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THE DISCIPLES OF CHRIST

The Story of the Churches

The Disciples of Christ

By
ERRETT GATES, Ph. D.

Associate in Church History, University of Chicago

Author of " The Early Relation and Separation
of Baptists and Disciples "

NEW YORK: THE BAKER & TAYLOR CO.
33-37 East Seventeenth St., Union Sq. North

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OCT 9 iyu5

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Copyiight, 1905,

By

The Baker & Taylor Co.

Published, September \ 1905

Publishers' Note

The aim of this series is to furnish a uniform
set of church histories, brief but complete,
and designed to Instruct the average church
member in the origin, development, and his-
tory of the various denominations. Many
church histories have been issued for all de-
nominations, but they have usually been
volumes of such size as to discourage any
but students of church history. Each vol-
ume of this series, all of which will be
written by leading historians of the various
denominations, will not only interest the
members of the denomination about which
it is written, but will prove interesting to
members of other denominations as well
who wish to learn something of their fellow
workers, The volumes will be bound uni-
formly, and when the series is complete will
make a most valuable history of the Chris-
tian church.

\

Contents

CHAP. PAGE

I. The Campbells .... 7
II. Religious Conditions in Scotland

and Ireland . . . .17

III. The Christian Association of

Washington . . . 33

IV. Barton W. Stone and the Spring-

field Presbytery ... 64
V. The Union with the Baptists . 80
VI. Alexander Campbell as a Baptist, 100
VII. The Reformers Among the Bap-
tists . . . . .127
VIII. The Separation of the Reformers

from the Baptists . . .154

IX. The Union of the Reformers as

Disciples of Christ . . 177

X. Early Growth and Organization 212

XI. The Rise of Internal Controversy, 235

XII. Missionary Organization . . 259

XIII. Evangelism, Journalism, Educa-

tion and Church Growth . 277

XIV. Recent Tendencies and Problems, 304
Bibliography . . . -335
Index ..... 339

5

The Disciples of Christ

CHAPTER I

THE CAMPBELLS

The Disciples of Christ will complete the
first hundred years of their history as a dis-
tinct religious movement in 1909. Their

e in 1809 is marked by the withdrawal

f Thomas Campbell from the Seceder
Presbyterian church in Western Pennsyl-
vania and the publication of the so-called
Declaration and Address.

Thomas Campbell was born in County
Down, Ireland, February 1, 1763. His
ancestors were the Campbells of Argyle-
shire, Scotland, a clan famous in the polit-
ical and military history of the country.
He was the eldest of a family of four sons,
all of whom showed marked religious dis-

7

8 The Disciples of Christ

positions and took leading parts later in
life in local religious affairs. The father
belonged to the Church of England, and
always preferred to worship after the Epis-
copal ritual, but his sons turned with greater
sympathy and pleasure to the simpler wor-
ship of the Covenanters and Seceder Pres-
byterians. Very early in life Thomas passed
through a deep religious experience, which
set at rest his fears of the divine displeasure
and gave him assurance of salvation and
acceptance with God. His religious experi-
ence conformed to the theological teach-
ing which he met and accepted in attend-
ance at Presbyterian churches. It was of
that serious Calvinistic sort which laid par-
ticular emphasis upon the divine activity in
conversion. The spiritual monitions at-
tending his conversion were such as not
only to give him assurances of salvation,
but to lay upon him the duty of consecrat-
ing himself to the ministry of the gospel.
The moment of his conversion was also the

The Campbells 9

moment of his dedication to the min-
istry.

He naturally turned to the Seceder church
as a sphere for the exercise of his ministry,
but the proposal met with the disfavor of
his father; and being under age he yielded
for the time to the wishes of his father and
continued his work as a teacher in an Eng-
lish academy which he had established in
the less enlightened regions of Ireland.
Hitherto his education had not passed be-
yond a good English schooling, at a mili-
tary regimental school near Newry, County
Down, and what by his native genius and
aptitude for study, he had acquired by self-
education and in the practice of teaching;
but upon his return from teaching in the
central parts of Ireland, he was taken under
the patronage of a Mr. Kinley, who en-
couraged him in his desire to enter the
ministry and gave him financial assistance
to continue his education in the University
of Glasgow. After completing his literary

lo The Disciples of Christ

studies in the University, he entered the
theological school of the Seceders at Whith-
burn, then in charge of Dr. Archibald Bruce.
He completed his theological studies in five
sessions of eight weeks each and was
licensed to preach among the Anti-Burgher
Seceders, as a probationer, under the super-
vision of the Synod.

Very little is recorded of his early life as
a preacher. He was always obliged to carry
on his teaching to eke out his meagre salary
as a preacher and provide for an increasing
family. He was married to Jane Corneigle,
of French Huguenot descent, in County An-
trim, Ireland, in 1787. Their first child, born
in 1788, was a son, whom they named Alex-
ander. The two men, father and son, were
destined to be, the one the inaugurator,
the other the promoter of the religious
movement whose history is the theme of
this work. As the son of Thomas Camp-
bell and Jane Corneigle, Alexander Camp-
bell had the best blood of Scotland and of

The Campbells il

France flowing in his veins. He is said to
have had a striking resemblance to his
mother, both in character and physical
appearance, while she possessed all that
we have come to associate as best with the
French Huguenot character.

The father accepted the pastorate of the
Seceder church at Ahorey, County Armagh,
and moved his family to a place called Rich
Hill. The son was about ten years of age
when this took place, and so far had given
no evidence of anything unusual in his in-
tellectual powers. He had received the
rudiments of his early education under his
father and in the academy of his uncles,
but no scholastic regimen could subdue the
native physical strength and buoyant spirits
of the boy. He was well on towards six-
teen years of age before he was distin-
guished by anything but his irrepressible
love of sport and out-of-doors exercise.
He was simply a normal, healthy boy, with
a good mind and a well disposed moral

12 The Disciples of Christ

nature. Of early piety and precocious re-
ligious experience we hear nothing. His
restless physical spirit must have fretted
more than once under the long religious ex-
ercises of his Seceder home and church, for
it was the rule of the church prescribed by
the synod that "the minister should wor-
ship God in his family by singing, reading
and prayer, morning and evening; that he
should catechise and instruct them at least
once a week in religion; endeavoring to
cause every member to pray in secret morn-
ing and evening." Besides this it was the
rule in the home that "every member
should memorize, during each day, some
portion of the Bible, to be recited at even-
ing worship, and each again rehearsed on
the evening of the Lord's day; that every
one should go to meeting, and on returning
home give an account of the text and of the
discourse preached/'

Such discipline had its effect upon the
boy. His intellectual and religious awaken-

The Campbells 13

ing finally came when he was about eight-
een years of age. They seem to have been
coincident, He entered with zeal and effi-
ciency into the work of assisting his father
in the academy. He began to experience
" great concern in regard to his own salva-
tion." In a later account of this period he
says: "From the time that I could read the
Scriptures, I became convinced that Jesus
was the Son of God. I was also fully per-
suaded that I was a sinner, and must obtain
pardon through the merits of Christ or be
lost forever. This caused me great distress
of soul and I had much exercise of mind
under the awakenings of a guilty conscience.
Finally, after many strugglings, I was enabled
to put my trust in the Saviour, and to feel my
reliance on him as the only Saviour of sinners.
From the moment I was able to feel this re-
liance on the Lord Jesus Christ, I obtained
and enjoyed peace of mind." He was re-
ceived as a member of his father's church at
Ahorey and under the solicitation of his

14 The Disciples of Christ

father began to devote time to theological
studies. It was not until later, however,
that the son dedicated himself to the ministry
of the gospel, though it was the father's
wish that he do so from the beginning of
his life.

The labors of the father were divided be-
tween his duties as pastor of the church at
Ahorey and superintendent of his academy
at Rich Hill, where he lived. His first inter-
est was always the religious interest. He
was a careful observer of and interested
actor in all the religious affairs of his
country and time. He was possessed by
nature of a broad Christian spirit which
transcended the sectarian boundaries of his
own denomination. The " occasional hear-
ing" of ministers of other religious bodies,
reluctantly granted by his own denomina-
tion, and then only when there was no
meeting at the same hour and in the same
place in one of their own churches, was
eagerly seized upon by Thomas Campbell

The Campbells 15

and improved. He was a frequent attendant
at the evening meetings of the congrega-
tion of Independents at Rich Hill, and was
on the most cordial terms with them as
neighbors. He was found entering into co-
operation with all religious movements
whenever opportunity was offered. He
became a member of the " Society for Prop-
agating the Gospel at Home," organized
by the Haldanes and composed for the most
part of members of the Church of England,
whose object was the arousing of a deeper
religious spirit throughout the British Isles
to counteract the deadening influence of
French infidelity and liberalism.

He felt that the religious need of the times
was a union of all the people of God. It
must have pained his soul to witness the
divisions going on in the two branches of
the Seceder church of which he was a mem-
ber. The story of the division and subdi-
vision of this church, the resulting nar-
rowness and bitterness of spirit mani-

16 The Disciples of Christ

fested towards each other, is a fitting
background against which to understand
the spirit and motives of Thomas Camp-
bell.

CHAPTER II

RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS IN SCOTLAND AND IRE-
LAND

In Thomas Campbell's time sectarianism
and religious bigotry had gone to seed in
the Seceder church. It was conceived in
pride and bitterness, born in narrowness,
and grew up in exclusiveness. Its sources
lie far back in the history of the Scottish
church.

When the Reformation suddenly invaded
Scotland in the year 1560, it found the
Scottish people and the ruling nobility ready
for it. "The Estates convened in August,
the Calvinistic confession of faith was ap-
proved, the Roman Catholic religion was
abolished, and the administering of the
mass, or attendance upon it, was forbid-
den— the penalty for the third offense being
death/' "On the morning of the 25th of
17

18 The Disciples of Christ

August, 1560, the Romish hierarchy was su-
preme; in the evening of the same day, Cal-
vinistic Protestantism was established in its
stead." The nobility and the common
people joined in their desire to see the over-
throw of Roman Catholicism, and made
common cause against the king and church.
The nobility feared the power and craved
the vast wealth of the Roman church, while
the people longed for a purer ministry, a
worship in their own language and a voice
in the affairs of their parish churches. It
was an expression of the democratic spirit
in religion.

No form of Protestantism so completely
satisfied this spirit as the Presbyterian.
John Knox had gone to Geneva and sat at
the feet of John Calvin. He brought back
to his native Scotland and recommended to
his people both the doctrine and the order
of Calvinistic Presbyterianism. They found
these to their liking. Presbyterianism was
essentially democratic, and gave to the peo-

Conditions in Scotland and Ireland 19

pie the right to choose their own pastors
and a representation in the government of
the church. It was impossible that the old
order could be completely wiped out and
destroyed in root and branch. Some roots
remained. One of the strongest to remain
was the institution of patronage which the
nobility was interested to maintain. When
the property and revenues of the old church
fell at one stroke into the hands of the re-
forming party, the nobles laid claim to it as
a part of their estates which had been
alienated by pious ancestors through dona-
tion and bequest to the church. It properly
escheated to the owners of the estates from
which it was originally set aside to main-
tain parish churches. The nobles had their
way in spite of the protest of the religious
leaders. Parish livings for the support of
the pastors now fell into the hands of
nobles and landowners who exercised the
right of patronage or presentation to living.
It was impossible that a pure Presbytery

20 The Disciples of Christ

could be grafted upon this old stump of pat-
ronage. The people might choose a man
to be their pastor, but if he did not suit the
patron, the holder of living, who might be
a Romanist, an Episcopalian, or a Presby-
terian, the chosen pastor could not settle
with his parish.

After more than a century of struggle on
the part of the Scottish people to keep their
Presbyterianism against the encroachments
of English Episcopacy, they were finally
victorious at the time of the Revolution
Settlement of 1690. By this settlement
Presbyterianism was constituted by act of
Parliament the established religion of Scot-
land, and with the overthrow of Episcopacy
went patronage. But only for a time. It
came back by act of the English Parliament,
which now included the Scottish Parlia-
ment, in the year 1712, and was destined to
remain, the principal cause of all the troub-
les of the Scottish church, until finally
abolished in 1874.

Conditions in Scotland and Ireland 21

It was incident to the troubles growing
out of restored patronage that the Seceder
church arose in Scotland. The system of
patronage completely nullified the free
choice of the pastor by the people. The
patron took the initiative and presented as a
pastor for the church a man to his own
liking, and was not necessarily governed by
the desires of the people or the needs of the
place. Private and pecuniary consider-
ations very often operated in the presenta-
tion. The people were obliged to acquiesce
in the appointment or go without a pastor.

It was the conflicting interests and wishes
of patrons and people that often came be-
fore the presbyteries or assemblies for set-
tlement. An attempt on the part of the
Assembly to remedy the evil of vacant
parishes by obliging presbyteries to induct
pastors on call of heritors, if Protestant, and
elders, (in cases where patrons refused to
make a presentation within six months
after a vacancy that they might obtain the

22 The Disciples of Christ

income for themselves,) called forth a bitter
protest against the action of the Assembly
by Ebenezer Erskine, in a sermon delivered
as retiring moderator of the Synod of Perth
and Stirling. He was rebuked by the Synod
for offensive utterances in the sermon. He
appealed to the Assembly of 1733 against
the rebuke of the Synod and was joined by
three other ministers. The Assembly ap-
proved the action of the Synod and ordered
that Erskine be rebuked before the bar of
the Assembly. He refused to submit in
silence to the action, and was called on to
retract, failing which in a year he was sus-
pended from the ministry of the church.
The protesters seceded from the established
church and constituted themselves into a
Presbytery. When the Assembly relented
a year later and opened the door for their
return by removing all censure and restor-
ing their names to the ministerial roll, they
stubbornly refused to return. They went
on organizing churches and constituting

Conditions in Scotland and Ireland 23

presbyteries, and by 1742 constituted the
first synod out of three presbyteries and
thirty congregations. The ranks of the Se-
ceders were from time to time increased by
withdrawals from the establishment of
churches and members who had been out-
raged by the violent intrusion of obnoxious
pastors upon them. Rather than submit,
they seceded. The secession profited for a
long time by the workings of the law of
patronage.

These Seceders, as they were called, be-
gan to regard themselves as the true church
of God in Scotland and identified themselves
with the church of the first and second
reformations. When George Whitfield
came to Scotland they demanded that he
confine his ministrations to their churches;
and when asked "why," they said, "be-
cause we are the Lord's people/' "Are
there no other Lord's people but you ?" he
inquired. " And supposing all others are the
devil's people; certainly, they have the more

24 The Disciples of Christ

need to be preached to." August 4, 1741,
was proclaimed throughout their body as a
day of fasting and humiliation for the
countenance given to Whitfield.

It was not long before strife broke out in
their own ranks over the lawfulness of the
oath administered to burgesses of towns.
Some held that a Seceder who happened to
be a burgess could not consistently swear
"to profess and allow with his heart the
true religion presently professed within the
realm and authorized by the laws thereof,"
without promising to support the church
from which they had seceded, and now re-
garded as "a household of Satan." Con-
sequently they divided in 1747 into Burghers
and Anti-Burghers. Each proclaimed itself
to be the true church and anathematized the
other.

The Burgher branch of the Seceders was
for a long time stirred with dissension as to
the power of the civil magistrate in relig-
ious matters. They divided on the question

Conditions in Scotland and Ireland 25

in 1796 into Old Lights and New Lights.
A similar division took place in the Anti-
Burgher branch in 1806. There were now
four distinct parties of Seceders. The
divisions of the parent body in Scotland
were transferred to its new home in Ireland.
Thomas Campbell became a member of the
Old Light, Anti-Burgher branch of the
Seceders.

All branches grew in narrowness and bit-
terness of spirit, as their ranks diminished
in numbers through division. " In 1798 the
Anti-Burgher Synod forbade the people to
attend or give countenance to public preach-
ing by any who were not of their commun-
ion; and a year afterwards actually deposed
and excommunicated one of its ministers
for having heard Rowland Hill and James
Haldane preach." A case is on record
where the Burgher Synod cited one of its
members before it, for working as a mason
on an Episcopal chapel in Glasgow, and de-
creed that he was highly censurable and

26 The Disciples of Christ

M ought not to be admitted to any of the
seals of the covenant till he profess his sor-
row for the offense and scandal that he had
given and been guilty of."

The spirit of bigotry and sectarian ani-
mosity was not confined to the Seceders.
The established church herself and all dis-
senting bodies, including the Presbytery of
Relief, finally narrowed the grace of God
and his covenanted mercies to their own
bodies. To the genial Christian spirit of
such a man as Thomas Campbell, the
spectacle of these divisions and animosities
between Christians seemed more than child-
ish; they were sinful. As he reflected upon
them he must have inquired the reason for
them and sought a remedy. His own
church was rent asunder before his eyes
and he was forced to take sides on a ques-
tion which had no meaning in Ireland
where the burgess oath never had been in
use. So needless seemed the perpetuation
of the division between Burghers and Anti-

Conditions in Scotland and Ireland 27

Burghers on Irish soil, that he led in an
effort to unite the two bodies in 1805, but
failed through the unwillingness of the
Scottish General Synod to free the Irish
Synod from its jurisdiction. The union
was finally accomplished in 1818.

Other influences were at work upon both
of the Campbells beside the hard and bitter
sectarianism of the times. The church of
Independents at Rich Hill, which they fre-
quently attended, held to doctrines and
practices which subsequently became char-
acteristic of the churches founded by them
in America. Independency in Scotland
originated with John Glas, a minister of the
established church, who was deposed in
1730 for teaching that " there is no warrant
in the New Testament for a national church ;
that the magistrate, as such, has no place in
the church, and has no right to punish for
heresy; that both the National Covenant
and the Solemn League and Covenant are
without scriptural grounds; and that the

28 The Disciples of Christ

true reformation is one that can be carried
out, not by political and secular weapons
but by the word and spirit of Christ only."
He gathered around him a group of people
who shared his views, and adopted in all
his teaching the principle that the Scripture
is the only standard of both doctrine and
practice. He accordingly adopted the ob-
servance of the Lord's supper every Sunday,
the practice of feet washing, the holy kiss,
mutual exhortation in public worship,
plurality of elders, community of goods,
and other customs which he derived from
the primitive church. His son-in-law,
Robert Sandeman, took up his views and
established churches. They were called
Glassites or Sandemanians. They de-
veloped into a narrow, exclusive sect, and
divided into no less than three parties, each
disavowing all fellowship with the others.

The last decade of the eighteenth century
was characterized by unusual ferment in re-
ligious circles in Scotland and Ireland. The

Conditions in Scotland and Ireland 29

older Presbyterian bodies threw off, by
reason of the tyrannical power of the
church courts, a variety of persons an^
groups of persons, all of whom took the
direction of independency. In 1768 arose
the " Old Scotch Independents"; in 1769,
the "Old Scotch Baptists"; in 1780, the
"Bereans"; in 1798, the "Modern Congre-
gationalists"; and between 1790-1800, the
evangelistic activity of Rowland Hill, the
Haldanes and their associates, gave rise to
many "Tabernacle Churches" throughout
the British Isles, notably in Scotland and
Ireland, which swelled the ranks of inde-
pendency. Many of these new sects on ac-
quaintance found themselves in agreement
with each other and came together. The
features which they shared in common
were, independency in church government
and a more strict adherence to the Scrip-
tures in faith and practice. This appeal to
the precedent of the primitive churches in
its application to their doctrines and prac-

30 The Disciples of Christ

tices occasioned many internal contro-
versies. The question of baptism inevitably
came up for discussion, and finally de-
termined the arrangement of independent
bodies into two groups : those who ad-
hered strictly to immersion, and those who
treated the form of baptism as a matter of
indifference. This question of baptism di-
vided the Haldanean societies, both of the
Haldanes adopting Baptist views. "The
new notions spread over most of the
churches of the connection, and contention,
strife of words, jealousies, and divisions
followed, of which none but such as passed
through the painful scenes of those days
can have any adequate idea." "The oc-
currences in question, while they embar-
rassed and weakened the churches, exposed
them also to the triumph and sneers of
adversaries, while at the same time much
odium was brought on every attempt to
follow out scriptural fellowship." Through
the influence of Greville Ewing, one of the

Conditions in Scotland and Ireland 31

associates of the Haldanes, their societies
quite generally adopted the weekly com-
munion of the Lord's supper.

The congregation of Independents fre-
quently attended by the Campbells at Rich
Hill seems to have been of the Haldanean
order, for the Haldanes were occasionally
heard in the church. It was in this church
that the Campbells heard such men as J. A.
Haldane, Rowland Hill, Alexander Carson,
and John Walker, concerning the latter of
whom Alexander Campbell wrote in 181 5:
"I am now an Independent in church gov-
ernment; of that faith and view of the
gospel exhibited in John Walker's Seven
Letters to Alexander Knox, and a Baptist so
far as regards baptism."

Such were the religious conditions and
influences surrounding the Campbells in
Scotland and Ireland during the closing
years of the eighteenth century and the
opening years of the nineteenth. They
were both negative and positive: negative,

32 The Disciples of Christ

in disgusting them with the petty differ-
ences and bitter animosities of sectarianism;
and positive, in acquainting them with and
disposing them towards the teachings of
the Independents. This is shown in one
matter — the weekly observance of the
Lord's supper. "From the first all the
Congregational churches, with the excep-
tion of a few in Aberdeen and the north,
observed the Lord's supper every first day
of the week, as a part of the usual morn-
ing service." Thomas Campbell introduced
the weekly observance of the Lord's supper
into the first church he established in
America.

CHAPTER III

THE CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION OF WASHINGTON

The health of Thomas Campbell began to
suffer some impairment from his excessive
labors as preacher and teacher, and his
physician recommended a sea voyage as a
remedy.

Many of his neighbors had gone, and more
were going, to America, to seek homes.
Some of his Seceder friends had emigrated
to the New World. To take a journey to
America, whether to see the country as a
visitor or remain as an inhabitant, would
not be going alone or entirely among
strangers. He bade farewell to his Seceder
congregation at Ahorey, and took letters
of dismissal and testimonials from the church
and the Presbytery of Market Hill. Leaving
his family behind and the academy in charge
of his son Alexander, he set sail April 8,
33

34 The Disciples of Christ

1807, and arrived in Philadelphia thirty-five
days later, where he found the Seceder synod
in session. He presented his credentials,
and was assigned to the Presbytery of
Chartiers, in Western Pennsylvania.

The Seceders lost none of their peculiari-
ties by being transplanted to the New World.
They brought their Old World "testimo-
nies " with them and perpetuated their di-
visions in America as they had in Scotland
and Ireland against the better feeling and
judgment of many of their members. The
Anti-Burghers were the first to establish
churches in America, and when the Burghers
arrived on the ground there was a disposi-
tion to go into the Anti-Burgher fellowship.
There was even less reason for the division
of Seceders into Burghers and Anti-Burghers
or into New Lights and Old Lights, in
America than in Ireland, for the divisions
grew out of political conditions which were
completely changed in this country. Penn-
sylvania became the stronghold of Seceder-

The Christian Association 35

ism. The Anti-Burgher branch, being the
stronger, absorbed the Burgher element in
the stream of emigration from the Old
World, and put itself under the oversight of
the Associate (Anti-Burgher) Synod of Scot-
land. This body in America became more
exclusive and conservative than the body
in Scotland, and in 1796 passed "an act
against occasional communion, which ever
afterward remained the law of the
church."

Thomas Campbell had not been long at
work among his New World Seceder
brethren before he broke over the narrow
boundaries of his denomination and violated
one of its most cherished usages. It had
decreed to have no fellowship with brethren
of other Presbyterian parties, much less
other denominations. But when Thomas
Campbell went into the religiously desolate
parts of his field, he invited his brethren of
all Presbyterian parties who were without
pastoral care and the sacraments of the

36 The Disciples of Christ

church, to join his Anti-Burgher members
in communion service. Whether it was due
more to the zeal of his ministerial brethren
for the correct usages of Secederism or
to their jealousy of his growing power
and popularity, that they assumed a hos-
tile attitude towards Mr. Campbell, is not
clear; but it was not long before sufficient
offense had been given to warrant them in
openly proceeding against him before the
Presbytery. He was charged with depar-
ture from the standard of Seceder faith and
with violation of the rules and usages of the
church. There is no record of the trial be-
fore the Presbytery, but judging from the
contents of a letter written immediately
after to the Synod, we may infer that he
pleaded for larger liberty and fraternity than
were allowed by the "testimony" of the
church, and took his stand upon the au-
thority and teachings of the Scriptures over
against the authority of the "testimony."
The Presbytery voted him deserving of cen-

The Christian Association 37

sure. He protested and appealed to the
Syood.

Mr. Campbell was desirous of continuing
in fellowship with the Seceders and working
harmoniously with them, but he was not
willing to do so at the sacrifice of his Chris-
tian liberty and fraternity, or the primacy
of the Scriptures as the law of his Christian
conscience, and the rule of his faith and
practice. By this time he had clearly grasped
the principles by which he was to govern
his own conduct in religious matters, and
by which alone he believed the church of
God could be brought to unity and purity.
How long before this he had arrived at his
position cannot be said. It first appeared in
the letter to the Synod. The letter is too
long to quote in full, but it is so important
a piece of evidence in the development of
Thomas Campbell's religious position, that
it cannot be entirely omitted. He said :
"Honored Brethren : Before you come to
a final issue in the present business, let me

38 The Disciples of Christ

entreat you to pause a moment and seriously
consider the following things : To refuse
any one his just privilege, is it not to op-
press and injure? In proportion to the
magnitude and importance of the privilege
withheld, is not the injustice in withholding
it to be estimated ? If so, how great the
injustice, how highly aggravated the injury
will appear, to thrust out from communion
a Christian brother, a fellow-minister for
saying and doing none other things than
those which our Divine Lord and his Holy
Apostles have taught and enjoined to be
spoken and done by his ministering serv-
ants, and to be received and observed by
all his people! Or have I, in any instance,
proposed to say or do otherwise? If I
have, I shall be heartily thankful to any
brother that shall point it out, and upon his
so doing, shall as heartily and thankfully
relinquish it. Let none think that, by so
saying, I entertain the vain presumption of
being infallible. So far am I from this,

The Christian Association 39

that I dare not venture to trust my own
understanding so far as to take upon me to
teach anything as a matter of faith or duty
but what is already expressly taught, and
enjoined by divine authority. " "It is,
therefore, because I have no confidence,
either in my own infallibility or in that of
others, that 1 absolutely refuse, as inadmis-
sible and schismatic the introduction of
human opinions and human inventions into
the faith and worship of the church. Is it,
therefore, because I plead the cause of the
scriptural and Apostolic worship of the
church, in opposition to the various errors
and schisms which have so awfully cor-
rupted and divided it, that the brethren
of the Union should feel it difficult to ad-
mit me as their fellow laborer in that blessed
work ? I sincerely rejoice with them in
what they have done in that way; but still,
all is not yet done; and surely they can
have no just objections to going farther.
Nor do I presume to dictate to them or to

40 The Disciples of Christ

others as to how they should proceed for
the glorious purpose of promoting the unity
and purity of the church; but only beg
leave, for my own part, to walk upon
such sure and peaceable ground that I may
have nothing to do with human controversy
about the right or wrong side of any opinion
whatsoever. By simply acquiescing in what
is written, as quite sufficient for every pur-
pose of faith and duty ; and thereby to in-
fluence as many as possible to depart from
human controversy, to betake themselves to
the Scriptures, and in so doing, to the study
and practice of faith, holiness and love."

This extract shows sufficiently the sin-
cerity of the purpose and spirit of Campbell
in his conflict with his brethren. It also
contains echoes and reminiscences of the sec-
tarian conflicts surrounding him in Ireland,
and reflects the teachings of such men as
John Glas, the Haldanes, John Walker and
Archibald McLean. There is nothing new
ill his appeal to the authority of Scripture,

The Christian Association 41

except the emphasis upon it and use made of
it. Reforming spirits in all ages of the
church have made their appeal back to
Scripture, from Vigilantius and Jovinian in
the early church through Arnold of Brescia,
William of Occam, John Wiclif and John
Huss, to Martin Luther and John Calvin in
the modern church. The authority of primi-
tive Christianity appeared in the church
first as a principle of purity; Luther ap-
plied it as a principle of liberty, as well as
purity; Campbell conceived of it as a prin-
ciple of unity, as well as liberty and purity.
He believed that a return to primitive Chris-
tianity would make a united, as well as a
pure and a free church. The crying need of
the Protestant church was unity; but the
path to that unity lay through her deliver-
ance from a new bondage into which she
had fallen, a bondage to creeds and theo-
logical formularies of the faith as conditions
of union and communion among Christians.
Here appears for the first time in the history

42 The Disciples of Christ

of the church the annunciation of the au-
thority of Scripture as a principle of Chris-
tian unity. Here lay the remedy for the
church's divisions and strifes in his time
and all time. He announces it with all con-
fidence and sincerity, as a principle which
his own brethren who were trying him for
heresy already accepted, and upon which the
entire Protestant church was built. He was
conscious only of recalling an old faith. It
is self-evident, axiomatic, consentient with
the mind of all Protestant Christendom.
With him the appeal to Scripture was
the end of controversy between him and
his Seceder brethren. It was equivalent
to an argumentum ad kominem, and against
the more open and flagrant departures from
plain Scripture precept and example would
be successful.

The result of the appeal to the Synod was
to set aside the judgment of the Presbytery
on the ground of the informalities of its
procedure, and to release the protester from

The Christian Association 43

the censure inflicted by the Presbytery; but
it decided that there were sufficient grounds
in his evasive and unsatisfactory answers
to the charges to " infer censure." He sub-
mitted to the decision "as an act of defer-
ence to the judgment of the court," and
that "he might not give offense to his
brethren by manifesting a refractory spirit."
He supposed this would settle the matter,
and he would be enabled to go on in peace
with his ministerial labors; but he was dis-
appointed, for his enemies were all the
more bitter in their hostility to him. Rather
than try to continue his work in the at-
mosphere of suspicion and criticism, he
deemed it his duty to sever his relations
with the Seceders. He presented to the
Synod a formal renunciation of its authority,
and committed himself to the sympathy of
the religious world.

Many persons not only among the Se-
ceders but members of other religious bodies
who had heard him sympathized with him

44 The Disciples oi Christ

and shared his views. He began to hold
meetings whenever there were opportu-
nities, in barns, groves, schoolhouses, and
the houses of his Irish friends who had
settled in Washington County, and soon a
clearly defined group of persons acknowl-
edged his leadership. They agreed to meet
at the home of Abraham Altars, to consum-
mate plans for the future, and agree upon a
basis of cooperation. In an address on
this occasion he gave utterance to a sentence
which was destined to become a kind of
watchword among those who came under
his leadership: "Where the Scriptures
speak, we speak; where they are silent, we
are silent." He had scarcely finished speak-
ing when one person present made the ap-
plication of the principle to infant baptism,
and concluded that the Scriptures nowhere
speak of it. They, therefore, ought not to
have anything to do with it. Mr. Campbell
was not so easily convinced of this, and
thought it ought to be treated as a matter

The Christian Association 45

of forbearance. At a meeting held August
17, 1809, a committee of twenty-one was
appointed, headed by Thomas Campbell,
to draw up a program of action. They
agreed to call themselves "The Christian
Association of Washington/' The results
of the deliberation of this committee were
the writing by Mr. Campbell and the adop-
tion by the Association of what was called
a Declaration and Address. It is the most
important document in the entire history of
the Disciples. It was forged out of the ex-
periences and charged with the spirit of
Thomas Campbell. It is free from bitterness
or vindictiveness, but is passionate with the
eloquence of one who had felt all the misery
and meanness of sectarianism. Love and
sorrow have conquered pride and revenge
in his soul, and he pleads as a brother with
his brethren.

The Christian Association thought of
itself, not as a church or as a new religious
denomination, but as a society for the pro-

46 The Disciples of Christ

motion of Christian union among all the
denominations. Its members still held mem-
bership in the various churches of the region.
They had no thought of being otherwise
received by the various denominations than
as kindly helpers in restoring their faith and
order to the New Testament model. We
cannot understand how they so mistook
the disposition of the various denomina-
tions towards change and reconstruction as
to suppose they would cordially or even
quietly permit alterations in their faith and
usages, except that the members of the
Association had an unusually profound, if
not naive, confidence in the magic of their
principles. The Declaration sets forth the
motives and purposes of the Association as
follows: " Moreover, being well aware,
from sad experience, of the heinous nature
and pernicious tendency of religious contro-
versy among Christians, tired and sick of
the bitter jarrings and janglings of a party
spirit, we would desire to be at rest; and,

The Christian Association 47

were it possible, we would also desire to
adopt and recommend such measures as
would give rest to our brethren throughout
all the churches: as would restore unity,
peace and purity to the whole church of
God." "Our desire, therefore, for our-
selves and our brethren would be that
rejecting human opinions and the inven-
tions of men, as of any authority, or as
having any place in the church of God, we
might forever cease from further conten-
tions about such things; returning to and
holding fast by the original standard; tak-
ing the divine word alone for our guide;
the Holy Spirit for our teacher and guide,
to lead us into all truth; and Christ alone,
as exhibited in the word, for our salvation:
that by so doing we may be at peace among
ourselves, follow peace with all men, and
holiness, without which no man shall see
the Lord." Then follows a statement of
the purpose and program of the Associa-
tion: To form a religious association for

48 The Disciples of Christ

promoting simple and evangelical Chris-
tianity, under the name of the Christian
Association of Washington; to contribute a
certain sum to support a pure gospel min-
istry and supply the poor with the Scrip-
tures; to encourage the formation of simi-
lar associations; to consider itself not a
church, but as a church reformation society;
to countenance only such ministers as adhere
closely to the example and precept of
Scripture in conduct and teaching; to entrust
the management of the Association to a
standing committee of twenty-one; to hold
two meetings a year; to open each meeting
with a sermon; and to look to the friends
of genuine Christianity for the support of
their work.

This is followed by the Address with the
following dedicatory heading: " To all
that love our Lord Jesus Christ, in sincerity,
throughout all the churches, the following
Address is most respectfully submitted."
After an arraignment of the evils of division

The Christian Association 49

in Christendom and an indictment of
sectarianism, he goes on to plead with his
" dearly beloved brethren," of "all the
churches of Christ," "to unite in the bonds
of an entire Christian unity — Christ alone
being the head, the centre, his word the
rule; and explicit belief of, and manifest
conformity to it in all things — the terms."

There were certain "fundamental truths"
of the nature of " first principles " — "truths
demonstrably evident in the light of Scrip-
ture and right reason " which underlay the
proposal for a union of Protestant Chris-
tians. These self-evident presuppositions
he puts in the form of propositions as fol-
lows:

"1. That the Church of Christ upon
earth is essentially, intentionally, and con-
stitutionally one; consisting of all those in
every place that profess their faith in Christ
and obedience to him in all things according
to the Scriptures, and that manifest the
same by their tempers and conduct, and of

50 The Disciples of Christ

none else; as none else can be truly and
properly called Christians.

"2. That although the Church of Christ
upon earth must necessarily exist in particu-
lar and distinct societies, locally separate
one from another, yet there ought to be no
schisms, no uncharitable divisions among
them. They ought to receive each other as
Christ Jesus hath also received them, to the
glory of God. And for this purpose they
ought all to walk by the same rule, to mind
and speak the same thing; and to be per-
fectly joined together in the same mind,
and in the same judgment.

"3. That in order to do this, nothing
ought to be inculcated upon Christians as
articles of faith; nor required of them as
terms of communion, but what is expressly
taught and enjoined upon them in the word
of God. Nor ought anything to be ad-
mitted, as of Divine obligation, in their
Church constitution and management, but
what is expressly enjoined by the authority

The Christian Association 51

of our Lord Jesus Christ and his apostles
upon the New Testament Church, either in
express terms or by approved precedent.

"4. That although the Scriptures of the
Old and New Testaments are inseparably
connected, making together but one perfect
and entire revelation of the Divine will, for
the edification and salvation of the Church,
and therefore in that respect cannot be
separated; yet as to what directly and
properly belongs to their immediate object,
the New Testament is as perfect a constitu-
tion for the worship, discipline, and govern-
ment of the New Testament Church, and
as perfect a rule for the particular duties of
its members, as the Old Testament was for
the worship, discipline, and government of
the Old Testament Church, and the particu-
lar duties of its members.

" 5. That with respect to the commands
and ordinances of our Lord Jesus Christ,
where the Scriptures are silent as to the ex-
press time or manner of performance, if any

52 The Disciples of Christ

such there be, no human authority has
power to interfere, in order to supply the
supposed deficiency by making laws for the
Church; nor can anything more be required
of Christians in such cases, but only that
they so observe these commands and ordi-
nances as will evidently answer the declared
and obvious end of their institution. Much
less has any human authority power to im-
pose new commands or ordinances upon
the Church, which our Lord Jesus Christ
has not enjoined. Nothing ought to be re-
ceived into the faith or worship of the
Church, or be made a term of communion
among Christians, that is not as old as the
New Testament.

"6. That although inferences and de-
ductions from Scripture premises, when
fairly inferred, may be truly called the
doctrine of God's holy word, yet are they
not formally binding upon the consciences
of Christians farther than they perceive the
connection, and evidently see that they are

The Christian Association 53

so; for their faith must not stand in the
wisdom of men, but in the power and
veracity of God. Therefore, no such de-
ductions can be made terms of communion,
but do properly belong to the after and pro-
gressive edification of the Church. Hence,
it is evident that no such deductions or in-
ferential truths ought to have any place in
the Church's confession.

"7. That although doctrinal exhibitions
of the great system of Divine truths, and
defensive testimonies in opposition to pre-
vailing errors, be highly expedient, and the
more full and explicit for those purposes
they be, the better; yet, as these must be in
a great measure the effect of human reason-
ing, and of course must contain many in-
ferential truths, they ought not to be made
terms of communion; unless we suppose,
what is contrary to fact, that none have a
right to the communion of the Church, but
such as possess a very clear and decisive
judgment, or are come to a very high de-

54 The Disciples of Christ

gree of doctrinal information; whereas the
Church from the beginning did, and ever
will, consist of little children and young
men, as well as fathers.

" 8. That as it is not necessary that per-
sons should have a particular knowledge or
distinct apprehension of all Divinely re-
vealed truths in order to entitle them to a
place in the Church; neither should they,
for this purpose, be required to make a
profession more extensive than their knowl-
edge; but that, on the contrary, their hav-
ing a due measure of Scriptural self-knowl-
edge respecting their lost and perishing
condition by nature and practice, and of
the way of salvation through Jesus Christ,
accompanied with a profession of their
faith in and obedience to him, in all things,
according to his word, is all that is abso-
lutely necessary to qualify them for admis-
sion into his church.

"9. That all are enabled through grace
to make such a profession, and to manifest

The Christian Association 55

the reality of it in their tempers and con-
duct, should consider each other as the
precious saints of God, should love each
other as brethren, children of the same fam-
ily and father, temples of the same Spirit,
members of the same body, subjects of the
same grace, objects of the same love,
bought with the same price, and joint-heirs
of the same inheritance. Whom God hath
thus joined together no man should dare to
put asunder.

" 10. That division among the Christians
is a horrid evil, fraught with many evils.
It is antichristian, as it destroys the visible
unity of the body of Christ; as if he were
divided against himself, excluding and ex-
communicating a part of himself. It is
antiscriptural, as being strictly prohibited
by his sovereign authority; a direct violation
of his express command. It is antinatural,
as it excites Christians to contemn, to hate,
and oppose one another, who are bound by
the highest and most endearing obligations

56 The Disciples of Christ

to love each other as brethren, even as
Christ has loved them. In a word, it is
productive of confusion and of very evil
work.

"ii- That (in some instances) a partial
neglect of the expressly revealed will of
God, and (in others) an assumed authority
for making the approbation of human opin-
ions and human inventions a term of com-
munion, by introducing them into the con-
stitution, faith, or worship of the Church,
are, and have been, the immediate, obvious,
and universally acknowledged causes, of all
the corruptions and divisions that ever have
taken place in the Church of God.

"12. That all that is necessary to the
highest state of perfection and purity of the
Church upon earth is, first, that none be
received as members but such as having
that due measure of self-knowledge des-
cribed above, do profess their faith in
Christ and obedience to him in all things
according to the Scriptures; nor, secondly,

The Christian Association 57

that any be retained in her communion
longer than they continue to manifest the
reality of their profession by their temper
and conduct. Thirdly, that her ministers,
duly and Scripturally qualified, inculcate
none other things than those very articles
of faith and holiness expressly revealed and
enjoined in the word of God. Lastly, that
in all their administrations they keep close
by the observance of all Divine ordinances,
after the example of the primitive Church,
exhibited in the New' Testament; without
any additions whatsoever of human opin-
ions or inventions of men.

"13. Lastly. That if any circumstan-
tials indispensably necessary to the ob-
servance of Divine ordinances be not found
upon the page of express revelation, such,
and such only, as are absolutely necessary
for this purpose should be adopted under
the title of human expedients, without any
pretense to a more sacred origin, so that
any subsequent alteration or difference in

58 The Disciples of Christ

the observance of these things might pro-
duce no contention nor division in the
Church. "

The starting point in his plan of Christian
union was the sufficiency of the New Testa-
ment as a rule of faith and practice for the
Christian church. Acknowledging this, as
all Protestants were supposed to do, the
next step was to distinguish in the teach-
ing of the New Testament between matters
of faith and matters of opinion. The
former belonged to the essential condi-
tions of Christian union and communion,
were few, easily understood by all, whether
learned or unlearned, and were not subject
to interpretation; the latter belonged to the
realm of non-essentials, were many, were
subject to interpretation and speculation,
and should not be made terms of union and
communion among Christians. The Scrip-
tures were to be the guide in distinguish-
ing matters of faith from matters of
opinion; what they made a matter of faith,

The Christian Association 59

and required for salvation, should be essen-
tial to communion; what they left as mat-
ter of opinion, could be safely left to the
exercise of liberty. The realm of liberty
was to be made larger — as large as the realm
of opinions. Christians were not to be per-
secuted or denied fellowship on account of
their opinions. They were to be bound
only where the Scriptures bound them.
There never could be unity in opinions, for
they were many; there can be unity only in
faith, for it is one. The Scriptures leave no
doubt as to what is of faith. He felt
that this was a sure path to agreement in
faith and practice among Christians, that it
would put an end to theological strifes and
divisions, and that all agreeing, would finally
unite in one organic body. In the Declara-
tion and Address, he does not go beyond
this formal program of action. At this time
he has not settled, is indeed uncertain of the
practical determination of, what things are
matters of faith and what of opinion, and

6c The Disciples of* Christ

does not settle the final form of the united
church. It is yet an untried principle, but
of its efficacy and ultimate success he
has no doubt. The task of definition, ap-
plication, and experiment lay before him,
and was to raise many questions he had not
thought of. Not until the organization of
the first church, when they were called
upon to fix the terms of Christian fellow-
ship for those seeking entrance, did they be-
gin to define what they understood as prim-
itive Christianity and to distinguish between
matters of faith and matters of opinion.
Nothing but matters of faith, things essen-
tial to salvation, were to be made tests of
fellowship.

Here emerge two principles which Camp-
bell designed should be cooperative and
mutually corrective, the authority of primi-
tive Christianity, and the obligation of
Christian unity. The one was means, the
other end, while both were equally bind-
ing. He did not anticipate that there would

The Christian Association 61

be conditions where the principles would be
mutually exclusive, and that a difference of
emphasis would make them mutually de-
structive. Here lie the seeds of disagree-
ment and controversy within the movement
itself.

Alexander Campbell, the son, arrived in
America just as the Declaration and Ad-
dress was coming from the press. There
had been no communication as to what was
transpiring in the religious convictions of
each, but when they met and discussed the
events and changes that had taken place in
the two years of separation, they found
that they had come to practically the same
position. The father in America, the son in
Scotland, each unknown to the other, had
broken with Secederism. The son fell in
heartily with the action of his father and the
principles of the Declaration and Address.
He had spent one of the two years of sepa-
ration in study at the University of Glas-
gow, where his father had formerly studied,

62 The Disciples of Christ

and while there came more intimately under
the influence of the new ideas and move-
ments of the country. Here he met Gre-
ville E wing, the Haldanes, and other religious
leaders of the time who were pressing for
larger liberty of Christian service under the
rule of a stricter conformity to the Scriptures.
The son had not been long in the Christian
Association of Washington before his gifts
of leadership were recognized and acknowl-
edged, and he was called upon to make
public defense of the Declaration and Ad-
dress against the criticisms and objections
of the various religious parties of the com-
munity. He had dedicated himself to the
ministry at the time of the shipwreck of the
family when they first attempted to cross
the Atlantic to join the father in the fall of
1808, and were forced to postpone the voy-
age until the next season. In the meantime
the family, for the benefit of the son had
decided to spend the winter at the Uni-
versity of Glasgow. This resolution on

The Christian Association 63

shipboard to give himself to the ministry
came providentially to make him the de-
fender and promoter of the new reforma-
tion. He quickly stepped before his father
as the destined leader of the movement.
From the moment of his first effort at pub-
lic discourse he showed those marked pow-
ers of eloquence and argumentation which
lifted him subsequently to the front rank of
pulpit orators.

CHAPTER IV

BARTON W. STONE AND THE SPRINGFIELD PRES-
BYTERY

The main stream in the historic develop-
ment of the Disciples of Christ took its rise
in the Christian Association of Washington,
led by Thomas Campbell and his son Alex-
ander. As a consequence the influence of
the Campbells has been dominant through-
out their history. Later in its course the
main stream was joined by another current,
of independent origin and decided influ-
ence, which arose in "The Springfield
Presbytery," led by Barton W. Stone.

Stone was born in the state of Maryland,
December 24, 1772. His father died when
he was still young and soon after his
mother removed with a large family of
children and servants to Pittsylvania
County, Virginia. It was during the Revo-
64

The Springfield Presbytery 65

lutionary War when the entire country was
aflame with hatred of the English. The
political events and conditions of the time
made a lasting impression upon the mind
of the boy. He was particularly impressed
by the novel religious conditions which sur-
rounded him in Virginia. The coming of
Baptist preachers into the neighborhood of
his home after the close of the war, with
their peculiar manner of preaching and
form of baptism, excited his interest and
attention. The experiences narrated by the
converts of their conviction of sin in dreams
and visions, especially interested him. On
the heels of the Baptists appeared Meth-
odist preachers, of a prepossessing appear-
ance— grave, holy, meek, plain and humble,
who were bitterly opposed by the Episco-
palians and Baptists. These religious ex-
citements took hold of young Stone and
created in him an earnest desire for religion,
but not knowing how to get it, he turned
his thoughts in other directions.

66 The Disciples of Christ

His first plan with reference to a career
in the world was to become a barrister.
With this in mind, he took the patrimony
which had recently fallen to him, and went
to an academy in North Carolina in 1790.
He entered the academy in the midst of a
great religious excitement under the leader-
ship of James McGready in which thirty or
more of the students were converted and
began to hold prayer meetings every morn-
ing before recitations. The devout atmos-
phere of the school troubled him with
thoughts of his own lost condition. He
tried to find peace in associating with the
worldly students, and joined them in
making jests at religion. To get away
from the annoyance of religious associa-
tions he even planned to go to another
school. Under a sermon preached by
McGready he was so profoundly moved
that, "had he been standing, he would
probably have sunk to the floor under the
impression." Under the awful alarm of

The Springfield Presbytery 67

being forever damned if he was not con-
verted, he resolved "to seek religion at the
sacrifice of every earthly good." He says:
"According to the preaching and the ex-
perience of the pious in those days, I antic-
ipated a long and painful struggle before I
should be prepared to come to Christ, or,
in the language then used, before I should
get religion. This anticipation was com-
pletely realized by me. For one year I was
tossed on the waves of uncertainty — labor-
ing, praying and striving to obtain saving
faith — sometimes desponding, and almost
despairing of ever getting it." The doc-
trines then publicly taught were, that
" mankind were so totally depraved, that
they could not believe, repent, nor obey
the gospel — that regeneration was an im-
mediate work of the Spirit, whereby faith
and repentance were wrought in the heart."
Under continued preaching and the deep-
ening of his despair and sense of helpless-
ness, he sank into a state of apathy, in

68 The Disciples of Christ

which he remained for many weeks. He
was again awakened by a sermon on " God
is love." He says: " The discourse being
ended, I immediately retired to the woods
alone with my Bible. Here I read and
prayed with various feelings between hope
and fear. But the truth I had just learned,
'God is love,' prevailed." "1 yielded and
sunk at his feet a willing subject."

At the end of his course of study he de-
sired to give himself to the ministry of the
gospel, but "had no assurance of being di-
vinely called and sent." He disclosed his
state of mind to a Dr. Caldwell of the Pres-
byterian Church, who removed his difficulty
by telling him that he had no right to expect
a miracle to convince him of a call. He be-
came a candidate for the ministry, and was
assigned certain studies and reading in
preparation for examination. His reading
on the doctrine of the trinity seemed only
to confuse him. He resolved to give up
his study and go into other business, but

The Springfield Presbytery 69

was relieved of his difficulties on the trinity
by reading Watts. He was examined be-
fore the Presbytery of Orange County,
North Carolina, and was accepted; but be-
fore being licensed, took a trip to Georgia
and engaged in school teaching. Returning
to North Carolina in 1796 he was licensed to
preach, and was assigned a preaching cir-
cuit in the lower part of the state. He was
still troubled with doubts of his fitness for
the ministry. To get out of the reach of all
friends and acquaintances, he resolved to go
to the Cumberland country, with the stream
of emigration setting in that direction. He
was prevailed upon to preach everywhere
along the way through Tennessee; and by
the time he reached Kentucky, he was quite
restored to his desire to preach. He was
induced to settle as permanent pastor of the
Presbyterian churches of Cane Ridge and
Concord.

When the time for his ordination at
the hands of the Transylvania Presbytery, as

70 The Disciples of Christ

pastor of these congregations, came in 1798,
it found his mind in a state of doubt and
perplexity over the doctrines of the trinity,
election, and reprobation, as taught in the
Confession of Faith. When the Presbytery
met he went to two of the leaders and told
them of his difficulties. He says: "They
asked me how far I was willing to receive
the confession ? I told them, as far as I
saw it consistent with the Word of God.
They concluded that was sufficient.,, " No
objection being made, I was ordained."

The thing which disturbed his faith more
than anything else was the doctrine of pre-
destination and election taught in the Con-
fession which he was supposed to accept.
He says: "Often when I was addressing
the listening multitudes on the doctrine of
total depravity, their inability to believe —
and of the necessity of the physical power
of God to produce faith; and then persuad-
ing the helpless to repent and believe the
gospel, my zeal in a moment would be

The Springfield Presbytery 71

chilled at the contradiction. How can they
believe ? How can they repent ? How can
they do impossibilities ? How can they be
guilty in not doing them ? " Under an ex-
perience of ardent love and tenderness for
all mankind, as he was praying and reading
his Bible one evening, he said to a person
present that if he had power he would save
them all. It came to him with startling
power that if God loved all men, as he was
taught to believe, why then, did not God
save them ? He has the power to save, and
if he does not, is not that a contradiction of
his love ? He became " convinced that God
did love the whole world, but that the rea-
son why he did not save all, was because of
their unbelief; and that the reason why they
believed not, was not because God did not
exert his physical, almighty power in them
to make them believe, but because they neg-
lected and received not his testimony given
in the word concerning his son."
In the spring of 1801 occurred the strange

72 The Disciples of Christ

religious excitement in the south of Ken-
tucky and in Tennessee, under the preach-
ing of James McGready, who had created
the awakening in the academy where Stone
went as a student. Stone went down to
witness the marvellous effects of the meet-
ings and the "exercises" which seized the
converts. He went in a skeptical and crit-
ical frame of mind, but returned to his con-
gregations fully convinced of the genuine-
ness of the conversions. His people came
together to hear his account of the excite-
ment. His own spirit seems to have caught
the power of McGready, and the same
scenes and exercises were reproduced under
his own preaching. At a meeting which he
opened in August, 1801, at Cane Ridge,
there were as many as twenty or thirty
thousand people, of all denominations,
gathered together. Many persons came
from Ohio and more distant parts to attend
the meeting.
Stone was not the only preacher in the

The Springfield Presbytery 73

Presbyterian. church of the region who de-
murred to the Calvinistic doctrines of the
Confession. There were four others, Rich-
ard McNemar, John Thompson, John Dun-
lavy, and Robert Marshall. Stone says:
"The distinguishing doctrine preached by
us was, that God loved the world — the
whole world, and sent his Son to save them,
on condition that they believed in him —
that the gospel was the means of salvation
— but that this means would never be ef-
fectual to this end, until believed and obeyed
by us — that God requires us to believe in
his Son, and had given us sufficient evi-
dence in his word to produce faith in us, if
attended to by us — that sinners were capa-
ble of understanding and believing this
testimony, and of acting upon it by coming
to the Saviour, and obeying him, and from
him obtaining salvation and the Holy Spirit."
These preachers were known and singled
out by their orthodox brethren for warning
and reproof. The first one to be proceeded

74 The Disciples of Christ

against by the Springfield Presbytery of
Ohio, for departure from the Confession
was McNemar. His case was appealed to
the Synod of Lexington, Kentucky. When
it appeared in the course of the investigation
that the decision would go against him, the
five preachers held a conference and resolved
to protest against the action of the Synod
and withdraw from its jurisdiction, though
not from the Presbyterian fellowship. Fail-
ing in an attempt to reclaim them, the Synod
passed a decree of suspension, and pub-
lished it in their respective churches. The
five preachers, joined by several others,
constituted themselves into a presbytery
which they called "The Springfield Pres-
bytery." Within a year they dissolved the
Presbytery under the conviction that they
were forming a new sect and thus adding
to the divisions of the one Body of Christ;
that there was no authority in the Scriptures
for the name they bore, or the creed they
confessed, or the Presbyterian organization

The Springfield Presbytery 75

they adopted. In a semi-humorous vein
they wrote what they called The Last Will
and Testament of the Springfield Presbytery,
in which they willed that the body sink
into union with the Body of Christ at large;
that their name of distinction be forgotten
and that the name Christian be adopted;
that each congregation govern itself by the
precepts and rules of the New Testament,
without delegating any authority to higher
bodies; that ministers take the Scriptures
for their study in preparation for the min-
istry, and obtain license from God to preach
the gospel; that each church choose its
own pastor; and that the people take the
Bible as their only rule of faith and practice.
The document was signed by six preachers
who had led in the revolt against Calvinism
and the authority of the Synod, and was
dated June 28, 1804.

The ideas and motives at work in the
Springfield Presbytery were strikingly like
those at work in the Christian Association

76 The Disciples of Christ

of Washington. They were both guided
by the desire for the unity of the people of
God; both saw the way to that unity in the
rejection of human creeds and authority,
and in the adoption of the New Testament
as the only rule of faith and practice; both
originated in Presbyterianism and were pre-
cipitated in their course by the oppressive
authority exercised by a presbytery and
synod over the faith of a minister; but both
acted independently and in ignorance of
each other in the beginning — the Springfield
Presbytery in Kentucky in 1804, the Chris-
tian Association in Pennsylvania in 1809.
The development of the two bodies imme-
diately after their inception took the same di-
rection— towards the Baptist position. The
first one of the ministers to adopt immer-
sion, and this before leaving the Presby-
terian church, was Robert Marshall. Stone
heard of it and wrote trying to dissuade
him from it. Marshall's reply in defense of
immersion was so convincing that Stone

The Springfield Presbytery 77

was shaken in his mind concerning infant
sprinkling. He called a meeting of his
congregations for the discussion of the
subject, with the result that both preacher
and people submitted to the rite of immer-
sion.

The influence of the teaching of Stone
extended widely through Kentucky and
Ohio. Through the defection of Richard
McNemar and John Dunlavy to the Shakers,
and the return of John Thompson and Rob-
ert Marshall to the fellowship of the Presby-
terian church, Stone was the only one of the
original five preachers left. He went on
preaching, making converts, and organizing
churches as an itinerant until he was called as
settled pastor of a church he founded in
Georgetown. On a journey which he made
into Ohio to baptize a Presbyterian preacher
who had adopted his views, he went into the
meetings of a Baptist association. He says:
"I exerted myself with meekness against
sectarianism, formularies, and creeds, and

78 The Disciples of Christ

labored to establish the scriptural union of
Christians, and their scriptural name." " The
result was that they agreed to cast away
their formularies and creeds, and take the
Bible alone for their rule of faith and prac-
tice, and to bury their association, and to
become one with us in the great work of
Christian union." This union included
about twelve Baptist preachers. He traveled
extensively through Ohio preaching and
baptizing people, his meetings attended by
great crowds, and frequently marked by
strange physical exercises and commotions
on the part of converts.

Alexander Campbell and Barton W. Stone
had heard of each other during several years,
but they did not meet until 1824. They
found themselves in mutual agreement on
the fundamental principles of their work.
Their disciples spread over the same regions
of country, and established churches side by
side. Two bodies of people so closely re-
lated in ideas and principles could not per-

The Springfield Presbytery 79

manently remain apart. The story of their
union, which took place in Kentucky in
1832, will be told in a subsequent chap-
ter.

CHAPTER V

THE UNION WITH THE BAPTISTS

The friendly overtures of the Christian
Association to the various denominations to
confer with them on a plan for the union of
religious parties was not cordially received.
The plan of union which was so captivating
to the mind of Thomas Campbell and seemed
to many others who joined with him a pan-
acea for many religious ills, was bitterly op-
posed by all Christian bodies. They pre-
sumed too much upon the openness of the
denominational mind to new teachings, and
too little upon the devotion of religious
parties to their customs and traditions.
The denominations were not ready then
for a union which contemplated any
change in their usages or loss of their
identity, and a hundred years of growth
since then has not sufficed to dispose
80

The Union With the Baptists 81

them any more kindly towards the de-
struction of their systems as a condition
of union. The instinct of self-preservation
is about as strong in religious bodies as in
living creatures. As a program of union it
seemed to be born out of due time. No
body was fond of it or saw anything in it
to admire, but its progenitors.

The members of the Christian Associa-
tion fell at once under the odium and
ostracism of a new sect. It was the one
thing they desired to prevent and regarded
with the bitterest regret. That a society
set for the termination of sectarianism
should itself become another sect in the
eyes of the world, was a position they
could not tolerate. Their aim and char-
acter as a Christian union society must
be maintained. Nothing would satisfy
their expectations but a reduction of
the number of religious parties, while
they were in danger of increasing the
number by one. To permit themselves

82 The Disciples of Christ

unwittingly to assume a denominational
form of existence would be a travesty upon
their principles. The unity of the people
of God had become the highest obligation
in their ideal of Christian duty. They
made haste to get under cover of some
existing denominational roof, rather than
suffer the charge of building another.

In this state of mind proposals came to
the Association asking them to unite with
the Presbyterian church. They had come
out of one kind of Presbyterianism and
still shared the fundamental beliefs of the
Presbyterians. They were urged in private
by members of the Presbyterian church to
cast in their lot with them and were led to
believe that they would be a welcome ac-
cession to the ranks of that church. Thomas
Campbell, against the advice of Alexander,
made application to the Synod of Pittsburg,
October 4, 1810, "to be taken into Chris-
tian and ministerial communion." He went
before the Synod and made a full statement

The Union With the Baptists 83

of the plans and purposes of the Christian
Association and of his own views on re-
ligious subjects. After questioning him
carefully, and deliberating on the advisa-
bility of receiving him, the Synod decided
that his views and the purposes of the
Association were so baleful in their tend-
ency and so destructive of the interests of
religion, that they could not receive him
into their fellowship. He made the ap-
plication as a representative of the Associa-
tion, so that his reception to fellowship
would have included the entire Association.
They did not propose to abandon the As-
sociation with its plans and purposes, but
to bring it over and carry on their work of
reformation under shelter of the Presby-
terian church.

This rebuff received at the hands of the
Presbyterian Synod was a serious blow to
the hope and zeal of the Association in the
cause of Christian union. They discovered
that Christian union was not so simple a

84 The Disciples of Christ

matter as to be accomplished by offering
to submit to the Scriptures alone. It com-
pletely changed the course of the Associa-
tion. From being a society for the promo-
tion of union and reformation among the
churches, they saw that they would be ob-
liged to form themselves into a church or
be deprived of the benefits and offices of
church fellowship. The hostile attitude of
the Presbyterian Synod, their criticisms
upon the position and principles of the
Association, taught them to look no further
for sympathy among the denominations.
A public controversy arose between the
Presbyterians and the members of the As-
sociation, in which Alexander Campbell
took the leading part.

Both of the Campbells continued to preach
regularly at various places in and around
Washington, to members of the Associa-
tion and their friends who began to take
interest in the new religious teachings.
Criticised by other parties, they felt called

The Union With the Baptists 85

upon to reply, and the replies were not con-
ducive to harmony or mutual understand-
ing between them. The leaders of the As-
sociation now took an aggressive attitude
of criticism and arraignment of the secta-
rianism and errors of the denominations, and
challenged them to test their forms and
terms of communion by the express pre-
cepts and examples of the New Testament.
A war upon the unscriptural faiths and
practices of the churches from the stand-
point of a severe conformity to the teach-
ings of Scripture, began, which grew in ex-
tent and influence until it separated them
completely as a new party from all other
parties.

The time had now come for the Associa-
tion to constitute itself into a church for
" the enjoyment of those privileges and the
performance of those duties which belong
to the church relation." A church was or-
ganized out of the members of the Associa-
tion, May 4, 181 1, at Brush Run, Pa. Thomas

86 The Disciples of Christ

Campbell was appointed elder and Alexan-
der Campbell was licensed to preach the
gospel. Four deacons were chosen, con-
sisting of John Dawson, George Sharpe,
William Gilchrist, and John Foster; "and
amidst the prayers and solemn services of the
day, they united in singing Psalm 118, from
the thirteenth to the twenty-ninth verses, in
the old metrical version, which as Seceders,
they had been in the habit of using." The
following day being Sunday, they celebrated
their first communion service and both Alex-
ander Campbell and his fatherpreached. The
Lord's supper from the first was celebrated
every first day of the week, as had been
done in the Independent churches in Scot-
land. One or two persons were observed
not to partake of the supper, and when
asked, said they had never been immersed
and did not consider themselves authorized
to partake without a proper form of bap-
tism.
The question of baptism now came up

The Union With the Baptists 87

for discussion in the new church. It is not
the first time the question has been raised
among them for it was pointed out to them
by James Foster, and to Alexander Camp-
bell by a Presbyterian minister, that upon
the principles of the Declaration and Ad-
dress, there was no place for infant baptism
in their practice. Joseph Bryant, one of
those who refused to commune, insisted on
being immersed, which was done by Thomas
Campbell in a creek near Brush Run, July
4, 1811.

Alexander Campbell was engaged in
making preaching tours, with ever widen-
ing circuits, into the neighboring parts of
Pennsylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia.
He was developing a body of Christian
doctrines and practices under the principle,
"Where the Scriptures speak, we speak;
where they are silent, we are silent." He
was ordained to the office of the ministry
January 1, 1812, by the elders and deacons
of the Brush Run church. He was married

88 The Disciples of Christ

to the daughter of a Mr. John Brown, a
Presbyterian, by the Rev. Mr. Hughes, a
Presbyterian minister, March 13, 181 1. Their
first child was born March 13, 1812. The
duty of the parents towards the child with
respect to baptism, which was recognized
by every Presbyterian, must have been
raised in the home of Alexander Campbell.
Whether this precipitated the inquiry or
not, it is certain that immediately after the
birth of the child, he instituted a careful
inquiry into the scripturalness of both in-
fant baptism and sprinkling, which up to
this time had been treated as matters of
forbearance. He came to the conclusion
that the immersion of a believer was the
only proper scriptural mode of baptism, and
that consequently, he himself had never
been properly baptized. He applied to a
Baptist preacher by the name of Matthias
Luce to perform the rite of baptism for him-
self and wife; and when his father learned
of his determination he also concluded to be

The Union With the Baptists 89

immersed, and with him his wife and
daughter, and James Hanen and wife. At
the place of baptism the greater part of the
Brush Run church had assembled and
Thomas Campbell delivered a discourse
upon the principles of the new reformation.
In arranging with Mr. Luce to perform the
rite, Alexander had stipulated that no other
condition should be required of them than
a simple confession of their faith that Jesus
is the Son of God.

From the time that the group of friends
and sympathizers of Thomas Campbell
adopted the principle, " Where the Scrip-
tures speak, we speak; and where they are
silent, we are silent," the direction of the
movement seemed to be towards the Inde-
pendent and the Baptist position. This
fact is singularly like the tendency of the
new parties that arose in Scotland in the
last years of the eighteenth century; they
gravitated towards the position of the Inde-
pendents and the Baptists. Within a week

90 The Disciples of Christ

of the immersion of the Campbells and
their group, thirteen other members of the
Brush Run church asked to be immersed,
and it was done by Thomas Campbell, upon
a simple confession of their faith in Jesus as
the Christ, the Son of God. It was not
long before the entire church of thirty or
more members were immersed, for those
who did not accept immersion withdrew
from the church. The organization of the
first church thus forced upon them a settle-
ment of the terms of Christian fellowship.
Immersion became a condition of union and
communion with the Brush Run church.
Its conversion into a society of immersed
believers did not bring them any favor
from the Pedobaptist churches of the
region, but it did bring them into recogni-
tion and sympathy with the Baptist
churches.

The Brush Run church had come to their
position under the guidance of primitive
Christian example and its application to

The Union With the Baptists 91

every item of religious faith and practice
which they adopted in their order. They
were not seeking agreement with any body
of Christians. They were "a party of
progress/' bound, they knew not where,
but ready to go where their principles led
them; whether into agreement with Meth-
odists, Baptists, or Quakers of modern
parties, they could not tell, but they felt
into agreement with a very ancient party
of believers, " first called Christians at
Antioch." They were seeking "the old
paths/' agreement with the " original stand-
ard," "that they might come fairly and
firmly to original ground upon clear and
certain premises, and take up things just as
the Apostles left them." They were feeling
their way and making sure of their ground
as they went. They knew of no religious
party that stood upon original ground;
none that dared return to the original stand-
ard. The sense of freedom which they
enjoyed in being bound only by the New

92 The Disciples of Christ

Testament with respect to all doctrines and
usages, was equalled only by the sense of
certainty they enjoyed in being infallibly
guided by the New Testament to the true
conditions of Christian union and com-
munion. So keen was their sense of de-
liverance from the narrowness of sectarian
testimonies and the tyranny of sectarian
courts, that they would never again permit
themselves to be bound by any party or
creed. They now breathed the free air of
liberty. They felt the call of destiny to the
religious world.

When the Baptists of the region heard of
the action of the Brush Run church in sub-
mitting to immersion and adopting it in
their practice, they were highly elated and
began to urge the church to join the Baptist
association of churches. Alexander Camp-
bell had not been favorably impressed with
the Baptists, either as ministers or people,
and had no idea of uniting with them. He,
however, liked the people better, and the

The Union With the Baptists 93

ministers less, the more he got acquainted
with them. He did not press himself upon
their attention, but they knew his power as
a speaker and often sent for him to preach
for them. He visited their association at
Uniontown, Pennsylvania, in the autumn
of 1812, and being less pleased than ever
with the Baptists, resolved never to go
again. The question of a union with the
Baptists was laid before the Brush Run
church in the fall of 181 3. uWe discussed
the propriety of the measure/' says Alex-
ander Campbell. "After much discussion
and earnest desire to be directed by the
wisdom which cometh from above, we
finally concluded to make an overture to
that effect, and to write out a full view of
our sentiments, wishes and determinations
on the subject. We did so in some eight
or ten pages of large dimensions, exhibiting
our remonstrance against all human creeds
as bonds of communion or union among
Christian churches, and expressing a will-

94 The Disciples of Christ

ingness, upon certain conditions, to cooper-
ate or to unite with that association, pro-
vided always that we should be allowed to
teach and preach whatever we learned from
the Holy Scriptures, regardless of any
human creed or formula in Christendom."

The significant thing to observe in the
terms of this union is the attitude of the
Campbells towards their own liberty of
teaching under the guidance of the Scrip-
tures. They had really begun to shift the
emphasis from the obligation of Christian
union to the authority of primitive Chris-
tianity. This was due to a certain loss of
confidence in the practicability of Christian
union under existing religious conditions,
but more to the growing influence and lead-
ership of Alexander Campbell, who never
was so much of a Christian unionist as his
father. Leadership was then passing from
father to son, and emphasis from the princi-
ple of unity to the principle of apostolicity.
They were not now ready for union at the

The Union With the Baptists 95

cost of their liberty or any conviction.
Truth as they were led to see it in the light of
the Scriptures was better than any union.
Yet union was still desirable, though not im-
mediately practicable, and sectarianism and
division were still sinful. They had come,
however, to justify their separation as a dis-
tinct party and were reconciled to it, if it
must be. Under these circumstances and
upon these conditions they were received
into the Redstone Association of Baptist
churches. But not without objection on
the part of a few Baptist preachers who
were either jealous or suspicious of Mr.
Campbell.

The Campbells were conscious that they
were not in full agreement with the Baptists
at the time of the union, and gave them
full warning as to the policy and principles
of the Brush Run church. Not even on the
subject of baptism, which was the most ap-
parent point of resemblance, was there en-
tire agreement. Alexander Campbell had

96 The Disciples of Christ

developed a doctrine of the design of bap-
tism by 1812 which was opposed to the
Baptist doctrine. He had already declared
baptism to be "the first formal and compre-
hensive act of the obedience of faith." A
very sacred custom in Baptist usage was the
requirement of an examination and the rela-
tion of an experience previous to baptism;
but Campbell declined to accept any other
requirement as a condition of baptism at the
hands of Mr. Luce than a simple confession
of faith in Christ, as he thought was done
in apostolic times.

The Brush Run church differed from
Baptist churches in its practice with respect
to the Lord's supper. It had become an
essential part of the worship of the Brush
Run church every first day of the week,
while among Baptist churches it was cele-
brated once a quarter. So essential to the
Lord's day worship seemed the Supper that
Thomas Campbell declared as early as 1812
that "instituted worship can be nowhere

The Union With the Baptists 97

performed upon the Lord's day, where the
Lord's supper is not administered. Wher-
ever this is neglected, there New Testament
worship ceases. " The Brush Run church
inclined at first to adopt the custom of close
communion, and admit only immersed be-
lievers, but did not settle into the practice.

The Campbells held another doctrine
which was soon to become the cause of the
first and of a continuous controversy be-
tween them and the Baptists. They taught
that there was a difference in the authority
of the Old and New Testaments for the
Christian. Thomas Campbell had drawn
the distinction in 1809 in the Declaration
and Address by declaring that "the New
Testament is as perfect a constitution for
the worship, discipline and government of
the New Testament church," "as the Old
Testament was for the worship, discipline
and government of the Old Testament
church"; and again in 1812: u How many
disciples of Moses are to be found in the

98 The Disciples of Christ

professed school of Jesus Christ! and how
few among the teachers of the New Testa-
ment seem to know that Christ's ministers
are not able ministers of the Old Testament
but of the New." To a Baptist of that time
every part of the Scriptures was equally
authoritative.

Their view of the meaning and value of
ordination differed. While Alexander
Campbell submitted to the ceremony, it was
not regarded as indispensable to the minis-
terial character and office. It was pointed
out that many in the New Testament were
said to have preached and baptized, yet
there is no record of their ordination. The
Baptists insisted on it as essential to the ex-
ercise of the ministerial function.

The most serious departure of the Camp-
bells from a Baptist point of view was in
their conception of faith. They held to the
orthodox, Calvinistic conception of faith, as
"of the operation of God and effect of al-
mighty power and regenerating grace," as

The Union With the Baptists 99

late as 1812; but in the same year their con-
ception underwent a change and they de-
clared that " the word of God is a means of
regeneration " and that faith is " the full and
firm persuasion, or hearty belief of the
divine testimony concerning Jesus."

It is not probable that all these views held
by the Campbells at the time of the union
were known to the Baptists of the Redstone
Association. They were glad to have their
forces strengthened and their ranks filled
by the accession of the Campbells and the
Brush Run church, and were not disposed
to lay down rigid conditions of fellowship.
Accepted as a member of the Redstone
Association, the Brush Run church was
entitled to send messengers to the annual
meetings and have a voice in all of its
affairs.

CHAPTER VI

ALEXANDER CAMPBELL AS A BAPTIST

The union of the Campbells with the
Baptists conditioned the course of their
movement for the next twenty years. It
opened a sphere of influence and activity
to Alexander Campbell, now the acknowl-
edged leader, which made possible the
wider and more rapid dissemination of
his views. It drew the attention and
opened the ears of the entire Baptist
brotherhood, then the numerically strongest
denomination in America, to the new teach-
ings. Without this affiliation with the
Baptists all church doors would have been
closed to him, and the progress of "the
reformation " would have been in the teeth
of the bitterest opposition and sectarian
hatred. At one stroke he secured a great
audience of friendly listeners,
ioo

Alexander Campbell as a Baptist 101

To all intents and purposes Campbell be-
came a Baptist and deliberately and frankly
accepted the denominational status which
it gave him. The Brush Run church was
lost in the larger fellowship of Baptist
churches, and assumed with all others its
part in the extension of Baptist views and
influence. Campbell's first active interest
in the Baptist cause was to offer his services
for the purpose of raising money among
the Baptist churches of the East to build a
meeting house at Charlestown, Virginia.
It was to provide a church home for his
father-in-law's family, who had taken
membership in the Brush Run church
and was contemplating removal to Charles-
town, where he had already established
himself in business. He visited such cities
as Philadelphia, New York, and Washing-
ton, preaching and raising money in Bap-
tist churches, and returned with a thousand
dollars with which a church was built.

At the meeting of the Redstone Associa-

102 The Disciples of Christ

tion, August 30, 1816, Alexander Campbell
was present as one of the three messengers
from the Brush Run church. In spite of
opposition on the part of a few preachers,
the demand of the people to hear him was
so strong that they were obliged to give
him a place on the program. He preached
a sermon which afterwards became famous
as the Sermon on the Law, and was the
beginning of open opposition to him in the
Redstone Association, and the cause of
frequent charges of heresy against him
in other Baptist associations. The subject
of the discourse was the view adopted by
him in 1812 that the law of Moses is not
binding upon the Christian church, and
that the preaching of the gospel is the all-
sufficient means of conversion. The prin-
ciple that the Old Testament with its au-
thority, laws, and ordinances had been ab-
rogated in Christ, was not with him a mere
theological speculation, but of practical
utility. It was this practical, far-reaching

Alexander Campbell as a Baptist 103

scope of the doctrine, as intimated in a
closing section of the sermon, which
alarmed the Baptists. He said: " A fourth
conclusion which is deducible from the
above premises is, that all arguments or
motives drawn from the lav/, or Old Testa-
ment, to urge the disciples of Christ to bap-
tize their infants; to pay tithes to their
teachers; to observe holy days or religious
fasts, as preparatory to the observance of
the Lord's supper; to sanctify the seventh
day; to enter into national covenants; to
establish any form of religion by civil law —
and all reasons or motives borrowed from
the Jewish law, to excite the disciples of
Christ to a compliance with or imitation of
Jewish customs, are inconclusive, repugnant
to Christianity, and fall ineffectual to the
ground; not being enjoined or counte-
nanced by Jesus Christ/'

This was novel doctrine, not only to the
audience before him, but to most Christian
communities of the time. It was not new,

104 The Disciples of Christ

however, to theologians, for it had appeared
in the writings of the "Federal School" of
theology, of which the Dutchman, Cocceius,
was the reputed founder. The mind of
Campbell seems to have been thoroughly
saturated with the covenant ideas of this
school. Some of the preachers present at
the delivery of the discourse took alarm be-
fore it was finished and held a hurried con-
sultation as to the best means of protest
against it. It was finally decided that it
was " better to let it pass and let the people
judge for themselves." Opposition, how-
ever, did not rest here. A movement was
quietly set on foot at this meeting with the
avowed purpose of counteracting the influ-
ence of the Campbells and ridding the
Association of them. At this same meet-
ing Thomas Campbell, who lived in Pitts-
burg, brought a letter from a small church,
which he had gathered together there, ask-
ing union as a church with the Association.
It was voted, "that as this letter is not

Alexander Campbell as a Bapti : 105

presented according to the constitut on of
this Association, the request cannot be
granted." A "Circular Letter," or essay
upon the "Trinity," presented by Thomas
Campbell, met with a better reception,
having been "accepted without amend-
ment."

Alexander Campbell was engaged for the
most part during the years from 18 13 to
1820 in managing his farm, given to him by
his father-in-law; conducting a seminary
chiefly for young men at his home, called
"Buffalo Seminary," at Bethany, West
Virginia; and making preaching tours
among Baptist churches in the neigh-
boring regions. After the preaching of
the Sermon on the Law, and on account
of the suspicion and enmity arising out of
it, his preaching among Baptist churches
was somewhat restricted. He says: " Till
this time we had labored much among the
Baptists with good effect." "1 itinerated
less than before in my labors in the gospel

106 The Disciples of Christ

and c mfined my attention to three or four
little i ommunities constituted on the Bible,
one in Ohio, one in Virginia, and two in
Pennsylvania. Once or twice a year I made
excursions amongst the regular Baptists,
but with little hope of being useful to the
Redstone Association. "

[While Alexander Campbell was a Baptist
in all essential respects, as he viewed it, yet
he was not so thoroughly denomination-
alized that he could not be free in his atti-
tude towards their beliefs and practices.
The attitude of the Baptists towards him
varied; some received him, others rejected
him. But there was no doubt among Bap-
tists that upon the mode of baptism, he stood
upon their ground. He was chosen out of all
defenders of the Baptist faith in that region
to represent and champion the Baptist cause
in a debate with a Presbyterian minister by
the name of John Walker, of Mount Pleasant,
Ohio. Mr. Walker challenged Mr. Birch, or
any other Baptist, to debate the question of

Alexander Campbell as a Baptist 107

baptism, and engaged to prove, "That
baptism came in the room of circumcision;
that the covenant on which the Jewish
church was built, and to which circumcision
was a seal, is the same with the covenant
on which the Christian church is built, and
to which baptism is the seal; that the Jews
and Christians are the same body politic
under the same lawgiver and husband,
consequently the infants of believers have a
right to baptism." Mr. Birch had some
difficulty in persuading Campbell to enter
the debate, on account of his doubt of the
utility of it in promoting the truth or the
unity of Christians. He finally consented,
and the debate was held June 19-20, 1820,
at Mount Pleasant, Ohio, twenty-three miles
from Mr. Campbell's home. Mr. Walker
based his argument for infant baptism upon
the identity of the Jewish and Christian
covenants, and upon the equal authority of
the Old and New Testaments. Mr. Camp-
bell entertained the contrary view which

io8 The Disciples of Christ

appeared in his Sermon on the Law. In the
baptismal controversy of the times as usually
carried on between Baptists and Pedobap-
tists, they stood on the same ground in a
common recognition of the authority of the
Old Covenant. It was something new and
startling to Mr. Walker, when Campbell
cut the Gordian knot at a stroke by assum-
ing the complete annulment of the Old
Covenant in the death of Christ. The de-
bate reduced itself to a discussion of the
authority or validity of the Jewish Cove-
nant in the Christian church.

Another novelty in the way of an argu-
ment against infant baptism introduced by
Mr. Campbell in the debate was his view of
the design of baptism. The argument is
scarcely more than suggested in the follow-
ing words : " Baptism is connected with the
promise of the remission of sins and the
gift of the Holy Spirit." The doctrine was
subsequently to play a large part in the de-
bates of Campbell, in the controversy with

Alexander Campbell as a Baptist 109

the Baptists, and in the evangelistic preach-
ing of the Disciples.

The opportunities and issues of the debate
were such as to convince Campbell that "a
week's debating is worth a year's preach-
ing," and to dispose him so favorably to the
debate as a means of disseminating truth,
that he issued a challenge at the close "to
meet any Pedobaptist minister of any de-
nomination and prove that Infant Sprinkling
is a human tradition and injurious to the
well-being of society, religious and polit-
ical." The debate was printed and circu-
lated very widely among the Baptists, who
felt that they had the best of the argument,
and extended the influence and fame of
Campbell beyond the reach of his living
voice. While some Baptists "remained
extremely dubious in regard to the ortho-
doxy of their champion," others took grate-
ful pride in him, and felt as one Baptist de-
clared, that "he had done more for the
Baptists than any man in the West."

no The Disciples of Christ

In the printing and circulation of the de-
bate, which was frequently heard from at a
distance, Campbell discovered the power
and usefulness of the press. He determined
to make larger use of it as a means of get-
ting his teachings before the Baptist world
especially. He felt that the Baptists offered
the best opportunity for reformatory work
upon biblical principles because " they read
the Bible and seemed to care for little else in
religion than ! conversion ' and ' Bible doc-
trine.' " He wrote in 1824 as follows:
"There is one vast difference, one essential
and all-important difference betwixt the
Baptist and Pedobaptist views and societies.
The Baptist views of the Church of Jesus
Christ are constitutionally correct; the Pedo-
baptist views are unconstitutional." "The
Baptist system is capable of being reformed
or brought back again to the constitution of
the kingdom of heaven; the Pedobaptist
cannot."

While he believed that "the Baptist

Alexander Campbell as a Baptist 1 1 i

society had as much liberality in their views,
as much of the ancient simplicity of the
Christian religion, as much of the spirit of
Christianity among them, as was to be
found amongst other people "; yet he also
believed that " there was in the views and
practices of this large and widely extended
community, as great need of reformation,
and of a restoration of the ancient order of
things,'' "as of any sect in Christendom."
To extend more widely and promote more
rapidly among the Baptists and all Protestant
denominations his reformatory teachings, he
established in 1823 a monthly periodical
which he called the Christian Baptist. He
announced in the prospectus that its sole
object should be "the eviction of truth, and
the exposure of error in doctrine and prac-
tice. The editor, acknowledging no stand-
ard of religious faith or works other than
the Old and New Testaments, and the latter
as the only standard of the religion of Jesus
Christ, will, intentionally at least, oppose

112 The Disciples of Christ

nothing which it contains, and recommend
nothing which it does not enjoin." He
dedicated the work "to all those without
distinction, who acknowledge the Scriptures
of the Old and New Testaments to be a true
revelation from God, and the New Testa-
ment as containing the religion of Jesus
Christ; who, willing to have all religious
tenets and practices tried by the Divine
Word; and who, feeling themselves in
duty bound to search the Scriptures for
themselves in all matters of religion — are
disposed to reject all doctrine and com-
mandments of men, and to obey the truth,
holding fast the faith once delivered to the
saints.'

The notable thing to be observed in this
program of action is the absence of all
reference to Christian union. The em-
phasis now rests upon the principle of
scriptural authority and primitive precept
and example. The watchword is now ref-
ormation not union. The principle of unity

Alexander Campbell as a Baptist 1 13

has been subordinated to the principle of
apostolicity. Even the union of the Brush
Run church with the Baptist association
was quite as much an expression of devo-
tion to apostolicity as of desire for unity.
They made no concession for the sake of
the union. The union of the people of
God had become a hopeless task and must
be postponed until their faith and practice
had been squared with the Divine Stand-
ard. He did not doubt the validity or
the correctness of his method of procedure
or his principle of adjustment. Primitive
Christianity which was put forth in the
Declaration and Address as a principle
of unity, but left undefined and uncertain,
had been undergoing a progressive defini-
tion in the terms of a local Christian fellow-
ship in the Brush Run church, and was
now to be given still more careful definition
and settlement in application to Baptist faith
and practice. The results of that definition
were the gradual separation and alienation

114 The Disciples of Christ

of the Christian Association, first from
Pedobaptist churches and finally from
Baptist churches. The more they learned
from the Scriptures as to the terms of Chris-
tian union and communion, the more diffi-
cult it was to enter into union or to main-
tain union with existing religious bodies.
They defined the essential elements of
primitive Christianity in the direction of a
growing separatism. It proved to be a
principle of exclusion and division, rather
than a principle of comprehension and
union. The series of articles in the pages
of the Christian Baptist on "The Ancient
Order of Things," completed and fixed the
definition of Christianity for those who at-
tached themselves to "the new reforma-
tion." The essential elements of primitive
Christianity were made to consist in "an
order of things." They were very careful
of the way they did things in the public
worship, in the celebration and administra-
tion of the ordinances, in the organization

Alexander Campbell as a Baptist l J 5

of local churches, and in the propaga-
tion of the gospel. In many instances it
came very near being a tithing of mint,
anise, and cummin, and a neglecting of the
weightier matters of the law. Christianity
was defined, the terms of Christian com-
munion were fixed, according to the letter
of Scripture, and the result was a legalistic
formalism. The extreme literalism of the
teaching of this first period was sure to
produce a reaction and to create two parties
within the movement, the literal and the
spiritual. Campbell himself and the larger
part of the body recoiled from this early
position in the direction of a more spiritual
interpretation of Christianity. The two
parties have survived to the present time in
the body, with varying degrees of coopera-
tion or strife.

Scarcely three numbers of the Christian
Baptist had appeared from the press before
Alexander Campbell was called upon to
engage in a debate with a Presbyterian

li6 The Disciples of Christ

preacher of Kentucky. It grew out of the
previous debate with Mr. Walker. Camp-
bell's challenge at the close of that debate
was accepted by the Rev. W. L. Maccalla,
of Washington, Kentucky. He felt that
the strongest word for infant baptism on
the ground of the identity of the Jewish
and Christian covenants, had not been
spoken by Mr. Walker. The debate cov-
ered the same ground and dealt with the
same arguments and counter-arguments as
in the previous debate. It was an arrayal
of the Baptist against the Pedobaptist po-
sition. On this occasion, as on the former,
Campbell went as the representative and
champion of the Baptist cause, and was re-
ceived into Baptist churches and homes
everywhere throughout Kentucky. He
brought with him copies of the Christian
Baptist which he gave to the Baptist
preachers present, warning them in the
meantime that he had quite as much
against the Baptists as against the Presby-

Alexander Campbell as a Baptist 1 17

terians. In this debate he developed at
greater length his doctrine of the design of
baptism as an argument against infant bap-
tism and said: "The water of baptism,
then, formally washes away our sins. The
blood of Christ really washes away our
,sins. Paul's sins were really pardoned
when he believed. Yet he had no solemn
pledge of the fact, no formal acquittal, no
formal purgation of his sins until he washed
them away in the water of baptism. "
" One argument from this topic is that bap-
tism being ordained to be to a believer, a
formal and personal remission of all his
sins, cannot be administered to an infant
without the greatest perversion and abuse
of the nature and import of this ordinance.
Indeed, why should an infant that never
sinned ... be baptized for the remission
of sins?" Feeling that this doctrine was
new to both Baptists and Presbyterians, he
said: " My Baptist brethren, as well as the
Pedobaptist's brotherhood, I humbly con-

ll8 The Disciples of Christ

ceive, require to be admonished on this
point. You have been, some of you no
doubt, too diffident in asserting this grand
import of baptism."

True to his promise made in the prospec-
tus of the Christian Baptist, in the very first
numbers he began a crusade against the
errors in doctrine and practice of all the de-
nominations, the Baptists in particular. His
program was, first, the destruction of false
doctrines and erroneous practices in the de-
nominations that acknowledged allegiance
to the Scriptures, and the reduction of their
systems to a common agreement, and then
would inevitably follow a union of Chris-
tians. As expressed by a writer in the
Christian Baptist: "To attempt union
among jarring sects which are established
upon different foundations, without the ex-
plosion of their foundations, is altogether
fruitless." The work of undermining and
blowing up the foundations of other people's
houses is not a very cordial way of ap-

Alexander Campbell as a Baptist 1 19

proaching them, nor likely to be a very suc-
cessful way of winning their sympathy.
There was not a custom, or doctrine, or
ceremony maintained by any denomination,
which was not tried and tested, squared and
measured, by a severely literal application of
the text of Scripture. As a consequence
there were very few denominational prac-
tices for which Campbell found any scriptural
authority. The Scriptures nowhere spoke
of " missionary societies/' " Bible societies,"
"associations," "synods," "presbyteries,"
"creeds," "confessions of faith," "clergy-
men," "bishops," "reverends," "doctors of
divinity," and a multitude of other innova-
tions in use in modern Christian society, con-
sequently they should have no place in the
church of to-day. He cast them all out
upon the ecclesiastical scrap pile. No mat-
ter if in the general renovation and house-
cleaning some useful and valuable things
were thrown out — the work must be
thoroughly and finally done. He was

120 The Disciples of Christ

cautioned by Robert Semple, the most emi-
nent Baptist of the time, that there was
danger of " running past Jerusalem as one
hastens out of Babylon"; but he replied:
"We are convinced, that the whole head is
sick, and the whole heart faint of modern
fashionable Christianity — that many of the
schemes of the populars resemble the de-
lirium, the wild fancies of a subject of fever,
in its highest paroxysms — and that these
most fashionable projects deserve no more
regard from sober Christians, Christians in-
telligent in the New Testament, than the
vagaries, the febrile flights, of patients in an
inflammatory fever." He spoke this of
Bible societies, but he included all other
agencies for the spread of the gospel which
were without the sanction of apostolic ex-
ample.

He was moved with the spirit of the most
furious iconoclasm. Nothing escaped his
sarcasm and invective, in the use of which
he was an adept. He cared little whether

Alexander Campbell as a Baptist 1 2 1

his remedy hurt or not; the disease was
malignant, the remedy must be severe. As
a consequence, Campbell did not get him-
self well liked by everybody. One man
wrote in 1823: " I request you to send me
the Christian Baptist no more, my con-
science is wounded that I should have sub-
scribed for such a work. It is a religious
incendiary and will do a world of mischief."
Another wrote: "Your paper is a disor-
ganizer and I doubt not will prove deistical
in the end." After sending the paper for
some time to the reading rooms of a society
at Hamilton Seminary at the request of the
students, they wrote saying: "For reasons
which we are willing frankly to avow, our
society has recently come to the resolution
to ask you to discontinue your publication."
Spencer Clack, a Baptist minister, wrote to
Campbell from Kentucky saying: "Some
are for you, others against you; some ap-
prove, others censure and condemn; such
is the state of affairs; such the effect pro-

122 The Disciples of Christ

duced by your writing. But let me ask,
what is the great good which such division
will achieve?" Campbell was denounced
in public and in private by the Baptists as a
" Unitarian," "a Socinian," an " Antino-
mian," " a Pelagian," and "a Deist"; and
where that did not succeed in stirring up
prejudice, they said, "he stole a horse,"
"was excommunicated for drunkenness,"
and "married his first wife's sister." He
had put out in 1826 a revised edition of the
New Testament, translated by Campbell,
Doddridge and McKnight, and so bitter was
the prejudice awakened against it that one
man solemnly consigned a copy of it to the
flames.

It was a serious question in the minds of
many Baptists whether they could consci-
entiously include Campbell in their fellow-
ship, or whether he could consistently and
honestly call himself a Baptist. Concern-
ing this he wrote in the Christian Baptist in
1826 as follows: "I and the church with

Alexander Campbell as a Baptist 123

which I am connected are in ' full com-
munion' with the Mahoning Baptist As-
sociation of Ohio; and through them with
the whole Baptist society in the United
States; and I do intend to continue in con-
nection with this people so long as they
will permit me to say what I believe, to
teach what I am assured of, and to censure
what is amiss in their views and practices."
When charged with inconsistency in claim-
ing "full fellowship with the whole Baptist
society " and yet censuring many of their
views and practices, he said: "But what
constitutes consistency? In acting con-
formably to our own professed senti-
ments and principles; or in acting con-
formably to the professed sentiments and
principles of others?" He was ready to
hold Christian communion with any per-
son or group of persons who confessed
that Jesus was the Christ, and was bap-
tized as a testimony to it, and lived a blame-
less Christian life. Nothing more and noth-

124 The Disciples of Christ

ing less than this should constitute the con-
ditions of Christian fellowship. On these
terms he received all Baptists into fellow-
ship. The difficulty was not on his side
but on their side. They fulfilled all his re-
quirements for communion, but he did not
fulfill all their requirements. It was just
this more-than-enough for simple Christian
fellowship in Baptist requirements, such as
the relation of an experience and subscrip-
tion to a creed, with which he quarrelled.
He refused to regard communion with a
religious body as implying "an entire ap-
probation of all their views, doctrines and
practice, as a society or individuals." His
principle was that " unity of opinion is not
essential to Christian union."

It was still an unsettled question with
him in 1825 whether immersion should be
made a test of fellowship among Christians.
He said: " I frankly own that my full con-
viction is that there are many Pedobaptist
congregations, of whose Christianity I think

Alexander Campbell as a Baptist 125

as highly as of most Baptist congregations,
and with whom I could wish to be on the
very same terms of Christian communion
on which I stand with the whole Baptist
society." He thought that there were as
good scriptural grounds for Baptists and
Pedobaptists to eat the Lord's supper to-
gether as to have fellowship in other acts
of social worship. He was not ready,
however, to go the full length of receiv-
ing the unimmersed into fellowship. Per-
sonally he would receive them, but he
could not make his own personal disposi-
tion a law for the entire Christian brother-
hood. He finally settled into the practice
of making immersion a test of fellowship
in the local congregation, but not a prereq-
uisite to partaking of the Lord's supper.
In this he broke with the Baptist custom of
close communion, and settled the practice
for all reforming Baptist churches.

The Christian Baptist grew rapidly in
circulation, especially among Baptists, and

126 The Disciples of Christ

contributed in no small measure, together
with his published debates and preaching
tours through all parts of the country, in
creating a rapidly increasing party in the
Baptist denomination which was called
"Reformers" or "reforming Baptists,"
and otherwise stigmatized as "Camp-
bellites"or "Restorationers."

CHAPTER VII

THE REFORMERS AMONG THE BAPTISTS

There can be no doubt that Campbell had
designs with reference to the Baptist de-
nomination, and that he had reasons for
gratification at the increasing success of his
propaganda. There appeared from time to
time in the columns of the Christian Baptist
reports of the progress of "the reforma-
tion " that were characterized by a note of
calm assurance and certainty of triumph.
He felt that the Baptists were not living up
to their principles and that he was confer-
ring a favor upon them by calling their at-
tention to primitive Christian customs in
which they were lacking or from which
they were going astray. He felt himself to
be their best friend, and that "every well-
meant effort to bring them up to the primi-
tive state of the church, as far as Scripture
127

128 The Disciples of Christ

and reason approbate, ought to be counte-
nanced, aided and abetted by every one that
loves the Lord Jesus Christ in sincerity."
Just here was his advantage and the secret
of his success among them, that he stood on
their ground and was in agreement with
them on essential and distinctive Baptist
principles. Spencer Clack wrote to him in
1827, saying: " Observe, between you and
your Baptist brethren, there is no difference
of opinion as to rule of faith and practice.
On this subject we all speak the same
language; we all acknowledge the same
authority; all profess to be governed by it.
What then, is the difference between us ?
Simply this: we cannot agree as to what
the Bible teaches. The Baptists think the
Bible teaches the doctrine contained in their
creeds; you think it teaches what you have
written and published, and what you will
hereafter write and publish." Campbell
was holding up Baptist faith and practice to
a strict conformity to apostolic example,

Reformers Among the Baptists 129

and assumed as an underlying presupposi-
tion that the New Testament contained a
perfect and complete model of the Christian
institution, in faith, life, ordinances, or-
ganization and discipline.

He easily persuaded many ministers and
laymen among them that his view of the
matter was correct. His reformatory teach-
ing first found acceptance in the minds of a
few ministers who became centres of agita-
tion in Baptist churches and associations.
One of the earliest, and typical of all the
rest, was P. S. Fall, the young pastor of the
church at Louisville, Kentucky, who first
made the acquaintance of Campbell's views
by reading the Christian Baptist and the
Sermon on the Law. He began to preach
the new doctrines in his Louisville church.
Alexander Campbell came to Louisville in
1824 and under the direction of Mr. Fall,
made several addresses in the Baptist and
Presbyterian churches. So completely was
the Baptist church imbued with his ideas

130 The Disciples of Christ

that they repudiated their constitution and
creed and adopted the Bible as their only
rule of faith and practice and introduced the
" ancient order of things " into the organiza-
tion and worship of the church. At the
meeting of the Long Run Association, of
which the church was a member, Septem-
ber, 1825, Mr. Fall read the " circular letter"
in which he maintained that "the word of
God was the only sufficient and perfect rule
of faith and practice," against the use of
creeds, as was then customary in Baptist
churches. The church sent the following
queries to the Association for answer:
"1. Is there any authority in the New
Testament for religious bodies to make hu-
man creeds and confessions of faith the
constitutions or directories of such bodies in
matters of faith and practice?" "2. Is
there any authority in the New Testament
for associations ? If so, what is it ? If not,
why are they held?" Similar queries,
showing the leavening influence of Camp-

Reformers Among the Baptists 131

bell's ideas, were sent by the churches at
Elk Creek and Shelbyville. By such queries
the ideas of Campbell were forced upon the
attention of entire associations representing
many ministers and churches. The letter
read by Fall was rejected by the casting
vote of the moderator, Geo. Waller, so
evenly was the Association divided. A
strict Baptist element in the church at
Louisville resisted the introduction of the
" ancient order," and in 1829, at a
stormy meeting, the leader seized the
books of the church and cried out,
"All who are for the old constitution
follow me." About thirty persons with-
drew and formed a new church. Two
Baptist congregations were thus formed,
the one called "Campbellites," the other
" Wallerites." A lawsuit over the posses-
sion of the property took place in which the
Reformers were victorious, though both
parties continued to meet in the church at
different hours. They retained the name of

132 The Disciples of Christ

" First Baptist Church of Jesus Christ " and
membership in the Long Run Association
until 1833, when they assumed the name
"Church of Christ." After leaving Louis-
ville, Mr. Fall preached for a time for the
Baptist church at Frankfort, where he laid
the foundation of a "Reformed Baptist"
church, and later became pastor of the
Baptist church of Nashville, Tennessee. It
was not long before this church introduced
the "ancient order," and refused to become
a member of the Concord Association of
Baptist churches, unless given perfect free-
dom with respect to the doctrine and
government of the church. When the
separation of the Reformers from the Bap-
tists took place, this church stood solidly
with the new reformation. Campbell came
to Nashville in 1826 for the benefit of his
wife's health and spent several weeks, dur-
ing which he delivered many sermons and
addresses.
John Smith was another Baptist minister

Reformers Among the Baptists 133

of Kentucky who accepted the teachings
of Campbell and was instrumental in in-
doctrinating many Baptist churches and
forming new ones upon "the New Testa-
ment basis." Though he had heard much
of Alexander Campbell, both for and against
him, and had read the Christian Baptist and
his debates, he first met him in 1824. By
private conversation and public discourses
Campbell removed many religious difficult-
ies from his mind, and after a year of care-
ful study of the Bible he "commenced the
advocacy of the Bible as a sufficient rule of
faith and practice." In his preaching he
was distinguished by the keenness of his
logic, the quaintness of his wit and humor,
and the earnestness and fervor of his spirit.
He was by all odds the most popular and
successful of Baptist preachers with the
common people. He had little or no school
training, but was gifted by nature with
mother wit and human sympathy as few
men are. He worked his way up from

134 The Disciples of Christ

youth through the bitterest hardships, gave
himself to the ministry in the Baptist church,
and had thought his way out of the contra-
dictions and blighting spiritual influences of
hyper-Calvinism, when he began to read the
writings of Campbell. He had felt the prac-
tical difficulty of preaching to sinners the
doctrine of their utter depravity and moral
helplessness without the aid of the Spirit,
and then calling upon them to repent and
believe the gospel on pain of eternal dam-
nation. It was a moment of deliverance
from bondage when his mind swung free
from Calvinistic fatalism under the teaching
of the New Testament as unfolded by
Campbell in the Christian Baptist. The
doctrine that it was in the power of every
sinner to believe that Jesus was the Christ,
the Son of God, upon the testimony given
in the Scriptures concerning him, and that
this was saving faith, became the founda-
tion of a new career of evangelism which
he inaugurated in 1825. He went every-

Reformers Among the Baptists 135

where among Baptist churches in Kentucky
calling on sinners to repent at once and be-
lieve in Jesus Christ, and be immersed for
the remission of sins. The regions of his
evangelistic activity were for the most part
the boundaries of two or three Baptist as-
sociations— the North District, Bracken, and
Boone's Creek. The greater part of his
preaching had been done in four churches of
the North District Association. One of these
was the church at Lulbegrud, which at the
meeting of the Association in 1827 presented
charges against certain preachers who had de-
parted from Baptist usage. They were aimed
at Smith, who had been unwearied in preach-
ing and baptizing people after "the ancient
order of things." Crowds of people came to
hear him and he baptized them by the score,
sometimes constituting new churches out
of the number, which took their places as
members of some Baptist association. He
was quite as zealous, however, against the
old order as he was in favor of the new

136 The Disciples of Christ

order. He said to his wife, as he was
summing up the results of a few months'
work in 1828: " Nancy, I have baptised
seven hundred sinners and capsized fifteen
hundred Baptists." He was so successful
in the latter activity among the Baptists of
the North District Association that out of
twenty-six churches composing it, eighteen
stood on the side of the reformation when
the division came. As an illustration of his
dramatic and convincing methods, the fol-
lowing incident is related concerning him:
A methodist minister had been seen to bap-
tize a struggling, crying infant in the place
where he was holding a meeting. The
next day when Smith was baptizing some
persons in a stream, he saw the minister in
the crowd. He walked up and seized him
by the arm and drew him towards the water
— ' ' What are you going to do, Mr. Smith ? "
said the preacher. "I am going to baptize
you, sir." " But I do not wish to be bap-
tized. " ' ' Do you not believe ? " said Smith.

Reformers Among the Baptists 137

" Certainly I do." "Then come along, sir,
believers must be baptized." "But I am
not willing to go," said the Methodist. " It
certainly would do me no good to be bap-
tized against my will." "Did you not, but
yesterday, baptize a helpless babe against
its will?" Turning to the audience Smith
said: " But friends, let me know if he ever
again baptizes others without their full con-
sent; for you yourselves have heard him de-
clare that such a baptism cannot possibly
do any good."

In the districts covered by his preaching
were many churches of the "New Lights"
or "Stoneites," the followers of Barton W.
Stone, whose acquaintance and friendship
he was zealous in cultivating, much to the
scandal of his Baptist brethren. He was
later to be one of the most diligent and
successful promoters of the union be-
tween the "Disciples" and "Christians"
or "Stoneites " in Kentucky.

There were many other able and influ-

138 The Disciples of Christ

ential Baptist preachers in Kentucky who
gave themselves to the dissemination of
Campbell's views, such as Jeremiah Varde-
man, who was said to have baptized more
persons than any other preacher in Ken-
tucky; Jacob Creath, Sr., who was pro-
nounced by Henry Clay to be "the finest
natural orator " he had ever heard; J. T.
Johnson, who was educated for a lawyer,
but became a preacher, converted hundreds
of persons in protracted meetings, in many
of the central and southern states, and was
active in promoting the union between the
followers of Stone and Campbell.

The most rapid and sweeping success of
the new reformation took place in the Bap-*
tist churches of the Mahoning Association
in eastern Ohio, near Mr. Campbell's home.
From the time of the preaching of the Ser-
mon on the Law in 18 16 before the Redstone
Association, the enemies of Campbell were
industriously working against him and
planning to oust him as soon as they could

Reformers Among the Baptists 139

command a majority of the messengers of
the Association. This did not seem immi-
nent until 1823; and to defeat their plans,
Campbell asked for letters for himself and
wife and thirty others from the Brush Run
church to form a new church in Charles-
town or Wellsburg, as it began to be called.
He had made the acquaintance of several
preachers of the Mahoning Association,
who had frequently urged him to be pres-
ent at its meetings. The members of this
Association were more favorably disposed
towards him, were less rigidly bound by
creeds and Baptist usages, and gladly wel-
comed the new church at Wellsburg into
its fellowship. The preachers of the Asso-
ciation who came under the influence of
Campbell, were Adamson Bentley, Sidney
Rigdon, Jacob Osborne, Joseph Freeman,
Marcus Bosworth, and others. They had
carried on the work of reformation among
the churches before Alexander Campbell
appeared among them as a delegate from

140 The Disciples of Christ

the Wellsburg church in 1825. At the
meeting of the Association in 1824 the fol-
lowing questions were presented from the
church at Nelson: " 1. Will this Associa-
tion hold in its connection a church which
acknowledges no other rule of faith and
practice than the Scriptures?" "2. In
what manner were members received into
the churches that were set in order by the
apostles?" "3. How were members ex-
cluded from those churches ? " These ques-
tions indicate that the Christian Baptist
had been circulating among the churches.
Questions presented from other churches
bore the same import. The church at Nel-
son passed a resolution in 1824, "to remove
the Philadelphia Confession of Faith and
the church articles, and to take the word of
God for their rule of faith and practice."
A minority objected and organized another
church, and both churches sent messengers
to the Association the next year.
At the meeting of the Association in

Reformers Among the Baptists 141

August, 1827, at New Lisbon, Ohio, the fol-
lowing petition was presented from the
Braceville church: "We wish that this
Association may take into serious consider-
ation the peculiar situation of the churches
of the Association, and if it would be a pos-
sible thing for an evangelical preacher to be
employed to travel and teach among the
churches, we think that a blessing would
follow. " The suggestion met with the ap-
proval of the members and Walter Scott of
Steubenville, Ohio, was appointed as evan-
gelist. Alexander Campbell had gone by
way of Scott's home and had brought him
to the meeting. The importance of the
career and influence of this man upon the
character of the movement is second only
to that of Campbell himself. The creators
and leaders of the movement are usually
listed as follows: Thomas Campbell, Alex-
ander Campbell, Barton W. Stone, and
Walter Scott. The latter was born in Scot-
land in 1796; was educated at the University

142 The Disciples of Christ

of Edinburgh; came to America in 1818, and
settled in Pittsburg. Through the influence
of a Mr. Forrester, a teacher and preacher,
who took the Bible as his only authority
and guide in matters of faith and practice,
Mr. Scott was led to study the Scriptures
with reference to the subject of infant bap-
tism. He came to the conclusion that it
had no sanction in the word of God, and
that the immersion of a believer was the
true scriptural practice. He was immersed
and became associated with Mr. Forrester
in the work of teaching, and in charge of
the small company of immersed believers
gathered together by Mr. Forrester. Upon
the sudden death of Mr. Forrester, he as-
sumed oversight of the church. His study
of the New Testament and his reading of
the works of John Locke, brought him to
the conviction that the central truth of
Christianity was the messiahship of Jesus,
and that the confession, "Jesus is the
Christ," was the sole article of faith in the

Reformers Among the Baptists 143

creed of the primitive church. He had
come to his religious position before he met
Alexander Campbell, who came to Pittsburg
in 1 82 1 on a visit to his father. This led to
a mutual acquaintance and a subsequent
cooperation between the three men in the
work of " reforming the Christian profes-
sion." Scott and Campbell were in perfect
accord in their religious principles, and
formed a personal and intimate friendship
which lasted through life. They consulted
together in the establishment of the Chris-
tian Baptist and in the first number ap-
peared an article by Scott, "On Teaching
Christianity," in which he said: "Times
out of number we are told in Scripture that
the grand saving truth is that Jesus is the
Christ. This is the bond of union among
Christians — the essence — the spirit of all
revelation." This was Scott's contribution,
par excellence, to the principles of the new
reformation. The two men influenced each
other in the clearer grasp of New Testa-

i44 The Disciples of Christ

ment teaching, each contributing to the
other his body of newly discovered truth.

It was this man who was chosen in 1827
to go among the Baptist churches of the
Mahoning Association to preach "the an-
cient gospel" and to restore "the ancient
order of things." By this time he had fully
settled in his mind the " authorized plan of
teaching the Christian religion," and of
bringing men into the church. This may
be said to have been a specialty with him,
and now he was to have his first great op-
portunity of putting it into practice. His
first step was (1) /a//A. The sole aim of
the preacher should be to awaken faith in
the unbeliever towards Jesus as the Son of
God. Faith being the result of testimony,
the preacher must proclaim the evidences
of the messiahship as recorded in the four
Gospels. This gave him an opportunity to
contrast the prevailing Calvinistic doctrine
of saving faith with the new doctrine. In-
stead of pleading with God to be merciful

Reformers Among the Baptists 145;

to the sinner and grant him saving faith,
the preacher pleaded with the sinner to ac-
cept the testimony God had given of his
Son in the Scriptures. In this connection
the metaphysical creeds of the churches
which were imposed on the faith of men as
a condition of peace with God and fellow-
ship with his Son, were held up for ridicule
and dissection, and were denounced as
causes of division and strife among Chris-
tians. This gave him a chance to preach
his doctrine of Christian union upon the
basis of primitive Christianity. The next
step was to call upon sinners to (2) repent.
The emphasis was upon immediate and
voluntary repentance, in contrast with the
repentance of Calvinism which depended
upon the disposition and choice of God.
The sinner could not repent until God chose
to grant it, or to intimate the sinner's elec-
tion by some sign. The next step was to
call upon the sinner to make a (3) confes-
sion. That confession was submitted in the

146 The Disciples of Christ

words of Peter's confession: " Do you be-
lieve that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of the
living God ? " No other test or requirement
was exacted. They were then told to sub-
mit to the ordinance of (4) baptism. He
appealed to the example and precept of
apostolic conversions. This gave him an
opportunity to set forth the New Testa-
ment form and doctrine of baptism as he
understood it. The form was immersion,
the doctrine was, "for the remission of
sins." The great text was the instruction
of Peter to the multitude on the day of Pen-
tecost. They were then taught to expect
(5) the gift of the Holy Spirit. The Spirit
did his work upon the sinner through the
revealed and accredited testimony, but after
baptism he was the personal guest and com-
forter of the believer. This was the "an-
cient gospel," the discovery and first preach-
ing of which are accredited to Walter Scott.
This was the substance of the sermons
Walter Scott preached among the Baptists.

Reformers Among the Baptists 147

To say that it thrilled some and shocked
others, would be putting it mildly. It had
never been heard on that wise before. To
the sinner, troubled with fears and doubts
of his election, denied all supernatural
tokens of his acceptance with God, agoniz-
ing in prayer for saving faith and the guid-
ing power of the Holy Spirit, it came as a
welcome and peace-bringing evangel. To
staid Calvinistic Baptists who had found
peace and acceptance with God in the old
way, it was shocking. It was only after a
great struggle that Scott got himself to the
point of putting it in practice. He believed
it was done that way in apostolic times,
why would it not work to-day ? The first
place he tried it was in the Baptist church
at New Lisbon, Ohio. It worked, for the
first person to respond to the appeal was
the most eminent and influential member of
the Presbyterian church. This man had
once said to his wife: "When I find any
person preaching as did the apostle Peter in

148 The Disciples of Christ

the second chapter of Acts, I shall offer my-
self for obedience and go with him." He
found that person in Walter Scott. Within
a few days seventeen persons "believed
and were baptized." The church and en-
tire community were aroused. He went
from one town to another repeating the
same message and meeting with the same
results. At the close of the first year of
work the Association met at Warren, Ohio.
The result of his work was the conversion
of nearly one thousand persons. The total
membership of the sixteen churches com-
prising the Association the year before was
scarcely five hundred. The success of the
" ancient gospel " this first year under Scott
completely transformed the Association,
and in 1830, at the meeting at Austintown,
it was voluntarily dissolved in its Baptist
form and met ever after as a " yearly meet-
ing " for fellowship and acquaintance.

Commingled in the message of these Re-
formers were a proselytism and an evangel-

Reformers Among the Baptists 149

ism. To many members of Baptist, Pres-
byterian and Methodist churches it came as
a new gospel, and they were unable to tell
whether it was the correction and enlighten-
ment of their views of religion, or the
stirring of their moral natures, which won
them. In the stream which flowed into
the rapidly filling ranks of " reforming
churches" were both sinners and church
members. The success was unprecedented.
Through Ohio, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and
Kentucky the movement spread with rapid-
ity among Baptist churches; while there are
not wanting records of the capture of entire
Methodist or other Protestant churches, as
in the case of the Methodist church at Deer-
field, Ohio.

The secret of such success lay first of all
in their appeal to the simple teaching of
Scripture. Every one was able to open his
Bible and apply the motto, " Where the
Scriptures speak, we speak; where they are
silent, we are silent." It was a democratic

ljo The Disciples of Christ

movement, founded upon the right and the
ability of every person to interpret the
Scriptures for himself, and upon the desire
of every person to have a voice in the man-
agement of his religious heritage. It may
be said that the movement gave to the peo-
ple in religion what they had obtained in
the state, " a government of the people, for
the people, and by the people." They took
the government of the church and the inter-
pretation of the Scriptures out of the hands
of the clergy and councils, and put them
into the hands of the people. The destruc-
tion of " the rule of the clergy " was an oft
repeated phrase and a fixed ideal of the Re-
formers. The people were pleased and
followed them.

The message met the religious needs of
the time, just as the message of Lyman
Beecher and Charles G. Finney, and on the
same ground. They all preached the doc-
trine of "free agency and the sinner's im-
mediate duty to repent." The background

Reformers Among the Baptists 151

of the movement was the dark, benumbing
fatalism of Calvinistic theology. But neither
Beecher nor Finney had grasped the clear
and simple " plan of salvation " as set forth
in the sermons of such men as Barton W.
Stone, Walter Scott and John Smith. Over
against the perplexing supernaturalism and
mysticism of the theological preaching of
the time, was set the plain instruction of
those pentecostal preachers — " repent and
be baptized every one of you in the name
of Jesus Christ, unto the remission of your
sins ; and ye shall receive the gift of the Holy
Spirit. '' As illustrating the practical work-
ing of their method, the following incident
is told of John Whitacre: On one occasion
in a meeting, among several at the altar
praying for divine power to come down,
was a lady of intelligence. "When she
ceased, Whitacre spoke to her: 'Madam,'
said he, ' what would you give for faith in
Mahomet?' 'Nothing,' was her somewhat
indignant reply. ' Why not ? ' he continued.

152 The Disciples of Christ

' Because I believe him to be an impostor.'
' But why are you so anxious for faith in
Jesus Christ?' 'Because I believe he is my
only Saviour.' ' Well,' said Whitacre, ■ why
are you praying for that which you say you
have ? Why not go forward and obey the
gospel . and be made free from sin?"
Such intelligible instructions to sinners,
perplexed and mystified by Calvinistic teach-
ing, came as lights in the deepest darkness.
It is notable that the great leaders and
preachers of the movement came up under
Presbyterianism and broke with it either on
account of its government or its theology.

Not less appealing was their message of
unity and fraternity among warring, com-
peting sects. Their vision of a united
church upon the foundation of the apostles
and prophets, with Christ himself as the
chief corner stone, may have been Utopian,
but it was beautiful and alluring, and gave
to the people, sickened with the pettiness
of sectarian differences, a noble ideal to

Reformers Among the Baptists 153

work for. In spite of the incongruity of its
setting many times, and the inconsistency
of its advocates, the doctrine of Christian
union was felt to be providential.

CHAPTER VIII

THE SEPARATION OF THE REFORMERS FROM
THE BAPTISTS

The Baptists had many reasons for hold-
ing the new reformation in doubt. Its
advocates were often intemperate in their
use of language and inconsiderate in their
use of means against what they believed
were erroneous beliefs and customs in Bap-
tist churches. They were indifferent to the
consequences of changes they were seeking
to bring about in the Baptist order. It was
the privilege of every person to apply the
principle, " Where the Scriptures speak, we
speak; where they are silent, we are
silent," and many of the Reformers seemed
to vie with each other in the number of
novel and absurd changes they could intro-
duce.

The principle had both a positive and a
i54

The Separation of the Reformers 155

negative application. It was with respect
to the "order of things" in the primitive
church that they were chiefly concerned.
It was a simpler task to put into practice the
ritual precepts and examples of the New
Testament than its ethical and spiritual pre-
cepts and examples. They were not obliv-
ious of the fact that the New Testament
taught a "spirit of things" as well as an
"order of things" but they joined issue
upon the order. They found that the
Scriptures not only spoke of the Lord's sup-
per as being celebrated on the first day of
the week, and of baptism as an immersion
or burial in water, and of deacons and elders
as constituting the official organization of
the local church, and of reception of persons
into the church upon a confession of their
faith and baptism — all of which they put into
practice; but they also found that the Scrip-
tures spoke of the holy kiss, of feet wash-
ing, of mutual exhortation in public meet-
ings, of the "amen" at the close of prayer,

156 The Disciples of Christ

of eating the Lord's supper in the evening,
of baptism in streams of water, of kneeling
in prayer, of a community of goods, of the
silence of women in churches — all of which
were tried in various churches in the begin-
ning, but never with the approval of the
leaders. These things were regarded as
"the circumstantials of Christian worship/'
which should be treated with freedom and
forbearance. The Baptists, however, could
not tell where the principle would lead
them, for it was capable of endless applica-
tion and experiment. The churches had
not found a common level of belief and
practice. They were passing through the
experimental stage. While each church
was perfectly free and independent, yet
there was one master mind, one control-
ling genius, who was leading them. He
spoke through the pages of the Christian
Baptist, The mind and personality of Alex-
ander Campbell dominated the entire move-
ment. After he had spoken there was no

The Separation of the Reformers 157

use for any one else to speak. Through his
writings and suggestions in the Christian
Baptist he regulated and controlled the con-
duct of all the preachers and churches. He
introduced the widely separated congrega-
tions of Reformers to each other, and was the
connecting link that bound them together.

But these Reformers respected the "si-
lence of Scripture " quite as much as the
" speech of Scripture." This plunged them
into extravagances and extremes in the
other direction, much to the annoyance and
alarm of the Baptists. Where there was
not a "Thus saith the Lord" for a Baptist
belief or usage, there was ready a " Thus
saith the Reformer" against it, and the
Scriptures were made to speak quite as
loudly against some things as for other
things. One after another the cherished
customs and institutions of the Baptist order
were swept away, as having no sanction in
the word of God, and there was no telling
what would go next. There was no pre-

158 The Disciples of Christ

cept or example in the New Testament for
the use of creeds as bonds of fellowship, or
for the examination of converts as to their
Christian experience, or for ministerial calls,
clerical authority, associations of churches,
missionary societies, Bible societies, tract
societies or Sunday-schools. Wherever the
new reformation prevailed all these things
were done away. No wonder it looked
like disorganization and anarchy to a Baptist
who was not captivated by it. What re-
sponse but opposition could be expected on
the part of a strong, established, and re-
spectable body, such as the Baptist denomi-
nation, to the inroads of such lawlessness?
Whether in the majority oi the minority the
faithful among the Baptists stood up in de-
fense of their system. The leading Baptist
papers of the country, such as the Western
Luminary, the Western Recorder, the
Pittsburg Recorder, Columbian Star, and
the New York Baptist Register, entered the
controversy against Campbell.

The Separation of the Reformers 1 59

The appearance of his teachings in local
churches was the signal for opposition and
strife which usually ended in division.
Such inquiries as the following began to
come from the churches to the associations:
" What must a church do with her preacher
who has embraced Campbellism ? " The as-
sociation replied: " As we know not what
Campbellism is, we cannot tell her what to
do.,, There were many divisions in
churches between the Reformers and Bap-
tists from 1824 to 1828; as at Nelson, Ohio,
in 1824, and at Salem, Ohio, in 1828; but
these resulted in merely local estrangement
between two parties, each of which estab-
lished a church of its own. Such divisions
were not long in finding their way into
associations. Both parties usually claimed
to be the original Baptist church of the
place, and sent messengers to the associa-
tion. The recognition of one party or the
other was sure to divide the association. It
was the beginning of the end of relation-

160 The Disciples of Christ

ship between Baptists and Reformers when
associations began to divide, and pass reso-
lutions against " Campbellism."

The first association to take definite action
against the Reformers was the Redstone of
Pennsylvania. A 'rule had been passed by
the Association requiring the churches to
mention the Philadelphia Confession in their
letters, as a condition of representation in
its meetings. In 1825 several churches
failed to mention the Confession and their
messengers were denied a seat. In 1826, by
a reduction of representation in the Associa-
tion, the opponents of the Reformers or-
ganized it out of ten churches and cut off
thirteen other churches. These churches cut
off from the Association met in November
the same year and organized a new associa-
tion under the name, "The Washington
Association. " This action was followed by
the Beaver Association of Pennsylvania in
1829, and in a series of resolutions it disfel-
lowshipped the Mahoning Association of

The Separation of the Reformers 161

Ohio, for "disbelieving and denying many
of the doctrines of the Holy Scriptures."
This Association had come completely under
the influence of Mr. Campbell and was go-
ing on under the leadership of Walter Scott,
triumphantly "restoring the ancient order
of things." The Beaver resolutions were as
follows:

" i. They, the Reformers, maintain that
there is no promise of salvation without
baptism.

"2. That baptism should be adminis-
tered to all who say they believe that Jesus
Christ is the Son of God, without examina-
tion on any other point.

"3. That there is no direct operation of
the Holy Spirit on the mind prior to baptism.

"4. That baptism procures the remis-
sion of sins and the gift of the Holy Spirit.

"5. That the Scriptures are the only
evidence of interest in Christ.

"6. That obedience places it in God's
power to elect to salvation.

162 The Disciples of Christ

" 7. That no creed is necessary for the
church but the Scriptures as they stand.
And

' '8. That all baptized persons have the
right to administer the ordinance of bap-
tism."

These resolutions were scattered widely
among other Baptist associations, and their
boldness gave courage to many who had
been waiting for the signal of attack. The
Franklin Association of Kentucky passed
them without change and warned all the
churches against the errors of the Mahon-
ing Association. In June, 1830, Tate's
Creek Association excluded the Reformers,
passed the Beaver resolutions, and added
four more as follows:

"9. That there is no special call to the
ministry.

"10. That the law given by God to
Moses is abolished.

"11. That experimental religion is en-
thusiasm. And

The Separation of the Reformers 163

11 \2. That there is no mystery in the
Scriptures."

They named six preachers in the Associa-
tion who were accused of these heresies, by
which, they said, "We have seen associa-
tions thrown into commotion, churches
divided, neighbor made to speak evil of
neighbor, brother arrayed against brother,
the father against the son, and the daughter
against the mother." This action was taken
by ten out of the twenty-six churches com-
posing the Association, the other sixteen
having introduced the reformation. Nearly
all the associations of Kentucky took some
action with reference to "Campbellism "
before the close of 1830, so that the line
was pretty sharply drawn between Bap-
tists and Reformers. This was true of
Elkhorn, Bracken, Boone's Creek, North
District, Union, Campbell County, Russell
Creek, South Concord, and others.

The action against the Reformers spread
to Virginia and was led there by two of the

164 The Disciples of Christ

most eminent Baptists of the time, Robert
Semple and Andrew Broaddus. After
passing the resolutions of the Beaver Asso-
ciation, the Appomattox Association at its
meeting in 1830, passed the following
recommendations :

" 1. Resolved, that it be recommended
to all the churches composing this Associa-
tion, to discountenance the writings of
Alexander Campbell.

"2. Resolved, etc., not to countenance
the new translation of the New Testament.

"3. Resolved, etc., not to invite into
their pulpit any minister who holds the
sentiments in the Beaver anathema."

The most significant and influential action
was taken by the Dover Association which
included in its membership the churches of
Richmond and vicinity, and such men as
Semple and Broaddus. A very long list of
the errors and heresies of Campbell was
drawn up and passed by the Association in
December, 1830. It was called out of the

The Separation of the Reformers 165

regular time, the Reformers being omitted,
for the purpose of initiating some action
against persons in the Association who
were preaching " Campbellism." After
passing the Association the resolutions were
referred to the churches. When they came
before Semple's church they were defeated,
though both Semple and Broaddus were
present. In 1832 the Association withdrew
fellowship from six ministers who had
4 'adopted the name of Reformers."

The darkness of the time for Baptist
churches in the regions touched by the
propaganda was voiced in many sets of
resolutions and gloomy reports. The
Dover Association at the close of its resolu-
tions recommended to the churches "the
observation of a day of solemn humiliation,
with fasting and prayer, with reference to
the state of religion, and the distress which
had given rise to the meeting." The circu-
lar letter of the Bracken Association in Ken-
tucky in 1830, begins as follows: "Dear

166 The Disciples of Christ

Brethren: — In addressing you at this time,
we lament to have to say that a dark and
gloomy cloud overspreads our horizon un-
equalled since the establishment of the Bap-
tist society in Kentucky. Associations and
churches are dividing and of course peace
and harmony have departed." A very
comprehensive account of the state of af-
fairs in Tennessee, from the pen of Mr.
McConnico, appeared in 1830. It reads as
follows: "My beloved brethren: — Camp-
bellism has carried away many whom I
thought firm. These wandering stars and
clouds without water ever learning and
never able to come to the knowledge of the
truth, make proselytes much more the chil-
dren of the devil than they were before.
O Lord! hear the cries and see the tears of
the Baptists; for Alexander hath done them
much harm. The Lord reward him ac-
cording to his works. Look at the Creaths
of Kentucky. Look at Anderson, Craig,
and Hopwood, of Tennessee. See them

The Separation of the Reformers 167

dividing churches and spreading discord,
and constituting churches out of excom-
municated members. Such shuffling — such
lying — such slandering — such evil speaking
— such dissembling — such downright hy-
pocrisy— and all under the false name of
reformation. " " They have made divisions
in Cool Spring church. " "The Association
pronounced the old party the church, and
excluded Anderson, Craig, and all who had
gone off with them." "These were a
large minority — they say the majority."
" At Lepres Fork church a small party have
gone over to Campbellism." "At Big
Harpeth church, where I lived and served
thirty-two years, ten or twelve members
have left us." "At Nashville, P. S. Fall,
native of England, and Campbell's best
friend, has led off most of that church
which was a member of Cumberland Asso-
ciation." "On Saturday before the first
Lord's day in September, Willis Hopwood,
as is expected, will be excluded and per-

168 The Disciples of Christ

haps most of Liberty church will follow
him." " Robertson's Fork church, Giles
county, will divide, and probably a number
will follow Hopwood." "Zion church,
Bedford County, I fear, will suffer much
from the same new ancient gospel."
"Other churches may have some partial
sifting." "The calf, too, is set up in Ala-
bama."

A similar account could be written of the
majority of Baptist churches in Western
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Kentucky, and Vir-
ginia. Very few escaped the influences of
the reformation in these districts. As soon
as the Baptists had made up their minds that
no good would come to their order from
the toleration of this new system, that it
meant the overturning of customs and be-
liefs which had made them what they were,
a definite policy of resistance towards the
Reformers was adopted. They were given
no choice between rejection of " Campbell-
ism " and separation from their Baptist

The Separation of the Reformers 169

brethren. The reformation took them by
surprise at first. There were many unmis-
takably true things in it, and if it could only
be restrained within proper bounds, the
Baptists thought they could tolerate it. But
under success the Reformers grew bold and
confident, and under restraint they grew
defiant. They felt that they had the truth
and that the Baptists needed it; and like a
child refusing bitter medicine for its malady,
so the Baptists were resisting the truth of
the Reformers — the less they liked it, the
more they needed it.

At the bottom of the conflict lay two
classes of differences, doctrinal and prac-
tical. The doctrinal differences consisted of
disagreement as to (1) the relative authority
of the Old Covenant and the New. Camp-
bell denied that the Old had any binding
obligation on the Christian. Its abroga-
tion seemed to the Baptist a form of anti-
nomianism, if not irreverence. They dif-
fered in their (2) doctrine of baptism.

170 The Disciples of Christ

Campbell taught that baptism was in some
way connected with the remission of sins;
and that as far as he could understand New
Testament teaching and apostolic practice,
baptism should precede entrance into the
church or the fellowship of Christian peo-
ple. He did not give baptism alone regen-
erating efficacy, but in connection with
faith and repentance, it constituted the proc-
ess of regeneration or conversion. To the
Baptists this view made too much of bap-
tism and constituted it a direct means of
salvation. In practice both Baptists and Re-
formers insisted upon it, but in theory they
held it differently. They also differed in
their view of (3) the operation of the Holy
Spirit in conversion. Campbell taught that
he operated on the sinner indirectly through
the Word of God, the testimony of the
Spirit; the Baptists believed that he operated
directly upon the sinner, through a direct,
physical impact upon his heart and con-
science while he was still dead in trespasses

The Separation of the Reformers 1 7 1

and in sins. Both held that the Spirit dwelt
in the heart of the believer as his personal
guide and comforter. They differed as to
his method in constituting one a believer.
The Baptists taught that the sinner had need
of the Spirit in producing faith and quicken-
ing the spiritual life, while the Reformers
taught that faith was a faculty already
possessed by the human mind, and was
awakened towards Jesus Christ by the sub-
mission of testimony to his messiahship out
of the Scriptures.

They differed also in many practices. As
to the (1) value and use of creeds. The
Reformers believed that they were both un-
necessary and unscriptural, and the cause
of strife and division among Christians.
The Baptists used them and believed that
they were necessary to keep error out of
the church and as convenient summaries of
the essential doctrines of the Christian faith.
They differed in the (2) method of receiving
persons into the church. The Reformers

172 The Disciples of Christ

baptized a person upon the confession of
his faith in the messiahship of Jesus, and
received him without further test into the
church. The Baptists required an examina-
tion of the person before the officers or the
entire church, the relation of an experience
which should be acceptible as evidence of a
change of heart, and by vote of the congre-
gation admitted him to baptism. The Re-
former's haste seemed loose and dangerous
to the Baptists, who by inheritance from
the past were careful to guard the church
from unregenerate persons. They differed
in the (3) administration of baptism. The
Reformers held that baptism could be
validly administered by any believing Chris-
tian; the Baptists required the offices of an
ordained minister. In (4) the observance of
the Lord's supper, the Reformers celebrated
it every Sunday, the Baptists only monthly
or quarterly. The Reformers held that, in
(5) the call to the ministry, the fitness of the
person, both morally and intellectually, con-

The Separation of the Reformers 173

stituted the call; while the Baptists insisted
upon a supernatural summons attested by
some spiritual or physical sign. Other dif-
ferences existed, but these are the ones that
were the chief causes of conflict, and made
their appearance the most frequently.

In spite of the differences with the Bap-
tists the Reformers were determined to stay
with them, partly because of old associa-
tions, and partly because they were con-
scientiously opposed to divisions. Alexan-
der Campbell had said in 1826: " I and the
church with which I am connected are in
full communion with the Mahoning Baptist
Association of Ohio; and through them
with the whole Baptist society in the United
States; and I do intend to continue in con-
nection with this people so long as they
will permit me to say what I believe, to
teach what I am assured of, and to censure
what is amiss in their views and practices.
I have no idea of adding to the catalogue of
new sects. This game has been played too

174 The Disciples of Christ

long." He looked upon separation from
the Baptists as equivalent to the formation
of a new sect. A Baptist said to John
Smith: " Why is it that you Reformers do
not leave us ? Go off quietly now and let
us alone." "We love you too well for
that," replied Smith. " My brother Jonathan
once tried to swap horses with an Irishman,
but put, perhaps, too great a price on his
horse. The Irishman declined to trade, and
by way of apology said : ' It would be a
great pity, Mr. Smith, to part you and your
horse, for you do seem to think so very
much of him.' So we feel towards you
Baptist brethren." Each party accused the
other of being the cause of the divisions
and distresses, but each felt justified in
maintaining its position against the other
unchanged. The Baptists were sure that
so old, well tried, and successful a system
as theirs, could not be far wrong; while
the Reformers were sure that their system
was just a little older, for it went back to

The Separation of the Reformers 175

the very beginning, and " started where the
apostles left off." To the degree that the
Reformers urged the Baptists to give up
their creeds, their doctrines, and human in-
ventions, to that degree they held on to
them and discovered new reasons for hold-
ing on. In this controversy as in most
controversies, where there is truth and
honesty on both sides, and error and preju-
dice on both sides, it is difficult, if not im-
possible, to say which side should surrender.
In this, as always, it was fought out to the
bitter end. Since that time the Baptists
have given up their creeds, have modified
their Calvinism, their requirements of an
examination and experience for member-
ship in the church, and have reduced the
authority of associations; while the Re-
formers as " Disciples of Christ " have given
up their opposition to missionary, Bible,
and tract societies, salaried clergy, associa-
tion of churches, have recoiled from the
literalism of the authority of primitive pre-

176 The Disciples of Christ

cept and example, and above all have
sweetened in spirit towards those that differ
from them. Such modifications and mod-
erations did not seem possible to the parties
in the midst of the conflict.

CHAPTER IX

THE UNION OF REFORMERS AS DISCIPLES OF CHRIST

It is apparent by the year 1830 that a new
period has dawned in the movement for
the union of all Christians by the restora-
tion of primitive Christianity. The Baptists
have declined to lend their organization to
the purposes of the " Restorationers " and
have thrust them out into a separate
existence. There are scattered through
Ohio, Pennsylvania, Kentucky, and Virginia,
larger or smaller groups of persons called
" Reformers " or nicknamed "Campbell-
ites," composing a religious community of
twenty or thirty thousand.

It must not be forgotten that the move-
ment was for the most part a propaganda
among Baptist churches from 1813 to 1830.
We shall look in vain for any wide diffu-
sion of the " ancient order of things," out-
177

178 The Disciples of Christ

side of Baptist churches or in regions not
covered by them. The movement travelled
most rapidly over the way prepared for it
by the diffusion of Baptist principles and
societies. The people who became Re-
formers were first of all Baptists. The
separation was against their choice and
seemed without reason when they agreed
with their Baptist brethren in the majority
of fundamental Christian doctrines, such as
the authority of Scripture, the divinity of
Christ, justification by faith, the atonement,
and the forgiveness of sins. It was impos-
sible for them entirely to shake off their
Baptist proclivities and inheritances, or to
cut all the ligaments which bound the new
body to its mother. The mother could
not disown the child, and the child could
not deny the mother, so striking were
the resemblances between them. Many
churches of Reformers were separated
with the expectation of continuing as
Baptist churches. They could scarcely be-

The Union of Reformers 179

lieve that it was the end of fellowship with
the Baptists until the crisis came in a
general separation in 1829-30. Cut off in
one place, they entered into fellowship
with Baptists in another and felt them-
selves in the larger fellowship of the en-
tire body. It was some time before and
only by degrees that the Baptists convinced
the Reformers that they would have to go
alone. In some places Baptist churches
admitted Reforming preachers to their pul-
pits, while in other places they were de-
barred. By 1832 the Reforming element
was practically eliminated from the Baptist
churches, and wherever their preachers
went they were obliged to seek a new
opening and to establish a new society,
if their converts desired Christian fellow-
ship. Hitherto the Baptist churches had
profited by the recruits of Reforming
preachers.

That the process of separation was not a
painless one is evidenced by the violent

180 The Disciples of Christ

closing of church doors against Reforming
preachers, the many estrangements between
lifelong friends, and the many legal con-
tests over the ownership of church prop-
erty. Very often the property of a Bap-
tist church passed over to the Reformers
without contest, as at Warren and Hub-
bard, Ohio. But besides these various
material inheritances, the Reformers took
with them the remnants and forms of Bap-
tist organization. In this way they got
their start in the new world into which
they were thrust. Fragments of local
churches that were cut off, simply changed
their places of meeting and went on. The
same was true of associations. When the
Mahoning Association of Ohio was dis-
solved in 1830, though Alexander Camp-
bell was present and used his influence
against the action, yet he could not stem
the tide that was setting against all forms
of institutional authority or control in re-
ligious matters, and he reluctantly consented

The Union of Reformers 181

to its transformation into a "Yearly Meet-
ing " for edification and mutual acquaint-
ance. When the Reforming churches of
North District were disfellowshipped in
1829, they met under their Baptist constitu-
tion in 1830, and again in 1831 ; but at the
last meeting the Association was dissolved
to meet at Sharpsburg the following year,
"and there communicate with one another,
either by letter or otherwise, information
respecting the progress and affairs of each
church/'

The Reformers of different neighboring
Baptist associations, conscious of their sym-
pathy with each other, began to hold sepa-
rate meetings, from which were omitted
those known to be out of sympathy
with them. Such a meeting was held at
Mount Zion, Clark County, Kentucky, in
October, 1829. 'n l%3° a notice was sent
out calling a meeting of those friendly to
the reformation, under the name of "Bap-
tist Reformers," to be held at Mayslick,

182 The Disciples of Christ

Kentucky. This meeting was attended by
Campbell. Such meetings grew more com-
mon after 1830, and were the earliest form
of association of Reformers. Every ele-
ment of authority or control over either
persons or churches was eliminated from
them, and they amounted to little more
than meetings for worship, instruction, and
acquaintance. Since nothing was under-
taken by them in the way of missionary
or evangelistic work, it was inevitable
that people would lose interest in them,
until they passed away, to be succeeded
later, in the period of organized missionary
effort, by the " convention " system. Camp-
bell deprecated the loss cf cooperation and
urged some form of organization to take
the place of the old Baptist associations.
The Reformers were indifferent to it, or
were occupied in the work of propa-
gandism, to the exclusion of every other
interest. The thing that bound them to-
gether was the common devotion to the

The Union of Reformers 183

restoration of the "ancient order" and the
proclamation of the "ancient gospel."
Every preacher was a missionary of this
new crusade.

The Reformers were now confronted by
all the difficulties and problems that lay be-
fore the setting up of independent eccle-
siastical housekeeping. They had nobody
to please but themselves, and they alone
were responsible for failures or successes.
That a new era had dawned was apparent
to Alexander Campbell. He recognized
that his teaching had created a party, which
had begun to be designated by various dis-
tinguishing names, as " Reformers," " Res-
torationers," " Campbellites," and "Chris-
tian Baptists"; and for fear that the last
name might cling to them, he decided to
terminate the publication of the Christian
Baptist in 1830. It was to be succeeded by
a publication with a broader scope and a
different spirit, and was to be called the
Millennial Harbinger. He felt that the

184 The Disciples of Christ

Christian Baptist had served the purpose
for which it was established, but that new
conditions had arisen which called for an-
other method. He regretted many things
that had appeared in the Baptist, on account
of their harshness and severity, but he felt
that "desperate diseases require desperate
remedies/' He began to caution writers
for the Harbinger to preserve a spirit of
mildness and meekness and went so far as
to decline to publish some articles sent in
by Reformers because "they were at least
seven years after date," and admonished
them "to reform as the reformation pro-
gresses; and if there be any flagellating or
scalping to do, let it be reserved for capital
offenses/' There was present in the first
articles of the new periodical the conscious-
ness of a new task with new duties and re-
sponsibilities. It was no longer the task of
destroying the old and uprooting the false,
but of establishing the newr, of guiding and
developing an unorganized community into

The Union of Reformers 185

cooperation for service. The Harbinger
became the agency for its welding together.
One of the first problems to concern them
was the name they should wear. The
question had been discussed from the early
days of the Christian Baptist. The choice
lay between two New Testament designa-
tions for the people of God, "Christians"
and "Disciples of Christ." The former
name had been taken by the followers of
Stone, and was thought by Campbell to
have become a sectarian badge because of
the heretical teachings attributed to them.
For this reason he preferred the name Dis-
ciples of Christ, as one that could be worn
by all Christians, without carrying with it
any sectarian distinction or assumption of
superiority. Both names came into use by
the Reformers, the name Christian prefer-
ably by those who came under the influence
of Stone, and the name Disciple of Christ
by Alexander Campbell and those who came
under his influence. As a matter of course

i86 The Disciples of Christ

they came to repudiate the name Reforming
Baptists, or Campbellites, or Restorationers,
and every other name without New Testa-
ment sanction. A part of their testimony
against other religious bodies was their use
of names to distinguish them as followers
of great theological teachers or party lead-
ers, such as Lutheran or Wesleyan; or to
call attention to some peculiarity of faith or
practice, such as Methodist, Presbyterian,
or Baptist. They opposed them on the
ground that they were both unscriptural,
unnecessary, and divisive in their tenden-
cies.

The question of supply of ministers for
the new churches created by the separation
from the Baptists, seems to have solved
itself, as no measure was adopted to enlist
men in the service of the Reformers.
Enough preachers from the Baptists and
other religious bodies joined the Reformers
to provide for the pastoral needs of the new
congregations. Very few of them had set-

The Union of Reformers 187

tied pastors. The missionary spirit of the
preachers and the evangelistic cast of their
preaching, as well as the smallness of the
congregations, made them by choice and
necessity itinerant preachers. With such
low requirements for entrance upon the
ministry, and with such a simple, clear-cut
message to proclaim, it was not difficult to
enlist or find men of sufficient preparation
to go out and win converts. Learning was
held in low esteem and was not considered
necessary for the exposition of the Bible,
the preacher's text-book, which was
capable of neither a double nor a doubtful
meaning in its vital parts. Most of the
communities into which the preachers went
did not require a high degree of learning.
Piety, mother-wit, and a ready tongue were
far more important than the contributions
of the schools. The first school that was
established to supply a ministry for the
Disciples was not opened until 1840. It
was founded by Alexander Campbell and

i88 The Disciples of Christ

called " Bethany College." Without prep-
aration of any sort, from the farm and the
shop, scores of young men went out to
preach the " ancient gospel." Among such
were John Henry, who was born in 1797,
and died in 1844. He learned to play on
nine kinds of instruments in his youth, was
brought into the church by Adamson Bent-
ley at thirty years of age, started out to
preach from the farm where he had spent
most of his life, and became one of the
most powerful and eloquent masters of re-
ligious assemblies among the Disciples. He
and Alexander Campbell were to speak at
the same meeting. He spoke first and
many who did not know either of the
speakers supposed it was Campbell. After
Campbell had spoken some time at the close
of Henry's sermon many of the hearers
said: "We wish that man would sit down
and let Campbell get up, for he knows how
to preach." His ministry was spent chiefly
in Ohio. Another Ohio man was William

The Union of Reformers 189

Hayden, who was born in 1799 and died in
1863. He was without education, became
a Baptist, passed from the farm to the pul-
pit, and of him Walter Scott said to the
Mahoning Association in 1828: " Brethren,
give me my Bible, my head and William
Hayden, and we will go out and convert
the world." He became singing evangelist
to Scott "and during a ministry of thirty-
five years he travelled ninety thousand
miles, fully sixty thousand of which he
made on horseback. . . . The baptisms
by his own hands were twelve hundred and
seven. He preached over nine thousand
sermons." There were many other preach-
ers of lesser talent and influence whose edu-
cational opportunities were as limited as
those of Henry and Hayden.

Of a somewhat different type was David
S. Burnet, who was born at Dayton, Ohio,
in 1808, and died in Baltimore, Maryland, in
1867. His father was a lawyer and for
twelve years mayor of Cincinnati, Ohio.

190 The Disciples of Christ

He was brought up as a Presbyterian, but at
sixteen years of age, after careful study of
the New Testament, was baptized into the
Baptist church. He began preaching at
once, and at twenty years of age became
pastor of the Baptist church at Dayton, Ohio.
He began to read the writings of Campbell
and at the time of the separation of Baptists
and Reformers he went with the latter.
His activities were various. He was
preacher, pastor and college president,
editor and author, and in every capacity he
excelled. If in any particular he excelled
more than another it was as a speaker. He
was a pulpit orator of no mean ability and
occupied the most responsible positions and
was held in the highest esteem among the
Disciples.

The most significant event in the develop-
ment of the body of Reformers, following
close upon the heels of their separation
from the Baptists, was the union of the Re-
formers and the Christians, the followers of

The Union of Reformers 191

B. W. Stone. We have traced the process
by which Stone broke with the Presbyte-
rians in 1803, followed by the organization,
and within a year, the dissolution of the
Springfield Presbytery, with the abandon-
ment of creeds, human organizations and
names; by which he made converts to his
plan of Christian union upon the Bible alone,
and organized churches in Ohio and Ken-
tucky under the name Christians. The Re-
formers among the Baptists and these Chris-
tians were continually meeting upon the
same field of labor from 1826, and upon
discovery of agreement in many principles
and practices, began to fraternize.

There were present at the meeting of the
Mahoning Association at New Lisbon, Ohio,
in 1827, three Christian preachers, J. Merrill,
John Secrest, and Joseph Gaston, who were
invited to have a seat in the Association.
They had come up from Kentucky and
were preaching the doctrines of Stone
everywhere through Ohio. Secrest, the

192 The Disciples of Christ

most able and influential of the Christian
preachers in Ohio, after visiting Alexander
Campbell at his home, came away convinced
that "he was a man of great talent, a
scholar, and forty years ahead of this gener-
ation; and that if he carries the thing
through as he has commenced, he will
revolutionize the whole Protestant world,
for his foundation can never be shaken."

There was one difference in teaching and
practice between the Reformers and these
"New Lights" and that was as to the re-
quirement of baptism. The Christians did
not make it a condition of fellowship in
their churches. They received persons into
their churches by giving " the right hand of
fellowship " and left it to each one as to
whether he should be baptized afterwards.
When Secrest learned the design and place
of baptism as taught by Campbell, he went
back to the churches he had established,
calling upon the people to be " immersed
for the remission of sins."

The Union of Reformers 193

John Gaston was led into the fellowship
of the Christians by Secrest and became a
close personal friend and preaching compan-
ion of Walter Scott, by whom he was brought
over to the views of the Reformers. They
went together among Baptist and New
Light churches, bringing them together,
where they existed side by side, as in Salem,
New Lisbon, East Fairfield, Green, New
Garden, Hanover and Minerva, all in Ohio.
Among the preachers of the school of B. W.
Stone in Ohio who fell in with the teachings
of Campbell and Scott, were Joseph Pan-
coast, James Hughes, Lewis Hamrick, Lewis
Comer, William Schooley, John Flick and
John Whitacre.

It was in Kentucky, however, the home
of the movement, where the formal union
took place between the Reformers and the
Christians. They were stigmatized as
"Arians" and "Unitarians," on account
of the opposition of Stone to the metaphys-
ical doctrines of the trinity, the divinity of

194 The Disciples of Christ

Christ, and the atonement. He was dis-
posed to bring forward these doctrines in
his preaching and writing, not to make them
tests of Christian fellowship but to criticise
and speculate upon them, to the neglect of
the simple and essential doctrines of Chris-
tianity. His opposition to Calvinism be-
gan as a revolt against these orthodox doc-
trines, and without pausing to understand
his own view of them, his enemies drew
the conclusion that he passed over to the
extreme Unitarian position. As a matter of
fact he taught an evangelical and biblical
doctrine upon these subjects which would
be regarded as orthodox to-day. But ene-
mies of the movement were glad to believe
and circulate the worst constructions of
their teaching, so that prejudice against
them was bitter in orthodox circles. They
had no stronger haters than the Baptists,
and when some of the Reforming Baptists
were found to be mixing with them in
purely religious intercourse, the orthodox

The Union of Reformers 195

were outraged. In 1828 the North District
Association, notwithstanding the presence
of a strong Reforming party, resolved not
to have correspondence with any association
that would retain in its connection a church
that communed with Pedobaptists or with
Arians. The Baptists of the Mayslick church
were grieved that some of their brethren
were opening the meeting houses to the
Arians. Bracken association voiced her
grievances against the Reformers as those
who were not satisfied until they had
brought into the churches and to the com-
munion table every one that professed
faith in Christ, regardless of whether they
were Arians or anything else. Presbyte-
rians and Methodists held the Christians in
the same light.

It was under reproaches such as these that
the Reformers began to associate with the
Christians. The latter seems to have been
the party principally influenced by this as-
sociation. Stone always acknowledged his

196 The Disciples of Christ

debt to Campbell for many important truths
and wrote to him in 1827 as follows:
" Brother Campbell, your talents and learn-
ing we have highly respected; your cause
we have generally approved; your religious
views, in many points, accord with our
own; and to one point we have hoped we
both were directing our efforts, which point
is to unite the flock of Christ, scattered in
the dark and cloudy day." " From you we
have learned more fully the evil of speculat-
ing on religion, and have made considerable
proficiency in correcting ourselves." But
he goes on to lament the tendency in some
of Campbell's writings to speculate upon re-
ligious questions in a metaphysical way.
Campbell replied: "Some weak heads
amongst my Baptist brethren have been
scandalized at me because I called you
brother Stone. What ! say they, call an
Arian heretic a brother} I know nothing
of his Arianism, said I, nor of his Calvin-
ism," " I am truly sorry to find that certain

i

The Union of Reformers 197

opinions called Arian or Unitarian, or some-
thing else, are about becoming the sectarian
badge of a people who have assumed the
sacred name Christians; and that some
peculiar views of atonement or reconcilia-
tion, are likely to become characteristic of a
people who have claimed the high character
and dignified relation of "the Church of
Christ/' I do not say that such is yet the
fact; but things are, in my opinion, looking
that way; and if not suppressed in the bud,
the name Christian will be as much a sec-
tarian name as Lutheran, Methodist, or
Presbyterian."

From time to time friendly communica-
tions passed between the two great leaders
of the movements, calling out the position
and attitude of each as to the practicability
of the union of their respective followers.
What seemed to be serious obstacles to the
union in the way of differences in practice
were discussed. In 1831 Stone wrote as
follows : " The question is going the round

198 The Disciples of Christ

of society, and is often proposed to us,
Why are not you and the Reformed Bap-
tists one people? Or, why are you not
united? We have uniformly answered: In
spirit we are united, and that no reason ex-
ists on our side to prevent the union in
form.'' But there were certain differences
which kept them apart, and these Stone
states as follows: " 1. That we have fel-
lowship and communion with unimmersed
persons. They contend — so we understand
them — that, according to the New Institu-
tion, none but the immersed have their sins
remitted, and therefore they cannot com-
mune with the unimmersed. . . . We be-
lieve and acknowledge that baptism is or-
dained by the King a means for the remis-
sion of sins to penitent believers, but we
cannot say that immersion is the sine qua
non, without maintaining the awful conse-
quences above, and without contradicting
our own experience. We therefore teach
the doctrine ' Believe, repent, and be im-

The Union of Reformers 199

mersed for the remission of sins,' and we
endeavor to convince our hearers of its
truth, but we exercise patience and for-
bearance towards such pious persons as
cannot be convinced.

"2. Another cause or reason why they
and we are not united as one people is, that
we have taken different names. They ac-
knowledge the name Christian as most ap-
propriate; but because they think this name
is disgraced by us who wear it, and that to
it may be attached the idea of Unitarian or
Trinitarian, they reject it, and have taken
the older name Disciple. This they have
done in order to be distinguished from us.
. . . We are ready any moment to meet
and unite with those brethren, or any
others who believe in and obey the Saviour,
according to their best understanding of his
will, on the Bible but not on opinions of its
truth."

While the great leaders were discussing
their differences and the obstacles to union,

200 The Disciples of Christ

the preachers and the people were consum-
mating union between Reformers and
Christians wherever it was possible to do
so in local communities. John T. Johnson,
as soon as he made the acquaintance of the
views of both Campbell and Stone, con-
cluded that there was not sufficient differ-
ence to keep their followers apart and began
at once to urge a union. Stone lived near
to him at Georgetown, Kentucky, and
an intimate intercourse sprang up between
them which resulted in Johnson's joining
Stone as one of the editors of the Christian
Messenger — a periodical established by Stone
in 1826. To promote a closer relationship
and acquaintance between the Disciples and
Christians Johnson invited John Smith, who
was known to be friendly with the Chris-
tians, to come to Georgetown in November,
1831, to hold a meeting with him, and con-
fer upon the practicability and conditions of
union between the two bodies. Several
conferences were held and they arranged to

The Union of Reformers 20 1

have a general conference at Lexington,
January 1, 1832. Representatives of the
two movements were invited, and Smith
and Stone, the one for the Disciples and the
other for the Christians, were appointed to
speak. They agreed in their proposals to
make the Scriptures the basis of their union,
and began the consummation of it by ex-
tending the hand of fellowship before the
company then and there present. The
members of the two bodies followed the
example of the two speakers and gave to
each other the hand of fellowship amidst
universal thanksgiving and rejoicing. Some
persons asked the Christians after the union,
" Are there no differences of opinion be-
tween you and the Reformers ? " To which
they replied, "We are not concerned to
know; we have never asked them what
their opinions were, nor have they asked
us. If they have opinions different from
ours, they are welcome to have them, pro-
vided they do not endeavor to impose them

202 The Disciples of Christ

on us as articles of faith, and they say the
same of us/'

This act of union could not bind any one
but those present and parties to it. To ex-
tend it among the two bodies throughout
Kentucky and other regions, two evangelists
were chosen, John Smith for the Disciples
and John Rogers for the Christians, to go
together among the churches consummating
the union. The event was felt to be a
signal victory for the cause of Christian
union as advocated by both parties. Similar
coalitions between Disciples and Christians
took place at the same time in Indiana,
Illinois, and Tennessee. There was an ele-
ment, however, among the Christians that
looked with no favor upon union with the
Disciples because of their teaching concern-
ing baptism and the Holy Spirit, and who
refused to go into it. They have survived,
after union with the followers of James
O'Kelley and Abner Jones, as the " Christian
Connection Church." There were prejudices

The Union of Reformers 203

against the union on the part of many Re-
forming Baptists because of the reputation
of the Christians for Arianism, and loose
teaching on baptism. John Smith had no
little difficulty in convincing his friends in
the churches about Mt. Sterling that the
union was wise and scriptural, and he felt
it needful to put out an "Address" to his
Reforming brethren defining his action and
correcting false impressions concerning the
teaching and practices of the Christians.
They had never heard any of the preachers
of the Christians and knew of them only by
hearsay. Wherever the two evangelists
went they met with objections and preju-
dices against the union on the part of mem-
bers of one body or the other. The con-
gregations of the two bodies in Lexington
came together at first, but later separated
on account of differences and did not finally
unite until 1835.

The contributions of the Christians to the
joint movement were by no means unim-

204 The Disciples of Christ

portant. The biographer of John Smith
estimates the number of Christians who
came into the union in Kentucky alone at
8,000. The number must have reached a
third or a half more in other states. They
contributed to the movement, besides Stone,
several other preachers of superior talent
and character. Samuel Rogers was born in
Virginia in 1789; came to Kentucky in 1793
with his parents, and finally settled there in
1812. He was converted under the preach-
ing of B. W. Stone, and after serving as a
volunteer soldier in the war of 1812, began
to preach the gospel as he had learned it
from the Christians. He travelled exten-
sively as a preacher through Kentucky,
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Missouri, and
everywhere met with success. His early
life, as narrated by himself, was full of the
labors and privations of an itinerant preacher
in the wilds of backwoods settlements, for
which he received in payment scarcely
enough to support himself. On many long

The Union of Reformers 205

journeys by boat and on horseback, he re-
ceived less than he had expended along the
way. From reading the writings of Alex-
ander Campbell and after meeting and
hearing him at Wilmington, Ohio, in 1825,
" cloud after cloud rolled away from his
mind, letting in upon his soul light and joy
and hope that no tongue can express." The
members of the church at Antioch, where
he lived and preached, began to study the
Bible in the new light, and within a year
unanimously introduced "the ancient order
of things " into their government and wor-
ship. He was thus prepared for the coales-
cence of the Disciples and Christians which
began in Ohio in 1827 and was consum-
mated in Kentucky in 1832. During a min-
istry which continued past the eighty-fourth
year of his age he baptized more than seven
thousand persons. Associated with him in
the work of the ministry and as a com-
panion on many of his travels, was his
younger brother, John Rogers, whom he

206 The Disciples of Christ

introduced to the ministry in 1819. He was
baptized by Stone in 1818 and studied under
him at Georgetown, Kentucky, and was
ordained to the ministry by him in 1820.
He met and heard Alexander Campbell at
Carlisle, Kentucky, in 1824, from whom he
"learned the true design of baptism — the
necessity for weekly communion — the dis-
tinction between faith and opinion — and the
true basis of union upon the great and all-
comprehensive proposition that Jesus is the
Christ the Son of God." He "cordially
embraced the views of the Reformation
about the year 1831," and was one of the
most active promoters of the union between
the followers of Campbell and Stone in
1832. He was chosen by the Christians to
travel with John Smith, the representative
of the Disciples, to unite the two bodies in
Kentucky.

Thomas M. Allen was born in Virginia
in 1797. He was brought up under Pres-
byterian influences, studied and practiced

The Union of Reformers 207

law until he was converted by Stone in
1823. He was one of the six original
charter members of the "Old Union "
church, Fayette County, Kentucky. He
began to preach and was ordained by Stone
in 1825. He established churches at Paris,
Antioch, Clintonville, and Cynthiana, Ken-
tucky. After the union of the Christians
and Disciples, in which he took a leading
part, he moved to Missouri, and was one
of the earliest as well as the most influen-
tial preachers of the Disciples in that state.

John Allen Gano was another preacher
who came under the influence of Stone,
first as a student in his school at George-
town, and later as an attendant upon his
ministrations in the pulpit. He was con-
verted and baptized in 1827 by T. M. Allen,
and began at once to preach as he had
opportunity. He had prepared himself for
the practice of law, but his fervent religious
nature and his readiness of expression so
admirably qualified him for the preaching

2o8 The Disciples of Christ

of the gospel, that he found no difficulty
in turning away from his long-cherished
purpose to practice law. He was the
grandson of the eminent Baptist preacher
of New York City, Rev. John Gano, who
came to Kentucky and died there in 1804.
He met Alexander Campbell in 1827 and
came at once under his influence.

Among other preachers who came by
way of the Stone movement into the ranks
of the united body must be mentioned the
two brothers, F. R. Palmer and H. D. Pal-
mer, B. F. Hall, Tolbert Fanning and Elijah
Goodwin. The readiness with which the
leading preachers espoused the cause of
Campbell justified the observation of
Samuel Rogers when he declared: " Stone,
and those laboring with him, had consti-
tuted churches throughout central and
northern Kentucky upon the Bible and
the Bible alone, and all these without
exception came early into the reforma-
tion. Stone's reformation was the seed

The Union of Reformers I09

bed of the reformation produced by Alex-
ander Campbell." These preachers and
many others of lesser note had prepared
the way for the teaching of Alexander
Campbell not only in Kentucky, but through
Ohio, Virginia, Tennessee, Indiana, Illinois,
and Missouri.

Stone and his followers were primarily
Christian unionists, as had been Thomas
Campbell and the Christian Association of
Washington. There was emphasis upon
reformation of faith and practice in their
advocacy, as a preparation for union, but
the union of the children of God was ever
the end before them. As a consequence,
their basis of fellowship was broader, and
larger liberty was allowed to the individual
conscience. They did not insist upon bap-
tism as a condition of fellowship in their
churches. Stone's conception of union was
more spiritual than that of Campbell. He
looked to a diffusion of the spirit of holi-
ness and love among Christians to unite

2lo The Disciples of Christ

them, while Campbell rested his hope of
union upon an agreement in New Testa-
ment faith and practice. Campbell and
many of his followers held aloof from the
Christians at first on account of their sup-
posed departure from sound doctrine, and
it was not until the Christians had practic-
ally signified their acceptance of the teach-
ing of the Reformers upon the subject of
baptism and the Lord's supper, that union
with them was deemed advisable. Union
came because the two parties found them-
selves upon the same ground of faith and
practice. The Stone movement was born
out of a religious revival and the preachers
of that connection were primarily winners
of souls. They were all evangelists; and
it was due to this fact that the movement
spread so rapidly and widely. Alexander"
Campbell was not an evangelist. He was
essentially a teacher and set for his aim the
transformation of the minds of Christian
people with respect to the doctrines of Chris-

The Union of Reformers 2 J 1

tianity. The Campbell movement started
as a propaganda among the churches and
would have resulted in a proselytism when
separated from the Baptists had it not been
leavened by the evangelism of Walter Scott
and the Stone movement. These two ele-
ments, a proselytism and an evangelism,
have survived side by side throughout the
history of the Disciples, and have con-
tributed more than all other elements to
their growth.

CHAPTER X

EARLY GROWTH AND ORGANIZATION

With the separation of the Reformers
from the Baptists, and their coalescence with
the followers of Barton W. Stone, a new
religious party assumed form among Ameri-
can denominations under the name, Disciples
of Christ or Christians. They were charged
with a message of reformation to their re-
ligious neighbors and a gospel of imme-
diate repentance to the unconverted. Every
preacher of the new communion was a prop-
agandist and travelling evangelist. Their
one purpose now was to plant churches of
the primitive order wherever they could get
a large enough company together.

The movement spread principally from
two centres, Ohio and Kentucky. From
Ohio it was carried eastward into New York
and Pennsylvania; and westward into Michi-

212

Early Growth and Organization 213

gan, northern Ohio and Indiana, and Wis-
consin. From Kentucky it was carried
eastward and southward into Virginia,
Maryland, the Carolinas, Tennessee, and
Alabama; and westward into Indiana, Illi-
nois, and Missouri. The movement spread
chiefly in a westward direction from Ken-
tucky along the lines of emigration. Very
often a sufficient number of emigrants to
establish the nucleus of a society found
themselves settled together in the same
neighborhood and sent for a preacher to
hold meetings and constitute them into a
church. The movement was essentially a
westward movement. It never made any
notable progress east of the place of its
origin, and remains comparatively weak
and unknown to the present time east of
the Alleghanies. Churches sprang up in
this early period in all of the principal
cities of the East, as Philadelphia, Buffalo,
New York and Baltimore, by a sifting proc-
ess from the Baptists and other churches,

214 The Disciples of Christ

and by the occasional removal of members
from the West; but they have remained
small and have survived only through a
critical struggle for existence. The read-
ing of the Christian Baptist and the Mil-
lennial Harbinger and numerous tracts and
books did much to propagate the move-
ment beyond the circuit of the travelling
evangelist, so that before 1850 there were
churches in the British Provinces and in all
of the British Isles, as well as in most of
the states of the Union.

The movement spread westward by leaps
and bounds, first among Baptist churches
and in regions touched by the Stone move-
ment, and then independently through emi-
gration and evangelization. The begin-
nings of the movement in Ohio were
among the Baptists of the Mahoning and
Stillwater associations. Both associations,
with few exceptions among either preachers
or churches, were brought over to the
views of Campbell and composed the first

Early Growth and Organization 2 1 5

churches of the Disciples. In these churches
was also a large ingredient of the followers
of Stone. The churches multiplied rapidly
under the labors of such men as Walter
Scott, William Hayden, J. H. Jones, Isaac
Errett, Jonas Hartzel, J. J. Moss, A. B. Green,
W. A. Belding and others. The early his-
tory of the Disciples in eastern Ohio is in-
cidentally connected with the rise of Mor-
monism, on account of the conversion to
that faith of Sidney Rigdon, the early as-
sociate of Alexander Campbell and Walter
Scott. His conversion occurred in 1830,
through the influence of two missionaries
who came to his home at Mentor, Ohio.
He is said to have obtained more influence
over Joseph Smith, the founder of Mor-
monism, than any other living man; and
to him was due the transfer of the seat of
Mormonism from New York to Kirtland,
Ohio, and its transformation into a commu-
nistic society. Alexander Campbell was one
of the earliest antagonists of the system.

21 6 The Disciples of Christ

The Disciples were greatly disturbed by its
progress and suffered the loss of several
churches. There were very few churches
in the northwestern and central sections of
the state in this early period. There were a
few churches in the southwestern section
in and around Cincinnati. The first church
in Cincinnati was an offshoot from the
Enon Baptist Church, under the leadership
of James Challen, its pastor, who adopted
the teachings of Campbell, and became the
pastor of the first church of Reformers.
This city received frequent visits from
Campbell, and was the scene of two of
his debates, one with the skeptic Robert
Oweti, in 1829, on the " Evidences of Chris-
tianity," and the other with Bishop J. B.
Purcell of the Roman Catholic Church,
in 1837, on the " Roman Catholic Religion."
Both debates widened the fame and influence
of Campbell, while the one with Owen put
the entire Christian world under obligation
to him. The movement in this region

Early Growth and Organization 2 1 7

of the state was principally promoted by
Walter Scott, James Challen, D. S. Burnet,
L. L. Pinkerton, L. H.Jameson, Dr. R. Rich-
ardson and J. J. Moss. The first form of
association among the Disciples in Ohio
was the "yearly meeting "; but this was
felt to be useless for missionary purposes,
and in 1852 they organized a state mis-
sionary society for "the proclamation of
the original gospel within the bounds of
the state of Ohio." At this time there were
about 300 churches and 18,000 members in
the state. With the multiplication and
growth of the churches arose the need
of an educational institution to provide
a properly equipped ministry. To meet
this need and to provide a school for the
sons and daughters of Disciples in the
state, the Western Eclectic Institute was
established in 1850 at Hiram, Ohio, about
thirty miles from Cleveland. The name
was later changed to Hiram College.
The beginnings of the movement in

218 The Disciples of Christ

Kentucky, as in Ohio, were among Bap-
tist churches. The writings of Campbell
preceded his visit to Kentucky in 1823, on
the occasion of his debate with Maccalla.
This visit greatly extended his influence,
and, through the publication of the Chris-
tian Baptist, he became a regular monthly
visitor to an ever increasing number of sub-
scribers in Baptist churches. One Baptist
preacher after another adopted his views
and taught them to the churches. In this
state the movement made more extensive
conquests in the early period than in any
other state. The city of Lexington became
the centre from which it radiated in every
direction. It was propagated under the
preaching of P. S. Fall, John Smith,
J. T. Johnson, John Rogers, B. W. Stone,
Alexander Campbell, Aylett Raines, and
many other great preachers under their
leadership. As soon as the Reformers
were separated from the Baptists they
began to hold "yearly meetings'' for edi-

Early Growth and Organization 219

fication and mutual acquaintance. It was
not long before a more profitable form
of association for missionary work was
adopted. The effective work done by
John Smith and John Rogers, in estab-
lishing new churches and uniting the Chris-
tians and Disciples after the formal union
at Lexington in 1832, demonstrated the
value of supporting evangelists by co-
operation. The two men were kept in
the field in 1833 and 1834, and in 1835
four evangelists with limited fields were
appointed. These evangelists were sent
out and supported by groups of neigh-
boring churches, by special voluntary
agreement to provide their salary for a
year; and such arrangements were re-
newed from year to year. This was the
customary form of cooperation in the
early period, and was characteristic of
Kentucky; but we meet it in Ohio, Indi-
ana and Missouri. State meetings began
to be held as early as 1844, an<3 mission-

220 The Disciples of Christ

ary work by the state as a whole began
in 1850. A school under the management
of Disciples was established at George-
town in 1836, through the initiative of
T. F. Johnson and J. T. Johnson. It was
called Bacon College, after the philos-
opher, Sir Francis Bacon. It was removed
to Harrodsburg in 1839, where its work
was suspended in 1850. Through the
efforts of J. B. Bowman, a graduate of the
college, its charter was renewed and en-
larged and became the basis of a new
institution in 1858 called Kentucky Uni-
versity. It was moved to Lexington in
1865. A Bible College was established in
connection with it, which has probably
educated more men for the ministry than
any other single school among the Dis-
ciples.

The movement in Indiana had its sources
chiefly among the Christians and Baptists,
though the Dunkards contributed somewhat
to the early period. The pioneers in the

Eariy Growth and Organization 22 i

work were Beverly Vawter, J. P. Thompson,
John Wright, John O'Kane, Elijah Goodwin,
J. ML Mathes, L. H. Jameson, S. R. Hoshour,
B. K. Smith, and Benjamin Franklin. Co-
operative missionary work was begun in
1833 by the churches of Rush and Fayette
Counties in uniting to send out and support
John O'Kane as a missionary through the
state. In 1839 a state meeting was held
at Indianapolis, and in 1844 at a similar
meeting at Connersville the state was di-
vided into four districts and an evangelist
put in each. The scheme fell through be-
fore the end of the first year, and no further
cooperative work was done until 1849.
Under the leadership of Ovid Butler,
Northwestern Christian University was
established in 1850 at Indianapolis. The
name was later changed to Butler Col-
lege.

Illinois received the reformation from
Kentucky in the early period through the
evangelistic labors of Christian preachers.

222 The Disciples of Christ

When B. W. Stone removed from Kentucky
to Jacksonville, Illinois, in 1834, he found in
the place a church of Christians and one of
Disciples that had not united as they had in
other places. He refused to become a mem-
ber of either church until they united. The
preachers under whom the body was ex-
tended and organized throughout the cen-
tral and southern parts were B. W. Stone,
D. P. Henderson, W. W. Happy, Josephus
Hewet, and John T. Jones. The Disciples
began to hold annual state meetings in 1832
but there was no organization for missionary
work until 1856 when the Illinois Christian
Missionary Society was organized. At the
annual state meeting at Abingdon in 1852 a
resolution was brought before the conven-
tion by an educational committee appointed
the previous year, recommending to the
churches the recognition of Walnut Grove
Academy as the institution of learning of
the Disciples in the state of Illinois. The
Disciples were urged to foster it by sending

Early Growth and Organization 223

to it their sons and daughters, and donating
to its library and apparatus, and raising such
means as would enable the trustees to place
it upon a sure and permanent basis. This
school was started as a private enterprise
by A. S. Fisher, a student from Bethany
College, in 1848, under the patronage of
several members of the Church of the Dis-
ciples in the community. It was chosen as
the school of the church because it was the
only institution of learning in the state con-
trolled by Disciples, and because it proposed
to educate men for the ministry without
charging them tuition. The churches or-
ganized a board of education in 1852 to
promote primitive Christianity by establish-
ing schools exclusively under church con-
trol. Walnut Grove Academy was chartered
as Eureka College in 1855. Abingdon Col-
lege, organized and conducted by Disciples
in the interest of religious education since
1853, was consolidated with Eureka College
in 1884. From the beginning the college

224 The Disciples of Christ

has been an important factor in supplying
men for the ministry and developing the
work of the body in the state.

The state of Missouri lay in the path of
emigration to the west and was among the
first to receive visits from Christian preach-
ers from Kentucky. Thomas McBride came
under the teaching of B. W. Stone in Ken-
tucky, moved to Missouri in 1816, and was
the first Christian preacher who crossed the
Mississippi River to preach the Bible alone
as the basis of Christian union. He preached
and established churches in Howard, Boone,
Franklin and other adjacent counties lying
along the Missouri River. Samuel Rogers
was the second Christian preacher to go to
Missouri. He made his first journey in 1819
and found many churches already established
by McBride. These early Christian churches,
together with many Baptist churches, pro-
vided congenial soil for the teachings of
Alexander Campbell and out of them came
the first churches of the Disciples in the

Early Growth and Organization 225

state. The reformation was developed in
the early period under the preaching of such
men as J. H. Haden, T. M. Allen, M. P.
Wills, F. R. Palmer, Absalom Rice, James
Love, Jacob Creath, Allen Wright, Jacob
and Joseph Coons, Henry Thomas, and
Duke Young. The churches began to hold
state meetings very early and by 1837 had
begun to cooperate in missionary work.
By 1850 there were estimated to be 16,000
members in the state.

The first church of the Disciples in Iowa
was organized by David R. Chance in 1836
at Lost Creek, and the first regular ministers
to devote all their time to preaching were
Aaron Chatterton and Nelson A. McConnell.
In addition to the preaching by these two
men the cause was represented in the pio-
neer period by John Rigdon, S. H. Bonham,
Jonas Hartzel, John Martindale, Pardee But-
ler, David Bates, D. P. Henderson, Allen
Hickey, S. B. Downing and J. K. Cornell.
The first cooperative missionary work was

226 The Disciples of Christ

done in 1845, and the first state meeting was
held at Marion in 1850. At that time there
were thirty-nine churches and 2,000 mem-
bers. The state missionary society was or-
ganized in 1855, and N. A. McConnell was
the first evangelist sent out. The churches
took steps in 1856 to establish a college at
Oskaloosa. The establishment of Drake
University in 1881 by Gen. F. M. Drake, at
Des Moines, came to overshadow Oskaloosa
College, and withdrew the support and
patronage of the churches from it to such a
degree that it was obliged finally to abandon
its work.

The first converts to the teaching of
Alexander Campbell in England were
from among the Scotch Baptist churches
founded by Archibald McLean. In 1833
P. C. Wyeth, of Virginia, a disciple of
Campbell, went to Europe to study art, and
while in London wandered into a Scotch
Baptist church presided over by Wm. Jones.
He found himself among Christians of like

Early Growth and Organization 227

faith and order and told Mr. Jones of the
" restoration movement " in America.
Correspondence arose between Mr. Jones
and Mr. Campbell upon the teachings of
the Disciples and by 1835 the writings of
Campbell began to be published in England
under the title, British Millennial Har-
binger. To James Wallace, who started a
periodical called the Christian Messenger,
belongs the principal credit for the early
development of the movement in England.
By 1842 the churches of the Disciples in the
United Kingdom numbered forty-two, with
a membership of 1,300.

The first centre of the movement was
Bethany, West Virginia, the home of Alex-
ander Campbell, from which issued the
Christian Baptist and Millennial Har-
binger. While it was not long before each
state had its own centre and leaders, its
own religious papers and schools, yet
Campbell continued to be the most authori-
tative person and his paper the most repre-

228 The Disciples of Christ

sentative and influential, and his college the
most popular among the Disciples to the
time of his death in 1866. His writings
were read in every state in the Union, and
before 1840 nearly every state had churches
established upon the principles he advo-
cated.

The rapid growth of the body as an inde-
pendent movement and its continued suc-
cesses after separation from the Baptists,
confirmed the belief of its leaders in the
correctness of their principles and teach-
ings. They approached other religious
bodies, confident of their advantage over
them, and accepted the frequent secessions
of members from them tc their own ranks
as evidence of it. As a consequence they
became and were reputed to be inveterate
proselytizers. With such an attitude, all
cordiality departed from their relationships
with other denominations, and the frequent
public debates engaged in did not promote
fraternity, much less unity, between them.

Early Growth and Organization 229

Scores of debates were held between rep-
resentatives of the Disciples and Baptists
and other bodies upon the subject of bap-
tism and other differences. The most
notable of these discussions was that be-
tween Alexander Campbell and Rev. N. L.
Rice, a Presbyterian minister, at Lexington,
Kentucky, in 1842, upon the subjects of
baptism, the Holy Spirit, and creeds. The
presence of Henry Clay as president of the
board of five moderators, contributed much
to the dignity and notoriety of the occasion.
After the example of Campbell it was con-
sidered good form and a valiant enterprise
to get into a debate, and there were very
few of the leading preachers who did not
bring about such an engagement on some
subject. While it was not always possible
to avoid a public debate, yet it is highly
probable that many preachers coveted the
fame and courted occasion of debate. They
justified the custom on the ground that it
was a condition of self-preservation as well

230 The Disciples of Christ

as a means of publishing the truth to the
world. In the midst of such religious war-
fare one is surprised on the one hand at the
proposals for union, but on the other hand
not surprised at the poor success of such
proposals.

A meeting between the Disciples and all
other religious bodies for the discussion of
a basis of union was suggested and ar-
ranged by J. T. Johnson, to be held at Lex-
ington, Kentucky, in 1841. All religious
parties were invited and were promised
"equal privileges." Alexander Campbell
and the Disciples were present in full force,
but only one representative of other relig-
ious bodies came in the person of Dr.
Fishback, and he was a Baptist in partial
sympathy. After a three days' discussion of
the practicability of union on the basis of
the things held in common by the denomi-
nations, the following resolution was
adopted: "That the Bible, and the Bible
alone, is a sufficient foundation on which

Early Growth and Organization 231

all Christians may unite and build to-
gether." To the surprise of the promoters
of it, the meeting was not merely ignored
but bitterly opposed by other bodies, the
Baptists in particular. The reason for this
is not far to seek. The Disciples proposed
the meeting and went to it with a ready-
made plan of union to submit and defend.
They themselves were already building ac-
cording to the plan, and to other bodies it
was equivalent to an invitation to discuss
the position of the Disciples. Their plan
had failed to work in the case of the Bap-
tists, with whom they were in closest
agreement on most doctrinal points, and
there was less likelihood that it would suc-
ceed in the case of Presbyterians or Meth-
odists. They were simply inviting other
parties to come to them, and union was
equivalent to absorption. In the discussion
of the question of union they were con-
scious of having everything to teach and
nothing to learn. There could be but one

232 The Disciples of Christ

plan of union, that of the New Testament,
and it was one they had received and were
not at liberty to change. The problem of
union was not an open one to them. Nat-
urally, other denominationalists were not
willing to put themselves in the attitude of
learners, and not having plans of their own
to submit, the meeting would be reduced
to a discussion on the Disciples' own
ground.

The body very early developed a con-
sciousness of scriptural correctness and in-
fallibility which placed them in the light of
a very narrow and exclusive sect. There
was an element among them that con-
tracted the spirit of a sect, though all the
time professing hatred of sectarianism.
They reprobated the state of other Chris-
tians and declined to acknowledge the
Christian status of those not in fellowship
with them. This element was aroused by
the admission of Alexander Campbell in an
article in the Millennial Harbinger of 1837

Early Growth and Organization 233

that there were Christians among all Prot-
estant sects. He had always held that
view, but had not so plainly expressed it as
in reply to a letter asking his view of the
matter. His definition of a Christian as
" one that believes in his heart that Jesus of
Nazareth is the Messiah, the Son of God;
repents of his sins, and obeys him in all
things according to his measure of knowl-
edge of his will," aroused the bitter criticism
of many who held, that, since baptism is
for the remission of sins, and only immer-
sion is baptism, those who have not been
immersed are still in their sins and unsaved.
Campbell repudiated this view with indig-
nation. This discussion developed the
presence among the Disciples of two di-
vergent parties, a narrow, literal party, and
a broad, spiritual party. The former party
went on to identify the true church of
Christ by certain external marks — its creed,
worship, organization, and discipline — and
identified the true Christian as one in fel-

234 The Disciples of Christ

lowship with this order of things. They
practically went so far as to affirm that no
one could be saved outside of a church of
the Disciples, or a church organized accord-
ing to the primitive mt>del in its external
features. Campbell and other leaders never
gave this conception any sympathy, and
arrayed themselves on the side of a broader,
more spiritual conception.

CHAPTER XI

THE RISE OF INTERNAL CONTROVERSY

The plan of Christian union founded upon
a uniform interpretation of the Scriptures,
as set forth in the Declaration and Address
and as held and taught by the Reformers,
did not insure or effect unity among those
who held it. The possibilities of disagree-
ment lay in the great watchword of the
movement: '• Where the Scriptures speak,
we speak; where they are silent, we are
silent." Between the authority of Scripture
and the Scriptures themselves, always lies
the interpretation of them. In the last
analysis, the authority of Scripture is the
authority of the interpretation. There being
no authoritative interpretation of Scripture
among Protestants who accept the princi-
ple of private or free interpretation, there
are bound to be differences of interpretation
235

236 The Disciples of Christ

upon many fundamental teachings of Scrip-
ture. Freedom of interpretation was car-
ried to its fullest extent among the followers
of the Campbells, and each person was
encouraged and trusted to make application
of the rule, a "Thus saith the Lord" for
every item of religious faith and practice.
This very freedom developed differences all
through the early period between the ex-
tremely literal interpreters and the more
spiritual. We found that in the earliest in-
terpretation or definition of primitive Chris-
tianity among the Reformers the literal
method prevailed and resulted in an em-
phasis upon the "order of things" in the
primitive church. "The restoration of the
ancient order of things " became the formula
of development. But while Alexander
Campbell was writing that famous series
of articles in the Christian Baptist under
the above title, he turned aside in a separate
article on " The Spirit of the Ancient Chris-
tians " to say: "To have an ancient order

The Rise of Internal Controversy 237

of things restored in due form without the
spirit or power of that order, would be
mere mimicry, which we would rather, and
we are assured the primitive saints would
rather, never see." "If the spirit of the
ancient Christians and of their individual
and social conduct was more inquired after,
and more cultivated, we would find but
little trouble in understanding and display-
ing the ancient order of things." He found
this spirit in the words: " Lord, what wilt
thou have me to do ? "

It began to be evident to the Disciples that
primitive Christianity was something more
than an order of things in public worship
and church organization. The zeal which
consumed the primitive Christians was not
directed to forms of public worship. The
form and order which their new life as-
sumed were taken up unconsciously from
the customs with which they were most
familiar as Jews. Their Master's consuming
interest had been in the saving of lost men

238 The Disciples of Christ

and women, and he communicated his
passion to his followers. The principal
business of the primitive church was the
missionary enterprise. Campbell said in
an address in 1851 that "the spirit of
Christianity is essentially a missionary
spirit/' It began to be felt by the Dis-
ciples that as a people claiming the dis-
tinction of restoring primitive Christianity
they could not consistently neglect that
which was the essential spirit and dis-
tinguishing mark of the primitive Chris-
tians— the seeking and the saving of the lost
in all lands and among all peoples. The
conversion of the heathen world had already
become an enthusiasm in several denomina-
tions. Before 1840 the Congregationalists,
Baptists, Methodists, Episcopalians, and
Presbyterians had organized societies for
the proclamation of the gospel in foreign
lands.

Stimulated by the example of other de-
nominations, as well as by the precept of

The Rise of Internal Controversy 239

Christ and the example of the primitive
church, the Disciples began to see that they
were in need of a more effective form of
cooperation, if they were to develop and
properly use the spiritual and material
forces represented in the rapidly increasing
numbers of members in their churches. It
was this sense of an increasing responsibil-
ity growing out of an increasing member-
ship which led to the formation of the
American Christian Missionary Society in
1849. Since 1844 Alexander Campbell had
been urging his brethren to unite in some
more effective form of cooperation. There
had been for many years local and limited
forms of cooperation between churches in
the same states for purposes of denomina-
tional evangelization and education. The
example of a wider cooperation for un-
sectarian purposes had been set in the
organization of the "American Christian
Bible Society" in 1845 at Cincinnati, Ohio,
under the leadership of D. S. Burnet, for

240 The Disciples of Christ

the publication and distribution of Bibles.
The organization of this society stirred the
Disciples to action. Cooperation of the
entire body in the great enterprises of
Christian education, Christian missions, and
Bible circulation, began to be urged in
every quarter. But cooperation meant
organization, and organization meant a
society.

The first serious internal controversy
arose on account of the organization of this
first missionary society. The society was
opposed on the ground that there was
neither precept nor example in the New
Testament for the organization of societies
for the spread of the gospel. Some of the
bitterest satire in the columns of the Chris-
tian Baptist had been directed against (he
"mercenary schemes" of the missionary,
tract and Bible societies of the various de-
nominations. Campbell's approval of the
organization of the new society did not
save it from the assaults of many of his

The Rise of Internal Controversy 24 1

brethren. The enemies of the society went
back to the Christian Baptist for their most
effective epithets against the new scheme,
and Alexander Campbell of 1823 was ar-
rayed against Alexander Campbell of 1849.
While he distinguished between the mis-
sionary purpose and the missionary plan
in his early diatribes, and aimed them at the
latter, the enemies of all missionary work
applied them to both alike. His support of
the new society was frank, open, and posi-
tive, and he did not hesitate to accept the
office and honor of first president imposed
upon him in his absence by his brethren
in the convention at Cincinnati which
created it.

The struggle for organized missionary
work among the Disciples was begun, and
progress was contested at every step by a
bitter and relentless opposition, which be-
came a party within the ranks with its
leaders and newspapers. The first leader
of the anti-missionary element was Jacob

242 The Disciples of Christ

Creath, Jr. Scattered throughout the ranks
of the denomination were many individuals
and churches which joined in the cry against
"human innovations." The society with
its "money basis " and delegated member-
ship was feared as the beginning of apos-
tasy from a pure New Testament Congrega-
tionalism. The convention which met to
create the society was taxed to the utmost
in its ingenuity to avoid the various rocks
of offense in the course before it. It found
it impossible to please everybody, no mat-
ter how hard it might try. Even the friends
of organized cooperation were not pleased
with some articles in the constitution,
though they offered no objection to the so-
ciety as such. The one article which gave
more offense than any other, and continued
to give trouble down to 1881, was "Article
III," which read as follows: "The society
shall be composed of annual delegates, life
members and life directors. Any church
may appoint a delegate for an annual con-

The Rise of Internal Controversy 243

tribution of ten dollars. Twenty dollars
paid at one time shall be requisite to consti-
tute a member for life; and one hundred
dollars paid at one time, or a sum which in
addition to any previous contributions shall
amount to one hundred dollars, shall be re-
quired to constitute a director for life."
This was the "money basis" of the so-
ciety and created ' ' the moneyed aristocracy "
so much feared in the missionary work of the
church. Each church was invited to become
an auxiliary to the society by making a con-
tribution and sending a delegate to the an-
nual convention. When this invitation
came to the church in Connellsville, Penn-
sylvania, it drew up a series of resolutions
against the society, embodying its objec-
tions. While favoring the purpose of the
society to carry the gospel to all men, it
was opposed to the society and its plan.
The second resolution stated its position as
follows: "That we consider the church of
Jesus Christ, in virtue of the commission

244 The Disciples of Christ

given her by our blessed Lord, the only
scriptural organization on earth for the con-
version of sinners and the sanctification of
believers." These resolutions became the
model and voiced the sentiments of all
other churches opposed to the society.

All the officers of the society served
without salary until 1857, when Benjamin
Franklin, as secretary, was the first to be
paid a salary. In his report to the board he
said: " There has been strong prejudice
against the missionary society. This we
have labored to counteract, and I think, to a
considerable extent it has abated." After
holding the office one year he was succeeded
by Isaac Errett. From the time he severed
his relation with the society he began to op-
pose it, and opposition in one point broad-
ened to include every point, until he stood
opposed to the very idea of organized mis-
sionary work. He became the leader of the
anti-missionary forces, and by voice and
pen, as editor of the American Christian

The Rise of Internal Controversy 245

Review, he menaced and cramped the work
of the society until 1870. His paper be-
came the most influential next to the Mil-
lennial Harbinger. He succeeded in creat-
ing a party among the Disciples which con-
sistently opposed every agency and expedi-
ency in the church, from the missionary
society to organs and tuning forks, for
which there was not express scriptural pre-
cept or example. This party was the log-
ical outgrowth of the literal principle of in-
terpretation and dated back to the first defi-
nition of primitive Christianity as an order
of things. The opponents of the society
forced it to change its constitution from
time to time until 1869, when it was forced
to adopt " The Louisville Plan " to conciliate
the opposition. Instead of bringing "har-
mony and peace to the brotherhood" it
brought poverty and helplessness to the
society, and in 1881, it was superseded by
the present plan which was a return to the
original money basis of control. It was

246 The Disciples of Christ

felt that there was no longer use of trying
to harmonize the elements, as had been
done at the expense of the missionary cause
for thirty years, since the anti-missionary
party had taken up a position of irreconci-
lable opposition and was practically out of
fellowship with the larger missionary party.
It could now afford to ignore it, which it
has steadily done to the present time, with
an ever increasing fund in the treasury.

In the midst of the missionary contro-
versy, the slavery question loomed large
upon the horizon and disturbed the councils
of the Disciples. The body was distributed
over both the North and the South, prob-
ably with a larger element in those states
committed to slaveholding or which were
divided over the question. Few of the de-
nominations escaped the influence of the
question; several suffered division on ac-
count of it. There had been unity and co-
operation between the churches of both
North and South so long as the slavery

The Rise of Internal Controversy 247

question was not forced upon them for de-
cisive action, When the Civil War broke
out, all eyes turned towards Bethany, Vir-
ginia, to know which side Alexander Camp-
bell would take in the struggle. He had
defined his position on the slavery question
as early as 1846, and held that the relation
of master and slave was sanctioned by the
New Testament, but not the institution as
existing in America or any other country.
He said: "I have always been anti-slavery,
but never an abolitionist "—a position which
many persons in the South held, but which
was felt to be inconsistent by the extreme
anti-slavery men of the North. He was
opposed to the Civil War and all war as
unchristian, and thought the question at
issue ought to be settled by arbitration.
The attitude of neutrality which he assumed
towards the conflict between North and
South did much to moderate the spirit
among the Disciples and save them from
the division which was threatening.

248 The Disciples of Christ

The preachers among the Disciples in
Missouri took formal action with respect to
the conflict by issuing a circular, "Concern-
ing the Duties of Christians in this Conflict,"
in which they declared that Christians ought
not to go to war. Among those who signed
the document were B. H. Smith, J. W.
McGarvey, T. M. Allen and T. P. Haley.
There were three questions under discussion
in religious circles at the time: first, as to
whether a Christian should go to war;
second, as to whether the southern states
had a right to secede; and third, as to
whether slavery should be abolished. It
was possible for many Christian people to
take refuge behind the first, and remain
non-committal with respect to the others.
The question found its way into the con-
vention of the missionary society in 1861,
at Cincinnati, Ohio, in a resolution by J. P.
Robinson of Ohio, calling upon " the breth-
ren everywhere to do all in their power to
sustain the proper and constitutional au-

The Rise of Internal Controversy 249

thority of the Union." The resolution was
lost. Reports began to be circulated that
the Disciples and the missionary society in
particular were "to a certain degree disloyal
to the government of the United States."
At the meeting of the society in 1-863 reso_
lutions were adopted declaring allegiance to
the government and tendering sympathies
to the soldiers in the field who were de-
fending the country from the attempt of
armed traitors to overthrow the govern-
ment. This action cut off from the society
the support of the southern churches, and
rendered it comparatively bankrupt. When
President Lincoln proclaimed the emanci-
pation of the slaves in 1862 the bond which
bound the northern and southern churches
together was strained almost to the break-
ing point. But it did not break, and the
war closed with the denomination in the
North and South united in the bonds of
Christian love and service. It was cause
for unfeigned rejoicing, and was due in

250 The Disciples of Christ

large measure to the Christian wisdom of
the members in the two sections, the moder-
ation of the leaders, but more to the con-
gregational form of government which
prevented any action in the body as a
whole.

The organ controversy was the missionary
controversy in a new form, for both grew
out of the opposition to human innovations
in the work and worship of the church.
Most churches were without musical instru-
ments in their public worship down to the
middle of the century. The controversy
broke out in i860 through the introduction
of a melodeon into the services of the church
at Midway, Kentucky, then in charge of
Dr. L. L. Pinkerton. Benjamin Franklin as
editor of the American Christian Review,
led in the attack upon the innovation. He
was opposed to it as ministering to the
pride and worldliness of the churches, as
without the sanction of New Testament
precept or example, and consequently as

The Rise of Internal Controversy 251

unscriptural and sinful. Franklin and those
who shared his view refused to worship or
hold membership in a church that used an
organ. Through his influence the old ene-
mies of the missionary society were lined
up against the organ. The thing that in-
tensified the warfare was the element of
conscience which entered into it. The
organ party treated it as a question of ex-
pediency on which there should be forbear-
ance and liberty. The anti-party treated it
as a matter of principle. With the gradual
improvement in the music of the churches
through the use of an organ in leading, and
the introduction of choirs, the older con-
gregational method began to appear rude
and old-fashioned, and offended the culti-
vated and modern tastes of the younger
members. As the churches introduced the
organ more widely, the greater need there
seemed to be for it, and the progressive,
modern elements grew impatient of the ob-
jections of the more conservative and forced

252 The Disciples of* Christ

it into the worship against their consent.
There were many divisions in churches, and
it was not uncommon to see two churches
in a community — the one using the organ,
the other without it — but alike in all other
respects.

Isaac Errett became the leader of the pro-
gressive party, and through the pages of
the Christian Standard, after its establish-
ment in 1866, favored and promoted every
helpful expedient in the work of the church.
It was he who fought the battle of the mis-
sionary society, and reminded his brethren
in 1867 that the Standard was the only
weekly paper advocating missionary so-
cieties. Against him were the Gospel Ad-
vocate and the American Christian Review,
and to them was added in 1869 the Apostolic
Times under the editorship of Moses E. Lard,
L. B. Wilkes, Robert Graham, W. H. Hop-
son, and J. W. McGarvey, established with
the avowed purpose of resisting the tide set-
ting in favor of modern methods and or-

The Rise of Internal Controversy 253

ganizations in church work. The new paper
opened its batteries at once upon the Chris-
tian Standard to which Errett replied :
"Our editorial brethren of the Times are,
with us, guilty of a great innovation in
publishing a weekly religious newspaper;
and if they do this as children of God, they
are doing what they well know has neither
a divine command nor an approved prece-
dent to support it. When they preach they
go into a meeting house, which is an inno-
vation, and give out a hymn, which istm
innovation, and this hymn is sung to a
tune, which is an innovation, by the aid of
a tune-book and a tune-fork, which are
innovations."

As a result of these differences, divisions
and separations took place in churches be-
tween i860 and 1880 which formed a sepa-
rate party, that has gone on establishing
papers and schools and churches. They
regard the Disciples as corrupt and apostate
and will have no fellowship with them.

254 The Disciples of Christ

They insist upon the abandonment of all
missionary organizations and expedients in
church work, as a condition of fellowship
and cooperation with them. They sub-
mitted a "Memorial" to the Convention of
the Disciples which met in Nashville in
1892, calling upon them to " abandon their
organizations that found no necessity or
recognition in apostolic times, for the sake
of union and cooperation. " Their strength
lies principally in Indiana, Kentucky, Ten-
nessee, Arkansas, and Texas. They have
planted missions among the Indians, and in
Turkey and Japan, which they support by
voluntary contributions without the media-
tion of a "human society."

In these controversies the scheme of Chris-
tian union as advocated by the Disciples
received its second critical test, and met
with its second failure. Unity was wrecked
in both cases upon the same rock — a literal
application of the principle, "Where the
Scriptures speak, we speak; where they are

The Rise of Internal Controversy 255

silent, we are silent," to the interpretation
of primitive Christianity. The failure to
preserve unity within their own ranks was
a serious blow to the Disciples, but it did
not shake their confidence in the principle
of Christian union. They went on preach-
ing union upon the Bible alone while their
churches were dividing over the interpreta-
tion of the Bible. They still believed that
the separation of matters of faith from mat-
ters of opinion was a true principle of unity,
although they were unable to make a sepa-
ration satisfactory to both parties. The
anti-organ party said the use of an organ in
public worship was a matter of faith, the
organ party said it was a matter of opinion
and expediency. They could not agree and
separated.

At this juncture Isaac Errett appeared
upon the stage of action, full of wisdom
and experience, with a timely message to
the confused and distracted body. He had
been for several years one of the trusted

256 The Disciples of Christ

and honored leaders among his brethren;
and as preacher, writer and thinker, as sec-
retary of the missionary society in its most
critical period, as teacher in Hiram College,
as co-editor of the Harbinger, he had demon-
strated that he possessed the essential ele-
ments of leadership. He had already held
every position of trust and honor among the
Disciples, before he was made first editor of
the Christian Standard in 1866. The year
that the Standard was established was the
year in which the great leader, Alexander
Campbell, died; and by common consent
of his brethren, after they had recovered
from the first shock of the loss, Isaac
Errett took his place of leadership. He
sounded a new note when he announced
his purposes as editor to be: "(1) the
turning of the world to Christ; (2) the
union of believers in the fellowship of the
gospel; (3) the education of Christians into
a nobler spiritual life."
The Disciples had been progressively re-

The Rise of Internal Controversy 257

storing primitive Christianity as they pro-
gressively grasped it as an order of things,
then as a missionary enterprise ; but it was
left for Isaac Errett to propose to restore
primitive Christianity as a spirit of things.
He began to emphasize the spirit over
against the letter. Unity based on the letter
of the New Testament had failed; he saw
new hope for a unity based on the spirit of
the New Testament. He saw that the
Disciples could go no further in their em-
phasis upon the letter of Christianity than
the anti-organ party had gone. As literal-
ists they were more consistent, but not per-
fectly consistent, for they also used many
innovations in public worship. The ex-
travagances of this party produced a reac-
tion in the direction of a more spiritual
definition of Christianity, and gave the
principle of union a new meaning. He
signalized the change of emphasis that was
called for by the experiences of the past by

258 The Disciples of Christ

saying in 1868: "Let the bond of union
among the baptized be Christian character
in place of orthodoxy — right doing in place
of exact thinking."

CHAPTER XII

MISSIONARY ORGANIZATION

By 1850 the Disciples of Christ had grown
to be a body numbering nearly 200,000, and
were distributed widely throughout the
states. On account of the strict independ-
ency of church government among them,
cooperative work was very slowly devel-
oped, and often under severe opposition,
from fear of creating ecclesiastical organiza-
tions likely to become a menace to freedom.
The various missionary, Bible, and educa-
tional enterprises that had sprung up among
them grew out of individual or local initia-
tive. They would countenance nothing but
the freest and loosest kind of cooperation.
The widest cooperations thus far were those
of state churches for work in their own bor-
ders. But there was work to be done be-
yond the borders of states for which there
259

260 The Disciples of Christ

was no provision. Some enterprises, such
as the educational and foreign missionary,
which were general, could only be carried
on by general support. The advisability of
providing an agency for doing something for
the general causes of education, missions,
and Bible circulation, was discussed for
many months in the papers and finally is-
sued in a call for a general convention, to
be held at Cincinnati, Ohio, in October,
1849.

Of the one hundred and fifty-five dele-
gates which composed the convention,
some were appointed at state meetings of
churches to represent the various states,
some were appointed by local churches,
and others came on their own motion. No
one had any authority to do anything that
would bind the churches sending them.
They were simply sent as representatives to
confer and suggest, but if they organized
no one could be a member of the organiza-
tion but those who voluntarily joined.

Missionary Organization 261

After wrestling with the problem of the
scope of their business as a convention,
they finally settled to the serious task of
missionary organization. They started in
to settle a variety of questions troubling the
churches, such as the ordination of minis-
ters, the discipline of unworthy ministers,
the organization of Sunday-schools, and the
publication of a Sunday-school library.
During the five days of the convention they
discussed fifty-eight different resolutions
upon a wide range of subjects and interests,
many of which they concluded did not be-
long to their business. The one thing which
came out of their deliberations was the or-
ganization of the American Christian Mis-
sionary Society. They drafted a constitution
providing for a board of managers for the
foreign field and a board for the home field;
for annual delegates, life-members and life-
directors, according to the amount of money
paid into the treasury. The following lead-
ing men were present in the convention:

262 The Disciples of Christ

D. S. Burnet (chairman of convention),
W. K. Pendleton, John O'Kane, Elijah Good-
win, James Challen, John T. Johnson, L. L.
Pinkerton, Benjamin Franklin, J. J. Moss,
T. J. Melish, Walter Scott, B. U. Watkins,
and James Mathes. The society was regu-
larly incorporated in the state of Ohio in
1850.

The first work which the society under-
took was the sending of Dr. J. T. Barclay
as a missionary to Jerusalem. This field
was selected for reasons that were largely
sentimental. The mission was interrupted
in 1854, and finally abandoned during the
Civil War, on the ground that, "The field
was as sterile as the rock on which Jerusalem
is built." The only other foreign mission
undertaken by the society was in Jamaica
in 1858: and after the organization of the
Foreign Christian Missionary Society in
1875 it confined its operations exclusively
to the home field. The offering for the first
year, under James Challen as secretary, was

Missionary Organization 263

$2,496.79; the largest offering between 1850
and 1884, was in the year i860, under Isaac
Errett as secretary, when $15,831.25 were
contributed; the largest offering in the his-
tory of the society was in 1899, under Ben-
jamin L. Smith as secretary, when $115,-
004.00 were contributed. The total amount
of money raised to 1903 was $1,383,611.11.
It has organized through its missionaries
2,848 churches, and has brought 138,960
persons into the churches by baptism.
During 1904, $85,755.96 were contributed,
225 churches were organized, and 16,861
persons were baptized by its missionaries.
Its work lies principally in the states where
the Disciples have few churches, and in the
larger cities. In 1903 the convention created
a Bureau of Evangelization under the man-
agement of the society, to devote its atten-
tion to evangelism in the cities, to reenforce
the general evangelism of the body by pro-
ducing a literature and holding assemblies
on modern evangelistic methods. Besides

264 The Disciples of Christ

the general society, each state has its own
local missionary society for work within
the state, which should be included in home
missionary work. The amount of money
raised by these state societies for 1904 was
$226,633.67.

The American Christian Missionary So-
ciety was the pioneer in the struggle for or-
ganized missionary work among the Disci-
ples, and consequently bore all the blows
and suffered all the experiments incident to
pioneer work. By 1874, when the next
general society was organized, the idea of
missionary work through organized societies
had won a place in the program of the Dis-
ciples. When the severest of its battles
were over, the era of specialization in mis-
sionary work began in the organization of
the Christian Woman's Board of Missions.
This society was organized at the General
Convention of the Disciples in Cincinnati,
in 1874, to utilize the consecration and
services of the women of the churches in

Missionary Organization 265

cultivating a missionary spirit, encouraging
missionary efforts, disseminating missionary
intelligence, and securing systematic con-
tributions for missionary purposes. With
Mrs. C. N. Pearre originated the sugges-
tion of an organization among the women
of the Disciples for missionary purposes.
To Isaac Errett and his interest and ad-
vocacy, belongs the credit for its actual
organization. The plan was to band to-
gether the women of the churches in
" auxiliary societies " which should become
feeders of the society's treasury. It has
demonstrated the value of systematic giv-
ing, for it has taken the " monthly dues"
of ten cents from each of the members of
its auxiliaries and has swelled them from a
total contribution of $1,200.35 the first year,
to $167,084.72 in 1904. The total receipts
for thirty years amount to $1,468,721.73.
It supported two missionaries the first year
and 287 missionaries in 1904. It had a total
membership of 41,211 women in its aux-

266 The Disciples of Christ

iliaries in 1904, through which it reached
600,000 women in the churches. Its field
of work covers all forms of missionary
service — educational, medical, and evan-
gelistic— both home and foreign — among
women and children. It is doing work in
thirty states of the Union, in Mexico, Porto
Rico, Jamaica, and India. It has 500 chil-
dren in its orphanages, 3,000 pupils in its
schools, and treats thousands of sick in its
hospitals. The Society has developed a
new form of missionary service, and was
the first to introduce Bible instruction into
state universities. The inauguration and
development of this work in its first stages
were due to the leadership of C. A. Young
and H. L. Willett. The later development
has been carried on under the leadership of
Geo. P. Coler, W. M. Forrest, and W. C.
Payne. The first Bible Chair was estab-
lished in 1893 at the University of Michigan
(Ann Arbor); the second Chair, in 1899 at
the University of Virginia (Charlottsville);

Missionary Organization 267

the third Chair, in 1900 at the University of
Calcutta, India; the fourth Chair, in 1901 at
the University of Kansas (Lawrence). The
Chairs at Ann Arbor and Charlottsville have
been endowed with permanent funds of
$25,000 each. These Bible Chairs provide
instruction in the English Bible for students
in the state universities, and have not only
served the purpose of placing the lit-
erature and history of the Bible alongside
of the Greek and Latin literatures for the
intellectual and moral benefit of the students,
but they have served to foster the re-
ligious life in many young persons and
to turn some to ministerial and mission-
ary service. The multitudes of young
men and young women in the state
institutions without religious instruction
in their courses of study, proved to be a
ripened field for the society which it
has been quick to appreciate. As rapidly
as possible it is projecting the work
into all of the larger state universities.

268 The Disciples of Christ

Other denominations are following the ex-
ample.

In the further development of specialized
missionary activity the Foreign Christian
Missionary Society was organized in 1875,
to do work solely in heathen lands.
Opposition to societies had prevented the
American Society from doing anything
either at home or abroad, but the wisdom
of specialization and division of the field
to utilize the effectiveness of the foreign
appeal was recognized, and resulted in the
creation of the Foreign Society at the Con-
vention of the Disciples at Louisville, in
1875. The leading spirits in this new enter-
prise were Isaac Errett, W. T. Moore, B. B.
Tyler, Thomas Munnell, Robert Moffett,
A. I. Hobbs, F. M. Green, J. S. Lamar, and
W. S. Dickinson. Its first president was
Isaac Errett; its second C. L. Loos, and its
third A. McLean. Its official management
and financial basis are similar to the Ameri-
can Society. It is an independent, volun-

Missionary Organization 269

tary society, and looks for support to the
friends of foreign missions among the
churches. So indifferent were the Disciples
to the foreign missionary interests at first
that the society was unable to find men to
go to the foreign field. Its first work was
done in England; its second field was Den-
mark and the Scandinavian countries; its
third field was Paris, France; while the first
work among distinctly non-Christian peo-
ples was begun in Turkey in 1879. India
was entered in 1882. In 1904 the society
was doing work in India, Japan, China,
Turkey, Africa, Denmark, Norway, Sweden,
England, Cuba, Hawaiian Islands, Philip-
pine Islands, and Thibet. The income of
the society the first year was $1,706.35; in
1904 the income was $211,318. The total
amount received by the society since its or-
ganization is $2,244,151. The whole num-
ber of missionaries in the service of the
society at the present time is 143, and of
native helpers 295, making a total mission-

's,

270 The Disciples of Christ

ary force of 438. The annual income of
the Foreign Society exceeds that of any
other missionary society among the Dis-
ciples. Within three years it had out-
stripped the pioneer American Society and
has gone on steadily increasing its receipts,
taking the lead of all others as the favored
missionary activity of the denomination.
It has set the mark to which all others have
aimed, and it has helped others up as it has
gone up the ascending scale. This is prob-
ably due in large measure to the advantage
of an ideal and persuasive appeal, of which
it has had the exclusive use; but in some
measure to the time of the year at which it
makes its appeal to the churches. It reaps
the benefit of the year's first missionary
offering, the first Sunday in March. But
no account of the society's success would
be complete which did not take into ac-
count the wisdom and consecrated leader-
ship of A. McLean, its secretary for eighteen
years and its president since 1900.

Missionary Organization 271

In the course of its work the American
Society encountered one serious need of the
churches with which it dealt — the need of
houses of worship as a condition of their
permanence and highest efficiency. Ap-
peals for loans of money to help them build
frequently came to the secretary from
churches too weak to undertake it alone.
This led to a recommendation by Robert
Moffett, the secretary, to the convention of
1883, that a Church Extension Fund be cre-
ated by the Board to be loaned to churches
needing help to build. A special committee
under the Board was created to have this
work in charge. The receipts the first year
amounted to $2,105, and by 1887, when a
secretary was appointed to devote all of his
time to the work, the fund amounted to
$5,648.83. A regular Board of Church Ex-
tension was created in 1888, and was
located at Kansas City, Mo. The receipts
of the Board the first year of its history
were $2,105; *n !9°4» under George W.

2/2 The Disciples of Christ

Muckley, as secretary, they were $58,-
988.30. The total amount in the fund at
the last report (1904) was $435,183.70. It
has assisted in building 821 churches during
its existence. With this fund many
struggling churches have been helped to
larger life and not a few actually saved
from death. It has stepped in many times
to save a valuable property to a church that
has met with temporary reverses while
carrying a building debt. In 1892 it in-
augurated the policy of going into places of
strategic importance and buying ground in
growing centres to be held for future church
building purposes. In 1904 the Board was
holding lots in commanding locations in
fifty-six cities of the Union. During its en-
tire history it has lost on uncollectable debts
but S563, and has handled in its operations
$828,454.29.

The more benevolent side of Christian
work was not begun by the Disciples as an
organized national movement until 1895, in

Missionary Organization 273

the organization of the Board of Ministerial
Relief. This work owes its inauguration
to A. M. Atkinson, a Christian business
man, who was its first secretary and gave
himself to its promotion until his death in
1899. It has for its field of service the care
of disabled and aged ministers, their widows
and orphans. While the ministry among
the Disciples has never received generous
or even ample support, yet there has not
been any unusual distress among them.
The compensation of the early preach-
ers was notoriously, if not infamously,
small, and the majority were obliged to en-
gage in business to eke out a living. Alex-
ander Campbell had decried the " salaried
clergy " as a part of the corruption of the
popular systems of religion until the accept-
ance of compensation for services on the
part of ministers was looked upon as a deg-
radation of the calling. As a result of the
early tendency to lower the ministerial quali-
fication, and admit men to the ministry

2J4 The Disciples of Christ

without education or training, and the early
practice of allowing the minister to look out
for himself in some business calling along
with his preaching, the ministry among the
Disciples has been the most poorly paid of
any of the denominations. Yet the denomi-
nation did nothing to provide for the period
of disability in the lives of its ministers until
1895, and has not yet provided for honora-
ble retirement under sickness or advanced
age, such as other denominations have
done. The Board of Ministerial Relief is
poorly supported and does not have more
than $10,000 a year to devote to its work.
In 1904 its income amounted to $1 1,562.

The National Benevolent Association was
organized in 1886, and did work principally
in St. Louis, Mo.; it did not become
national in its activities until about 1901
when it appointed a general secretary to
urge its cause on behalf of the orphaned
young and the aged upon the entire de-
nomination. Since then it has rapidly con-

Missionary Organization 275

solidated the local state benevolent enter-
prises of the Disciples under its auspices,
and has increased its income from $85 the
first year, to $77,040.28 in 1904. The as-
sociation supports two old peoples' homes,
one at Jacksonville, Illinois, and one at East
Aurora, New York; a babes' home and
free hospital, at St. Louis, Mo. ; and orphan-
ages at St. Louis, Mo., Cleveland, Ohio,
Dallas, Texas, and Loveland, Colorado.
The association is entirely under the man-
agement of Christian women.

The Disciples have from time to time un-
dertaken the work of education among the
negroes of the South. A beginning was
made in a mission to the Freedmen at the
close of the Civil War. The Southern Chris-
tian Institute was organized in 1875 and
finally established near Edwards, Miss., in
1882. The Board of Negro Evangelization
and Education was organized in 1890; C. C.
Smith was appointed secretary in 1891;
the Board was merged with the American

276 The Disciples of Christ

Society in 1898; and in 1900 it was taken
under the care of the Christian Woman's
Board of Missions, as part of the work of
that society. It supports four schools in
the South for the education of negroes, and
for the training of negro ministers.

A Board of Education was organized in
1894 and has struggled for ten years to
make a place for itself in the sympathies of
the people and in the missionary calendar
of the churches, with some success. The
cause of education has not kept pace with
the development of the missionary enter-
prises of the Disciples.

The missionary development of the Dis-
ciples becomes really impressive when it is
remembered that in 1873 there was but one
society with an income of $4,159, contrib-
uted by a body numbering 450,000 communi-
cants; while in 1904 there were seven or
eight societies — missionary, benevolent, and
educational — with an income of $661,737,
contributed by a body numbering 1,200,000.

CHAPTER XIII

EVANGELISM, JOURNALISM, EDUCATION, AND
CHURCH GROWTH

We have seen how one current of the
movement arose out of an evangelism in
1803, and how the main current issued in
an evangelism about 1827. From 1809 to
1827 the Campbells had established but two
or three churches through their own efforts,
and these out of persons already members
of churches; but as soon as Walter Scott
made the discovery of the "ancient gos-
pel " and threw himself into its proclama-
tion in 1827, new churches sprang up as if
by magic. Stone and his fellow preachers
were evangelists to begin with and swept
rapidly through the states converting per-
sons and constituting churches. By 1832
the Disciples were confirmed in their evan-
gelistic habits through coalition with the
277

278 The Disciples of Christ

Stone movement. Every preacher was an
evangelist. The aim of every sermon was
to produce immediate conviction in the un-
converted among the hearers, and no meet-
ing closed without giving convicted and
penitent persons an opportunity to make a
public confession of their faith in Christ.
The process of conversion was completed
by an immersion of the person, after which
he was received to membership in the
church, by the " right hand of fellowship."
This simple and clearly defined evangel-
istic program, obtained from the practice of
the apostles as recorded in the Acts of
Apostles, was learned and followed by
every preacher from that day to this. It
made every preacher and church an enlist-
ment agency. They perfected in their
method and manner of preaching, as well
as in their treatment of inquirers and peni-
tents, an evangelism which was both in-
stantaneous and effective. The point at
which many evangelisms break down is in

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 279

producing assurance in the penitent. A
doctrine of definite, immediate, and acces-
sible assurance of salvation underlay their
"plan of salvation," and brought imme-
diate relief to burdened souls. They taught
inquiring sinners that forgiveness was to
be obtained by obedience to certain com-
mands. The commands of the gospel were :
believe, repent and be baptized; and the
promises were: the remission of sins, the
gift of the Holy Spirit, and eternal life.
The efficiency of this plan as an evangelism
was that the person could put himself
through the process of obedience, and need
not wait for the Spirit to move him or God
to elect him. He moved himself, he elected
himself to eternal life through faith. The
blessings promised would as surely follow
obedience, as effect follows cause. If an
inquirer asked, "What must I do to be
saved?" the answer was ready: Believe,
repent and be baptized. It was thus that
the apostles preached and dealt with peni-

280 The Disciples of Christ

tent souls, as in the case of Peter on the
day of Pentecost, and of Philip with the
eunuch. These are the so-called " first
principles " which have played so large a
part in the preaching and writing of the
Disciples ; they are simply the primitive,
apostolic evangelism reproduced in the
preaching of to-day. The one book with
which their preachers have been more fa-
miliar than any other is the Acts of Apostles
— a book illustrating the methods of the
primitive evangelists.

With this evangelistic method in mind
one does not have far to seek for an expla-
nation of the rapid growth of the Disciples
through all of their history. Minister and
evangelist were for several decades almost
synonymous terms. The Disciples have
always regarded themselves as specialists
in the doctrine and machinery of conver-
sion. Their ministry has always been an
evangelistic, recruiting ministry, whether
itinerant or settled. They have always

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 281

vied with one another in their efforts to
excel as winners of converts; and the de-
nomination has stimulated this talent in its
ministers by bestowing special honor upon
its successful achievement. The conse-
quence is that the denomination has grown
rapidly from the first, and continues to
grow.

With the increase of the churches in
members and wealth, the pastoral side of
the ministry was developed to meet the
needs of Christian nurture, local church
development, and social service. The fol-
lowing men distinguished themselves as
pastors in the early period of the pastoral
ministry : D. S. Burnet, James Challen,
W. H. Hopson, L. L. Pinkerton, D. P. Hen-
derson, L. B. Wilkes, A. S. Hayden, Wm.
Baxter, Isaac Errett, Thomas Munnell,
O. A. Burgess, Alexander Proctor, J. A.
Brooks, J. S. Lamar, Joseph King, David
Walk, W. T. Moore, J. S. Sweeney, and
T. P. Haley. To these men and many

282 The Disciples of Christ

others like them, the churches owed their
deeper and broader development in Chris-
tian faith and beneficence, as well as their
gradual increase in membership and in-
fluence in the community. They were
succeeded by a younger generation of
pastors, equally worthy and successful,
such as B. B. Tyler, J. Z. Tyler, R. T.
Matthews, F. D. Power, J. M. Trible,
A. I. Hobbs, George Darsie, A. N. Gilbert,
Jabez Hall, J. J. Haley, I. J. Spencer, and
D. R. Lucas. Connected with the transi-
tion from the earlier evangelistic to the
later pastoral ministry, was a form of
specialization or division of labor between
the pastor and evangelist. It was recog-
nized that the two kinds of service — the
enlisting of converts, and the training of
converts — called for two kinds of talent,
not often joined in a high degree in the
same person. Hence arose the " profes-
sional evangelist/' who was especially
qualified to hold " protracted meetings,"

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 283

and did little else. One of the earliest,
greatest and most honored of this type
of evangelist was Knowles Shaw. He
was born in Ohio in 1834, and was killed
in a railroad wreck in Texas, in 1878. He
was gifted with rare musical talent, which
in youth he used to enliven social gather-
ings in the neighborhood of his home, but
in later life used with marvellous power
in revival meetings. He was preacher and
singing evangelist in one. In his most
successful meetings he had as many as
two hundred and fifty conversions in the
course of four or five weeks. More recent
evangelists of the type of Knowles Shaw,
such as j. V. Updike, H. A. Northcutt,
J. H. O. Smith, J. V. Coombs, Chas. Reign
Scoville, Allen Wilson, and W. E. Harlow,
have been even more successful — the num-
ber of converts in a single meeting some-
times surpassing four or five hundred.

While the evangelism of the Disciples
has had its most direct bearings upon their

284 The Disciples of Christ

growth, yet it has influenced to a remark-
able degree the character of their literature.
The bulk of their literature consists of books
of sermons and tracts. The Disciples have
never forgotten that they were propagand-
ists of "peculiar views," which have al-
ways furnished them with texts for preach-
ing and writing. The printed sermons are,
as a rule, little more than tracts upon the
various phases of denominational doctrine or
practice. A few sermonizers have attempted
excursions into the field of general Chris-
tian culture with some success. Aside
from Alexander Campbell's writings, the
books which have been most read are
the sermons of Benjamin Franklin; while
more recently the writings of Isaac Errett,
Robert Richardson, J. S. Lamar, Robert
Milligan, J. W. McGarvey, B. B. Tyler,
A. McLean, J. H. Garrison, W. T. Moore,
and F. D. Power, have been widely read
and have exerted a notable influence
upon the movement. Isaac Errett's tract,

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 285

Our Position, has been read by the thou-
sands and remains unequalled as a state-
ment of the position of the Disciples in
relation to other religious bodies.

Evangelism has also deeply influenced
the doctrine and life of the Disciples. The
doctrine of assurance through obedience
propagated in all their evangelistic preach-
ing, was easily understood and readily
seized upon as a balm for a distressed
conscience. The satisfaction which was
found in baptism, and in the scriptural
guarantee of correctness, loosed many per-
sons from the inner pain of spiritual imper-
fection and gave them security in external
obedience to commands. It was this legal-
istic conception of Christian duty and serv-
ice which partly accounts for the slow re-
ception of the missionary enterprise, and
for the tardy acceptance of the duty of
social service.

Reference has been made from time to
time in these pages to various periodicals,

286 The Disciples of Christ

monthly and weekly, which have played so
large a part in the history. As promoters
of the cause without and as moulders of
thought and leaders of action within, the
editors and newspapers have stood second
only to the ministry. Alexander Campbell
was the first editor and set the example of
an efficient journalism in the Christian Bap-
tist and Millennial Harbinger. They had
their imitators in a score of similar period-
icals before 1830, and from that time to
this, scores have been established, and have
gone their way after a brief career. They
have not always reproduced the best side of
their prototypes, but they have not failed to
do valiant, and often militant, service on
behalf of the cause they espoused. Every
leader, and every one who aspired to lead-
ership, has in some way and at some time
been connected with a newspaper. While
at various times they have been the instru-
ments through which internal feuds and
parties have been created, yet no great mis-

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 287

sionary, benevolent, or educational cause
has arisen and succeeded without the help
of a journal.

When a journal has grown to a position
of universal influence, its power for good
or evil has been greater than that of any
man or group of men. They have conse-
quently made and unmade many indi-
viduals and causes. In a pure Congrega-
tionalism, such as exists among the Dis-
ciples, the newspapers came nearer being
authoritative oracles and tribunals than any
other organized institution. Two papers in
the recent period have succeeded to the
wide influence of the Baptist and Harbinger
in the early period — the Christian Standard,
under the editorship of Isaac Errett, and the
Christian Evangelist, under the editorship
of J. H. Garrison. The Standard was the
sole product of the spirit and genius of
Isaac Errett, and was the exponent of a more
liberal and spiritual order of things until the
death of the editor in 1888. As the friend

288 The Disciples of Christ

and advocate of missionary societies, instru-
ments of music in public worship, and a
more cordial relation with other religious
bodies, he fell under the suspicion of being
too liberal. He drew around him men of
the broadest spirit and some of the best
writers of the church, and set an example
of the highest and best religious journalism.
The simplicity, modesty, and dignity of his
character, the catholicity and unselfishness
of his spirit, constituted him the greatest
leader since Alexander Campbell. After his
death his paper fell into the hands of men
of a different spirit. Men who had op-
posed Isaac Errett in his day became influ-
ential in the direction of its policy and spoke
behind his authority in the columns of his
paper upon the new questions and problems
that had arisen. Upon some of the old
questions the paper continued to speak as
Isaac Errett had spoken, and when it spoke
upon the new questions many people
thought it was Isaac Errett still speaking.

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 289

Upon all new questions of biblical criticism
and denominational policy and mission, it
has taken a conservative, reactionary posi-
tion.

The Christian Evangelist has had a com-
plicated ancestral history. After the con-
solidation of many papers in many states
covering a period of many years, it took
form in 1882 under the editorship of
B. W. Johnson and J. H. Garrison and
was published at St. Louis, Missouri.
In 1894, upon the death of B. W. John-
son, J. H. Garrison became sole editor.
The editor was a man of spiritual vision,
and desired for the Disciples a larger
spiritual life and a larger place in the
world's religious work. He joined hands
with Isaac Errett in the task of delivering
the body from legalism and a narrow sec-
tarianism, and of promoting every mission-
ary and educational cause which foretokened
spiritual emancipation. He has consistently
stood for larger liberty, for hospitality to-

290 The Disciples of Christ

wards new truth, and for the practice of
Christian union in every form of coopera-
tion with other denominations. J. H. Gar-
rison succeeded to the religious leadership
laid down by Isaac Errett at his death.

These journals, with a multitude of others,
have taught the position of the Disciples
week by week in their columns, and have
defended it against criticism and objection;
have opened their columns to the advocacy
of the various missionary societies, educa-
tional institutions, and benevolent enter-
prises, and have thus unified the sentiment
and concerted the action of ministers and
churches with reference to them; have
chosen and guided the denominational atti-
tude towards many questions and its policy
with reference to many enterprises; and
have been indispensable agencies in the in-
terrelation and effective workings of the
various organizations, interests, and forces
of the body. The influential editor occupies
a place of generalship and superintendence

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 291

over the widely separated parts of the de-
nominational army. With few exceptions
journalism among the Disciples has been
wise, conscientious, and progressive, and
the present state of unity and efficiency
among them is due in no small degree to in-
telligent and responsible editorship. In
1904 the Disciples were publishing twenty-
seven general newspapers, the most widely
circulating of which were: the Christian
Standard, of Cincinnati; the Christian
Evangelist, of St. Louis; the Christian Cen-
tury, of Chicago; the Christian Compan-
ion, of Louisville; the Christian Courier, of
Dallas; the Christian Union, of Des Moines,
and the Pacific Christian of San Francisco,
all of which are weekly papers.

Education among the Disciples began as
an effort to supply the churches with an
educated ministry. The early leaders,
Campbell, Scott and Stone, were educated
men and recognized the value of education
for the ministry. The emphasis was laid

292 The Disciples of Christ

upon the minister's training in the knowl-
edge and use of the English Bible. The
study of theology, as usually carried on in
theological seminaries, was held in small
favor. When Alexander Campbell under-
took the task of establishing a school for
the training of ministers, he founded a col-
lege and made the Bible a text-book along
with text-books in the sciences and arts.
At the close of his college course a young
man was ready to begin to preach without
any further preparation. No provision was
made, and none thought necessary, for
special, professional training beyond the
college course. Theological seminary and
college were merged in one. Such a school
served the ends not only of ministerial train-
ing but of general Christian education for
the sons and daughters in the families of
Disciples, and thus made a double appeal to
the churches. To serve this twofold pur-
pose, Bethany College was founded by
Alexander Campbell, at Bethany, West

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 293

Virginia, in 1840. With similar purposes in
view Hiram College was founded at Hiram,
Ohio, in 1850; Butler College, at Indianapo-
lis, Indiana, in 1850; Eureka College, at
Eureka, Illinois, in 1855; Christian Univer-
sity, at Canton, Missouri, in 1853 (the first
college in the United States to grant women
equal privileges with men); Oskaloosa Col-
lege, at Oskaloosa, Iowa, in 1856; Kentucky
University, at Harrodsburg, Kentucky, in
1858. With the removal of Kentucky
University to Lexington in 1865, specialized
ministerial education was begun among the
Disciples in the organization of the Bible
College as a separate college of the Univer-
sity. Other colleges began to separate min-
isterial studies from the college course and
to offer specialized elective courses which
could be pursued as post-graduate work.
When Drake University was opened at Des
Moines, Iowa, in 1881, the Bible Depart-
ment was separated from the other depart-
ments. More recently the Disciples have

294 The Disciples of Christ

established other colleges, such as, Texas
Christian University (originally Add Ran
College, located at Thorpe's Springs, but in
1890 changed to Add Ran Christian Univer-
sity, and in 1895 moved to Waco, where it
became Texas Christian University); and
Cotner University established at Lincoln,
Nebraska in 1889. Besides these leading
institutions there were in 1905, thirty-five
different educational institutions of all
grades, controlled by the Disciples or
conducted in their interest or under their
name, in the United States. The aggregate
value of their property was $2,459,000 ;
the value of their endowment, $1, 968,000;
the total number of students in attendance,
5,819, 868 of whom were preparing for the
ministry.

In spite of the meagre support and inade-
quate equipment of these colleges, they
have been one of the most important fac-
tors in the growth and development of the
Disciples. They have stood close to the

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 295

churches, and have met their first and most
pressing need, in giving them educated
ministers. They have demonstrated their
value and necessity to the churches by
numbering among their graduates the lead-
ing workers in every department of work
— evangelists, pastors, teachers, editors, and
missionaries. The leaders of thought and
action since the first college was founded
have come from the colleges. Many fields
of work are always waiting for the coming
of the properly equipped man. This is true
preeminently of missionary and educational
work, and pastoral work in the larger cities.
The quiet, accumulative influence of the
great teachers of the colleges has never
been sufficiently recognized or honored.
To the first generation of teachers who
have had an incalculable influence upon the
movement, belong W. K. Pendleton, who
was professor in Bethany College from
1 84 1 to 1887, and president from 1866 to
1887; Robert Richardson who was pro-

296 The Disciples of Christ

fessor in Bethany College from 1841 to
1859, the biographer of Campbell, co-editor
of the Harbinger, and author of Office of
the Holy Spirit, and other works; Silas E.
Shepard, who was president of Hiram Col-
lege from 1867 to 1870; and S. K. Hoshour,
who was president of Butler College from
1858 to 1861, and afterwards professor of
modern languages in the same institution.

The first generation was succeeded by a
second generation of educators, composed
of a large and brilliant company of men of
the deepest piety and consecration, many
of whom distinguished themselves first as
preachers and never lost touch with the
pulpit. A few are still living, and are the
last connecting links with the pioneer
days of education. Robert Milligan was
professor in Bethany College, 1854-59;
president of Kentucky University, 1859-66;
the first president of the College of the
Bible, 1866-75 (the year of his death);
co-editor of the Harbinger and author

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 297

of the Scheme of Redemption, Reason
and Revelation, and other works. Robert
Graham was president, of Kentucky Uni-
versity, 1866-69; president of Hamilton
College, 1869-75; president of the College
of the Bible, 1875-95, and professor of
philosophy in the College of Arts until
1898. He died in 1901. James A. Garfield
was a teacher in Hiram College with brief
intermissions, 1852-66. He died as presi-
dent of the United States in 1881. B. A.
Hinsdale was president of Hiram College,
1870-82; superintendent of schools in
Cleveland, 1882-86; professor in the Uni-
versity of Michigan, 1888 to the time of his
death in 1900. George T. Carpenter was
president of Oskaloosa College, 1861-81;
organizer and chancellor of Drake Univer-
sity, 1881-93. J. M. Atwaterwas president
of Hiram College, 1868-70, and served as
professor for longer or shorter periods in
Eureka College and other institutions and
died in 1900. H. W. Everest was a

298 The Disciples of Christ

teacher in Hiram College, 1855-62; presi-
dent of Eureka College, 1864-72, and
1877-81; president of Butler College,
1881-86; dean of the College of the Bible,
Drake University, from 1897 to his death in
1900. He was the author of a book on the
evidences of Christianity called The Di-
vine Demonstration. D. R. Dungan was
professor in the Bible Department, Drake
University, 1883-90; president of Cotner
University, 1890-96. He is still living and
is dean of the Bible Department of Drake
University. He is the author of several
books, the best known of which is, On the
Rock. J. W. McGarvey is still living and
has been connected with the Bible College,
as professor from 1865 to 1895, and as pres-
ident from 1895 to the present time. He is
the author of Commentary on the Acts, and
other works on biblical criticism. B. J.
Radford was professor in Eureka College
and part of the time president, 1870-81;
president of Drake University, 1882-83; anc*

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 299

professor in Eureka College from 1892 to
the present time. C. L. Loos was presi-
dent of Eureka College, T857-58; professor
in Bethany College, 1858-80; president of
Kentucky University, 1880-97; and pro-
fessor in the same institution from 1897 to
the present time.

Evangelism, journalism, and education
have had principally to do with the growth,
the present state and character, of the Dis-
ciples of Christ. The growth of the body
was assured from the beginning of its
separate existence. In 1850 the number of
communicants, as given by unfriendly
calculators, was 118,000, while the Congre-
gationalists numbered 197,000; in 1870 the
Disciples numbered 450,000, the Congrega-
tionalists, 306,000; in 1880, the Disciples
591,000, the Congregationalists, 384,000;
in 1890, the Disciples, 641,000, the Congre-
gationalists, 512,000; in 1900, the Disciples,
1,118,000, the Congregationalists, 628,234.
In 1850 the Congregationalists numbered

300 The Disciples of Christ

about twice as many communicants as the
Disciples; in 1900 the position of the two
bodies was exactly reversed. The Congre-
gationalists are chosen for comparison with
the Disciples because the two bodies have
many resemblances, both in doctrine and
organization, and have occupied the same
territory.

The Disciples have churches in every
state of the Union but one (1904) — New
Hampshire, with the possible addition of
Nevada. They are most numerous in Mis-
souri (1,710 churches, 180,000 members)
Indiana (956 churches, 130.000 members)
Kentucky (910 churches, 120,500 members)
Illinois (815 churches, 120,000 members)
Texas (780 churches, 93,000 members)
Tennessee (562 churches, 52,300 members)
Ohio (558 churches, 85,500 members); Iowa
(501 churches, 57,000 members). They are
weakest in the New England and eastern
states, and in the extreme northern and
southern states. Their strength lies in the

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 30 1

central western states, where they first took
root in the early days.

Outside of the United States, the growth
of the Disciples has not been so marked.
In the Canadian Provinces there are only
158 churches, with a membership of 12, 150;
in Great Britain, 155 churches, with a mem-
bership of 14,000; in Australia, 235 churches,
with a membership of 17,298; and on the
foreign missionary field, 148 churches, with
a membership of 9,773.

The Disciples began as a movement in the
country and smaller towns and villages and
have not made notable progress in the
larger cities until the last fifteen years.
The most striking gains in the last decade
have been made in Washington, D. C,
where the churches have increased from one
to four, and the membership from 600 to
2,050; in St. Louis, where the churches
have increased from four to eleven and the
membership from 1,129 to 3,784; in Pitts-
burg, where the churches have increased

302 The Disciples of Christ

from eight to eighteen, and the membership
from 1,494 to 4,545; in Kansas City, where
the churches have increased from six to
fourteen, and the membership from 2, 199 to
4,600; in Des Moines, where the churches
have increased from three to eight, and the
membership from 1,500 to 4,420; in Chi-
cago, where the churches have increased
from six to eighteen, and the membership
from 1,060 to 4,945; and in Buffalo, where
the churches have increased from one to
four, and the membership from 300 to 1, 107.
The American Society has devoted special at-
tention to the development of churches in
the cities during the last ten years, under the
conviction that the cities are the key to the
evangelization of America. This remarka-
ble advancement could not have been ac-
complished without the leadership of an
able company of younger pastors who have
rendered or are rendering distinguished
service in the following cities: W. F.
Richardson, in Grand Rapids and Kansas

Evangelism, Journalism, Education 303

City; A. B. Philputt, in Philadelphia and
Indianapolis; H. O. Breeden, in Des Moines;
E. L. Powell, in Louisville; F. G. Tyrrell,
in St. Louis; J. M. Philputt, in New York
City; G. H. Combs, in Kansas City; A. M.
Harvuot, in Cincinnati; G. A. Miller, in
Covington; T. E. Cramblett, in Pittsburg;
E. B. Bagby, in Washington City; Carey E.
Morgan, in Richmond; I. N. McCash, in
Des Moines; W. B. Craig, in Denver; F. P.
Arthur, in Rochester and Grand Rapids;
E. W. Darst, in Chicago; Mark Collis and
I. J. Spencer, in Lexington; B. B. Tyler, in
New York City and Denver; J. Z. Tyler, in
Richmond and Cleveland; A. C. Smithers,
in Los Angeles,

CHAPTER XIV

RECENT TENDENCIES AND PROBLEMS

One of the serious problems which has
exercised the minds of preachers, editors,
and leaders, during the last quarter of a
century, has been, how to develop, train,
and utilize the rapidly increasing strength
of the churches. The churches were grow-
ing faster than the agencies for their proper
care and training. The tendency in this
period has been to emphasize Christian cul-
ture, moral and spiritual growth, alongside
of evangelism. It was fHt that evangelism
had overshadowed nurture and education —
that quantity had taken the place of quality as
a test of religious progress. The churches
were growing more rapidly in size and
wealth than in knowledge and beneficence.

The value of great meetings in which
there were large numbers of additions was
3°4

Recent Tendencies and Problems 305

sometimes held in doubt, when the churches
receiving such increases, did not show a
corresponding increase in missionary con-
tributions. It sometimes happened that
after a year such churches did not con-
tain a very large proportion of the con-
verts in their active membership, and were
even weakened in their hold upon the com-
munity. The tide was rising in favor of a
new evangelism, which should depend
more upon instruction than upon emo-
tional excitement to produce results. Pas-
tors began to fear the large ingatherings
into their churches as laying upon the
church a burden of training and assimila-
tion too great to bear. They came to
prefer meetings which edified the saints
as well as converted the sinners; and for
this purpose the safest man was felt to be
the preacher who was under the responsi-
bilities and understood the problems of the
settled pastor's office. Professional evan-
gelism was discredited in favour of
r

306 The Disciples of Christ

pastoral evangelism. It became a veiy
common practice for pastors to exchange
meetings from year to year; while the
professional evangelist assumed more fre-
quently the pastoral relation. More re-
cently pastors and evangelists have come to
agree to eliminate the more objectionable
features of professional evangelism, and to
give it a new, but somewhat restricted,
place in the church.

The Disciples have eagerly adopted many
modern agencies of an instructional char-
acter for the development of Christian life
in the churches, such as Christian Endeavor
societies, Reading Circles, Bible lectures, and
in some few instances, Institutional Church
work. More and more they are beginning
to share the common life and enterprises of
the churches around them, and to be will-
ing to adopt any method or society which
has been found helpful to the larger social
usefulness of the church. They are sharing
with others the awakening to the duty of

Recent Tendencies and Problems 307

making the church a factor in social im-
provement and regeneration. They have
ceased to raise the cry of "innovation"
against modern methods and devices in
church work. One of the most recent
developments is the employment of women
as pastoral helpers in the larger churches.
A school for the training of such helpers
was organized in 1900, by A. M. Harvuot,
at Cincinnati. After three years it was
transferred to Drake University.

The rapid development of educational
institutions, with the rise of the educa-
tional ideal in the last twenty-five years,
has forced education as a problem upon
the Disciples. They have never competed
with the older denominations in educational
equipment, nor have they kept pace with
their advancement. The state institutions,
with their inexhaustible resources, have
made the problem all the more serious.
The colleges of the Disciples, after apply-
ing all their resources to the first require-

308 The Disciples of Christ

merits of the literary courses, have had
nothing left to devote to the enlargement
and specialization of their Bible depart-
ments. Liberal conditions of entrance to
the larger institutions of the East, and their
immense opportunities, began to attract the
young men of the church, and before 1890
a few had crossed the Alleghanies in quest
of the larger educational advantages. Just
before and after 1890 there were to be
found in Harvard, Yale, and Union Semi-
nary, larger or smaller groups of Disciples
from the various colleges of the West,
among whom were Levi Marshall, John
McKee, W. C. Payne, Clinton Lockhart,
H. L. Willett, E. S. Ames, Hiram VanKirk,
L. W. Morgan, B. A. Jenkins, W. E. Gar-
rison, Baxter Waters, C. B. Coleman, — at
Yale; C. C. Rowlison, Silas Jones — at Har-
vard; J. M. Philputt, S. T. Willis, C. A.
Young, A. B. Phillips, Errett Gates, and
L. S. Batman — at Union. The contrast
between the meagre equipment of the

Recent Tendencies and Problems 309

colleges they had left and the vast equip-
ment of the richly endowed institutions
to which they had gone filled them with
pain and surprise. It made every man of
them a missionary of the cause of educa-
tion to his own people. Many of these
young men gave themselves to the neg-
lected cause of education and a few have
been called to the presidencies of the col-
leges—H. L. Willett, as dean of the Di-
vinity House, in 1894; B. A. Jenkins, as
president of Kentucky University, in 1901;
Hiram VanKirk, as dean of Berkeley Bible
Seminary, in 1900; W. E. Garrison, as presi-
dent of Butler College, in 1904; C. C. Row-
lison, as president of Hiram College, in 1905.
The task of immediately bringing the
educational standards and equipment of the
Disciples up to those of other religious
bodies seemed an impossible task. Yet the
demand of the times was for a thoroughly
trained and educated ministry. To meet
the needs of the immediate present for the

310 The Disciples of Christ

ministry of the Disciples, the plan of co-
operation with the larger institutions was
adopted. The Disciples in California were
the first to take advantage of this plan
by cooperating with the state institution
already established and equipped beyond
their ability to equal. The funds obtained
from the property of a college which was
obliged to close its doors were devoted to
the establishment of a Bible Seminary at
Berkeley, in proximity to the State Univer-
sity. The University was glad to have
biblical and theological instruction put in
reach of its students, and the Seminary was
glad to be given the privileges of the Uni-
versity.

A similar yet a wider purpose was served
in the establishment of the Disciples' Di-
vinity House at the University of Chicago.
In this instance the relation of the House to
the University was organic, as it could not
be in the case of a state institution; and be-
sides taking advantage of an academic

Recent Tendencies and Problems 311

foundation, took advantage of the Divinity
School as well. It was an effort to provide
for the Disciples professional ministerial
training under the broadest and amplest
provisions which Christian munificence and
scholarship could create. The movement to
establish the Divinity House originated with
H. L. Willett and was carried out in coop-
eration with the Acting Board of the Ameri-
can Christian Missionary Society in 1894.

Eugene Divinity School was founded
in 1895 by E. C. Sanderson, at Eugene,
Oregon, to take advantage of the State
University located at that place. The school
is under the management of the Disciples
and was organized primarily for the train-
ing of men for the ministry.

The Disciples of Missouri established a
Bible College in connection with the Uni-
versity of Missouri to provide biblical in-
struction for the University students; but it
has gradually grown into a college for the
training of men for the ministry.

312 The Disciples of Christ

Thus by a succession of annexations with
the larger, older, and better equipped insti-
tutions, the Disciples have sought to meet
the educational situation which confronted
them. There are evidences of a rising tide
of interest and devotion to the cause of edu-
cation in the denomination at large, which
is destined to make the next twenty-five
years preeminently an era of educational
enlargement, as the last twenty-five years
has been an era of missionary organiza-
tion.

Modern biblical criticism, which had ob-
tained a foothold in the higher institutions
of learning and theological seminaries of the
east, and was disturbing the theological
position and dividing the ecclesiastical
councils of the various religious bodies in
America, began to receive some considera-
tion from the Disciples before 1890. Not
until the Christian Standard opened a de-
partment of " Biblical Criticism " under the
editorship of J. W. McGarvey in 1890, were

Recent Tendencies and Problems 313

the problems of the higher criticism brought
to the general attention of the Disciples.
Professor McGarvey had made for himself a
foremost place as preacher and author be-
fore 1870. He was one of the group of in-
fluential men who established the Apostolic
Times in opposition to the Christian
Standard, and has consistently stood in op-
position to modern innovations to the pres-
ent time. He fought the introduction of
the organ into the churches, including the
one in which he held membership; and
when it introduced the organ in 1901 he
withdrew his membership from it. When
the new problems of the higher criticism
appeared he entered the field against it and
fought its progress at every step with every
weapon of argument, ridicule, and innuendo.
He has been the centre and brain of the op-
position to higher criticism among the Dis-
ciples.

The questions raised by the new criticism
were entirely strange to the rank and file of

314 The Disciples of Christ

the ministry. The Standard committed its
influence and authority against the newer
critical methods from the beginning, and
identified the higher criticism, in use in all
European universities and most American,
with the infidelity of Celsus, Voltaire,
Renan, Strauss, and Robert Ingersoll.
There were some students among the Dis-
ciples who did not look upon the higher
criticism in that light, but insisted upon dis-
tinguishing its principles and methods from
its conclusions.

The first voices raised in favor of clear-
ness of distinction and calmness in the dis-
cussion were those of J. J. Haley and J. H.
Garrison. Many articles were written in
explanation of the principles, purposes, and
workings of the higher criticism to moder-
ate the hatred and fear of it, but very few
were written in espousal of any of its con-
clusions. Those who did venture to accept
any of its conclusions which contradicted
the traditional opinion, were denounced

Recent Tendencies and Problems 315

and defamed as unsafe and unsound. It
became nearly fatal to usefulness for a
teacher, preacher, or newspaper to give oc-
casion for being read out as a higher critic.
In the case of a teacher, colleges either
cautioned him or dismissed him; in the
case of a preacher, churches and his minis-
terial brethren avoided him; in the case of
a newspaper, subscribers stopped it and
Sunday-schools refused to buy its supplies
and helps. Many teachers, preachers,
newspapers, and even colleges hastened to
put themselves on record against the higher
criticism, for silence was construed as con-
fession of guilt. There can be no doubt
that several publishing companies were
materially benefited by assuming a judi-
cious attitude against it; while one com-
pany was actually threatened with disaster
for refusing to join in the undiscriminating
cry against it and for employing men sus-
pected of leanings towards it as writers in
its columns and of its Sunday-school sup-

316 The Disciples of Christ

plies. Higher criticism was the question
which formed parties in conventions, in-
fluenced the action of missionary societies,
drew the line between teachers and preach-
ers, and divided the denomination into two
more or less clearly defined camps. Out
of this question have grown the new con-
troversies within the body which have dis-
turbed its peace and harmony during the
last fifteen years.

The first controversy which drew upon
itself general attention and was warmly
discussed in the newspapers was the case
of H. C. Garvin, which occurred in 1895
while he was professor in Butler College.
He had been greatly influenced by the
new ideas in his views and methods,
and began to question the correctness
of some of the doctrinal positions of
the Disciples. The question which came
to the front in the controversy was as
to the priority of faith or repentance
in conversion. He expressed the opinion

Recent Tendencies and Problems 317

that repentance preceded faith both in
the teaching of Scripture and in experi-
ence, contrary to the usual teaching of the
Disciples. Other opinions of a heretical
nature from the orthodox denominational
point of view were drawn from him, which
aroused the opposition of the authorities of
the college and forced him to resign. A
group of his students who thought him un-
fairly treated, and could see no serious de-
parture in his teachings, left the denomina-
tion with him.

A continuous controversy has centred in
the person of Herbert L. Willett since 1894.
He sprang into prominence as pastor of the
church at Dayton, Ohio, and as a Bible
lecturer of exceptional attractiveness and
power about 1894. He had been a student
at Bethany College and Yale University,
and came to the University of Chicago as a
student and instructor at its opening in
1893. As Dean of the Divinity House he
£ame in for a share of the criticism aroused

318 The Disciples of Christ

over its establishment. He was known to
be in sympathy with the new learning, and
his influence over a large group of younger
men was feared. An unbroken opposition
to him and the work of the Divinity House
has been waged by a conservative element
and has involved everything with which he
has been connected. His connection with
the Christian Evangelist drew that paper
under fire, and his later connection with
the Christian Century has involved that
paper in all the suspicion and opposition
attaching to his name. An attack calling
in question his loyalty to the teaching of
the denomination, was made upon him by
the editors of the Standard in 1901. Cer-
tain passages in his book on Our Plea for
Union and the Present Crisis, in which he
set forth his position with reference to the
place and mission of the Disciples, were
made to bear a meaning not intended by
him, and awakened widespread discussion
and bitter criticism. The opposition to

Recent Tendencies and Problems 319

Professor Willett which was intended to
destroy his influence in the denomination,
has only partly succeeded, for in spite of it
he has steadily grown in favor and influ-
ence and in demand as a lecturer upon Bible
themes.

When S. M. Jefferson resigned as Dean
of the Berkeley Bible Seminary in 1900,
Hiram VanKirk, then instructor in the Dis-
ciples' Divinity House, was selected to suc-
ceed him. Suspicion rested upon him from
the first, coming as he did from a suspected
institution. He was growing rapidly in
favor with the Disciples in California when
a group of men opposing him entered into
a conspiracy in 1903 to drive him from his
position. Their charges of heresy were
sent to the Standard, as having the widest
influence in California and reputed for its
zeal against the new learning, and without
investigating them published them and sent
hundreds of extra copies into the state to
make sure of a general uprising against the

320 The Disciples of Christ

Dean. The charges were denied by him
and laid before his board of directors for
investigation. He was cleared of the
charges and retained in his position. After
investigation the Standard discovered the
groundlessness of the charges and ac-
knowledged that the persecution against
Professor VanKirk was unjust.

Another Butler College professor fell
under criticism in 1898, in the person of
E. S. Ames, professor of philosophy, on
account of certain utterances made in an
article in the New Christian Quarterly. He
became pastor of the Hyde Park Church,
Chicago, in 1900, and shortly after published
a sermon entitled, A Personal Confession of
Faith. No notice was taken of the sermon
until two years after its publication, when,
in connection with a sermon advocating
" Associate Church Membership," he was
denounced by the editors of the Standard
as a Unitarian and apostate from the ac-
cepted teachings of the Disciples, and pro-

Recent Tendencies and Problems 32 1

nounced unworthy of fellowship among
them. The church of which he was pastor
was called upon to dismiss him or acknowl-
edge its agreement with his opinions. The
church took action in a series of resolutions
declaring its loyalty to the doctrinal position
of the denomination, and affirming its right
to liberty in local church government, as
well as in doctrinal matters not involving
the essential teachings of Christianity.

The missionary societies did not entirely
escape the influence of these controversies.
Moved by the conviction that the persons
who were known to be friendly to the new
learning were dangerous to the well-being
of the churches, the editors of the Christian
Standard sought to commit the American
Society against them by calling upon its
secretary, B. L. Smith, to sign a statement
disavowing all sympathy with the higher
critics or disposition towards the employ-
ment of such persons in its service. In-
spired by their success with the secretary

322 The Disciples of Christ

of the American Society they turned their
attention to the Board of Church Ex-
tension and asked its secretary, George
W. Muckley, to assure the churches
by a public statement that he would
have no fellowship with men suspected
of sympathy #with the higher criticism.
By this time many men of influence
thought they saw danger in making the
missionary societies parties to theological
controversies, and protested against the
action of the editors of the Standard. The
Extension Board and other societies con-
cluded that it was not in their province to
pass judgment upon the orthodoxy of their
servants, and that it was not in the province
of a newspaper to require it of them.

These controversies have been the nearest
approach to " heresy trials " among the Dis-
ciples in recent years. There being no court
of inquiry outside of the local churches, a
heresy trial in the usual sense and form as
carried on in some other bodies, has never

Recent Tendencies and Problems 323

been known among them. The newspapers
have usually assumed the functions of pros-
ecutor of errorists and defender of the faith.
Since it is not always possible in such trials,
where there is no authority over the accused
to secure his appearance in his own defense
or carry out any decision with reference to
him, heretics prosecuted by newspapers
have usually gone unpunished except in the
suspicion and prejudice awakened against
them in the churches.

Involved in all of these controversies was
the appeal to the principle of Christian
liberty or freedom of opinion, which had
always been the boasted and peculiar pos-
session of the Disciples. A larger liberty of
thought and opinion was one of the first
principles laid down in the Declaration and
Address. Liberty to think and differ with
one another upon many truths of Christian-
ity was a sacred privilege demanded and
accorded by all the great leaders. It was
felt to have a place in the discussion and

324 The Disciples of Christ

settlement of the new questions concerning
biblical criticism.

The discussion of all the learned prob-
lems connected with these controversies
was carried on in the weekly news-
papers, and laid before all the people of
the churches for their perusal. It was felt
by many persons to be unwise if not in-
jurious to introduce the technicalities of these
discussions to the unlearned. As an out-
let for the discussion of all modern biblical,
theological, and philosophical questions, the
Congress of the Disciples was organized
and met for the first time in St. Louis in
1899. It has served as a clearing-house for
many of these controverted questions, and
has been the means of a better understand-
ing among the conservative and progressive
elements.

The Disciples have never forgotten that
their special mission among the various Prot-
estant denominations was to teach them the
desirability, and if possible, show them the

Recent Tendencies and Problems 325

way to Christian unity. Their own anoma-
lous position as a separate communion,
looked upon as a sect among the sects, they
have never accepted as justifiable or final.
Their separation from the Baptists they laid
at the door of the Baptists, and would not
be held responsible for it, because it was a
recourse which they did not choose and never
willingly consented to. Since the separa-
tion they have constantly proclaimed Chris-
tian union as a duty and as the goal of their
mission in Christendom. Many conferences
have been held between the Disciples and
Baptists, and the Disciples and Congrega-
tionalists, to discuss the differences which
separated them, and the principles and terms
on which union could be consummated.

A conference to consider the union of
Baptists and Disciples was held at Rich-
mond, Virginia, in April, 1866, attended by
J. B. Jeter, A. M. Poindexter, W. F. Broad-
dus, and others on the part of the Baptists;
and W. K. Pendleton, J. W. Goss, J. Duval,

326 The Disciples of Christ

W. H. Hopson, and others on the part of
the Disciples. Party spirit between the two
bodies ran high in Virginia from the days of
the separation, and was intensified by the
publication in 1854 of an attack upon the
position of the Disciples by J. B. Jeter, in
a book entitled, Campbellism Examined.
Numerous replies were made, the most
elaborate of which was by Moses E. Lard
in a book published in 1857, called, A Re-
view of Campbellism Examined. The books
were not designed to moderate the spirit of
opposition between the two bodies. The
proposal which led to the conference at
Richmond originated with W. F. Broaddus
and was quickly endorsed by J. W. Goss
on the part of the Disciples. The conclu-
sion deliberately yet reluctantly reached by
the conference and published to the two
bodies in the state of Virginia was: "That
the time has not yet come when the Bap-
tists and Disciples are, on both sides, pre-
pared, with a prospect of perfect harmony,

Recent Tendencies and Problems 327

to commit themselves with any degree of
cooperation beyond such courtesies and
personal Christian kindnesses as members
of churches of different denominations may
individually choose to engage in." Similar
conferences were held in different states, as
in North Carolina, in December, 1868, be-
tween the Disciples, Free Baptists, and
Union Baptists.

The second half of the nineteenth century
witnessed the rise of a notable interest in
the question of Christian union among all
the larger Protestant denominations. In
1853 arose the Memorial Movement in the
Protestant Episcopal Church which was de-
signed as an important step " towards the
effecting of a church unity in the Protestant
Christendom of our land." In 1863 the
"Christian Union Association" was organ-
ized in New York as an effort on the part
of sympathetic spirits of the leading Protes-
tant denominations "to diffuse the great
principles of Christian union/' In 1864 the

328 The Disciples of Christ

"Christian Unity Society " was organized
within the Protestant Episcopal Church.
By 1880 the Disciples were not alone in
their prayer for Christian union. The appeal
began to be heard in all the denominations.
The Disciples are to be credited with some
influence in the revival of this new enthusi-
asm, but to the Protestant Episcopal Church
belongs the larger credit for the considera-
tion Christian union has received in Ameri-
can religious thought during the last twenty-
five years. The Memorial Movement bore
fruit in a Declaration Concerning Unity,
promulgated by the House of Bishops at
Chicago, in 1886. After submitting the so-
called "Quadrilateral Basis" of union as
the essential foundation of a true, catholic,
apostolic church, they closed by announ-
cing: "We hereby declare our desire and
readiness, so soon as there shall be any
authorized response to this declaration, to
enter into brotherly conference with all or
any Christian bodies seeking the restoration

Recent Tendencies and Problems 329

of the organic unity of the church, with a
view to the earnest study of the conditions
under which so priceless a blessing might
happily be brought to pass."

This Declaration was transmitted to the
General Convention of the Disciples which
met at Indianapolis in 1887. A committee
consisting of Isaac Errett, J. W. McGarvey,
D. R. Dungan, J. H. Garrison, B. J. Rad-
ford, C L. Loos, and A. R. Benton, was
appointed to draw up a reply. The reply
consisted in a statement of the princi-
ples and basis of union advocated by the
Disciples. The Episcopalians submitted a
description of themselves as a basis of
union, and the Disciples responded with a
description of themselves. Both bodies
submitted bases which they regarded as
"incapable of compromise or surrender."
It is not surprising that nothing further
came of this correspondence in the way of
"brotherly conferences." It was a fore-
gone conclusion that each would be content

330 The Disciples of Christ

with nothing but the absorption of the
other, or a remodelling of the other, after
its own pattern as the final goal of a
union.

As ended this correspondence, so has
ended every correspondence and conference
between the Disciples and other denomina-
tions looking to a union, except the con-
ference which issued in the union of the
Christians and Disciples in 1832. That was
a union by agreement in doctrine and prac-
tice. Yet a union between the Disciples
and Baptists or Free Will Baptists, has
never been possible, notwithstanding their
essential agreement in doctrine and practice.
The poor success attending the union ef-
forts of the Disciples, and the slow accept-
ance of their principles by other denomina-
tions, during the last hundred years, has
led a large and influential group among
them to the conclusion that something
more immediate and practicable than a pro-
gram of union by doctrinal and formal

Recent Tendencies and Problems 331

agreement should be attempted by the
present generation. It has resulted in a
more cordial and appreciative attitude of
the Disciples towards other bodies, and in
the conviction that the closely related de-
nominations could and should enter into
cooperation with each other in many social
and civic, missionary and evangelistic
movements, which would not interfere
with the freedom or integrity of each
other's denominational life and activity.
They have rejoiced in the growing spirit of
fraternity among the churches in recent
years manifested in the various union
movements, such as the Young Men's
Christian Association, Young People's So-
ciety of Christian Endeavor, Sunday-school
Associations, League of Church Federation,
and Union Evangelistic Meetings, and have
freely participated in all of them. Many
are feeling that since the Disciples have
been preaching Christian union for nearly a
hundred years without tangible results, it

332 The Disciples of Christ

is time now to practice it as a method of
promotion.

There has come to some of the best
spirits of the denomination a new and in-
tense appreciation of its mission as a Chris-
tian union movement. They feel that its
chief justification for existence as a separate
body lies in what it can contribute towards
the union of Christians in this generation.
They are not content to wait for the con-
summation of a far-off, ideal union in some
future generation, but desire to prepare the
way for it by a larger cooperation and
freedom of relationship with other bodies
in the present generation. The leaders in
this reviving sense of obiigation to the
principle and practice of Christian union are
J. H. Garrison and Herbert L. Willett, who
are doing all they can as editors of the
Christian Evangelist and Christian Cen-
tury, respectively, to inspire the denomina-
tion with this new eagerness for a united
church. There is no disposition on their

Recent Tendencies and Problems 333

part to abate the insistence upon a return
to primitive Christianity as the principle of
a true consensus, but primitive Christianity
is receiving a larger meaning and a new
emphasis. It is no longer held to be in its
essence a form of public worship or a
method of church organization, but an atti-
tude of the human spirit in all of its social
relationships, as child of God and brother
of man.

There is new hope for union in the in-
creasing agreement among all Christians to
regard Christianity as something essentially
spiritual and ethical, and therefore universal
and practical. The hope of a universal
unity lies in the spiritual. The one lesson
of this history is, that the letter destroys
unity while the spirit makes it alive.

Bibliography

I ^Baxter, William. Life of Walter Scott. 1874.
% v/Baxter, William. Life of Knowles Shaw. 1879.
^ Brown, J. T., Edited by. Churches of Christ. 1904. '&- >1 '
^Butler, Pardee. Personal Recollections.
Campbell, Alexander. Debate with John Walker.

1820.
Campbell, Alexander. Debate with W. L. Maccalla.

1823.
Campbell, Alexander, Edited by. Christian Baptist.

7 vols. 1 823- 1 830.
Campbell, Alexander, Edited by. Millennial Har-
binger. 36 vols. 1 830-1 866.
Campbell, Alexander. Debate with Robert Owen.
1829.

Campbell, Alexander. Debate with J. B. Purcell.

1837.
Campbell, Alexander. Debate with N. L. Rice.

1843.
Campbell, Alexander. Life of Thomas Campbell.

1861.

Don AN, P. Memoir of Jacob Breath, Jr. 1877.
Errett, Isaac Edited by. Christian Standard.
1 866- 1 888.
► Eureka College, History of 1894. ' ' L

. Evans, Madison. Pioneer Preachers of the Christian *% s, * \
Church, in Indiana. 1 862.
Franklin, Joseph, and J. A. Headington. Life of
Benjamin Franklin. 1 879.

335

336 Bibliography

(/ Garrison, J. H., Edited by. The Reformation of the
Nineteenth Century. 1 901.

Garrison, W. E. The Theology of Alexander Camp-
^ bell.

1 Gates, Errett. The Early Relation and Separation
of Baptists and Disciples. 1904.
$>'■ ^Green, F. M. Christian Missions. 1884.

4 Green, F. M. History of Hiram College. 1901.
Grafton, T. W. Life of Alexander Campbell. 1897.
Grafton, T. W. Men of Yesterday.
* . . v Haley, T. P. Dawn of the Reformation in Missouri.
1888.
^ Hayden, A. S. History of the Disciples in the Western
Reserve. 1875.

a/Hopson, Ella L., Edited by. Memoirs of Dr. W. H.
Hops on.

HoSHOUR, S. K. Autobiography. 1884.
Johnson, B. W. and J. H. Garrison, Edited by.
Christian Evangelist. 1882- 1905.
1/ Lamar, J. S. Memoirs of Isaac Errett. 2 vols. 1893.
Longan, G. W. Origin of the Disciples of Christ.
1889.
v Mathes, J. M. Life of Elijah Goodwin.
^Mitchell, N. J. Pioneer Preacher. 1877.
Moore, W. T. Living Pulpit of the Christian Church.
1868.
£ Moore, W. T. Life of Timothy Coop.

Power, F. D. Sketches of Our Pioneers. 1898.
Richardson, Robert. Memoirs of Alexander Camp-
V bell. 2 vols. 1868.

d Rogers, John. Biography of J. T. Johnson. 1 86 1.

Rogers, J. I., Edited by. Autobiography of Samuel
• Rogers. 1 88 1.

Bibliography 337

Rogers, W. C. Recollections of Men of Faith, 1889.
Shackleford, John, Edited by. Life and Letters of
^ L. L. Pinkerton. 1876.

Stone, B. W., Edited by. Christian Messenger. 1826-

1844.
Stone, B. W. Autobiography. 1847.
Tyler, B. B. History of the Disciples. Vol. XII.

Amer. Ch. His. Series. 1894.
Williams, J. A. Life of John Smith. 1870.
HH V Young, C. A., Edited by. Historic Documents. 1904.

Index

Abingdon College, 223.

Allen, T. M., 206, 207, 248.

American Christian Missionary Society, The, controversy

over, 239 ; organization of, 259-262 ; work of, 262-

264.
Ames, E. S., 308 ; controversy concerning, 320.
Appomattox Association, action of, against Reformers,

164.
Arthur* F. P., 303.
Atkinson, A. M., 273.
Atwater, J. M., 297.

Bacon College, 220.

Bagby, E. B., 303.

Baptism, design of, 108, 117, 170.

Barclay, Dr. J. T., 262.

Baxter, William, 281.

Beaver Association, resolutions of, against Reformers,

160-162.
Benevolent Association, The National, 274.
Belding, W. A., 215.
Benton, A. R., 329.
Berkeley Bible Seminary, 310.
Bethany College, 292.
Bible chairs, 266.

Biblical criticism, as a recent problem, 312-322.
Bowman, J. B., 220.
Breeden, H. O., 303.
British Millennial Harbinger ; 227.

339

34-0 Index

Brush Run Church, organization of, 85 ; immersion of,

90 ; union with the Baptists, 93, 94, 100.
Burgess, O, A., 281.

Burnet, D. S., 181, 189, 217, 239, 262, 281.
Butler College, 221, 293.

Campbell, Alexander, birth, 10; education, n, 12;
religious discipline in home of, 12, 13; conversion,
13 ; at the University of Glasgow, 61, 62; arrival in
America, 61; licensed to preach, 86; ordained to
ministry, 87 ; marriage of, 88 ; immersion of, 88,
89 ; disagreement with Baptist doctrines, 95-99 ;
debate with John Walker, 106-109 ; attitude to-
wards Baptists, 100, no, 112, 124, 127, 128; de-
bate with W. L. Maccalla, 116; attitude of Baptists
towards, 1 20- 124; success among Baptists, 127-
129 ; withdraws from Redstone and joins Mahoning
Association, 139 ; influence over Reformers, 156,
157; influence over B. W. Stone, 195, 196; corre-
spondence and discussions with Stone, 196- 1 99 ;
contrasted with Stone, 209, 210; debate with
Robert Owen, 216; debate with J. B. Purcell, 216;
debate with N. L. Rice, 229 ; defines a Christian,
233 ; position on missionary question, 240, 241 ; on
slavery question, 247 ; death of, 256.

Campbell, Thomas, ancestors, birth, 7 ; conversion, 8 ;
preparation for the ministry, 9, 10 ; marriage of,
10; the spirit of, 14, 15, 26; influence of Inde-
pendents upon, 27-32 ; union efforts of, in Ireland,
27 ; removal to America, 33, 34 ; trial of, by Pres-
bytery of Chartiers, 36, 37 ; letter of, to Synod, 37-
40 ; withdrawal from Seceder church, 43 ; plan of
Christian union, 58-61 ; a Christian unionist, 94, 209.

Carpenter, George T., 297.

Challen, James, 216, 217, 262, 281.

Christians, The, the name, 185 ; union with Reformers,
190-203; difference between Disciples and, 192;
opposed by other bodies, 194-197; number of, 204;
characteristics of, 209.

Index 341

Christian Association of Washington, The, origin of, 44,

45 ; plan and purpose of, 46-58 ; 81, 82.
Christian Baptist, The, ill; circulation and influence

of, 121-126, 140; publication ceases, 183.
Christian Century, The, 291, 318, 332.
Christian Evangelist ', The, 287, 289, 290, 291, 318,332.
Christian Standard, The, 252, 256, 287, 288, 312, 313,

318, 319, 321.
Christian union, conference on, at Lexington, 230 ; as a

recent problem, 324-337 ; Richmond conference on,

325> 326-
Christian University, 293.

Christian Women's Board of Missions, 264-267.
Church Extension, Board of, 271, 272.
College of the Bible, 293.
Collis, Mark, 303.
Columbia Bible College, 311.
Combs, G. H., 303.
Congress of the Disciples, 324.
Controversy, missionary society, 240-246 ; slavery, 246-

250 ; organ, 250-253.
Coombs, J. V., 283.
Cotner University, 294.
Craig, W. B., 303.
Cramblett, T. E., 303.
Creath, Jacob, Sr., 138.

Darsie, George, 282.

Darst, E. W., 303.

Declaration and Address, 45, 46, 49-58.

Disciples, growth of the, 299, 300 ; in the United States,

299-30 J > in foreign countries, 301 ; in the cities,

30 1> 3°2-
Disciples' Divinity House, 310.
Disciples of Christ, The, the name, 185 ; origin as a

separate party, 212; parties among, 233, 253.
Dover Association, resolutions of, against Reformers,

164.
Drake, General F. M., 226.

342 Index

Drake University, 226, 293.
Dungan, D. R., 298, 329.

Education, Board of, 276.

Education, 291-299; as a recent problem, 307-312.

England, beginnings of the reformation in, 226.

Errett, Isaac, 215, 252, 255-258, 265, 268, 281, 284,
287, 329.

Erskine, Ebenezer, 22.

Eugene Divinity School, 311.

Eureka College, 223, 293.

Evangelization, Bureau of, 263.

Evangelism, method of, 279 ; success of, 280 ; influence
of, upon the literature of the Disciples, 284 ; influ-
ence upon doctrine and life, 285 ; a new, 305, 306.

Everest, H. W., 297.

Ewing, Greville, 30, 62.

Fall, P. S., 129, 218.

Foreign Christian Missionary Society, 268-270.
Franklin, Benjamin, 221 ; opposes missionary society,
244, 245, 250, 251, 262.

Gano, J. A., 207, 208.

Garfield, James A., 297.

Garrison, J. H., 284, 287, 289, 290, 314, 329, 332.

Garrison, W. E., 308, 309.

Garvin, H. C, controversy concerning, 316.

Gilbert, A. N., 282.

Glas, John, 27.

Goodwin, Elijah, 221, 262.

Graham, Robert, 252, 297.

Green, A. B., 215.

Green, F. M., 268.

Haldane, James A., and Robert, 29-31.
Haley, J. J., 282, 314.
Haley, T. P., 248, 281.
Hall, Jabez, 282.

Index 343

Harlow, W. E., 283.
Hartzel, Jonas, 215.
Harvuot, A. M., 303, 307.
Hayden, A. S., 281.
Hayden, William, 189, 215.
Henderson, D. P., 222, 281.
Henry, John, 188.
Heresy Trials, 322.
Hinsdale, B. A., 297.
Hiram College, 217, 293.
Hobbs, A. I., 268, 282.
Hopson, W. H., 252, 281.
Hoshour, S. K., 221, 296.

Illinois, beginnings of the reformation in, 221, 222.
Immersion, as a test of fellowship, 90, 124.
Iowa, beginnings of the reformation in, 225.

Jameson, L. H., 221.

Jenkins, B. A., 308, 309.

Jeter, J. B., 325 ; his work on Campbellism Examined^

326.
Johnson, B. W., 289.

Johnson, J. T., 138, 200, 218, 220, 230, 262.
Jones, J. H., 215.
Journalism, 285-291.

Kentucky, beginnings of the reformation in, 217-220.
Kentucky University, 220, 293.
King, Joseph, 281.
Knox, John, 18.

Lamar, J. S., 268, 281, 284.

Lard, Moses E., 252; his book on A Review of Camp-

bellism Examined, 326.
Loos, C. L., 268, 299, 329.
Louisville church, 131, 132.
Lucas, D. R., 282.

344 Index

Maccalla, W. L, 116.

Mahoning Association, The, 123, 138, 173, 191.

Mathes, J. M., 221, 262.

Matthews, R. T., 282.

McBride, Thomas, 224.

McCash, I. N., 303.

McGarvey, J. W., 248, 252, 284, 298, 312, 313, 329.

McGready, James, 66, 72.

McLean, A., 268, 270.

Alillennial Harbinger t origin of, 183-185.

Milligan, Robert, 284, 296.

Ministerial Relief, Board of, 273, 274.

Missouri, beginnings of the reformation in, 224.

Moffett, Robert, 268, 271.

Moore, W. T., 268, 281, 284.

Morgan, Carey E., 303.

Mormonism, connection with the Disciples, 215, 216.

Moss, J. J., 215, 217.

Muckley, G. W., 271, 321.

Negro Evangelization and Education, Board of, 275.
Northcutt, H. A., 283.

Ohio, beginnings of the reformation in, 214.
O'Kane, John, 221, 262.
Oskaloosa College, 226, 293.

Pendleton, W. K., 262, 295, 325.

Philputt, A. B., 303.

Philputt, J. M., 303.

Pinkerton, L. L., 250, 262, 281.

Powell, E. L., 303.

Powers, F. D., 282, 284.

Primitive Christianity, the authority of, 41 ; as a prin-
ciple of Christian unity, 41, 60; missions, an essen-
tial element of, 236-238.

Proctor, Alexander, 281.

Protestant Episcopal Church, the Memorial Movement
°f> 327 > Quadrilateral Basis of union of, 328,

Index 345

Radford, B. J., 298, 329.

Raines, Aylett, 218.

Redstone Association, 10 1 ; opposition in, to Campbell,

104, 105, 138; action of, against Reformers, 160.
Reformers and Baptists, differences between, 1 69- 1 73.
Richardson, Robert, 217, 284, 295.
Richardson, W. F., 302.
Rogers, John, 202, 205, 206, 218, 219.
Rogers, Samuel, 204, 205, 224.
Rowlison, C. C, 308, 309.

Sandeman, Robert, 28.

Scott, Walter, evangelist of Mahoning Association, 141-

144; the preaching of, 144-149, 193, 211, 215,217,

262, 277.
Scotland, the Reformation in, 17 ; patronage in the

church of, 19-21.
Scoville, Charles Reign, 283.
Scriptures, the authority of, 40-58 ; the interpretation

of, 235, 236, 255.
Seceder church, origin of, 17-23 ; narrowness of, 23-26 ;

division of, into Burghers and Anti-Burghers, 24 ;

Old Lights and New Lights, 25 ; in America, 34, 35.
Semple, Robert, 120, 164, 165.
Sermon on the Law, 1 02.
Shaw, Knowles, 283.
Shepherd, Silas E., 296.
Smith, B. L., 263, 321.
Smith, C. C, 275.
Smith, J. H. O., 283.

Smith, John, 132-137, 200, 202, 218, 219.
Smithers, A. C, 303.
Spencer, I. J., 282, 303.
Springfield Presbytery, 74; Last Will and Testament

of, 75-
Stone, Barton W., birth, 64 ; education, 66 ; conversion,
66-68 ; theological difficulties, 70, 7 1 ; doctrinal
beliefs, 73-76; withdrawal from Presbyterian
Church, 74; immersion, 77, 191, 222.

346 Index

Sweeney, J. S., 281.

Tate's Creek Association, action of, against Reform-
ers, 162, 163.
Texas Christian University, 294.
Trible, J. M., 282.
Tyler, B. B., 268, 282, 284, 303.
Tyler, J. Z., 282, 303.
Tyrrell, F. G., 303.

Updike, J. V., 283.

Van Kirk, Hiram, 308, 309 ; controversy concerning,
3J9, 32°-

Walk, David, 281.
Walker, John, 31.
Walker, John, debate with, 106.
Wilkes, L. B., 281.

Willett, H. L., 266, 308, 309,311; controversy concern-
ing, 317, 332.
Wilson, Allen, 283.

Yearly Meetings, origin of, 181, 182, 217, 218.
Young, C. A., 266, 308.

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Professor of Church History in Crozer Theological Seminary

Small i2mo, with frontispiece, net, $1.00

{Postage 8 cents)

The object of this series is to furnish brief his-
tories of the several denominations written
by the leading historians of each sect. The
books will average only about forty thou-
sand words and are calculated to interest
the average church member as well as the
student of Church history.

Dr. Vedder is an authority on American Church
History and a specialist in the history of
the Baptists. He has a sprightly but vig-
orous style, and a manner of expressing his
ideas which is pleasing in its clearness and
brevity.

The Baker & Taylor Co., Publishers

33-37 East 17th St., Union Sq. North, New York

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