force, the command of which was given
to Liniers; he crossed the river, and was joined by all the inhabitants of
Buenos Ayres who could escape the vigilance of the British sentinels.
The English commander, being summoned to surrender the town, signified
his determination to defend himself to the last extremity. General Liniers,
at the head of his regular forces, immediately commenced the attack, and
soon drove the garrison into the fort, where they were forced to capitulate.
The British general officers were sent on their parole to Luxan, a small
town twelve leagues from Buenos Ayres, and the rest of the prisoners were
marched into the interior.
The emancipation of the Spanish colonies appears to have been a favorite
project of Mr. Pitt. The ex- Jesuit Don Juan Pablo Viscardi Gusrnan, a
native of Arequipa, and an enthusiast in favor of the liberty of America,
had frequent conferences with that minister, and, in his answers to a series
of inquiries presented to him, gave a favorable view of the facility with which
a revolution might be effected in that country. He afterwards published
Caraccas, and was encouraged by General Picton's proclamation, issu
from the island of Trinidad.
In 1801, Mr. Pitt's eagerness to open this market to the trade of Gre
Britain induced him to aid the untimely and ill-planned expedition
Miranda; and it appeared at the trial of Sir Home Popharn that the £
ministration had countenanced the attack on Buenos Ayres.
From the little opposition experienced by the British troops on this expei
tion, and from the facility with which Buenos Ayres had been occupied, t
plan of emancipating these colonies appears to have been relinquished, a
the conquest of all the Spanish possessions in America determined upon
the British cabinet. This change of policy may be inferred from cornpari
the proclamation of Sir Thomas Picton, published at Trinidad by order
Mr. Dundas, minister of His Britannic Majesty for Foreign Affairs, dat
26th of June, 1797; and the instructions given in 1807 to Generals Whitloc
and Crawford. The former encourages the inhabitants "to resist t
oppressive authority of their Government;" and declares that "they m
be certain, whenever they are in that disposition, to receive all the succc
to be expected from His Britannic Majesty, be it with forces or with an
and ammunition, to any extent; with the assurance that the views of I-
Britannic Majesty go no further than to secure to them their independent
without pretending to any sovereignty over their country, nor even
interfere in the privileges of the people, nor in their political, civil, or religio
rights."
The instructions of the right honorable Mr. Windham, Secretary at W;
to Generals Whitlocke and Crawford, were in a different spirit. The fii
was to proceed with the forces under his command to the river of Pla
and to take possession of Buenos Ayres in the name and behalf of t
Britannic Majesty. He is ordered not to introduce into the Governme
any alteration, except in the appointment of individuals, whose chan
should be found necessary; nor to give any assurance that they shall n
be given up to Spain at the conclusion of the present war.
General Crawford was to proceed to the river La Plata, subject to t
orders of General Whitlocke. Thence, as it was supposed that his fore
would not be required after the reduction of Buenos Ayres, he was direct
to pass round Cape Horn, and take possession of Valparaiso. He is order
to discourage all hopes of any other change in the condition of these counts
than that of transferring their dominion to the Crown of Great Britain.
The generals on the Atlantic and Pacific are instructed to establish a li
;erior operations intended against those countries. These instructions
; to be found among the official documents annexed to the report of
:neral Whitlocke's trial, published in 1808.
The following extracts from General Whitlocke's defence will show the
ect of this policy upon the inhabitants of Buenos Ay res, and will give the
inion of the commanders of that expedition, with respect to the means of
fence :
It was known that the people were divided into factions, and that
various causes had rendered a large proportion of the inhabitants ripe
for revolt; and great numbers were anxiously looking to a separation
from their mother country as the only means of availing themselves
of the natural advantages of their local situation. It was therefore
naturally concluded that people who feel themselves oppressed rather
than protected, as excluded, by restrictions founded upon a narrow
and selfish policy, from many commercial advantages, would gladly
change their government; and if it were once established in a military
post in the country, the above causes would make it easy to open an
extensive intercourse with the inhabitants, and new channels for trade
and commerce.
It was supposed that the character of this country1 for liberality
and good conduct towards those who came under our dominion insured
us the good wishes of the greater part, and the co-operation of a large
proportion, at least, of the community. The public hopes and ex-
pectations were raised to the highest pitch, and no suspicion existed
that it was possible for the greatest part of the population of South
America to entertain any other than a just feeling of attachment to our
Government ; still less that it was possible that such a rooted antipathy
could exist against us as to justify the assertion (the truth of which
has been proved to demonstration) that we had not, when I arrived
in South America, among the inhabitants, one single friend in the
whole country. Whether the opinion of the illustrious statesman,2
now no more, who had so frequently turned his thoughts towards
South America, had led him to contemplate the propriety of establishing
military posts there, or the co-operating only with those who would
gladly have followed the example of North America, and availed
themselves of our assistance in establishing their independence, I have
no means of knowing; but experience has shown that any other course
of proceeding than that last mentioned, even if most successful, and
almost in proportion to success, must have had the effect of placing
us at a greater distance than ever from our ultimate objects, those of
friendly intercourse and trade with the country.
It is supposed in my instructions, that, after effecting my first object,
I might safely part with a proportion of the force under my command,
and retain only about eight thousand, which, it was supposed, must, in
any case, in addition to such troops as I might raise in the country,
1 Great Britain. a Mr. Pitt.
be British, and to select the description and classes out of which it w£
to be framed; but, subject to these precautions, it was conceived, an
so stated in my instructions, that much aid might be derived from th:
source towards securing His Majesty's possessions in that quarter, an
avoiding, at the same time, the necessity of too large a demand on th
regular forces of this country, (I use the very words of the instructions
Such, as the court will have seen, was the impression in this country o
my appointment to the command.
What was the actual situation of the country on my arrival?
I naturally resorted to the very able and experienced officer who con
manded at Montevideo, and who had diligently employed himself i
acquiring every possible information upon this subject. I found tha
in the course of his operations against Montevideo, and after its cap tun
he had every reason to believe that the people were, without exceptior
inimical to us; that, previous to the surrender of Montevideo, he coul
place no confidence in any information he received; and that, after il
capture, a sullen silence pervaded every rank. But he also foun
reason to believe that, however inimical they were to us, they were sti
more so to their present Government; for, upon reports arriving a
Montevideo, which afterwards proved false, of the abolition of the coui
of audienza, the setting aside of the King's authority, and not hoistin
the Spanish colors, those who had appeared hostile and inveterate no^
pressed him to advance a corps to Buenos Ayres, and assured him tha
if he would acknowledge their independence, and promise them th
protection of the English Government, the place would submit.
The party in power were mostly all natives of Spain, in the principj
offices of church and state, and devoted to the Spanish Governmen
The second party consisted of natives of the country, with some Spar
iards settled in it. The disposition of the mother country had mad
them most anxious to shake off the Spanish yoke; and though, fror
their ignorance, their want of morals, and the barbarity of their di«
positions, they were totally unfit to govern themselves, they aime
at following the steps of the North Americans, and erecting an indc
pendent state. If we would promise them independence, they woul
instantly revolt against the Government, and join us with the grea
mass of the inhabitants. The next consideration was our giving up th
footing we had in South America. On this subject many importan
considerations presented themselves. First, the situation of th
country and the nature of our instructions. It was supposed, from th
information received by Government, that the country would be cor
quered and kept in subjection by eight thousand troops, which wa
considered as a large force; but the information received %by Goverr
ment upon this subject must have been founded in ignorance of the tru
state of the country. I found, on my arrival, that the resistance w
should have to contend with far exceeded every calculation; not
single friend had we in the country; on the contrary, every inhabitan
the return of the Viceroy Sobremente from Montevideo, the people
sed to receive him, and wished to proclaim Liniers. That officer
iased the tumult, and reinstated Sobremente in his command. The
ildo, however, deposed him as soon as they heard of the approach of
:her British expedition, and gave the command to Liniers. They then
latched a deputation to Spain in consequence of which Sobremente was
lied, and Don Santiago Liniers appointed Viceroy of La Plata,
he advanced guard of the second expedition, under the command of Sir
.uel Auchrnuty, landed on the eastern shore of the river La Plata, and
siege to Montevideo. Soon after, batteries were opened, a breach was
;e, and the place taken by assault. The main body, under General
tlocke, arrived in the river Plate on the 9th of May, 1807, and, after
aining at Montevideo until the arrival of General Crawford's division,
British army proceeded up to Buenos Ayres; General Whitlocke, follow-
the example of General Beresford, landed his troops below the town, and
irienced incredible difficulty in the transportation of his artillery over
low swampy lands which skirt the borders of the river,
he country people were decidedly hostile, and none could be prevailed
n to serve as guides, or to procure cattle for the army. The columns
:ook the road, and the men were almost famished when they arrived
»re the town. The want of proper accommodations for his troops, and
dread of the rainy season, induced General Whitlocke to order an imme-
e attack. During the march of the British troops from Ensenada, the
ibitants of Buenos Ayres recovered from their first panic; and dispositions
2 made to defend the town by cutting ditches across the principal streets,
ing the militia on the flat roofs, and securing the entrance of the houses.
ir Samuel Auchmuty, who commanded one column of attack, entered
upper part of the town, and, after a sanguinary conflict, drove the Span-
s from the square, and took possession of the Plaza de Toros, a large
ular building, where the bull fights are held. This position commands
whole town. General Crawford led the column which entered the lower
: of the town. He met with little opposition until he had advanced
lin a few hundred yards of the fort; suddenly a tremendous fire was
tied upon the column from the windows. Bombs and grenades were
wrered down upon the ranks from the roofs of the houses ; without petaras,
ing ladders, or even axes, the troops in vain endeavored to break open
doors; and General Crawford, after losing half his force, without being
i to make any effectual resistance, retreated into a large church, where
lef ended himself for some time. The church was exposed to the fire of
that the object of the Government could not be accomplished, he entere
into a treaty with Liniers, by which he agreed to evacuate Montevideo, an
the territory of the river La Plata, provided he was permitted to re-embar
his troops. These conditions were immediately conceded, and the Britis
forces abandoned the shore of La Plata.
The expedition under General Whitlocke, assisted by the disposition (
the people, might have secured the emancipation of these colonies, but Wi
not adequate to transfer their dominion to the Crown of Great Britain.
The revolution in Spain changed the destination of a still more formidafo
expedition fitted out by Great Britain, and intended for the final conquei
of these colonies. Monsieur de Chasne, an emissary of Napoleon, arrived i
Buenos Ayres in 1808. The viceroy, Liniers, laid his despatches before tt
audiencia and the Cabildo, and Mons. de Chasne was sent off. He afte
wards fell into the hands of General Elio; and, after experiencing the moi
cruel treatment, was sent back to Buenos Ayres, from whence he was coi
veyed as a prisoner to Cadiz.
The viceroy, Liniers, issued, about this time, a proclamation setting fort
the state of the peninsula, and exhorting the people to remain tranquil, and 1
follow the fortune of the mother country, whatever might be the issue i
the present contest. The same language was held by the regency of Spaii
In an address to the Americans, they say, It is not sufficient for you to I
Spaniards, unless, whatever be the event of fortune, you also belong 1
Spain.
General Elio, who had been appointed military governor of Montevidei
had secretly excited the inhabitants of the eastern shore to revolt against tl
authority of the viceroy. He now accused Liniers of treason, refused 1
obey his orders, and formed a Junta in Montevideo, on the model of tl
Provincial Government in Spain. The arrival of Goyeneche, who le
Madrid as the emissary of Murat, and afterwards accepted a commissic
from the Junta of Seville to proclaim Ferdinand VII. in South Americ
contributed to agitate the public mind, and to encourage the spirit of revoli
tion. The people were invited to take part in the dissensions of the chief
and were called upon for the first time to think and to act. Goyenecl
landed at Montevideo, where he approved the conduct of General Elio, ar
assured him that the formation of a Junta would be highly acceptable to tl
Government of Spain; at Buenos Ayres he applauded the loyalty of Linier
in the provinces through which he passed on his way to Lima, he advised tl
establishment of Juntas. At Lima he solicited and obtained the cornmar
Liniers, and through his influence by the people of Buenos Ayres, that
Government listened to the accusations of his enemies, and superseded the
only man whose popular character and services to the state could have
preserved this colony from immediate revolt.
On the arrival of the new viceroy, Cisneros, Liniers was strongly solicited
to retain the command. The military offered to support him; and hopes
were entertained by the patriots that the impolicy and injustice of the
Spanish Government would drive over to their party this able and popular
leader. But Liniers, who appears to have acted throughout with chivalric
honor, disappointed their hopes, by privately withdrawing himself from the
solicitations of his friends and the persecution of his enemies.
Cisneros did not possess the character or abilities necessary to repress
the revolutionary spirit of the people of Buenos Ayres. The decree of free
trade, extorted from this viceroy in 1809, increased their intercourse with
foreigners; and the ignorance and superstition by which their allegiance
had been hitherto secured was fast wearing away ; while their conquest of the
capital, and their successful defence against the last formidable invasion,
without any assistance from, the mother country, gave them confidence in
their strength and resources.
Shortly after the news of the seizure of the royal family reached the
Brazils, manifestoes were published by the Infant Don Pedro, and by the
Princess Charlotte, the sister of Ferdinand VII., and the consort of the
present King of Portugal, setting forth their right to the Spanish dominions
in America. They were accompanied by letters addressed to the viceroys
and governors of provinces, and were circulated from Mexico to Buenos
Ayres. The first scheme of the revolutionists was formed upon these
pretensions.
They proposed to deliver up the country to the Princess Charlotte,
expecting to retain the administration in their own hands; and intending,
at some more fortunate period, to assert their entire independence.
They despatched an agent, with their proposals, to Rio de Janeiro.
The princess accepted their offer, upon condition that they should admit
a Portuguese garrison into Buenos Ayres. As this measure would have
defeated the plan of the revolutionists, the negotiation was dropped.
The first revolutionary movement in the viceroyalty of La Plata was
made in La Paz; and a Junta was formed in the capital of that intendancy,
after the plans of the provisional Juntas of Spain.
The Viceroy of Lima resolved immediately to suppress this party, and
despatched Goyeneche, at the head of a large force, into Upper Peru. La
Paz was taken, and the members of the Junta, with some of the principal
frustrate them. Their danger obliged them to act with promptness and
resolution; and the first attempt of the viceroy to check them was followed
by an open declaration on their part. He was peremptorily ordered to
resign his command, and, after a short struggle, and a vain appeal to the
people, was obliged to comply. Immediately upon his resignation, a
meeting of the principal inhabitants was held in the town-hall of Buenos
Ayres. In this assembly, the bishop, whose influence had hitherto been
unbounded, ventured to oppose the current of public opinion; but his
authority was no longer sacred, and his assertions, that the last Spaniard
who remained in America ought by right to govern the country, excited
such universal indignation, and drew upon him such a torrent of abuse,
that he retired to his palace confounded and dismayed.
This assembly, still wishing to temporize, created a provisional Junta,
and named the ex- viceroy president; but the people, who had felt theii
power, refused all compromise, and on the 25th of May, 1810, a Junta was
elected from the Creoles of Buenos Ayres, and took possession of the com-
mand, amidst the universal acclamations of the people.
Every exertion was immediately made to extend the revolution to the
interior provinces, and troops were despatched to favor the patriots in
Peru and Paraguay.
The ex-viceroy and fiscals endeavored to counteract this plan, and main-
tained a correspondence with the Spanish authorities in those provinces,
As soon as this conduct was known to the Government, they were sum-
moned to the fort, and directly conveyed on board an English cutter, char-
tered to transport them to the Canaries. The royal audience was at the
same time dismissed for contempt of the Junta; and the Cabildo, chiefly
composed of Europeans, having, in a secret meeting, sworn allegiance tc
the regency of Spain, the members were banished, and it was declared by
law that no European should hold any public office under the Government
of Buenos Ayres.
The Count de Liniers, who had retired to Cordova, assembled a small
force, and determined to oppose the progress of the revolution in the interior
Before he had time to strengthen himself, his party was attacked and
totally defeated by the troops of Buenos Ayres; and he, with the bishop
the governor of Cordova, and four of the principal officers, fell into the hands
of the victors.
Either from the personal enmity of his judges, or from fear of his popu-
larity and extensive influence, which made it equally dangerous, at thai
on the road to the capital by a military commission, and were shot, after
being confessed by the bishop, who was forced to witness the execution of
his friends.
The expedition to Upper Peru was conducted by a commission; Castelle
was the member selected for this important command; he was one of the
earliest and most distinguished leaders of the revolution from the Junta of
Buenos Ayres.
The Indians were emancipated from the most oppressive services; the
auxiliary army, hailed by these unfortunate people and by the Creoles as
their deliverers, soon occupied the whole territory of the viceroyalty, and
the towns were invited to elect deputies to represent them in the Congress
about to be held at the capital.
In the mean time, the dissensions natural to a Government composed
of one numerous body broke out, and produced those factions which have
since divided their councils and distracted the state. They originated in the
personal animosities of the president of the Junta1 and of the Secretary of
State,2 a man of violent temper, ardent in his love of liberty, and too con-
scious of his superior abilities to brook control. As the secretaries had a
right to deliberate and vote in the Junta, he was enabled to oppose the
president in all his views, and obtained a decree depriving him of all distinc-
tion, except that of his presidency when sitting in Junta. On the arrival
of the deputies from the provinces, they were admitted into the Provincial
Government, and the spirit of party was augmented by this accession of
numbers. As they had been received contrary to the opinion of the secre-
tary, who contended that it defeated the intention of the election, which
had been to form a deliberative body, the president found no difficulty to
procure the secretary's banishment; he was sent on a mission to England,
and died on his passage.
The members of the opposition, unable to resist the president's party in
the Junta, determined to establish a club in the city, and, by uniting the
most factious of the military and citizens, control the measures of Govern-
ment. Aware of the probable effects of this combination against him, the
president had recourse to the most violent and unjustifiable measures to
destroy it. On the morning of the 5th of April, 1811, three regiments
devoted to his interest were drawn up in the principal square of the city.
The corporations were assembled, and the petition was presented to them
from two or three hundred peasants, who, in the name of the people, de-
manded the banishment of the members and officers most inimical to the
president. The corporation, awed by the military, reluctantly complied;
1 Don Cornelio Saavedra. 'Moreno.
476 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
the obnoxious persons were banished; the club abolished; and a. nurr
the citizens thrown into prison.
This impolitic measure was the commencement of those violent cl
which have so frequently retarded the progress of the revolution,
leaders of the army of Peru, which was now encamped on the frontiers
viceroyalty of Lima, declared against the revolution of the 5th of
and threatened to turn their arms against its authors. It was thoi
necessary measure of precaution on the part of the Junta to introduce c
among the chiefs, and their dissensions finally occasioned the entire
of that army, at the battle of Hualqui, when the royalists and p;
mutually accused each other of breaking an armistice. The news <
disaster, which well nigh proved the ruin of their cause, was receive*
joy by the reigning party in Buenos Ayres, who only saw in it the destr
of a formidable rival.
The Junta of Buenos Ayres had neglected to occupy the importanl
of Montevideo at the commencement of the revolution; and the S]
marine, which with equal oversight had been permitted to leave E
Ayres, rendezvoused there, and commenced hostilities against the .
they harassed the commerce on the rivers, and blockaded the pc
Buenos Ayres.
On the arrival of General Elio with the appointment of captain g
and viceroy of these provinces, he withdrew the blockade, and ma
attempt to get possession of the command, either as viceroy or as pre
of the Junta.
His proposals were treated with contempt by the Government of I
Ayres, and he shortly after despatched a small squadron to the Para
order to destroy some vessels belonging to Buenos Ayres, which wei
tioned there for the protection of the trade. This was effected, ai
blockade renewed. The British admiral did not consider the authoi
the viceroy sufficient to establish a legal blockade, and came down in ]
from Rio de Janeiro to insist upon the inviolability of the Britisl
After some negotiations with General Elio, he gave orders to the
mander on this station to protect the entrance of British vessels into ;
ports of the river La Plata. The blockade became, therefore, of no
and the squadron was employed in ravaging the coast, but returnee
time to time to bombard the city.
During these attacks, the Europeans in Buenos Ayres were harasse
mortified. The unmarried were banished, and those who remained
subjected to the most vexatious and humiliating regulations.
In the midst of these transactions, the inhabitants of the eastern sb
the river La Plata had been excited to revolt against the European a
:±: — • TVT j_ ;j._ _ t /--. . ^.. ... r
u. uy iaij.u>
"he expedition against Paraguay had failed of its object, and had served
y to irritate the inhabitants of that province ; and although they shortly
srwards expelled their European magistrates, and established a provi-
lal Junta, they have constantly refused all connexion with Buenos Ayres.
leral Elio, alarmed at the spirit manifested by the people of the eastern
re, and pressed by a besieging army, sent deputies to Buenos Ayres to
cit peace, offering to return to Spain, and stipulating that the town of
ntevideo should send a deputy to the Congress of Buenos Ayres, provided
vas suffered to remain independent of the Junta. The news of the
olution in Paraguay, which was received at the same time, prevented the
/eminent of Buenos Ayres from acceding to this proposal. Ignorant of
intention of the chiefs of that province, and presuming that they would
te in the common cause, they insisted upon the unconditional surrender
Montevideo. General Elio then applied for assistance to the court of
.zil: that cabinet, in hopes to realize their favorite project, and to obtain
session of Montevideo, immediately granted his request, and 2,500 men
•e ordered to pass the frontiers. In consequence of this measure, the
lation of Buenos Ayres became alarming. From the state of their
:ipline, the defeat at Hualqui proved a total dispersion of that army,
I the forces of Lima successively occupied La Paz, Potosi, and Cocha-
nba.
"he Portuguese troops advanced rapidly to the relief of Montevideo, and
it discontent reigned in the capital. In this state of affairs, it was
ught advisable that the president should proceed to Peru, in order to
ect their scattered forces, and, by his presence, restore the confidence
:he inhabitants of the provinces not yet occupied by the enemy. He
sented to this arrangement, and appointed to the command of the
rison, during his absence, those men who had served under him in the
olution of the 5th of April, and of whose attachment and fidelity he felt
.ire. He had scarcely left the capital before a town meeting was as-
ibled, which deposed him; they then named an executive of three,1 and
lared the Assembly of Deputies a deliberative body. In their eagerness
;hange, they neglected to secure themselves against the abuse of power.
?hey intrusted to the executive the right of enacting their own laws, and
mitted them to frame a constitution for their own government. The
slative assembly proved an intolerable restraint upon an executive
dished with such powers, and a pretext was soon found to dissolve that
Ly-
Chiclana, Sarratea, and Pasos were the members chosen upon this occasion. The
etariea of this Junta were Rivadavia and Perez.
Ayres should not be molested, and that the Portuguese forces should retii
to their own frontier. On the part of Buenos Ayres, the conditions of th
treaty were faithfully executed, and the territory of the eastern shore vr<
immediately evacuated by their troops. General Elio, who had discovers
the intentions of the court of Brazil, had been induced to conclude th
treaty from fear of so dangerous an ally ; but the commander of the Porti
guese army, who had been made a party in the treaty without being coi
suited, declared that he could not act until he received instructions froi
his court, and proceeded to fortify himself in Maldonado. Having faile
in this attempt to obtain possession of Montevideo, without which it w;
impossible to retain any part of the eastern shore, the Portuguese cou
sent an agent to Buenos Ayres, and concluded an armistice with th;
Government; in consequence of which, their troops evacuated the territoi
of La Plata.
The people of the eastern shore, who dreaded the vengeance of tl
royalists, to which they had been shamefully abandoned, deserted the
homes, drove off their cattle, and followed Artigas, their favorite leade
to the other side of the Uraguay.
Shortly after the return of the army from Montevideo, an unsuccessf
attempt was made, by the regiment of patricians, to effect a revolutio:
and to re-establish their former colonel the first president of the Junt
Although abandoned in the moment of execution by the officers who he
excited the revolt, they were not reduced until after a bloody conflict.
As soon as it was known in Spain that General Elio had concluded
treaty with Buenos Ayres, he was recalled; and his successor, Gener
Vegodet, who arrived with reinforcements, recommenced hostilities again
the revolutionary Government. The command of the army of Buen<
Ayres was intrusted to a member, Don Manuel Sarratea, of the executiv
who crossed the river at Santa F6, and again invested Montevideo.
A Government so constituted as that of Buenos Ayres, without restri
tions and without responsibility, could not long command the confidem
of the people, or exist in harmony.
The citizens were oppressed, and the rulers were entirely taken up wii
their own private animosities and disputes. These dissensions, as usu?
soon extended their effects to the armies before Montevideo. The inhabi
ants of the eastern shore separated their forces from those of Buenos Ayre
and the latter caballed against their commander-in-chief, dismissed hir
and appointed one of their own choice. The Europeans saw, in the
video, to get possession of the city.
This conspiracy was discovered on the eve of its execution, and thirty
of the principal conspirators were tried and executed.
In October, 1812, deputies arrived from the interior provinces to form a
Congress at Buenos Ayres; but differences arising between them and the
executive, the Assembly was dissolved on their first session.
The remains of the army of Peru had retired before the victorious troops
of Lima, until the want of means to continue their retreat forced them to
make a stand at Tucuman. On the 24th September, 1812, an obstinate
engagement took place, which, from the active co-operation of the inhabit-
ants of Tucuman, ended in the total defeat of the royalists.
Owing to the dissensions of the Government, the army of Peru was left
without the means of advancing, and could not profit by their success.
The discontent became general, and the party opposed to the Government
seized the opportunity to effect a revolution.
The military, so often the instrument of faction, again lent their aid, and
a new executive was appointed by a cabildo abiento, or town meeting.
Succors were at length sent to the army of Peru, which enabled General
Belgrano to advance and attack the royalists at Salta. In this action,
fought in February, 1813, the Spaniards were defeated with great loss;
and Belgrano, following up his victory, took Salta by assault, and captured
General Tristan, with the remains of the royal army. The prisoners were
released on their parole, which they immediately violated, and were again
incorporated into the army of Goyeneche. This general had commanded
the royal army in Peru since the memorable invasion of La Paz ; but being
forced to evacuate the territory of Buenos Ayres, by the approach of the
victorious army of Belgrano, he was recalled by the Viceroy of Lima.
The viceroyalty of La Plata was again freed from enemies, and the depu-
ties from the provinces and towns once more assembled at Buenos Ayres.
They assumed the title of the Sovereign Assembly, and conferred that of
supreme executive power upon the former superior Government, which
was composed of three persons.1 They declared the sole right of making
laws to be vested in the Assembly, and the executive to be responsible to
them for its acts.
One of the first decrees of the Sovereign Assembly manumitted the off-
spring of slaves born after February, 1813, and emancipated all slaves that
might be brought into the territory of La Plata after that period.
The slave-holders were called upon for every third slave, which were en-
rolled in the army of the republic. On this occasion many of the inhabitants
1 Pena, Perez, and Alvarez, jointly.
the war; and two regiments, called liberti, were formed of them: they
officered by whites.
Commissioners were sent by the Assembly into Upper Peru, to exam
into and report on the state of those provinces and of the army.
Towards the close of the year 1813 the arms of Buenos Ayres met w
serious reverses. The general of their forces in Upper Peru was indue
by false intelligence, to attack the army of Lima, although advantageou
posted at Vilcapugio, and was defeated with the loss of all his artille
Being pursued by the enemy, and eager to repair his losses, he riskec
second engagement at Ayuma, under the most unfavorable circumstances
which he was again defeated, and forced to retire below Salta, with the re
nant of his army.
The garrison of Montevideo had received supplies and reinforcements fr<
Spain; and, although they had been defeated in a sortie against the besieg
army, it was apprehended that a junction might be effected at Santa
of the victorious army of Lima with the disposable force in Montevid
The royal squadron having the command of the river La Plata rendei
this movement very practicable.
The party in power seized this opportunity to strengthen the Governme
They represented to the Assembly that an executive of three persons coi
not exert the energy and despatch called for by the present perilous siti
tion of the state, and proposed to vest the authority in one person.
This proposal was warmly discussed in the Assembly; but, the rnilitj
declaring in favor of the change, a Supreme Director was appointed. 1
Assembly was prorogued during the pleasure of the Director; and a cour
of seven, called the Permanent Council of the Sovereign Assembly, v
chosen to assist him.
The general who had commanded in Peru was superseded, and ord
were given to his successor to collect the scattered remains of that arn
and to fortify himself in Tucuman, whilst they determined to direct th
whole force against Montevideo. Aware of the importance attached
Great Britain to the trade of these colonies, and expecting to derive gn
advantages from opposing the commercial spirit of that nation to the jealc
colonial policy of Spain, they sent an agent1 to London; and even willii
at that time, to secure the favorable mediation of the English court
granting any privileges, they are said to have instructed their agent
declare that Buenos Ayres would rather be governed by a foreign prir
than submit unconditionally to Spain.
The same policy induced them to yield to the solicitations of the Engl
minister at Rio de Janeiro, who was desirous of adjusting the different
between Buenos Ayres and Montevideo, and had expressed a wish that 1
1 Don Manuel Sarratea.
fall of Buenos Ayres, and considered this measure as a proof of their weak-
ness, refused to receive or treat with them. This result had been forseen
by the Government, and great exertions had been made to fit out a squadron,
which might give them the command of the river: some stout merchant
vessels had been purchased, which were armed from the batteries of Buenos
Ayres and Ensenada, and manned by foreigners; and this fleet, immediately
on the return of the commissioners, appeared off Montevideo, this measure
did not excite much alarm in that place; it was supposed that armed mer-
chantmen would prove an easy conquest to national ships, and a squadron
was immediately despatched to attack and destroy them.
The event did not justify this opinion of their superiority. To their
astonishment, and dismay of the garrison of Montevideo, who witnessed
the action, the national squadron was entirely defeated; two only escaped
into port, and the remainder fell into the hands of the patriots. The viceroy,
finding himself pressed by superior forces, both by land and water, now
condescended to solicit a peace, which he had but a few days before rejected
with contempt; but the Government of Buenos Ayres retaliated his conduct
toward them, and refused to receive his commissions, or to open his des-
patches. He was soon after reduced to the necessity of treating with the
general1 of the besieging army.
It was agreed that the Government of Buenos Ayres should acknowledge
the regency, and send deputies to Spain. The town of Montevideo was to
be given up; the garrison to be sent to Spain; two thousand men to march
out with their arms, field-pieces, and ammunition, and to be encamped
until the conditions were carried into execution.
Whilst this treaty was pending, disputes arose between the troops of the
garrison and the armed citizens, who were violently opposed to the
capitulation.
The viceroy, finding it impossible to suppress these commotions, which
threatened the destruction of all parties, ordered the gates to be thrown
open, and admitted the army of Buenos Ayres. The two thousand men
were permitted to march out with the honors of war; and it was at first
supposed that the articles of the capitulation would be adhered to. They
were soon undeceived. The general of the besieging army published a
proclamation, in which he declared that, having entered the town before
the capitulation had been signed by either party, exposed to a ruse de guerre,
and to the risk of being attacked, he considered Montevideo to have been
surrendered at discretion to the arms of Buenos Ayres. The viceroy was
furnished with a vessel to carry him to Spain; but the garrison, consisting of
1 Don Carlos Alvear.
and property of the inhabitants were respected.
To the honor of Buenos Ayres, they have used their victories with modei
tion, notwithstanding the irritation which existed between the royalists a:
the patriots, and that the former have frequently disgraced themselves '
massacres in cold blood, and by the barbarous treatment of their prisone
The troops of Buenos Ayres have never sullied their arms by these sanguina
measures, not even in retaliation.
Montevideo had been defended with the utmost obstinacy for nearly fo
years, and not less than seven thousand persons perished during the sie$
principally by famine and disease. The victors acquired seven thousa:
stands of arms, five hundred pieces of artillery, and a profusion of warli
stores. An amicable arrangement was made with the inhabitants of t
eastern shore, and the troops were withdrawn in order to reinforce the arr
of Peru. It had been determined to destroy the fortifications of Montevide
which are formidable, from the place being situated on a very narrow peni
sula. It may be considered the key of the river La Plata, and, consequent
of the whole viceroyalty; and once in the possession of an enemy, partic
larly of a maritime Power, they could not expect to wrest it from them, n
could they defend it long against a regular force.
Moreover, in the present unsettled state of the country, it would prove
powerful engine of faction, and the military governor of Montevideo mig
dictate to the Government of Buenos Ayres, or involve the country in
civil war. The artillery and stores were to have been moved to Tucums
to which point the armies might retreat in the event of a formidable a:
irresistible invasion obliging them to abandon the coast.1
The Limanean army, which had advanced as far as Salta, on receivi
intelligence of the fall of Montevideo, retired precipitately upon Potc
The commanders of that army, led on by the hope of forming a juncti
with the troops of Montevideo, and of investing Buenos Ayres, in two i
stances abandoned the strong positions of Oruro and Potosi, which secur
to them the possession of Peru, and advanced towards the plains of Tuc
man. The first had weakened his army by leaving garrisons in the towi
and particularly in Orepera de Cochabamba, the capital of the most fert
and populous of the interior provinces.
The present commander, to avoid this fault of his predecessor, to whi
he attributed his defeat in Tucuman, left his rear and flank unprotected, a
exposed to the attacks of the Indians and cavalry of Cochabamba, whi
harassed his retreat. The revolution of Chili partook, in some degree,
the distinctions which mark the character of that people.
The Creoles of that kingdom saw and rejoiced in the success of Buer
Ayres. They wished to follow what they considered a noble example, fc
1 They neglected this precautionary measure, and this important fortress is in the hai
of the Portuguese.
Ovalle and Roxas were sent to Lima; but Vera, a native of Santa F6, in
the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, feigned himself sick, and from the castle of
Valparaiso, where he was confined, incited the Chilians to reclaim their
countrymen, and to protest against this act of oppression, which he repre-
sented as the prelude to a general persecution of the Creoles. He excited
their fears to such a degree that they gathered courage from despair, and
addressed a strong remonstrance to the captain general, which alarmed him,
and induced him to recall those gentlemen, whom he had accused of treason-
able practices, and of forming plans to separate the colonies from the mother
country.
These acts of weakness on the one part, and of firmness on the other,
decided the revolution. Encouraged by their success, the people declared
themselves openly; in the hopes of freedom, even family feuds were for-
gotten; all the Creoles of distinction in Santiago united, deposed the captain
general, and instituted a Provisional Government, which acknowledged and
acted in the name of the authorities of Spain.
They soon, however, assumed a bolder tone, and a Congress was assembled,
which governed in the name and behalf of Ferdinand VII.
On the 1st of April, 181 1 , the day appointed for the election of the members
for the capital, an attempt was made by some Europeans to restore the
ancient Government; an engagement took place in the principal square,
which ended in the total defeat of the royalists. The captain general and
the royal audience were implicated in this conspiracy, and, in consequence,
were banished the kingdom, and retired to Lima.
In the Congress, party spirit soon mingled with all their debates; the
provinces of Conception complained that they were not fairly represented,
and the affairs of the Government were neglected, in the animosities and
mutual accusations of the members.
The command of the artillery was in the' hands of a European, who was
supposed to be a partisan of the Princess Charlotte of Brazil. The Creoles
dreaded the power and influence of this man, and the three brothers Carrera
resolved to make an effort to wrest from him this important command.
The eldest, who was a major in the regiment of grenadiers, had distinguished
himself on the ist of April, and was a great favorite with the soldiery.
They chose the hour of the siesta for the attack, and, at the head of sixty
grenadiers, surprised the artillery barracks, and seized the commander.
After this action, some reform was made in the representation., and the
Congress commenced business by inviting all who were inimical to the present
order of things to retire from the kingdom.
They rendered the clergy inimical to the cause of independence, by for-
ports to commerce, and published commercial regulations.
The places of the alcaldes (members of the Cabildo) were, by the laws of
Spain, sold to the highest bidder. They were now made elective.
In this state of affairs, intelligence of the restoration of Ferdinand VII.
reached South America. The Government of Buenos Ayres, notwith-
standing they had changed the national flag and cockade, and had coined
money with the arms of the republic, had always issued their decrees in
the name of Ferdinand VII. It was resolved, therefore, to send a deputy
to Spain to proffer their allegiance, on conditions which would secure them
in the free exercise and enjoyment of their rights; and hopes were enter-
tained that the present administration would adopt a conciliatory policy
towards the colonies, in opposition to the violent measure of the regency.
These hopes were disappointed, and their agent returned to Buenos Ayres
without effecting his object.
The capture of Montevideo had put into their hands a valuable armament
and abundant warlike stores; and the ships, which had contributed so
materially to their success, were now employed to harass the commerce of
Spain. Some of their cruisers doubled Cape Horn, while others proceeded
to intercept the return of Spanish ships off the port of Cadiz.
Don Carlos Alvear, who had commanded the forces of Buenos Ayres
at the capitulation of Montevideo, ambitious to conclude the war in Peru,
induced the Supreme Director to appoint him general-in-chief of that army,
and left Buenos Ayres at the head of a large reinforcement. On the road
he was met by the unpleasant intelligence that the officers and troops refused
to receive him as their commander, and he returned with his forces to
Buenos Ayres. The Supreme Director was glad to resign his title to one
who had for some time exercised the chief authority. Alvear was, in
consequence, proclaimed Supreme Director in Buenos Ayres; but not being
acknowledged in the provinces, or by the army of Peru, the greatest confu-
sion prevailed in the state.
After the conquest of Montevideo, the Government of Buenos Ayres
concluded a treaty with Artigas; but, upon their afterwards sending him a
commission, he returned it, telling them that he desired his authority from
the free election of the people of the eastern shore; that the inhabitants of
that province were willing to be the allies, but would never submit to be the
vassals of Buenos Ayres.
The troops which were sent to reduce him to subjection not only failed in
their object, but were forced to abandon Montevideo. Artigas, after
JJO.LV.1H-VJL LW J.\-^wvv-Jl l.ni.a 1JU1JJVJJ. LCH1L JJWO L , U U I LUC (JiiH-CI. 3 UCHU.G l,»J CLli LUIUC*. -
standing with Artigas, and turned their arms against the Supreme Director.
Under these circumstances, and threatened by a revolt of the citizens,
Alvear withdrew his forces from Buenos Ayres, and encamped at a short
distance from the city. A town meeting was immediately assembled, which
deposed both the Supreme Director and the Sovereign Assembly, and
vested the authority in the Cabildo. The city was placed in a state of
defence, but Alvear, after some threats, resigned his command, and, with
his family, took refuge on board a British frigate then stationed in the river.
The Cabildo then appointed a Junta of Observation, published a new
constitution, and elected Rondeau, the general of the army of Peru, Supreme
Director. This officer, who had formerly refused to resign his command
to Alvear, preferred remaining at the head of the army, and a Supreme
Director pro tempore was nominated, until he should think proper to assume
his command. Another attempt was made to dispossess Artigas of Santa
F6, but the troops of Buenos Ayres were defeated with great loss. General
Pezuela, who had fortified himself in Oruro, having received reinforcements
from Lima, attacked the army of Peru on the 22d of November, 1815, at
Sipisipi, and, after an obstinate engagement, the patriots were forced to
retire.
The army of Buenos Ayres retreated to Salta, and the royal forces re-
mained in possession of all the upper provinces of Peru. The people were
displeased with the administration of the Supreme Director's substitute,
and, assembling tumultuously, they forced him to resign the command:
another was appointed, who was soon after treated in the same manner, and
the Government was then placed in the hands of a Committee of Safety.
The Congress, which had been convoked according to a provision in the
last estatuto, assembled in June, 1816, at Tucuman. They nominated Don
Juan Martin Pueyrredon Supreme Director, who immediately repaired to
Buenos Ayres and assumed the reins of government. Don Manuel Bel-
grano, who, since the battle of Velcapugio, had remained in retirement,
resumed the command of the army of Peru. The troops received with
enthusiasm the general who had so often led them to victory; who had
generously distributed to the widows and orphans of those soldiers who had
fallen in the battle of Salta the money voted to him by the Government of
Buenos Ayres as a reward for that distinguished service; and who had
preserved his political integrity amidst the changes of party and the in-
trigues of faction, and had manifested no other ambition than that of
devoting his life and fortune to the great cause in which he was engaged.
An army was assembled at Mendoza to protect that frontier against the
royal army which was in possession of Chili, and the command of this
of independence, in uecemoer itmuwmg, me A ^xtugutoc nwj,,- —
the territory of the eastern shore, which is claimed by that Governmenl
The invading army, after occupying the towns on the frontiers, took pos
session of Maldonado, and advanced upon Montevideo. This importan
military post was surrendered to them without opposition.
Artigas, with the desultory forces under his command, opposed in vaii
the progress of the invaders, but still continued to harass them by ever;
means in his power.
244
John Graham, Special Commissioner of the United States to South America, I
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
WASHINGTON, November 5, 1818.
SIR: Mr. Rodney having undertaken to draw up, for our joint signature
a report respecting the present situation of the country we recently visite<
under the orders of the President, and circumstances having prevented bin
from presenting it to me for perusal until his late arrival in this city, I wa
not aware until then that I should have occasion to present to you my individ
ual views on that subject. But, on an attentive perusal of the paper h
drew up, I found that, although there was not, perhaps, any important fac
on which we essentially differed, yet that some were stated of which I wa
not aware; and that we had taken views which it might be difficult to com
bine during the short time then allowed to us, and of which it might be prope
that you should be put in possession. Under these circumstances, I though
it better to submit to the disadvantage of hastily throwing my observation
together, and of presenting them separately, than to ask him to derange thi
general tenor of his report by introducing them into it.
The arrival of Mr. Bland, who will necessarily make a separate report
will, I trust, reconcile the President to the course I have taken, as, from s
combined view of what we individually state, he may, perhaps, be bette
enabled to draw his own inferences as to the actual situation and futur<
prospects of the country we visited, than from any just report in which w<
could all have agreed; as, under ordinary circumstances, that must hav<
been the result of a compromise of opinions, and would, probably, have ex
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 224.
detail, as I knew that the report of Mr. Rodney would furnish information
on points which I omit.
With great respect, I have the honor [etc.].
The country formerly known as the viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, extend-
ing from the northwestern sources of the river La Plata to the southern cape
of America, and from the confines of Brazil and the ocean to the ridge of the
Andes, may be considered as that which is called "the United Provinces of
South America."
Under the royal Government, it was divided into the intendencies or
provinces of Buenos Ayres, Paraguay, Cordova, Salta, Potosi, La Plata,
Cochabamba, La Paz, and Puno. Subsequently to the revolution, in the
year 1814, another division was made; and from the provinces of Cordova,
Salta, and Buenos Ayres were taken those of Cuyo or Mendoza, Tucuman,
Corrientes, Entre Rios, and the Banda Oriental. The others, it is believed,
retained their former boundaries, and, with the exception of Paraguay, are
generally called "Upper Peru."
This widely-extended country embraces almost every variety of climate
and soil, and is capable of almost every variety of production. A large part
of it, however, particularly on the west side of the river La Plata, and south-
erly towards Cape Horn, is deficient in wood, even for fuel, and in water;
that which is found is generally brackish.
Although three centuries have passed by since the Spaniards made their
first settlement in this country, and some considerable towns and cities have
grown in it, yet its general improvement and population have by no means
kept pace with them, for the lower provinces have been almost entirely
abandoned to the immense herds of cattle which graze on their plains, and
require only the partial care of a comparatively few herdsmen; and the
inhabitants of Upper Peru have been engaged more generally in the business
of mining than was favorable to improvement or population. Certain
small districts, having peculiar advantages, are said to be well cultivated,
and very productive; but agriculture has, in general, been very much neg-
lected. It is, in a great degree, confined to the vicinity of the towns and
cities, and may be said to limit its supplies to their demands. This state of
things, combined with the regulations of the former Government, the in-
fluence of climate, and the force of example, has stamped the character of
indolence upon that class of society usually considered as the laboring class.
The same causes have not operated (at least not with the same force) upon
the other inhabitants of the country; hence, they are more industrious and
more active. Their manners are social, friendly, and polite. In native
the revolution in 1810. The most immediate, perhaps, are to be found in
the incidents connected with the two invasions of the country by the British,
in the years 1805 and 1806, and in the subsequent events in Spain; as they
had a direct tendency to show to these people their own strength, and the
incapacity of Spain to give them protection or enforce obedience. The
groundwork was, however, laid in the jealous and oppressive system adopted
at a more early period by the Kings of Spain, whose policy it seemed to be to
keep within as narrow limits as circumstances would permit the intelligence,
wealth, and population of that part of America subject to their dominion,
as the surest means of preserving an empire which they considered the great
source of their wealth and power.
The revolution having been auspiciously commenced in the city of Buenos
Ayres, was warmly and zealously supported by the great mass of the people
descended from the Spaniards; but the native Spaniards, as well as those
domesticated in the country as those in the service of the King, were almost
all opposed to it, particularly at the time and under the circumstances it took
place. Dissensions were the immediate result, and their long-standing
jealousy and distrust of each other have, by subsequent events, been height-
ened into deadly hostility, which time alone can wear away. These dissen-
sions have been considered as one of the causes that produced those which
subsequently took place amongst the patriots themselves, and which have
been most serious obstacles to the progress of the revolution. Other ob-
stacles, however, have been presented by the royal Government in Peru,
which has hitherto not only been able to maintain itself there, but has found
means, by enlisting the native Peruvians into its service, to send, at different
times, considerable armies into the upper provinces on the La Plata, where
the war has been carried on from the commencement of the revolution to the
present day with various success; the great extent and peculiar character of
the country, and the want of resources, having prevented either party from
making a blow decisive of the contest. When we came away, the advantage
in that quarter was on the side of the Spaniards, as they were in possession
of the provinces of Upper Peru, which had, to a certain degree at least, joined
in the revolution, and some of which are represented in the Congress.
Everywhere else they have been obliged to yield up the Government and
abandon the country, or submit to the ruling power. The peculiar situa-
tion of Montevideo, on the east side of the river La Plata, open to the sea,
and strongly fortified, enabled the Spanish naval and military forces, at an
early period in the revolution, to make a stand there. They were ultimately
obably the effect, in part at least, of ancient jealousies, kept alive by the
dividual interests of particular leaders ; these have been followed by events
Iculated to produce a still greater alienation; and, although several at-
mpts have been made to bring about a union, they have hitherto been
isuccessful. The provinces of the "Banda Oriental" and the "Entre
os, " on the eastern side of the river, under the direction of General Artigas,
e now at war with those on the western side, under the government of the
mgress at Buenos Ay res.
This war has originated from a combination of causes, in which both
rties have, perhaps, something to complain of, and something to blame
emselves for.
General Artigas and his followers profess a belief that it is the intention of
e Government of Buenos Ayres to put them down, and oblige them to sub-
.t to such arrangements as will deprive them of the privileges of self-govern-
mt, to which they claim to have a right. They say, however, that they
2 willing to unite with the people on the western side of the river, but not
such a way as will subject them to what they call the tyranny of the city
Buenos Ayres. On the other hand, it is stated that this is merely a pre-
ct; that the real object of General Artigas, and of some of his principal
icers, is to prevent a union on any terms, and to preserve the power they
ve acquired, by giving an erroneous excitement to the people who follow
em; that it is wished and intended to place these provinces on a footing
th the others ; that the respectable portion of their inhabitants are aware
this fact, and anxious for a union, but are prevented from openly express-
£ their sentiments from a fear of General Artigas, whose power is uncon-
)lled by law or justice, and hence the propriety and necessity of aiding
em to resist it. Armies have accordingly been marched within the present
ar into these provinces; but they were not joined by a number of the in-
bitants, and were defeated with great loss.
This war is evidently a source of great injury and regret, and at the same
ne of extraordinary irritation to both parties ; for, independently of other
uses of recrimination, each accuses the other of having brought about that
ite of things which threatens to place a most important and valuable
rtion of their country in the hands of a foreign Power, who has invaded it
th a regular and well-appointed army, and is gradually taking posession
commanding points, from which it may be difficult for their united force
reafter to dislodge them. That they will unite, is, I think, to be calculated
, unless some event disastrous to the cause of the revolution itself takes
ice; for their mutual interest requires a union. But more of moderation
d discretion may be necessary to bring it about than is at this time to be
The city of Santa Fe, and a small district of country around it, ;
fuse to acknowledge the authority of the Government of Buenos Ay
In Paraguay, the events of the revolution have differed from those
other province, as the inhabitants of that country have uniformly i
the efforts of the other provinces to unite with them. After havin;
the Spanish placed over them to repel a military force which had be
to overthrow them, they themselves expelled from their country these ;
ities, and established a Government of their own, totally unconnect<
that of the other provinces, with whom they manifest an unwilling
keep up even a commercial intercourse. This has given rise to a susp
the minds of some that there is a secret predilection among them
ancient order of things. But, from, what is said of their cold and calc
character, from the safe position of their country, and its capacity to
its own wants, it is probable that their object is to husband their res
and profit by the exertions of others, without giving their own in aid o
and possibly, in case of ultimate failure, to place their conduct in a ]
jectionable point of view before the Government of Spain. Whatev
have been their motives, they have hitherto contrived to escape, in
measure, the evils of war.
Their resources in men and money are said to be considerable,
country is more independent of foreign supplies.
Their conduct furnishes a striking contrast to that of the people of '
Ayres, who entered into the revolution with unbounded zeal and <
and have ever been ready to meet the difficulties of so great an under
This circumstance, connected with their local situation, greater res
and more general information, and perhaps the fact of their having b
first to get power into their hands, have had the effect to give them
trolling influence over the revolutionary Government, which has no
to excite, in some degree, the jealousy of the other provinces, and a:
themselves a feeling of superiority little calculated to allay that je
Great evils were at one time apprehended from this state of things; 1
Congress which met at Tucuman, in March, 1816, composed of deputi
the several provinces then united, assumed the sovereign power of th
try, boldly declared its absolute independence, and adopted a pro1'
form of government, which is understood to have the effect of allayi
sensions, and of introducing a more regular administration of public
It will be seen, from the documents in your possession, that this pro^
constitution recognises many of the principles of free government, b
such drawbacks as are little calculated to enforce them in practice,
allowances are doubtless to be made for the circumstances of the tim
the danger and difficulty of tearing up ancient institutions, or of a<
vocates. It is generally admitted, however, that some changes for the
tter have been made. Much care seems to be taken to educate the rising
aeration ; and as those who are now coming on the theatre of action have
)wn up since the commencement of the revolution, and have had the ad-
ntage of the light thrown in by it, it is fair to suppose that they will be
tter prepared to support and administer a free government than those
lose habits were formed under the colonial Government of Spain.
The commerce and manufactures of the country have grown beyond its
riculture. Various causes, however, have contributed to lessen some
inches of manufacture since the revolution, but commerce is understood
have been increased by it. A much greater variety and quantity of for-
;n goods is imported, and a greater demand is opened for the productions
the country. The city of Buenos Ayres is the seat of this commerce,
om it, foreign and some domestic goods are spread through the interior,
far as Chili and Upper Peru, and, in return, the various productions are
iwn to it. This trade is carried on principally by land, as is that between
2 different provinces, though some small portion of it finds its way up and
wn the large rivers forming the La Plata, which is itself not so much a river
a great bay. The abundance of cattle, horses, and mules, and of some
ler animals peculiar to the country, which are used in the mountainous
jions of Peru, furnishes facilities for transportation not to be found in any
ler country so little improved; hence the price of transportation is very
v, and the internal trade greater than it otherwise would be, though it had
en materially lessened in some important branches by the war with Peru,
d the system adopted in Paraguay.
The export and import trade is principally in the hands of the British,
Dugh the United States and other nations participate in it to a certain
gree. It is depended on as the great source of revenue to the state;
nee they have been tempted to make the duties very high, and to lay them
on both imports and exports, with the exception of lumber and military
>res. This circumstance, connected with the fact that payment is de-
inded at the custom-house before the goods are delivered, has led to a
jular system of smuggling, which is said to be carried to great excess, and
ubtless occasions the official returns to fall short of the actual amount of
2 trade. This may be the reason why they were not given to us. The
:icles imported are almost every variety of European and East India goods,
incipally from England; rum, sugar, coffee, tobacco, cotton, and timber
»m Brazil; lumber of almost every description, codfish, furniture, gin, and
ne smaller articles from the United States, together with military stores,
lich, however, find their way into the country directly from Europe, and
ine lluranzas, or uins 01 tzreuit, issueu uy me vjuverimieut,, cue,
an article of traffic among the merchants, as they are received in payment of
one-half of the duties. No distinction is made in favor of the trade of any
nation, save only that the British merchants have some peculiar facilities
granted them in relation to their letters, which are an object of taxation, at
least so far as applies to those sent out of the country.
In the official statements given to us, and to which I beg leave generally to
refer for information as to the foreign relations, the productions, military and
naval force, revenue, and population, the latter is stated at one million three
hundred thousand, exclusive of Indians. This is understood as comprehend-
ing the population of all the provinces ; but as some of them are not under the
Government at Buenos Ayres, I have thought it proper to annex the several
estimates I collected of the population of each province, as they may serve
to give some general information on that point. The most immediate
difficulty felt by the Government, whilst we were in the country, seemed to
arise from the want of money; for, although the debt was small, their credit
was low. It had not been found practicable to adopt a system of finance
adequate to the exigencies of the times, though it would seem, from the
statement given to us, that the revenue of the last year exceeded the ex-
penses. The important events of the present year in Chili, of which you are
informed, will doubtless have the effect to raise the credit of the country, and
to lessen the pressure upon it, at least for a time, and will probably leave the
Government more at leisure to attend to its internal affairs.
When we came away, it was understood that a committee of the Congress
was engaged in draughting a new constitution, the power of forming and
adopting it being exclusively vested in the Congress. Whether it will
assume a federal or national character, is somewhat doubtful, as there are
evidently two parties in the country, whose views in this respect are very
different, and it is believed that they are both represented in the Congress.
The one party is in favor of a consolidated or national Government, the
other wishes for a federal Government, somewhat upon the principles of that
of the United States. The probability seems to be that although there
might be a majority of the people in the provinces generally in favor of the
federal system, it would not be adopted, upon the ground that it was not so
well calculated as a national Government to provide for the common defence —
the great object now in view. The same general reason may be urged,
perhaps, for giving to the latter, should it be adopted, less of a republican
the people may not be so well understood or attended to as they would
to. been had the people themselves had a more immediate agency in the
ur. It is not to be doubted, however, that it will at least have a republi-
L form, and be bottomed upon the principles of independence, which is
ttended for by all descriptions of politicians in the country who have
:en part in the revolution, and will, it is believed, be supported by them,
any event, to the last extremity.
rheir means of defence, of which they are fully aware, are, in proportion to
ir numbers, greater perhaps than those of almost any other people; and
: duration and events of the war have strengthened the general determina-
nt never to submit to Spain. This determination rests upon the recollec-
i of former sufferings and deprivations; upon a consciousness of their
lity to defend and to govern themselves; and upon a conviction that, in
e of submission on any terms, they would, sooner or later, be made to
[ the vengeance of the mother country. These considerations, doubtless,
/e the most weight upon the minds of those who have taken a leading part,
ey, of course, use all their influence to enforce them, and thus to keep up
: spirit of the revolution. In this they probably have had the less difficul-
as, although the sufferings of the people have been great, particularly in
itary service and in raising the contributions necessary for that service,
: the incubus of Spanish power being thrown off, and with it that train of
lowers who filled up almost every avenue to wealth and consequence, the
her classes have been awakened to a sense of advantages they did not
ore enjoy. They have seen their commerce freed from legal restraints,
ir articles of export become more valuable, their supplies furnished at a
rer rate, and all the offices of Government or other employments laid open
them as fair objects of competition. The lower classes have found their
ior more in demand and better paid for, and their importance in society
:ater than it formerly was.
Phey are yet, however, from their indolence, general want of education,
i the great mixture of "castes" among them, in a degraded state, but little
t in the affairs of the Government. The stimulus now given will operate
produce a change in them for the better, and, it is to be presumed, will
dually have its effect, as their docility, intelligence, and activity, when
led into service, give evidence that they are not deficient in natural or
ysical powers.
Labor, as it becomes more general, will become less irksome to individuals;
I the gradual acquisition of property, which must necessarily result from
.n such a country under a good Government, will doubtless produce the
ppy effects there which it has uniformly produced elsewhere, and more
extent of territory.
I am very sensible that I may have been led into errors of fact or infererj
In that case, I can plead honesty of intention, and the difficulty of collect
at a single point, and within a limited time, correct information, or of anal
ing that which was collected, respecting a people in a state of revolution, v
are spread over an immense country, and whose habits, institutions, s
language are so different from our own.
I have only to add, that we were politely received by the Supreme Dir
tor, who made every profession for our Government, and every offer of
commodation to us, as its agents, which we had a right to expect; and t]
the people manifested, on all occasions, the most friendly dispositions.
ESTIMATE OF THE POPULATION OF THE PROVINCES OF BUENOS AYRES, CORDOVA, TUCUMAN, MENDOZ/
CUYO, AND SALTA, UNDER THE NAMES OF THE DIFFERENT TOWNS OR DISTRICTS WHICH SEND
REPRESENTATIVES TO THE CONGRESS
Towns, &c.
By an imperfect
census taken,
it is believed, in
1815, excluding
troops and tran-
sient persons
and Indians
By more
recent
estimates,
excluding
Indians
Excluding
Indians
Includin
Indiana
98,105
105,000
120,000
250,000
75,000
75,000
100,000
45,000
45,000
20,000
Santiago del Estero
45,000
60,000
36,000
40,000
20,000
20,000
34,000
34,000
38,000
38,000
16,000
16,000
25,000
25,000
Salta,
50,000
50,000
Provinces of Upper Peru — •
100,000
120,000
200,000
Potosi,
112,000
112,000
250,000
I/a Plata, or Charcas
112,000
112,000
175,000
La Paz
300,000
•u f Under the name of Santa Cruz \
Puno, | de ]a Sierra Ouiro> j
Paraguay,
120,000
{30,000
150,000
50,000
300,000
Banda Oriental, and Entre Rios
50,000
NOTE. — It is not understood that any part of the province of Corrientes, or that of the city or distrii
Santa F6, is included in this estimate; and some districts of some of the other provinces may be omitted.
* Probably the town only.
t Under the various names of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Majos, and Chequitoa.
WASHINGTON, November 5, 1818.
i: I have the honor to present the report herewith enclosed, agreeably
e desire of Mr. Graham, who, on reflection, preferred submitting some
ional remarks in a separate paper. For this purpose, two of the docu-
s referred to in the report remain in his possession — Dr. Funes's
ne of Events in the United Provinces since the Revolution, and the
ifesto of Independence by the Congress at Tucuman.
Lave the honor [etc.].
[ENCLOSURE]
Report on the condition of South America
l\ I have now the honor to submit to your consideration my report on
ubject of the late mission to South America, embracing the information
-ed from the various sources within my power, so far as I had anoppor-
:y of improving the advantages possessed.
ith the history of the conquest of the Spanish possessions in America
must be familiar. They were principally, if not exclusively, achieved
irivate adventurers. When completed, a most oppressive system of
rnment, or rather despotism, was established by the parent country,
icse extensive regions were originally swayed by two viceroys. The
nions of Spain in North America were under the government of the
"oy of Mexico, and all her possessions in South America were subject to
:ontrol of the Viceroy of Peru.
te remoteness of some parts of the country from the residence of the
:oy of Lima occasioned, in 1718, the establishment of another vice-
Ity at Santa Fe de Bogota, in the kingdom of New Granada. In 1731
Granada was divided, and a number of the provinces composing that
iom were separated from it. These were put under the jurisdiction of
)tain general and president, whose seat of government was at Caraccas.
1568 Chili was erected into a separate captain generalship; in 1778 a
viceroyalty was established at Buenos Ayres, comprehending all the
iish possessions to the east of the Western Cordilleras, and to the south
.e river Maranon.
lis immense empire seems, according to the laws of the Indies, to have
considered a distinct kingdom of itself, though united to Spain and
merican State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 217. None of the several appendices
ioned in this report have been included in this present publication. Several are mem-
la and statistical tables* Moat of the important facts were incorporated in the reports
5 commissioners. Some contain communications between the various insurgent gov-
shts, which do not logically belong in the present publication.
annexed 10 une crown 01 v^asuit:. in uns ugui. IL is vieweu uy oarun
boldt, in his Essay on New Spain.
With some slight shades of difference in the regulations established in the
Governments, the prominent features of their political institutions exhil
a striking resemblance, as the general system was the same.
Their commerce was confined to the parent country and to Spani
vessels exclusively. They were prohibited, under the penalty of death,
trade with foreigners. The natives of Old Spain composed the body of th<
merchants. Though this part of the system had, previously to the revol
tion, been relaxed, in some degree, (particularly by the statute of fr
commerce, as it is styled,) the relief was partial, and the restrictions co
tinued severe and oppressive.
All access to the Spanish settlements was closed to foreigners, and ev<
the inhabitants of the different provinces were prohibited from intercour
with one another, unless under the strictest regulations.
The various manufactures that might interfere with those of Spain we
not permitted. They were prevented, under severe penalties, from raisii
flax, hemp, or saffron. In climates most congenial to them, the culture <
the grape and the olive was prohibited. On account of the distance of Pei
and Chili, and the difficulty of transporting oil and wine to these remo
regions, they were permitted to plant vines and olives, but were prohibit*
the culture of tobacco. At Buenos Ayres, by special indulgence of tl
viceroys, they were allowed to cultivate grapes and olives merely for tl
use of the table.
They were compelled to procure from the mother country articles of tl
first necessity, and were thus rendered dependent on her for the convenienci
of life as well as luxuries. The crown possessed the monopoly of tobacc
salt, and gunpowder.
To these oppressive regulations and restrictions was added an odioi
system of taxation. From the Indians was exacted a tribute in the shap
of a poll-tax, or a certain servitude in the mines called the mita. A tent
part of the produce of cultivated lands was taken under the denominatio
of tithes. The alcavala, a tax varying from two and a half to five per cen
on every sale and resale of all things moveable and immoveable, was rigidl
exacted, though in some cases a commutation was allowed. Royal an
municipal duties were laid on imports and on the tonnage, entrance, an
clearance of vessels, under the different appellations of almoxarifazgo, se*
alcavala, cerso, consulado, armada, and armadilla. To these may b
added the royal fifths of the precious metals, the most important tax in th
mining districts. Besides all these, there were stamp taxes, tavern license!
and sums paid for the sale of offices, of titles of nobility, papal bulls, th
composition and confirmation of lands, with a number of others of inferic
grade.
mmerous train of offices and orders, succeeded by the inquisition,
he posts of honor and profit, from the highest to the lowest, were filled
DSt exclusively by natives of Old Spain.
he principal code of laws thus maintaining the supremacy of Spain over
ie distant regions, almost locked up from the rest of the world, emanated
i the Council of the Indies, established by the King, in which he was
Dosed to be always present. The royal rescripts, the recopitationes of
Indies, and the partidas, furnished the general rules of decision; and,
n these were silent or doubtful recourse was had to the opinions of pro-
ional men.
his system was generally executed by the viceroys, captains general,
by the tribunals of justice, with a spirit corresponding with the rigorous
cy that produced it. To this form of government the country had for
:uries submitted with implicit obedience, and probably would have
tinued to submit much longer, but for events in this country and the
ages in Europe. The sagacious minds of many able writers, penetrating
' the future, had predicted at some distant date a revolution in South
erica before that in North America had commenced. From the period
he successful termination of our own struggle for independence, that of
inhabitants of the south has been with more confidence foretold; and
•e is reason to believe it has been hastened by this fortunate event.
: conduct of Spain, during the war of our revolution, was calculated to
ce a lasting impression on her colonies. This result was then foreseen by
lligent politicians ; many were surprised that she could be so blind to her
i interests after she had, on one occasion, manifested the strongest
)icion of Paraguay; for, to her scrupulous jealousy of this Power the
ulsion of the Jesuits from that country in 1750 is to be attributed,
'he wars that arose from the French revolution have produced in Europe
nges of the greatest magnitude, which have had an immense influence on
affairs of South America. When Spain joined France against the
ibined princes, she exposed her distant possessions to British hostilities.
! great naval power of England gave her ready access to the American
mies. Engaged in an arduous contest, she was prompted by her feelings
interests to retaliate on Spain the conduct she experienced from her
ing the war of our independence. Encouraged, perhaps, by the councils
icr enemies, the first symptoms of insurrection in the continental posses-
is of Spain were exhibited in the year 1797, in Venezuela. These were
ceeded by the attempts of Miranda in the same quarter, which were
ompanied, or were followed, since the vacillating state of the Spanish
narchy, by revolutionary movements in Mexico, Granada, Peru, Chili,
by the collected forces of the country under Liniers and Pueyrredon. Th
incidents fortunately gave to the people a just idea of their own streng
and they afterwards repelled, with a firmness and bravery that did th
great honor, the formidable attack of the British under General Whitloc
The wretched state to which Spain was reduced by the policy, the pov
and the arts of Napoleon, the resignation of Charles the Fourth in favoi
Ferdinand the Seventh, and the renunciation by both in favor of Napole
were productive of the most important results. They threw the kingd
into the greatest confusion. The alternate successes and disasters of
French armies produced a new era in Spain. The people, generally, revol
at the idea of being governed by the brother of Napoleon, to whom he 1
transferred the crown. Juntas were established, who acted in the name
Ferdinand, then confined in France, These were substituted for
ancient Cortes and the regular council of the nation, to which, in times
imminent danger, they ought to have recurred, agreeably to their usaj
Conflicting authorities produced a distracted state of affairs. In the see
that ensued the proper attention was not paid to the American provim
Their conduct towards them was versatile and inconsistent ; they were 1
sight of or neglected until it was too late. Conceiving they were abandoi
by the parent state, they thought it justifiable to act for themselves,
was not very long before the inhabitants of Buenos Ayres, embracing
example of their brethren in Spain, established a Junta, which assumed
reins of government, and finally, in the year 1810, sent off the Vice
Cisneros and his principal adherents. For a summary of events subsequ
to this period, until the time of my departure, I beg leave to refer to
"Outline" subjoined, (Appendix A,) from the pen of Dr. Funes, drawn
in part, at my request. Without vouching for the perfect accuracy of
work, I think, from the information received, it will probably be found
contain, in general, a correct and impartial sketch of the prominent trans
tions and occurrences.
In perusing this interesting document, I have to lament that its pa
are marked with some cases of severity and cruelty, which seem alrr
inseparable from great revolutions. It must, however, be consoling
observe, that they appear to have passed through that state which mi
possibly have rendered examples necessary, and to have arrived, perhz
at that stage when, the passions becoming less turbulent and the pec
more enlightened, a milder system may be expected to prevail.
Their dissensions have produced most of their calamities — in such seas
imenced its sittings in Tucuman in the year 1815, and adjourned in the
r following from thence to Buenos Ayres, where it remains in session,
upied with the task of forming a permanent constitution. This respect-
2 body, besides acting as a convention or a constituent assembly, exercises
iporarily legislative powers. Their sittings are public, with a gallery of
lience for citizens and strangers. The debates are frequently interesting,
[ are conducted with ability and decorum; they are published every
nth for the information of the people.
?he dispute with Artigas, the chief of the Orientals, has not been adjusted.
is, with a certain jealousy of the superior influence of the city of Buenos
res on the general affairs of the provinces, the conduct of the Government
Buenos Ayres towards the Portuguese, and the high tariff of duties which,
nderstand, have been since reduced, appeared to constitute the principal
ises of dissatisfaction at the time of my departure,
rhe declaration by Congress of that independence which they had for
ny years previously maintained in fact, was a measure of the highest
portance, and has been productive of a unanimity and a decision before
icnown. This summit of their wishes was only to be reached by slow
I gradual progress. The public mind had to be illumined on the subject
their pulpits, their presses, and their public orations. The people were
be prepared for the event; when the season arrived, they cut the knot
ich could not be untied. The declaration of independence was adopted
the directorship of Mr. Pueyrredon, on the 9th day of July, 1816. It was
;ceeded by an able exposition of the causes that extorted it, to justify to
;ir fellow-citizens and to the world the measure they had deliberately
ted to support with their fortunes and their lives.
Believing the latter paper might be thought worthy of perusal, a transla-
n has been annexed, (Appendix B.)
The salutary influence of this bold and decisive step was at once felt
•oughout the country. It gave new life and strength to the patriotic
ase, and stability to the Government. The victories of Chacabuco and
aipu, achieved by the arms of Chili and Buenos Ayres, have produced
d confirmed a similar declaration of independence by the people of Chili,
iich is also annexed, (Appendix C,1) and cemented the cordial union
.sting between the confederate states. The consequence has been that,
thin these extensive territories, there is scarcely the vestige of a royal
ny to be found, except on the borders of Peru.
Having thus, in connexion with the succinct account given by Dr. Funes,
iced the principal events since the revolution in Buenos Ayres, I shall
Dceed to state the result of the information received, according to the best
1 Not transmitted.
opinion I could form, ot the extent, population, government, ana resoun
of the United Provinces, with their productions, imports and exports, tra
and commerce.
The late viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres, of which that city was the metre
olis, was by many considered the largest as well as the most valuable of
the Spanish dominions in South America, extending, in a direct line, from
north to its south boundary, a distance of more than two thousand im'L
and, from its eastern to its western, not less than eleven hundred.
It was composed, at the commencement of the revolution, of the ni
provinces or intendencies following: Buenos Ayres, Paraguay, Cordo^s
Salta, Potosi, La Plata, Cochabamba, La Paz, and Puno.
Watered by the great river La Plata, and its numerous tributary strean
which afford an easy communication with countries of immense extent, ai
furnishing an easy access to the treasures of South America, it has alwa
been regarded by Spain as one of her most precious acquisitions. Enjoyi:
every variety of climate to be found between different and distant latitud<
and blessed with a large portion of fertile soil, it is capable of producing ;
that is to be found in the temperate or torrid zones. Immense herds
cattle and horses graze on its extensive plains, and constitute, at this tirr
their principal source of wealth. The mines of Potosi are also includ<
within its boundaries. There are no woods for a very considerable distan
from Buenos Ayres. No forest trees are to be seen on the widely-extendi
pampas, except at intervals a solitary umboo. After passing the Saladill
in a northerly direction, the woods begin; and, proceeding in the upp
provinces, the hills appear, and mountains rise in succession, interspers<
with rich valleys. On the east side of the rivers La Plata and Parana, tl
country is said to be very fine. The Entre Rios is represented as capable
being made a garden spot; and the Banda Oriental presents hills and dale
rich bottoms, fine streams of water, and, at a distance from the great rive
on the banks of the smaller streams, some excellent woodland. Betwe*
Maldonado and Montevideo, the east ridge of the Cordilleras terminates c
the river La Plata.
Since the revolution five more provinces have been erected, making, in a
fourteen within the limits of the ancient viceroyalty, viz: Tucuman, take
from Salta; Mendoza, or Cuyo, taken from Cordova; Corrientes; Ent
Rios, comprising the country between the Uruguay and the Parana; an
the Banda Oriental, or eastern shore of the river La Plata. The two la
were taken from the province of Buenos Ayres, which was thus reduced 1
the territory on the south side of that river. The subordinate divisions «
the country, with the principal towns, will be found in the appendix to th
report, with an account of the produce or manufactures of the differer
districts. (Appendix D.)
Of the fourteen provinces into which the ancient viceroyalty is no
lata, Cochabamba, La Paz, and Puno; and the nine following, inde-
2nt de facto of Spain, were in the possession of the patriots, viz: Buenos
s, Paraguay, Mendoza, Salta, Corrientes, Cordova, Tucuman, Entre
and Banda Oriental. But Paraguay and the city of Santa F6 act
icndently of Buenos Ayres — though Paraguay is not on unfriendly
3 with them, and it is hoped by some will before long join the union,
i Rios and the Banda Oriental, under General Artigas, in the character
ief of the Orientals, are in a state of hostility with Buenos Ayres.
mtevideo, the capital of the eastern shore, was occupied by a Portu-
: army, and a squadron of ships of war from Brazil blockaded the ports
)lonia and Maldonado, and prohibited the entrance of neutral vessels,
s they paid them the same duties on their cargoes that were charged
le importation of the goods when landed in the country,
e territory of the United Provinces is computed to contain one hundred
ifty thousand square leagues, though it probably exceeds that quantity,
lands occupied in the country, remote from the cities, are generally
srted by their owners into estancias, or large grazing farms for cattle,
:hacras for growing grain. The small farms, or quintas, in the neighbor-
of cities, are in fine order. Those around Buenos Ayres, which furnish
market with an ample supply of fruit and vegetables, are, by irrigation,
e highest state of culture.
e population, exclusive of the Indians, is now calculated at about one
>n three hundred thousand ; but adding the civilized Indians only, who
f great importance, it would, in all, probably exceed two millions,
e whole population consists of natives of Old Spain, and their descend-
born in the country, or, as they style themselves, South Americans; of
ins civilized, or unreclaimed, with different "castes," or mixed blood; of
ans, and their descendants, or negroes and mulattoes.
;ould not ascertain, with satisfaction, the population of the different
!nces; the province of Buenos Ayres contains about one hundred and
ty thousand, whilst the population of Entre Rios and Banda Oriental is
mted at fifty thousand.
.e city of Buenos Ayres contains a population of sixty thousand. The
)itants of this place appear to be an amiable and interesting people,
'are considered brave and humane; possessing intelligence, capable of
exertions and perseverance, and manifesting a cheerful devotion to
ause of freedom and independence.
:ere is also a certain mediocrity and equality of fortune prevailing among
, extremely favorable to a union of the popular sentiment in support of
ommon weal. Many industrious mechanics and enterprising merchants
generally speaking, poor, ana ratner inaoient,
when excited to action, they become zealous defenders of the liberties of the
country. They are capable of great improvement, and under the influent
of a good example, when a change takes place in their habits and manner c
living, they bid fair to become useful and industrious citizens.
The inhabitants of Cordova are said to be more superstitious and moi
industrious, but less patriotic. This is principally attributed to the loss <
the trade with Peru, occasioned by the revolutionary war.
Tucuman, I was informed, possessed an excellent population.
The people of Mendoza, or Cuyo, are moral, industrious, and patrioti<
They have sacrificed largely at the shrine of independence, supporting wit
zeal and confidence the cause of their country; whilst the citizens of Sant
Fe are represented as immoral and insubordinate, and manifesting on rnos
occasions an extreme jealousy of their neighbors.
The population of Entre Rios and Banda Oriental is, perhaps, not inferic
in valor to that of Buenos Ayres. Nor is it deficient in military skil
particularly in carrying on a partisan warfare, for which its troops ar
admirably adapted. Their other good qualities have been probably some
what impaired by the system pursued in that quarter, where they have bee
compelled to give up every thing like civil avocations, and to continu
without any regular kind of government, under the absolute control of
chief, who, whatever may be his political principles or professions, in practic
concentrates all power, legislative, judicial, and executive, in himself.
The General Congress of the United Provinces, assembled at Bueno
Ayres on the 3d of December of 1817, established, by a provisional statute,
temporary form of government, which will be found in Appendix, marked E
This Congress is composed of deputies from the different provinces. I
actually consists of twenty-six members ; but, as a representative is allowe
for every fifteen thousand citizens, it would be more numerous if all th
provinces had sent delegates in that ratio of population.
With some exceptions, and particularly of that palladium of our right
which is unknown to the civil law, the trial by jury, the provisional constitu
tion will be found, on an attentive perusal, to contain a distinct recognition c
many of the vital principles of free government. A church establishment
also, that of the Catholic faith, is contrary to our ideas of religious freedorr
though a measure adopted from necessity, perhaps, by them.
It declares that all power, legislative, judicial, and executive, resides in th
nation. The Congress are to be chosen by electors, who are to be voted fc
by the people in the primary assemblies. The Cabildos, or municipalities
are to be elected immediately by the citizens. It recognises the independ
ssor, and responsible for the execution of the duties of his office, which
efined and limited. In the oath of office, he is sworn to preserve the
rity and independence of the country.
e three great Departments — of State, of the Treasury, and of War — are
.ctly marked out, and their respective powers and duties assigned,
some subjects it enters more into detail than is usual with us, particu-
in those of their army, navy, and militia; but this, perhaps, in their
;ion, was necessary.
Drovides that no citizen shall accept a title of nobility, without forfeiting
haracter of citizenship.
provides, also, against general warrants, and the arrest of individuals,
s on probable proof of guilt.
:ontains a salutary provision, that a judge, having original jurisdiction,
e taking cognizance of a cause, shall use all possible means of reconciling
>arties. This constitution is but temporary. The Congress are en-
l in the task of forming a permanent one. In the mean time, no altera-
:an be made in the present, unless with the consent of two-thirds of the
aers. In this manner some alterations have been adopted,
e subject of a permanent constitution was before a committee of sixteen
Ders of Congress. There was a difference of opinion prevailing among
on the point of a confederated or a consolidated Government. If they
d adopt the former, they will frame the constitution, in all probability,
y after the model of that of the United States. Should they decide on
itter, it is highly probable they will incorporate the leading features of
Astern into their form of government. They seem to concur in the prop-
n to have a Chief Magistrate elected for a term of years, and a representa-
-.egislature, to consist of two branches — a Senate, to constitute the most
anent body; and a House of Representatives, whose term of service will
shorter duration.
rhaps it would be better for them to delay the completion of this all-
rtant task, after the example of the United States, until a period of
:. Their present provisional statute is an improvement on those which
ded it ; and we may expect their proposed constitution will be still more
ct, as they advance in the knowledge of those principles on which re-
can Governments are constituted.
t, however free in theory this provisional statute may be, it is undoubt-
true that, unless administered agreeably to its letter and spirit, it will not
i security to the citizen. Whether any infractions have occurred since
late of its existence, I cannot pretend to determine, not being in full
:ssion of the facts.
wnen we recollect tnat tney nave tne oenent 01 our example, it may reason-
ably be expected that they will, in general, adhere to their written constitu-
tion. They have, also, the fatal result of the French revolution, warning
them of the dangers of its excesses, of which they appear to be sensible.
The productions and the manufactures of the different provinces will be
found in Appendix D ; but I was unable to procure any satisfactory estimates
of the probable value or amount in each province. There is, however, a
considerable internal trade carried on, in the interchange of various articles,
between the several provinces: cattle, horses, and mules furnish a considera-
ble source of barter ; with the latter, Peru is usually supplied ; the Paraguay
tea is a great article of trade throughout the country; the brandy, wine,
raisins, and figs of Mendoza and San Juan, are becoming important; the hides
of oxen, the skins of the vaccina and granaco, with a number of fine furs,
afford valuable articles of exchange. These, with the foreign goods trans-
ported in every direction from Buenos Ayres very readily by oxen and mules,
which also furnish the means of carrying their native productions to their
seaports, form a branch of trade of great magnitude, considering the popu-
lation of the country.
Their exports are calculated, with some degree of accuracy, at ten millions
of dollars. These consist, principally, of ox hides, jerk beef, and tallow, the
present great staples of the country; a variety of furs and peltry, some grain,
copper, mostly brought from Chili, with gold and silver in bullion, and in
coin, chiefly from the mines of Potosi.
The imports are computed to be about equal to their exports ; British manu-
factures form the principal mass, and they are to be had in great abundance.
They consist of woollen and cotton goods of every description, some of them
wrought to imitate the manufactures of the country; ironmongery, cutlery,
hardware, saddlery, hats, porter, ale, and cheese, are among the remaining
articles.
From the United States they receive lumber of all kinds, and furniture of
every description, coaches and carriages of all sorts, codfish, mackerel,
shad and herring, leather, boots and shoes, powder, and munitions of war and
naval stores, ships and vessels, particularly those calculated for their navy
or for privateers.
From Brazil they receive sugar, coffee, cotton, and rum.
From the north of Europe they receive steel and iron, and from France a
number of articles of its manufacture.
Their foreign commerce is principally carried on by British capitalists,
though there are some Americans, a few French, and other foreign mer-
chants, also settled at Buenos Ayres; they are all placed, I believe, on the
same footing of equality.
The revenue of the state may be estimated at about three millions of
dollars annually; but their system of finance is very imperfect, and, although
their debt is small, their credit is low. They have hitherto avoided the issu-
ing of paper money, and they have established no bank; but they have some-
times anticipated their revenue, by giving due bills receivable in payment for
duties on goods imported or articles exported. The impost furnishes the
principal part of the revenue. A copy of their tariff, as at first established,
was some time since transmitted, I believe, to the Department of State; in.
this, the duties were generally specific and high, I understand they have
been lately reduced, as their exorbitancy had occasioned much smuggling.
Voluntary contributions from those friendly to the revolution, and forced
loans from the old Spaniards, have constituted another portion of their funds.
To show the public capital adequate to all exigencies, their different civil,
military, and naval establishments have been taken into view, and are com-
prised in the estimate furnished — a thing unusual with us; but they have
omitted their public lands, which, if a prudent use be made of them, must at
no distant day become a very productive source of revenue to the state.
The mines of Potosi, which in all probability will very soon fall into their
hands again, may furnish them with a considerable supply of the precious
metals. It is stated, on respectable authority, that so late as the year 1790,
the amount of gold and silver coined at Potosi in that year was calculated to
have been $299,846 in gold, and $2,983,176 in silver.
The state of their army, and the condition of their navy, will be seen by a
reference to the original return presented. (Appendix F.1)
Their army is composed of regular troops, ciorcos, and militia; in one or
other of these classes, they are educated to the military art, and, as far as I
had an opportunity and was capable of judging, they appeared to be well ac-
quainted with the elements of their profession. Their forces, according to
the paper furnished, are estimated at nearly thirty thousand men. They are
composed of 1,296 artillery, 13,693 infantry, and 14,768 cavalry, of which
12,143 are troops of the line, 7,041 are ciorcos, and 10,573 militia. These
form the different armies of the centre of Peru, of the Andes, of Cordova, and
the auxiliary forces in the Entre Rios. This statement, however, only in-
cludes the militia of the province of Buenos Ayres itself. Their supply of
arms and munitions of war is ample, as will be seen by the statement annexed
on that subject.
Their navy is small, and some of their vessels are laid up in ordinary. A
list of them, as well as of their privateers, will be found in Appendix F.1 Their
private armed vessels are subjected to very strict regulations, agreeably to
their prize code, which is among the original papers presented and herewith
delivered. It may be proper in this place to introduce the subject of the ir-
regular conduct of the privateers under the patriot flag, against which the
commissioners were directed to remonstrate. Having taken an opportunity
of explaining to Mr. Tagle, the Secretary of State, the proceedings of our
1 The document referred to is not sent.
structions, the commissioners embraced a suitable occasion to urge the just
cause of complaint which the malpractices of private armed vessels, wearing
the patriot colors, had furnished our Government; on both topics, they had
long and interesting conversations. With the conduct of the Government
respecting Amelia island and Galvezton Mr. Tagle expressed himself per-
fectly satisfied, and he disclaimed for his Government any privity or partici-
pation in the lodgements made at those places, by persons acting in the name
of the patriots of South America. In reference to the acts of cruisers under
the patriot flags, he said he was sensible that great irregularities had occurred,
though his Government had done every thing in their power to prevent them,
and were willing, if any instance of aggression were pointed out, to direct an
inquiry into the case, and, if the facts were established, to punish those con-
cerned, and redress the injured individuals. He professed his readiness to
adopt any measures that would more effectually prevent a recurrence of
such acts, in which he expressed his belief that the privateers of Buenos
Ayres had rarely participated, though the character of the Government had
suffered from the conduct of others. He stated that they had on one oc-
casion sent out some of their public vessels to examine all cruisers wearing the
Buenos Ayrean flag, to see that they were lawfully commissioned, and to
ascertain whether they had violated their instructions.
Among the causes of dissatisfaction to which I have alluded, the pre-
ponderance of the capital has been mentioned. Its great weight in the scale
of national affairs is to be ascribed to its greater exertions in the national
cause. These are owing to its comparative wealth, and to its active, in-
telligent, and enterprising population. The armies that have been raised in
this city and the neighboring country, with the supplies in money and muni-
tions of war drawn from these sources, have been truly extraordinary.
It would be a difficult task to make an exact calculation, or to form even a
probable estimate, but all seemed to concede the superior merit claimed on
account of their exertions, when compared with their wealth and population;
and it is not unlikely that Buenos Ayres has, in consequence, assumed a
higher tone, and acquired a controlling influence, which she has sometimes
abused.
Another source of discontent is, the unfortunate dispute between the Ban-
da Oriental and Buenos Ayres, which had also an influence on the proceed-
ings of the latter towards the Portuguese.
The original cause of division may be traced to a jealousy long subsisting
between the rival cities of Montevideo and Buenos Ayres. This has become
habitual, and has extended to the country. Private interests and personal
views have also increased their dissensions.
General Artigas (who bears the character of chief of the Orientals, as has
been already stated, and has also assumed that of the Protector of the Entre
DOCUMENT 245: NOVEMBER 5, l8l8 507
Rios and Santa Fe) was originally, in the royal service, a captain in a pro-
vincial corps. In this he continued for some time after the revolution had
commenced at Buenos Ayres. But in the year 1811, taking offence, as it is
said, at some conduct of the Spanish commandant of Colonia, he abandoned
the royal cause, and entered into the service of the patriots. So early as the
year 1813, when acting against Montevideo, he became dissatisfied with
Sarratea, the commander-in-chief from Buenos Ayres. On his removal
from the head of the army, he quarrelled with General Rondeau, who it was
supposed would have been acceptable to him, and finally withdrew, before
the siege of Montevideo was finished under General Alvear. For this con-
duct, Posadas, when he succeeded to the government, treated him as a
deserter from their service. By a proclamation, he offered a reward for his
apprehension, and set a price upon his head — an act which General Artigas
never forgot or forgave.
During the subsequent directorship of Alvear, he induced the Cabildo of
Buenos Ayres to issue a similar proclamation against General Artigas.
When Alvear was dismissed, the people of Buenos Ayres endeavored to atone
for their conduct by burning, with every mark of ignominy, the degrading
proclamation. They also addressed a conciliatory letter to the general, and
received from him a corresponding answer. These were preliminary to a
fruitless attempt at reconciliation, made by the director ad interim, Colonel
Alvarez, who succeeded Alvear. The correspondence on this occasion is an-
nexed. (Appendix H.) Other endeavors to reconcile him have failed, not-
withstanding the changes in the office of Director at Buenos Ayres. On one
occasion, the proposition was made that the Banda Oriental should remain
independent of Buenos Ayres, and merely send deputies to the General Con-
gress to concert measures against the common enemy. On another, when
the Portuguese army was approaching the frontiers of the Banda Oriental,
an effort was made by Pueyrredon to reconcile him, and to unite him in the
common defence. Ample supplies of arms and munitions of war were offered
and some furnished; but this attempt also failed.
In order that a fuller view of this subject may be had, I have subjoined a
translated copy of an animated letter from General Artigas to Mr. Pueyrre-
don. (Appendix I.) It is but justice to add, that General Artigas is
thought, by persons entitled to credit, to be a firm friend to the indepen-
dence of the country. To express a decided opinion on this delicate question
would scarcely be expected of me, as my position did not command a view of
the whole ground. I had not the satisfaction to be derived from a personal
interview with General Artigas, who is, unquestionably, a man of rare and
singular talents. But if I were to hazard a conjecture, I think it not im-
probable that in this, as in most family disputes, there have been faults on
both sides. It is to be lamented that they are in open hostility. The war
sent to compel them to join the common standard. Very soon afterwards
they expelled the royalists, and set up for themselves. Since this period,
they appear to have adopted a partial non-intercourse system. But Buenos
Ayres, on one occasion, succeeded in obtaining an understanding with them,
Some suspect that they are secretly inimical to the existing order of things,
and wish to keep themselves within their shell in case of a change, that thej
may profit by future events ; others calculate with some confidence on theii
ultimate union with Buenos Ayres, with which, at present, they indulge a
limited and reluctant intercourse. Paraguay is under the immediate
control of a person named Francia, who styles himself Dictator oi
Paraguay.
From the domestic concerns of the provinces we naturally turn to theii
foreign relations. On this subject the commissioners were informed that
they had nothing more than a friendly understanding with any foreigr
nation. With the Portuguese Government they concluded an arrangement
in 1812, under the mediation, it is said, of the British, with respect to the
Banda Oriental. They have since had a correspondence with them on the
subject of their entrance into that province, and the forcible occupation by
a Portuguese army of the city of Montevideo, of which a copy is annexed
(Appendix I.) This will present the state of affairs between Buenos Ayres
and the Brazils, which has been the theme of much discussion. The superioi
naval force of the Portuguese stationed in the river La Plata could have
effectually blockaded all the ports of Buenos Ayres. By this means the}
would have prevented supplies of arms and munitions of war, and entirely
destroyed the great source of revenue to the state, the duties on imports
and tonnage, at a season when money was much wanted: for, about this
period, Buenos Ayres had a powerful army to contend with on the side oi
Peru, and had taken the burden of the renewed contest of Chili with Spain
Under such circumstances, they were in some measure obliged to adopt s
cautious and moderate policy. Their conduct in this respect seems to have
been coerced. Their unhappy state with the Orientals had also an influence
on their measures; they alleged that the restless conduct of Artigas had
furnished the Portuguese with a pretext for the invasion; but it is probable
that they will ultimately break with the Government of Brazil.
The British Government have, through their official agents, entered intc
commercial stipulations with General Artigas, as the chief of the Orientals
ing, from England and other Powers, it is said, assistance of every kind
L recognition of their independence. England has a consul, who,
icr naval commander on that station, appeared to conduct the con-
ial affairs of the British cabinet with the Government of Buenos
at effects the victory of Maipu will produce abroad, it would be
ious in me to conjecture. Whether, like the capture of Burgoyne,
procure for the United Provinces foreign alliances, I cannot pretend
m a source which is entitled to credit, I was informed that the raising
mbarcation of Osorio's army in Peru was not accomplished without
s difficulties. Alternate force and persuasion were used to collect
and nothing but the name, character, and promises of their general
have induced them to go on board of the vessels prepared for the
se at the port of Callao. Some of them were actually in a state of
y, notwithstanding they were told they would be received with open
by their brethren in Chili.
i forces finally embarked, agreeably to an account furnished by a
;man of undoubted veracity on the spot, consisted of the following
Company of artillery, _
Company of sappers and miners,.
igiment of Bruges
igiment of San Carlos, infantry, .
igiment of Arequipa
•equipa dragoons
mas.
70
81
900
907
1,000
1 60
'44
3,262
s army was composed of all the regular soldiers they could spare from
who were united at Talcaguna to the royal forces left in Chili. By
attle of Maipu it has ceased to exist. The probable effects in Peru,
>ther parts of South America, may be conjectured, but cannot be
ed. The same gentleman who has been mentioned, and who is
rsant in Peruvian affairs, apprehended that important changes
[ result.
innot conclude this paper without drawing your attention to a rapid
y of the reforms and improvements in the province of Buenos Ayres,
ced by the revolution, and its influence on knowledge, society, and
ers.
1 Not transmitted.
state of society. The difference in the freedom of acting and thinking which
preceded the revolution must necessarily be great. The freedom of com-
merce must have given a spring to exertions of native enterprise and intelli-
gence; while the active scenes of war and politics, for the last ten years,
have awakened the genius of the country which had so long slumbered.
The generation now on the stage may almost be said to have been reared
under a new order of things. The common stock of ideas among the people
has been greatly augmented, the natural consequence of the important
political events which daily transpire, and in which every man, like the
citizen of Athens, feels an interest. The newspapers are everywhere
circulated, together with the manifestoes of the Government, which is
obliged to court the approbation of public opinion on all measures of mo-
ment. It is not very unusual for the same countryman, who, a few years
ago, never troubled himself about any thing beyond the narrow circle of his
domestic concerns, to purchase a newspaper on coming to town, as a matter
of course, and, if unable to read, to request the first one he meets to do him
that favor. The country curates are, moreover, enjoined to read the news-
papers and manifestoes regularly to their flocks. The spirit of improvement
may be seen in every thing. Even some of those who are under the influence
of strong prejudices against the revolution frequently remark the changes
for better which have taken place. Their habits, manners, dress, and
mode of living, have been improved by intercourse with strangers, and the
free introduction of foreign customs, particularly English, American, and
French. Great prejudices prevail against whatever is Spanish. It is even
offensive to them to be called by this name; they prefer to be identified
with the aborigines of the country. The appellation which they have
assumed, and in which they take a pride, is that of South Americans.
A powerful stimulus must necessarily have been given to their industry
by two important circumstances — the diminution in prices of foreign
merchandise, and the great increase in value of the products of the country,
with the consequent rise of property. Though the grounds in the neighbor-
hood of cities are highly improved, as I have already stated, agriculture,
comparatively speaking, is in a low condition. In general, the lands are
badly tilled; the plough is rarely used, and the substitute is a very indifferent
one. But, notwithstanding the disadvantages of the present method of
culture, I was informed by reputable persons that the average crop of wheat
is not less than fifty bushels per acre in good seasons.
On the subject of religion, especially, the change in the public mind has
been very great. ' The Catholic faith is established as that of the state; but
there are many advocates, both in conversation and in writing, of universal
toleration. Some members of Congress are said to be strongly in favor of it;
but the ignorant and superstitious part of the people, together with the
no sects in the country, such a provision may wait the progress of liberality
in public opinion. In fact, the human mind has been set free on all matters
of a general abstract nature, although the liberty of the press is circum-
scribed, in some degree, with respect to strictures on public measures and
men, and the established religion; but there is neither inquisition nor
previous license. They acknowledge the Pope as a spiritual head merely,
and do not think him entitled to any authority to interfere in their temporal
concerns. His bull in favor of the King of Spain against the colonists, which
may be almost regarded as an excommunication, produced little or no
sensation.
The number of monks and nuns never was very great in Buenos Ayres,
when compared with other portions of the Spanish dominions. They have
diminished since the revolution. There was at one time a positive law
passed forbidding any one to become a monk or a nun ; but they were obliged
to repeal it, and it was afterwards passed with some modifications. The
restrictions substituted, aided by public opinion, have nearly produced the
desired effect. Few of the youth of the country apply themselves to the
study of theology, since other occupations much more tempting to their
ambition have been opened to their choice. Formerly, the priesthood was
the chief aim of young men of the best families who were desirous of distinc-
tion, as, in fact, it constituted almost the only profession to which those who
had received a liberal education could devote themselves ; which will readily
account for the circumstance of so many of the secular clergy directing their
attention at present almost exclusively to politics. The regular clergy, who
are not permitted by the nature of their profession to take part in the busi-
ness of the world, or to hold secular offices, are many of them Europeans;
but those of them who are natives take the same lively interest in passing
events with the other classes of the community.
They have gone cautiously to work in reforms in the different branches
of their municipal laws and the administration of them. The number of
offices has been considerably diminished, and responsibility rendered more
direct and severe. The judiciary system has undergone many improve-
ments, and nearly all the leading features of the law which did not harmonize
with the principles of free government have been expunged, though some of
the former evils still remain. The barbarous impositions on the aborigines
have been abolished ; the odious alcavala and other obnoxious taxes modified
so as no longer to be vexatious; slavery and the slave trade forbidden in
future; and all titles of nobility prohibited under the pain of the loss of
citizenship. The law of primogeniture is also expunged from their system.
In the provisional statute, as has already been stated, nearly all the principles
much at first. They have followed the plan of the United States in th«
introduction of gradual reforms, instead of resorting to violent and stidder
innovations and revolutions.
Next to the establishment of their independence by arms, the educatior
of their youth appears to be the subject of the most anxious interest. The}
complain that every possible impediment was thrown in the way of educa-
tion previous to the revolution ; that, so far from fostering public institutions
for this purpose, several schools were actually prohibited in the capital
and the young men were not without restraint permitted to go abroad foi
their education. There was a college at Cordova, at which those destined
for the bar or the priesthood completed their studies upon the ancient
monkish principles. Another, called San Carlos, (now the Union of the
South,) had been opened at Buenos Ayres, but was afterwards converted
into barracks for soldiers. It is an immense building, more extensive,
perhaps, than any which has been dedicated to learning in this country,
and it has lately been fitted up at very great expense. The school was tc
have been opened in May or June last on a more modern and liberal plan oJ
discipline and instruction. The library of the state is kept in an adjoining
building; it occupies a suite of six rooms, and contains nearly twenty thou-
sand volumes, the greater part rare and valuable. It is formed out of the
library of the Jesuits, the books collected in the different monasteries,
donations from individuals, and an annual appropriation by the Govern-
ment, and contains works on all subjects and in all the languages of the
polished nations of Europe. A very valuable addition has been lately
made of several thousand volumes, brought to Buenos Ayres by M. Bon-
pland, the companion of the celebrated Humboldt.
Besides the University of Cordova, at which there are about one hundred
and fifty students, there are public schools in all the principal towns, sup-
ported by their respective corporations. In Buenos Ayres, besides an acad-
emy, in which are taught the higher branches, and the college before
mentioned, there are eight public schools, for whose support the corporation
contributes about seven thousand dollars annually; and, according to the
returns of last year, the number of scholars amounted to eight hundred and
sixty-four. There are five other schools, exclusively for the benefit of the
poor, and under the charge of the different monasteries; these are supplied
with books and stationery at the public expense. There are also parish
schools in the country, for the support of which a portion of the tithes has
been lately set apart. It is rare to meet with a boy ten or twelve years of
ment, at Jtsuenos Ayres and lucuman, at wnicn tnere are a considerable
number of cadets.
There are no prohibited books of any kind ; all are permitted to circulate
freely, or to be openly sold in the bookstores; among them is the New
Testament in Spanish. This alone is a prodigious step towards the eman-
cipation of their minds from prejudices. There are several bookstores,
whose profits have rapidly increased ; a proof that the number of readers has
augmented in the same proportion. There had been a large importation of
English books, a language becoming daily more familiar to them. Eight
years ago the mechanic art of printing was scarcely known in Buenos Ayres ;
at present, there are three printing offices, one of them very extensive, con-
taining four presses. The price of printing is, notwithstanding, at .least
three times higher than in the United States; but as there is no trade or
intercourse with Spain, all school books used in the country, some of them
original, are published at Buenos Ayres ; the business is therefore profitable,
and rapidly extending. There are many political essays, which, instead of
being inserted in the newspapers, are published in loose sheets ; there are also
original pamphlets, as well as republications of foreign works. The con-
stitutions of the United States and of the different States, together with a
very good history of our country, and many of our most important state
papers, are widely circulated. The work of Dean Funes, the venerable
historian of the country, comprised in three large octavo volumes, con-
sidering the infancy of the typographic art in this part of the world, may be
regarded as an undertaking of some magnitude.
There are three weekly journals, or newspapers, published in the city,
which have an extensive circulation through the United Provinces. They
all advocate the principles of liberty and republican forms of government,
as none other would suit the public taste. The year before last, it is true,
one of the papers ventured to advocate the restoration of the Incas of Peru,
with a limited monarchy; but it was badly received. No proposition for the
restoration of hereditary power, of any kind, as far as I could learn, will
be seriously listened to for a moment by the people. Even the ordinary
language has changed. They speak of "the state," "the people," "the
public," "country," and use other terms, as in the United States, implying
the interest that each man takes in what appertains to the community.
The first principle constantly inculcated is, "that all power rightfully
emanates from the people." This, and similar dogmas, form a part of the
education of children, taught at the same time with their catechism. It is
natural that the passion for free government should be continually increas-
ing. A fact may be mentioned to show the solid advancement they have
cease.
Rather than disturb the order of society, they will endure with patience
until the time arrives for effecting a regular and constitutional change.
Since the election of the present Director, none of these tumults, before so
frequent, have occurred. These tumults have seldom been attended with
bloodshed; yet they produce great confusion and disorder, and give rise to
habits of insubordination, at the same time that they are ruinous to the
character of a nation.
The viceroyalty of Buenos Ayres differed from the rest in one important
particular. It contained no nobility; or, if any, very few. This may be
regarded as a favorable circumstance in their society. Another favorable
feature, very necessary to the successful administration of their affairs, is
the conduct of many individuals, who have filled the highest office of state,
in descending from that dignified situation to inferior posts, and discharging
their duties with alacrity. Thus we behold General A. Balcarce, who was
formerly Director, acting as second in command to Colonel San Martin;
Colonel Alvarez, also a Director at one period, now serving in the staff under
the chief of that department, General Azcuenega; and General Rondeau,
once elected to the chair of state, is at present employed in a minor office.
There are others, who have occupied the same elevated post, who have
retired to the station of private citizens.
The general capacities of the United Provinces for national defence are
also important, in many respects. The nature and extent of the country
afford the inhabitants numerous advantages over an invading army. The
ease with which their herds of cattle may be driven to distant places, beyond
the reach of an enemy, and the rapid movements the troops of the country
can make, from the ample supply of horses and mules, are circumstances of
great consequence in a military view. Even the towns not fortified, from
the manner in which they are built, and from the construction of their
houses, furnish powerful means of defence, as the British army under
General Whitlocke experienced, in their attack on Buenos Ayres.
I am sensible that, in the course of these statements and remarks, some
inaccuracies and errors must have occurred; but they have been uninten-
tional. I have only to add, that the reception of the commissioners at
Buenos Ayres by the Chief Magistrate was friendly and flattering. From
every class they met with a cordial welcome. The people, in general,
appear to be very much attached to the American character, and to the
Government and citizens of the United States.
paper.
I have the honor [etc.].
246
David C. de Forest^ Agent of the United Provinces of South America at George-
town, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States1
GEORGETOWN, December p, 1818.
I have the honor to announce to Mr. Adams that I have again arrived in
this District, in order to renew my solicitations to be accredited by this
Government as the consul general of the United Provinces of South America,
founding my claim on the credentials from my Government, which were
laid before the President in the month of May last.
The information recently acquired by this Government respecting the
provinces of South America, I presume has established the fact beyond a
doubt, that Buenos Ayres, their capital, and a large proportion of their
territory, are and have been free and independent of the Government of
Spain for more than eight years, and possess ample ability to support their
independence in future ; that a regular system of government is established
by their inhabitants, who show themselves, by the wisdom of their institu-
tions, sufficiently enlightened for self-government; and that they look up
to this great republic as a model, and as to their elder sister, from whose
sympathies and friendship they hope and expect ordinary protection at least.
The messages of the President of the United States, as well the last as
the present year, have created a general belief that the United States have
placed us on an equal footing with Spain, as it respects our commercial
operations; but, sir, it is found not to be the case. A consul of Spain is
known and respected as such by your tribunals of justice, which enables him,
ex, officio, to protect and defend the interests of his countrymen; whereas,
the verbal permission I have to act in the duties of my office will not avail
in your tribunals; and a number of instances have already occurred where
the" property of my absent fellow-citizens has been jeopardized for want of
a legally authorized protector. The case of the Spanish schooner ,
a prize to our armed vessels Buenos Ayres and Tucuman, which was brought
into Scituate, some time since, by her mutinous crew, after having mur-
dered the captain and mate, by throwing them overboard, is a striking
instance of the necessity of there being resident here an accredited agent to
superintend the commercial concerns of South America, and without such
accredited agent our citizens cannot be considered as completely protected
in their rights.
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 415.
arrival in uuo wum.i.y , ^."^ ^ , — ^
altered, I have no doubt but I shall receive his permission to act in tne
accustomed form.
While I remain [etc.].
247
David C. de Forest, Agent of the United Provinces of South America at George-
town, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States
GEORGETOWN, December 12, 1818.
I took the liberty, on the 9th instant, of addressing a note to Mr. Secretary
Adams, requesting to be accredited as the consul general of the United
Provinces of South America; and have now the honor of informing Mr.
Adams that I have lately received an official communication from the
Government of Buenos Ayres, directing me to inform the Government of
this country that the supposed conspiracy against the person of the Supreme
Director proves to have originated with an obscure and disappointed individ-
ual, who, to gain adherents, pretended to be connected with people of the
first respectability and influence, several of whom he named, but who have
convinced the Government that they had no knowledge whatever of his
base project.
The Supreme Director, anxious to do away any unfavorable impressions
which the report of such an affair might cause at this distance, has ordered
me to assure the President of the United States that the Government of
South America was never more firmly supported, nor its prospects more
brilliant, than at the present time.
I have the honor [etc.].
248
David C. de Forest, Agent, of the United Provinces of South America at George'
town, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States z
GEORGETOWN, January 8, 1819.
SIR: It is not my intention to give any unnecessary trouble to the Depart-
ment of State; but having had the honor of receiving two notes from Mr.
Secretary Adams on the 4th instant, dated December 31 and January I,
some explanation appears to be necessary.
1 American Stale Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 416. 2 fbid. , 41 7.
DOCUMENT 248: JANUARY 8,1819 517
In the first place, I do not suppose "that any privileges which may be
attached to the consular character can avail in the judicial tribunals of this
country to influence in any manner the administration of justice." But I
suppose that a consul duly accredited is, ex officio, the legal representative
of his fellow-citizens not otherwise represented by an express power; and
that the tribunals of justice do and will admit the legality of such representa-
tion. Mr. Adams has misunderstood me in another observation, which
was, in substance, that there was a general opinion prevailing at Buenos
Ayres that the Power first recognising our independence would expect some
extraordinary privilege or advantage therefor; and that, in my opinion, the
Government of Buenos Ayres would readily grant it if demanded. I know
nothing, however, of any resolution having been passed on this subject by
the Congress at Tucuman.
It appears, from the relation of a fact in Mr. Adams's note of the 3ist
ultimo, that the Government of Buenos Ayres had intimated a desire (in
the course of a negotiation with an agent of the United States) to reserve the
right of granting more extraordinary privileges to Spain on the settlement
of a general peace, which must appear to every one contrary to their inclina-
tion as well as interest; and it can be accounted for only by supposing that
the proposition of the United States agent was merely of a temporary nature,
and did not extend to an acknowledgment by the United States of the
independence of South America; which act, I am confident, would have
rendered any such reservation altogether unnecessary in the opinion of the
Government of Buenos Ayres, who must have seen that they were treating
with an unauthorized person, and must have thought it good policy at this
time to suggest such an idea. Indeed, were the Government of Buenos
Ayres to pursue that course, they would plead the example of a neighboring
Power acknowledged to be independent by the United States, and its chief
both illustrious and legitimate. It is well known that the Government of
Brazil taxes the commerce of the United States about sixty per cent, higher
than that of Great Britain. It may be that Great Britain is entitled to this
preference on account of important services rendered by her to the King
of Portugal; and permit me to ask you, sir, what services could be rendered
to any nation already in existence so great as would be the acknowledgment
by Great Britain or by the United States of the independence of South
America? Such recognition merely, by either of these Powers, would
probably have the immediate effect of putting an end to the cruel and
destructive war now raging between Spain and South America, and crown
with never-fading laurels the nation thus first using its influence in favor of
an oppressed but high-minded people.
The account given by Mr. Adarns in his note of the ist instant, respecting
Ayres have established the most just rules and regulations for tt
ment of their vessels of war as well as of commerce, and have s
this country invested with the title and powers of their consul £
well to guard against any breach of those rules and regulations
citizens and vessels frequenting these seas and the ports of the
States, as to protect them in their rights; but, sir, without a r
of my powers on the part of this Government, I can have no righ-
to question any individual on the subject of his conduct; noi
responsibility justly attach to me nor to my Government, duri;
state of things, for the irregularities committed.
A considerable number of our seamen are foreigners by birth,
voluntarily entered our service; therefore, it is not a matter of sur
of the mutineers of the prize crew of the vessel at Scituate, thi
have been born Englishmen, and one a North American. It is, he
absolute fact, to which I am personally knowing, that the captc
prize (the Buenos Ayres and Tucuman privateers) were legally fit
Buenos Ayres early in the last year, from which port they sailed c
off Cadiz; and it will afford the Government of South America muc
tion to learn that the United States will prosecute those mutii
punish such as are found guilty of crimes, according to the laws.
Before I close this note, I beg leave to make a few observations
to one of the reasons for not accrediting me, given by Mr. Adams
tion of the President of the United States, in a conversation whi
had the honor of holding with him, viz: "That the act of accredii
consul general would be tantamount to the formal acknowledgm
independence of the Government which sent me." I do not prc
skilled in the laws of nations, nor of diplomacy; nor would I
correctness of any opinion expressed by the President, for whc
and character I have ever entertained the most profound respect ; ;
say, that I cannot understand the difference between the sen
consular agent duly authorized to Buenos Ayres, where one was
from this country, four or five years ago, and has continued eve
the exercise of the duties of his office, and the reception of a sirr
here. I also beg leave to mention that I was in this country sooi
arrival of the present minister of Spain, the Chevalier De Onis ; ar
heard it observed that, being a political agent, he was not '<.
because the sovereignty of Spain was in dispute; but that the co
acknowledged the same Government (one of the claimants to
their functions. If this was the case at that time, the Government of the
United States must have then had a different opinion on this subject from
what it now has. Mr. Adams will please to bear in mind that I have only
solicited to be accredited as a consular agent, having never agitated the
question of an acknowledgment of our independence as a nation, which
most certainly is anxiously desired by the Government and people of South
America, but which, being a political question, I have never asked.
Mr. Adams will also be pleased to accept [etc.].
249
W. G. D. Worthington, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires, Chile
and Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, March 7, i8ip.
SIR : Tomorrow I shall go on board the ship Sachem hence for New York —
Since my letter of the nth. Inst. notifying you of my appointment of Mr.
Strong as Consul at this place I have issued to him the enclosed Circular
marked A of this date. ...
It was nine o'clock at night when I arrived here on Friday the 26th. Ulto. —
and as it was said the Sachem wou'd sail on the Wednesday following, altho I
had ridden upwards of twenty five leagues that day thro' a most intensely
hot Sun, with miserable fare on the road, I sat up attending to business till
two oclock in the morning, and in consequence of the Consulate being vacant,
have been much harassed with that kind and other business ever since — Mr.
Halsey informed me he had left in his stead a Mr. Dunn a native of Dela-
ware, but when I came here, I found the Government wou'd not only, not
recognize Mr. Dunn but had placed under their own care for safe keeping the
Consular documents &c, — I have paved the way for Mr. Strong so that if
he attend as I trust he will to his duties, he will not meet with extraordinary
difficulties. —
One reason why I have appointed Vice Consuls and Consuls instead of
commercial agents, is because the latter wou'd expect salaries, the others
only legal perquisites. — So Soon as I read the President's Message here, and
saw that the relations of the United States were intended to remain in Statu-
quo, touching these Provinces, and found no successor had been sent in the
place of Mr. Halsey, it struck me that the President either expected me to
1 MS. Dispatches from Argentina, I.
fine taste and irreproachable character — because he was not addressed
them and was at last with difficulty received — and now in addition to the
circumstances, we had, I was told, declined receiving a consul they had se
to the U. States last Spring — and further since the return of the Commissic
ers in the Congress I found the feeling here, on the attitude our Governmc
had assumed towards them, of a dissatisfied irritated Cast — I theref(
concluded as I have all along done in this mission that my Government <
pected me to act, so as at the same time I conciliated these people, and pro:
ised for the protection and benefit of our Citizens in these countries, I c
not bring them into collision with Spain — If neither my agency, r
those appointed by me, were complained of by Spain and we acted in otl
respects for the best, why, the Government wou'd find no fault with us —
Spain did complain of my acts or those of my deputies, then our Governme
cou'd shew what my appointment was in reality, and that I cou'd not infus<
character in an officer created by me which I did not myself possess. —
Viewing the very interesting and critical manner in which the U. Sta
stood not only as it regarded the jealousy and watchfulness which the gn
European powers directed towards us thro' the medium of the South Amt
can contest, and also with Spain particularly I have thought our Governme
wou'd prefer appearing to Ferdinand himself, to be suspicious of and lul
warm towards the Patriots, and upon friendly terms with him, till our <
mands upon him were satisfied — in one word, till we got the Floridas &c.
there appeared no other way of getting satisfied — Then to be sure, c
future conduct wou'd be guided by circumstances, but we shou'd be mil
more free to act up to the plain, unembarrassed rule that the wishes, the
terest and honor of the Nation demanded. —
These were the considerations which have in a great degree influenced i
to act as I have done — I have made no appointment that I did not appro
nor have I adopted any line of conduct which was not my choice, for if wl
I conceive to be the views of the Government in those affairs, had not ha
accorded with my own opinion — I most candidly say I wou'd have
signed my place — My rule of action was to do nothing in opposition to 1
will of the Government, as far as I cou'd divine that — and at the same ti:
not to do any thing as of the Government, which was against my own will
in two words I never was and never will dwindle down into a mere diploma
machine — a mere Knight or Rook upon the great Political Chessboard
k
us me — vv *icuuei JL nave acteu wen or 111, is not lor me lu ueuiue — so mucn
>r this consulate. —
I will now take a final view of the state of affairs here, so far as my short
ssidence enables me — When I reached Mendoza I found the state of the
ampas said to be impassable, the Governor and many others advised me by
D means to attempt it, the country being over run with the Monteneros —
bwever I halted a short time and having received a card from the Wife of
enl. San Martin, who was living at Mendoza, this being one of the polite
.shions of the country, I paid my respects to her and thought she might
aow if her husband were coming over the mountains, but on my observing
lat I feared it wou'd be some time before she wou'd see him, since he wou'd
.ost likely enter Lima first, she rather seemed to think if I judged correctly
lat he wou'd first come across the Cordilleras — I understood at Mendoza,
lat for fear of their falling into the hands of the Montoneros the Govern-
ient had prohibited the wagons going on for Buenos Ayres as also had
snied passports to travellers — However he furnished me with a friendly
tter to the Governor of San Luis and I pushed on — When I got to San
uis, there had just been an insurrection of the prisoners and a bloody mas-
icre — Here I obtained letters both from the Buenos Ayrean party to
icir friends shou'd I fall in with any of them, and some to the heads of the
lonteneros, but determined as long as I cou'd to pass, amongst the Buenos
yreans, as I looked upon them as the only organised established Govern-
.ent party, and I had never taken side in this country with any party trying
» get into power, nor against them, I only meddled with the party existing
i the Government — With me I did not care whether it changed one time
• twenty — Except regretting the ill effect such instability was calculated
> produce to them both at home and abroad. — From San Luis I pushed on
ir the remainder of my journey, and as at more leisure, I intend, that any
ling which is new and interesting in this return journey shall accompany
ic 4th part of my diary, it is needless here to say further than when I came
t the town of Luxam which is about sixteen leagues from Buenos Ayres, I
»und that Cornelio Saavedra was located there as director Delaga&o, and had
ie whole command and direction of the movements of the army, in fact was
suspect more efficient than Pueyrredon in the affairs of the present crisis. —
!e is said to be rather inclined to the Artigas party — I waited on him
tigued and dusty as I was but had no time to gather any thing, except his
;ing of opinion that San Martin and his army were coming to Mendoza —
e had a Court or Cabinet about him and appeared to be a very good honest
,an — I never saw him before, he was quite in the back ground when I was
st in Buenos Ayres, yet he had been early in the revolution at the head
: affairs — I thought his present elevation indicated the retirement of
ueyrredon — Saavedra did not know where the Montoneros were, he had
Dt for some time heard from his own army, which was now commanded by
account of ill health — It was said from good authority, that the Buen<
Ayreans had lost in the affairs with the Montoneros about 13,000 horses-
and I told Saavedra of an action which took place at Amadura on the Pei
road which I was informed of at the village of La Carlota as I came along, bi
the result not known — After getting to Buenos Ayres, I declined waitir
on the Director for three or four days, with the view of ascertaining first ho
things stood — I found Commodore Bowles, the British Commander c
this station, having invited me to dine with him. at the beautiful Quinta i
Alton Aguirre he said he was continued I think three years longer on tl
Buenos Ayrean station — His frigate is a 32 called the Creole, in compl
ment I suppose to the people of this place, — two other vessels of war ai
under his orders — the Tyne Capt Falcon and the Slaney sloops of war-
Capt Shiraff in the Andromache and Hickey in the Blossom are under h
orders in the Pacific. — I was informed he stood very well with the Goveri
ment here, he as well as the British Consul, Mr. Staples and the other Eni
lish officers behaved very friendly to me. — Bowles did not appear to HI
Lord Cochrane, he told me he had sent round to his Captains in the Pacif
not to salute him — but I have no doubt they will not object to salute tl
flag of Chile — In speaking of our Government not recognizing their ii
dependence and letting things remain in Statuquo, he thought it was tl
most proper course — I told him I was informed that they had assurano
of being recognized by England, which I was told by an American wl
thought he was in the secrets of the Cabinet here — Bowles denied there w;
any foundation for such a conjecture — Indeed he seemed to have rather £
unfavourable opinion of them altogether, yet acknowledged, that taking a
things together he was surprised to see them do as well as they did — t
said from the best accounts he cou'd get, the monteneros did not excee
1,500 men — He lived in a handsome genteel stile, and I was told had fro
time to time at his parties, the first South Americans in the place — In tl
last year the influx of Foreigners was very considerable — The English see
very fond of this place — The British Consul is building a mansion in tl
European fashion of 20 or 30,000$ — they seem to be locating themselves
South America pretty permanently — There are a good many French, bi
not in much repute as Genl. Brayer's pamphlets — against San Martin hi
put them in the back ground — Few Americans — Whilst at dinner, Boi
les received a note, which appeared to be more than usually important, as 1
must have noticed, that by my studied listlessness of manner I showed hii
that I was aware I had no right to enquire what it was, and I supposed th
wou'd be the most likely manner to cause him to tell what it was, if it were
any general consequence — He observed to me, this is a note I have ju
received from Genl. Lecor (calling him Count — Something, I forget h
title) it is an extraordinary one, he wishes me to inform him for what reasoi
the Director has put Mr. Barossa in prison — I shall write him I know noth-
ing about it, I suppose this Government can inform him. — By the way you
must know, that Barossa was an intelligent, cunning, and I suspect intriguing
Portuguese. He has for a long time resided here as the Secret Minister or
Agent of the Court of Brazils — I thought he seemed to have no inclination
to be acquainted with me when I was here last, I never knew him except by
sight, he was generally in uniform, being a Captain in the Navy. — You
will recollect, his correspondence which I enclosed to you in the affair of the
Schooner Ellen Tucker, at that time he went out to Pueyrredon's Quinta
where he was, near San Isidro to explain or apologize — But the Director
raved and stormed, and he staid out there all night and if my memory be not
treacherous, refused to see him till the next morning — and then was very
sharp and abrupt — with him — These particulars I had from an acquaint-
ance of mine, a frenchman who was on a friendly visit to the Director of two
or three days — But I must confess altho' that a gentleman believed it all
real displesure in the Director, I looked upon it as a kind of hoax, either to
deceive the Americans who had complained in that case, or to impress Baros-
sa, with the idea of his own nerve and power, or to excite Barossa's jealousy,
by making him believe he had cause to be so tender and careful of his friend-
ship with the U. States — These things however gave me no great opinion
either of his manliness or talents — and now I hear he has been thrown into
prison by the Director for about two weeks, because he was found receiving
and circulating handbills, placards, caricatures &c. against this Government,
which he received from Montevido, Some, said to be written by Genl.
Carrera and others in that place. — On this message of Lecor, he was I be-
lieve, released and ordered to quit Buenos Ayres in one hour. I observed
well, I suppose they and the Portuguese will go to war — Bowles replied, I
dont know, but think they had better try to keep on good terms with the
Portuguese, as they appear to be their Allies, and they have enough of right-
ing already on their hands — However I suspect, in truth and reality the
English like the Court of Rio de Janeiro much better than they do the Gov-
ernment of Buenos Ayres — I know that Capt — Sharpe who was here in the
absence of Bowles, used to speak of Barossa to me, in favourable terms, and
Bowles did not seem to dislike him — This reference of Lecor's too, con-
firmed the intimacy — I was told at the Forts by a South American officer
who was standing there as I went to see the Secretary of State, and fell into
casual conversation with him, that the English had eight or ten vessels of war
at Rio de Janeiro — I mentioned that to Bowles, as if I suspected it an ex-
aggerated rumour, to which he remarked that they are always lying about
their fleet &c., or something to that effect — I have endeavoured to ascer-
tain if there is any truth in this, but have not been able — Perhaps as I am
now upon it, 'twill be as well to go thro' every thing that I know respecting
the Portuguese subject — The highest officer in the Buenos Ayrean marine
Ayrean employ and his vessel, the "Independence of the South" is perhaps
at this time the only regularly documented vessel in this service, she in fact
and reality is his private property, but appears on the Marine record of this
place, to have been given gratuitously to him by the Government — She
has no limit to her commission, the other vessels which sail under this flag are
Privateers with commissions limited to one two years &c. — so the Commo-
dore informed me — On my reaching Buenos Ayres from New York, I
found him in that City, and having myself in 1810 married into his family
and esteeming him a brave and honourable man I of course became intimate
with him — Since I first knew him — he had been always at sea, so that we
had very little intercourse with one another — But inasmuch as the Com-
modore knew I was an agent of the U. States, and therefore intended to pur-
sue a neutral conduct in the contest with Spain — and I did not wish by
force of the circumstance of affinity between us to learn thro' him any secrets
of his Government, we generally mutually, avoided from motives of delicacy
those subjects — Yet — having early taken an interest in the Marine in the
Pacific Ocean — I wrote at his suggestion a plan of operations &c. necessary
for that sea, before I crossed the Andes and they were translated and laid
before the Secretary of Marine Irigoyen, but not as from me, from him, after
I got to Chile as related in my letter of the 26th Ulto., I became confirmed in
my opinion of the great facility in destroying the Royal supremacy on the
Pacific, and to induce the Commodore to pass round, or over, to take the
command of the Chile fleet, which I had no doubt of his getting, I kept him
fully advised of all matters relating to the subject — gave his name to Genl.
San Martin, on his going over after the battle of Maypu — in consequence of
which an interview took place between him and San Martin — and the Com-
modore told me that San Martin with the greatest quickness immediately
comprehended his plans — I also spoke of him two or three times to Pueyrr-
edon, who held him in the highest estimation — He told me this in my last
interview with him — To ward off any inference that I interfered for Com-
modore Chaytor, from motives of self interest — I must observe, that when
applied to or sometimes voluntarily, I interfered for various foreigners
who applied for ranks in the Patriot service, — Lieut. Carson an American,
I applied to O'Higgins and he placed him in his escort — Capt Gumer a
Swiss formerly in the service of the King of Bavaria, I. did him a service with
the Director — Major Petrie informed me that he had written to Sweden,
that the Director had appointed him a Major, and that the North American
Minister (as he incorrectly called me) had interfered and he was ranked as
id he said he shou'd appoint him Major — I replied that he was a Brevet
t. Col: under Bernadotte and perhaps, if not improper it wou'd be best at
ast not to lessen his grade as he appeared a man of merit and was too mod-
t to speak for himself. Whether this had any effect I know not, he thought
had — I introduced Wooster to the Director — Indeed many others,
tat it wou'd be useless to enumerate — I will now return from this digres-
Dn —
Chaytor did not come to Chile, he was detained by various propositions
om the Buenos Ayrean Government — And on my return here I found
m as friendly as ever — He told me that the Supreme Director, said to
^m the people wished a Portuguese war and that feeling had now reached
le Executive — and as Chaytor was about returning to the U. States,
ic Director told him to keep him advised by every opportunity where
i might be found, that he shou'd dispatch a vessel for him immediately
lat the war between Buenos Ayres and the Portuguese became certain —
haytor also said, that the Buenos Ayrian Government wou'd buy the two
igates the Horatio and Curioso from Chile and that he shou'd go to the
. States with powers to break up the pyracies and suppress the spurious
immissions afloat under the Buenos Ayrian flag — The principal reason
hy I took this interest in the Patriot marine, was to get Americans at the
>ad of it — If these provinces, while foreign Governments stood aloof,
ere to be aided by foreign individuals, I wished to see them mainly assisted
? Americans in atchieving their independence — And as I was certain
ommodore Chaytor, who had become a citizen of this country, was an
honorable man and both willing and able to do them eminent service,
)th for the glory of his native country, for his own benefit and for the
ippiness of this I wished him to be at the head of affairs. — I had no
ivate Interest in one solitary vessel that floated — I never had or ever
.w one solitary commission for privateers &c. since I have been in the
mntry — The Lautaro as I heretofore shewed you in the papers accom-
inying Townsend's protest, was brought under the most peculiar circum-
ances — the purchase was justified by that same imperious doctrine of
icessity, which in the President's message before me, justified the violation
Neutral Pensacola, on the ground of self preservation, which he ably and
istly says is a principle that cannot be abandoned — When all the for-
gners were straining to throw in their mite, my countrymen looked to me
i their public functionary, to join with them — what wou'd this Government
ive said, if I declined stepping forth, on the cold abstract hypothesis of
gid neutrality?
I threw down a thousand dollars, half of all the money I had and risked
on the crisis. — Immediately that the necessity ceased to exist, I trans-
r'd all my right at par before she left the port of Valparaiso, when the hopes
1 LlJLUUgllL pi UJJJV-J. l~v im-ii i-i^" v.»*—~~ ».-. o~,
dismissed for meddling with commissions to privateers &c. and this trans-
action might not be otherwise correctly understood by my country — • As to
my advice about the marine and giving such opinions and information as I
came honestly by, to the Patriots, I look upon that as fair play— For my
conscience revolted at doing any thing in favour of the Royal Spanish cause,
as it respected South America, as being virtually in opposition to, and a
libel upon the just and rational intention of the laws of God, of Nature
and civil society .—It is not necessary for me, to support this remark
by going into what some persons might perhaps think a speculative philo-
sophic theory, that the Crown of Spain having comparatively only a few
subjects scattered over one of the most extensive and richest portions of the
Globe, have not a right to indulge in their miserly monopoly and hermetically
Seal it up against all the rest of the great human family. —
I find that many people are of opinion that the Chile fleet has been
furnished by Lord Cochrane and as so expensive a force cou'd not be pro-
cured by his individual funds, they insinuate that the Governmt. of Great
Britain must secretly furnish the means — It is no such thing — the Lautaro
was bought as stated to you, by the American, English and Patriots —
the San Martin by the Patriots, The Chacabaco, the Galvarino the same —
The Chilenos particularly, brought in all their old plate, and to their honor
and that of O'Higgins they subscribed individually every thing they cou'd
to get it to sea — I have enclosed you heretofore, a list of the individual
subscribers, you will see that according to their means, some subscribe one
dollar — some a half — some five hundred dollars — some gave clothes, some
provisions, some one thing some another as they were able — Men Women
and even the Priests. — This act in my opinion is an imperishable monu-
ment to the patriotism of the Chilenos — The English, only brought them
those old superannuated East India vessels and got sweeping prices for
them — Lord Cochrane has not brought a solitary vessel of their money —
even the Rose an old English sloop of war in which he came, belongs to a Mr.
Henderson, who is trying all in his power to sell her to the Chile govern-
ment.— His Lordship is said to have expended nearly his last five thousand
pounds in a steam frigate, I heard that when she attempted to sail some of
her machinery got out of order and she put back to England — I doubt
whether she ever doubles Cape Horn — I do not pretend to ascribe to
myself any thing extraordinary in the influence I had in creating the Chile
Navy — Fame ascribed to Judge Prevost and Capt Biddle, a much greater
credit in inducing the Government to purchase the Lautaro, than it did to
ici ui UJ.C1H ftuus^iiucu a. smgic uunctt uut UAC^ U.JLU. cvciy uuug ciac 111 LIICJLI
ver to egg on the Patriots —
lowever let them answer for themselves — I don't justify my conduct
what others do — yet I must confess the decided part taken by those two
ntlemen, both so recently from the U. States, and deservedly high in the
.fidence of our Government, on my Meeting them in Chili as they were
ceeding to Lima, made me believe that there was no necessity to be over
jpulous in behalf of the Patriots: and I recollect making this same
lark to Judge Bland in talking over those affairs. —
laving ascertained as much preliminary information as I required and
ayed my visit to the Supreme director as long as I cou'd with propriety —
Monday the 1st. Inst. I waited on Mr. Secretary Taylor [Tagle?] and told
i, that tomorrow at the accustomary hour of n — I wou'd present myself
:he audience room of the Director, if he had no objection, and accordingly
the 2d Inst was received by Mr. Pueyrredon with marks of unabated
iteness and friendship. We first got thro' the consular subject, then he
larked on the Commission in the Congress — saying that they had
nished all the information which had been requested, for the President —
had read Mr. Rodney's report and was pleased with it, also Mr. Graham's,
: had not seen Mr. Eland's — and seemed to be disappointed that the
States had not recognized their Independence I thought laying a stress
what he thought the prompt manner in which he had furnished informa-
i to the Commissioners — However he appeared more grieved at the
nt, more hurt than irritated — I asked him how he liked the Com-
isioners — He replied with rather an arch, good humoured smile, that
y were very good plain men, — that they were "tres quakeros" I cou'd
: help half laughing at the epithet — I observed to him that the Congress
\ix la Chapelle had not meddled with South America — He said it was
: so — I think he observed that they had appointed a Mediation thro'
Duke of Wellington — I asked him if there was not an immense expedi-
i coming against him from Spain — He said yes — but that they had
doubt of it and rested confident that the nation had patriotism and
mgth sufficient to defeat it — I told him I had understood that like
icinatus, he was fond of amusing himself on his farm, when not employed
the service of his country — (I wished to find out from this compliment
te intended to resign his chief magistracy — ) He said that he was very
d of that kind of life (and I thought with an air rather untranquilised,
[ may so speak) and shou'd shortly retire altogether to his Quinta on the
iks of the La Plata. — Knowing on my entrance that he was very much
:upied with despatches of two months delay having just come to him from
ile as also from Tucuman, and seeing his room full of officers, I wou'd not
he used to wear, but I think a Brigadier General's — He has received thz
rank — The stile of the Fort its guards, aid De Camp, of the Director &c.-
much as it was when I was here before — It is not near so tasty as tt
Directorial Palace of Chile nor so stilish — I mention these things becaus<
those two Directors assume a stile and are approached with a difficulty an
formality, little inferior to some of the crowned heads in Europe — Maj(
Graaner at present wearing the order of the North Star, being aid de cam
to Bernadotte King of Sweden, and the most accomplished and intelligen
foreigner I met in Chile, told me one day that the King of Sweden was muc
plainer and far more accessible than the Supreme Director of Chile — Thos
you see are rather unfavourable symptoms in those new and rising Goverr
ments — But it will not govern affairs — They will soon settle down int
an elective, confederative republican form of Government, both here and i
Chile and Peru — before a distant day — They may for some time have
national religion — a more lengthened and energetic Executive and wan
many of our Republican peculiarities — But nevertheless they will forr
freer Governments than any in Europe and approach next to us —
conclude so, from pervading those countries and knowing their populatio
and localities. — The country of Chili is divided into mountains am
vallies — The people grow up uncorrupted and independent in thos
vallies — and like Switzerland, from a thousand reasons which must strik
you, and wou'd be pedantic and tedious for me to enumerate, — as they ar
destined, they must be free — When even the antient Nobility of Chil
travel through it, their Marquises, Viscounts &c. they are obliged to pas
those mountains on Mules &c. and the Necessities of human nature bringin
them down on a level with the hardy sons of those Mountains, and th
kinder charities of the heart bringing them wearied into the social enjoy
ments of the inhabitants of the vallies, they are necessarily induced t
experience and practice equality — Those people are not like the Peasant
of Poland and Hungary or the Cerfs of Russia — they are in their lives am
manners, independent and free from servility of mind and manners — '.
speak civily — Religiously they are still fettered, but those clamps of iroi
on the human mind, which the deepest policy and most absolute tyrann;
under which the sons of Earth were ever borne down — and burried alive, fo
ages past, have riveted and doubly clutched them to the Papal Faith, begii
daily to lower and wear away — The country of Buenos Ayres is pretty
much in contrast to that of Chile— physically— but politically, the peopl<
must be necessarily very similar— Living detached and sparse in thi
most luxuriant, and in some respects fertile plains m the world — with
ease, they satisfy the pressing calls of nature, and feel themselves free and
independent — Forever on horse, like an arrow in the air they avoid or
pursue their enemy — And let me impress this great distinction, between
the inhabitants of the Pampas and Paraguay and indeed the whole people
of the country of Spanish South America, from the savages which may be
either folded within its limits or prowling on its borders — Rude and native
as the Gaucho of Buenos Ayres or the Obrero of Chile may be, and at first
sight often seeming better than the wild Indian — He is in many respects
always better — He has stepped within the pale of civil society — He has
his places of religious worship, and Christianity however it may be dis-
torted, perverted and buried beneath the villainous contortions and machina-
tions of men, yet from it there will always break out some rays around its
profession, which surpass in their beneficial, civil and religious effect, the
finest philosophy of the Antients and the purest morality of the Savage.
This indestructibility of our Gospel, if its divinity stood in need of such a
proof, is one of the most striking and irrefragable nature — They often read
and write and they seem to have been already initiated into the rudiments
of the social compact — Despotism will attempt to exert itself in the
Capitals and populous Cities — But there must and will spring up great
and honest men amongst them, who guiding the will of the people, must
arrive at and establish free and liberal institutions and Governments — I
think I have met in South America some distinguished foreigners who
already wish to influence their choice in a government — I recollect having
at dinner with me one day at Mr Lynch's when I lived in Chile, Col: Las
Heras the Director of the Mint, and some other South Americans with
Major Graaner of Sweden, a Polish Gentleman said to have been aid to the
Prince Neufchatel, an officer said to have been aid to the duke of Wellington
in the Peninsular war — and some of these Gentlemen advanced the doctrine
that, as to the form of Government for these Countries whether it was a
Monarchy or a Republic, it was of little consequence so it was a constitu-
tional Government — I think I have found this kind of doctrine, pretty
well received — They get over the propriety and necessity of following the
example of the U. States, by complimenting us highly and saying those
people are not fit for such Republicanism — But I assure you when I
travelled through the Province of Coquimbo I cou'd not help thinking, that
there particularly as also in the valley of Aconcagua — I got acquainted
with South American Gentlemen, who even then, wou'd have made an
honest, able and respectable figure, not only in a fine legislative body of their
own country, but on the floor of our Congress — You may depend upon it,
that this idea of any people not being fit for a good Republican Government,
and that so they be constitutional it is of little importance, what be their
character, are doctrines both false and dangerous. — I opposed them then
who called to see me, that the Genl. Was actually on his way hither wi1
three thousand men and I think he said he was at Mendoza — I have heai
this report from other sources I told Tagle the Secretary of State, I d:
not believe he wou'd come — It is generally said and believed he will 1
made Supreme Director — First to oppose the Spanish Expedition — ar
they think he will unite Artigas and his party to the Buenos Ayreans-
The M onteneros as they are called are certainly gaining ground — and I do thir
if San Martin do[es] come over and assume the Directorship he will unii
with Artigas against the Portuguese — so that the country will be strong!
than ever it was. — Shou'd Pueyrredon retire I doubt if he wou'd lor
remain in the country. He is a man of handsome address — about 38 or L
years of age — He is not deficient in abilities — but if my physiognomic
judgment be not erroneous I never have thought him a man of genuii
personal bravery — He possesses two important qualities, to enable him i
govern — He uses flattery to persuade when he wishes to succeed and pow<
to coerce when he is afraid or thinks it necessary — He understands tl
people and parties he has to deal with — and having been formerly at tl
court of Madrid speaking the French language fluently &c. he is not di
at Diplomatic intrigue — On the whole he has perhaps managed tl
affairs of Government better and longer than any of his predecessors-
and from the stability which they have experienced under him his resign;
tion will be regretted by many — Except the party violences with 01
another one of the worst things which I have heard of him, is that he rna<
private speculations of provisions &c. furnished the Portuguese. — Bi
whether this be true or not is conjecture — The Secretaries of Sta
and Treasury Tagle and Gascon will go out with him — it is said Irigoyc
Secretary of War and Marine will remain in — Now after all this hig
authority, I still doubt, that San Martin will accept of the Directori
chair — He is a Character into which it is necessary you shou'd have eve]
insight which I even think in my power to give you — I shall not be prol
nor attempt any thing like a regular Biographical sketch of him — Howev
some of his ruling traits shall be delineated — He is a native of that part
the Vice royalty of Buenos Ayres, settled peculiarly by the Jesuits ar
called the Mission Territory and was born at a small town called Llapallu-
He is, I shou'd think about 39 years of age well made neither very robu
nor very spare, rather inclined to be lean, nearly six feet high, very bro\\
complexion, black strong hair, black, rolling, wild, penetrating eye, £
aquiline nose, a chin and mouth when he smiles peculiarly pleasing-
/,
idsome address very polite, quick as thought in movement reply [sic]
i. — Brave, careless of money, abstemious in eating, and till perhaps he
thought his constitution required it as much so in drinking, plain and
stentatious in his dress, decidedly a shunner, rather than a courter
public pageantry — yet distrustful and suspicious — this character I
ik grew out of the times in which he is called to act and the persons
1 whom he has had to deal — He speaks French and Spanish and served
^id to the Marquis of Romana in the peninsular war — He is fond of the
airy and in that first distinguished himself at the affair of San Lorenza —
prides himself too much I think on his talent of stratagem in warfare
cunning and finesse in matters of party and politics — However he may
e found those the best and most potent modes of proceeding — I never
like any thing like suspiciousness or cunning in my life — I fear he will
ilways finding out plots if he is made Director and I pronounce shou'd he
2 the chair of state at Buenos Ayres for even a year or two both his
Ith and his fame will suffer if not be destroyed by it — When he con-
s himself to matters of state or diplomacy he is liable to a hemorrhage
n the lungs and I think is constitutionally predisposed to gloom and some
ies of superstitution — However in matters of Religion he is liberal —
has been the first to cause Marriages to be tolerated between Foreigners
Roman Catholics, to South American ladies of that religion, without re-
ing a change of the husbands and — Yet at a grand Te Deum, I have
i him conduct himself with a kind of studied formality — I cou'd not
3 in particular, help thinking of Oliver Cromwell — For he must see that
•eat deal of those Church ceremonies and customs are contrary to a new
e of things, if they ever intend to be free from the King of Spain and
Pope of Rome — My first interview with him was after the disaster of
~a — He appeared to be excessively hurt, but, bore it like a man — I
received from him the inclosed original letter written by him to me from.
Fernando — It will let you into his politeness of manner &c. — The
;rs he alludes to were furnished me by some of the first people in Buenos
es — His lady was so polite as to give me a very esteem'd introductory
*r from herself to him — When I went to Buenos Ayres I had but one
tary letter and that a sealed one from the Department of State to Mr
sey when I left there for Chile, I was furnished with a trunk full —
as much prepossessed in favour of the General on my first visit — and
as I was taking leave of him I observed, "but Sir, there is one thing
iust be excused in mentioning to you — It appears that in many in-
ices you have thought that those Americans who came to South America,
i Genl. Carrera, were hostile to you and you have treated them accord-
y, if you had have treated them otherwise I am certain they wou'd have
i your friends, for the manner in which they have stuck to Carrera is the
• nrnnf nf fhoir firmness r»f nrinr.inle — vet it. was the cause of th.fi Patriots
that there were two great political parties in Chile" I said yes — and therefon
think that the best policy was to strengthen your party by adding to i
from the other side rather than by irritating and cutting off persons fron
it — I thought he seemed to regret the course he had pursued, and mildl]
said, well, well we will think of this — He certainly afterwards shewec
attentions and favours to some of those young men who had before beer
suspicious to him — Just before' the affair of Maypu, I called at hi:
tent — He was much engaged I introduced to him an American and a Swiss
officer who accompanied me — I conversed with him some time on the ap
proach of his enemy, and as he had been taken by surprise at Talca — ven>
tured to say, "I think Sir, Osorio moves on with great caution." From the
emphasis with which he replied he took my meaning — he said doubtingly
or rather as if he had all his eyes on him "nous le verrons" — He waited or
me outside of his tent and in the most polite manner thanked me for the
honor of my visit — and in shaking hands with him for the last time befon
the great approaching conflict, I said — Not only the freedom of Chik
depends on the next action but perhaps that of South America, and nol
only are the eyes of Buenos Ayres, Chile and Peru, turned towards yoi:
General, but those of the civilized world, — I said this not in a presuming
way but with an honest and rather diffident solemnity — for I felt it-
he did also — by the manner in which he listened, bowed and returned
to his tent. — The next time I saw him he was sitting on the right hand
of the Director in the palace after the victory of Maypu—- I went a1
night to congratulate the Director on the event — He appeared tranquil
and easy — dressed in a plain blue surtout and on my felicitating him par-
ticularly on the late occurrence — Modestly and smilingly replied "11
is only the fortune of war" — I enclose you his proclamation on the defeat
of Concha Rayada, I think it a fine instance of candor, not unlike Napo-
leon's acknowledgement of his disasters in the Russian campaign — I sa\v
him at various other times as I have heretofore written to you — after his
return across the Andes — I met him at the Director's, he appeared particu-
larly pleased to see me — and as I knew he was affected with a hemorrhage from
the lungs or stomach I was glad of his safe arrival — he replied, "Yes Sir,
thanks to God" — His health I noticed always improved in the clear dry
climate of Chile. — I attended the laying of the corner stone of a chapel 01
church on the plains of Maypu — It was done in great solemnity — Sol-
diers, cannon, musick, the Bishop and clergy, the Director and Genl. San
Martin and almost all the inhabitants of the capital were at it — I got on
a kind of camp breakfast in a small building temporarily fitted up for the
occasion, I shortly after went into it, and found all of them eating without
plates, but holding perhaps a turkey's leg in one hand and a piece of bread
in the other — they immediately invited me to partake with them, and
San Martin walking up to me gave me a piece of his bread and turkey
and I took a drink of Carlon wine with the Director out of a tumbler —
It was quite in the soldier stile — They were dressed out honor [?] in
all their medals and insignia — from what I have heretofore written, and
this sketch I hope you will form some opinion of the Hero of the Andes —
I think him the greatest man I have seen in South America — and had
he have been born with us, wou'd have been a distinguished republican — I
still think if he goes against Peru, he will emancipate it and be the Chief
Magistrate of the great confederation. — Genl. Belgrano, is said to be the
most disinterested and polished man in these countries — but from his
operations in upper Peru, I shou'd not think him a very active military
man — His brother the Canon told me the Genl. had translated Genl.
Washington's farewell address and some other writings of his into Spanish —
and had them always on his table — He is said to be a passionate admirer
of our great founder — He travelled in Europe and was a kind of Minister
in England — I enclosed you an original letter from his brother the Canon,
Dominga — to him, given by him to me as an introduction, shou'd I have
gone to Tucuman — I was much indebted to the politeness of this Divine —
as also to the family of Balcaru, another of the most distinguished ones in
these countries —
As to Genl. Carrera, I never saw him — I wrote you in my letter of the
4th July last that the Carrera party were the great North American patriot
party — They were so — and if all the Buenos Ayrean troops shou'd be
withdrawn from Chile and Genl. Cajrera shou'd be able to get there, I have
no doubt of his being at the head of affairs in a very short time — But I
confess I am not an admirer of Genl. Carrera — Whenever a man seems
to take party with, or by his conduct possibly aids the enemies of his own
country, from any cause, I cease to respect and confide in him — when he
found that Genl. San Martin by the battle of Chacabuco had liberated Chile
and O'Higgins was at the head of the Government, as South America was
still struggling for her liberty he shou'd have accepted some inferior office
and endeavoured to render her all the service in his power — He does no
such thing, but flies over to the Portuguese and wastes away his life in
plottings and intrigues — • I think this looks more like the foe than the
friend of liberty — Even Genl. Moreau, I suspect wou'd haye gone down to
posterity, with a more interesting and consistent reputation had he have
fallen by the side of Napoleon rather than under the auspices of the Emperor
Alexander! — Of the execution of the two Carreras at Mendoza as also of
revolution — I have no personal acquaintance with him — But can form
some opinion of his character from the thousands with whom I have talked
concerning him — It is true they differ widely — some making him out the
most uncouth, barbarous villain in the world, and others the best, most
patriotic disinterested and engaging man of the age — I know one time of
an American, an Englishman and a German going over to see him, and all
three returned agreeing in the opinion that he was the most plain, honest
man in his life and actions that they had ever seen — The truth is I suppose
that he is neither so rude nor so good as his friends and foes represent him —
Perhaps he is nearer like Tippo Saib or Tecumsee, than any other great chief
we have any late accounts of — I think him not calculated to advance the
great cause of South American emancipation and improvement, except at
most in a secondary capacity — He has been at the head of a party, kept
together by his Tartar like energy and consistant implacability — I think
he has injured the cause of his country, when he might have been of great
benefit to it — It is possible that he may coalese with the new Buenos
Ayrian Administration but I can scarcely think he will be at the head of it —
Perhaps it may be offered him — I doubt his acceptance — He is too fond
of being the head of the Banda Oriental — He is growing in years — and I
suspect he will be supplanted before long in his popularity by some young
rising Chief — I heard something to this effect on my arrival here — I
forget the name —
As to Artigas and the Carreras, I never had any thing to do with them
against the existing authorities — and much to the well understanding of
such being my character, I attribute the good treatment I received both
here and in Chile from the time I landed to the present moment — For
what party in power can respect and have confidence in a public foreign
officer, who colleagues and plots with their opponents? It is not even
looked for in the U. States — Much less here where parties are so
violent —
Since the patriots have had possession of these countries, not only has
there been a considerable influx of foreigners, who have improved the
state of society, but education and even refinement have grown up with the
new order of things — The influence of the Church has diminished and
become more correct, even the celebrated Spanish amusement of Bull
fighting, has been discountenanced by the Director and the Citizens in
general and the expensive Rotunda which the Vice Kings built and ap-
propriated to that purpose, since I was last here, I now see torn down and
tels and houses of elegant recreation are establishing — all so contrary to
anish manners — The English are taking the lead here — and yet it
pears that they do not in any manner seekingly, identify themselves with
5 Government — I heard a person who did not like them say — that their
Hey was similar to that they practised in India, to set one Chief against
other, exhaust the strength of the country by fomenting parties and
visions and draining the Country of all its plate and specie and inundating
with their manufactures — San Martin was certainly once their great
rourite, it is probable that Artigas or Alvear is now — As for Carrera he
ving identified himself with the North Americans, I doubt if the English
er take him by the hand — They are not a popular nation in a foreign
id, because they often rudely compliment every thing english at the
pense of the country where they carry on their trade — The American
seldom so partial — and scarcely ever so unpolite — He is therefore more
pular on that head, But John Bull being more in the habit of compliment-
y and counting rank and titles in his country, can please in that respect
road — while Brother Jonathan is mainly stiff and even sometimes offensive
that particular — However I think the latter the better beloved — But
he is completely born down by the wealth and influence of the other in
iuth America his might here I assure you is extremely delicate and pre-
rious. — Their enemies too say, that the English seem to dislike every
idy who do not think them and their Government the best in the world
.d in Diplomatic matters seem to think whatever makes for the aggrandise-
ent of the British nation or its great commercial interest, even morally
stifiable — that all moral and national law and usage are to bend to their
perwhelming systems of superiority in matters of Government and monop-
y in trade — I am not their enemy — but suspect something of this is
ue, you know them well, and can form the best judgment — However
(thing but some great political movement of our Government can give us
iportance in these countries — Quere if these people become free, will
ey not be our competitors? I have no doubt of it — where can there grow
ler Tobacco & cottons than in Paraguay — wheat, flax and almost every
ing in. Chile — besides her exports of the precious metals to India — for take
y word those mines of Gold and silver and copper &c. in Chile the richest
the world, will be worked to great advantage by foreign emigrants so
on as their independence is established — Then Tobo. Sugar, rice, &c.
c. from Peru — But I presume our Government are too exalted and
)eral in their views to regard considerations of this kind, when the liberty
id happiness of our South American Brothers are at stake! — Let them
iter into the market — we can excel them or any other nation on earth,
:cept the gigantic commercial abilities of England in either a fair or unfair
>mpetition — We have too much of the start of them to be much hurt for
from their friendship and emancipation—
I suspect we have been of much greater service to the Patriots than they
are aware of — that is our Cabinet have influenced the conduct of the
European powers towards them — we may have had an influence in prevent-
ing their espousing the cause of Spain and caused them to be more polite and
favourable towards these people — But if such has been the case, they
give us no credit for it — they ascribe all to the credit of their foreign agents,
to the goodness of their cause and the uninfluenced favourable opinion
of those Powers — We they think ought to have done every thing and we
have done nothing for them — They shou'd be set to rights on this subject,
if we can do it — I cou'd not, for I know nothing, except from conjecture,
about our European Diplomacy since I have been here.
While I think of it, I wou'd beg to say a word or two on the compen-
sation to our Foreign officers — When persons call to see a representative
of our Great Republic, as it is now universally esteemed and called, he
expects to find him accommodated with that suitable ease and conven-
ience becoming his station, and if he finds it otherwise he turns away dis-
satisfied if not with the representative himself, at least with his parsi-
monious Government and draws opinions prejudicial to its capacity, fame
and character — The same ill opinion will not result from a foreigner in our
own country, seeing a public officer sparingly compensated — for he looks
around and nevertheless sees wealth and power and happiness at least in his
other countrymen — and he may attribute the official economy, not to the
meanness or poverty of the Government, but to its republican simplicity
or the public spiritedness of the officer — He can't do so abroad, for he
only looks at the Representative and draws from his character that of the
American Government. — I have suffered in this respect myself, therefore
I speak knowingly — but as I am now retiring from my station, I make this
remark, simply for the benefit of others — If according to Scripture a
labourer is worthy of his hire, I think it is equally sound scriptural deduction
that the hire ought to be worthy of the labourer — I never saw an American
in a foreign country who did not regret, from National pride, to see his
public functionaries so illy paid — Had the objection come from the
functionary alone I wou'd not have mentioned it — It is from the native. —
I am afraid that this letter is very tedious — Yet I thought I cou'd not
say less — I do not recollect any thing else at present worth detailing —
It is true, that I cou'd go into long historical and geographical accounts
of these countries, but I shall decline it because I think I was sent here
to gather facts and circumstances and characters, which were fresh and
interesting at this time — and cou'd only be known by persons on the spot —
Those of history and geography I shou'd have to compile from the public
libraries &c. — And if I may judge from the letter of the I2th March last,
of the Secretary of State to the Spanish Minister at Washington on the
history and geography of Louisiana, He is much better able on these sub-
jects of literary research to inform the nation, without ever moving from
his office, than all the Commissioners and agents which have been sent to
South America — I therefore look upon that kind of thing as a work of
supererogation. — It is also I think impossible for a foreigner to be the
best relater of the revolution, or history or geography of another Country.
You must look to people who have grown up in the country for the best
information —
And now Sir I close my reports on South American affairs — I may here-
after furnish the conclusion of my diary and some further miscellaneous
remarks — With thanks to the President for the honor he conferred upon
me in this mission, wherein I have always endeavoured to do my best, I now
bid adieu here, for my native country, rendered a thousand times more dear
to me, by knowing its superior worth, both comparatively and intrinsically —
With the most distinguished consideration [etc.].
250
John B. Prevost, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires, Chile and
Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1
BUENOS AIRES, December 22, i8ig.
SIR: In conformity with my note of the 25th. September forwarded by Mr
Higginson of which I enclose a Triplicate, I returned to Sant lago and after
making the necessary preparations set out on my way hither. Difficulties
that occurred on the Andes from the quantity of snow and afterwards on the
Plains from other causes retarded me beyond the usual time consumed in the
journey, so that I did not arrive until the I3th. Ulto. — On reaching the first
settlement on this side of the mountains, I learned that the Monteneros had
renewed hostilities and had possessed themselves of a Post near the High way
in order to intercept all communiciation between the Capital and the Interior —
This Intelligence determined me to address myself directly to their Chief for
a safe conduct, before I entered within his Limits, and after travelling about
150. leagues within a short distance of Santa Fe, I despatched a Courier to
the Governor of that Place, advising him of my arrival at Sancy, [?] with the
intention of visiting Buenos Ayres, to which Place I was proceeding in com-
pliance with the orders of the President — Every obstacle was accordingly
removed and the necessary Passport enclosed in a letter of which I transmit
1 MS. Letters, J. B. Prevost.
sessions me most interested in aeieaung every ooject 01 trie
Many ascribe the Policy to impure motives on the part of the late D
and his associates ; others who judge with less vigor and probably more
attribute it altogether to the influence of private enmities —
Whatever might have been the inducement, whether proceeding fro
fligacy or whether arising from passion, the measure has proved aborti
the consequences so pernicious that a change must and I venture to
will take place within some short Period — Among the causes imme
operating to hasten this event is one which I observed throughout nr
hither, I allude to the discontent manifested by the delay of the natior
resentation beyond the term contemplated by the Constitution —
Town and every Village seemed inclined to resist this encroachment
some, meetings have since been had, and notice given of a determinat
to submit to a continuance of the present rule — I mention this c
stance particularly as indicating a sense of political Liberty and a fitr
self government, that was scarcely to have been anticipated, when we r
the State of Thraldom from which they have so lately emerged —
The Character of this People although essentially the same with 1
the other side is yet more developed and more exalted, they possess
vigor of mind and all that Self Esteem which Liberty always enger
They had prejudices to conquer, They had everything to learn — Th<
conquered those prejudices and they have learned much — It is
gratifying to view the ameliorating effects of the Revolution upon th
ners and feelings of every class of Society, particularly upon the Clerg
instead of cherishing Errors and relying upon Forms for the support <
gion, practically illustrate the principles inculcated by its Divine auth
exhibit examples of Liberality incompatible with a long dependence uj
See of Rome —
The Papers of Mr. Halsey I found deposited in the office of the Cor
the Duties of which were on my arrival exercised by a Mr. Strong un
appointment of Mr. Worthington — The office with my approbat:
since been transferred to Mr. I. C. Zimmerman a Citizen of the U
distinguished by his attachment to our Institutions and every way q
to the discharge of its Duties — He has received an exequatur as Vi<
sul and can thus keep up all those relations necessary for the Interest
Countrymen and for the protection of our Seamen — The Governme
ing consented to recognize this authority with full Knowledge of the
from whence it is derived, I thought it the most judicious course to adi
DOCUMENT 250: DECEMBER 12, ilQ 539
I shall hope if approved that the President may hereafter confirm this ap-
pointment— Without intending to impeach Mr. Strong I venture to say
that a more indiscreet Selection could not have been made, he was at that
moment agent for the Vessels built in New York, at variance with all or most
of the members of the administration and subsequently Party to a trans-
action which has excited more Odium and more illwill, than would have been
produced by the destruction of the same vessels in the Harbor of New York.
It appears that Ld Cochrane on his arrival at Callao made three Successive
attacks upon the Fleet of his Enemy, without the success anticipated — He
however met with no loss, or rather so inconsiderable was the loss, that it
does not merit notice — The Spaniards had so moored and protected their
ships with Iron Cables that it was impossible to cut them out, and his rockets
for setting them on fire had no other effect than that of creating sufficient con-
fusion to render the tremendous Batteries of the Castles of no avail — The
official report has not reached us so as to permit rne to offer other details, ex-
cept that he remains in the Bay waiting the coming of the Ship of War and
Frigates which I mentioned in one of my former letters to have been on their
way thither — It is now also ascertained that they have a number of Troops
on Board, a circumstance that must facilitate their Capture should they
attempt to enter —
When I passed through Mendoza San Martin was prepared to pass the
mountains with a Body of two thousand five hundred men that he had col-
lected and disciplined for the expedition and was then only waiting for the
melting of the Snow — He is still there, chagrined and disappointed beyond
measure having received orders from this Government to advance and co-
operate with the army of Belgrano against the Montonera. I am inclined to
believe that the disaffection demonstrated by the People to this War, will
lead to its early conclusion, but if not, I am persuaded he will never lend
himself to the Policy now pursued and if persevered in that he will resign and
enter the Service of Chile, under which Government the highest rank has
already been conferred upon him —
The Nonsuch arrived some weeks since at Montevideo with duplicate of
your note of the 3d. of May, the original of which I had the honor to ac-
knowledge while in Valparaiso — I shall of course wait here such other in-
structions as you may please to forward and in the mean time will occupy my-
self in gathering such information as may be useful to my Country, and in
striving to allay those unmerited jealousies, to which a succession of un-
fortunate Incidents has given rise —
William G. Miller at present of this Place sometime since made all his prep-
arations for removing to Montevideo under a persuasion that he had been
appointed Consul at that Place, his Friends at Philadelphia still assure him of
this Gentleman is limited, but he speaks the language with great ease a
pears to me to be well qualified to discharge its Duties with honor
Country —
Upon reading your report to Congress of January last,1 which fell ii
hands a few days Since or rather shortly after my arrival I felt extreir
prise at the sentiment said to have been avowed by Pueyrredon on tt
ject of Spain in the course of his discussions with Mr Worthington — 1
residence of a twelve month among those People or rather among tl
the same Family I thought it was impossible I could thus have de
myself as to the general Enmity towards the Parent State and I detei
to take the earliest means of ascertaining the fact — It is alledged
as I supposed it was, altogether a mistake on the part of Mr. Worthi
most probably growing out of an imperfect knowledge of the Langi
Understanding that the late Director denied the position unequivoc;
struck me as more decorous to obtain assurances of different feelings
different Intentions, if such could be had from the highest authority,
accordingly wrote a private note to the Secretary of State in that "\
A copy of his answer, together with one of my note are enclosed fo
inspection — I think he says enough to remove the impressions whi<
been formed on this information.
I have the honor [etc.].
251
John B. Prevost, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires, Ch'<
Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States
BUENOS AIRES, February 14, i&
SIR: Commodore Morris in compliance with the Instructions fron
Department has furnished me for my guidance with a copy of those add
to the late Capt. Perry — 3 These are so much in consonance with m
ings that I shall have a double pleasure in promoting the views of the
dent — It has been uniformly my Study to cherish an American feelin
although circumstances may at times have thwarted the effect, yet ]
always discovered a Sentiment towards the People of the U States
which to operate.
The Commodore has witnessed an event that some future Historian
Revolution may record with Pride — He has witnessed the dissolutic
Government, a total change of men and of measures without comm
without Bloodshed and without Proscription Congress has surrender
1See above, pt. I, doc. 73, under date January 28, 1819.
3 MS. Letters, J. B. Prevost.
3 See above, pt. i, doc. 79, Secretary of State to Secretary of Navy, May 20, i8i<
>wers, the Director has resigned his Office and Bs. Ays. renouncing its Su-
•emacy now approaches the other Provinces as one only of the great Con-
deracy —
In my two former of the I2th Decemb.1 and of the loth, of January I inti-
ated to you my impressions of an approaching change, but the Modera-
)n and determination with which it has been conducted I could not have
:lieved — I forbear entering into the details as the Commodore in his re-
>rt will necessarily embrace all such occurrences as may merit the notice of
e Government —
A peace with the Montonera may be anticipated as an immediate result
id I might add a declaration of hostilities against the Portuguese — This
st step will be resisted at the Conference with all the influence of the mer-
.ntile part of the Capital; but I am inclined to believe without effect —
very mischief experienced here during the Control of Puerreydon has been
gendered by the agents of the Court of Brazils and it really appears to me
at War alone can heal the wounds they have caused — This proud Direc-
r has fled to that Power for an Asylum and thus augments the Suspicions
tiich have latterly prevailed on the subject if his relations with Gen Le Cor —
have watched this man since my arrival and confess that I have not been
»le to trace one virtue to justify the confidence that has been reposed in him.
.1 his measures have been in direct opposition to the best interests of his
Duntry, destructive of its quiet, destructive of its prosperity and calculated
ily to retard the progress of the revolution —
San Martin will now be aided in his views and enabled to embark with the
jrce he at first contemplated : Whether he will receive the Intelligence in
ason to avail himself of the advantage of those Troops formed by him for
e Invasion is however uncertain — It is said his preparations are in great
rwardness but nothing specific has reached us on account of the Montonera,
cept that he passed the mountains at the date indicated in my last.
With every Sentiment [etc.].
252
>hn B. Prevost, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires, Chile and
Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States *
BUENOS AIRES, March p, 1820.
SIR: The change that took place some weeks since, the details of which will
ive been communicated to you by Commodore Morris, was followed by a
;ace with the Montonera upon terms of such perfect equality, that all was
y — Illuminations succeeded illuminations for nights in succession and the
1 See above, pt. n, doc. 250. That of January 10 is not important to the present work.
! MS. Letters, J. B. Prevosft.
ought to have been, but a Tumult excited by a combination of causes which
I am about in part to unfold has disturbed this happy result —
The Transition from the Sovereignty of many States to that of one, was
necessarily to be attended with changes affecting a variety of interests, many
abuses were to be corrected among which was to be anticipated a general re-
trenchment of a Host of Dependents civil and military growing out of a War
of ten years duration — Under the impression of these feelings, before they
had time to reflect, many were seduced by the intrigues of the disaffected of
the former Administration, openly to reprobate the Treaty as disgraceful to
Buenos Ayres this clamor continued to augment for some days when upon
the delivery of a few hundred stand of arms to the agent of the Montonera in
compliance with the third article, a ferment was excited which terminated in
the choice of a military Chief, who was to restore to the Capital its lost Dig-
nity by recommencing hostilities forthwith.
A measure so precipitate, so subversive of all order, so derogatory to good
faith and so immediately affecting the Independence as well as the Interests
of the City, has compleatly indisposed the Citizens towards the New Chief
and his Followers — He may attempt something with the Troops, but as he
will not be sustained by the Inhabitants, the struggle will not probably last
beyond 48 hours.
Sarratea is a few leagues distant from the City where crowds are flocking to
him with a determination to support his administration and to maintain the
Peace — I still hope that before the vessel shall sail by which this goes, I
may be enabled to announce the dissolution of this mischievous operation
together with the return of order in the triumph of principle and of federalism.
Sarratea had discovered some documents to which he intended to have given
publicity and I know not from their tendency, whether this may not have
operated powerfully with many of those who have distinguished themselves
by their zeal on this occasion — It appears that the late Director Puerrey-
don in Conjunction with the Congress had secretely formed a Treaty with
France for the reception of a branch of the Bourbon Family now in Italy and
for the surrender of the Capital upon the arrival of the Prince — France was
to advance 12 millions of livres and Portugal guarantees the stipulations in
consideration of the cession of the oriental District — These are the princi-
pal Heads of this Instrument as communicated to me, of the existence of
which I am not at liberty to doubt— The fact I hold directly from the
Governor a Gentleman whose integrity has never been impeached, and he was
good enough at the same time to promise me a copy for your inspection, but
in this I am disappointed by his abrupt departure — I hope he still may re-
tain the minutes of the Congress disclosing this disgraceful transaction, in
which case I shall obtain it on his return and will forward it by the Amazon to
sail in about three weeks from hence for New York,
although I understand that the arrangement is made upon the Basis of In-
dependence, yet it is one to which the People are not Parties and one to which
they will not assent. Whether it be a Ferdinand or a Charles is a matter of
Indifference, they are to them alike objects of abhorrence, and will be so of
resistance to the last extremity — A French Frigate left this about two
months since on board of which it is said was a secret Agent with whom the
final arrangements were concluded — However extravagant it may appear
on the part of France in her distracted State, yet I am inclined to believe that
"the measure has been taken without the Knowledge of Great Britain, because
In a late conversation with Mr. Sarratea he told me that Lord Castlereagh had
advised this Government through its Agent resident there to adopt every
mean possible to induce the U. States to a recognition, saying that it must
p»roceed from them first —
I have just received letters from Chile of a late date by which I learn that
the Troops San Martin left behind him at Mendoza as stated in my last had
since crossed the Andes and were now in St lago — The General is at length
prepared for the Invasion so long threatened and will embark on the return of
Ld Cochrane from Valdivia to which Place he had been sent by the Govern-
ment of Chile — He takes with him a Body of six thousand men and will be
supplied with provisions for four months by those furnishing the Trans-
ports—
By a vessel taken near Guayaquil it is ascertained (the expression in my
letter is "Noticias Correctos") that Bolivar had taken Pasto in Popayan and
•was advancing towards Quito only Sixty leagues further South — Cuenza a
beautiful district of country about the same distance South of the Province of
Quito is affirmed to be in a State of general insurrection — Thus every thing
seems to favor the expedition of San Martin and to promise his entire success.
Ld Cochrane during his last Cruise on the Coast of Peru sent into Valpa-
raiso for condemnation two other of our vessels, the Pallas and the Canton,
tHe former I believe from. Providence, the latter from Boston — They have
tooth however been liberated upon the representations of Mr. Hill and I take
the greater pleasure in this act of the Government of Chile, because I know
the Canton to have subjected herself to forfeiture during my stay in Lima —
I am persuaded that Genl O. Higgins has even disapproved of the Capture of
any vessel not laden with Arms and that Ld Cochrane by multiplying the sub-
jects of forfeiture as to ours, has determined him to adopt a course which cir-
cumstances heretofore did not permit —
What has been the fate of the Macedonian I know not nor can I learn that
any sentence has yet been pronounced. Mr. Hill has probably made his com-
rraiinications immediately to the Department in conformity with my instruc-
tions upon leaving St. lago —
In one of my letters from the other side I used an expression as to Genl.
544 lr ART II.
Artigas, which I find to be wholly incorrect, I was deceived in common with
others who received their impressions from this Place — That he may have
committed outrages I will believe, that he has his peculiarities I well know
but he has been uniform in sustaining the Independence of his Country and
has exhibited an adherence to principle under every species of privation, that
will exalt him in the page of history — I enclose an extract from Mr. Home
of Montevideo by which it appears that he has suffered latterly a defeat —
It is true, but the loss is greatly exaggerated — I attach to it little conse-
quence as he will now be enabled to renew his supply of arms and ammuni-
tion from hence —
With every Sentiment [etc.].
253
W. G. D, Worthington, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires, Chile
and Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1
BALTIMORE, March 10, 1820.
SIR: I am inclined to believe that my friends from Maryland, will at the
present Session, make a strong Appeal to the friendship of the President to
shew by his employing me at home or abroad, that my late mission to South
America, eventuated rather in the continuance than the denial of the future
confidence of the Government.
As I have never published a word either directly or indirectly on South
American affairs, except the Summary of Politics on rny arrival, which I sent
to your office, I have never informed my out-door friends of the peculiar
situation in which I stood on the termination of my Agency, looking on those
things as confidential between me & the Administration —
In all my transactions both abroad & since my return, I know of nothing
with which to accuse myself or to explain, further than I have already done
in my official correspondence — It is true, I have often since thought, that
in my last interview with you in August, when I looked upon my Agency as
finally closed & viewed my own proceedings with an eye, perhaps, too partial,
expecting unequivocal approbation, instead of a cold & even half accusing
reception on my return, I was governed by irritated feelings, rather than cool
reason in some remarks which I made on the day, but now too indistinctly
recollected to be particularised. —
I must be permitted to request that you will judge of me then, with much
liberality, on the score of a sensibility being wound up to the highest pitch —
For neither while abroad nor since my return have I willingly and knowingly
accused or embarassed either the Government of the United States or any
* A/T?i. T")ienafr»Vi»c trnm Af<v&«4-!«r. T
And I do this not from any interested motives, but from a conscientious
that I owe it, of my own mere motion, to the President & yourself, &
tain of my friends — Yet, your better judgment, most likely, long
considered the whole of it, in the proper light —
Lerefore now conceive myself acquitted in all respects, as far as it has
to my Knowledge of any explanation due from me as lately an officer of
overnment — However holding it truly magnanimous in every one,
times to correct mistakes —
lerefore hope the proceedings of rny friends, may be viewed through a
im, cleared from any personal prejudice of mine —
ray your pardon this occupation of your time —
:h distinguish [sic] consideration [etc.].
254
B. Prevost, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires, Chile and
Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
March 20, 1820.
ive succeeded in obtaining a copy of the document in season for this
yance and now enclose it for the consideration of the President —
i. Letters, J. B. Prevost. This is a postscript of this date to a letter of five days
which reported matters of minor importance and added the statement that he would
or to obtain for the Department a copy of the important document mentioned in his
if March 9, which see above, doc. 252. The enclosed document follows:
[TRANSLATION]
emorandum oj "Baron de Renneval, Minister of Foreign Relations of France, to Doctor
Don Valentine Gomez, Agent Accredited to the said Court by the
Government of Buenos Aires
SIR: The French Government is taking the most lively interest in the situation in
uch the government of Buenos Aires finds itself, and is ready to do everything possible
promote its measures for constituting itself into a constitutional monarchy; that
ing the only form of government that may suit their reciprocal interests and insure for
e future all the necessary guarantees towards the powers of Europe and towards those
at are near to the Rio de la Plata. The French Government being forced by political
cumstances to act with the greatest circumspection so as to avoid the obstacles that
ght arise mainly from England in the conduct of so important a negotiation, will not
inifest for the present in an noticeable manner its desire to enter into relations with the
>vernment of Buenos Aires, but it will not allow any proposition likely to promote its
sire to afford convincing evidence of the interest with which it considers it to go by.
lerefore, in order to reach the goal so much desired by the Americans of the South, which
independence from the Crown of Spain, and sow the foundation of their constitution on
iubstantial and unconquerable basis, which would put them in position to deal with all
e Powers, the French Government proposes to take the necessary steps to secure from
c < . - - . m
of age, belongs to the Bourbon family, and although related with that of bpam tnere_is n<
fear that his principles are in any way antagonistic to the interests of the American
whose cause he will no doubt enthusiastically endorse. He is gifted with qualities tha
are as commendable as may be desired either from a moral standpoint or from that of hi
military education, which has been one that has been given very great attention and h<
can offer in every respect the most promising prospects. In order to establish and secun
his dynasty, it is proposed in case the Prince is acceptable to the United Provinces t<
seek a marriage with a Brazilian Princess, in which both governments would find in
calculable advantages being united by ties of blood would be interested in drawinj
them closer and closer. Another advantage and one which is not the least to be con
sidered is that the principal condition for the alliance would be to compel Brazil t<
forego possession of the Banda Oriental without compensation, and to enter upon <
treaty of offensive and defensive alliance. As regards the United States, since they hav<
none to fear more than England, and as it is to their interest to live on good terms witl
South America, it is clear that it would not be difficult to overcome the obstacles tha
might be aroused by them to the establishment of a rnonarchial government. Further
more, the French Government will take charge of the diplomatic negotiations in tha
respect and undertakes to grant to Prince de Luca all the support, assistance and pro
tection it would grant to a French Prince. I beg you, Sir, to make these proposition!
known to your government as I believe them to be advantageous and think that there ii
no other form that would be more suitable. It is asserted that a powerful party want!
the United Provinces to institute a republic. I beg you to allow me to offer a remark 01
this point, which I believe will not be out of place under the circumstances. I shall no
§o into particulars as to the difference in every respect between the United States am
outh America. You are well aware of them and there is, therefore, no necessity for mi
resorting to logics in order to convince you. You know very well that a State may no:
organize into a republic except when its area is very limited, its manners have beet
refined and when civilization has been general. What constitutes the strength of <
republic and may secure its duration is harmony that must prevail among all classes, anc
the sincere wish of every individual to contribute to the general good, in one word, it ii
necessary to have virtues that are very rare in your section. And so South America
that is to say Buenos Aires and Chile lack the greater part of the elements needed foi
that purpose. The area of the Provinces is very great ; civilization is in its infancy ; anc
far from having reached the desired goal, passions and partisan forces are in constant
struggle, in one word anarchy has reached its apex in many points which ought to b<
possessions of the Government of Buenos Aires, witness the Banda Oriental of Rio de 1<
Plata, which on account of its position could not be separated without giving rise t(
endless wars. In this condition of affairs, I do not see — in order to [establish] the happi
ness of the country, to bring to an end this conflict of powers which paralyzes largely th<
means of the Government and to bring and join together all the parties in the same caus<
which for nine years has already cost so many sacrifices: — I do not see, I say, any othei
means except a constitutional and liberal monarchy, which, while guaranteeing thi
happiness and rights of the people in general, would bring it into friendly relations with
all the nations of Europe; a matter which could not be ignored in connection with com
merce. Things being so the country would have a well constituted government recog
nized by the other governments. Agriculture which is now lacking would become on(
of the sources of wealth and abundance; arts and science would flourish; the surplus o
European population would come there to increase that which is now inadequate foi
these immense countries which are deserts, which to the eye of the observer and travellei
offer nothing but sterility and which would be turned into the most fertile land. U
would also be possible to turn to great advantage the treasures contained in their subsoil
so many mines of all kinds, which may be relied upon some day not only to supplj
revenues beyond calculation, but also to contribute to the happiness of many othei
peoples. I believe that all these considerations are more than sufficient to induce youi
Government to adopt the proposed plan, because they would prepare for your country
a happy fate, that is, rights to recognition and immortality, the most glorious and onlj
titles which the ambition of virtuous men may claim. I also know that there is in th<
t times when prepared to invade Lima — This unravels the web
s enveloped the treacherous campaign in Upper Peru — This detects
2Ct of the late Congress in prolonging the exercise of powers which had
itionally become extinct —
whole administration of Puerreydon has been a series of deception
2d upon a brave and confiding People— The pride of Supremacy,
ore the folly of the Capital, was fostered as the mean of seducing its
»nt in support of measures in which he had ulterior and sinister views —
i now changed, the determination of the whole of the Interior to resist
• with the Montonera as well as the authority from whom it emanated
;d the revolution referred to in mine of the 14 of feby. last and saved
:ed Provinces a considerable pro-English party, and I beg you to allow me to offer
e remarks and reflections on the subject. Suppose that England places a Prince of
tiouse on the Throne of South America, and that, through ascendancy gained among
Courts of Edrope by the long wars, which have always been so costly and in her
rests in order that she might not herself fall under the blows that threatened her,
:an for sometime save the country from fresh wars and, united with her own physical
es, cement its power. Is it believed that in this way the people would be made
pier? What is it that makes people happy? And especially a people like that of the
ted Provinces who have worked so long to obtain that state of independence which is
lake them glorious and sure of their happiness, that happiness which they have a
t to yearn for, so many sacrifices. First, in the establishment of the rights which
ure demands and does not condemn; Second, in the free exercise of the religion they
:tice and the truths of which they know and appreciate; Third, in the national
•acter which constitutes the good social spirit that already distinguishes the inhabit-
! of South America from many other nations which have not yet reached the stage of
lization in which the general happiness of peoples consist. Well then what in all
e respects might be expected to come from England or from a Prince imbued to the
it of fanaticism with the principles of his nation? There would be occasion to fear
>t the overthrow of the Catholic religion which dominates in the country, at least its
ttlement or perhaps internecine wars of religion which would bring misfortune on the
pie. Furthermore, the national character of the civilized Americans would lead to
inconsistent with social happiness and by making themselves hateful to the sons of
country they would injure the latter's self respect, driving them in a spirit of revenge
)t to destroy the nation which aroused them, at least to weaken it so that they could
die the reins without interference. Through this description which unfortunately
ot overdrawn, you may see that far from having set up the solid foundations of
ices which have been so well started this nation would be destroyed and a people who
lout doubt are worthy of a better fate would relapse into slavery. To sum up I
eve that if the happiness of those countries is kept in mind they must not be sur-
lered to those who could do no more than enslave them and destroy an incipient
piness bought at the price of so many sacrifices.
n the contrary by accepting for a sovereign the Prince proposed by France there is
ear of an overthrow of the religion : rather one may be sure that he would prove a
ng support and at the same time would be exempt from the fantacisim that is so
mtul to all religions. His liberal mind would condemn licentiousness, which is so
trary to any civilized state and all the qualities that may insure South America
:ect happiness; in one word, a Prince who turned American will and can have no
jr object than to promote agriculture, arts, science and trade, and win thereby the
> of his subjects.
believe that under the circumstances it will be necessary for your Government to
:h an early decision unless they wish to allow a most favorable opportunity, which
f never again occur, for their happiness and the promotion of their commerce, to
s by.
U OLitLCb, 1 VCULUie UJ say 1.110.1, n. WVUIAJ. givvx u. ^».»u.». IA.-O v.v.» v.~ . — —
South America directly in opposition to those contemplated by this Treaty-
The tendency towards our Country and its institutions is perfectly undei
stood by the Powers of Europe and every Species of Intrigue is kept on foe
to suppress a feeling which if developed in its movement would necessarily dc
stroy all political dependence and confine their relations to those of Corr
merce merely —
Tribunals have been established for the Trial of those engaged in th:
transaction but the greater part and those of consequence have fled upon i1
disclosure — It will however serve to indicate to the world the public feelin
on a question so vitally important —
255
W. G. D. Worthington, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires, Chil
and Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
WASHINGTON, April 8, 1820.
SIR: Previously to my leaving Baltimore on the 6th Inst. it was intimate
to me, by a friend, that he thought it probable, some suggestions had bee
made to the Department of State, respecting my being interested in a pecun:
ary point of view in some of the public or private armed vessels of the Sout
American Patriots —
Except in the peculiar instance, of which I frankly informed you, before
left Buenos Ayres, I, on honor, pronounce any insinuation of this Kin
utterly groundless : — And beg leave to submit to your perusal the enclose*
affidavit & Certificate, which, I think, must be considered as conclusive o:
the subject — The parts of the Affidavit not relating to this point appear t
be surplusage; And if I have been totally misinformed, I pray your pardo:
this intrusion —
With distinguished consideration [etc.].
1 MS. Dispatches from Argentina, I.
BUENOS AIRES, April 30, 1820.
I had the honor to transmit to the Department by the Heisilia an
m Brig, the copy of a secret Treaty made by the late Congress with
for the reception of Prince of the Bourbon Family and I now enclose
1 copy of that Instrument together with a Duplicate of my several
iccompanying it, in order to supply any loss to which the casualties of
may have subjected that Conveyance — Perhaps I ought to apolo-
the haste which the last of these exhibits, the fact is that the one of
h. was despached in expectation of the immediate departure of the
ind remained in the hands of the Master until the morning of the
hen it was withdrawn at the moment of weighing the Anchor for the
: of covering the Document to which it referred and I could not resist
desultory observations that were added as a Postscript 2.
i adverting to those remarks I cannot discover a single one to re-
on the contrary I am persuaded that they may all be sustained by a
2Ct simply to measures without reference to the late disclosures. —
ny intention to have enlarged upon this subject and to have submitted
:s corroborative of this view, but I am relieved from this Task by the
tion of the Secret Minutes of Congress — These afford matter
to account for all the obstructions to the views of San Martin and
10, and will suffice to convince you that Puerreydon and his associates
•er swayed by other motives than those of Country. — I have seen the
containing the originals and can vouch for the correctness of the
with France as well as that with Brazil ... to both of which
)articular attention — You need not however entertain a doubt as to
henticity of the extracts throughout, there is no motive for addition,
Die is without Parallel, even Machiavel would have blushed to record
series of Treachery of Intrigue and of dissimulation —
liornas Hardy upon learning the Treaty with France immediately
:hed the Blossom to England with a copy — I thought it might offer
tious moment to press the views of the President upon that Cabinet
:ordingly transmitted to Mr. Rush by the same vessel the documents
:or that purpose at his discretion —
Luch lenity was indulged towards those of the late conspirators who
id behind after the flight of their Chief, that a similar effort was made
26th. Ultimo under Alvear formerly a Director but since and still a
pt — It assumed an aspect equally alarming because of the defection
rroops, but fortunately was not of any duration — They were awed
1 MS. Letters, J. B. Prevost. * See above, pt. n, doc. 254.
hovering over Bs. Ayres — All his views are directed to the restoration ot the
Civil Power. He has dismissed the crowd of Soldiers that surrounded the
avenues of the public offices, He appears in the Simple dress of a Citizen,
claims no distinction, is at all times accessible and prompt in the despach of
business, submits his measures to the Public through the medium of the
Press and invites discussion on every occasion — With all this in performing
the Task of Hercules he has not acquired popularity his labors have thrown
upon Society so many discontented Dependents that I doubt whether he
would be reelected if inclined to Serve — He has intimated a determination
to retire as soon as a Successor can be legally named by those chosen at a late
election for that purpose.
The meeting of the Deputies from the several Provinces is proposed at a
short day hence at a Place in the Interior about 70 leagues distant — I
understand they have it in view to adopt some system analogous to that of
the U States, each Province to retain its Separate government subject to the
control of a general Congress in those branches connected with foreign
relations —
It is my intention to repair thither and to remain as long as may be nec-
essary to enable me to give you the most correct information on points sc
materially involving the Destinies of this Country. Happily the dependence
of one Province upon the other is such by their Locality, that there can arise
no collisions from distinct Interests the only subject upon which a difference
of opinion may arise is the course to be adopted in relation to the Portuguese
— Artigas has avowed his intention to form one of the confederation as soor
as they shall determine upon a war with that Power, what may be the effecl
of this I know not, but I am inclined to believe his views will obtain — It is
evidently the policy of the Provinces to root out from the Capital this corrod
ing influence —
On the other Side of the Andes the Scene is different, exempt from foreigi
Intrigues, all is success — Ld Cochrane has taken Valdivia a place es
teemed by the Spaniards the Key of the Pacific and fortified by them at at
immense expence — The official report accompanies this, together with th<
proclamation of San Martin announcing his expedition — Bolivar continue;
to advance Southerly and although from the nature of the Country he canno
approach so as to be of immediate Service yet his contiguity and Succes:
must Serve to distract the Councils of Lima and to destroy confidence —
With every Sentiment of respect [etc.].
JJUUUMJMNJL Z^/. M.AX ijq
257
J<?/m J9. Prevost, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires, Chile and
Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States x
BUENOS AIRES, May 24, 1820.
SIR: The selection of those constituting the Electoral Body although taken
from among the most respectable Inhabitants, has proved unfortunate —
They are generally of the Class infected with the former spirit of Dominion
and appear little disposed to meet the Provinces upon that footing of equality
imposed upon them by the late Charge [?]. They have filled the several offices
of State with those of like impressions and all their measures yielding to this
Infatuation present an aspect wholly unfriendly to the Union, although uni-
formly accompanied with professions of adherence to the confederacy —
These Incongruities in the present State of distrust, have excited jealousies
among the People and I think will lead to another visit from the Montonera
within some short term — Should such be the case I shall be deceived if all
the exertions of those in Power can effect a resistance. — It is rumored that the
Followers of Puerreydon in conjunction with their Chief have solicited
Troops from the Portuguese in aid of the idle pretensions of the Capital : That
such an application has been made to Gen1 Le Cor and by him referred to the
King his master, I really believe, but I venture to predict that it will be with-
out effect, however much a renewal of the civil war might promote the mis-
chievous polities of that Cabinet — The fact upon which I found my predic-
tion, has probably reached you through another Channel, it was communicated
to me in confidence and may be relied upon, I allude to the interference of
Great Britain for the purpose of inducing the Portuguese to withdraw their
Troops altogether from the other side — Several conferences had taken
place there about the time of the late disclosures in which this measure was
pressed by Mr Thornton — It may therefore fairly be presumed that the
information since obtained of a secret Treaty disclosing views at variance
with their professions on the subject of this possession, together with a knowl-
edge of the french Intrigues favored by that power, will give to the Represen-
tations of this Minister a character so positive, as at least to deter it from
granting the aid contemplated by the disaffected to the Liberties of their
Country —
Among the characters exhibiting on this Theatre J. M. Carrera may be
considered as prominent — He joined the Montonera about two years since,
residing at or near Santa Fe where he was principally employed in conducting
the public Correspondence and in digesting matter for the Press — At the
Conclusion of the Treaty of peace and of Union in February last he obtained
great credit for the liberality which he was supposed to have infused into the
Leaders of those People — He accompanied them to this City and availing
I "M 9» <~Vniaii1ar«T .pttwa Rucnna Air pa T
by trie uovernnieni. iviy j.mpi\-ooiv«j. ^^
in view a Force for sustaining the Union to be placed at the disposal of the
Convention at its first meeting and for that purpose solely and with that un-
derstanding assented to the measures — There is no doubt but that this
Corps composed of about 500 men under the command of Carrera, has since
been sustained by the Governments of Santa Fe and Entre Rios, and that
they are acting in perfect concert — The effect however has not been happy
as it respects the relations between this Government and that of Chile, as the
latter has suspended all intercourse by mail until proper explanations can be
had — A measure growing out of the Indiscretion of Gen1 Carrera who in
order to revive an influence he once possessed, had caused proclamations to
be distributed in Chile announcing an intention to return forthwith at the
head of a regular Army —
A Deputy had arrived in Sfc. lago from New Granada for the purpose of
establishing permanent relations between the two Governments and of mak-
ing arrangements for a Cooperation in the liberation of the whole Coast —
The enclosed paper gives such details as have reached us from Chile in print,
all of which are confirmed by private letters —
As Bs. A8, has delayed sending a Deputy to meet those of the other Prov-
inces I shall remain here until that event can be brought about — It can-
not long be retarded, when I shall hope to present you a correct view of the
Polities of the different Provinces together with a sketch of those who are now
distinguished among them —
With every sentiment of Consideration [etc.]-
258
John B. Prevost, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires, Chile and
Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States *•
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, June 8, 1820.
SIR: The Intercourse with Chile is again revived and by the Mail of Yester-
day I received among others a letter from Genl O. Higgins2 of which I have
1 MS. Letters, J. B. Prevost.
2 For the letter from O'Higgins, see below, pt. v, doc. 474, under date April 21,1820. Bound
in the volume of Prevost's letters immediately following this of June 8, 1820, is also the fol-
lowing translation of a remarkable letter dated at Santiago, September 30, 1819, from Thomas
r the honor to transmit a copy for your perusal — It is in answer to one
ressed to him by me covering the communications of Rondeau and Gomez
lo to the Supreme Director of the United Provinces regarding the mission of Prevpst.
' it came into the possession of the Department is not indicated. It bears the penciled
:tion "To be filed with Mr. Prevost's correspondence:
[TRANSLATION]
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: On the 25th. of January 1818. Mr. John Prevost, a citizen of
the United States, arrived at Valparaiso, in the American Sloop of War, the Ontario; on
his way to the North-West Coast, with a commission and instructions from his Govern-
ment, to take possession of the English Settlement on the Columbia River, in conformity
with the Treaty of Ghent. Notwithstanding his studied reserve, the real object of his
mission Soon transpired and it was intimated to me that this person had been empow-
ered by the President Monroe, as a private Agent, for the purpose, not only of observing
the political and military State of Affairs in Chili, the extent of the plans formed there,
the means of their execution and the force and power opposed to them; but of investigat-
ing the proceedings of the Commission composed of Graham, Rodney and Bland in Re-
lation to Chili, and of acquiring, by a comparative view of the information transmitted
by him, correct ideas of the objects contemplated.
I at once saw the propriety of cultivating an intimacy with Prevost, as by giving me a
close observation of his movements, it might produce such an effect upon the objects he
had in view, as would be Serviceable to our cause. His agreeable manners and the circle
in which I was introduced to him, facilitated my approach; and after a short inter-
course, I discovered him to be a person of strong democratic principles, a warm friend of
our Independence and well disposed to prepare the American Government to Adopt a
course favourable to the happy conclusion of our Revolution.
The outfit of the Lautaro frigate, which, at the particular request of the Government
and of H. E. Don Jos6 de San Martin, I had undertaken a short time previous to the
battle of Maypu, afforded me a new proof of the Sentiments of Prevost. Bejng at Val-
paraiso, when I was preparing to execute the business I had engaged in, amidst a total
privation of every requisite assistance, he not only furnished me with all that could pos-
sibly be Spared from the Ontario Sloop, but he afforded me his personal aid and by his
active exertions among the foreigners then in the port greatly promoted the object allud-
ed to; discovering throughout the whole as lively an interest as could be felt by the
most decided friends of the Country.
In the month of March of the Same year, he proceeded to Lima ; and after engaging
the Viceroy of Peru to agree to the proposal of General Dn Jos6 San Martin for an ex-
change of prisoners, he accompanied the Commissaries Pezuela Olhaverriague and Blan-
co, and returned to this Capital with much information on a variety of topics highly in-
teresting to us, and with letters from Several respectable patriots, the contents of which
Your Excellency was made acquainted with at an early period.
The incorrect conduct of Captain Biddle, the Commander of the Ontario, having de-
termined Mr. Prevost to leave that vessel, he embarked at Valparaiso on the J3th of
July on board H. B. Majesty's Sloop of War, Blossom, to proceed to the Columbia, first
touching at Callao — . Being informed, on his arrival at Lima, that the Viceroy was
negociating the purchase of the Ship Cumberland (now the General San Martin) with
Captain Shirreff of the British Frigate Andromache, for which this Government had
been treating without having come to an agreement, Mr. Prevost facilitated the move-
ment of Mr. Cleveland, an American Citizen; and in addition, charged him with infor-
mation on that as on other important points, which proved extremely useful.
After accomplishing the object of his mission to the River Columbia, he returned to
Valparaiso in March last, when I cultivated a Still closer intimacy with him: this, Some
time after, led to his communications to rne the President's instructions to him, his
Credentials and the personal instructions of Mr. Adams, the Secretary of State. In the
first of these documents I perceived a decided interest manifested by the President Mon-
roe in the fate of Chili and our cause in general: the letters written by Prevost had given
favourable impressions of events here, and had opened a field for the Cultivation of
those amicable relations which the President Monroe Seems desirous to recommend and
maintain, and also, for the recognition of the Independence of the United Provinces and
of Chili, a measure which Prevost has uniformly advocated.
Another incidental circumstance tended still further to add to the impression in fa-
vour of Prevost: this was the difference observed in the ooinions entertained bv him and
1 ScllL UJ.ciu iui ma UJ.SCLVUWCU
Bolivar is Stated to be in Sight of Quito and little doubt is entert;
the Surrender of that Capital — What course he may afterwards tal<
known, that is, whether he will advance Southerly to Cuzco by th
Road of the Incas, or proceed to Guayaquil on the Pacific — To the
am inclined, because the first will subject him to great privations anc
ficulties almost insuperable — It is true that he is not to be judged 1
mon rules and may attempt it at whatever risque should San Mart
Solicited or advised his approach in that direction. . . .
Nothing has occurred since my last, no Deputy has yet been sei
hence and the result must be another visit from the Montonera —
mentable to witness the perversity of these rulers and the mischiefs t
engendering, all of which must recoil upon Bs. Ayres.
With every Sentiment of Consideration [etc.].
by Judge Bland during his visit to Chili; the former drawing his conclusions fi
data and sound arguments; while the latter relied upon a mass of incident
brought together and most frequently collected from doubtful Sources. Thii
ance of Sentiment produced some difference between those Gentlemen ; whicl
directly, a good effect, as it put Prevost, in his communications to his Governmi
correcting the information given by Bland, by pointing out its numerous erroi
dundancies and by setting objects in a light advantageous to our future plans ;
pects.
In the course of the last month Mr. Prevost received the President's d
through the Secretary of State, to repair hither, where he would receive furthe
tions from Mr. Graham, the New Envoy of the United States to the Court of B
in the mean time to take into his possession the official papers of Mr. Consul K
was also informed that the conduct of Mr. Worthington had been disapproved
having exceeded his instructions. Mr. Secretary Adams requests of him th
possible information on the State of Affairs here; with a view, as is presurr
throw the necessary light upon that Subject, during the ensuing Session of C
I have thought it would be proper to give Your Excellency this Sketch of the
and individual Sentiments of Mr. Prevost, as well by reason of the esteem to w
justly entitle him, as in consideration of the effect they may have on our future
with the Government of the United States of America, an object he is anxioi
mote and which we may hope he will be instrumental in furthering.
May God long preserve Your Excellency! Santiago de Chili 30. Septembc
259
John B. Prevost, Special Agent of the United States to Buenos Aires, Chile and
Peru, to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States x
BUENOS AIRES, September 28, 1820.
SIR: A severe gale of wind some time past caused such destruction among
the Shipping lying in the Roads that I have not been enabled to procure
any conveyance by which to forward a line to the U. States. Even now
I hazard this by the way of Martinique that my silence may not subject me
to censure — The Capital still adhering to their perverse system the Mon-
tonera aided by Alvear and the Division of Chilenos under Carrera entered
this Province towards the latter end of June — The event had been an-
ticipated as it appeared by the preparations for resistance which had been
secretly made, and some address was discovered in the Selection of an
officer of favor throughout the Province ; notwithstanding which as soon as
the respective Forces came in Sight of each other, the greater part of those
of Buenos Ayres joined the invading Powers and thus enabled them to
advance without opposition within a few leagues of the City — The dismay
and excitement produced by their near approach induced the Cabildo to
send out a Deputation authorized to accede to any terms that Lopez might
impose — The Citizens composing this Delegation were mostly hostile
to the Union, individually friendly to Alvear and all averse to the prosecution
of those whose Infamy had been detected and disclosed by Sarratea —
You may, Sir, easily believe that with such men, there were sufficient
motives for defeating the reelection of a Patriot, but you may be surprized
when you learn that Carrera was the Instrument through whom they
effected their object — The choice of Alvear was suggested by the Deputa-
tion from a belief that there was some understanding between him and
Carrera that he should favor the Invasion of Chile, the proposal was too
gratifying to his views to be resisted, and principles were abandoned and
the Confidence of Lopez betrayed and deceived in order to give it effects
although perfectly aware of the Enmity of the People to this Prescript —
An arrangement was accordingly made for placing Alvear at the head of the
Government together with some other stipulations which have never been
divulged [nearly half of a line destroyed in binding], whispered, the Indigna-
tion of the lower Orders could not be suppressed, they took up arms and
continued on Duty for several weeks during the most inclement Season
with a firmness not to be overcome — The fervor gradually communicated
itself to those without and the federal Standard then so lately the rallying
point, was wholly abandoned and Lopez compelled to retire with loss of
reputation.
During the convulsion, the Cabildo alarmed for its safety made every
1 MS, Letters, J. B. Prevost.
by a forced. Marcn overtooK surprizea ana aesLroyeu unc ^^^ ?<*>.>.
Carrera's Division Killing one hundred and taking nearly four hundi
Prisoners among whom were Sixty officers who had joined the Fortunes
Alvear and Carrera.
I feel myself at a loss to form anticipations from a result which althou
it has been productive of good, yet must produce much Evil — On the c
hand, the determination of the People to resist any dominion to which t\
are not a Party, coupled with the destruction of a Force destined by its 1:
leader for mischievous purposes, are positive benefits. On the other ha
are Evils, but I think not of duration, the continuance of the State
disunion together with a probability that the Partizans of Puerreydon rr
obtain Power; They have so long practised the arts of delusion, that tl
have rather gained an ascendancy even while they were furnishing Alv<
with the means of destruction, and that, by affecting to be zealous in •
cause of the People — It is only here that such scenes are witnessed and •
People must remain victims, while their credulity leads them to confide
Papers edited under the auspices of Such Rulers — The succors furnisl:
to Alvear and Carrera are said to have come from Montevideo and I hi
reason to believe such to be the fact, and hence conclude that they i
equally with Puerreydon Instruments of this disorganizing policy of 1
Portuguese — They have no doubt distinct views, but all are alike
Selfishness and in a total disregard to the happiness of their Country —
Privateering under any circumstances is an odious warfare, but wl
indulged by a neutral under a foreign Flag for the mere purposes of Plun
it becomes a Crime of magnitude — In Baltimore I am sorry to say th
are many who forget the National character by employing their Capi
in this unworthy mode of acquiring gain — The Confederation manr
and officered by American Citizens was equipped in this Port and sai
sometime in the beginning of the last month under the command of <
Captn. Levely, and it is said but I hope without foundation, that he 1
committed some depredations upon the Portuguese off the Harbor of Ri<
A Mr. Armstrong of respectable connexions in Baltimore went as a Passen
and is supposed to be the agent of the Concerned — It is in vain, Sir, t
laws are made and penalties attached to their infringement while
exercise of the right of disfranchisement is unaccompanied with so
previous form, or measures adopted through the agents abroad for detect
those who engage under a Foreign Flag without a change of allegiano
It appears to me that this might be effected either by some previous stej
offer my conviction that unless a material change has taken place at Lima
during my absence, it will succeed — The paper containing this intelligence
together with the Force employed is enclosed for your perusal —
Sir Thomas Hardy has been good enough to shew me some sketches and
surveys of the lately discovered Continent, made by the officer sent out
sometime since for that purpose by Capt. Shirreff of the Andromache, The
Vessel was not equipped to justify its remaining out long, his principal object
having been to ascertain the fact — I think they coasted it nearly Six
hundred Miles.
With every Sentiment of Respect [etc.].
260
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires ^ to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, December 4, 1820.
Friday 2?th October. Agreably to appointment I went at 12 oClock, ac-
companied by Mr Zimmerman, to a private audience of the Governor. I
found Mr Yrigoyen with His Excellency and the Conversation was partly
in French and partly in English, interpreted as before. I stated to the
Governor my sincere regret that any misconception of the extent of my
powers or the objects of my mission should have taken place previous to my
arrival ; that my Agency had merely for its object to repeat assurances of the
good disposition and wishes of the Government and people of the United
States towards those of this Country and to put myself in communication
with the existing authorities on certain points interesting to both Countries.
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I. He had reached Buenos Aires on October 24.'
In the introductory paragraph of this dispatch the statement is made that Prevost had been
summarily ordered by the Buenos Airean authorities to leave within four days, the last of
which was October 25, the day following the arrival of Forbes. This decided the question,
left open in their instructions, whether Forbes or Prevost should remain at Buenos Aires.
See above, pt. i, docs. 88 and 90, Secretary of State to Forbes, July 5, and to Prevost July 10,
1820. The authorities had taken offense at statements made by him in his dispatches to the
Department of State which had been published in the United States. During the following
five days Prevost remained on board a United States ship in the harbor and on October 30
sailed for Chili on a British vessel.
Stale Ol mis v_ouni.ry a,iiu me
Government would very materially operate on public opinion in the United
States. I thought this hint might be justified by all the circumstances of the
case. In reply, the Governor said he should always be happy to receive and
attend to any Communications I might think proper to make. He expressed
a wish to know the nature of any document of which I might be the bearer,
that he hoped that, in a very short time, their dissentions would terminate in
a peace with the other provinces and that my arrival had already stimulated
the desire felt on both sides to come to an amicable adjustment of all existing
differences. Finding that nothing short of the exhibition of the document,1
with which you were pleased to furnish me, would satisfy them, I first ex-
plained to them, that the Government of the U. S., informed of the political
dissentions which existed here, could not address the document in question
to any man or set of men and of course that it was addressed "to all whom it
might concern". I then presented it. Mr Yrigoyen read it in Spanish to
the Governor, who requested that I would furnish a translation of it in that
language, this I promised to do. I then took occasion to make a profession
of my fixed determination not to meddle or partake in any party opinions or
measures in this Country; which course, I assured the Governor, was not only
enjoined on me by my instructions, but also in perfect accordance with rny
personal feelings. To this the Governor replied that, during their whole rev-
olution they had never sought to enlist foreigners residing here in any of
their controversies. . . .
Sunday 2$>th October. Among the visits I had received was that of Doctor
Castro, a Doctor of Laws, President of the Highest Tribunal and Editor of
the Official Gazette. I this day returned this Gentleman's visit and was ac-
companied by Mr Lynch, a popular young man, of very extensive family
connections, speaking fluently English & Spanish. As Doctor Castro is a man
of talents and of much influence with the present Government, I took occa-
sion to talk freely with him of the exaggerated expectations which had been
entertained by the people of this Country in relation to the political course
which in their view the United States ought to have taken and explained to
him some of those arguments which satisfied us and ought to satisfy them
that the strict neutrality observed by the United States had been much more
beneficial to the Republics of South America than could have been a direct
participation in their struggle which must necessarily have excited the most
gigantic coalition against them. The learned Doctor declared his entire as-
sent to my position and said that, although he had once distrusted the friend-
1 See above, pt. i, doc. 88, Secretary of State to Forbes, July 5, 1820.
our course had been wise and magnanimous. I left him, being much satis-
fied with the important conquest I had made. I learned this day from differ-
ent quarters that the friends and enemies of the present Government are ex-
tremely busy in their conjectures about the objects of my mission. Some
asserting that I had been authorized to acknowledge this Republic, but had,
on my own discretion, declined doing it in consequence of the distracted state
in which I found the Country, others stating that I had only come out with
Agencies to claim money on different contracts between individuals of the
United States and the different Agents of this Government. The first of
these reports emanates from among the deposed chiefs of the various parties
which have passed through this political, "magic lanthorn," all of whom find
an asylum at Monte Video. The last idea has, I presume, been put into cir-
culation by Mr. Aguirre or some of the many Agents who, after having duped
our fellow Citizens, return here and seek to justify their own bad faith by the
most studied and malignant calumnies on our national and individual charac-
ter. As far as opportunities have occurred in conversation I have resisted
both these assertions and have decided that, under existing circumstances, it
will be most prudent to suspend all applications to this Government for money
on claims, however well founded, because on the one hand, they would refuse
to assume any contract made with the United Provinces, that Union no longer
existing, and, in case even of a claim fixed on this Government, the payment
would be refused on the ground that they have not the means. On the other
hand, such applications would so entirely disaffect them towards me that I
should find it difficult to continue my residence here, until a more settled and
prosperous state of things shall result from the efforts now making for general
pacification and the reunion of the Provinces. I shall therefore keep my
claims carefully "en porte feuille" and hope soon to see a state of things more
propitious to their just liquidation and payment. I hope that these motives
and this decision will find favour in the view of The President. The present
rulers here can only obtain the means of defraying the daily and indispensable
expences of the Government and armies by new loans. The whole Govern-
ment, if so it may be called, is a mere matter of expedient from one day to an-
other, a mere military police. Mr. Halsey and a Mr. Diverhagen (by birth
a German but a naturalized Citizen of the U. S.) who claims under Mr
Halsey's contract, have applied to me to support their claims, but I have
advised them to suspend all proceedings for the reasons above stated; and
they have acquiesced in the reason and the result. I learn from Mr. Zimmer-
man who has had some Agency in General John Mason's claim for Cannon
delivered to Mr. Aguirre, that, in a more prosperous state of its finances,
this Government will, in Mr. Z's opinion, be disposed to pay that claim, but,
even if a liquidation of it could now be obtained, nothing could be had in pay-
ment but Government paper selling at 60 per cent under par. I have hinted
only equalled by ms mance, nab, iui iucmy mvm.«.3 Hn_v^Uo ^ ***^ ,
been in the habit of maltreating every thing North American, in a paper
called, " Despertador" . his attacks were very well repulsed at the time by a
writer under the signature of "a North American." These replies were as-
cribed by many to Mr Prevost, but I have reason to believe that they all
emanated from the same pen which has more recently vindicated us against a
bitter attack since my arrival. This attack commenced in a letter from "La
Patriota Clara" who is neither more or less than a singular character here, a
M"> Clarke, who is supposed by some to have been secretly married to
Commodore Taylor, now in Baltimore, her letter complains of the conduct of
our Government in refusing a passage in the Constellation, to Taylor, adorned
by the most patriotic and gallant atchievements in the Buenos Ayrean serv-
ice and, at same time, granting a passage to AT Halsey, known here only by
his traitorous correspondence with Artigas, furnishing him with arms &c. In
reply to this real or pretended letter, Father Castenada goes on to remark, in
the most insulting style, not only on the character and conduct of our Gov-
ernment, but on the total want of religion and honour among the North
Americans. In reply to this odious Phillippic, our acting V. Consul, Mr Zim-
merman, with his usual zeal, wrote and published, at his own expence, the
enclosed letters, addressed first to "La Patriota Clara", next to "Padre Cas-
tenada" and, lastly to the " Citizens of Buenos Ay res", all tending to vindicate
the political character of our Government and the individual character of our
Citizens.
Indignant as I felt at the vile charges brought against us by this hypro-
critical libellist, I did not feel warranted in noticing anonymously any such
attacks, and, considering the responsibility of my official character, I wished
to preserve an attitude of contempt for the author and his writings. I pre-
sume that similar motives influenced Judge Prevost in declining all such
contests. I will not dissemble that I readily furnished Mr. Zimmerman with
such data as I felt myself at liberty to communicate. Among the official
visits I have received is that of Mr. Zaniartu, Minister Plenipotentiary of
Chili, who called at my house on 2nd November, with an apology for having
delayed his visit on account of ill health (perhaps indisposition as he is
known to have been very unfriendly to Mr Prevost and is said to be generally
so to all North Americans) he spoke french tolerably and some few minutes
of common place conversation, not worth reporting, passed between us.
I returned his visit the next day but did not find him at home. On the 18th
November I received a visit from Colonel, Don Francisco Uriundo, the
Deputy of the Province of Salta who was sent to the different Provinces to
DOCUMENT 26O: DECEMBER 4, 1 820 561
invite them to send deputies to a General Congress, he told me that all
the Provinces had readily acceded to the proposal of a Congress and all,
except Buenos Ayres, had already chosen their deputies ; he spoke freely of
the great distrust which existed among the distant provinces towards this
Capital, he positively assured me that but one sentiment prevailed through-
out the other Provinces and that was, a firm resolution to be independent
and republican, and that, if Buenos Ayres continued in her perverse tendency
towards Monarchy, the other Provinces would undoubtedly form a federal
republic to the exclusion of this City, and this opinion I have received from
various respectable sources. Mr. Uriundo asked me if I was authorized
to assure the Provinces of the friendship and protection of the United
States, in case of their thus uniting in a federal republic. I replied that
I was authorized to make no such engagement in the name of the United
States, that I could assure him that the Government and people of my
Country very sincerely wished to see all South America, Independent and
naturally felt a cordial predilection for a Republican Government, that I was
authorized by my Government to offer the fullest assurances of good will
towards the South Americans, but, as to any positive measures on the part
of the United States, either of recognition or co-operation, it was impossible
for me to promise or to foretell them. The Councils of the United States
would always be dictated by the purest principle, tempered by a prudent
observance of events.
On this point I am daily pressed and as often compelled to defend myself
in this way. Mr. Uriundo told me that it was in my power to give a tone to
public opinion if I were authorized to take a decided stand in the name of
my Government and so am I daily told by the violent men of all parties.
At a late hour of the night my doors have been almost forced by individuals
unknown to me, proscribed by the existing Government, coming to me in
disguise and holding the most violent and inflammatory language, talking of
the dreadful events which are preparing for this City and invoking my
opinions, but all to no purpose. My uniform language to men of all parties
is, "I am neither authorized or disposed to enlist in any of the parties which
unfortunately exist in this Country, I wish the South Americans every
possible happiness, but cannot undertake to instruct them as to the means
of attaining it." I sometimes hazard the opinion that a permanent and
good government is very important, not only to their domestic security,
but to give them a character and enable them to command the respect of
other nations. . . .
[In a postscript dated January 16, 1821, he explained that he had not
previously had opportunity to send to the United States his despatch of
December 4; and continued:]
endeavour to give as taimiui a report as can oe collected in a
by numberless dissentions and where truth is never to be found untainted b?
party spirit. The Theatre on which these events have passed is so vastb
extensive that, in collecting information the distortions resulting fron
distances alone, without any other vitiating cause, are enough to shake ou
faith in all such facts as do not occur within our own immediate observation
The operations in which this Government is engaged, naturally dividi
themselves into cis and ultra-mountainous. As the brightest page of thi
history of passing events is to be found with the liberating army of Peru
I shall reserve that as a balm for the wounds which the gloomy and discour
aging picture of nearer scenes is calculated to inflict on the philanthropii
heart. I shall first therefore endeavour to give some idea of the state o
things on this side the mountains.
The War which existed at the time of my arrival between the Bueno
Ayreans under Rodriguez and the Santa Fe-sioros under Lopez was terminatec
by a treaty of peace signed by these two chiefs on the 21st day of Novembe
and ratified by the Junta here on 2?th same month. One article of thi
treaty stipulates that a Congress of all the Provinces shall be held at Cordov;
in two months after its date. On the night of the 22nd November Jos
Miguel Carrera, well known in the United States and who is the implacabl
enemy of this Province, left the Camp of Lopez for Melingue, an Indian towi
on the frontier of Cordova, followed by One hundred and fifty Chilenos an<
the principal officers attached to his fortunes, Jordan, Benevente &c
Rodrigues, being advised thereof by Lopes, who had sent Garcia with i
Corps in pursuit of him, also dispatched a body of Cavalry which returnee
after an ineffectual chase of three days.
On the 2nd. December a party of Indians headed by Carrera and th
Chilenos with him, attacked a small place called el Salto and carried oi
about three hundred women and killed a number of males.
Several bodies of Indians entered the Southern posts and carried off fiv
hundred families, women and girls with upward of 28,000 head of Cattle
availing themselves of the absence of the effective male population whicl
was with the army of Rodrigues. These Indians acted under the instigatio]
and orders of Carrera, who, having caused general consternation by thes<
predatory irruptions, made his way to Conception in Chili, where, it is pre
sumed that he will avail himself of the absence of San Martin's army to ex
cite an insurrection in his favour. On the fd December Rodrigues, th
Governor, came to this City and on the 4th issued a most virulent proclama
DOCUMENT 260: DECEMBER 4, l82O 563
tion against Carrera and his partizans. I waited on the Governor, who re-
ceived me very politely and told me that the sole object of his visit to the
Capital was to arrange for the pecuniary and other means of carrying on this
new war against the Indians, of whose belligerent character he spoke with
great contempt and told me, that he was taking measures to enlist some of
the tribes as auxiliaries.
On the 14th December fifteen hundred men left Chascomres a small town to
the south about forty leagues distant, under command of a Colonel Hortigu-
era to advance into the Indian territory. Commandant Rosas and Colonel
Madrid, both enterprizing Officers, accompanied Hortiguera. they directed
their march to the southward and westward of the Sierra de la Ventana. On
the 24th December, the Agent of one of the most powerful Caciques, called
Ancafilu, having solicited a cessation of hostilities was answered by Rodri-
gues that he would only treat in the Sierra for which he should set out with a
division of sixteen hundred men in a few days. The Indians can only be in-
timidated by great severity and it is the intention of Rodrigues to carry the
war into their recesses and holds and by the most energetic measures to curb
this incipient disposition to plunder. This is the first irruption of the In-
dians since the year 1780, when their spirit was completely curbed by the
Vice Roy, Berti, who, according to Funes' history, attacked them vigourously ,
pursued them to their holds and put an end to their incursions, . . . On
the I*' January The Governor Rodrigues received from Lopez original com-
munications made by Ramirez to him, inviting him to renew the War against
Buenos Ayres, under the pretext, that the Puyerredon faction had been re-
established and that the Prince of Lucca was actually concealed in Maldonado.
There is no doubt that Sarratea who is with Ramirez, inculcates a belief in
these stories and promotes, by every argument in his power to suggest, this
new war which will deluge this City in blood, if it is not averted by the wise
measures of the Congress about to be assembled at Cordova. Rodrigues has
written to the Governors of the several Provinces, inviting them to make
common cause with Lopez and himself against Ramirez. Lopez has mani-
fested good faith towards this Government and seems to wish very sincerely
to refer all the affairs of the Country to the Congress.
I have seen a letter from an officer of Rodrigues' Staff dated the 4th of
January by which it appears that negociations had already been entered into
with several Caciques, by which, not only many horses and plenty of Cattle,
but two thousand men, had been procured; this is in pursuance of Rodrigues'
plan as stated to me, and, by thus inciting Indians against Indians, Rodrigues
becomes the mere spectator and arbiter of the Contest. On 4th instant,
Rodrigues with his auxiliaries, was within twenty leagues of the principal
body of hostile Indians and news are hourly expected of the result of a battle.
These are the principal facts in relation to Rodrigues1 war with the Indians
put in circulation to distract the public feeling, I should neither know wher
to begin or where to end. In another quarter a cloud is arising which por
tends more serious evil and excites more alarm than the Indian War. I meai
the threatened invasion by Ramirez.
This man, as will be recollected, grew up into military fame under the aus
pices of old Artigas; he has finally turned his arms against his patron an<
chief and has compleatly overthrown him. Ramirez retired from the frontie
of this Province, with his troops, in the month of march last, sincewhich timi
he has made war against Artigas who has finally been compelled to take ref
uge in Paraguay, where Francia, the Governor, has granted him an asylum
in the Convent of Sfc Francisco, which asylum is neither more or less than ;
prison, since the fallen chief is strictly watched and will not be allowed to qui
his present protector. Ramirez is actually at Corrientes, which he has madi
the Capital of his republic of Entre Rios, and is much engaged in disciplininj
a considerable body of troops and in augmenting a naval force, rendered con
siderable by his success over that of Artigas and without which he canno
maintain any command in the river or defend his territory against the Portu
guese. his actual force amounts to about three thousand men, well clothe(
and disciplined and commanded by officers who have been in service sinci
the Commencement of the Revolution, he has also a naval force of fifteen t<
seventeen vessels, consisting of Brigs, schooners, Gunboats and launches
He has formed a Council for the administration of the Government of th<
Province, composed of seven Individuals, of which he, as Governor of th<
Province, is President. Doctor Cassio, formerly Secretary of the Treasury o:
the United Provinces, is Governor of Corrientes and Provincial Secretary o:
State, and is generally considered one of the most able men of the Country
Circulars have been sent by Ramirez to the adjacent Provinces, inviting then
to the immediate assembling of the so long delayed Congress, a declaratior
of war against the Portuguese and to assist him in an effort against this Prov
ince with a view to overthrow the Puyerredon faction, which, as he asserts
now forms this Government. It is said that the most active preparations
are making for these purposes. Ramirez is however not without opponents
in that quarter.
The cooperation of the Cacique Seite, the firm friend of Artigas in all his re-
verses, was asked and flatly refused, a division of five hundred of the troops o]
Ramirez attempted to force him and were defeated. Amidst all his political
and military efforts, Ramirez is said to have kept his personal interest in view
and to have amassed a fortune of upwards of Two hundred thousand dollars, b>
participating in speculations in Tobacco, and Matte or Yerba from Paraguay
He is liberal to his officers, intrepid and possesses great strength of intellecl
and a fertility in expedients suited to his circumstances. The Interior Prov-
inces have become more tranquil. The infamous Corro, who kept the town
_t-^t*l** J O.XV^V- I- Jj Agj ^_l UW L. V- ^/W £_/ V* V^J. »^/ V •/ CW A CLO
Alienated their friendship for this Capital, and, joined to the more liberal
Commercial system of Chili, will, it is believed, induce the Province of Cuyo
well as that of Mendoza to cast off their political and commercial relations
this Province and to seek a connection with Chili.
The Gazettes which accompany this despatch will explain the history and
of the attempted negociation on the part of the Royal Commissioners
from Spain. The whole story is briefly this: that the Spanish armed Brig
, having those Gentlemen on board, came to anchor in the outer roads
on 4th December, and on 5" same, the Commissioners addressed a note to
Government asking permission to land, and requiring assurances of the
accustomed diplomatic immunities for the persons, papers &c of the mission.
"to this note the Junta replied on 6th December, that, unless the Royal Commis-
sioners were authorized to propose, as the basis of the negociation, the recog-
nition of the Independence of these Republics, no negociation could be com-
-rrxenced. This answer, communicated to the Commissioners on the evening
of 6th, was the signal of their immediate departure. The Brig sailed on the
night between the 6th & 7th December. The whole correspondence will be
found in the Gazettes. The financial is not less depraved and vicious than
Is the general political system of this Country. The duties are enormous, the
coast is naked and extensive and the whole Government a fleeting, ephemeral
speculation among certain powerful families and needy military Adventur-
ers. The consequences are, that the high duties necessarily discourage all
fair trade, the Government is rendered odious without being rendered rich
sa.ri.cL smuggling is most unblushingly pursued almost to the entire extent of
wHich the trade is susceptible. A Commission has again been organized to
putt the fiscal department of this Government in order, but I augur faintly of
trine beneficial result of the labours of this Commission. In reporting passing
Events in this quarter, I must not overlook a late manifestation of angry
feeling between this Government and General Le Cor, Baron of Laguna,
Commander in Chief of the Portuguese forces in the Banda Oriental, this
Correspondence will be found enclosed and by the tone of defiance held by this
Government nothing short of immediate hostilities could be expected — but,
tlie truth is, that this angry tone is assumed to catch a little momentary
popularity. If the present rulers are, as many pretend, Puyenedonnists, their
tutelar Saint is now enjoying the hospitality of this same Baron of Laguna.
I xvill not, however, permit myself to embark in party politics, but merely
Hazard the opinion, "en passant1', that a war with the Portuguese will be
f ound to embrace all the great means of cure for the evils which afflict, by di-
viding these Provinces, it would at once do away the ostensible object of
. . . 1 snail now endeavour to give you some idea ol tne operations <
the liberating army, so called, of General San Martin, in Peru. I wish I coul
have obtained a regular file of the official Gazettes of Chili, but, in failure <
that, you will find most of the proclamations and reports of San Martin in tl
papers forwarded. The Expedition sailed from Valparaiso on 2oth Augus
consisting of 5,500 effective men and on 7th September entered the roads <
Gallon, three leagues to the South of Pisco. On the 8th General Heras disen
barked with the battalions of 2nd, 7th & IIth and 80 Cavalry and commence
the march for Pisco, they were observed by 80 horsemen of the enemy — ;
seven oClock in the evening they reached Pisco and came to a halt. Aft*
duly reconniotring, they found the town abandoned by the enemy and Hen
entered without opposition, this division was immediately reinforced by tl
General in Chief and the Head Quarters were established at Pisco. Up wan
of 1200 men of the Country joined the army. The posts of Caucato, Chw
changa, the valley of Chincha palfa and the town of Icor were successively o
cupied and Vessels detached from the squadron to reconnoitre the Coa
between Callao and Nasca, in the hope of meeting the Royal Frigates Esm
ralda and Venganza. On the 26th September an armistice was entered int
to be maintained until 4th October — during this interval Deputies were name
on the part of the Vice King and of the General in Chief and met at Mir\
flores within one league of Lima. As a preliminary basis of negociation, tl
Vice King proposed the recognition of the Constitution of Spain by the Go
ernment and people of Chili and by the army under General San Martin, th
proposition was negatived in such manner as left the field open to discussic
on the part of the deputies of the Commander in Chief, but, those of the Vii
King, being restricted to this point, were at a loss. An interview between tl
Deputies and Vice King took place which ended in the latter granting tl
necessary passports for the safe conduct of the Deputies of San Martin, ar
hostilities commenced on the 5th of October. The principal points discuss*
in this abortive negociation appear to have been — Ist, whether, under tl
recent changes in Spain, it would not be deemed within the powers of the Vii
King to terminate all further difficulties by giving liberty to Peru, thus coi
ciliating the real interests of Spain as well as those of America? With th
point in view, San Martin was ready to sacrifize all the laurels of Victory. 2r
The Proposition submitted by the Deputies of the Vice King, in his nam
was, that Chili should remain precisely in its present state, should send dq
uties to Spain with ample powers to treat, that the troops of San Mart
should retire immediately from Pisco to Chili, that no hostilities should I
until tne result ol tne mission to bpam snould be known, that all
enterprizes should be suspended, that neither the sea or land forces
be augmented or any alliances contracted. That the King's ships
to America for money &c. were not to be interrupted or considered as
ringing this article. The Commerce of Chili and Lima to be replaced on
**<^ same footing as before the war. In reply to these propositions the Dep-
set forth the nullity of the constitution of Spain as it respected the
inasmuch as acknowledged deputies from the Americas were not
at its formation; that its good effects were limited to the Peninsula
Spain and only held forth the phantom of liberty to the Americas, every
of it tending to shew the determination, on the part of Spain, to preserve
<a. colonial system in all its rigour. The sentiment of conciliation must ex-
ls"t in the hearts of Spaniards and Americans without losing sight of the rights
°f nature or those principles of reciprocal justice which must be the basis of
Convention. With these views, the deputies of San Martin proposed,
the troops under his command should retire to the ancient limits of the
of Buenos Ayres, the Desaguadero, that those of the King should re-
that line. The troops of the King in Chili should pass to Chiloe. All
enterprizes should cease, the naval force should not be augmented,
should the King's ships sent to the Pacific be employed in any enterprize,
should hostilities commence, until the expiration of a year. The Com-
m.erce of Chili and Peru should be free to both parties, the Commerce of the
Interior equally so. Chili should remain precisely in its present state,
should send Commissioners to Spain, fully authorized to treat with His Cath-
olic Majesty. Accredited Agents of the Governments of Chili and Lima
should reciprocally reside in the respective Capitals. A conciliatory Com-
mission should be named to consist of the highest naval officers of the British
& -American Vessels on the Station. This Commission shall determine the
ex:jr>ences which shall be allowed for the equipment of this expedition, that
there should be no restriction of the liberty of the press — that, in the event of
Bolivar having sent deputies to Madrid, the Vice King of Peru shall give no
aid or augmentation of troops to Morillo. If nothing favourable should re-
sult from the proposed mission to Spain, hostilities should not commence for
three months after notification of the failure, and, finally, to secure the due
fulfillment of this Convention, the oldest Commanders of the British and
American Ships of War on the station shall be invited to guarantee the same
in the name of their respective Governments. The Deputies of the Vice
King consented to these propositions, with the exception of that which refers
to "the occupation of Pent, insisting on the reimbarkation of San Martin's
Army- Hence resulted a total rupture of all negociation and the deputies
severally retired. The attentions shewn to the Deputies of the Army, whilst
iri the vicinity of Lima, the continued vigilance of the Vice King to prevent
communication between them and the Inhabitants, evinced the feeling of
Huacuanga, a populous town, sixty leagues to me soutuwtuu aim
Lima, where he was received with every demonstration of enthusiasm
part of the Inhabitants. On the 9th of November he was joined on the :
crowds of women with fruit &c and four thousand native Cavalry arm
Pikes. Our last intelligence from the army reaches only to IIth Novem
advises the arrival of deputies from Guaguil, with the pleasing intel.
that the patriot party had, on ioth October, quietly effected, the delr
of that City from the Spanish domination. Escobedo, actual Gove
that City, had sent eleven of the public functionaries as Prisor
San Martin, to be exchanged for Patriots confined in the dungeons c
and requesting to be assisted by the sending of military officers to aid
ciplining the troops and other persons capable of instructing in the for
of a system in perfect accordance with those of the other liberated Pri
of South America, for these purposes Luzuriaga, formerly Governor c
doza, had been sent, accompanied by Colonel Guido, one of San M
Commissioners to the Vice King, formerly Secretary to Moreno on h
sion to London. The total absence of news from San Martin's Army f<
time past, has opened a wide field for the mad speculations of those \
badly disposed towards him and his enterprize. Of course, there ;
wanting, daily reports of disasters to this distant army and it has eve
asserted that San Martin himself was a Prisoner in Lima. I have
often the miscolourings of party in Europe that I lend a most difficult <
willing credence to the mere suggestions of political spleen and je
The mischief suggested in this despatch of Carrera's attempting to av£
self of the absence of the army to raise a party in Chili, has now vanii
being most positively asserted since yesterday that Carrera is still he
about this distracted Province.
In consequence of news that S* Julien's Squadron had gone round i
Pacific, Sir Thomas Hardy has left this, with the Superb, 74. and the
Frigate for that sea. Captain O'Brien in the Slaney, remains here tc
sent the British Government and protect that trade. I am happy to s
Commodore Sir Thomas Hardy, and all the officers of his staff, contir
the last hour of their stay here, to treat me with the most marked att
and that I have the prospect of being on the most agreable footing of f
intercourse with Captain O'Brien. Sir Thomas Hardy carries to the
the best disposition to keep up a good understanding with our ships tl
which I have apprized Captains Ridgely and Downes and recommenc
reciprocation of these feelings.
Two different sets of Deputies have been named from this place to tY
DOCUMENT 26l: MARCH 10, l82I 569
gress at Cordova, the first resigned and were excused, the second set were
peremptorily ordered to leave this City on the i6th Instant, but are not yet
gone and, I am told, they have positively refused. Doctor Aguero, one of
the Deputies named, presented himself in the Hall of the Junta and protested
against its authority to appoint him, as, he said, the choice should have im-
mediately emanated from the people and that he would not hazard his repu-
tation by accepting an appointment made in any other way. If that Con-
gress does not succeed in organizing a wise and good Government, I foresee
the most dreadful scenes here.
I have the honour [etc.].
261
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, March 10, 1821.
. . , On the 1 6th. of February the American Schooner Rampart, Cap".
Farrin.was brought in here, a Prize to theHeroina, Capn. Jewett, Captured at
Anchor at the Faulkland Islands. In this case every possible irregularity has
been committed, the Crew has never been examined, the Hatches have
never been sealed, the Cargo has been discharged without notification to the
Captain and to cap the Climax, we know and hope to prove that the Captor
was cruizing under two Commissions, but such is the arbitrary military des-
potism which reigns here and such is the still more arbitrary despotism of
poverty and want of means, that I have very great doubt if the best argu-
ments and the strongest Proofs will avail anything against them.
I addressed a letter to H.E. the Governor on Saturday the 24th February
which was delivered by a confidential person into the hands of one of his Aids
du Camp, the object of that letter was to request that the discharging of the
Schooner Rampart might be suspended until the Captain should be regularly
notified and present and that the regulations for Privateering of 1817, might
in all things be observed. On monday morning 26th February I learned to
my surprise, that, notwithstanding my letter, the discharging of said Vessel
was Commenced. I waited on the Governor, accompanied by Mr. Zimmer-
mann, and on the question being put to the Governor, if he had received my
letter, he answered in the negative, I then explained the purport of it and he
repeated his denial of having received it, and added that if I would send him a
duplicate it should be immediately attended to. I then immediately sent
i • i i< , «,i i , ,-,j_,i-__/'th , - 1_ • i- T • i _
11UL uy 1CLLC1 do i JLIO.U. u.vjiic. A IIAO VYVJ.HU / &jsi <j<3vii>vuvvvv if) J..". u*.»v. ^^.-v^w *s* v,j.**«
Government, means memorial, which must be made on stamped paper and is
the ordinary privilege of every Citizen, this insulting intimation was made
to me after I had been received with distinction by Governor Balcarce, my
document exhibited, a translation furnished and sent to the Governor, by
whom it was admitted to be satisfactory, and after Mr. Zimmermann, only
acting Vice Consul, had been permitted for more than a Year to address him-
self officially to the Governor. I consulted two of my Countrymen, most
versed in the language and manners of this Country, Mr. Zimmermann and
Mr. William G. Miller, who both thought the letter highly offensive . I shewed
it to the most learned Lawyer and Statesman of the Country, who, by the
most significant shake of his head and shrug of his shoulder, expressed a sur-
prise and disapprobation to which he dared not give utterance. Under all
the Circumstances, having previously determined that it was prudent to re-
tire from this City until the impending storm shall have burst and passed
away, I determined to ask plainly and concisely for my passport, which I did
under Ist. of the present month without offering any motive. This demand
produced an apprehension among the members of the Government that I had
found some cause of dissatisfaction. On the 8th. of the month, I received a
very polite note from Mr Luca, Secretary of the Government and Treasury,
inviting me to a conference for the next day at one oClock, which I immedi-
ately accepted by written reply, at the hour appointed on the 9th. instant, I
attended at the Office of the Government, accompanied by Mr. Wilde, teacher
in the Colledge and perfect master of the two languages, who served me as in-
terpreter. Mr. Luca opened the Conference by observing that the Governor
was apprehensive from the manner in which I had demanded my passport,
that I had some cause of Complaint. I replied that I had two motives for
asking my passport at this moment. The first was, that, as every Circum-
stance indicated the near approach of a violent political Commotion in this
Province and City and as my instructions were very precise to mingle in no
manner in the political Contentions of the Country, prudence counselled me
to retire from the scenes which were preparing. The other motive was found
in the total disregard which had been shewn to my representations in the
Case of the American Schooner Rampart lately brought in here as a prize ; I
then, producing the Prize Regulation of 1817 in Spanish and English, went
through several articles, the observance of which had been wholly neglected
in that Case. Mr. Luca confessed his incompetence to speak on that matter,
as it belonged to the Department of War. I then spoke of the Secretary of
War's letter and handed him a Copy of it. I called his attention to the latter
proach the Government by way of representation and not by letter as I had
done. He said that he would lay the subject before the Governor and take
his orders on it. I then requested and obtained his permission to make cer-
tain observations connected with the Case and proceeded to observe, that the
relations between the United States and the south American Republics form
an entirely new Case in political history ; these relations must necessarily be
informal on the part of the United States, because the adoption of the accus-
tomed forms of diplomatic intercourse would involve the recognition of the
South American Governments, a measure which, for political reasons well
understood, the United States wish to avoid for the present; in two instances
Naval Commanders had been employed by my Government as the Organs of
Communication and this was also practised by Great Britain, who has always
been represented here by a Naval Officer. In the laws of Nations are men-
tioned two kinds of Powers. The Mandatum manifestum or public Creden-
tial and the Mandatum Secretum or instructions of the Sovereign both of
which form the power of the Agent, the First as before stated, cannot be ex-
pected in my case, the last has been given me in the most Copious manner.
I am also furnished with a Certificate from the Secretary of State of my ap-
pointment and authority to act. The present case is a mere question of ex-
pediency and may be reduced to a very small Compass. The United States
have no motive for keeping up an intercourse with this Country, except the
desire to see its independence and happiness established and to see the family
of Republics extended. The Commerce of this Country offers no advantage
to the North Americans. My Government has often declared its' determina-
tion to ask no Commercial preference and it is among my instructions to say
that the Object of obtaining a preference in favor of their Commerce is con-
sidered by my Government as not worthy to be associated with those
elevated motives and Considerations which form and direct its policy in rela-
tion to these Republics. It is merely to manifest its good will towards this
Country that an Agent is sent here by my Government ; if this Government
decides that such an Agent is not entitled to the respect due to a public
Character because he is not clothed in all the forms of diplomacy, I am neither
instructed or disposed to press upon it, different views or a different Course.
But having no personal motives, it is my duty, not less to the Government
which has placed Confidence in me than to those fellow Citizens who expect
official aid and protection from me, to say that I can never consent to make
representations in a merely individual Character. When I first presented
myself on my arrival to the then substitute Governor, Colonel Major Balcarce,
the Certificate of my appointment was shewn to him, a translation of it was fur-
nished and as I was informed, sent to the Governor then with the Army. It
proved satisfactory to both. I was admitted to the privilege of receiving my
effects, free of duty, and otherwise treated with the respect shewn to a public
Credentials for public Affairs, the Agent from that time becomes a public
Minister. The title makes no alteration. This is likewise applicable to
Deputies, Commissaries and others charged with public Affairs." I ob-
served that the difficulty in the present case is entirely on the side of the
United States, who can ask no official prerogative without involving the
recognition of this Government, whereas on the part of this Government, it
cannot be compromitted in any manner by encouraging the proffered inter-
course in the manner in which it came and extending to the Agent all the
'respect due to the most formally authorized and accredited Minister. I took
occasion also to say that if I had not developed more fully to this Govern-
ment the Objects of my Agency, it was owing to the state of War and Agita-
tion in which it had ever been since my Arrival, that I waited for a moment of
Calm to address the Government on many subjects of great international
interest. The foregoing is the substance of the Conference on my part. Mr.
Luca promised that he would on that Evening bring the whole subject before
H. E. the Governor. He expressed a wish that I would furnish him with my
observations in an informal, unsigned note. I did not promise or refuse it
but took my leave. I afterwards told Mr. Wilde my interpreter, that I did
not choose to furnish any note, either signed or unsigned, but that I would
give him from memory a sketch of my observations, which he might call on
Mr. Luca and read to him in Spanish and that he might permit him to make
notes from his reading. This Mr. Wilde promised to do the same afternoon,
but did not effect it until the next morning the ioth. instant. I have as yet
received no reply or decision of the Government, but have reason to believe
that it will be of a satisfactory nature.
262
John M, Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States *•
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, April i, 1821.
. . . The Congress of Cordova, the long contemplated object of Para-
mount National interest, has not yet opened its session. Many doubt
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, I.
ted by factions, destitute of every thing like Public opinion and having
e common principle and that the habit and love of Military Govern-
The Congress, therefore, not possessing any Semblance of Military
can only carry into effect such measures as are agreable to those who
•e or may hereafter become the Masters of that power. Indeed I
:his Republic, if it ever merited that name, is now in the most utter
ss of despair and without one ray of hope. Nothing can protect civil
here but the virtue of a popular General at the head of a Victorious
both General and Army true Republicans. But where is such a
,1 and such an Army to be found? Not on this side the Equator.
,1 San Martin has had more success than any other, but, in the long
of Government, insinuations are circulated unfavourable to the ulti-
iccess of his measures in Peru. If successful, there is no doubt that he
nain and enjoy his fame where he has won it, because he knows that
Id have to conflict with many Enemies here and because he has long
'signed his Commission in this service and has identified himself with
le and fortunes of that of Chili, besides no one believes in the sin-
of San Martin's republican professions. I hinted in my last, the
prevailing that Can era had beaten Bustos. this report was fully con-
and it appears that Bustos, having gone out of Cordova at the head of
;ted troops to meet Carrera, his Army abandoned him and dispersed
i as they came near to that of Carrera, so that the latter obtained a
/ almost without shedding a drop of blood. It is not believed that
)f Busto's troops joined Carrera, but that they dispersed to their sev-
aces of abode, the Activity, perseverance and constancy of Carrera
een seldom equalled. His whole regular force does not exceed one
d & fifty Chilenos with a greater or less number of savage auxiliaries
jig to circumstances, and with this flying band he has for 12 Months
: still keeps all those Provinces in agitation, never remaining long
i in any one place to admit of his being surprized. It is said that he has
;aten the Puntanos or people of the Punta de Sn. Louis ; his next at-
will be at Mendoza. It is supposed that he will occupy the attention
those Provinces to facilitate the Progress of Ramirez. The recent
tents in Brazil in favour of Constitutional liberty have excited similar
3 & measures among the troops of General Le Cor's Army at Monte
It appears that among the late measures of the King at Rio Janeiro,
Decree attaching irrevocably to the Brasilian Empire the whole Army
rving in Brazil and in the Banda Oriental. On receiving the news of
easure, a club was formed at Monte Video consisting of 18 young
3, determined to bring about the immediate recognition of the Con-
On tne rUDllC oquclic cuiu me v-uiunn wi LI^ iv^gm^n.. ^ i*jn.a^wj. jr ,^-
Regiment of Infantry, Callow and of Cavalry were all surprized in their beds
and invited to take their places at the head of their Regiments or submit to
the consequences. They preferred the former. At daylight a message was
sent to General Le Cor (who was understood to be opposed to the Constitu-
tion) by Colonel Claudino on the part of the troops, to invite him to sanction
their proceedings by his presence and example. After some hesitation he
finally assented and followed the officer who had been dispatched to him for
the third time. At half past eight oClock he presented himself and was re-
ceived with the Customary military honours and every demonstration of
respect. He passed through the lines and took his station in the Centre of
the Square. Drums beating, arms presented, hats off, colours lowered, and
with the right hand extended in the Air, the Oath was taken by the Com-
mander in Chief, the Officers and troops, to support the Constitution then
forming or formed, Religion and the King. The Air was rent with repeated
and enthusiastic acclamations. A Commission was named on the Spot and
was to proceed on 22d, March for Rio Janeiro; I have not the positive in-
formation of their having sailed, the liberty of the press is insisted on.
As in Catholic Countries no great measure can be consummated without
Mass, that Ceremony was performed with great magnificence, attended by
all the officers civil & military of the place. I have news from Rio Janeiro
to 10 th- March, by which it appears that all was then tranquil and it was ex-
pected would remain so until the arrival of the Constitution from Portugal.
The opinion prevailed there that the King would proceed soon to Kurope,
Count Palmella was to embark in a few days in the Frigate Icarus it was
presumed, for Europe — the U. S. Frigate, congress had arrived there from
China and I regret to learn, with the loss of a great number of men by sick-
ness and a long list of sick on board. From the great difference of Interest
and views between the Portuguese and Brasilians, some troubles are appre-
hended at Rio and the opinion is repeated that the Banda Oriental may
probably be evacuated; connected with this last event are many intrigues to
acquire the supreme power there. This Government has .published a rep-
resentation addressed to the Citizens of this place in which they charge Don
Carlos Alvear with having accepted a Commission in the Portuguese Service
and having embarked to cooperate with Ramirez. The last part of this
charge meets a ready credence, but no one belives that Alvear having spent
his fortune in the attempted revolution of these Provinces, having a certain
fame and a party here would sacrifice all these to attach himself to an expiring
foreign power. The Government is threatening War with Portugal but, in the
DOCUMENT 262: APRIL I, l82I 575
present agony of that power, the effort will now be but an inglorious one.
It would seem to be the natural and necessary course of things that in case
of the Portuguese abandoning the Banda Oriental that Country should come
under the joint domination of Ramirez, Sarratea, and Alvear, who will employ
all its resources to support their ultimate enterprizes against this Province
and City; should they succeed in establishing their power here also, they will
then have compleat command of the River and of foreign Commerce, which
will furnish revenue and various means of compelling the other Provinces to
come into a federal Republic. This Course of events is the only one which
seems to offer any chance of establishing order and good Government in
these Provinces. On the other hand, should the two Banks of the River be
in the hands of two different hostile parties, the smiling pursuits of a pros-
perous commerce must be exchanged for the horrid Scenes of pitiless and
bloody war.
. . . I was assured that there was a hope that, in six weeks or two
months, there would be formed a general federal Government. I was ad-
vised, in a very friendly manner, to address a Note explaining all the cir-
cumstances of this business and assured that it would be referred with a
favourable opinion to the Junta and that it would probably be one of the
first objects of deliberation of the National Government, when formed. I
asked Mr. Nunes, the Under Secretary what were the grounds of his opinion
that a General Government would be formed? he then shewed me the Origi-
nal letters of the Deputies of this City at Cordova dated 3Oth. March, stating
their arrival on 27*. and that the following Provinces were already repre-
sented on the Spot, to Wit, Buenos Ayres, four Members, Santa Fe, one,
Cordova two; Mendoza, one, San Juan, one, San Louis, one, Sain lajo del
Estero, one, Jujui, one, in all twelve Members present. The following prov-
inces are wanting, to Wit, Salta, Tucuman, Catamarca, Rioja, each one
Deputy, making four Members. Mr. Nunes also shewed me a very spirited
note in manuscript, not yet published, addressed by this Government to
General Le Cor at Monte- Video, breathing War and Vengeance for his
supposed, and, as is alledged by this Government proved co operation with
A Ivear Ramirez and Sarratea. by which the latter are to guarantee to the King
of Portugal the Possession of Entre Rios, in consideration of Le Cor's aiding
them, to conquer this Province. This Note which is to be dispatched to
Monte Video to morrow or the next day by an Officer, will be printed in a few
days. By the last Accounts from Monte Video it appears that a Regiment
of Brazilians stationed at about fifteen leagues from that place and com-
manded by Colonel Martez had declared against the Constitution of Portugal
and in favour of Independence, that General Le Cor had sent one or two
Regiments against them, to compel them to swear to the Constitution formed
or forminer at Lisbon. It also appears that the Portuguese troops, who it is
576 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
A young Officer named Placa has already sail'd for Gibraltar to re
Portuguese Division at the Cortes of Lisbon. It also appears th*
standing that General Le Cor is doing every thing in his power
destroy the resources of the Banda Oriental, the Cabildo and Cc
Monte Video have petitioned him (and requested that their peti
be laid, before the King) that the Portuguese troops should on i
evacuate that Province. . . .
263
John M. Forbes, Special Agent oj the United States at Buenos
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States x
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, July
SIR : Herewith I have the honour to transmit duplicates of Nos.
originals of both went by the Ship Balloon of Baltimore. Sine
ports, no events of importance have occurred between the conflict
in Santa F6 and Cordova, except the repulse of Ramirez and
Bustos with the loss of fifty men killed. It is not precisely ki
Ramirez and Carrera are but we hourly expect to hear that Lo
force is very superior, has reached and beaten them. The forti
Montoneros become daily more desperate and the only effort the}
the power of making against this Government is to raise the Ind
South and this will undoubtedly be done. Rodrigues, however, is
with great energy to resist their incursions and no apprehensions
tained for this City. It was confidently asserted ten days ag
Regency of Brazil had already sent off for this place a Commissio
the recognition of the Independence of these Provinces, as som
conditionally, but as others with more probability stated, with tl
Condition that the incorporation of the Banda Oriental as an intej
the Kingdom of Brazil should be assented to and sanctioned by tt
ment and it was asserted that the Brazilian Minister was hourl
here. I have since ascertained from the *best source, that the Inh;
the Banda Oriental have been invited to pass under the Scept
John, that the representative authorities of that Province are to
and pronounce on that proposition on a fixed day of the presem
believe the 28th), if they accede, then this Government will be
ratify the act and on their so doing, the Regency of Brazil will in
_1 • T I 1
DOCUMENT 264: AUGUST 5, 1 82 1 577
All these facts I have from the Department of the Government with the
further assurance that the arrangement in question has been indignantly
rejected by this Government and that War with the Portuguese is quite certain,
"so certain (said my informant of high official standing) that you may an-
nounce it to your Government."
264
Minute of the first conference of John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United
States at Buenos Aires, with Bernardo Rivadavia, Minister of State of
the United Provinces of South America 1
BUENOS AIRES, August 5, 1821.
Mr. Rivadavia the new Minister of State having announced his intention
to visit me this day at one o' Clock, with a promise to confer amply on
the many interesting objects of my Agency, I had prepared myself for this
conference, by carefully perusing the various instructions with which I
have been honoured by the Secretary of State. At the appointed hour Mr.
R. arrived, but accompanied by Mr Luca, the Secretary of the Treasury.
. . . Mr. R. who spoke in French (Mr. Luca remaining silent from his
ignorance of that, and every other Language but that of the Country) went
into a wide range of reflections connected with the course of Policy observed
by the Government of the United States in relation to this Country's pre-
tending to a perfect knowledge of all our Diplomatic measures in Europe,
and intimating that his knowledge on some points was derived from his
intercourse with Mr. Gallatin at Paris. I sought to elude this discussion
and among other things said to him that I hoped, when he should be more
accurately informed of our Diplomatic March, he would have different
views ; adding that I could not reply to his observations in a manner worthy
their importance, until I should have an opportunity in the promised con-
ference of developing more at ease the views of my Government. He then
waved the subject for a few minutes; and entered on another of very little
importance: — he said, that, as there were now three foreign Agents here, it
was necessary to form a Diplomatic Corps, and to agree on Certain rules of
precedence, which he wished might be done by common accord among the
Agents, and in conformity with the rules on that subject now established in
Europe, that when he was informed that the rule of precedence was agreed
between us, he would give the necessary orders for the observance of Cere-
monies on public occasions. I observed, that supposing us to be equal in
the rank of our employ and the regularity of our Credentials, there could be
1 MS Consular Letters. Buenos Aires, II, enclosed with Forbes to Secretary of State, Sep-
no question that Mr. Zaniartu, Minister from Chili, was entitled to pre
ence, on the ground of priority of residence; but that I could claim no n
in as much as I held an Authority from my Government without being
credited in the usual forms of diplomacy, that I had on a previous occa
explained this matter to Mr. Luca. He said that it was a new case,
asked if I had not written to my Government to request more formal (
dentials; I replied in the negative; adding that I was fully possessed of
views of my Government; and persuaded that under existing circumstai
no other form of Agency would be established. He then touched on
extreme prudence of my Government and stated it to be its general rep
tion thro' out Europe; that we always shewed too much deference for
Cabinets of Europe, and particularly for that of Russia. I replied that
Country was a healthy youth seeking to gain strength by a natural and ;
gressive growth; and that if it began by jostling Giants, it might finisl:
having some of its Youthful limbs broken. He then said, that an exan
was given by his most Faithful Majesty, that all Governments were
equally circumspect; for that His Majesty, the King of the United K
doms of Portugal, Brazil and Algarves, had just offered an unconditi<
recognition of the Independence of these provinces. In reply, I obsei
that the motives which influenced his Most Faithful Majesty were ir
wise analogous to those under which the Government of the United St
acted, that it might possibly be the Case that His Brazilian Majesty loc
despondingly to his tottering Empire in Europe and wishfully to the ex
sion of his Dominions on this Continent; and with these views readily off<
the hand of mutual friendship to his American Neighbours. It miglr
that His Majesty acted in this business as the Agent or Friend of some o
Monarch. I added that the United States had always appreciated the eff
of the South Americans to obtain their Independence, and had felt a Ir
interest in their success, that comparing the degrees of advancemen
independence made by the different provinces, they had given the prefen
to Buenos Ayres, had considered her claims to the fraternity of other Nati
superior to those of the other Provinces: — until the unfortunate event
the last year had cast a gloom over the bright prospects ; that I now saw
light of Hope again surrounding her Destinies ; and expected soon to k
that all internal war was put down, and that the affairs of the Province w<
take a more solid form. Mr. Rivadavia, with much form of phraseology
affected Courtesy, then intimated that other Countries had not watched
progress and success of our revolution, as much as the Government of
United States watched that of the South American Provinces ; and mentio
the example of France. I was commencing a suitable reply to this insir
tion when I thought it prudent again to put myself under the promise
more convenient occasion to discuss these subjects at the agreed conferem
this was assented to by Mr. Rivadavia who assured me if nothing prevei
ait him to take the trouble to call on me, but would attend him at his
5e, or at the office of Foreign affairs, at any time he might be pleased to
:ate. The Gentlemen then took leave and retired. Correct minute
m immediately after the Conference closed.
265
* M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, September 2, 1821.
. . The latest accounts from Lima are much more favourable to S*
rtin than those which I reported in my former Dispatch on the authority
lr. Caldeleugh. By news from Santiago de Chili of lyth July, it appears
: Captain Spencer, of the British Navy had just reached that place from
la, bringing the news that the Viceroy of Lima, La Serna, had proposed to
Martin, an Armistice of 18 Months, and to send joint Commissioners to
in to treat with the Cortes for the acknowledgement of Independence,
had offered to put Sfc. Martin in possession of Callao which propositions
e been rej ected and hostilities were about recommencing. 1 1 was thought
t Lima must surrender in one Month or at furthest six weeks. Moderate
i do not exist to see Lima taken by force, but rather desire to see a con-
tration of the views & wishes of the great divisions of this immense Coun-
by a general Congress. I have formerly mentioned the violent dis-
tions and warfare existing between the provinces of Tucuman, Salta, &
tiago del Estero. The Governor of Salta, Gtiemez has been assassinated ;
a Corps of Royalists under General Olaneta has entered that province
ling from Peru. On the I4th July an Armistice was concluded at the
y of Salta, between Olaneta commanding the Royalists Army and Com-
sioners on the part of the province. The ostensible object of which is, by
eeing to the withdrawing their Troops on both sides to leave the people to
•ee election of a new Governor and of Deputies to a General Congress,
j real motive on the part of Olaneta however is suspected to be a desire to
il himself of a chance to augment a fortune already commenced, by
mitting a free trade between the Provinces ; the best fruits of which are
his private Chest. I have great pleasure in announcing to you a new
anization of this Government which promises great solidity and character,
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
.Foreign K.eiations . ivi . j_,uca remained, cnargea wiin ine jL/epax Linen i or
Treasury until the Ist. August, when he offered his resignation, which was
accepted, & a complimentary decree of the 8th of August published with the
acceptance of the Governor. Dn Manuel Jose Garcia, many years Diplo-
matic Agent of the Director at Rio Janeiro since, has been appointed to that
office. These two Gentlemen, Rivadavia and Garcia, both possess a great
share of public confidence ; have both acquired experience in public Affairs by
long residences near foreign Courts ; and they both seem animated by a zeal-
ous desire to establish order in the various branches of the Administration
and economy in the public expenditure. This spirit of Reform which was the
great cause of the overthrow of Saratea [Sarratea] by exciting the discontent
and violent opposition of Military men, now furnishes also a hope to the parti-
zans of Purreydon[Pueyrred6n], who are raising great clamour against the new
Ministers and working diligently to regain their influence. In short the
present moment seems to be the crisis of struggle between public Virtue and
Corruption, between a newborn impulse of public opinion, growing in the
liberty of the press with that of parliamentary debate, and the rotten legacy
of the Vice Royalty, the deleterious influence of military patronage. It is a
struggle on the event of which hangs the future liberty and welfare of
this province. May heaven smile on the efforts of Virtue and Patriotism!!
Another very important event has occurred since my last report. The
Annexation of the Banda Oriental to the Kingdom of Brazils, and the rec-
ognition of the Independence of these provinces by His Most Faithful
Majesty King John. These measures were simultaneous and correlative.
On the 28th July, Don Juan Manuel de Figuieredo presented himself to this
Government with the character of Consul of Portugal and Brazils, and with a
Letter of Credence from the Brazilian Secretary of State, acknowledging the
Independence of these provinces and expressing a hope that these provinces
would acknowledge any and all Governments ojfact which should be admitted
and obeyed by the people of any neighbouring Provinces. This Government
received Mr de Figuieredo with great courtesy, and passed over in silence the
recognition with its implied condition.
... I yesterday saw Mr. Rivadavia for a few minutes, and again
received an apology for his delay of the long promised Conference. I took
occasion to say that I was aware of his unceasing occupation in the arduous
place he held and must conform to his convenience but that there was one
subject on which I had been instructed to communicate the views of my
Government, and which by the information daily received, became most
sels as by their strength of Armament, and the boldness of their nefai
Enterprizes. That recently a Vessel fitted out here under the name oi
Confederation had changed her name, and her Commander, and was capt
under the Commission of Artigas by a French Frigate, and carried into I
tinique; from whence the Captain, and a number of the Crew being Sea
of the U. S. had been sent to Philadelphia in a French armed Brig for t
That all these Vessels were notoriously furnished with several diffe
Commissions. & according to the Privateering Regulations of this Provi
they were to be deemed pirates. That one of them had recently fired <
Government Brig of France and killed the Commander. That I was
structed by my Government to make the strongest remonstrance on
subject. To all these observations Mr Rivadavia replied that this
would no longer exist, that there would soon be given an order recallinj
privateers; that he was fully convinced that the most important object >
this Government is, to acquire the good will and friendship of all o
Governments.
And that he was determined to make every sacrifice to attain this g
end. He said that Governments seated in perfect peace and security
soned calmly on these subjects; but that this country had experiencet
many difficulties in its struggle for Independence that the Government
been compelled to adopt the strongest measures against the Spanish G
merce; but, said he, "this is now all finished". I regret only that I have
had an opportunity to bring the subject to the view of this Governmen
the strong & energetic language of my Instructions; and should the prom:
conference be longer delayed I shall feel it my duty to write a note, and s
adopt the irresistible arguments with which I am armed by the Secretar;
State.
At the moment I am writing, a Salvo of Artillery and the most extravag
demonstrations of joy through the streets, announce the Capture of Lima
Sl Martin's besieging Army. If this News be true, it puts the seal to the
dependence of South America. The Spanish Royalty driven from its
hope in these provinces and enlightened by a Representative Governmj
will I think within Six Months, acknowledge their Independence. Bi
should not be surprised if the total absence of all the great means of self %
ernment should induce them to accept the Condition of receiving a lim
Monarchy. It is possible that they may even be brought to accept a Spai
Prince. But what is most to be apprehended is that they may come ur
British protection and Influence. I dare not offer my poor opinion, bi
appears among possible effects that the fraternity and friendly Council
Diplomacy. Advancing years, at once damp the ardour of ambition, and
warn me of the necessity of a tranquil and permanent Employment. En-
closed I hand a Copy of the Bulletin published of the capture of Lima. Al-
though it comes through the Channel of Individual Correspondence it meets
with general credence.
September 6, 1821.
We have as yet no official news from Lima; it's fall, however, is still very
generally believed. Letters just received from Spain confirmed by the opin-
ion of the best informed Spaniards at Rio, hold out the confident expectation
of an immediate recognition of the Independence of these provinces by the
Cortes.
I have the honour [etc.].
266
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
September zit 1821.
Enclosed I transmit an important state paper published here — a manifest
of the governor and his secretary on the projet presented to the honorable
junta in relation to the congress now assembled at Cordova, together with
the projet submitted, which, as will be seen, is intended to lay the foundation
for future federation. Messrs. Rivadavia and Garcia are pressing with great
vigor their system of reform, and, by a strong blow at the root, have violently
shaken the branches of the tree of corruption. Consternation has been
spread through the ranks of smugglers, by the arrest and close imprisonment,
the day before yesterday, of Don Fernando Calderon, first inspector of the
custom-house. This man, although enjoying a very liberal salary, has noto-
riously patronized the unblushing atrocites of the giant smugglers who have
totally dilapidated the revenues of the country for years past. The leading
man, accustomed to ask and obtain every thing of the Government, yester-
day solicited of the governor a mitigation of the imprisonment of Mr. Calde-
ron, and perhaps his discharge on bail. The governor consulted Mr. Riva-
davia on the expediency of listening to the call of mercy. The latter replied
1 American State Papers t Foreign Relations, IV, 821.
responsibility ot any measures he might adopt, but that, if his excellency
yielded to the solicitations in question, he (Mr. R.) must decline any further
service as secretary. This firmness prevailed. The truth is, Mr. Rivadavia,
being the father of the incipient system of order and virtue, from his growing
influence, has become indispensable to the accomplishment of the views now
cherished by the public opinion. If this system should prevail, the immedi-
ate effect of it will be the prevalence of civil over military influence.
267
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to Bernardo
Rivadavia, Minister of Government and Foreign Relations of the United
Provinces of South America1
BUENOS AIRES, September 14, 1821.
SIR: Although I have been more than ten months in this city, I have
never until now found a moment when, under all circumstances, I deemed it
expedient to lay before this Government the sentiments and views of that of
the United States in relation to many interesting subjects as contained in the
instructions I received on my departure from Washington. On the recent
organization of the Government, I intimated to you the desire to hold a full
and frank conference, which you had the goodness to promise me at the com-
mencement of the past month, but which has been unavoidably delayed by
your more pressing occupations.
Appreciating as I do the great and efficient efforts now making by you in
the cause of your country, I should most willingly continue to wait your con-
venience for the proposed conference, were I not impelled by recent informa-
tion to press on the early attention of this Government one of the subjects on
which I am instructed by that of the United States — I mean those indiscrimi-
nate violences which are daily committed on the ocean against the peaceful
commerce of unoffending nations, under the various flags of the South Ameri-
can provinces.
It is now a long time since those violences have called forth the most point-
ed reprobation of many Governments in Europe, and of that of the United
States. Several Governments have made active efforts to repress them by
force. These efforts have been unavailing; these privileged plunderers
Can add colors to the chameleon,
Change shapes with Proteus for advantage.
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 822.
ed by crews of men without country, without morality, and without other
ties than those of crime and plunder. By the privateering regulations of
Buenos Ayres, a privateer owned here, or commissioned by this Government,
who shall be furnished with a commission from any other prince or republic,
even if allied with this, "shall be adjudged a good prize, and her captain or com-
mander punished as pirates. " It is therefore under the sanction of its own
laws that I presume to call the early and efficacious intervention of this Gov-
ernment to vindicate those violated laws. But, sir, it is, above all, from a
full faith in those sentiments of honor, that love of order and justice which so
eminently distinguish every step of the present administration, that I derive
the strongest hope that this call will not be disregarded . The public gazettes
recently received from the United States contain several well-authenticated
statements of new outrages committed by these freebooters, whose numbers
are multiplied, and the boldness of their wicked enterprises increased by their
impunity. I will not swell this written communication by any extracts from
the information received ; but hope that, at an early day, it will be convenient
for you to admit me to a personal conference, when I shall be happy to com-
municate with you in that spirit of frankness, which is the best pledge of
friendship, as well the facts in my possession as the feelings of the Govern-
ment of the United States on this highly interesting and important subject.
I avail myself with pleasure of this occasion to renew to you, Mr. Minister,
the assurances of my most distinguished consideration and respect.
268
Bernardo Rivadavia, Minister of Government and Foreign Relations of the
United Provinces of South America, to John M. Forbes, Special
Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires 1
BUENOS AIRES, September 15, 1821.
The Minister of Government and of Foreign Relations has had the honor
of receiving the official note from the agent of the United States under yes-
terday's date, and he considers it as his particular duty to make an acknowl-
edgment of the honorable distinction the said agent shows towards him.
With respect to the principal affair therein contained, he can only repeat
what he had the satisfaction to make him acquainted with in his last inter-
view, which was, that the Government had adopted every measure in its
power to suppress the evils committed by privateers of this country towards
the commerce of neutral nations from the abuse of their commissions.
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 823,
DOCUMENT 269: SEPTEMBER 17, l82I 585
Nevertheless, the Minister of Government and of Foreign Relations feeling
desirous of contributing towards the completion of these measures as far as
they are capable of being made perfect, he will be happy to receive any fur-
ther explanation on this subject that the agent of the United States may
think proper to give him : for which purpose, it will be taken as an honor if the
agent would take the trouble to call on the minister at his house on Monday
morning, the iyth instant, at eleven o'clock.
The Minister of Government and of Foreign Relations expresses his thanks
to the agent for the distinction he confers upon him, and begs to return it by
the assurances of his consideration and respect.
269
Minute of a conference between John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United
States at Buenos Aires, and Bernardo Rivadavia, Minister of
Government and Foreign Relations of the United
Provinces of South America l
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, September 17, 1821.
I received this morning at ten o'clock, by the hands of one of the clerks of
the department, an answer from the Minister of State to my letter of the I4th
instant, containing an invitation to a conference at eleven o'clock at his
house. Although the notice was too short to admit of any preparation, I
gladly accepted the invitation, taking with me my instructions, including
those intended for the late Commodore Perry. I found the minister, Mr.
Rivadavia, quite alone, and was, as always, well received. I commenced
my conversation by very sincere assurances of the enthusiasm I felt in the
present march of events, and compliments to the minister on his zealous
efforts for the establishment of order in the administration, and the forma-
tion of a sound public opinion in the country. I then observed that, not
having had time to prepare extracts, I had brought my instructions in
extenso, and would ask permission, in frankness and friendship, to read cer-
tain parts of them in the original language in which they were written, which
I was aware was well understood by him. I then read the assurances of the
good-will of the United States towards these provinces, and the interest they
had constantly felt in the success of their efforts for independence. I con-
tinued through the history of our diplomatic correspondence and measures
in relation to the South American affairs, to all which the minister listened
with much attention and apparent approbation. When I communicated to
PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
him the fact that the United States Government had proposed to those of
France and England to acknowledge, in concert with them, the independence
of Buenos Ayres, in reply to my question he confessed his previous ignorance
of that fact. I then continued the forcible expositions in the instructions to
Commodore Perry of the evils and horrors of the system of piracy as practised
by vessels carrying various colors of the South American provinces, and
stated to him that the United States would not acknowledge as legal any
commission granted in blank; which he said was perfectly just, and continued
by saying that he was fully sensible of all the injury which had been done to
the cause and character of these provinces, and deprecated as much as any
one the atrocities which had been committed on neutral commerce; that the
Government had determined on an entire change of system, and that, prob-
ably, this day a decree would be drawn up revoking all privateer commis-
sions, and ordering them all to return within a given period. But this decree
would be communicated to me, when it would be seen if any thing more
efficacious remained to be done within the scope of the Government's
authority. I observed that the decision of the Government was in perfect
unison with the whole system now going into operation, eminently wise and
politic, and would have a most important influence on the opinion of other
nations in regard to this country; that, as nothing had so much operated to
damp the enthusiasm of my countrymen in favor of South American liberty
as the enormities committed under the patriot flags, so nothing would so
effectually tend to reanimate their good wishes as the suppression of those
crying abuses. I stated to the minister the measures adopted by Congress
to repress the predatory system, and particularly the act of 2Oth of April,
1815, of which he requested and I promised a copy. I next read from the
instruction of I2th July, 1820, the remarks on the subject of commercial
preferences, and the magnanimous feeling with which the Government of the
United States disclaimed any wish to barter an acknowledgment of the in-
dependence of these provinces for any exclusive advantages in their com-
merce; at the same time, their firm reliance that no such exclusive privileges
would be granted to other nations to the prejudice of the United States.
On this, Mr. Rivadavia assured me that it was the firm determination of this
Government to grant no exclusive privileges of commerce to any nation
whatever, and that I might communicate this decision to my Government,
with an assurance that the most complete reliance might be placed on it.
The minister proceeded, that his most decided opinion was, that no measure
whatever ought to be taken to solicit an acknowledgment of the independence
of these provinces by any Government. He expressed himself in flattering
terms of his good-will towards me personally, and added, that it would be an
abuse of the confidence I had evinced towards him if he were to engage me to
make any representations to my Government tending to that end, and that
lent of Europe; that such proceeding must operate, if unsuccessful, to the
umiliation of the provinces, and, if successful, to mislead the people, by
ersuading them that such recognition was all-sufficient to their political
xistence and happiness; that, in his opinion, the most efficacious system
rould be to establish order and wise institutions of government throughout
tie provinces, and to show themselves worthy of the fraternity of other
ations, when it would be voluntarily offered; that such voluntary recogni-
ion, in every point of view, would be much more beneficial than that pro-
sction which should result from a compromise of honor or interest ; that he
ad told his countrymen, de haute voix, his sentiments on the important topic
f self-government; that much was to be done, but that he hoped to see the
uccessful progress of a sound system of domestic and foreign policy. Our
onference lasted, with a short interruption, nearly two hours, and we
sparated with assurances of mutual satisfaction.
An exact minute taken immediately after the conference.
270
ohn M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to Bernardo
Rivadavia, Minister of Government and Foreign Affairs
of the United Provinces of South America 1
BUENOS AIRES, September 22, 1821.
SIR: Enclosed I have the honor to transmit a correct copy of the act of
Congress passed on the 20th of April, 1818, for the punishment of certain
rimes against the United States, to which act reference was had in the con-
jrence to which you did me the honor to admit me on Monday, the I7th
istant.
I pray you, Mr. Minister, to accept [etc.].
271
ohn M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 2
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, September 28, 1821.
SIR: My two last despatches (Nos. 18 & 19 under 2nd. & IIth. Instant) went
y Brig Fox, Captain Frazier, via Havannah, and Duplicates by Ship Amer-
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 824. For the minute of the conference of
ie 1 7th instant mentioned, see above, pt. rr, doc. 269.
8 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
588 PART II: COMlfiONIOCATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
ica, Milliard, from Monte Vidfco to New York. I am still without any direct
opportunity and send this to Mcnfce Video to go by the Brig Oswego, Hamil-
ton, to the Havannah. In ten da^ys I hope to have a direct opportunity by
which I shall forward a more detailed report of occurrences here together
with copies of correspondence: and official Documents connected with this
Agency. I have a despatch frown judge Prevost containing the Gazettes of
Lima published since the Revohrttbii there, which I shall forward by first
direct opportunity. The niglt before the last (26th. Instant) The Governor
(Rodrigues) received an official despatch from General San Martin confirm-
ing the previous news of the swrewder of Lima to the liberating Army, and
accompanied by Ga2ettes giving ttie details of that important event. Yes-
terday Morning this great event was announced to this City by Salves of
Artillery from the fort and NltaQruH Vessels which were repeated at Noon and
at Sun set. At 5 O'Clock in tie afternoon The Governor, attended by his
Ministers and all the public fuincticnaries, went to the Cathedral to attend a
Te Deum, and in the Evening the City was Brilliantly illuminated ; other
public festivities are said to bee contemplated, among which a Ball, by the
Chillian Minister, at the Theat re acid another by the Government are spoken
of. In fact this event is gener ally considered as a finishing blow in the con-
test for Independence. Inclosed us a paper just published here containing
a familiar letter from San Martin ^addressed I presume to his father in law
Mr. Escalada) Signed Pe£e which us the familiar abreviation of Joseph, and
does not mean (as Mr. BreckennLdgae has it in his Book) Papa or Father, also
various public documents relating to the taking possession of Lima, a cor-
respondence between San Ma.rtin atid the Archbishop of Lima, the Declara-
tion of the Cabildo & c. By these public papers it appears that San Martin
has added to his fame by the moderation and respect for Public opinion which
he has manifested on this great occasion. Everything here breathes joy and
the brightest hope of the perfactiowi of their political happiness. The Con-
gress at Cordova is now entirely lost in the contemplation of a grand Congress
which it is said will be agreed o ft by the Three great Republics of Peru Chili
and La Plata. Perhaps the SLster Colombia may be invited to this family
party. . . .
Among the important events v?liich have occurred on this side of the
mountains, I must not omit to noffcice the total destruction of the party of
Jose* Miguel Carrera, and the public execution of that active, intelligent, and
extraordinary man. Enclosed t herewith transmit two bulletins published
here concerning this event. Ity tlw first, it will appear that a colonel (Don
Manuel Arias) had organized a revolution in Carrera's band, which he com-
municated to the Governor of IMemdoza on the condition of saving his own
life, and those of some of his a.cLkerents. By the second, entitled " Detail of
the destruction of Carrera," it will be seen that Carrera's nartv was total 1v
The murdered body of this brave and distinguished man was shockingly
mutilated; his head was cut off and exposed in the square of Mendoza; his
right arm was sent to the Governor of Cordova, and his left to the Punta San
Luis. When these particulars were known here, they excited a sentiment of
horror ; and it has even been said that if this victim of the ferocity of their
half savage brethren at Mendoza had been sent to this place, even his life
would have been probably spared.
Carrera, by his great personal resources, had proved the most dangerous
enemy of the present state of things in these provinces ; and had San Martin
failed in Peru, and had Carrera survived that failure, he would have menaced
the tranquillity of Chili; thus his death is a great event for the present rulers
here, although the manner of it may be very revolting to their more civilized
breasts. . . .
October i, 1821.
P. S. Since writing the foregoing, there has been a further publication
of papers connected with the occupation of Lima, containing certain
proclamations of Generals San Martin and Arenales; this publication
I herewith enclose. The new ministers have very judiciously availed
themselves of the present moment to propose to the junta a general
amnesty, and that all those who have been exiled for differences of political
opinion should be recalled to the bosom of their country: this proposition, so
worthy the high-minded cause of the present ministry, and so well calculated
to conciliate all parties, is to be discussed this evening at the junta. I shall
attend the debate, seats being assigned to the foreign agents. Among the
events tending to consolidate the moral and physical force of these provinces,
it is said that a revolution has taken place in the Entre Rios against the
brother of the slain Ramirez. At the head of this revolution is a Mr. Man-
silla, of whose rank and history I am ignorant. The flotilla of this province
is co-operating, and further assistance has been asked of Lopez, the Governor
of Santa F6. The trade of the Baxada has been opened in consequence of
this revolution. I just now met Mr. Rivadavia in the street, and took the
occasion to remind him of the decree which he had promised to send me on
the subject of privateering; he said it depended only on him to reduce it to
writing, which he had not yet had time to do. He has given me reason to
hope that he will call on me to-morrow ; but the Herculean labor of cleansing
the Augean stables so entirely occupies him, day and night, I sometimes fear
he will be quite exhausted before he can accomplish it.
59O PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
272
Bernardo Rivadavia, Minister of Government and Foreign Relations of the
United Provinces of South America, to John M. Forbes,
Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires l
BUENOS AIRES, October 6, 1821.
The Minister of Government and of Foreign Relations, in consequence of
the offer made, has the honor to transmit to the agent of the United States
a copy of the decree which has just been issued by the Department of War
and Marine concerning privateering.
The minister salutes the agent [etc.].
DECREE
DEPARTMENT OF WAR, BUENOS AIRES, October 6, 1821.
Among the resources which the unfortunate rights of war have rendered
lawful, and its object necessary, is privateering. The wars of the independ-
ence of the provinces of Holland and of the United States of North America
have proved that this kind of warfare is the most advantageous for a country
which prepares to defend its independence against a more ancient and remote
country that has governed it. It is impossible to prevent or repress all the
abuses which may result from privateering. The Government which finds
itself under the painful necessity of authorizing, and even of encouraging it,
has only two ways of lessening its illegal consequences, and in so far has only
two obligations in this respect : the first is, to dictate such rules and take such
precautions and guaranties as may correct abuses, not suffering them to pass
unpunished. In this respect the Government of these provinces has fulfilled
its duty, and the regulation of privateers proves it. The other obligation is,
to put an end to this kind of warfare, either when it shall be no longer nec-
essary to the object which induced it, or when the effect which it produces no
longer equals the risks and inconvenience which result from it. The Govern-
ment considers these two cases as having taken place, and, in virtue thereof,
it has agreed upon, and now decrees, the following articles:
1. In future, no commission of privateering whatever shall be granted
without a previous solemn publication, expressing the cause which obliges
the Government to have recourse to this measure.
2. Every individual who possesses any commission, and shall be now in the
territory of this province, shall be obliged to present it to the Minister of
Marine within fifteen days from the date of this decree.
3. Those individuals who hold privateer commissions, and are in countries
situated on the other side of the equinoctial line, or on the coast of the Pacific,
articles.
5. Every commander of a vessel armed as a privateer in virtue of a com-
mission of any one of the Governments which have commanded in this capi-
tal, on sight of this decree, shall cease to cruise, and shall put into port to
disarm and return his commission.
6. Every one who shall contravene the preceding article will incur the
pains of piracy.
7. Every vessel which, after the term of eight months from the date of this
decree, shall continue to cruise under the authority of a commission of the
Government of this country, shall be treated as a pirate.
8. The Minister of War and Marine is charged with the execution of this
decree.
MARTIN RODRIGUEZ,
Minister of War and Marine.
FRANCISCO DE LA CRUZ.
273
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
BUENOS AIRES, October 8, 1821.
SIR: The detention of the vessel by which I had prepared to send the fore-
going despatch furnishes an opportunity to communicate a translation of the
promised decree for suppressing privateering. It has not yet been published
here, but will undoubtedly appear in the first official register, which will
perhaps be printed to-morrow or next day. I hope that the terms of it will
prove satisfactory to the Government of the United States. Although the
right is reserved of resorting again to this kind of warfare, yet I hope that the
restrictions under which it will be renewed will be more efficient to guard
against those abuses which have heretofore been so justly and extensively
complained of.
By the schooner Essex, to sail to-morrow for Providence, I shall have the
honor to transmit duplicates, together with Judge Prevost's despatch,
mentioned in the foregoing.
I am, [etc.].
October II, 1821.
P. S. By this vessel, (the Essex, via Providence,) I send Judge Prevost's
despatch, and a large file of newspapers. The decree against privateering
was published yesterday in the " Registro Oficial."
1 American Stale Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 824.
274
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, October 26, 1821.
... As I before hinted, the opinion of the best statesmen here is, that
the conquest of Lima and Peru, although it cuts the last thread of connection
between old spain and South America, yet it will not accelerate the great
objects of self Government. We have also various reports (without any
direct intelligence either in confirmation or negation) that the occupation of
Lima was a mere ruse de guerre of La Serna, who, 'tis said, has returned and
now blockades San Martin in that City. Many also say that San Martin is
the known advocate of a limited monarchy. All these circumstances cast a
thick cloud over the future destiny of this Country. On this side the Moun-
tains it is said that Bustos the Governor of Cordova, is striving most dili-
gently to excite the other provinces to an united attack on this, to force it to
cooperate at once in the congress already assembled at Cordova. In the
mean time Rivadavia and Garcia, firm as they are enlightened and patriotic,
are pursuing "the even tenor of their way ". They have added public credit
to the other sinews of war which this province before possessed, by repaying
with great punctuality in Gold, several loans, (a thing without example in the
history of this Revolution) they enjoy now to so great a degree, the confidence
of the Community, that I believe they could borrow, to any reasonable
amount, for an immediate exigency. It is said also that an entirely netv
System of Finance is agreed on and will appear in a few days. By this
Tariff, as it has been represented to me, the duties, with a very few excep-
tions, will be ad valorem, and will vary from 5 to 15 per cent. Every possible
measure is taken to prevent smuggling — and public opinion and morality
are cherished by the Government. If, therefore, Buenos Ayres, in all the
darkness of her most gloomy period, public sentiment paralyzed by deadly
dissentions and public resources completely delapidated, has been able to
struggle successfully against the machinations of the other provinces, it is not
too rash to expect that, when she fights with a twofold armament of reason
and force, seconded by a vigorous public credit, the victory must eventually
be hers. The most deplorable result, however, of these continued agitations
is, the necessity of continuing an onerous military establishment.
The most alarming state of agitation prevails in the neighbouring Kingdom
of Brazil. It was some days since confidently reported on the authority of
Captain Mc. Lean, of the British Government Brig Beaver, in six days from
Rio to Montevideo, that Prince Don Pedro, was to have been Crowned King
of Brazil on the 13th. of the present Month. Subsequent accounts contradict
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
the public mind there is m a most feverish state and, should civil war burst
forth, it would be the signal of the emancipation of a numberless horde of
slaves and the most horrid scenes of blood and devastation would overwhelm
that Kingdom and eventually threaten these provinces, where it would find
easy victims in the scanty white population here, the progress of this all
destroying flame could only be -arrested by the Indians and, in such a con-
flict, this delightful country would be totally lost to civilization. . . .
P.S. October 3ist. 1821. Two rumours are afloat, the one is, that Don
Ricardo Lopez, brother to the slain Ramirez and his Successor in the Chief
Command in Entre Rios has been compleatly beaten and has fled towards the
Banda Oriental with only half a dozen followers. The other report is, that
the Congress at Cordova has dismissed the Deputies of this Province and pro-
ceeded without their Co-operation to form a federation, has chosen General
San Martin as Supreme Director, and named as his substitute, Bustos, the
present Governor of Cordova, the first report is confirmed to me by a Gen-
tleman, just arrived from Baxada de Sta Fe. if the other be true in any, or
to what extent, I am as yet unable to say. . . .
I inclose a Bulletin just published relative to the Events in Entre Rios.
275
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, November 8, 1821.
Since my last respects, we have received news from Lima and Chili, by
which it appears that the royalist army, which had evacuated Lima on the
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 825. The following enclosure commenting
on the decree of October 6, quoted above, pt. n, doc. 272, suppressing privateering is copied
from the MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II:
BUENOS AIRES, November 8, 1821.
SENOR ARGOS: Although I have seen in many instances the desire on the part of the
disaffected to find fault with every measure of our present administration, yet I confess
I was much surprized to observe that a Writer in "El Patriota " N° 14 has even censured
the decree for the suppression of Privateering. It is impossible, MX Argos, among the
many wise measures of the present Government, to select one more wise, more magnani-
mous, or so much calculated to propitiate the respect and fraternal esteem of other
nations.
The language and tone of the decree are dignified and such as become an honorable
Government. It asserts the legality of Privateering and reserves the right of again
Sno longer necessarftc t£ T object which induced it" the other is "When the effect
wWch it produces does not compensate the risks and embarrassments to winch it ex-
coles" The first of these cases has occurred, inasmuch as the Spanish Commerce has
disappeared from the ocean; should Spain reestablish her Commerce and continue the
strueele with us, or, should our Country be involved in war with any other Government,
Sen we can claim the right under the reservation of the decree, of resuming Privateering.
the second case has taken place in a far greater degree than is known or understood by
our Countrymen in general. But, every South American who has had any intercourse
with other nations or has even read foreign Gazettes, if he has any sentiment of 1 atnot-
ism in his heart, must have suffered the most distressing humiliation in reading the
narrative of daily outrages committed under the Flags of the South American Republics
on the unarmed Commerce of neutral and Friendly nations.
The exalted and cherished name of Patriot has been brought into the most odious
contempt and has at length become confounded with the ignominious and execrable
epithet of Pirate. All these enormities are easily to be traced to one single cause. I Ins
Province being wholly without native Mariners; the authority and countenance of
Government, as far as concerns all Maritime enterprizes, has necessarily been delivered
over to a set of desperate foreign adventurers, who, having no tie of attachment_to our
Country, and, in most instances, not even the feeble leaning of an habitual residence,
have gone forth with the Commissions of this Government (many of them granted in
blank) into foreign countries to seek associates worthy of their Criminal views. These
associates, sacrificing at the blood-stained Altar of rapacity and crime, every moral
sense of duty to God or man, have in many instances revolted, and murdered, or turned
on shore, their Commanders, attacked and plundered defenceless Islands, robbed in-
discriminately every vessel which came within their power, seduced the crews of some to
join them in their depredations, suborned others to make false declarations of property,
to alter and disguise the marks upon Bales and Cases of Merchandize, transshipped
whole cargoes, and stranded captured vessels to escape the detection of their guilt, and
evade the redeeming Process of the law. Thus, robbery and Plunder prowl on the
waters of every Sea and retributive justice itself has no means of correcting or arresting
the mischief — but by rousing rapine and murder to turn upon itself and punishing the
crimes of their leaders through the rebellion of their associates. Of the many existing1
original cases suited to this black and disgraceful picture, it is only necessary to select
two, fitted out in this place, The Rondeau and The Confederation. Where are these
vessels and how have they finished their belligerent career? The first had made one,
perhaps two prizes, when her crew revolted, killed one officer and set the rest adrift in a
boat; after which the mutineers sunk the Vessel on the coast of the United States and
landed on the_ shores of North Carolina. The last, after furnishing herself with an
Artigas Commission and capturing even at the mouth of this river, a Portuguese Vessel,
repaired to the West Indies, her first Captain left the Agent on shore, at Marguerita and
ran away to S* Bartholomews, a Swedish Island, to which the Agent followed the Vessel,
and by, great pecuniary sacrifices, induced the Captain to resign the Command ; a new
Captain was named, and with another Flag and another name, The Confederation has
been captured by a French Ship of War and condemned at Martinque ! It would be well
for the honor of our Country, if these were the only instances of similar histories among
our maritime efforts, not always for national honour, but too frequently to enrich for-
eigners, who only assume the name of Patriots to prostitute it to the most criminal
objects. If the enormities which may be traced to the cupidity of such men were not
sufficient to excite the indignation of honest minds the authority of Vattel, one of the most
distinguished publicists who have enlightened international morality, puts the stamp of
?x!cr ^lu11 °n them> , SubJ^ts are not obliged to weigh the justice of the War, which
indeed they are not always able to obtain a correct knowledge of, and in case of doubt
^
^v%tf^g^^«*"»i**<~«£&
In the treaty between the United States of North America and the King of Prussia
give battle; but that San Martin retired, and permitted the unmolested
march of the royalists into Callao. The motive of such a proceeding IB gen-
erally deemed strange and incomprehensible; but it occurs to me that San
Martin, being sure of eventually forcing the garrison of Callao, augmented as
it is, to a capitulation, prefers to continue his influence by protracting1 the
military conflict until the civil organi2ation of this new-born republic shall be
completed, rather than to put down the remnant of the royal troops, and
leave the country to the agonies of conflicting factions ; or, in a few words, to
make himself, at his own choice, Kling, Dictator, or Director. He has at: pres-
ent taken the head of the civil and military power, with the title of Protec-
tor. All accounts agree in the enthusiasm for independence prevailing in
Lima. On the late return of the royalist troops, it became necessary to im-
prison twelve hundred old Spaniards, as it is said, to preserve them from the
popular fury. I have conversed on these events with several gentlemen well
acquainted with Peru and Lima, and particularly with a sensible friar, native
are two articles which deserve to be cited on this subject. Article 20"'. of this Treaty
stipulates "that no citizen or subject of either of the contracting parties shall take from
any power with which the other may be at War, any Commission or Letter of Marque
for arming any vessel to act as a Privateer against the other on pain of being punished
as a Pirate".
Article 23rd of same treaty stipulates — "If war should arise between the two con-
tracting parties all merchant and trading vessels, employed in exchanging the Product
of different places and thereby rendering the necessaries, conveniences and comforto of
human life more easy to be obtained anoTmore {general, shall be allowed to paaa free, and
unmolested, and neither of the contracting parties shall grant or issue any commission to
any private armed vessels empowering them to take or destroy any such trading vc«»ula or
interrupt such Commerce", this treaty was negociatecl and concluded in behalf of the
United States by that zealous Patriot and enlightened Philanthropist, John Quincy"
Adams, now Secretary of State.
But, even in the bloody reign of Robespierre, the Nero of the French Revolution, a
proposal was made by the French to the British Government to renounce Privateering
mutually.
I would ask the advocates of Privateering what proportion of the whole property
captured under the Commissions of this Government has been brought into this Prov-
ince? what part of all these captures has been lawfully condemned by a competent:
authority? I apprehend that a strict inquiry into the facts on these two questions
would shew that not one quarter part, certainly not one half of thu whole amount
captured, has either been sold or condemned in this Province, thus, the honor and
character of this Province has been put at stake, in perfect contempt; and mockery of
its legislation, without enriching or in any possible manner, benefiting the Country.
To have put an end to this revolting, disgraceful course of things, ia the great offence
committed by our Government in the decree for the suppression of Privatceringf. That
our Ministers may continue to commit such faults, until they shall have engraven their
names on the loftiest and brightest Pillars of imperishable fame, is the prayer of
A Porteno*, real friend of his Country.
It is believed that the Chilian Government has put an end to Privateering.
* Porteno, means native of B*. Ayrea.
it places the termination of the war in the hands of San Martin; whereas,
La Serna kept the country, and increased his forces, he might have contin
the war for a very long time. I send enclosed a bulletin issued on the \
ject, by which you will be able to see and appreciate events in their de
Of this province I have only to say that there are still active but occul
forts making to overturn the present administration, and bring the Puey
don party into power.
276
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to J
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1
BUENOS AIRES, November ij, 182
SIR: Inclosed I transmit duplicate of my last respects (N°. 22) undei
Instant. My solicitude for the Brig Canada is at an end. She has esca
the menaced investigation and gone to sea. Since my last we have the
portant news of the Surrender of Callao ; I send inclosed the bulletin publis
here by which you will see the particulars of the Capitulation. Private
ters state that Canter ac's Army was much harrassed on its retreat and \
still pursued; it is said that eight hundred of his army had joined that of
Martin; it was thought that there would not remain five hundred men to
La Serna. I have seen a private letter which states that when the re]
reached Lima of Canterac's approach, funds to the amount of five or Six I
dred thousand dollars were embarked on board the Ships at L'Ancon. I
Cochrane had been for some time making every exertion to procure mone
pay off the Crews of his Ships, but without effect. On hearing that
amount was on board the different transports, he repaired to Ancon with
O Higgins and Esmeralda and forcibly took possession of the whole sur
defiance of the strong representations of the General, and immediately j
the arrearage due to his men. report says that he has not dared to put
foot on shore since he took this violent measure.
I have recently in a familiar table Conversation ascertained from the C
Clerk of the Foreign Department that the offensive letter of the Secretar
war, La Cruz, addressed to me under 28th February, as reported in my I
patch N° 9 under 10th March,2 was dictated by a premeditated intentioi
send me away, which was in conformity with the public sentiment in rela
to us prevailing at that time. My readiness to feel the insult and to i
them, had the effect to bring them to reflections which produced a chang
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II. * See above, pt. n, doc. 261.
cu vicwa. j. CCUIUUL picuciiu mat LUG gvncia.1 icciing towards us as ma LCJI icu-
changed, because it has not been proper to make those explanations to the
ople which I have made to the Minister, but with this last I have reason to
Heve that I am on the best possible footing, the prevailing feeling among
e natives here towards foreigners is distrust, mixed with somewhat of con-
mpt. Their successes against the English have inspired them with a sense-
;s conceit and insupportable vanity. They do not love the English but the
wernment likes much the revenue derived from their rich Commerce and
dividuals like the fine things which are furnished at low prices, yet, with
these motives to cherish the British Commerce, there is a strong desire on
a part of the principal Creole Merchants to monopolize the Commerce of
e Country to the entire exclusion of foreigners and this party was very ac-
re in fomenting the warm discussion which arose last April between this
yvernment and the British Merchants, and which, had it arisen in a mo-
mt like the present, would probably have been pushed to greater ex-
:mities.
I am [etc.].
277
hn M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
November 16, 1821.
The "Registro Oficial," No. 13, published yesterday, contains the resolu- .
n of the honorable junta on the subject of general amnesty, and oblivion of
titical acts and opinions, together with a decree of the governor, by which
those who have been exiled under the special powers vested in the Execu-
e by the decree of 6th of October, 1820, and all who have voluntarily
sented themselves to avoid the evils of political agitation, may forthwith
:urn without passports : only nine persons are excepted from this amnesty,
i they are not named.
[t is said that an officer has arrived here, sent by the Governor of Tucuman,
irged to solicit military aid to deliver that province and its vicinity of the
isence of the royalist troops, and at the same time to declare a perfect
ncidence of opinion with that put forth by this Government on the subject
the confederation. Every thing continues to go on well here. Enclosed
end a printed paper entitled "Dictamen de un Arribeno," (which means
izen of the interior provinces.) It goes to maintain the inexpediency of a
ifederation at present, which is the ground taken by this province.
1 American State Papers, Foreign Relations, IV, 821.
SIR: I had this honour under 13th of November (N°. 24) and under 23 Sarru
(N°. 25) both which went in Original by same Vessel (The Brig Homer Capt"
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II. For the dispatch number 24 mentioned in th<
second paragraph, see above, pt. n, doc. 276, Forbes to Secretary of State, November 1 3, X 821
The item referred to as "under i6th November" was added as a postscript of that date ti
the dispatch of three days earlier. The following is the enclosure referred to in the firs
paragraph as a constitution given to Peru by San Martin:
A provisional Statute given by the Protector of the liberty of Pent far the better
regulation of the free Departments, until the establishment of the
permanent Constitution of the State
At the time of taking the supreme command under the title of Protector of Peru, mj
only intention is to lay the basis for the labours of those who in future may be called t<
the sublime destiny of procuring happiness to the people. I have received the whou
authority to answer for its use before the whole nation. I disclose my designs without
reserve, that they may be estimated according to their nature; and from the field o
battle, where, united with my companions in arms I have sought the glory of destroymj
oppression I have come to put myself at the head of a difficult & responsible admin istra
tion. The motives of that resolution which I adopted on the 4th. of August are deeplj
engraved on my conscience, & the Statute to which I am about to swear this day ex
plains and justifies at once those motives.
I might have extolled the liberality of my principles in the provisional Statute, bj
making splendid declarations of the rights of the People and by increasing the list of the
functionaries, so as to give to the actual forms a greater chance for popularity. t But
persuaded that the super-abundance of plausible maxims, is not the best way in th<
beginning to establish them, I have confined myself to those ideas, which can & ought
to be reduced to practice.
While the enemy shall exist in the country, & until the people can acquire the firai
notions of Government, I shall continue in the direction of the affairs of the State, whicl1
without being the same, are yet analogous to the legislative & executive powers. But
never will I interfere in the exercise of the judiciary functions; for the independence oi
the judiciary is the only & true shield for the liberty of the people. The ostentation oi
good^Sc philanthropic maxims does not produce any benefit, when he who makes the
law, is the same who executes it.
Before requiring the inhabitants to pay obedience to the Statute, I solemnly promise
from my part its observance. Those who with the experience of the past consider th«
posture of affairs and are in the habit of reflecting on administrative measures, will find
in the simplicity of the principles here adopted that I do not promise any more than what
I think convenient to fulfill; that my object is to do good, & not to prevent it; and lastly
that knowing the extent of my responsibility, I have endeavoured to proportion dutiei
to the law of the existing circumstances.
With such sentiments, and confident of the cordial cooperation of all my countrymen
1 beg leave to hope for the time when it shall be expedient to restore the deposit put intc
my hands with the satisfaction of having discharged all its duties. If after giving
liberty to Peru, I can leave it in the full possession of its destinies, I shall retire to look fox
happiness m the recess of private life, passing the rest of my existence in the contempla-
tion ot the goodness of the almighty, & in humble prayers for the continuance of his
bounty over future generations.
PROVISIONAL STATUTE GIVEN BY THE PROTECTOR OF THE LIBERTY OP PERU FOR THE
BETTER REGULATION OF THE FREE DEPARTMENTS, UNTIL THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF THE PERMANENT CONSTITUTION OF THE STATE
FIRST SECTION
th^rvS? Ji"*'*ThlCatl1 jlic> aP°stolicf. r°man religion is the religion of the State—
the Government acknowledges as one of its first duties to maintain & perserve it by all
mportant events have occurred of which. I shall endeavour to give a
: means which are -within the reach of human prudence. Whoever attacksjn public
privately its dogmas & principles shall be punished with severity in proportion to the
mdal which he may have occasioned.
ld. Those others who profess the same religion and dissent in some principles from the
igion of the state, may obtain permission of the Government, with consent of the
uncil of State, to use the right which belongs to them, provided that their conduct
.11 not transcend the public order.
5d. No one can hold a public office, without professing the religion of the State.
SECOND SECTION
\RTICLE 1st. the Supreme Directive power of the free Departments of the State of
:u shall remain for the present on the Protector, his powers emanate from the
pire of necessity of force, of reason and of the exigency of the public good.
!d. The Protector of Peru is the Generallissimo of the forces by sea and land, it being
principal duty to give liberty to all the people who form an integral part of the terri-
y of the state, he may augment or diminish the armed force as he_may deem proper.
jd. He shall have power to impose taxes, establish duties and require loans to provide
the public expences, with the Consent of his Council of State
l*h. He shall form regulations for the better service and organization of the Sea & land
ces, comprehending in them the Militia of the State
>th. He shall regulate Interior & exterior Commerce in conformity with those liberal
nciples on which essentially depends the prosperity of the Country
ith. He shall make those reforms which he may deem necessary in all the Departments
the public administration, abolishing the offices which existed under the former
vernment and creating others
'th. He shall establish a provisional Coinage of the State but shall not alter the weight
aw which has hitherto existed for the money of Peru.
!t]l He shall name Envoys and Consuls near foreign Courts & shall promote the
rnowledgement of the Independence of Peru, by adjusting Diplomatic & Commercial
aties which shall be conformable to the Interests of the Country, the whole with
tsent of his Council of State
)th^ He shall have the Title of "Excellency", which shall not be given to any other
liyidual or Corporation, excepting that which may hereafter be indicated, because the
nity of Government requires it. Those who have heretofore had the title of Ex-
.ency, shall in future have that of "Your illustrious Lordship"
THIRD SECTION
ARTICLE iat. The Ministers of State are the immediate chiefs in their respective
partments of all the authorities which depend on each one of them
id. They shall expedite all orders & direct official Communications as well within aa
hout the territory of the State in the name of the Protector under his responsibility
1 only firm, taking care to have them, each & every one, Countersigned & collated by
: Protector in the book belonging to each Ministry
id. The orders and regulations which the Protector may dictate for the reforms of
ministration shall be signed by him & by the Minister to whom it belongs
|.th. In Communications with foreign Governments they are to address themselves to
s minister whom it concerns, observing the same rule with those which may be re-
ned,
;th. All official communications shall be made directly to the Ministers, observing the
ssification of affairs on which they turn.
i01. The Title of Ministers shall be that of "Most illustrious Lordship" with the
iress of "Most Illustrious Sir".
FOURTH SECTION
\RTICLE iat. There shall be a Council of State composed of twelve Individuals— to wit
:he three Ministers of State, the President of the high Chamber of Justice, the General
Chief of the united army, the Chief of the General Staff of Peru. Lieut' General, Count
Valle Ovelle, the Dean of this Holy Church, the Marechal de Camp Marquis of Torre
gle, the Count of Vega & the Count of Torre Volade — the vacancy which remains
ill be filled hereafter.
sd. Its functions shall be the following. — to give its opinion to the Government in
*s of difficult deliberation, to examine the great plans of reform which the Protector
*d The Council of State shall hold its Sessions in the Palace— the Protector shall
assist at them when he finds it convenient, to resolve after consulting & discussing on the
arduous deliberations. , . ,.
4th The Council of State shall name a Secretary who shall have no vote, who shall
record the acts which shall pass and shall charge.himself with drawing up the projects
which may be formed according to the Second Article. _ . . 0
5th The Council shall be assembled whenever necessity may require it, & urgency
shall be the rule which it shall follow for augmenting or diminishing its Sessions.
6th. The Council of State shall have the title of " Excellency
FIFTH SECTION
ARTICLE Ist. The presidents of the Departments are the immediate executors of the
orders of the Government in each of them , , • . • -^
2d Their special attributes are, to direct the economical administration of the Depart-
ment & to increase the Militia if it should be necessary as much as they think it con-
venient, with the consent of the General Inspector of Military Citizens; to promote the
prosperity of the Finances of the State, by zealously watching the conduct of the officers
who keep so important a branch, & proposing to the Govern*, the reforms or advantages
of which it may be susceptible, according to the local circumstances of each Departm*.
To take care of the impartial administration of Justice, that all the inferior functionaries
may fill the duties of which they have taken charge, correcting infractors & giving an
account of them to the Government
3d. Presidents are the police judges in the Departen4 & therefore they shall be careful
on the observance of public morals, on the establishments of early education & its prog-
ress & above all, on that regarding the improvement & health of the people.
4th. Articles 5, 6, & 9 of the provisional regulation of Huaura of 12th. Febry. of this
year, relating to the powers of the presidents of the Departm'" are henceforth sanc-
tioned.
SIXTH SECTION
ARTICLE iat. Municipal corporations shall retain the same form which they formerly
had & shall be headed by the president of the Departments.
2d. The elections of members of this corporation from the next year shall be made by
the people according to the regulation which shall <be separately formed.
3d. The title of the municipal corporation of the Capital shall be that of your "Illus-
trious Lordship", & that of the others of the state shall be that of " Your Lordship ".
SEVENTH SECTION
ARTICLE Ist. Judicial power shall be held by the high Chamber of Justice & the other
inferior tribunals which now exist, or which shall hereafter be established.
2d. The same attributes which the so called audiences formerly had, belong to the
high chamber of Justice & besides, it shall for the present take cognizance of the civil &
criminal causes of foreign Consuls & Envoys, & of the public functionaries who may fail
in their authority. In like manner its jurisdiction is extended for the present to the
trial of prizes acquired by the ships of war of the state or by those who may obtajn pri-
vateering Commissions according to the law of nations. The functions of the Mine-tri-
bunal are likewise reassumed by the high Chamber.
3d. the Chamber shall nominate a comission composed of Individuals of their own
members & of other Jurisconsults who may distinguish themselves by their probity &
knowledge, to form immediately a plan for the administration of Justice which may sim-
plify all the inferior tribunals, which may have for basis that equality before the law
which every Citizen enjoys, the abolition of those duties which judges have before col-
lected, and which henceforth are entirely prohibited. The same commission shall pre-
sent a regulation for the establishment of a judge of prizes.
ART. <j.th. The members of the high Chamber shall remain permanently in their of-
fices during their good conduct. The title of the Chamber shall be that of " Your Illus-
trious Lordships"
EIGHTH SECTION
ARTICLE Ist. Every Citizen has an equal right to preserve & defend his honour, liberty,
security, property & existence, & cannot be deprived of any of these rights unless it may
Peru, has given a Constitution to this conquered Nation. Translation of
this Constitution is herewith enclosed and I shall not presume to offer a single
be by the sentence of the competent authority, given in conformity to the Laws. He,
who may be unjustly defrauded of them, can reclaim before the Governm*. against such
an infraction, & freely publish by the press the preceding which may occasion his com-
plaint.
2d. The house of a Citizen is a Sacred asylum which nobody can enter without an ex-
press order of the Governm1. given on due cognizance of a cause. This condition being
wanting, resistance is a right which legalizes the acts which it may produce. The presi-
dents of the other Departments shall be forbidden to give the orders for such entry; &
Governors & Lieutenant-Governors can only give them in case of treason or Subversion
of the public order,
3rd. By treason is to be understood every machination in favor of the Enemies of the
Independence of Peru. The Crime of Sedition consists alone in assembling armed forces
in any number for the purpose of resisting the orders of the Government, m exciting the
people or any part of them to the same end and in forming secret associations against the
legitimate authorities, no one shall be judged seditious for opinions which he may hold
in political matters if he does not unite some one of the circumstances referred to.
4th. The Liberty of the Press shall be sanctioned under rules which shall be separately
prescribed.
NINTH SECTION
ARTICLE I8t. Those are Citizens of Peru who have been or may be born in any part of
the states of America who have sworn the Independence on Spain.
2nd. Other Foreigners may be naturalized in the Country but cannot obtain a card of
Citizenship, unless m the cases which are prescribed in the Regulation published on the
4th. of the present month and which is henceforth approved.
LAST SECTION
ARTICLE iat. All those Laws of the former Government which are not in opposition to
the Independence of the Country, to the forms established by this Statute and to the
Decrees and the Declarations which may be issued by the present Government, shall re-
main in full force & vigour.
2nd. The present statute shall operate until Independence shall be declared through-
out the whole territory of Peru, in what case there shall be immediately convoked a gen-
eral Congress which shall establish the permanent constitution and form of Government
which is to rule in the State.
ADDITIONAL ARTICLES
ARTICLE i'4. The Government being animated by a sentiment of Justice and equity
will recognize all Debts of the Spanish Government which have not tended to continue
the Slavery of Peru and its hostility to the other independent people of America.
2nd. The present statute will be sworn to by the Protector as the fundamental basis of
his Authority, and as a guarantee given to the free people of Peru of the disinterestedness
of his views and for which all the constitutional authorities and citizens of the State shall
swear on their part to obey the Government and fulfil the orders of the Provincial Stat-
ute of Peru. In all other Departments the Presidents and all others employed by them
shall swear to it before all citizens. The form of their Oaths will be as follows.
THE PROTECTOR'S OATH
" I swear by God & my Country and give my Honor to faithfully fulfill the provisional
TV WCVJ. Uy V_JV"U VA. AllJ V^VUAAl.1 J CH1VJ & V ***J AJ.W** V*> *•'-' 1C* 11, 111 U.IIJ' JL UH1IA UJUV. JJl IS V *Olvy.llCfc»
5 pointed out by me for the best government and directfon of the free departments
of Peru, untill there shall be established a permanent constitution of the state which will
ii-c Tn/-1rfartA«rlAnr»ft &nA T iK/»ri*^r anrl r^t-rn-nrk-i-o ii*c fftlirMl-tr Kir mriai"*r r^noofKlo maa-no
defend its Independence and Liberty and promote its felicity by every possible means
within my reach."
OATH OF THE MINISTERS OF STATE
"We swear to fulfill and see fulfilled the Provisional Statute of Peru and take upon
ourselves with all zeal and rectitude that which tends to the public service which we as
Ministers will see fulfilled."
.OATH OF THE PUBLIC FUNCTIONARIES & ALL CITIZENS
"I swear by God and my Country to acknowledge and obey in everything the prptec-
toral Government to obey and see fulfilled in that part that concerns the constitutional
ail its principles ana operative Gearings.
By recent arrivals from Lima and Chili it appears that a complete rupture
has taken place between San Martin and Lord Cochrane. Some of the
circumstances of this affair were reported in my Dispatch (N°. 24) It is now
said to be ascertained that the design of San Martin was nothing short of
taking possession of the whole Naval Force of Chili and placing it under the
Peruvian Flag and under the command of officers devoted to him, in which
case he would have dictated the Law to Chili or declared himself independent
of her authority. Letters from Chili state that the Government there has
approved the conduct of Lord Cochrane, which may produce a breach be-
tween O'Higgins & San Martin. For Short, the general impression seems to
be, notwithstanding his hypocritical Cant of a wish to retire to look for happi-
ness in the recess of private life and passing the rest of his existence in con-
templating the goodness of the Almighty &c that San Martin's mind is filled
with projects of the most gigantic ambition. On this side the mountains
affairs wear a daily improving aspect for this Province & for the establish-
ment of regular, representative governmts. Some time since, as reported in
dispatch (N°. 24) under i6th. November, The Government of Tucuman asked
assistance in Arms & warlike Stores of this Government, but it was refused on
the ground that, as long as the Governments of the Provinces were in the
hands of Single Individuals, standing on the sole basis of Military power and
influence that tenure was so uncertain that, in furnishing aid to it, the ap-
plication of the means furnished depended entirely on the success of those to
whom they were given and, as this Province had in more than one instance
experienced, it might again happen that the arms furnished by her might be
turned against herself. The declaration has also been made to all the Prov-
inces that as long as military and factious Government prevailed in the
different Provinces, Buenos Ayres would not consent to cooperate in any
Congress formed of such elements, but that, if the people in the several
Provinces would set to work, in good faith, to form sound public opinion by a
well regulated liberty of the press, to form representative Governments and
establish perfect security of persons and property, then the Province of B8.
Ay8, would cordially unite in promoting a General Governm1. and every other
measure which can conduce to general happiness and prosperity. This
declaration has already had a happy influence and great hopes are enter-
tain'd that the course prescribed by this Government will be generally
statute and the free departments of Peru, to defend its Independence and zealously pro-
mote its prosperity."
Dictated in the Protectoral Office of Lima the Eighth day of October One Thousand
eight hundred and twenty one.
JOSE DE SAN MARTEN.
JUAN GARCIA DEL Rio.
BERNARDO MONTEAGUDO.
HIPOLITO UNANUE.
DOCUMENT 280: JUNE 5, 1 822 603
adopted by all the Provinces. In Sta. F£ and Entre Rios. the former under
Lopez the last under Mansilla, all goes in conformity with the wishes and
views of this Government. In Cordova also, where Bustos has laboured
most earnestly to excite hostile feelings and Measures, his influence is at
least lost, and it is said (though not officially known) that he has been
deposed.
279
John M. Forbes, Special A gent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to Bernardo
Rivadavia, Minister of Government and Foreign Relations of
the United Provinces of South America
i
BUENOS AIRES, May 23, 1822.
SIR: It is with inexpressible satisfaction that I transmit to you the inclosed
very important Documents.
The Message of the President and a Report of the Secretary of State to the
Congress of the United States of America, recommending the immediate
recognition of the Independence of those Spanish American Provinces who
have thrown off their allegiance to the King of Spain, by the United States.
As it is well known that the wishes of Congress on this interesting subject
have hitherto only been restrained by motives of high political discretion on
the part of the Executive Government, it may be with certainty anticipated
that the measure now presented will be adopted immediately and probably
with unanimity by Congress. I cannot do justice to my personal feelings on
being the humble organ of this important communication.
I pray you, Mr. Minister, to receive [etc.].
280
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 2
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, June 5, 1822,
My time will only permit me briefly to state that The President's Message
and your Report to Congress recommending the acknowledgement of the
Tnrl*arwariH*>nrp r»f flip orpaf Divisions nf .^nflnisfi Amprira. arrivpH hprp nn f"ViP
which are translations of the two important documents with a Decree of the
Government ordering the same to be published in an extra sheet of the
Registro Oficial and distributed gratis to the people.
On the faith of what was supposed rather than known, I received a much
greater share of Credit than was due to my feeble offices in that great measure.
I have the honour [etc.].
281
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States x
BUENOS AIRES, July 10, 1822.
SIR: My last respects were under 5th June, since when we have had no
direct opportunity to the U. S. This goes by the Brig Oswego, Capt.
Hamilton, to Baltimore. The most important event which I have now to
report is the arrival of the President's Message and subsequent public Acts of
our Government touching the recognition of these late Provinces, as in-
dependent Nations, and the manner in which they have been received by the
Government and people here — the news of this important event reached here
on the evening of the 22nd. of May. I sought the Minister in vain that eve-
ning, but the next morning I went to the Fort and had previously prepared a
short communication in writing of which I enclose a Copy. This gave the
business an official character and the Government immediately decreed that
the documents should be published in a supplementary sheet of the " Registro
Official" and distributed gratis to the people. The Government and all
those who can appreciate moral influence were much delighted with the
news. The factionists and the English set their brains and their tongues to
work to discredit, if possible, the news by confounding it with idle and base-
less rumours on same subject which had previously prevailed at different
periods; finding it difficult to discredit the report, they then made every
possible suggestion to depreciate its importance, particularly the English who
asked, in the spirit of their own selfish policy, what the United States were tc
receive in payment of this Act of nugatory protection? how many thousand
men the U. S. were to furnish to the Armies of Spanish America to maintain
their Independence? To all these suggestions, my friend Dn. Manuel
Moreno made an informal, but triumphant reply in the Cotemporaneous
numbers of the Argos. The English further tried to damp the public feeling
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
JULY JLU, 1O22
reporting that the Spanish Cortes, had also decreed the Recognition of
:se Governments but this was put to silence by the more correct informa-
n which this Government possessed on the subject. The failure in every
)rt of these poor mortified people to enfeeble the effect of this magnani-
us measure on our part, only increased their humiliation and confusion,
ey were even so much annoyed as to avoid me in the Streets and not a
itary Englishman had the generosity to offer me his felicitations on the
:asion.
Fheir jealousy of my supposed influence had long existed and they could
t support the idea that these events would for the moment at least place
on higher ground than ever, and this at the time when they had not
:n the semblance of an informal representation here. It is well known Sir
you that the 25th of May is the greatest Anniversary of the Revolution in
s Province. How opportunely then did this great event reach us! Ar-
igements were already in train of execution under the genius and activity
a distinguished french Engineer for the most splendid public festival,
e largest Square of the City was most tastefully decorated; Carousels
i various public games were ordered and stimulated by rewards, to be
iowed by brilliant illuminations and fire works. Several public dinners
re agreed on, to the most respectable of which that of the University and
;dical College I had been invited. On the morning of the 25th May, the
ather was remarkably fine and the day was ushered in by a grand Salute
m the Fort repeated by all the Armed Vessels in the two Roads.
[ displayed from my window the Flags of the U. S. and of this Province,
the evening my house was illuminated and two shields blended in a
nsparency representing the Arms of both Governments were exhibited at
z of my windows. At 12 oclock the Governor accompanied by his Min-
ers, the Diplomatic Corps, all the public functionaries, Military and Naval
icers, passed in grand procession, through a most brilliant display of well
sssed troops, from the Fort to the Cathredal (sic}, to a Te Deum and grand
ass. Thence the most distinguished officers accompanied his Excellency
i Governor, to his house and partook of some refreshments. Here the
rvernor paid me the compliment of inviting me only to accompany him. to
; Theatre, and added that he would send his Carriage for me. At the
mer of the University, where Mr Rivadavia assisted as Guest, many toasts
mplimentary to the Government and people of the United States, were
ren, and Mr. Rivadavia in an animated Speech of half an hour, spoke in
•ms of enthusiastic eulogy of the great moral influence of the Government
the United States, which he declared to be greater than that of any other
ivernrnent in the World. He also eulogised the President of the United
ites and the Secretary of State, by their names, as not to be surpassed in
ignanimity, wisdom, or political experience by any Statesman in the
•\r1r1 H^ sniH amrmcr manv other things, that Eurone was now in a much
the Governor sent Jus L,niel Am au Lamp at o OCIOCK in ms L-arnage to con-
duct me to his house, whence I accompanied him to the gallery of the Cabildo
the largest Public building here on the great square. From a central position
of this gallery I saw the most splendid spectacle I think I ever beheld. The
illuminations were most brilliant, the Square and all the surrounding houses
were filled with ladies, and gentlemen, the former of great beauty and most
elegantly dressed, and the fire works were equal to any I ever witnessed in
Europe. After remaining here about half an hour I accompanied the Gov-
ernor to the Theatre where we were received by the singing of a Patriotic
hymn composed for the occasion by Doctor Lopez, and sung on the Stage
by a number of well dressed, Boys and girls. At about 10 oclock I took
leave of the Governor and retired to my own house and thus terminated the
25th. of May. The public Games during the day and the illuminations
during the evening, were continued the two following days. All agree that
there was never any thing seen in this Country to be compared to the splen-
dour of this great National festival. In making this long and I fear tedious
report I should think I had sinned unpardonably against all the laws of
decorum, in speaking so often of myself, if I did not consider, as I hope you
will, that all the attentions shewn to me on the late occasion were paid to
and received by me in my Public character and in that View, go for as much
as they are worth, to shew the feeling of these People for my Government
and Country. By this opportunity I send you a regular file of the Argos
for the months of May, June, and July, to this date (i3th). Also three
numbers of the " Registro-Estadistico" of which the previous numbers have
already been transmitted.
I have the honour [etc.].
282
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, July 18, 1822.
P.S., August i, 1822. The Ship Eagle, Cap1 Davis, by which this goes
having been detained to this time I have it in my power to report some im-
portant occurrences since the commencing date of this despatch . In the nat-
ural progress of salutary reform, the burthensome institutions of the Church
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
DOCUMENT 282: JULY l8, 1 822 607
did not fail to occupy the attention of the Minister the Government decided
on taking possession of and devoting to general objects the very considerable
properties of the several religious orders, the principal of which are the Do-
minican, Franciscan, and Recoleta, leaving the Friars, to exist under the dis-
cipline of their orders with reasonable pensions for life. This measure ex-
cited a violent agitation in the community and most determined resistance on
the part of the Friars. In the Junta, there are several Ecclesiastics, of tal-
ents and influence, the most distinguished of which are Provisor, Gomez, who
was in France, and the agent of the Prince of Lucca negociation — Aguerro —
and Doctr. Planes, there are also many Puyrredonists. Gaillardo, a young
lawyer of popular talents, Doctr. Pazos, an indefatigable revolutionist, hav-
ing been one of the instruments of various changes here of which his only re-
ward has been a monentary participation, in the prevailing power. On the
present question, all the fragments of parties discontented by the civil and
military reforms and other measures of the Government, rallied with the
Ecclesiastics to make a last effort against the influence of the Minister. The
incursions of the Indians and every fibre of alarm and discontent were set in
agitation — the skirmishing of these parties commenced in the Junta on some
questions relating to Padre Castenada, of flagitious notoriety, this man had
been banished to the Indian frontier some eight or ten months ago — after the
law of oblivion or Amnesty had gone into effect, it first became a question,
whether it embraced the case of this Friar; it was decided by the Junta that,
he might return under that law, but a condition was annexed by the ministe-
rial party, that he should not be permitted to renew his incendiary writings —
after a lapse of two or three weeks, a relation of Padre Castenada petitioned
the Junta that this injunction might be removed and that he might be per-
mitted to enjoy the full liberty of the press. This question discussed with
some warmth, was carried against the Minister. This triumph gave great
courage to the opposition. Many strong papers were published for and
against the rights of the Friars. The discontented vehemently represented
that this measure was only the forerunner of a total abolition of all religion —
the fermentation became very general throughout the community, and the
most reflecting friends of the Minister began to express serious apprehen-
sions, and to regret that these measures were so much precipitated. In
truth, I really believe, if a competent leader could have been found to take
command, some popular movement would have taken place in which case a
most sanguinary conflict and of uncertain issue would have been the conse-
quence. When, however, the great discussion came on, the moderate party
proposed the further investigation by a committee already charged with the
subject, and this was adopted as a motive for postponing the final question
thus the affair now stands. But it is still believed that after a lapse of a few
weeks, the measure will return to the Junta, strengthened in its enactments
excited much observation ; it appears that the house of Representatives voted
two bills one for the recognition, the other appropriating for Salaries of Minis-
ters. The Senate concurred in the last, taking no notice of the former.
This circumstance I have explained; presuming that the senate considered
the principle of the former contained in the provisions of the latter measure.
Until very recently the droit d'aubaine existed in full force here, and the prop-
erty of several strangers, particularly English, has been taken by the Gov-
ernment. I have, as a first example, obtained authority to administer on the
estate of George Charlton a citizen of the U. S. lately deceased here. The
effects of this man are very inconsiderable probably not sufficient to pay his
debts, but I gladly availed myself of the first case which occurred in order to
establish the principle, and to shew my friends the English, that I could ac-
complish things, not always easy to them. You will undoubtedly have re-
ceived direct from Rio de Janeiro, a full report of the recent events, which
have passed there. The strides making towards Independence under a
Prince Regent and, Perpetual Protector. My last advices from that place
mention that a considerable expedition in Troops, Arms, and ammunition
was about sailing for Bahia, to support the Brazilian, and put down the Eu-
ropean party at that place. The opinion given me is, that the prospects of
Brazilian Supremacy in that quarter are not so great as at Rio, and that the
success of the Brazilian cause, generally speaking, depends chiefly on the dis-
ordered state of Portugal and her probable inability to enforce her sovereignty
on this Continent. The officers of the Army at Monte- Video, with General
Le Cor at their head, have declared their adhesion to the King, and Cortes of
Portugal. During these events, Don Antonio, Manuel Correa de Camara,
arrived here three days since and I have this day received an official notifica-
tion from the Government that he has been duly recognized as Consul and
Commercial Agent of the Kingdom of Brazils. I have also seen his Commis-
sion which is under the authority of the Prince Regent. Yesterday reached
this city, Don Antonio Gutierrez de la Fuente, Chief of Squadron of Cavalry
as Envoy from Lima. His mission is temporary, and circular to all the Prov-
inces, for the special purpose of asking the formation of a short expedition to
attack the rear of the Spanish Army, as it quits its present positions at Cuzco,
and at other points. I have not yet seen either of the gentlemen, but shall
visit them tomorrow, and if I can learn any thing worth communicating I
shall add it before closing this dispatch. This Government now boasts of a
numerous Corps diplomatique, reckoning the agents of their various provinces.
They take precedence as follows, Don Miguel Zafiiartu, Minister, of Chili —
or jc,nvoy 01 ivienaoza — JJOH rearo jose Agreio, Agent 01 Jbntre
Rios — no friend of the present government. Don Francisco Ignacio Bustos,
Agent of Cordova,— Cousin to the Governor, of that Province — the above
named Envoy of Lima and the Consul of Brazils — seven in number — among
whom the most and perhaps .the only sincere friend of the present Govern-
ment is the Agent of the U. S.
283
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
BUENOS AIRES, August 21, 1822.
SIR: Accompanying this is duplicate of my last despatch, N° 35, which
went to Philadelphia by the Brig Ann, Cap1 Miercken. Since that date the
Junta have decided on the course to be pursued in relation to the demand of
military co-operation made by San Martin, through his envoy Mr de la
Fuentes. In. announcing very briefly in my last despatch that Gentleman's
arrival and the object of his mission, I omitted to state that San Martin,
coming to these Provinces, in forma pauperis, to supplicate their military aid,
had the modesty to name the General to whose command the solicited army
should be committed, and this General was no other than Bustos, the present
Governor of Cordova, the declared enemy of the present Administration
here. This circumstance would have had its weight, had not higher motives
guided the public counsels on this occasion. The magnanimous policy of
Mr. Rivadavia, the vital principle of which is a desire to substitute moral
influence for military force, dictated totally different means from those pro-
posed by San Martin, and, instead of raising an army, the Junta voted to put
at the disposition of Government, thirty thousand dollars, to defray the
expences of various pacificating missions, this course is the more wise inas-
much as the armies in upper Peru, nominally Spanish, are composed almost
entirely of misguided sons of the Country, who, when reclaimed, may prove
excellent members of a regenerated society. The Minister, in a recent con-
ference, gave me his opinion that there are not more than three hundred
Spaniards in those armies. These pacificating measures will embrace the
unfortunate provinces of Sl lago de 1'Estero, Tucuman and Salta who have
long been and to this hour are involved in a most sanguinary civil war.
Ministers are immediately to be dispatched to Spain, to Generals San Martin
and La Serna and to the Provinces abovenamed. I have only heard one of
the Gentlemen named who are to fill these missions. Mr. Provisor Gomez,
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
JLV.liniST.er
loan are, the construction of a Port here, the establishment of several towns
on the Southern Frontier and the procuring water for this City by aqueduct.
Of these the second object, I have reason to believe, is nearest the Minister's
heart, as he has conversed often with me, and recently much at length, on the
means of encouraging emigration; I, of course, put forward as the most
efficient of those means, the establishment of perfect liberty of religious faith
and worship. On this subject the most confident hopes are entertained of
compleat success within twelve months ; in fact, the measures tending to that
end will rapidly succeed the now agitated reform of the ecclesiastical establish-
ments, and it may be said that toleration even now exists in fact. The
Protestants have their public cemetery and are unmolested in their private
worship; there exists no public Church or Chapel, because it has never been
asked for.
From the new Consul of Brazils I learn that an order has already been
issued by the Prince Regent for embarking all the Portuguese troops now at
Monte Video and Transports are on the way from Rio to take them to Eu-
rope. The destiny of the Banda Oriental is still enveloped in mystery and
uncertainty. The people of Monte Video enjoy great commercial protection
from their present Masters and perhaps may apprehend some change in that
respect, should they come under the Government or influence of this Prov-
ince, which would naturally promote, in preference, the trade and prosperity
of this City. As far as I can learn from the Brazilian Consul, Mr da Camara,
The Prince Regent would willingly manifest a spirit of moderation and
justice, by renouncing all claim to the dominion of that Province, but there
exist several parties there and, conformably to the general system of this
Government no military intervention on its part is to be expected. The
operation of moral influence, during the occupation by foreign troops, must
be slow; when that foreign force is withdrawn, an emulation of the wise course
pursuing here may unite all parties in the Banda Oriental, especially if old
Artigas could be liberated from the grasp of the despotic Francia and brought
forward to a people with whom his influence might be easily revived. It is,
however, much to be apprehended that the evacuation by the Portuguese
troops, may prove the signal of some violent commotions at Monte Video.
The accompanying file of newspapers to which are added the four first
numbers of " The Centinel" will supply the defects of this communication by
giving you many circumstances of interest necessarily omitted here. I also
forward five first numbers of the "Abeja Argentina" a monthly magazine
published here containing much statistical matter, in the last number is a
DOCUMENT 284: AUGUST 23, 1 822 6ll
od translation of the Report of our Committee of foreign relations on
bject of the proposed acknowledgement of the Independence of Spanish
nerica.
I have the honour [etc.].
284
Jin M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary oj State of the United States 1
BUENOS AIRES, August 23, 1822, n p. m.
SIR: I had closed my despatches by this Vessel and given them to Mr.
lyley a Gentleman who goes passenger, when, at this hour of the night, an
telligent friend comes to me from the Junta and reports the following very
.portant circumstances, which I write under his dictation and much in
ste.
The three Ministers appeared this evening at an early hour in the Junta
d asked a suspension of proceedings to give place to an important com-
inication then to be made to that body; the suspension of other business
LS agreed to and the clerk read a communication from the Government,
lich in substance was, that Government had pledged itself not to disclose
e name of the person (who was afterwards declared to be the chief of the
incipal military Corps in this Capital) who had been called on by the Ex-
cretary of State Mr. Gregorio Tagle (just imprisoned) to lend his aid to a
nspiracy having for object the overthrow of that representative body and
e present Executive Government, assuring him (Col°. V.) that every
rangement was made to render success certain if his support could be
.ied on. the communication terminated by signifying that the three Minis-
rs were charged to sustain the discussion on it which might arise. Immedi-
*ly after the reading this message, the Minister of State rose and with
traordinary energy, opened the subject and proceeded to give an ample and
mpleat detail of the plan of the conspirators, which in substance was to
erthrow the present system, to reestablish the abolished Cabildo, to form a
w Executive (of whose Ministers two were known but names not com-
jnicated) the motives of this change put forward were, an assurance that
e present Government was applying all the resources of their power to
ing the Country back to the dominion of Spain — that the Government had
gently refused the aid asked by San Martin from personal motives, that the
neral tendency of the Administration was in opposition to the interests of
but tnat it would omy DC aone wn.u
In conclusion he proposed that a Commission in form of a jury should be
appointed to try the Conspirators or a Committee of public safety should be
elected from that body. The affair was referred to a special Committee
composed of Aguerro, S* lago Rivadavia (the brother of the Minister)
Gomez, Dn Castex and Somerera. This measure was carried by a large
majority, only two dissenting.
It is supposed that the Committee will be ready to report and that the
affair will be again discussed at a special meeting of the Junta tomorrow
evening. There is no doubt that the Conspirators are numerous and power-
ful— ied by the Puyerredonnists and supported by the Friars. I just learn
that besides Tagle, ten others are arrested. I rely much on the vigilance and
firmness of the Government, and presume that the conspiracy was defeated
before it was disclosed.
I have the honour [etc.].
285
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary oj State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, August 24, 1822.
Thursday, August 29, 1822. This day some of the best friends of the Gov-
ernment began to look gloomy; the majority in the Junta which had before
been counted on, now was doubted. Padre Castenada, pushed his momentary
success to the daring extremity of posting up all over the City the most
inflammatory placards, calling on the sleeping people to awaken and defend
their Religion and declaring that the Government was in the hands of here-
tics. The enemies of Government boldly contended that the project of law
for a Jury to judge a crime already committed operated retrospectively and
of course was unconstitutional. Besides, they formed the most confident
expectations of the acquittal and impunity of the arrested conspirators by
the operation of this new experiment of trial by Jury, if it should even be
carried into effect. The Junta met at an early hour and the house was so
much crowded that when I went I found the box assigned to the diplomatic
Corps, filled to overflowing, and the doors beset by an impenetrable crowd,
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
different friends of the subjects and course of the debate.
The projected trial by Jury was fully and ably discussed; the result was
that a general opinion was expressed that the trial by Jury was inexpedient
and the conviction of the accused on the existing evidence highly improbable
— in the same debate almost every member expressed his entire conviction
that an extensive Conspiracy existed and that Dr Tagle was at the head of it ;
a firm determination to support the Government was manifested and a De-
cree was passed [thirty in the affirmative and only three members dissenting]
authorizing the Government to transport Dr. Da Gregorio Tagle to any point
within this Province which might be deemed proper, and there to hold him
in strict surveillance. Col. Vidal is ordered to be tried by Court Martial, in
the most public manner. This firmness on the part of the Junta has entirely
reanimated the friends of the Administration. This evening a proposal was
made to authorize the Government to suspend, under its discretion and
responsibility, the inviolability of persons or in other words, to suspend the
habeas Corpus, it was refused ; but on this debate — the friend of our Country,
D" Manuel Moreno, noticing an observation of Dr Aguerro, that England
was the freest Country in Europe, admitted the fact as to Europe, but said
there was another Country in the World, and on our own Continent, much
more free than England and then made an elegant panegyric on our Consti-
tution and laws and on the moral character of our people. I have had
frequent occasions to notice in my past communications the friendly efforts
of this Gentleman to vindicate the U. S. against the predjudices of his
Countrymen and the calumnies of the British, he was, until within six weeks
past, principal Editor of the Argos, whose columns were much devoted to our
cause; but, as he is a Professor of the Medical University, Public Librarian,
and member of the Junta, it became necessary for him to relinquish the
Editorship of that paper, and I regret to say that his place has been filled by
Mr. Wilde an Englishman, who is also a writer for the Centinel. of course
the English are much panegyrized on every occasion.
In reporting the circumstances of the present crisis, I must not omit to
state that the Minister of Government in an animated Speech to the Junta
on the conduct of Col. Vidal, most keenly alluded to Mr. Zaniartu, the Chilian
Minister, as having counselled and directed Vidal, in a manner highly abusive
of his diplomatic inviolability. I have heard it said that he will be ordered
away from this place. Ainsi soit il: Mr. Zaniartu has boasted to me of his
confident expectation of being named Chilian Minister to the U. S. as soon as
the recognition shall be consummated, but I have awakened Judge Prevost
[who is not one of Mr. Z8. admirers] on the subject and I hope that the Govern-
ment of Chili will choose a better representative in its intercourse with our
Cabinet. This evening [29th August] while I was absent at the Junta I had a
visit from Mr. da Camara, Brazilian Consul, who left for my perusal two
614 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
important state papers, under the Signature and authority of the Prince
Regent of Brazil, the one, a Decree prohibiting the landing of any troops from
Portugal or any other Country, directing that they shall remain on board
until all the necessary provisions for their return shall be furnished them and,
in case of their attempting to land, directing the Brazilian troops and sub-
jects to resist by force, to burn their Ships and boats. The other paper is a
long and animated proclamation of the Regent to the Inhabitants of Brazils,
in which, among other things, he says, that the time has arrived when they
ought to have but one rallying word and that, Union! and when only one
Cry should be heard from the River Amazon, to the La Plata and that Cry,
Independence!
Friday, August 30, 2822. This is a great holiday [Santa Rosa de Lima,
Patroness of this America] and the morning was ushered in by a grand Salute
from the Fort. The City wears a cheerful aspect and the minds of the people
seem tranquilized in the belief that the political tornado has passed over
without doing much injury. The Government is strengthened for the
moment, but I expect that the project of Clerical reform will be postponed,
although not definitively abandoned. This and every thing else, like con-
cession to party clamour, will be ascribed to a consciousness of weakness on
the part of Government and will in a few weeks or months encourage some
further attempts on the part of the opposition. I called on the Minister to
renew my felicitations on the favorable spirit manifested by the Junta, and
the general aspect of affairs, but I did not see him.
286
John M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, September 2, 1822.
SIR: I have just had a confidential Conversation with the Chief Clerk in
the Department of Government, and, as his Communication was made in
strict reserve, except as to my Government, I write it in this way that it may
not pass under the eye even of my own Secretary. Mr. Tagle will be sent to
Patagonia — Col° Vidal will be tried immediately and with all possible pub-
licity, and will be punished in the utmost rigour of the laws according to his
sentence. This Government has already written to that of Chili, requesting
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II. The number 38 with which this was enclosed
e is found tripping, he will be sent off immediately. Active preparations
making to open all those negociations with Generals San Martin & La
na, The Provinces &c &c, which were authorized by Decree of the Junta
. reported in my despatch N°. 36. 1 The most frank exposure of all the
:umstances of the late Conspiracy will be made to the several Govern-
its and Chiefs, by the negociators employed.
was misinformed as to the mission of Mr Gomez to Spain as announced
J°. 36. No one will be sent to Spain, until a conciliation of the Provinces
11 have been effected. The Government has taken such measures as to
vent the possibility of it's being overthrown by force, but the members of
re determined on retiring from office whenever it shall be ascertained that
ir administration is not supported by public opinion. A very full and
tute regulation of the Press will immediately pass into a law of the Junta —
general bases will be, perfect liberty, subject to legal responsibility to
ve the truth of all printed allegations. The ostensible motive of this
isure is found in the recent remonstrances of Mr Bustos, Envoy from
dova, against an Article in the Argos, the real object of it is to restrain and
ish the daring and incendiary libels of Castenada.
287
n M. Forbes, Special Agent of the United States at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 2
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, October 16, 1822.
'. S., November 14, 1822. I have just had an unprepared and unexpected
versation with the Minister of Government and found him firm to his
iciples, professing his sole and entire reliance on the growth of moral
uence in this Country. The long delay in the expected opening, on our
t, of a diplomatic intercourse has occasioned much observation here. I
k the opportunity to day to explain to the Minister those impediments to
Dmination, during the recess of the Senate, which arose from the construc-
i given by many to the words of the Constitution on that subject, and I
ught myself warranted in speaking of another view of the case which
ilts from my own reflections aided by intimations from purely individual
rces. I frankly stated my opinions to be compleatly personal and pro-
1 See above, pt. n, doc. 283, Forbes to Secretary of State, August 21, 1822.
2 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
616 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
ceeded to say, that it was possible, that the act of recognition of the Inde-
pendence of these Countries, was considered as a perfect and solemn act of
our Government in the face of the World, and, under that view, it might be,
that the first overtures of diplomatic intercourse were expected by the Gov-
ernment of the U. S. from these Governments, as the younger Sisters of the
family of Nations. On this, as on every similar occasion, I found that I was
not to surpass the Minister in frankness. He replied to my intimation by
saying, that, under all circumstances, he did not deem it necessary to hasten
the forms of a diplomatic intercourse, repeating the opinion formerly ex-
pressed and already made public, that he looked steadily for the best foun-
dations of political character and security to the progress of internal civili-
zation and illustration and to the wise institutions which would result — that
he hoped that the gradual operation of these causes, exemplified in the prog-
ress of Buenos Ayres, would shed their influence over the other Provinces,
promote a perfect harmony of political views and at no distant period induce
a Confederation much more permanent than that which had been formerly
established under the odious influence of intrigue and force. In short this
Statesman builds his political faith and hope on the immoveable rock of
sound enlightened moral influence and considers the mere pageantry of
foreign diplomatic courtesy as a delusive and dangerous quicksand.
288
John M. Forbes, Secretary of the United States Legation at Buenos Aires, to John
Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, March 2, 1823.
I have just been informed of a new attempt to establish Monarchy on a
large Scale on the Coast of the Pacific. It appears that, when San Martin
sent his two Ministers Paroisien and Garcia del Rio to Europe, one of the
principal objects of their Mission was to seek a Master for the Peruvians and
that those Ministers were authorized to offer the Peruvian Crown to His High-
ness Prince Leopold of Saxe Cobourg. a Copy of the proposal is said to be in
this City and the Argos of yesterday contains a formal revocation, by the
Congress of Peru, of the powers of those Ministers. I lose daily somewhat of
my faith (which was never very great) in the Susceptibility of these people of
Derfect reoublican lihprtv. T R«»P tn mv O^AO-I- -mr\i-+-Jfi />«+•;«« «« ^»,,»u :,i«i,,i.~.
wards the North Americans (whose model of Government is the only one
which they ought to emulate) that I am quite disgusted and sigh for the Oc-
casion to separate myself from a Corrupt people wholly unworthy that en-
thusiasm, manifested by many of our best Citizens, who have been the dupes
of sounds and names without meaning on this side the Equator.
My last announced the overthrow of O'Higgins and the establishment of a
temporary Government in Chili, without bloodshed, the most recent ac-
counts from that Country state that the Executive commission had appoint-
ed O'Higgins, as an honourable retreat, to the chief command of the Chilian
Army in Peru, to assume this command O'Higgins repaired to Valparaiso,
accompanied by his late Minister of War, Rodriguez, who is very odious to
Freyre and generally unpopular. Before O'Higgins could embark, Freyre,
with five hundred men arrived at Valparaiso and arrested O'Higgins, Rodri-
guez and Zenteno, Governor of Valparaiso, and up to the latest dates these
individuals were in close confinement. What effect this difference of senti-
ment between the Government Commission and General Freyre may have,
remains to be seen. The Columbian Minister is still here and without any
reply to his Note. He has given notice of his determination to quit this City,
on his return to Chili on the 15th of this month. He has as little reason to be
gratified with his personal as his official reception and treatment here. I be-
lieve that he has experienced no hospitality from any one except a formal,
diplomatic dinner from the Minister of State. The liberal party and cause
have experienced within a few days a serious loss by the death of Mr. Santi-
ago Rivadavia , the brother of the Minister of State, he was a sincere patriot ,
an excellent scholar, an honest man, and a very good public speaker. Fame
says that when they both left the University, he was deemed more learned
than his brother, the Minister, but the great advantage of the Minister has
been derived from personal knowledge and observation of Europe.
March n, 1823.
Being informed that Mr Mosquera, the Colombian Minister had yester-
day signed a Treaty with this Government, I called on him to ascertain the
fact and found him at home. He told me that he had yesterday signed a pre-
liminary Treaty only, as the state of this Province in relation to the other
Provinces, permitted no other arrangement, that the Treaty he had signed
contained only mutual pledges of the identity of principles and views and of a
reciprocal and perpetual friendship between the Republic of Colombia and
the Government of Buenos Ayres, and a stipulation that they should co-
operate by all possible means to the two grand objects of common interest to
all America, Independence and a cessation of war, that as soon as circum-
stances should permit, these general principles together with all the detailed
provisions necessary to secure the reciprocal rights and duties of the contract-
PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
ing parties shall be confirmed and settled by a definitive Treaty. I found
Mr Mosquera much occupied in preparations for his departure, which he had
always fixed for 15th. of this month but he now intends to leave this on the
14th on his way to Chili, thence by the way of Peru, home. ^
This Government has promised as soon as the Junta (which meets on I
May) shall have ratified the present preliminary Treaty, to send a Minister
to the Capital of Colombia.
Having been previously invited by the Minister of Government and for-
eign Relations Mr Rivadavia, to a conference I repaired on leaving M ^Mos-
quera to the Fort or Government house and was immediately received in the
most friendly manner. Our conversation for at least half an hour, was gen-
eral, turning chiefly on the events which affect this and the neighbouring
Countries in which the preliminary Treaty just signed between this Govern-
ment and the Colombian Minister was noticed, I congratulated the Minister
and expressed my ardent wish that these preliminary arrangements might
lead to a firm system of American policy wholly independent of European in-
terests or influence. He assured me that such were his wishes and should be
the object of his most constant efforts.
Mr. Rivadavia took occasion to bring to my attention the intimation he
had made more than twelve months ago to the English Captain OBrien and
to the French Commodore Mr. Gaw [sic], and which he has repeated within
the last fortnight to Captain Bourchier of the British Brig Beaver, and to the
Captain of a French Government Schooner which was, that this Government
could not enter into any discussions or explanations with armed agents, and
that political questions must be discussed by regularly appointed diplomatic
Agents. After a general and protracted conversation I prepared to retire on
which the Minister opened the subject on which he had particularly invited a
conference. He observed that he wished to express the very particular re-
spect and esteem of this Government for that of the United States and the
high sense he felt of that wise measure the Recognition of the Independence
of the ci-devant Spanish American Provinces, that soon after this event had
been made known here I had informed him of the intention of the Govern-
ment of the U.S. to send a Minister here. I here begged leave to remind him
that I had told him at the time that all my information was derived f rom (" Us
on dits des Gazettes"} Newspaper paragraphs, that all the knowledge I had,
even of the Acknowledgement of Independence was derived through the
same channel — The public Newspapers. That to this hour I was without a
single line of written official information from Government on the subject.
The Minister manifested some surprise at this circumstance and I replied
by representing to him the general reserve of my Government, except in cases
where it is deemed necessary to give precise specific instructions to their
Agents abroad, and the necessity of peculiar circumspection in a case of such
timed to the world by our Government was probably deemed competent
: perfect Recognition of these Nations as Nations, and that perhaps the
tep to a diplomatic intercourse might be expected by the United States
these Provinces, that I considered the appointment of Mr. Todd to
ibia as a mere reciprocation of the appointment of the late Mr Torres
To this the Minister replied by a long exposition of the extreme diffi-
arising from the situation of this Province isolated from the others and
\ entirely by itself, that for a Mission of Representation or parade, they
;r had the means to cover its expence, nor did he conceive it consistent
:he Modesty of their position, to initiate such an intercourse. He con-
y repeated his assurances of the great regard he felt for the Government
United States and the sincere pleasure he should feel in availing himself
first occasion to cherish and promote the closest and most friendly ties
tual intercourse, he requested that I would communicate these senti-
i to my Government which I promised to do with the utmost possible
icy, but I intimated that his ideas would be more perfectly transmitted,
leemed it proper to address me a Note of which I would transmit an
copy to my Government; but this he declined, saying that, under
ig circumstances he beleived that rny report of the conference would be
ent. I assured him of my constant good wishes for the success of his
ires and after an interchange of many agreeable and friendly assurances,
ed to my house and'immediately collected as far as my memory could
led on, all the particulars of my conference with the Minister and com-
1 them to writing of which you have now a faithful transcript.
March 13.
are still without any news from Chili since beginning of February and
rehend that the difference between the governing commission and
al Freyre, manifested in the arrestation by the latter of OHiggiris and
i, may lead to some reaction of party which if it induce a resort to arms,
>en a very bloody Arena. General San Martin has been for nearly two
is in Cuyo and Mendoza a letter from my particular friend & Country-
doctor Colesberry, who is his attending Physician, assures me that,
:he moment of his entering Cuyo, he recovered his health. He is now
tly well and is hourly expected here. His political and administrative
s entirely lost. He has only now to rely on the strength of his arm and
igth of his sword and to wait for circumstances in which these powers
; sucessfully exhibited. I hope and trust that his visit to this place will
;hout any political influence.
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, April 30, 1823.
It now appears that the intrigues of Legui to effect a disunion between the
Provinces of the quadrilateral alliance are compleatly defeated, in short the
political clouds in which we were so recently benighted seem to be wholly
dispersed. One difficult subject still lays in the path of the Minister. The
Emancipation of the Banda Oriental. On this subj ect there prevails a great
difference of opinion as to the most fit means to attain the same end. Many
here and almost all in the Provinces of Entre Rios and Santa Fe" are in favour
of an immediate and unqualified resort to force, whilst the Ministry here is
disposed to temper the threat of Military coercion by simultaneous diplo-
matic efforts and with this view Dr. Don Valentine Gomez (of diplomatic
celebrity in affair of Prince of Lucca) has been named three weeks since as
special Minister to the Court of Rio Janeiro, but has not yet departed on his
Mission. The long talked of Spanish Commissioners are daily expected
from Rio, but no important result is anticipated from their negociations.
The last accounts from Rio Janeiro are to 10th Instant. Lord Cochrane
with his fleet sailed for Bahia about last of March or beginning of this month,
in the public opinion every thing is believed to depend on the life, courage
and skill of the commander, the fleet having been badly manned in a very
hasty manner. Intimations are made of a very despotic disposition mani-
fested on the part of the Emperor Don Pedro who is said to have abandoned
the idea of holding a Cortez. From Lima it is written that on the one hand a
new expedition is about to be undertaken against the Indermedios> on the
other hand, that the Royalists are marching against that Capital with too
much hope of success. It appears that at Lima a kind of revolution has been
operated under military influence. On the 2yth February the Congress
elected Jose Tagle for President, but on the peremptory demand of Santa
Cruz backed by the Army, this election was set aside and on the 28th. Febru-
ary Rivaguera was unanimously elected President of the Republic. It is
said that an invitation has been sent to Bolivar to go and mediate between
the different parties, but his leaving his country is forbidden by the Constitu-
tion of Colombia. Arenales has resigned and Santa Cruz is General in Chief,
Colonel Miller, left in command at Entre Medios, writes most despondingly
that all he can hope is to save his .sick.
From Chili they write under 3rd of this month that Don Ramon de Preire
has been elected to the Directorial dignity and under 8th. instant it is stated
that he has been duly installed in the Supreme Executive power. It is
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II,
DOCUMENT 289: MAY I, 1823 621
irther stated that the Peruvian Deputy Larrea having arrived and most
jmbly solicited men and money, four thousand troops were to be immedi-
;ely embarked and that the Director himself would take the Command,
he loan from England has been accepted and a million of Dollars is to be
:t apart for expences of the new expedition under the guarantee of Larrea,
the name of the Peruvian Government, for its reimbursement.
I cannot finish this communication without noticing an evidence of that
irtiality for the English on the part of this Government which I have fre-
lently stated to exist. On the 4th of July very soon after our recognition of
ic Independence of this Country was made known to this Government our
itional anniversary was kept by our Countrymen here. Salutes were fired
om an American Merchantman, Morning, Noon and Evening, our flag was
iblickly exhibited joined with that of this Country. On that occasion all
lat was done by the Government here was to run up their Flag for an in-
ant at noon, fire a single gun and lower their flag. On the 23rd Instant
>*• George's) the English celebrated their King's birth day and the flag of
ic Government was kept flying all day and at Sun set a regular Salute of
even guns was fired from the Fort, and all this, without any british official
presentation or any salute fired on their part. At this dinner Mr. Rivada-
'.a, Minister of Government, and acting Governor, gave the following toast,
hich was published in the official Gazette.
"To the most wise Government, the English, to the most moral and en-
jhtened Nation , — England ' ' . Such circumstances do not merit any formal
Dtice on our part but as "Straws show which way the wind blows", I deem
a duty to state the facts to you in corroboration of opinions formerly and
equently given on the subject.
May i, 1823.
We have this moment received New York papers but only to 2 Ist January,
he most important fact which meets my eye in relation to this Country is,
le nomination of Mr Rodney as Minister Plenipotentiary, but this fact still
:sts only on paragraphic authority. If it be true I wish that our Minister
lay reach this City before the 25th of this month the grand anniversary of
idependence here.
622 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
290
John M. Forbes, Secretary of the United States Legation at Biienos Aires, to
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRA.CT]
BUENOS AIRES, June 2, 1823.
The affairs of the Banda Oriental remain suspended to wait the result of
Lord Cochrane's efforts against Bahia, of which nothing is yet known. The
Portuguese in Monte Video cannot be forced but by a united Sea and land
blockade and that is impracticable pending the more important operations of
the Imperialists at the North. About ten days since, the Monte Viclean gar-
rison being much reduced, by a well conducted Sortie, captured and brought
in one thousand head of Cattle, which, with supplies to be obtained hence,
will protract their defence for a long time. The Spanish commissioners Don
Antonio Luis Pereira and Don Luis de la Robla landed here on the 23rd May,
presented their personal visit (but not their credentials) on 24th same. I
presume that they delayed their formal recognition on account of the public
festivities then going on and to avoid any official participation in them.
They are now fully acknowledged, some notes have been exchanged between
them and the Government and a communication is to be made this Evening
to the Junta. I understand that their proposals only go to some commercial
arrangements and to a temporary armistice. Neither of these are of any im-
portance to this country— which has long since been relieved from Span-
ish hostility and abounding in foreign commerce. It has reached this city
from Colombia that the instructions of these commissioners are, in case they
should be pressed to the recognition of the Independence of these countries,
to yield to it, but if possible, to obtain without it, the minor expedients of a
temporizing policy. I am very anxious for the arrival of Mr. Rodney to put
the seal to our recognition of this Government, and am not without appre-
hensions that these commissioners may precede us in this consummation.
The World, however, will render us the justice to believe that our magnan-
imous policy has accelerated the subsequent measures of Spain and those who
may follow her example.
291
John M. Forbes, Secretary of the United States Legation at Buenos Aires, to
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, June 22, 1823.
SIR: I had last this honour on 2nd Instant (N° 49.) by the Ship Nirnrod,
Cap* Sterling, to New York— duplicate of which accompanies this. Since
irill be found in N°. 50. of the Argos. It was referred to a special com-
e composed of Doctors Gomez, Somellera, Manuel Moreno, Rojas, and
Velez.
:er nearly two weeks discussion that Committee unanimously agreed to
ubscribed a Report which immediately follows the project as inserted in
rgos. Dr Moreno, was instructed by the Committee to sustain this re-
3y an explanatory speech in the Junta, but when the subject came into
ssion he was surprized to find himself precluded by Dr. Gomez who had
lenced the discussion in a speech criticising very severely the report he
tgned and approved and proposing the insertion of a second article tend-
) paralyze the operation of the first, by leaving Spain and each South
ican Government mutually at liberty to negociate on such terms as
t be convenient. After two nights' debate, Mr Gomez prevailed in ob-
ig the adoption of his second article and, with this insertion, the decree
i Government was adopted, by which the Sum of Twenty thousand dol-
3 voted to the Government to enable them to press the measures neces-
to accelerate the cessation of hostilities and the acknowledgment of In-
idence.
292
M. Forbes, Secretary of the United States Legation at Buenos Aires, to
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, July 5, 1823.
:. : Yesterday being the Anniversary of our Independence I was engaged
a numerous party of rny fellow citizens in the accustomed festivities of
5. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II. The draft of a preliminary convention with
follows:
reliminary Convention agreed, upon between the Government of Buenos Ayres and the
Commissioners of his Catholic Majesty
The Government of Buenos Ayres having recognised and caused to be recognised by
irtue of credentials presented and legalised in due form, as commissioners of His
atholic Majesty the Messieurs Antonio Luis Perreira and Luis de la Robla and the
[inister of Foreign relations of the State of Buenos Ayres having proposed to those
entlemen the formation of a Convention preliminary to a definitive treaty of peace
Jtween His Catholic Majesty and the United Provinces, on the fundamental principles
itablished by the Law of the igth. of June of the present Year, after mutual conferences
tid explanations of what they considered conducive to the beat arrangement of the
Nations between the States before mentioned, making use of the faculties with which
icy are invested and of the powers by which they are authorised, they have adjusted
ic said preliminary Convention in the terras expressed in the following Articles.
the said preliminary treaty. The Enemies of the Minister will find some-
thing to Carp at, but if this preparatory step only serves to conciliate the San-
guinary conflict going on in the Upper Provinces of Tucuman, Sal^and
ARTICLE I. After Sixty days to be counted from the ratification of this Convention by
the Governments to whom it appertains, all hostilities by Land and Sea between them
and the Spanish Nation shall cease. .
ARTICLE 2. Consequently the General commanding the forces of His Catholic
Majesty in Peru will keep the positions he may occupy at the time, he shall be informed
of this convention, saving the particular stipulations that by mutual convenience the
adjoining Governments may propose or accept for the improvement of the respective
lines of occupation during the suspension of hostilities. _
ARTICLE 3. The Relations of Commerce, with the only exception of Contraband
articles of War, shall be fully re-established during the term of this suspension, between
these Provinces and the Spanish Monarchy, the provinces occupied in Peru by the Arm«
of His Catholic Majesty and the State that ratify this Treaty.
ARTICLE 5.* The relations of maritime Commerce with the Spanish natives and the
States that ratify this Convention shall be adjusted by a special convention to be entered
into immediately after the present.
ARTICLE 6. Neither the authorities that Govern the Provinces of Peru in the name of
His Catholic Majesty, nor the adjoining States, shall impose on the Commerce (rf either
greater contributions than those existing at the time of the ratification of this Treaty.
ARTICLE 7. The suspension of hostilities shall continue for the terra of Eighteen
months.
ARTICLE 8. Within the said term the Government of the State of Buenos Ayres shall
negociate by means of a Plenipotentiary of the United Provinces of Rio de la Plata and
conformable to the Law of the 19th of June, the celebration of a definitive treaty of peace
and friendship between His Catholic Majesty and the States of the American Continent
to which said Law refers.
ARTICLE 9. In the event of a renewal of hostilities these shall not take place, nor shall
the relations of Commerce cease, until four months after such intimation.
ARTICLE 10. The Law existing in the Spanish monarchy as well as in the State of
Buenos Ayres relative to inviolability of property, altho that of enemies, shall have full
effect, in the event mentioned in the preceding Article, in the territories of the Govern-
ments that ratify this Treaty and reciprocally
ARTICLE u. As soon as the Government of Buenos Ayres may be authorised by the
Representatives of the State to ratify this Convention, it shall negociate with the Gov-
ernments of Chili, Peru and the other Provinces of the Rio de la Plata for their joining
in the same, and the Commissioners of His Catholic Majesty shall take at the iame time
all the means conducive to its having the promptest and fullest effect on the part of the
authorities of His Catholic Majesty.
ARTICLE 12. For the due effect and validity of this Convention the necessary number
shall be sealed by the Commissioners of His Catholic Majesty with their Seal, and by the
Government of Buenos Ayres with the Seal of Foreign relations. Buenos Ayres 4,^.
July 1823.
[SEAL OF FOREIGN RELATIONS.] BERNARDINO RIVADAVIA.
[SEAL OF THE COMMISSIONER ANTONIO Luis PERRBIRA.
OF HIS CATHOLIC MAJESTY.] LUIS DE LA ROBLA,
PROJECT OF LAW
The Government is authorised to ratify the preliminary Convention of the 4th of the
present month between the Governments of Buenos Ayres, and Commissionera of His
Catholic Majesty near it, and also to negociate the accession to it of the State* and
Governments mentioned m the nth article of said Convention.
(Signed) RIVADAVIA.
* [Article 4 does not appear in the original manuscript]
IULUJ.C
become necessary.
293
John M. Forbes, Secretary of the United States Legation at Buenos Aires, to
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, September 12, 1823.
The progress and success of the preliminary Convention with the Spanish
Deputies now submitted to the different provinces is variously reported.
The Enemies of the measure say that it will not be generally acceded to and
that the only result of all the pending negociations with the Provinces will be
the formation of a new Union but, as they say, this must be preceded by a
change of Government in this Province. I have this moment received a Ga-
zette of Mendoza entitled "El Verdadero Amigo del Pals", of 3 Ist August
containing the following important news. "From Chili by a gentleman ar-
rived from that country we learn that a Vessel had just arrived from Callao,
bringing the interesting news that the Deliverer (Libertador) Bolivar had ar-
rived at Callao with 3000 Men. He alone landed and presented his respects
to the Congress, he was named Generalisimo, he marched immediately with
his forces upon the Intermedios, at the same date General Alvarado had al-
ready gone forward with 3000, which, with the force raised by Santa Cruz
5300 Men, made 1 1 ,000 and some soldiers. The Enemy as soon as this event
was known dislodged himself from Lima and thus left again in liberty the
Capital of Peru.
We can announce with security that the mountains and Valleys of the In-
cas at this moment celebrate the triumph of liberty and that the flag of Inde-
pendence waves on all the points of America".
The affairs of the Banda Oriental are still covered in mystery. It is very
difficult for this Government to keep in check the patriotic ardour of several
other Provinces in favour of an immediate emancipation of that country by
force, from the Brazilian Lake. Nor is it an easy task for this Ministry to
justify its extraordinary delay and that deceptive reliance on diplomatic ef-
forts, by which the adverse party gains much in the success of its arms in
other quarters and a consequent augmentation of means of resistance in this
Vicinity. Mr Gomez has been well enough received by the Emperor of Bra-
zil, who, however, in his reply to a long presentation address of Mr Gomez,
said that he could give no opinion on the subjects of his Mission until he had
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
as wen as ui
may place him in a very critical situation.
September 14, 1823.
SIR: I have this moment learned that the greatest solicitude is now enter-
tained about a league which is said to have taken place between the Provinces
of Cordova, Mendoza and San Luis, the object of which is to raise a consider-
able army which is to be put under the command of General San Martin, a
Lion who has been sleeping for more than six months at Mendoza, under pre-
text of bodily indisposition. Another Army is forming at Tucuman under
the orders of Urdinea a devoted friend and instrument of San Martin the os-
tensible object of these Military efforts is to attack the Brazilians and eman-
cipate ihtBanda Oriental, but the real object, is to effect a new Confederation
under the protection of Military force and to invest the Supreme Director-
ship in San Martin. The forces of the before named Provinces will co-
operate with those of Santa-F6, Entre Rios, and Corrientes raised with the
same ostensible and same real motive. The Enemies of the Preliminary Con-
vention with Spain ascribe all this hostile excitement to that measure; but I
think the spirit of this new Coalition is to be found in the restless ambition of
a few Military Chiefs. It is said that some demur has taken place on the
part of Bustos the absolute Governor of Cordova but as his reluctance is per-
sonal it will be overcome by the promise of a fair reward to his ambition.
The discontent here is very considerable and it remains to be seen, if the city
can present a competent opposition to the forces which will be presented in
this new Montenero War. I shall infinitely regret the revival of Military
power, but contemplate with much more horror the reaction of a desperate
and relentless Ecclesiastical influence. The present circumstances call for all
the talents, firmness and activity of the prime Minister to dissolve if possible
the Conspiracy and, failing in that, to offer a determined resistance to its
efforts.
\
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, November 5, 1823.
. . The Preliminary Convention with the Spanish Deputies, meets
i an increasing opposition in some of the distant Provinces and in the ul-
Montane States of Chili & Peru, where the recent brilliant atchievements
be patriot Arms animate to an energetic prosecution of the Contest and
:>se in striking colours the inexpediency of a suspension of hostilities
ided on distant, contingent and quite uncertain benefits to the patriot
se, while the advantages secured by it to the exhausted Armies of Spain
certain and great.
he Minister of Peru near the Congress of Chili, has protested in a most
aal and spirited manner against the adoption by that Congress of the
•esaid Preliminary Convention. Those Provinces which have in any man-
acceded to it, have annexed to their adherence, such various modifica-
.s as have totally changed the Convention. This Preliminary Conven-
'. has been a powerful engine in the hands of the Minister's Enemies, and,
ed to the unpunished incursions and extensive robberies of the Indians on
one hand, and his too slow and cautious policy in relation to the Banda
mtal, on the other, have very much diminished and shaken his popularity.
s many financial ameliorations, however, the great improvements in the
• his great love of order and his sincere desire to substitute for the oppres-
LS of military despotism the mild and equal empire of reason, justice and
, have secured to him a strong party among the men of property and of
led principle in the city.
am therefore of the opinion, that if a change should take place, it will be
in insidious, indirect attack on the Government, in the change of Gover-
, with the understanding that the present Ministers will be continued in
rer. The two most ambitious and restless leaders are Colonel Major Don
nuel Dorrego, — the Governor who immediately preceeded Rodriguez in
o. — he is now a popular member of the Junta and a man of daring charac-
— The chief Idol of the Country people is Colonel Don Manuel Rosas.
> a brave and daring man, of extensive property and influence,
n the tardy operations against the Indians, his arm was only put forth at
last extremity and his efforts are now held up by his party as the sole
se of the recent success against those Enemies, who, according to the last
Dial accounts, have been dispersed, with the recovery of 80,000 head of
:tle, of their previous plunder. It was said three days since that a sub-
ption was on foot to support Rosas as Governor, on condition of his con-
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
628 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
tinuing in power the present Minister, it is very probable that he would
make this promise in the beginning but it is believed that he would soon after
disregard it and place Mr Aguerro, a leading ecclesiastic, at the head of a new
Ministry. The reaction which might result from such a change is too horrid
to contemplate.
In the affairs of the Banda Oriental, it appears that while the Ministry of
Brazil protract at their pleasure the Diplomatic negociation with Dr Gomez,
General Le Cor, does not sleep on his arms. A blockade by sea and land has
been established and among the Portugueze troops in Monte Video, the dis-
content has been carried so far as to produce a formal protest on the part of a
number of the Officers and a considerable portion of the troops, declaring the
pending contest not authorized by the King, their determination no longer to
continue it and requiring of Don Alvaro, the sending of flags to General Le
Cor and to the squadron to negociate a capitulation on condition of being
sent to Protugal.
A flag was accordingly despatched by Don Alvaro da Costa to Baron de
Laguna on 24th October stating that having learned that the will of the King
John the Sixth was that his troops should no longer make war with those of
Brazils and that they should retire to Portugal and being ignorant if the Bar-
on had sufficient authority to make precise engagements concerning the means
of effecting their embarkation for Portugal, he was about to send to the court
of Brazil an Officer, with the character of a flag of truce, in order to obtain
from the Emperor the necessary guarantees and means ; and thus proposed an
armistice and free Commerce between the town and Country until the answer
of His Imperial Majesty should arrive. On the 2yth The Baron answered,
that he was vested with full powers to resolve concerning the embarkation of
that part of the Division which of its own spontaneous will, desired to return
to Europe and for the remaining in the Country of those who preferred so do-
ing. Thus he deemed it unnecessary and should not permit the flag of truce
to proceed to Rio Janeiro, it being only a pretext to gain time in order to fa-
vour a revolution projected by Don Alvaro, and being further well informed
that under this mask an armament was now preparing in the City, he would
only consent to an Armistice for some days (which must be very few) during
which time two or more confidential Officers of the Division should be
charged to treat and should treat with him about the Embarkation. On the
night of the 30th October the Company of Talavero of the second Regiment
passed over to the General and on 3i8t at 12 oclock His Excellency was to
meet at the Piedras with Colonel Gorgas and Major Acuna to enter into ne-
gociation. In this state of things the Cabildo of Monte Video has made a
last, an agonizing call on this Government for aid and protection and with a
view to obtain the sanction of the Junta to the pacific policy pursued by the
Government, the Minister askerl trip arK/irp r»f rhaf hrv-Kr Tlic. /•vimrmiruVa-
littee asking some further information, the Minister in a long and rather
ictatorial speech of an hour and a half, virtually withdrew the subject from
irther consideration by, declaring that there was no other alternative but
pen War which the Government disapproved or entire peace which was the
ne of conduct pursued by the Government and intimating further that he
jught only the approval by the Junta of the Executive policy and not any
riticism or opposition.
From Peru the news continues to be extremely favourable to the Patriot
luse. The appearance of Bolivar has excited great enthusiasm and general
>nfidence appears to be placed in his patriotism and the sincerity and pure-
ess of his Views. He has been named Liberator and vested with full powers
.vil and Military with the co-operation, to a certain extent, of the present
resident Don Jos6 Bernardo Tagle. General Santa Cruz has obtained
reat advantages at La Paz, General Arenales in Potosi and General Lucre
nd Colonel Miller on the coast. In short La Serna and Canterac appear to
e reduced to narrow limits, and must soon be compelled to abandon the
•hole country. The preliminary Treaty with Spain, now become the great
ibject of party controversy here, gives rise to daily varying rumours ; it is
ow reported on the authority of a letter from a respectable British Merchant
b Lima that Bolivar has accepted that convention availing himself of the
resent occupancy by the Patriots of great and advantageous positions,
he oppositionists contend that this is impossible and that Bolivar will only
:cept a convention which shall stipulate for the entire evacuation of the
eruvian territory by the Royalists, and it is said that the powers of the
•eputies who made this Convention extend to such stipulations and even
> a recognition of Independence under circumstances of urgent necessity.
November 10, 1823.
Since writing the foregoing the affairs of Banda Oriental have had one very
nimated discussion in the Junta, they excite great interest among the citi-
ms, and will again be warmly discussed this Evening. The Minister and
is friends contend that means of all kinds are wanting. The Treasury is
npty, Foreign Commerce, from whence comes all the Revenue is, for the
toment, almost suspended, and the more alarming call for resistance is the
idian Invasion.
On the other hand, it is contended that resistance against the occupation of
lonte Video by the Imperialists is a matter of vital importance to the tran-
uility and to the commerce of the Province and city, inasmuch as such an
xupation will necessarily be followed by a great augmentation of the Bra-
Han forces to secure them against future dispossession and this aggregation
: forces, Military and Naval, will enable the Imperialists not only to attack
le lirnitroph provinces but with an inconsiderable naval force to cut off the
nHp of this ritv a.ltncrpther. Yp.stp.rdav it was said that the Indians had re-
the troops of this Province are daily losing their courage and giving them-
selves almost up to panic. This war is also an instrument very actively em-
ployed by the Enemies of the Administration to discredit it with the great
Landholders and with the country people generally.
November u, 1823.
A great concourse of citizens assembled last evening at the Hall of the Jun-
ta in the expectation of an animated discussion of the Banda Oriental affairs,
but to their great disappointment, after waiting more than an hour, the Ser-
geant at arms announced that there would be no Session, the truth is, thai
the Committee was not prepared to report on that affair and as Dorrego and
Doctor Diaz Velez, both oppositionists, are on the committee there is
great reason to believe that they will protest against the report, should it not
propose a hostile opposition to the Imperialists. I omitted before to say,
that the Minister had some days ago sent for Colonel Dorrego and offered
him the Mission to Columbia, by way of purchasing his friendship. This he
refused and now publickly boasts of this condescension on the part of the
Government. The prevailing opinion is, that his friendship was never worth
the price offered.
295
John M. Forbes, Secretary of the United States Legation at Buenos Aires, to
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, January 3, 1824.
SIR: The Minister of the U.S. being in a debilitated State of body, his Phy-
sicians have interdicted him the use of his pen and I feel it my duty under
such circumstances to endeavour to state to you such facts within my knowl-
edge in relation to this Government and its public concerns as it may be in-
teresting to you or the Government to know. — I have had frequent occasion
to notice the great opposition to the present Administration as well in this
Province as in others of La Plata formerly United, which, under various mo-
tives, has been for some time growing.
General San Martin was supposed by some to be secretly hostile to the pres-
ent Administration here and the factions were constantly during several
months threatening his visit to this Capital as the signal of some great change
of men and measures. — At length on 4th Decr last in the afternoon General
* MS. Despatches from Argentina, II.
dwelling house 01 nis late ±*atner in law, ivr Hscalaaa, out nnmng mat tnat
family was at a Quinta in the Country, he repaired to that place and remain-
ed several days there. — The next day after his arrival the discontented were
peculiarly active in circulating projects of an immediate change; this same
day General San Martin made very respectful and friendly visits to the Gov-
ernor and his Ministers which were promptly returned. — In a very few days
it was understood that the greatest friendship existed between him and the
Government and that, far from entering into the intrigues of the discontented,
he had even denounced to the Government some of those who had tampered
with him on those subjects. — In the meantime the law regulating the election
of the new Governor has shut the door against his competition, if he contem-
plated it, for no one but a native of the Province is eligible, and San Martin
as well as Dn Carlos Alvear, another leader of party, are from the territory of
the Missiones. . . . According to the law of election recently passed,
The Governor is to be chosen by the Junta, who are to meet expressly for that
purpose on Ist. April between which day and the third, the commencing
period of service, the election is to be effected. — Any member of the Junta is
eligible, but no person not a native of the Province of Buenos Ayres. —
The Oath prescribed to the Governor is, to support national Independence,
individual liberty and a republican, representative system of Government. —
On the 27th December The Minister Plenipotentiary and Secretary of Le-
gation of the United States were publickly presented to and received by the
Governor of the Province, surrounded by his Ministers and all the great de-
partments of public service, Law, Police &c, but the external, popular dem-
onstrations were excessively cold and there is no doubt they were prepared
by the Government in concert with the two great parties which now influence
their Councils, The old Spaniards, and the English. — On this subject it is not
necessary to enlarge, as the great individual feeling among the North Ameri-
cans excited by these circumstances will find a copious flow in their private
correspondence, some extracts of which, as usual, will meet the public eye. —
The comments on our recognition which appeared in the subsequent Argos
and were evidently written in the Government house, confirm the apathy felt
on this great occasion and most studiously inculcated by the Government, in
further confirmation of which stands the fact, that Mr Garcia, Secretary of
the Treasury in a long speech at the close of the Session of the Junta, giving
the political history of the Government during the past year, never even in-
directly alluded to the recognition by the United States or the arrival of our
Minister here. — Don Carlos Alvear, a man of extensive family influence and
who has twice been at the head of affairs during the revolution, once as Su-
preme Director and once as Commander in Chief, is appointed Minister Plen-
ipotentiary of this Government to that of the United States. — Dn. Tomas
de Iriarte, formerly a Ll. Col°. in the Artillery and more recently Second
Vjrovernmeni, prouauiy uu uuuw auiue iuuuem*c IULV tuv^ w^o,^ ^^ ^r^^* ^» ^*~
loan now in train of negociation. — From Peru we learn that that Country is
involved in serious dissentions bordering on Civil War. — The influence of
Bolivar has entirely failed in a negociation to reconcile Riva Aguerro, a jeal-
ous patriot chief, and by last accounts Bolivar was about to march against
him with an original force of 3500 men which it was expected would be great-
ly augmented on its march. — Riva Aguerro once subdued, or won over to a
cooperation (or if only subdued) Bolivar will then attack the Royalists with
an Army of 7 or 8000 Men. — But according to recent reports the affairs of
that Country are rendered more complicated and difficult by an Act of the
Royalist Chiefs; they having declared Peru independent of Spain! Such a
measure would only tend to confirm and increase the distinct influence of
men long in hostility with the patriots and it is presumed that Bolivar will by
no means consent to such a recognition, but will persevere in his military ef-
forts to the compleat expulsion of the Royalist Chiefs and their Army. —
296
John M. Forbes, Secretary of the United States Legation at Buenos Aires, to
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
Private BUENOS AIRES, January 24, 1824.
The present state of this Country gives me the greatest uneasiness and
adds to my previous desire to return and sit down under the "vine and fig
tree" of real, well established liberty, "having no one to molest or to make
me afraid". I fear that the sun of freedom, which has only shone on this
Country for a short Winter's day, is fast declining to that horizon whence it
will sink into the night of despotism. A most profound plot is going on be-
tween Despotism in Europe and La Serna, the Royalist Commander in Chief
and Vice Roy in Peru. Instructions from the absolute King Ferdinand 7th.,
forwarded under the auspices of the Duke of Angouleme to the Commander
of the French Frigate now at Maldonado, for La Serna, are now on the way,
by a Confidential messanger, over the Mountains, to announce the prompt
expedition of a joint naval & military force from Cadiz to his assistance to
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
here, on the part of their Enemies, is, that they still keep up a ludicrous ne-
gotiation about a Convention entered into with the Constitutional King and
Cortes, a party which has ceased to exist by the reestablishment of despotism.
Why, say the oppositionists, talk of a contract of which one of the parties is
politically dead? Because, say they, the present Government wishes to lull
the nation into a false security that it may be found unprepared and fall an
easy victim to despotism when it shall pounce upon the Country. Another
Circumstance fortifies these suspicions, which is, that in the recent double
struggle of Bolivar in Peru, not only the Chilian Auxiliaries but those of Bue-
nos Ayres, retired from the field, leaving Bolivar entirely to his Peruvian &
Colombian resources. What means of access to these Countries have not
the Despots of the holy alliance? Brazil, where the rnock Emperor has been
playing an occult game with his dear father and associates, extends her terri-
tory to this River, all her Ports will be immediately thrown open with wel-
coming hallelujahs to the arms of European Despotism. In Co-operation
with the King of Portugal, the absolute King of Spain Ferdinand 7th niay
make an uninterrupted landing at Monte Video whence he may attack this
Province, under present circumstances, with great hope of success. The real
patriots are quite disheartened and openly declare that the old Spaniards
have already the ascendancy here. The election of one half the Junta ap-
proaches and great efforts are making on both sides. I am confident, how-
ever, that the Ministerial ticket will prevail, although it is composed of known
enemies to the revolution, except three, Doctor Pasos, Gen1. Soler and Col°
Dorrego, who are merely put forward to blind the people and induce them to
swallow the whole list. In this state of things a paper has been published in
the new Argos N° 3, purporting to be the secret treaty entered into at Ve-
rona, November 22d 1822, the first article of which stipulates that Russia,
Austria, Prussia and France are to unite their efforts to prevent the establish-
ing representative Governments where they do not exist and to destroy them
where they do. Doubts are entertained of the authenticity of this docu-
ment; you will be better able to judge of it from its examination. Its publi-
cation, joined to the news of an expedition fitting out at Cadiz, increases
much the public anxiety at the present moment. The plans for the new or-
ganization of this Government are as various as the individuals from whom
you derive them. It was, until lately and still by many, said, that Mr Riva-
davia wished to go to Spain as Minister, partly to repose from the turmoils of
a thorny and difficult administration, and partly with a view to augment his
It is now said that he will, if forced, take the Gubernatorial Chair of this
ince. In either case it is generally believed, that Doctor Don Julian Ag
a Priest of great talents, but with a full share of hyprocrisy and du]
will take the helm of state as Premier.
297
John M, Forbes, Secretary of the United States Legation at Buenos Ai
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
Private. BUENOS AIRES, February 12, i<5
. . . Of my sincere wishes for the cause of liberty he could h£
doubt; that although he knew less of the Minister, I could assure him t
man could be more ardently devoted to the cause of the Independent
liberty of South America, than Mr Rodney; that I should immediatelj
municate to him the substance of our conference, but that I could assu:
(the Minister) in advance, that if he could embody his charges and th«
petent proofs, Mr Rodney and myself, would both, give our most sine
forts to bring them to the knowledge of the President. I saw Mr, R
last evening in his bed and reported to him all that had passed betwee
Rivadavia and myself. That excellent man was much distressed at t
fairs stated and said he should give the subject his fullest reflection,
him and have just now met Don Ignacio Nunes, the Chief Clerk of tl:
partment of State, who told me, that he was charged to address a note
Minister Mr. Rodney, which would be immediately prepared and se:
write thus much in the present state of the business, to avail myself of t
casion which this moment presents by Mr Coxe of Philadelphia. The ]
mind here, is much agitated by the menacing power of the Holy Allianc
the Junta is specially convoked for the 18th Instant, to consider all these
ters, among which the proposed Union of The Provinces.
I am [etc.],
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
298
zrdo Rivadavia, Minister of Government and Foreign Relations of the
United, Provinces of South America, to Caesar A. Rodney, l
United States Minister at Buenos Aires
[TRANSLATION]
BUENOS AIRES, February 12, 1824.
e Minister, Secretary of Foreign Relations and of Government has the
ur to address himself to Mr. The Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
ss, with a view to bring to his Notice an event which has an intimate con-
on with the interests of the American Continent and inasmuch as the
rnander of the Naval forces of the United States in the Pacific is impli-
i in it, it is proper to bring it to the knowledge of his Government for
which in consequence of it may take place.
is now some time since the Ministry of B.8 Ayres had received from re-
able public men, as well in Chili as in Peru, the most particular informa-
against the conduct which the beforementioned Officer has observed,
is, an open protection of the Royalist Army in Upper and Lower Peru
:onsequently a direct hostility to the American System.
e Ministry of Buenos Ayres presuming that the Governments of the Re-
cs of Peru and Chili would have taken care, as it is believed they have
, to inform the Government of the U.S. of an event of such importance to
American interests, and in the understanding also that the reprehensible
ict of the said Officer can rest on no other principle than a mere private
ilation, whose accomplishment has caused this deviation of conduct, has
iken care to avail itself of documents to prove in every case the conduct
ich the said Officer was generally accused. Notwithstanding the News
/•ed to this time go to assure it, that the said Officer has continued, with-
iterruption, to render services to the only Royalist Army which now re-
in one point, the independence of South America, already conquered in
• other point ; which has brought this affair to such a degree as to elicit an
ssion of public opinion in the most alarming terms. But at present The
stry of Buenos Ayres has obtained the most legal document which it can,
le moment, hope for, to place the above named Officer in the point of
which he merits, and availing itself of the opportunity presented by the
;nce in this Country of the Minister Plenipotentiary of the U.S. whose
hment to the interests of all America is well known, it is by one and the
that the Undersigned Minister has deemed it his duty to give already to
Vffair the Official Character which belongs to it. This document is a
from the public Commissioner of Buenos Ayres near the Authorities of
5. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II. The conference referred to in this dispatch is
intly that between Mr. Forbes and the Argentine Minister for Foreign Affairs, the sub-
of which is embodied in the accompanying note of this same date from Mr. Rivadavia
Rodney.
munications from the General of the Royalist Army to respectable persons of
his Command, says, "General La Serna announces that he has sent a diplo-
matic Commission composed of two Individuals, of which one is a Secretary
of his, to North America, and although he does not tell me for what object, it
has been signified to me that he believed it was to purchase Ships of War,
about which he had before spoken with the Commandant of the Ship Frank-
lin, when he was in the Intermedios, and that this last had facilitated every
thing and had even offered his person ". The opinion which this document
commands with respect to the conduct of the said Officer will be easily felt by
Mr. The Minister Plenipotentiary to whom the Minister addresses himself,
this renders it unnecessary to make any observation on the subject and limits
him to the request that the said Gentleman would have the condescension to
transmit it also to the knowledge of the Government of the United States as
an affair whose nature and importance deserves certainly to occupy the at-
tention of the Government the most interested for the security of the Inde-
pendence of these Countries. It only remains for the Undersigned Minister
to recommend to Mr. The Plenipotentiary the importance of the view of the
above cited Note, with that reserve which he himself and the position of the
Commissioner of the Government of Buenos Ayres in Peru, render absolutely
necessary. Mr. The Secretary of Legation, whom the Minister invited yes-
terday to his Department to avoid causing any inconvenience to Mr. The
Plenipotentiary, can give the verbal explanations which were made, as well
on the point of the reserve as upon the subject matter of this Note.
The Undersigned Minister desiring a better health to Mr Plenipotentiary,
has the honour [etc.].
299
John M. Forbes, Secretary of the United States Legation at Buenos Aires, to
John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
Private. BUENOS AIRES, February 22, 1824.
. . . To my last Communication, I have only to add, that a special
meeting of the Junta has been convened to take into consideration the pro-
ject of a new union of the Provinces, which has been progressing through the
Agency of Mr. Zavaleta, who has been for some time past the circulating
Minister of this Government among those Provinces. The written Commu-
nications of this Government have been delivered over to a Committee of
1 MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II.
ne L-onsuuiuou or i.ne unitea rrovmces tnis ngnt was ueineu 1.0 jcai-
paniards until the Independence of the Country should be acknowl-
r Spain. Immediately after Mr. Rivadavia came into power, by an
magnanimity and on the ground that the restriction operated on so
their fathers, relations and friends, the right of suffrage was granted
iropean Spaniards. It is now proposed that it should be again with-
id the report of the Committee is to be discussed tomorrow. The
ill be quite animated. Three of the Committee, Doctors Gascogne
•ez and Col° Dorrego are in favour of the report and two, Doctors
tin and Fernandez Aguerro, are opposed to it. The Cousin of the
ilian Aguerro, a man of great talents, now bought over and enchain-
5 Administration by the hope of eminent employments, is also op-
that article of the report, as will be also all the influence of the Gov-
and thus I expect that the report will be rejected. In a postscript
jplicate of my last despatch, I mentioned the departure of General
•tin for France, via Monte Video, in a French Vessel. I have since
Drmed that, under an ostensible coolness was concealed the most in-
nd confidential intercourse between him and Mr. Rivadavia, that
: at the house of the latter almost every evening, and it is now said,
Martin has gone to Europe, with a most confidential mission from
ernment, of a similar character with Puyerredon & Go's farce of the
f Lucca and of the more recent attempt of San Martin, Paroisien &
el Rio, to import the Prince of Saxe Coburg, as King of Peru,
months ago San Martin, while in Mendoza, received from his Emis-
aroisien and Garcia, in England, an intimation of the practicability
ting a British Prince for these Provinces. This was, at the time, corn-
ed to this Ministry, who then had too strong hopes of the success of
liminary Convention with the Spanish Commissioners and paid no
i to this new project. Subsequently, when the Peruvian Admiral,
returned hence to Chili, he was instructed by this Ministry to urge
San Martin, on his way through Mendoza, to visit this City, which
lid, and, among other objects, held out the almost certainty of his be-
ed Governor here. Soon after his arrival, however, San Martin saw
re was no chance of success in that project and Rivadavia, probably
ng that he might prove a formidable rival for the Supreme Director-
sred a large sum (it is said 30,000 Dollars) as a national reward for
ent services and engaged him to undertake this mission to Europe,
plan is, to beat the bush for an English Prince; failing in this, he is to
he influence of the French Cabinet to procure a Prince of the Spanish
638 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
Family. It is further said that this was to have formed one of the objects of
Alvear's mission to England and that the Government, fearing the evil ten-
dency of personal dislike between these two great men, have given Mr A. to
understand that his Mission to England is no longer necessary, but that he is
to proceed directly to the U.S. It is supposed that Mr Alvear, considering
that visit as the pleasantest part of his various Agencies, will perhaps give
up his appointment to Washington, where, in any event, his mission will be
merely itinerant and of a short duration (say 4 or 5 months) — I give these
reports as I hear them, but believe them to be highly probable.
March I, 1824.
I am happy to say that my anticipation of the result of the discussion on a
project of a new Congress of the Provinces, as far as related to the continu-
ance of the right of Suffrage to the European Spaniards has not been realized.
After an animated discussion of several days, on the night of 2yth Feby,
all the articles of a Decree for convoking a new Congress were agreed on, and
by the 5th Article, "those Strangers only can be permitted to vote who have
Certificates of Citizenship". Since writing the foregoing I learn also that
Mr. Alvear still goes to England, but, as 'tis said, only on family business, to
meet his father there.
I am [etc.].
300
John M. Forbes, Acting Charge d1 Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires,
to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, July 5, 1824.
. . . One of the most prominent in relation to this province, has been
the relinquishment of all public employment by Mr, Rivadavia who, after
resisting all kinds of entreaty to resume his important Official functions, ac-
tually embarked in the British packet, Walsingharn, for England on the 26th
June last. The departure of Mr. Rivadavia at this moment is much to be
regretted, as it may be apprehended that his absence may again throw open
the field of Competition to many ambitious men and be the signal of some
new Commotions. We must, however, hope that his voyage to Europe may
effect some great national good, which may be equivalent to the hazards in-
curred here. My own opinion is, that he has gone to bargain with England
and Spain, jointly or separately, for an early recognition of South American
Independence, rm what ronrlitJnns this neororiatinn •will he marie, the event
DOCUMENT 301 : AUGUST 13, 1824
We are without any recent news from Peru or Chili ; probably o\
usual Winter difficulties in the passage of the Cordilleras which are
to be quite filled with snow, from an unexampled coldness of our W
Our last news from Chili gave the particulars of Mr. Allen's public
and those from Peru mentioned the resignation of La Serna, the Sp
Roy, the chief Ostensible motive of which is, the decree of the Absc
annulling all the appointments and other acts of the Constitution;
ment. Mr La Serna's resignation will be found at length in one o
bers of the "Argos" now forwarded. The Congress of these pro1
continues to be spoken of, but the period of its formation seems st
in uncertainty. It is said that some of the provinces have requirec
vious Condition to their assembling in Congress, that Buenos Ay
pay or assume all their debts, on the ground of her having received i
enue ; but I believe this has only been particularly urged on the pt
dova — By all that I can collect from the best political sources, I a
to believe that it will not be among the first objects of the Congre
any written Constitution for which the mass of the people is not yet
but, in the first instance, Congress will be occupied with a system o:
defence, and further by the means of disseminating throughout the
those practical notions of administration inculcated here by Mr I
of exciting a general interest in public affairs, to which the great b
people have hitherto been Strangers, and, when the elements of a sc
lie feeling and opinion shall have been created by a three or four yea
cal pupilage, then the attempt will be made to adapt a Const! tutio
elements.
301
John M. Forbes, Acting Charg6 d* Affaires of the United States at But
to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United SkaU
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, August 13,
. ^ . . The British Packet, Camden, arrived yesterday and
very encouraging news for these people. There has been a myster
in bringing ashore the Newspapers and it is said that the confide)
London Capitalists in South American funds has been so far impa
the pending loan to this Government would not be effected. It is
and believed that the King of Spain has most peremptorily refuse<
declaring nis determination to attempt tne suojugauon or ms revoiieu
nies and boasting of the certainty of effective support from the Sovereigns of
the Holy Alliance. It appears to me that the hopes of Spanish Sovereignty
here are at an end, but that a race for influence and power here has com-
menced between England and France. It seems that the latter has enlisted
in her cause, at least one very powerful emissary, in Iturbide, Ex Emperor of
Mexico, who, it appears, left London, under pretext of going to Bath and
went to Southampton, whence he secretly embarked for Mexico.
In the supposed struggle for influence between the two named powers, the
weight of Commercial wealth and of maritime power is in one Scale, and that
of religious sympathy and the most subtle intrigue is in the other. I am of
opinion that, to avail themselves to the utmost possible extent of ecclesiastical
influence, the French will seek to re-establish fanaticism in this section of the
Country, where it has been shaken and to animate it in all those Countries
where it has had its uninterrupted empire. In the neighbouring Empire of
Brazil, it is said that French influence predominates in the Councils of the
Emperor, while his popularity is chiefly supported by the Naval reputation
of Lord Cochrane. With respect to the religious feelings of this Country, I
am induced, by the testimony of the most competent and respectable wit-
nesses, to believe, that the spirit of tolerance is literally confined to this City.
Some time since a Decree was issued, offering to educate, at this University
and at the expence of this Government, two youths from each of the Prov-
inces, of which one was to be destined to the Church; to this proposal, I un-
derstand, that the unvarying reply has been — No! Sooner than send our
Sons to Buenos Ayres, that focus of heresy, let them go without education,
provided they remain "buenos Christianas" which means, "good Catholics'1.
In such utter darkness what are the hopes of religious liberty and tolerance?
Under the prevalence of ecclesiastical despotism, where are the boasted
promises of civil liberty, free institutions and representative Government?
Would to God I could form, from such chaotic materials, anything like a
sound opinion of future probabilities. I feel conscious of the most sincere
and ardent wishes for the welfare and happiness of this people. My previous
Communications have proved these feelings on my part but I hope that I
shall never be so far misled by my predilections as to run madly after the pre-
tenders and false prophets of republicanism. The new War in Peru between
the absolutes and constitutionalists renders all political speculations and con-
jectures still more complicated and difficult than they were before. Thus far
the greatest object for which those armies have been contending appears to
have been the Mines and Mint of Potosi, the last news from that quarter are,
that on 25th June General Olafieta evacuated Potosi, having previously con-
veyed to Tarija every thing most valuable and even the utensils of the Mint.
last, and his great knowledge of, and relations with the surrounding (
Olaneta may make a long and perhaps a triumphant War against t
stitutionalists in that quarter. What is most extraordinary, how
these last Military operations is,, that the patriot Colonel, Lanza, we
Olaneta to cut off the Communications with Oruro and Cochabam
long as the Victory between the absolutes and constitutionalists shal
undecided, the lukewarm and wavering patriots of that region wil
their weight between the two scales ; it is therefore much to be wis]
one or the other party might be beaten; in which case, the ruins of
quished party might take refuge under the patriot standard. At .
there has been lately a revolution in favor of the liberal party, so ca
how was it effected? by the free workings of public feeling and i
No. by the arm of military force, the former Governor having been
ed in his attempt to escape ; The leader in this revolution was a you
Lavalle, Son of our Collector General here, who remained a few days ;
nor, when he was replaced by a man of that Province. While rev
continue to be effected by such means, they are only ephemeral mut;
power, without any solid amelioration of public opinion. We are h
haps, only sleeping at the crater of a political volcano. The Amu
corded, at the suggestion of Rivadavia, to all the expatriated asso
Tagle and Rolon, in the insurrection of March 1823, has brought
back, with undiminished Confidence in the revolutionary projects,
the present Administration soon gets an accession of moral strength,
not be surprized to see some bold effort made to dislodge it from pow
belief is, that Mr. Puyerredon, ripe in age and reposing on the lap
wealth, would decline any personal participation in public affairs, bu
gives his name to a numerous and powerful party, of which the effic
active political leader would be Tagle. Among the military offic
gusted by Rivadavia's reform, it would be no difficult task to find
military Chief. Should a revolution take place in favour of that
would of course lean towards France and the re-establishment of far
There is another party now in opposition, called the patriot or popul;
of which Dorrego is the military head. Among his political Adviser!
counted some very good men, they profess a great admiration for oui
tions ; but I am sorry to say, that though Dorrego has great personal
yet I believe him too violent to gain many thinking followers. The
ment has, however, on two occasions, manifested its apprehensions
hostility of Dorrego ; before Mr. Rivadavia left the Administration h
one to Peru has been again offered by the present Administration and again
refused.
August 23, 1824.
SIR: The Vessel by which this goes having been detained I have only to add
that we have reports here of a partial change in the personate of the Chilian
Government, that is of the Senate. Also of a conspiracy discovered at Cal-
lao to deliver that place into the hands of the patriots. This discovery
caused the military execution of eighty individuals. It is also said from
Lima that Bolivar's Army has been augmented to fourteen thousand, that he
was in motion towards the enemy and in greatest confidence of a successful
result to his operations. From Upper Peru it has been reported that Olaneta
had gone over to the Patriots, but I cannot trace this news to any authentic
source.
302
John M. Forbes, Acting Charge d1 Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires,
to Manuel Jose Garcia, Minister of Foreign Relations of Buenos Aires 1
BUENOS AIRES, December 6, 1824.
At a moment when important events are expected one of which appears to
be the recognition of the Independence of the Provinces of La Plata by a
great European Power, and the other, the negociation of a treaty of Amity
and commerce with that Power, The Undersigned, Chargd des Affaires of the
United States of America feels it to be a general duty of vigilance over the in-
terests of his country, further stimulated by the instructions of his Govern-
ment, to submit to The Honorable Mr. Manuel Jos<§ Garcia, Minister of Gov-
ernment and of Foreign Relations, certain facts and observations connected
with the commercial views and just expectations of the United States. —
It is not unknown to Mr. Garcia that the liberal system of commercial rec-
iprocity, now extending its benign influence to most of the Nations of Eu-
rope, had its origin in the legislation of the United States of America. — As
long ago as in 1815, the Congress of the United States made, through the
President, a general offer of reciprocal duties on navigation to all such Gov-
ernments as should choose to accede to such a system ; and most of the com-
mercial Nations of Europe have already acceded to it. —
Under such circumstances, no Government has a fairer claim to reciprocal
rights and advantages of Commerce than that of the United States.
On this important subject the language and conduct of the United States
i MS. Consular Letters, Buenos Aires, II. A copy of this was enclosed with Forbes to
the Secretary of State, December 17, 1824, which see below, pt. n, doc. 303.
it to insist, ought not to be granted to others. — Recognition is in its nature
: a subject of equivalent; it is claimable of right, or not at all. —
\.ny extraordinary concessions as the price of such a right is the surrender
;he thing for the acquisition of the name. — an exchange of the substance
the shadow. —
Aftth such principles and feelings, the Government of the United States
1 ever strenuously maintain its right to be treated, in every respect on the
ting of the most favoured, or as it is more properly expressed, the most
mdly Nation. —
Phe Undersigned further takes leave to state to Mr. Garcia, that, on the
h. September 1821, in a formal, official conference with the Honorable Mr
rnardino Rivadavia, then Minister of Government and of Foreign Rela-
ns, these principles and views of the United States were frankly and fully
>lained, and, in reply, Mr Rivadavia was pleased to give to the Under-
ned the following precise and explicit declaration — "that it was the firm
lermination of this Government to grant no exclusive privileges of Corn-
ice to any nation whatever, and that the Undersigned might communicate
s decision to his Government with an assurance that the most compleat
iance might be placed on it." — In compliance with his duty the Under-
ned did, at the time, communicate this formal assurance to the Govern-
;nt of the United States, it received the full and entire faith of Congress and
s published by their order, with other documents relating to the provinces
formerly Spanish America. —
[n communicating these observations to the Honorable Mr. Garcia, The
idersigned prays him. to be assured, that they are dictated wholly by a
ise of circumspect duty and in no manner arise from any want of confidence
that perfect justice and good faith which has ever marked the political
.irse of the Government of Buenos Ayres. — The Undersigned respectfully
juests, in case any new organization of the department of Foreign Relations
Duld take place under the approaching General Congress, that this Note
ty be passed to such competent authority as may be instituted. —
The Undersigned prays The Honorable Mr. Garcia, Minister of Foreign
Nations, to accept [etc.].
644 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
303
John M. Forbes, Acting Charge d' 'Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires,
to John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the United States {
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, December 17, 1824.}-
. . . The Government of this Province transmitted a Complimentary
message, containing some general political views and an imperfect sketch of
the negociations of this Government with those of foreign nations as well as
with the Sister Republics of the American Continent. — I send herewith one
of the Copies of this Message, furnished me by the Minister, Mr. Garcia, at
the moment of its transmission to Congress. — On the opening of the Sessions
of Congress, at n oClock, A.M. the National Standard was hoisted at the
Fort under a grand Salute, repeated from the Place de la Victoire and from
the armed Vessels in the Roads, which were elegantly decorated with the
flags of all nations, among which that of the United States held the second
place, that of the Country of course holding the first. — I displayed the flags
of both Nations from the top of my house, where they continued to wave un-
til a closing Salute from the Fort at Sun Set. — Mr. Parish having adopted
the plan of displaying the British flag from the top of his house, I followed the
example, improving on it, by displaying the flag of the Country on another
Staff near to that of the U.S. ; this I felt to be an act of Courtesy and thought
it might also shew the people the difference of feeling and relations between
us and those of the British. — The long talked of acknowledgement of Inde-
pendence by the British Government, is alluded to in the Message of this
Government to Congress. — it is said that an important Communication will
be made on Monday next by Mr. Parish. — The mystery which seems to hang
over this great measure will then be dispelled ; there continue, however, to be
various opinions as to the nature of this recognition. — The English mer-
chants have inculcated the belief that it will be simultaneous with a treaty of
Commerce and so much was said on this point that I felt myself called upon
to enter something like a Caveat, which I did by a Note to the Minister of
Foreign Relations under date of 6th Instant, of which I transmit herewith a
Copy,2 and hope that this step on my part will be found justified in the view
of our Government by motives of necessary circumspection. — Preparations
are making for general illumination and public rejoicing, which will no doubt
be very extravagant, should the Communication of Mr. Parish amount to an
unqualified recognition. — As to the U.S. we are used in their State papers as
rhetorical ornament, a mere figure of speech, and our recognition has been
most impudently assimilated, in importance, to a similar measure on the part
of one of their smallest Provinces ; but, among a people as much benighted in
ignorance and sensuality as are these people, it cannot be hoped that moral
influence can be understood or appreciated.
BUENOS AIRES, January 23, 1825.
SIR: On the evening of the 21st Instant this city was excited to a degree of
madness of joy at the most important news from Peru, which has ever glad-
dened the hearts of any people. — Nothing less than the total destruction of the
Royalist Army under the Vice Roy La Serna, Generals Canterac & Valdez by
the liberating army under the command of General Lucre, the action was
fought on 9th December on the field of Huamnanga. — All the General Offi-
cers, Prisoners, La Serna dangerously wounded, the whole Army either killed
or prisoners. —
The materials of the Army also in possession of the patriots and an order
given to General Rodill to surrender the Fortress of Callao. — Bolivar was, at
the time of the Battle, at or near Lima making arrangements for the siege of
Callao. — This is a hasty summary of the leading facts. —
I have seen no account which gives the numbers of either Army. — The
publication of this important news was immediately followed by a grand sa-
lute from the Fort, fire works in every direction and the most splendid music,
from a reunion of all the Military bands, accompanied by hundreds of citi-
zens, shouting and singing patriotic songs throughout the city. — I received a
most flattering attention on the part of a most respectable party of more than
two hundred, composed of distinguished Military Officers, and literary men,
Lawyers, authors, Editors of papers &c. who came with a band of Music and
coming into my lodgings, they entirely filled them. — They offered me the
felicitations of the city with the unmerited assurance that the country owed
more to me than to any other Individual, inasmuch as my favourable and
correct Reports of the state of the country had induced the first recognition
of their Independence. — These assurances were accompanied by apparently
cordial accolades or embraces. — I could not fail to be duly moved by such
manifestations of feeling towards me, but, conscious of the errors of judgment
to which great excitement and enthusiasm naturally lead, I disclaimed the
unmerited tribute of applause, declaring that I had in no instance, done more
than a sense of duty and love of truth had dictated. — In my hall was a Por-
trait in oil of the immortal Washington, which gave rise to a very animated
speech by a promising young lawyer, named Varela, highly eulogizing the
character of this great man and of our country, and inculcating very elo-
quently the most fraternal feelings towards the United States. — This speech
was followed by various most patriotic toasts and the whole offered such a
scene as to induce in me, for a moment, the opinion, that, although the sordid
race of stock jobbers, speculators and Merchants may bend to another influ-
1 MS. Dispatches from Argentina, II.
glorious news with a very equivocal feeling, as the real patriots already
promise confidently an early visit from the great Regenerator, who alone can
recast public opinion here. —
Inclosed as a despatch from Mr. Hogan, our consul at Valparaiso, which,
containing all the particulars of this news I do not deem it necessary to en-
large on it. — Mr. Slacum consul of the U.S. arrived here on Sunday i6th. In-
stant, he was presented to Mr. Garcia, on Thursday 2Oth. Instant, and duly
acknowledged, and yesterday I had the honour to present him to His Excel-
lency, The Governor, by whom he was very politely received. — Mr. Slacum's
appointment to this Consulate promises much advantage, inasmuch as, be-
sides elevated sentiments of honor and of public duty, he possesses many per-
sonal qualities calculated to make him acceptable to the society and best
feeling men of our Country coming here. — For the present he will take up his
personal residence and establish his office in my house and I shall most cheer-
fully aid him with my best advice on all occasions, not only from a sense of
duty but from a long friendship to him. —
The Congress has, until yesterday, been "hoerens in cortice" — or, nibbling
at the bark. — While Mr. Parish, the British Consul General, and the public
have been agonizing for weeks in a state of the most impatient expectations,
it having been understood that he only waited the formation of a National
Executive to present his credentials as Minister and an acknowledgement of
the Independence of the Provinces of Rio la Plata on the part of Great Brit-
ain.— Urged by such weighty considerations congress yesterday took up the
great question of forming an Executive Power. — The project of Doctor Acos-
ta, before announced, has been virtually withdrawn, and the project now un-
der consideration is to vest in the present Government of Buenos Ayres, a
temporary Executive power to conduct all foreign relations, subject, in case
of treaties, to the ratification of Congress. — This project was ably debated
yesterday and, the session being adjourned to this day, the debate is now
going on, and I hope that the vessel by which this goes, may be long enough
delayed to enable me to transmit the whole project with the final decision on
it. —
In this communication I have continued that unrestrained style which a
sense of duty and a love of truth have always dictated. — I just now recollect
that the principles stated have taken a more free flow from my long personal
accquaintance with Mr Adams, whereas it is now quite uncertain to what
Gentleman this may be delivered, as Secretary of State; my wavering confi-
dence, however, gets new strength in the conviction that, in our country, no
man reaches the highest offices of our virtuous Government who does not
duly appreciate the principles which on this occasion I have ventured to pro-
fess.—
I have only a moment to add that Congress yesterday sanctioned and ap-
proved the law vesting provisionally in the present Government of Buenos
Ayres the Supreme Executive Power to conduct the foreign Relations of
the United Provinces. — Inclosed I send you the Argos of Saturday and an
Extraordinary number of same paper published this day, as also the Gaceta
Mercantil of this day, containing the principal facts of the late Affairs in
Peru and the additional fact of the murder of Mr. Rowcroft, British Consul
General in Peru. —
I have the honour [etc.].
305
John M. Forbes, Charge d Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States x
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, May 2, 1825.
P. S., May 8, 1825. Great events are flowing in so rapidly upon me from all
quarters, that I have much difficulty in giving order to the narration. — This
Government has received most tranquillizing and satisfactory communica-
tions from the victorious General Sucre. — They will all be found in the dif-
ferent numbers of the "Argos" now transmitted, but to bring some of the
most important more promptly to your knowledge, I send translations of sev-
eral.2— In the official communication of Sucre, he professes his own deter-
1 MS. Dispatches from Argentina, II.
J The more important of the pertinent enclosures are the following:
ITRAKSLATTION]
SALTA & BUBNOS AYRES
The Government of the Province of Buenos Ayres, as charged with the National Exec-
utive Power by the general Constituent Congress of the Provinces of the River La Plata.
It being convenient for the General interest of the United Provinces to accelerate by
all possible means the termination of the misfortunes of the present war, and to cause
that the four Provinces of Upper Peru, even to the Desaguadero should immediately re-
gain their liberty — With these views, the Government of Buenos Ayrea charged with
the National Executive Power, has resolved to authorize fully, as by the present: it does
authorize the Colonel (major) In0 Anthy Alvarez de Arenales, Governor & Captain Gen-
eral of the Province of Salta, to adjust the Convention that he may think necessary with
the Chief or Chiefs who command the Spanish forces which occupy the said four Prov-
inces, even to the Desaguadero, or with the persons that be in like manner authorized by
them, upon the basis that these are to remain in the moat compleat liberty to agree on
what shall be most convenient for their interests and Government — The National
Executive being obliged as it does oblige itself to ratify immediately — or with the pre-
vious authorization of the General Constituent Congress, according to the fundamental
law of 23d January — all which, in virtue of the present, the said Governor & Captain
General of the Province of Salta shall adjust and agree to in ita name. —
Given, at Buenos Ayres, this 8th of Febry 1825.
(Sign d) HERA — MANUEL JOSE GARCIA.
648 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
mination not to participate in any political agency, but to retu™^t°r^/nfn1"
army. Allusion, however, is made to the expected arrival
Instructions to which the Governor & Captain General of the P
Juan Anthoy Alvarez de Arenales, should conform himself in the
conferred upon him by the National Executive Power.
Considering that the triumph which the Liberating army of Peru, obi=a»'«« "» —^
Decem" will put an end to the war of Independence in the whole Continent, will om vnc
necessity of again having recourse to a single battle-that the efforts whlch lhc. l '^pjl.
of the Spanish forces occupying the four Provinces of Upper Peru, as tar as t o iiu. «
guadero, is now pretending to make, can have no other object since that 1^P°I J'""_lr „ ";
than that of placing himself in a position to be able to derive all possible advantages iiom
a Capitulation which he will find himself obliged to make— that it is always a pomt ot
great interest, lessens as far as may be, the calamities of war, especially ma COUIU.^.".,^
has suffered so much under its dreadful scourge— and that even for the better 01 R;""*"1*
the before named four Provinces, it would be more convenient they should cmDu . . inc
cause of Independence by means the least violent— the Government ol the 1 rovi "ljr.1"
Buenos Ayres, charged with the National Executive power, is persuaded that it wiii)t
convenient that a person of the character, and possessing the qualities which ciisuiiKuisa
His Honor, the Governor of Salta, being vested with the necessary powers, slumui ut
able to profit of the critical circumstances to which the remnant of the Spanish army in
Upper Peru has become reduced, in order to obtain in favour of that territory a 1 1 ^solu-
tion of said army in virtue of a convention that be entered into with its duel or cnioia
and that thus the four Provinces mentioned remain in perfect liberty to arrange their in-
terests & form their Government.— Consequently, the said Governor bemp fully author-
ized, by this & by the credentials which are annexed, the Government limits itsclt to the
declaring rue • u
iot That the basis of whatever convention should be the dissolution of the Spanish
army and the entire liberty of the Provinces to dispose of their lot as best may suit
them. — . . f
2d That he may guarrantee in the name of the National Government to the cmelfi,
officers and Civilians, the permission of leaving the country with their property & fami-
lies, or that of remaining with them in the place of their residence. —
3d That it is left to the discretion of his Honor, the Governor, to grant other personal
advantages to such other individuals as he may consider convenient, in order to Becure
the object of the liberty of the Provinces and the immediate cessation of the war.— -Bue-
nos Ayres, 6th Feby 1825.
(Sign'd) MANUEL JOSE GAHCIA.
[TRANSLATION]
LIBERATING ARMY, HEAD QUARTERS IN LA PAZ, February 20, 1825.
MOST EXCELLENT SIR: I have the honor to inform your Excellency that the Liberating
army after having acquired the Independence and the peace of Lower Peru in the battles
of lunin & Ayacucho, has passed the Desaguadero with the view of ransoming theae
Provinces from the Spanish power. —
His Excellency, the Liberator, at the time of prescribing me this movement, believed
that on the approaching of the army, Independence in these Provinces would be pro-
claimed by General Olaneta, who had offered us his friendship, and thus His Excellency
considered as unnecessary, the giving me other instructions than those of requiring of
the Spanish General this measure, which, in itself, terminated the war General Olancta,
opposing his reunion with us, has persisted in sustaining the royal cause, and we have
found ourselves obliged to pass the Desaguadero, and to employ force to destroy him and
to wrest from him the Country. —
The greater part of t this territory being liberated and without a government of ita own
which should charge itself with the public direction, under circumstances in which the
Argentine Provinces have not yet organized their central Government, and Peru does
nothing regarding these Provinces, I had thought it my duty as an American and a* a
Soldier to convoke an assembly of these Provinces, that forming a government purely
provisional may put an end to factions, to parties & to anarchy, and preserve the terri-
tory in the best order. — With this view I have issued the subjoined Decree which i» a
generous testimony of our principles — to which I add the solemn protest of the neutral-
ity of the Liberating army, in the domestic affairs of these Provinces. I consider it my
duty to inform the different governments of the United Provinces of this steo — to which
eering news for the friends of the daring and patriotic enorts mak-
quarter for the recovery of independence. — In addition to the va-
d bulletins which I transmit, I also send an extract of a letter from
2d and intelligent friend, Doct. Joshua Bond, giving some of the
being installed, it may be submitted to its consideration as I now do to the
ient of Peru. —
Excellency will please to accept [etc.].
LIBERATING ARMY, HEAD QUARTERS IN POTOSI, April 6, 1825.
'lease Your Excellency.
ghly satisfactory to me to be the organ of the Liberating army to the Argentine
irough the installing of its General Government — This event is of an immense
ice to the cause of America — and the army feels in it all the pleasure that the
f its brothers inspires. — On the 29" ult. I entered this city, and to the satisfac-
:aching (treading) the last Capital that was oppressed by the Spaniards I add
ure of knowing the reunion of the United Provinces. —
il Olaneta, who had evacuated this town on the 28th fell in with a column of our
the Ist inst. and, being completely defeated and wounded, died on the 2d. — A
corps of 300 men, wandering and fugitive, is all that disturbs the country and
:stroyed in a. fortnight by the forces I have sent out, in every direction to pursue
*LS a consequence of these fortunate events, our communication with Your
s has become free, and I discharge a pleasing duty in congratulating Your
•y and the Illustrious People over whom you preside, on the termination of the
dependence. — I have the pleasure of including herewith the duplicate of a corn-
on that I directed to the different Governments of the River La Plate, on the
•uary, accompanied by a Decree issued on the 9th relative to these provinces of
:ru. — The General Assembly, of which it treats, will not be united until the45th
:ause the occupation of these settlements by the enemy prevented the election
es from talcing place.
been pleasing to me that a just cause should have retarded this meeting so that
ntine Government may establish its relations with this assembly and with the
ient of Peru — to the end that an affair of so much importance be terminated in a
he most agreeable and fraternal, as in conformity with the sincere desires of(the
ig army. — I have manifested in the communication already noticed, the motives
iced me to this Decree, and I hope the Argentine Government, that of Peru, and
jvinces will find in my principles a most sincere desire for the good of these
its. — My sole object has been the saving them from the dislocation with which
z threatened, the avoiding anarchy and the forming a mass that should obviate
ders of the Provinces in a state of dissolution, at the same time it should free
rn the weight of a military Government, that would make the Liberators them-
testable, constituting a government of their own although purely provisional. —
rator, Bolivar will be in these countries the beginning of May and will afford a
rtunity for the Argentine Government to open her relations with the Peruvian
j these Provinces — I also think that the timely concurrence of her representa-
m arrangement that so much interests her, would prove to both an important
-Having, on rny part, with the Liberating army, extinguished the last remnants
sninsular tyranny, and, not appertaining to me, as an auxilliary soldier, inter-
n domestic questions, I have concluded my commission and consequently my
duties calling me where is the greater part of the army, I return at the close of
th, to the other side of the Desaguadero, leaving these Provinces well garrisoned,
ibviate the evils that the spirit of party and aspiring views might cause them
le interval of the arrival of the Liberator to take cognisance of their affairs. — I
honor to offer to your Excellency, the sentiments of the distinguished consid-
nd respect, with which I am [etc.].
650 PART II : COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
events which have so unexpectedly hastened the advances of this Thermo-
phylitan band, resembling in miniature the triumphal return of Napoleon
from Elba. — God grant that no second battle of Waterloo may lower in the
distant horizon of this patriotic effort. — It seems that General Le Cor, dis-
tinguished for his subtlety and the greatest craftiness, has been compleatly
overreached by Frutos Rivera, one of his leading officers, a native of Banda
Oriental. — This last having received written offers of a large bribe for his de-
tection (some say 80,000 dollars) from the secret committee here, went imme-
diately to General Le Cor and shewed him the letter, which so entirely con-
firmed Le Cor's confidence in Frutos that he gave him five hundred men with
full powers, as military governor of all the Country part of the Banda Orien-
tal. Thus authorized, he went forth and by virtue of his military powers dis-
persed in different directions the most important body of troops, who fell
easily into the hands of La Valleja's party, and soon afterwards Frutos Rive-
ra, himself, joined them. — He, soon after joining the patriots, proved the sin-
cerity of his conversion by publickly burning his imperial uniform. —
306
John M. Forbes, Charge d? Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States1
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, September 18, 1825.
In a day or two after receipt of my commission, I presented it to Mr. Gar-
cia, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, who kept it for enregistering, and re-
turned it, accompanied by that formality, on 20th August, whence dates rny
official rank and precedence. On this point I have to regret that, although I
had knowledge of my appointment at least one month sooner than Mr. Par-
ish's credentials reached him, his came to hand nearly a month sooner than
mine, by which means I lost that precedence which is due to my Country,
from the priority of her efforts in the cause of the independence of these peo-
ple, and to myself, from my much longer residence than that of any foreign
agent here. — I was publickly presented to His Excellency, the Governor, on
Sunday, 28th August in the Audience Hall of the Palace. — The speeches made
were published by the Government in the next succeeding number of the
"Argos", and will be found among the papers forwarded. — I inclose them
both (mine, and the Governor's in reply) in English for your examination,
and hope that they will meet your approbation. . . .
ic Junta of that Province. The Junta has transmitted to the na-
mgress here, an able and spirited remonstrance against this high
aeasure. I forward, herewith, a copy of this document. The Con-
postpone the discussion, has decreed that a report (or informe)
s asked of Bustos. The fact is, that the good and the wise are re-
; Bustos' conduct, but the storm of fanaticism, gathering thick in
[uarters, has burst forth in the Province of San Juan, where the fa-
ive compleatly overthrown the liberal party and obliged them to
sylum in Mendoza, and this alarming occurrence brings every other
to a more serious aspect and induces the necessity of the greatest
; and circumspection on the part of a Congress having power only to
e, but not to act. . . .
!\rgos" of this date, forwarded herewith, gives an account of some
success against the fanatics of San Juan. It also contains a decla-
independence on the part of the provinces of Upper Peru. —
307
Forbes, Charge d' Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, November 29, 1825,
actions for doubling the present number of representatives in Con-
now taking place in the other Provinces, that for this is ordered for
nstant.
Kecutive Government and the partisans of a central and consoli-
iver are active in their efforts to induce the other Provinces to vote
brm, but they are not in all cases successful,
ndoza the Provincial Junta, the most enlightened and independent,
I unanimously for the federal system like that of the United States,
pressed. But I apprehend that the numbers of the Buenos Ayrean
n, joined to their direct influence over a majority of the others, will
> plant the unity of power, which like the Consulate of Napoleon,
aally strengthen into an absolute Executive.
1 MS. Dispatches from Argentina, II.
M.
are striving to avoid it _ ,-« i c+ f
are amply sufficient to the end in view, at another, that Sir Charles btuart
may be daily expected here, with full powers of the Emperor, Don Pedro, to
settle the whole affair. This is the last dream with which they are lulling the
solicitude of Bolivar.
In the mean time, we have the certainty that the Emperor has superin-
tended, in person, the embarkation of 2 to 3000 troops with many warlike
stores, which have actually sailed for Rio Grande, from whence they are to
co-operate with Le Cor at Monte Video. It is confidently believed, how-
ever, that these efforts will prove the dying agony of the Brazilian Power in
this quarter, since Le Cor is wholly without cavalry, that is to say, without
horses, whilst the army of La Valleja, upwards of 3000 strong, and that of
Rodriguez, of an equal number, are all perfectly well mounted, and, having
the whole Country, can reinforce their Cavalry at pleasure. The God of
battles must decide. The parties to the cause are Despotism and Freedom.
Should the former have an incipient success, it would, I fear, shake the
whole fabric of independence on this side the Equator, which may Heaven
avert! . . .
On the 26th Nov. Don Javier Lopez, acting with the most perfect good
faith, went out of the city to assemble and review some recruits which he had
made for the great national army, when, at 2 o'clock, La Madrid suddenly
entered the city and forcibly declared himself Governor of the Province. He
immediately proceeded to arrest and imprison all the members of the Junta
and the Secretary, Paz, who was, for the moment, charged with the govern-
ment.— Letters from Tucuman, only to 28th November, deplore with much
feeling this dreadful event, as of a nature to bring back all the horrors of an-
archy and the most bloody re-action of party.
It would seem as if La Madrid was influenced by motives of the strongest
resentment, and is necessarily identified with the violent party of his de-
ceased Uncle. Congress has held two secret sessions in consequence of this
news, and the " Mensagero" of this date, the organ of the Executive, says,
"we know that such an event has called seriously the attention of the Na-
tional Executive, and we have a right to hope that their measures will be such
as are demanded by the honor of the Government itself and the tranquility of
the Provinces, threatened by an act so irregular and tumultous. "
I know La Madrid well. — He is only distinguished by the most extrava-
gant animal Courage and much of the craftiness and wiliness of Indian war-
fare. He has very little sound judgment and no education or knowledge.
He is the son-in-law of Don Dias Velez, one of the Commissioners sent to Bol-
word of Justice. Such events are much to be deprecated, as they keep
\ the hopes of the enemies of freedom and independence.
308
i M. Forbes, Charge d* Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1
BUENOS AIRES, February p, 1826.
R: This communication, precipitated by the immediate departure of sev-
yessels, will have for sole object to announce the establishment of a per-
snt National Executive in the person of His Excellency Don Bernardino
.davia — whose title, as established by law, is, "His Excellency Bernar-
Rivadavia, President of the United Provinces of the River Plate. "
lis new organization renders it necessary that I should be furnished with
credentials, and, to obviate all questions of precedence, I wish that they
reach this before those of Mr. Parish, the British Charg6 d' Affaires,
vas yesterday presented in a private audience, by the Minister of State,
e new President, who addressed me in a short speech, expressive of the
sst respect for the President of the United States, and some very flatter-
hings towards my humble self. To this speech, I made a short reply,
mist reserve the more ample report of these circumstances to my next
itch, this having no object but to urge the early transmission of my new
entials, which, in present circumstances, it may be well to send in dupli-
one to Rio Janeiro and the other to Monte Video. —
lave the honor [etc.].
309
M. Forbes, Charge d Affaires of the United States of Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States *
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, June i?, 1826.
iving no very safe mode of transmitting my despatches, I have not be-
reported my doings on the communication ordered, in your instruction
S. Dispatches from Argentina, II.
S. Dispatches from Argentina, III. For the instruction of January o, 1826, referred
; above, pt. i, doc. 153.
654 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
No. 2, dated 9th January last, to be made to this Government. That instruc
tion only reached me on 5th April. On the 6th I asked an audience of H.E
The President, which was appointed for the 7th when I accordingly communi
cated to him, in extenso, your said instruction. He expressed the mos
grateful sense of the friendly offices of the President through our Ministe
near the Court of St. Petersburg, to obtain from that of Madrid the final ac
knowledgement of South American independence, and, also, to move anc
promote a friendly feeling in other European Cabinets towards these coun
tries. He also manifested his confidence in the merited success of those pow
erful and kind efforts. On the intimation made to the Governments of Mex
ico and Columbia by that of the U.S. with a view to obtain a suspension o
the projected attack on Cuba and Porto Rico, the President observed that h<
had long since most anxiously contemplated the very delicate nature of tha
subject, and was much gratified by the wisdom and prudence of the motive!
and measures adopted by the Cabinet of Washington. He observed that h<
considered the question of the future lot of those two islands, as being one o
the most important which could be brought before the proposed Congress o:
Panama, and that on this, and every topic he had the most unbounded con
fidence in the wisdom and prudence of the President of the U.S. and his Cabi
net, and was extremely pleased in the prospect of their participation, by then
Ministers, in the deliberations of that most important and interesting occa-
sion. . . .
June 21, 1826.
Already the public is much occupied by the basis of the expected English
mediation, which has been suffered (by design, probably, with a view to fee!
the pulse of opinion) to pierce through the mantle of diplomatic mystery
It is said to be what I have often predicted it would be ; nothing short of the
erection of a neutral and independent Government in the Banda Oriental
under the guarantee of England. This arrangement would probably lead tc
the making a free port of Montevideo; and, without this last wholly inad-
missible idea, it would only create a Colony in disguise. I am of opinion that
a mediation on such basis, if not refused in the outset, will produce no ac-
ceptable arrangement. As far as I have heard the expression of feeling on
the subject, it is that of decided opposition to such a project. In the mean-
time, Don Ignacio Nunez, an active and warm American, long first officer oi
the Department of Foreign Affairs, more recently in the same character in
the office of the Prime Minister, has been sent over to the Banda Oriental,
where the first meeting of the new Provincial Junta is about to take place.
Mr. Nunez has very extensive powers from the National Executive, and his
objects are, to reconcile some existing jealousies and differences between
DOCUMENT 310: JULY 15, 1 82 6 655
now daily expected. I have long had a considerable intimacy with Mr.
Nunez, who has, since my arrival here, ever been the effective man of the
Foreign Department; excepting, only, during the Ministry of Mr. Rivadavia,
with whom he afterwards went to England, as Secretary of Legation. He
returned, as did Mr. Rivadavia, quite cured of his previous strong predilec-
tion in favor of Great Britain. Mr. Nunez has repeatedly declared to me
his perfect convinction that the South American States had nothing to expect
from the European Powers but duplicity and contempt: that their only
means of safety were a perfect and most cordial union of American feelings
and American resources — the closest and most perfectly fraternal alliance.
I have reason to hope, should his mission be successful or satisfactory to
Government, that Mr. Nunez will return to higher functions than those he
has hitherto performed.
310
John M. Forles, Charge d1 Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, July 15, 1826.
The Committee on Constitutional affairs have reported a project of law,
establishing unity as the general characteristic basis of the Constitution,
whose details will hereafter soon be presented. The discussion on this report
began last evening. Congress will, no doubt, maintain it, and the Constitu-
tion which will follow will, with equal certainty, be voted by that body and
recommended to the several Provinces. But the final adoption of such a
Constitution cannot be predicted with the same confidence. I have learned
from Doctor Gomez, the leading friend of the Executive in Congress, and
one of the Constitutional Committee, that the project of Constitution will
embrace most of the principles, and even the form of ours. It is intended to
have two branches of the Legislature, but, as there will exist no State or
Provincial Legislatures, the Senate will be chosen by Electoral Colleges.
The House of Representatives will be elected by the people. The Executive
appointments to office will only be partially submitted to Senatorial Sanc-
tion, and the merging of the present provincial Governments in the new
National one, will multiply offices and strengthen Executive influence.
These ideas I only collected in a general conversation, but as the great ques-
tion is of urgent importance, it will very soon be brought before the people.
The affair of peace or the continuance of war is still suspended on the
appear to mauige very connaent nopes 01 tne success 01 tutu, mcaia-w^j.
inasmuch as the most active and persevering efforts for war are going on
Several new regiments of cavalry are ordered, and a new regiment of flying
or horse, artillery, which will be commanded by Dn. Tomas de Iriarte, wh<
was Secretary of Legation with General Alvear in the United States. Thii
last is Minister of War and Marine.
July 17, 1826.
I have learned that the Cabinet here is divided in opinion as to the prob
able success of Lord Ponsonby's mediation. The President and his Prime
Minister, Mr. Aguero, believing in its success, and General Alvear believing
that the bases which will be proposed will be such as will be wholly inad-
missible. It is thus to be apprehended that this mediation may prove
another apple of discord here, and that it will end in a War party and Peace
party. Poverty, I fear, will throw humiliation into the scales.
311
John M. Forbes, Charge d' Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States x
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, Augusts, 1826.
. . . Lord Ponsonby's mediation (of which so much has been expected)
has entirely failed, as it is believed; and the refusal to treat, on the part of
the Emperor, is supposed to have been sent to the British Government from
Rio on 15th June. Many believe that his Lordship will remain at Rio for
new instructions, but Mr. Parish thinks otherwise, and that he may be
expected here in a few weeks. My opinion is still unaltered, that the British
have an occult wish to see this Government so reduced and desponding,
and the Province of the Banda Oriental so disgusted by inglorious suffering,
as to consent to the cherished project of an independence, guaranteed by
Great Britain, or, in other words, a Colony in disguise. I am sorry to say
that the financial difficulties of this Government, and the inflexible opposi-
tion of some of the Provinces, and particularly of Cordova, to the National
Executive, still continue without abatement. The dissentions which
existed between Rodriguez and Lavalleja, as I have before stated, have been
arranged. It is still believed that General Alvear will soon take command
of the national army.
1 MS. Dispatches from Argentina, III.
n M. Forbes, Charge d' Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, September 5, 1826.
"he most interesting events which have occurred here since my last,
re been the birth of the Constitution, that is, its passage from the hands
:he Constitutional Committee into discussion before Congress; and the
ing command of the National army by General Alvear. I have not yet
i the Constitution itself, but only the report of the Committee, from
ch I augur a very close imitation of our system. I shall endeavour to
ain a copy to accompany this. General Alvear passed this River almost
ight of the enemy on 24th day of August, and if he should have the good
;une to get the confidence of the Orientalists, and to put to silence all the
rtburnings which have before existed in the army, all will go well ; and I
icipate some important successes on the opening of the campaign, which
i be in another month.
rrom a Conference I had with the President on the 17th last month, of
ich I send a minute made at the time, you will see the objects of primary
irest in the political relations between this Country and the United States
ich at present occupy the mind of the President. In conformity to the
mation made to me at the Conference, I received from the Minister of
•eign Relations an important communication under date of 24th of August,
de by order of Government. I send original and my own translation of
5 communication, and wish that the correctness of the translation may
tested in a revision made by a skillful translator in your confidence. I
) send copy of my answer, in which I pledge myself to nothing more than
transmission and the prompt and serious attention of the President of the
ited States, which its importance may fairly be presumed to deserve.'
to the naming of a Minister, every thing is settled, and I know the person
snded, but shall give you his name and qualities by another opportunity,
avoid the casualities to which this communication may be exposed,
fice it to say that I have no doubt that he will prove very acceptable. I
re, as yet, made no intimation to any of our naval Commanders respecting
>assage for the Gentleman and his suite, but reserve it to an expected
sonal interview with Captain Biddle. By return of some of our vessels
m this station or from the Pacific (which squadron I understand will
ich at Montevideo) I have no doubt that the Minister will find a safe and
eable mode of transit. I feel it a duty and a pleasure to do every thing
my power to facilitate a friendly diplomatic intercourse between the two
1 M$. Dispatches from Argentina, HI.
some important news from Rio. I consider this struggle between Brazil
and this Republic as of the highest general interest in its consequences to the
liberty and happiness of all America, and I cannot dissemble a lively sym-
pathy in the fortunes of the Republican party to the question. This senti-
ment gains for me the friendship (perhaps momentary) of this Government,
and I hope will not be disapproved by my own.
313
John M. Forbes, Charge d' Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACTS]
BUENOS AIRES, October 25, 1826.
Cordova has, by a formal decree, separated itself from this Republic, and
has determined to send a Minister to solicit a coalition with Bolivia, which
Republic is menacing this with war or non intercourse. Under these com-
plicated and daily accumulating embarassments, Lord Ponsonby has made
several proposals to this Government tending to a pacification with Brazil.
The first was, that the Banda Oriental should be declared independent.
This was refused. His next proposal was that Brazil and this Republic
should both evacuate that Territory, and leave the Orientalists free to
declare their will on the question of independence. This proposal I believe
is still unanswered, but I learn, from no common source, that the great diffi-
culty which renders its acceptance impossible, is, that it would admit the
right of a Province to secede from the Confederacy, a right which is most
vigorously resisted in the case of Cordova and other discontented Provinces.
The town has been filled, for the last fortnight, with rumors of many details
in Lord Ponsonby's proposals, which, as yet, have no existence: such as,
that this Government is to pay 15 millions of dollars in 15 years; that Eng-
land is to guarantee the payment, and, during the prescribed term, is to
have possession of, and a garrison at, Colonia — some say Montevideo. But
I am convinced that my above statement is correct as to the real posture of
the affair.
In making this proposal, to leave to the free declaration of the Orientalists,
the question of their independence, the English count much on their influence
in that Province, derived from large acquisitions of real estates there and
continued extension of their purchases. British Agents have gone over
1 MS. Dispatches from Argentina, III.
succeed in shaking the policy of this Government, I have reason to believe
that intrigue will be employed to attain a decided influence with the in-
habitants of that Country, and to frustrate the operations of the war by a
deadly opposition. Although the views of the English have not yet been
developed to the extent of the rumoured stipulations of military occupancy
of Colonia &c. yet I am fully penetrated with the belief that such views are
cherished and will discover themselves in the progress of the business. The
Brazilians, themselves, do not more compleatly indulge in hopes of advantage
from the penury and desperate state of things in this Republic than the
mediating English.
Another great and serious affair, alluded to in various public papers, has
been confidentially communicated to me as having a real existence. I mean
a project formed in Europe for dividing the several states of formerly Spanish
America, into three Monarchies. I am fully convinced that you must be
possessed of much more important and exact data on this subject than I
can give you. Yet it is not less my duty to communicate the little I know.
On this subject, the Government here has " Cartas reservadas" or confidential
letters from Europe. According to these letters, this project has been
pressed by Mr. Hurtado, the Colombian Minister, but was not known to
Mr. Sarratea, the Minister of this Republic (who is now on his return,
leaving Mr. Gil Charg6 d'Affaires) that the plan had been vigorously re-
sisted by Mr. Canning. It is said that Don Pedro is one of the Monarchs
indicated, and it is pretended that Bolivar is to be another. As I before
stated, you will doubtless get from the more zealous and vigilant agents of
the Government in Europe, very ample details on this interesting topic.
The only hopes of rescuing American liberty from these atrocious attempts
of absolute Power, are placed in the United States and England. An idea
generally prevails, as to the identity of views of those two cabinets, in relation
to Spanish America. The message of the President on the opening of the
approaching sessions of Congress, cannot fail to be replete with the most
important matter, and I look towards that moment with the most lively
solicitude. I hope that some prompt mode will be found of communicating
the views of the cabinet of Washington to this vast section of America, by
some of our smaller vessels of War, as the channels of Commercial inter-
course are too few and uncertain in the present state of things here.
John M. Forbes, Charge dj Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1>2
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, March 8, 1827.
It is presumed that the accounts of these two great reverses will reach the
Emperor simultaneously and, it is hoped, will incline his heart to peace.
It certainly will tend to fortify this Government in its previous determination
to resist all his pretensions either to the conquest or the independence of the
Banda Oriental; the last of which having been, as it still is, the favorite
project of the English, the greatest activity is now observed among their
agents sooner to protract the war than abandon their system. So that,
the happiest immediate effect to be hoped from this success, may be the
tempering and, may God send final conciliation of Provincial resistance.
March 9, 1827.
I regret to say that the news which continues to come in from the Prov-
inces is of a very unfavourable nature. Doct. Castro, from whose mission
to Mendoza hopes were entertained, has returned with a negative answer to
all his proposals. In short, the Congress is threatened with further extreme
measures on the part of the discontented provinces.
While I am writing, an intelligent English Gentleman has called and
informs me that the basis of a peace is already settled, chiefly through the
negotiation of Sir William Gordon with the Brazilian Government at Rio de
Janeiro. The basis of this peace, as far as relates to territorial limits, is
said to be that pointed out in the treaty of 1777 between the Spanish and
Portuguese.
315
John M. Forbes, Charge d1 Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States 1>2
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, April 12, 1827.
P.S., April 20, 1827. The humiliating necessity which has dictated the
mission of Mr. Garcia, the active but secret enemy of the present Ministry
and the devoted Agent of the British and Brazilian factions, augurs but poor
1This letter, though dictated by Mr. Forbes, was at his request signed by J. D. Men-
denhall.
s MS. Dispatches from Argentina, III.
basis to be such as will open a wide field to future difficulties and the most
violent parties : The mutual evacuation of the disputed territory, leaving its
inhabitants to the election of their future lot and character. The question
of their independence or their continuance in their association with the
other provinces, will be the first signal of parties. If the friends of nominal
independence prevail, it will be impossible to attempt such an independence
without the aid of some European Government, and, under all circum-
stances, the only Government which will offer or accept such intervention
will be England. Such an intervention will at once excite the lively jealousy
of other European Powers, and will not be seen with any pleasure by the
Sister Republics of this hemisphere: so that, Mr. Garcia's mission is beset
with many and most complicated casualties, among which must not be over-
looked the great instability of the existing Government here.
The projected Congress at San Juan is fast organizing. The opposition
party is encouraged by the embarrassments of the Government and quite
unbending in its views and purposes, and I fear that the pride of the Execu-
tive will induce some more important National sacrifices to the foreign foe,
rather than such concessions as may be necessary to conciliate their domestic
rivals and enemies and to unite the whole resources of the several Provinces
in a vigorous prosecution of the War. How much is to be regretted such a
horrid preversion of every patriotic sentiment in such an interesting crisis in
the fortunes of the South American Republics ! ! !
I have the honor [etc.].
316
John M. Forbes, Charge" d' Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States li2
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, July 18, 1827.
It was decided that the Provincial Government of Buenos Ayres should
be re-established with all convenient speed ; and that, during the necessary
measures to that object, a provisionary President should be elected and a
new ministry formed to watch over the general interests and to prosecute
the war : this provisional authority only to exist until the provinces shall have
decided on the mode of establishing a new and permanent national Govern-
ment. Mr. Rivadavia's resignation was accepted, and Doct. Don Vincente
1This letter, though dictated by Mr. Forbes, was at his request signed by J. D. Men-
denhall.
a MS. Dispatches from Argentina, III.
662 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
Lopez was elected by a large majority to be President provisionally. On the
first offer of this high dignity, although under the most flattering circum-
stances, he declined it: but on its being urged to his acceptance by an appeal
to the highest motives of patriotism, he was induced to accept; qualifying
such acceptance by the assurance that he relied entirely on the cordial sup-
port of all parties; and that if he failed in this just hope, he should immedi-
ately resign his power. His ministers, as far as he has named them are,
Doct. Don Tomas Anchorena, Minister of the Treasury, and General Marcos
Balcarce, Minister of Foreign Relations and of War and Marine.
In the meantime an order has been given for the election of forty seven
members to form the Provincial Junta of this town and Province, which is to
take place on Sunday next.
General Alvear has been removed from the command of the National
army, and General Lavalleja, the leader of the gallant band who first raised
the standard of Independence in the Oriental Province, is named to succeed
him. This nomination is extremely popular, and the happiest results are
expected from it. He leaves this city this evening, and it is presumed his
presence will electrify the whole Province of Banda Oriental and reunite
many corps who have left the National Army, under command of Alvear,
in disgust.
All these events have passed in the utmost tranquility and good order;
and the present feelings of the nation are full of hope and enthusiasm.
317
John M. Forbes, Charge d Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States x
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, May 2, 1828.
On my first interview with the Governor his communication to me was
frank and confidential and he did not hesitate to declare his distrust in the
eventual success of this pending negociation ; and told me his orders to Gen1
Lavalleja were in some measure dictated by this distrust, as he had ordered
him to continue all his belligerent measures without the least relaxation;
since that time the opinion has been daily gaining strength that this proposed
independence of the Banda Oriental was only to serve as a veil to cover new
nf tllP TlraTiiliaTi nrnrp.rnm*in+- ftT\-tn a^railinrr i-l-oalf nf -*-1->,o r.+o*& /->{
ment under the protection of the Emperor of Brazils, even the person
anded to hold the ducal power has been mentioned, and all these circum-
nces have much enfeebled the hopes of a peace at one moment enter-
led — connected with the project of peace a congress of ministers at
>nte Video has been spoken of to complete all the details of such a corn-
it — on the part of this Government the gentlemen designated are Gen1
n Ramon Balcarce, Gen1 Don Tomas Guido, and Don Pedro Feliciana
via.
318
in M. Forbes, Charge d? Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Henry Clay, Secretary of State of the United States l
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, September 13, 1828.
°.S., September 17, 1828. Since writing the foregoing we are over-
elmed with a multiplicity of great events from Europe and Rio brought
the arrival of two British Packets nearly at the same time; the most
portant and interesting event for this country is the conclusion of an
lorable and advantageous peace with the Emperor of Brazils ; the general
iditions of this peace are complete independence of the Banda Oriental
;ether with the evacuation of the two fortified places of Montevideo and
Ionia, to take effect four months after the formation of a provincial con-
:ution for that Province ; the Blockade to be raised immediately after the
ification of the Treaty by this Government; this treaty is to be sent
mediately by special commissioners and submitted to the national con-
ition now sitting at Santa F6; all question of indemnity on one side or the
ler is completely merged, and as the conditions of this Treaty are con-
ered to embrace every thing which this Government asked or could ask,
doubt is entertained of its prompt ratification.
1 MS. Dispatches from Argentina, III.
664 PART II: COMMUNICATIONS FROM ARGENTINA
319
John M. Forbes, Charge d' Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Martin Van Buren, Secretary of State of the United States *
[EXTRACT]
BUENOS AIRES, February ij, 1830.
The situation of the affairs of this Country still continues to be complicated
and the subject of the greatest uneasiness: for, although the late struggle
has eventuated in the establishment of a decided numerical superiority
in favor of the Federals, yet, the great strength of talent, wealth and re-
spectability of the Unitarian party, joined to the military successes of Gen-
eral Paz, in Cordova, keep alive their hopes and protract the agony of their
ambition: while, on the other hand, the total absence of that great sinew of
war, money; the dilapidated state of the public treasury and the necessarily
declining public credit, render it extremely difficult for the dominant party
to sustain their power, without resort to measures of violence, which might
revolt public opinion. To these difficulties may be added the existing differ-
ences among the ministers to which I have alluded in my previous dispatches.
Much hope rests on the pending negotiations of the mediating commis-
sioners. Of their positive success nothing is published ; although several of
their circular communications to the Provinces will be found among the
accompanying gazettes. This absence of authentic information, opens a
wide field to conjecture and invention among both parties. In the mean
time, the active preparations for defence on the part of the Government, both
by voluntary and forced recruiting, raise doubts of the supremacy of the
Federal arms in the interior provinces. I have recently had frequent oc-
casions to see the Governor and his ministers. A few days since, I had a
visit from H. Excellency, and saw him to day at his own house. His coun-
tenance, as well as those of his ministers, indicates the constant effort of
thought and anxious reflection. I have ascertained to day the truth of a
rumour that the Governor contemplates a journey to Santa F£, where he has
been invited to a conference with the Governors of the neighboring provinces
of Santa Fe, Corrientes and Entre Rios; and there can be no doubt that the
object of that conference is to combine the means of resistance, should the
mediation fail which is now going on. During these passing events, projects
of European intervention, some time since circulated, are now brought
again into notice; and it is now asserted, on what is stated to be respectable
authority, that these provinces, going under the assumed name of the" Ar-
gentine Republic", are to be annexed to the Empire of Brazils, on the previous
condition that the little Queen, Da. Maria da Gloria, shall renounce all her
nretensions to the throne of Portugal. It is added that the nrniprt is sus-
tant to the interests of this Country, should cast up, it would be a friendly
1 ingratiating office to make them known to this Government; and it
uld be particularly grateful to me to be the organ of such friendly com-
nications.
'. have the honor [etc.].
320
in M, Forbes, Charge d' Affaires of the United States at Buenos Aires, to
Martin Van Bur en, Secretary of State of the United States l
BUENOS AIRES, December 2$, 1830.
>IR: Herwith I transmit duplicate of my last No 107, the original of which
it by the Brig Soto, Cap4 Ricketson for New York.
>ince then a very important event has occurred here ; nothing less than the
nowledgment of the independence of this Republic, by the new King of
ince. This great event is officially announced by a note of the 20th of this
nth from Mr Mendeville, the Consul General of France, to the Minister
Foreign Affairs here.
/Ir Juan Larrea, the Consul General of this Republic at Paris, arrived by
last British packet, and brought a confirmation of this important news.
t is presumed that a minister will be appointed to go to France, as soon
:he consent of all the provinces can be obtained, which must be done by
:ular communications as in the case of the late mission to Brazils. I
inclined to believe that the person who will be proposed for that mission,
I be, my friend Gen1 Don Thomas Guido.
am [etc.].
1 MS. Dispatches from Argentina, IV.
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