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■^6 2. a t U,2, 1/
^arbartr Collese Itttracs
BRIGHT LKCIACY.
I>eicendantB of Henry Brieht,jr,, who died at Water-
town, Ma^B., in 1^36. nreenUlled to hold idiolanhlpi in
Har.ard College, EBUbllshed ill iSSo under the wTri of
JONATHAN BROWN BRIGHT
of Waltham, Mass.. wiih one half the income of this
eligible to Che scholarships. The nill requires that
this announcemenl shall be made in every book added
teceivsd .- A..sV...5., IR Q..A.
Tille-page of tie Wolfegg Ptolemy Manuscript.
(Vi the actual siio, i. e. >l, scale)
i^'l
i^ije gisrntoks at
^\jz ^axumtn in America
initb apmal r£latinn tn tljeir
£arlj tartngrapljiral
By JOSEPH FISCHER S.J.
Professor of Geognipliy Jesuit Collie Feldkirch Austria
iStmslattb ftotn tl^e <&ttman
By basil H. SOULSBY B.A.
Superintendent of the Map Room British Museum
Hon. Sec. of the Hakluyl Society
LONDON
HENRY STEVENS, SON & STILES
39 Great Russell Street over against the South-West
Corner of the British Museum
st. louis : b. herder 1 7 south broadway
1903
Bibliographia, quasi stillae de arbore
scientiae manantes collectae et
ad conservandum asportatae.
m^-m.
PREFACE.
She " Antiquitates Americans," that epoch-)
\ making work by Carl Chr. Rafn (1837),
has now for over sixty years enjoyed a
decided influence in the answer to the
question — " What did the Norsemen dis-
/er in America ? "
Rafn seemed to have a complete mastery of all the
Norse literature bearing on the subject, and it is quite
intelligible that many peculiar dicia should have been
accepted, merely on his authority, though subsequent in-
vestigations have proved them unsound. The followers of
Rafn were numerous and uncritical, and went much further
than their master. Some of the arguments, which he
employed merely as a secondary support to his theories,
were twisted by them and described as incontestable and
indisputable evidence.^ Such a breach of all laws of criticism
did not fail to arouse a storm of opposition. The pseudo-
authority claimed for the alleged Runic inscription on the
Dighton Rock drove Bancroft into an exa^erated opposition \
of cynical scepticism, or, rather, total disbelief in the dis- (
.covery of America by the Norsemen.* Since the time of
Bancroft there has been a large party of almost too eager
partisans of Rafn, as well as a strong opposition, of whom
Justin Winsor has been the most distinguished leader.^
(i) c/. Sophus Ruge, "Die Weinlandsfahrten" p. 9.
(a) cf. E. Loeffier, " The Vineland- Excursions" 1884, p. 73, n. 32.
■,G. Bancroft, " History of the United Stales," voL I. c. I.
(3) J. Winsor, " Historjy of America^' I. 66, sqq., 87; II. 33.
There is also a characteristic cut in the illustrated description of the
historical collection in the World's Fair at Chicago, according to which
the claim of the Normans to have discovered America " rests entirely
vi PREFACE,
In Germany, France and England, the experts were as
diametrically opposed as in America. It required a Heinrici
to out-Herod Horsford*s wildest claims, in the literary
supplement to the Allgemeine Zeitung (Munich), of April 12,
1892, and yet even Bancroft finds a rival for scepticism in
Professor Gelcich, when he writes : " News had reached
Iceland that in the south or south-west, it was not quite
certain which, was situated a Vine-land (Spain !), where the
sailor passed by wondrous cliffs (Fingal's Cave !), and in
Ireland white-robed priests led processions with banners
flying, etc,^ etc. This was all jumbled up in a legend dating
from voyages to Helluland and Wineland." ^
Such were the conflicting views eight years ago, when
Hofrath Dr. von Wieser induced the author to make further
inquiry into the discoveries of the Norsemen in America.
The author undertook the task with considerable reluc-
tance, but he found such material assistance in the learned
works of G. Storm and A. M. Reeves, that only one year
had elapsed before Dr. von Wieser considered the result
worth printing. But then so many questions arose, espec-
ially as to the maps of the Norsemen's discoveries, which
necessitated a thorough examination of ancient archives,
that I deferred publication year after year, and, perhaps,
should never have come to publication, had nqt Dr. von
Wieser spurred me on by providing me with the newest
literature on the subject, and by opening to me all the store
of his library, as rich in geography as in history. The
author would here express his deep sense of gratitude, not
only to his highly esteemed patron and master. Dr. von
Wieser, but also to Professor Dr. Gustav Storm, of Christiana,
whose courtesy in answering all questions was only equalled
by his kindness in presenting to the author his works, both
large and small, which were those of a giant and pioneer
in research. In the translation of the Scandinavian works
of Storm and J6nsson Finnur, etc,^ I am much indebted to
my colleague in the Society of Jesus, Father H. Klene. I
upon tradition, poetic legends, and some slight circumstantial evidence."
W. Curtis : " The Relics of Columhus^ Souvenir of La Rabida^ World's
Columbian Exposition, an Illustrated description of the historical coU
lection" {Washington, 1893), p. 7.
(i) GelCich, Materialien, p. 104.
PREFACE. vii
must not forget to mention the esteemed librarian of the
Vatican, Father Francis Ehrle, SJ., who took so much
interest in my researches and assisted me both verbally
and by letter. It is to him that I owe the four important
maps of Greenland {Plates L to IV) from the two hitherto
unknown Vatican Ptolemy MSS., by Donnus Nicolaus
Germanus. I must also thank Father H. Hafner, SJ., who
kindly consented to search for Ptolemy MSS. in Wolfegg
Castle, belonging to Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg, and was
fortunate enough to discover a valuable MS. by Donnus
Nicolaus Germanus, whose maps of Greenland {Plates V,
and VI,) corresponded to those of the Ulm editions of
Ptolemy of 1482 and i486. I paid a visit to Wolfegg Castle
to determine the relation between the Wolfegg MS. and the
printed Ulm editions. I met with the best possible reception.
I was able to identify the Wolfegg MS. as the prototype of
the Ulm editions. Last, but not least, came a most im-
portant discovery : the long lost large World Map and
"Carta Marina" of the cartographer, Martin Waldseemiiller
(Ilacomilus), 1507 and 1516, covering some 24 large folio
sheets. This lucky discovery was remarkable, if only for its
bearing on the njaps of the discoveries made by the Norse
men {Plates VII, and VIII,)^ as well as on their relation
to the later discoveries of Columbus and his successors.
It has still greater consequences as regards the repre-
sentation of the discoveries of Columbus and Amerigo
Vespucci. The long lost first map of America of 1507 has
at last been unearthed, and with the equally important
"Carta Marina" of 1516, helps to mark an epoch in carto-
graphy, which will be more apparent when these two maps
are reproduced in facsimile.
The author and his co-workers, Father A. Manganotti,
S.J., of Modena, and Father Joseph Richard, S.J., of Nancy,
are greatly indebted for the elucidation of many knotty
points to the librarians and archivists of the libraries of
Brussels, Florence, Innsbruck, Modena, Munich, Nancy, Paris,
Rome, and Wolfegg.
Where I have formed my conclusions on the basis of the
researches of G. Storm, A. M. Reeves, D. Bruun, J6nsson
Finnur, Baron A. E. Nordenskiold, etc., I have endeavoured
viii PREFACE.
to refer to original authorities, and to bring forward fresh
arguments to support accepted conclusions. It has also
been my aim to make more accessible to general circles the
discoveries of Scandinavian savants, — discoveries not so
widely known in Germany as they deserve — e.g. the re-
markable excavations in Greenland, of the highest value to
ethnography (cf. Plates IX. and X., for permission to repro-
duce which I am indebted to " The Danish Commission on
Research in Greenland.")
As for my laborious researches into the personality and
the works of my countryman, Donnus Nicolaus Germanus,
I hope I may inspire others to inquire further into the life
of this eminent cartographer.
The Author.
CONTENTS.
Preface --.-... v
Bibliography ------- xi
Chapter I. The earliest accounts (nth and 12th centuries)
of the discoveries of the Norsemen in America - - i
Chapter II. More detailed accounts (13th and 14th cen-
turies) of the discovery of the Norsemen in America - 1 1
Chapter III. The development of the Norse colony in
Greenland --.... 20
Chapter IV. The latest authenticated account of the fate of
the Norse colonies in America - ■ - -41
Chapter V. Description and representation of the discoveries
of the Norsemen in America. The Cosmographers,
Claudius Clavus, Donnus Nicolaus German us, and
Martin Waldseemiiller ----- 56
Appendices - ■ - - - - - 108
Index - - - - - - - 124
Colophon - - - - - - 131
.'<i,y:^^i-.;^3.
LIST OF PLATES.
FRONTISPIECE.
. Title-page of the Wolfegg Ptolemy Manuscript
PLATES AT THE END.
Greenland on the Map of the World by Donnus Nicolaus
Germanus (after 1466).
Greenland on the Map of the Northern Regions by Donnus
Nicolaus Germanus (after 1466).
Greenland on the Map of the World by Donnus Nicolaus
Germanus (about 1474).
Greenland on the Map of the Northern Regions by Donnus
Nicolaus Germanus (about 1474).
Map of the World by Donnus Nicolaus Germanus showing
Greenland (before 1482).
Greenland on the Map of the Northern Regions by Donnus
Nicolaus Germanus (before 1482).
Second sheet of Waldseem tiller's Map of the World, 15071
showing Greenland {a) on the inset map ; {i) on the maiit
map.
Greenland on Waldseemiiller's "Carta Marina," 1516.
Eastern Settlement of the Norsemen in S.W. Greenland.
Western Settlement of the Norsemen in W. Greenland.
THE
lisroberies of tbe Jinrsemen in Jlntmca.
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DISCOVERIES OF THE NORSEMEN
IN AMERICA.
CHAPTER I.
^be Sarliest Hccouittd (Utb S. I2tb Centuries)
of tbe HWscoperies of tbe Horsemen
in Hmerica.
lUR earliest notice in manuscripts of the dis-
1 coverjes of the Norsemen in America comes
I to us from a German, Adam of Bremen.^
He was the first trustworthy historian of
the Arctic regions, but his origin and the
I date of his death are alike wrapped in
mystery. We only know that about 1067 he came to
Bremen as Canon under Archbishop Adalbert (1043-1072),
and began to investigate with great ardour the history of
the northern regions.
The spot was most suitable. Bremen, "the Rome of the
North," was indefatigable in missionary efforts, and formed a
very good starting-point for missions travelling to Norway
and Sweden, or to Iceland and Greenland.
(i) For an account of Adam of Bremen, «« A. Bernard; "De Adamo
Bremensi geographo^' 1895. Bernard rightly only conjectures that Adam
was bom in Meissen, See aJso S. Gijnther ; ^^ Adam von Bremen" 1894 ;
Lappenberg, " Von den Quellen, Handschriften und Bearbeitungen des
Adam von Bremen," (archiv fiir altera deutsche Geschichte, VI, 766,
sqq.) ; G. Storm, " Studier over Vinlandsreiserne," 1888, pp. 7, sqq,
A. M. Reeves, " Th^ Finding 0/ Wineland the Good," 1890, pp. 92, sqq,
Justin Winsor, "Narrative and critical History of America^' 1885-0
Winsor does not treat the reports of Adam with sufficient respect
2 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
But the learned master of the Cathedral school^ was
not satisfied with the riches of the Cathedral library, the
valuable archives of the Bremen churches, or the reports
of the hundreds of foreigners who came from all the islands
far and near.
Adam of Bremen wanted knowledge fresher from the
fountain-head, and went on a visit to the King of Denmark,
Sven Estrithson, " in whose memory was engraved as on a
tablet the whole history of the barbarians [the Scandinavian
races],"^ and King Sven supplied his visitor with such
detailed and such satisfactory explanations, that Adam of
Bremen always regarded the monarch as his main authority.
We are most concerned with the fourth book of the
" Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum," or the deeds
of the Bishops of the Church of Hamburg, which describes
the Arctic regions under the title : " Description of the Islands
of the North {Descriptio Insularum Aguilonis)^ These
reports entitle Adam to claim to have truly laid the corner-
stone of a history of the Baltic nations, and established a
certain and lasting test for unfounded rumours and the
contents of Scandinavian sagas and romances. All scientific
research can be traced back to his initiative, and his authority
has stood very high from the beginning.^
As to the discoveries of the Norsemen in America, Adam
of Bremen was only acquainted with Greenland and Wine-
land. He describes Greenland as an island in the Arctic
Ocean, about the same distance from Norway as Iceland
(five to seven days). He had curious ideas about the
inhabitants, and thought the country took its name from the
colour of their skin. But yet he knew that Christianity had
penetrated to their island.^ Adam mentions an episcopal
letter issued by Archbishop Adalbert, shortly after his
(i) Adam of Bremen is so entitled in a charter of 1069.
(2) Adamus Bremensis, ^^Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificuin^^
1876.
(3) See Wattenbach, ^^ Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter^^
II p. 81 (6th edition). Weinhold, in his essay, " Uberdie Polargegenden
Europas nach den Vorstellungen des Mittelalters " (Sitzungsberichte der
phil. histor. Klasse der Wiener Akademie, LXVIIII, pp. 783, sqq.),
Vienna^ 1871, agrees with Wattenbach in his estimate of Adam as an
historical authority, but not when, as a learned geographer, Adam
describes the knowledge of the classical world as to the Arctic regions.
(4) See Adam. Brem., " Gesta^^ IV. ch. 20 ; cf. ch. 10.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 3
accession to this rank, to all bishops and priests in Denmark,
Sweden, and Norway, and even in the ends of the earth
{usque ad fines terrae,) He certainly includes Greenland, as
Maurer justly remarks.^ Adam expressly states that Green-
land as well as Iceland and the Orkneys sent ambassadors to
Bremen, to invite missionaries to come and preach the
Gospel.^ The Archbishop acceded to the request of the
Greenlanders, and sent them a letter announcing his intention
to visit them in person.^ But Christianity never flourished
very strongly in Greenland at this period, for Adam describes
the people as cruel wreckers.'*
Adam had also acquired information about Wineland.
The name was derived from the marvellous wild vine of the
country. The grapes as well as the vine grew wild. Adam's
authority for this strange news is the Danish King, Sven, and
also the express statements of the Danes. It was all very
well for Adam to maintain that King Sven had told him of
another island besides Greenland and Hallagland, which had
often been discovered in the same ocean and was called
Wineland, because vines grew wild there and yielded mag-
nificent wine, and he might emphasise, as often as he liked,
the statement that he relied on no mythical suppositions but
on a credible report of the Danes, for his account of the way
in which, in Wineland, the fruits of the earth ripened spon-
taneously.^
It was a long time before anyone would put faith in these
travellers' tales.
The main reason for the doubts of unbelievers, lay in a
later addition : " after Wineland there is no habitable land in
that ocean, but all that emerges is icebound, and wrapped in
impenetrable mist."^ It was also a matter of notoriety that
(i) lb. Ill.ch. ii,and K.Maurer,"Gronlandim Mittelalter,"p.2i3, 1874.
(2) Adam. Brem., " Gesta^^ ch. 23.
(3) lb. III. ch. 70 ; IV. ch. 35.
(4) lb. IV. ch. 36.
(5) Adam. Brem., ^^ Gesta^^^ IV. ch. 38. " Praeterea unam adhuc
insulam recitavit a multis in eo repertam oceano, quae dicitur Winland,
eo quod ibi vites sponte nascantur, vinum optimum ferentes. Nam et
fruges ibi non seminatas habundare, non fabulosa opinione, sed certa
comperimus relatione Danorum."
(6) 1. c. Whether this addition is by Adam is not clear from the
latest critical edition of Lappenberg-Waitz, and the passage does not
occur in the most important MS. marked " i."
B 2
4 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
Greenland was an icebound Polar land, so that no Wineland
could possibly exist in its vicinity. On the other hand
Adam's account of Wineland might have turned the scale
and induced the respected historian of Norway, who purposely
passed over the account of Wineland,^ to describe Greenland
as " the boundary in the West of Europe, reaching nearly to
the islands of Africa, where the waves of the ocean ebb in their
thunder." ^
The Hemburg historian, Albert Krantz (died 1517), has
the same timid scruples. He also passes over Adam's account
of Wineland.
Only Hermann Corner in the isth century, a less severe
critic, reproduced in his history the chapter on Wineland
without any alteration.^
Adam was for many years not accepted as a credible
authority, owing to the very statements which later served to
substantiate his accuracy. We shall come later on to the
Icelandic sources for the earliest historical authorities of Adam
of Bremen, and only give here a resume of the main arguments
deduced from this writer.
Adam of Bremen gives the earliest written account of the
discoveries of the Norsemen in America. He is quite inde-
pendent of the MS. literature of Iceland, and relies immediately
on contemporary Scandinavian traditions. He gives full par-
ticulars of Greenland and Wineland, about the population and
conversion of Greenland, but not of Wineland, lastly about the
most important natural products of Wineland, a country re-
markable for grapes, which grew wild, and corn which came
up without seed.
The learned Icelander, Ari Thorgilsson, called Hinn Fr6di>
i,e.y widely versed (d. 1 148), gives the very same account of the
discoveries of the Norsemen in America, and Ari is just as
trustworthy an authority^ as Adam of Bremen. Konrad
(i) G. Storm, ^'' Studier over Vinlandsreiserne ^^'' 1888, p. 8.
(2) G. Storm, ^^ Monument a historica Norwegiae^^ 1888, p. 76. "Ter-
minus ad occasum Europae fere contingens Africanas insulas, ubi inun-
dant oceani refluenta."
(3) See Storm, " Vinlandsreiseme^^ p. 8, sqq., and J. M. Lappenberg,.
VI. 836, sqq.
(4) See E. Werlauff, '' De Aris inultiscio'' \ W. Golther, '' Ares:
Isldnderbuch^' p. 7, sqq. ; A. M. Reeves, " Wineland^^ p. 7, sqq. ; G.
Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. 10, sqq. ; S. Maurer, " Iskind^^ p. 458,,
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 5
Maurer ('* Gronland in Mittelaltcr'' p. 204) describes Ari as
"the earliest and most trustworthy of all the Icelandic his-
torians." Ari also did not fail to quote his authorities, and
knew how to obtain the most trustworthy reports.
His chief authority on Greenland was a companion of Eric
the Red, the discoverer of, and first settler in, Greenland.^ A
companion of Eric gave a detailed account of the colonisation
of Greenland to an uncle of Ari, Thorkel Gellisson, of Hel-
gafell. Thorkell informed Ari of the name of the first dis-
coverers of Greenland, the reason for the name of the country,
the time of the settlement, and a useful sketch of civilisation
in Greenland as it existed before the arrival of the Norse-
men.
According to Ari, the discoverer of, and first settler in,
Greenland was Eric the Red, a native of Breidafjord, who
sailed westwards from Iceland, and settled in Greenland at the
place now known as Erichsfjord. He also named the new
land — Greenland, thinking the magic name would attract
many other Icelanders to the colony. This origin of the name
is not so fanciful as Adam's, who fancied that the name came
from the colour of the inhabitants, as they were green from
the sea {a sale cerulei) ! ^ Ari was informed that the date of
the settlement was 14 or 15 winters before the official intro-
duction of Christianity into Iceland. Ari himself tells us^
that this took place in the year 1,000 A.D., which would fix
the settlement in 985 or 986 A.D. Especial attention should
be paid to his account of the state of civilisation found
among the aboriginal inhabitants of Greenland, as we also
learn much of that in Wineland. Both in the east and west of
Greenland, Eric and his companions found traces of human
habitation and remnants of leather boats, and stone imple-
ments. This would prove the inhabitants of Greenland and
sqq. ; F. Wagner, " Le Livre des Islands du pretre Ari," 1898, p. 8, sqq.
Justin Winsor also neglects to give full credit to Ari.
(i) See W. Golther, ''^ Ares Isldnderbuch^^ ch. 6, p. 11 ; A. M. Reeves,
" Wineland^^ p. 9, sqq. ; C. F. Dahlmann, ^'' Forschungen auf dem
Gebiete der GeschichtCy^ p. 471, sqq. There is a translation of the ** Ice-
land Book" on p. 457, sqq.
(2) Th. Torfaus rightly notes in his " Groenlandia^'' p. 3, sqq., that
Adam of Bremen adopted the same derivation as Ari, " licet rationem
non observaverit."
(3) See W. Golther, ^^ Ares Isldnderbuch^^ ch. 7, p. 1 1, sqq. ; C. F. Dahl-
mann, " Forschungen," p. 472, sqq.
G THE DISCOVERIES OE THE
Wineland to have been of the same race whom the people of
Greenland called Skralings.^ There is no further mention
of Wineland in the Iceland book as known to us, but it must
be noted that Ari speaks of Wineland as of a country well
known to all, whose inhabitants were still in a lower grade
of civilisation.
There are three other ancient authorities, probably based
upon Ari,^ although they only incidentally touch on Greenland
and Wineland. The chief of these is the " Landndmabok," the
book of the settlement of Iceland from 870 to 930 A.D. W^e
are told there, that Eric the Red came to Iceland with his
father, Thorwald, who had to leave Norway for manslaughter.
When his father died, Eric settled in the south-west of Ice-
land, where other Norwegians of position had already taken
up their abode. He was condemned to three years banish-
ment for manslaughter, and went out to the country which
Gunnbjorn of Iceland saw in 920, when a storm drove him
west of Iceland.^ The common name of the islands came to
be *' Gunnbjorn's Clififs," and a popular idea sprang up that
there was a large country to the west. Thither the exile
made his way. He landed safely, and tried to explore
thoroughly, his western home. He spent the first summer on
Eric's Island, which we cannot exactly identify, and started
from there to boldly explore the north. In the autumn he
returned to the south of Greenland, and spent the winter at
the southern extremity on an island, to which he gave the
name of ".Eric's Island." He spent three years in exploring
the coasts of Greenland, and returned home to advertise his
discoveries. He wished to obtain public confidence, and
called the island " Green Land," or Greenland. In this he
succeeded. Eric himself settled in Brattahlid, by Erics-
(i) E. Mogk, on p. 61 of his ^^ Die Entdeckung Ainerikas durc/t die
Nordgerma?iefi" is quite right in laying stress on the fact that the
inhabitants of Wineland were called Skralings before it was thought that
the same race must have lived in Greenland as was already known in
Wineland.
(2) See G. Storm, " Vinlandreiserne^^ p. 1 1 ; A. M. Reeves, " Wine-
land," p. 12.
(3) Gunnbjorn's Cliffs were probably, as E. Mogk, ^^ Die Entdeckung
AfnerikaSy^ p. 64, note i, remarks, a small group of islands between
Iceland and Greenland which, according to Ruysch's map of 1508, were
destroyed by volcanoes in 1456. The legend on Ruysch's map reads:
" Insula hec in anno Domini 1456 fuit totaliter combusta." See Norden-
skiold, ^^ Facsimile Ailas^^ pi. 32.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 7
fjord,^ where green land is still to be seen, and where Green-
land cattle browse.^
The Landamabok only twice, and that briefly, notices
Wineland. Once it serves to determine the geographical
position of greater Iceland, or the white men's land, " which
lies close to Wineland." On the other occasion it is men-
tioned in the genealogy of Thorfinn Karlsefni, " who found
Wineland the Good."^ Both the other reports, which are to
be traced back to Ari, supply many gaps in the history of
geographical discoveries, and are nearly identical with those
in the Kristni Saga, and in Snorr's " Konigssaga/'^ Leif, a
son of Eric the Red, had been sent by King Olaf to preach
the Gospel in Greenland, and on his way home from Norway
he discovered Wineland the Good. On the same voyage Leif
saved from certain death a number of fellow-travellers, and
from this was nicknamed " Hinn Hepni," *' the Fortunate."
It must be noted that every passage speaks of Wineland the
good, as a country universally known and in want of no
further explanation.
Adam of Bremen and Ari the Wise give us, in their
histories of the Far North, but slight notes on the correspond-
ing geographical connexion, but from a geographical stand-
point their reports are most fortunately corroborated by a
geographer in the middle of the I2th century, who was
probably the Abbot Nicholas of Thingeyre (d. 1159).^ The
reports of the ancient geographer are to be found in Icelandic
MSS. of the 14th and 15th centuries, forming a short descrip-
tion of the world, based on Latin sources and the reports of
(i) Landndmabok, II. 14. The report is to be found in the Saga of
Thorfinn Karlsefni, or Eric the Red in A. M. Reeves, " Wineland^'^
p. 28, sqq., and in the account of the Flatey Book, p. 60, sqq. See also
K. Maurer, " Gronland im Mittelalter^^ p. 204, note 3.
(2) See E. Mogk, " Die Entdecktuig Amerikas^'^ p. 67, in Laub's
description in the report of the second German Polar expedition. On
p. 64, sqq., Mogk makes an exhaustive research into the first voyages
of discovery made by Erich the Red.
(3) cf. Storm, ''^ Vbilandsreiserne^'' p. 11, and for Greater Ireland,
pp. 63, sqq. ; Reeves, " Winehvid" p. 12.
(4) cf. Storm, and Reeves, p. 1 2.
(5) For this 12th century geographer, see Werlauff, ''^ Syinbolae^^ p. 4,
sqq. ; Rafn, ^^ Gronl. hist. Mindesm." III. 218, sqq. ; Storm, " Vinlands-
reiseme,^ P- ii> sqq. ; Baumgartner, '''' Island^^ p. 278, sqq. Winsor takes
no notice of this valuable report. Reeves, p. 15, notes the report, but
not the Abbot Nicholas.
8 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
Abbot Nicholas, himself a great traveller. The only MS.
which contains a paragraph on the discovery of Wineland in
the description of the countries W. and S.W. of Iceland is
one which gives details of the authority of Abbot Nicholas.
This is regarded therefore as of the highest antiquity, and is
rightly traced back to the Abbot.^
According to this report : " Helluland lies to the south of
Greenland, then comes Markland, and a little way on Wine-
land the Good, which is said to be joined to Africa. If this
be true, the ocean must flow between Wineland and Mark-
land. Leif the Lucky first [fyrstr, as the first] discovered
Wineland, and there [on the same voyage] he found merchants
shipwrecked on the sea, and by the grace of God he saved
their lives. He also introduced Christianity into Greenland,
and it flourished so exceedingly that a Bishop's see was
created in Garde."^
The last statement could obviously not have been written
before about 1125, when Bishop Arnold (1123-1152) estab-
lished his see at Gardar. Werlauff, Rafn and Storm may
therefore be quite correct in ascribing these reports to Abbot
Nicholas, who died in 1159. This account agrees with the
narrative of Adam of Bremen, and Ari, and gives con-
firmatory evidence of the 12th century, that according to the
earlier traditions of Iceland a Wine country had been dis-
covered "south of Greenland '' together with two other
countries, Helluland and Markland, Wineland being dis-
covered first and quite accidentally by Leif, who was on the
way home from Norway, to introduce Christianity into
Greenland. This enables us at last to understand the
ambiguous phrase of Ari, where he describes Karlsefni as a
man "who found Wineland the Good."^ We are informed
by this learned geographer that Karlsefni set out later to find
Wineland the Good, and that he came to a place " where men
thought, this was the country sought for,'' but that he was
unable to explain Wineland with advantage.^ I agree
entirely with Reeves^ that only two voyages to Wineland are
(i) Storm, p. II. Werlauff and Rafn agree in this.
(2) ^^ GronL hist, Mindesm.^^ III. 220, sqq. ; Reeves, '''' Wineland^^
pp. 15, sqq.
(3) Storm, p. II ; Reeves, p. 12.
(4) ^^ Gronl, hist, Mindesm, " III. 221 ; Reeves, p. 15 ; Storm, 1. c.
(5) Reeves, p. 161.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 9
mentioned by the writer : the voyage of discovery by Lief,
and the voyage of exploration by Karlsefni.
Greenland and Wineland were known to the earliest
Icelandic town and family Sagas as well as to historians and
geographers of high learning and good repute. According
to the Eyrbyggja Saga (about 1250 or 1260), the men of
Eyrbygg and Alptfirdingen made a truce, and about the year
1000 Snorri and Thorleif Kimbe, the sons of Thorbrand, set
out for Greenland. Kimbervaag took its name from Thorleif
Kimbe. Snorri went on with Kalsefni to Wineland the
Good, and " Snorri*s son, Thorbrand, fell in battle, when they
fought with the men of Skraling in Wineland."^
In the Gretti Saga, about 1290, p6rhallr Gamlason is
mentioned as having taken part in Karlsefni's voyage to
Wineland. At the close of the expedition he settled in Ice-
land, at Hrutafjord, and was called the Winelander, from his
voyage to Wineland.^
In these accounts we have the earliest notices of the
discoveries of the Norsemen in America. It may be that the
"King's Mirror," which gives very precise details of Greenland,
is as early as the 12th century. But it makes no mention of
the other countries, Helluland, Markland and Wineland, and
we will therefore treat it in detail later in this volume. The
previous accounts, which were mainly by earlier explorers,
have been entirely neglected by Justin Winsor, but have been
duly emphasised by Storm and Reeves. The notices are very
brief, especially as regards Wineland. But we can trace a
general consensus of tradition in the northern regions, a
tradition dating from the 1 1 th century, and stating definitely
that Eric the Red discovered Greenland in the year 985 or
986 and colonised it. Further, his son Leif was returning
from Norway to Greenland, where King Olaf had commissioned
him to spread the Gospel, when he discovered Wineland the
Good, in the year 1000.^ Thorfinn Karlsefrii attempted later
(i) Storm, p. 12, sqq., and H. Gering, ^''Eyrbyggja Saga^^ c. 48, n. 2,
p. 179 ; pp. xi, sqq., give full details as to contents, author, date and
sources.
(2) Storm, p. 12, sqq. See note 2 for the verification of the nickname.
(3) The year 1000 is not definitely given in the authorities, but this
fact is historically confirmed. King Olaf Tryggvason of Norway did send
Leif to spread the Gospel in Greenland. As to Olaf, cf. Storm, " Om
Aarstallet for Trondhjems Griindlaeggelse^^ Drontheim, 1897.
10
THE DISCOVERIES OF THE NORSEMEN.
to colonise Wineland, but was unsuccessful as he was defeated
in battle. The hardy explorers discovered two more coun-
tries, Markland and Helluland, situated to the south of
Greenland.
CHAPTER II.
/ttore 2)etafle& Butborltles of tbe I3tb an& I4tb
Centuries on tbe SKscovery of tbe
'Florsemen in america.
iHUS having tested the historical accuracy of
n the reports of Adam of Bremen, An, and
I the rest of the early authorities, we are now
I able to estimate the true value of the fuller
I details contained in the Icelandic Sagas of
I the 13th and 14th centuries, relating to the
discovery of America by the Norsemen. So far as Greenland
is concerned, we find no critical difficulties in the authorities.
For the account of the discovery and colonisation of Green-
land the Sagas refer us to our old and trustworthy friend,
the Landnamabok.^ It is quite another matter when we come
to the account of the discovery of the continent of America.
The Sagas perhaps agree in the main, that in the south-west
of Greenland three countries were discovered ; the first stony,
the second wooded, and the third rich in grapes, Helluland,
Markland, and Wineland respectively; but the authorities
differ entirely as to the name and person of the first dis-
coverer, as to the time and circumstances of the discovery and
subsequent exploration. We are therefore obliged to make it
our first duty to set out clearly how far the Sagas are as a rule
to be trusted, and then to select the best of the Sagas deal-
ing with the discovery of the mainland of America.
The word Saga,^ which corresponds with the Greek Aoyof,
was used by the Icelanders both for an historical report in
the strictest sense of the word, as for example, the Iceland
Book of An, and for what we call a mere legend. We need
(1) Seep-vi.
(2) For the historical value of the Sagas, Ke K, Maurer, " Island,"
p. 463, etc. ; Alejt. Baumgartner, " Island,'' p. 293, eU. ; Paul, " Grundriss,"
p. iiT, etc. i Ch. Smith, " TIu Vinlaud Voyages," p. 510, etc.
12 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
therefore no more accept every word and line of the Sagas as
gospel truth, than we should be justified in rejecting their
authority in toto.
In every single case we must rather decide these two
points. Are we to trust this or that Saga? Are their ac-
counts confirmed by other authorities or not, or are they in
direct contradiction to other established authorities ?
To answer the second question, we must first ascertain
which Sagas deal with the discovery of the continent of
America, and then what recommendation each can claim.
Storm^ and Reeves^ in their analytical research have estab-
lished the fact that we need only consider three Sagas. If
we base our arrangement on the date of the copies, the Saga
of Thorfinn Karlsefni in the Book of Hauk, about 1305 -1335,
comes first. Next comes the Saga of King Olaf in the Flatey
Book, about 1387 ; and then comes the third, the Saga of
Eric the Red, in a copy in the early part of the 15th century.^
This, the real Saga of Eric the Red, is quite distinct from
the Saga wrongly named by Rafn (Mindesm. I. 194, etc^ and
others the Saga of Eric the Red, which is in fact an extract
from the Eric Saga (pattr Eirfks Randa), and differs widely
from its original in admitting foreign versions, the short
account of the Greenlanders (Gronlendinga pdttr). This
pseudo-Eric-Saga forms part of the Olaf Saga in the Flatey
Book, and we shall therefore quote it as the, account in the
Flatey Book.
The appearance of the Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni in the
Book of Hauk, which seems to deserve consideration through
its early date, is really a strong proof of its worthlessness
as an authority. Hauk was a descendant of the hero Karl-
(i) G. Storm, " Vmlatidsreiserne^^ pp. 13-21.
(2) A. M. Reeves, " Wineland^^ pp. 19-25, 53-57.
(3) A photographic facsimile of these Icelandic sources is to be found
in Reeves, " Wineland^^ pp. 104-159. The text of the Book of Hauk is
to be found in Chr. Rafn, *' Antiquites Aniericaines^^ entitled : " Historia
Karlsefnii et Snorrii Thorbrandi filii^^ pp. 77-200 ; in Reeves, as " Saga
of Eric the Red^^ pp. 28-52. The text of the Flatey Book is given in
Rafn, as : " Narrationes de Eiriko Rufo et Graenlandis^'^ pp. 25-76 ; in
Reeves, as : " The Wineland History of the Flatey Book^^ pp. 60-78 ;
there is a German translation in the Doctor's Thesis of W. Kayser, " Die
Entdeckungen der Nonnannen in Gronland und Amerika^'^ Elberfeld,
1882, and in F. R. Stock's "/?/> Erste Entdeckung Amerikas^^ ; see also
the " Deutsche Rundschau fiir Geographic und Statistic^^^ Pi^rW, 1900, and
the " KulturJ^ vol. I, 1900, p. 500, etc.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 13
sefni, and it may be that to glorify his ancestors Hauk
arranged his facts in a sequence not justified by history.^
In the account of the Flatey Book such a claim is never
openly made, but two passages in particular seem to refer to a
very ancient source.
The third Saga, which is called the Saga of Eric the Red,
comes third as regards the date of the copy, but Storm
traces it back to a source prior to the Book of Hauk, and at
any rate it is independent of the other two authorities, and
gives an account at first hand of the discovery of America
by the Norsemen.^
If we compare the contents of the three Sagas, we shall
see that the Saga of Karlsefni agrees in its facts with the
Saga of Eric the Red in all points. Hauk could not there-
fore have falsified the Saga of Karlsefni. The two Sagas use
nearly the same phraseology, and we shall henceforth quote
them as " the account in the Book of Hauk." In the main
this account differs materially from the descriptions in the
Flatey Book.
We come now to the problem, which of these two diverging
accounts is the most credible authority. This point can only
be decided by the relationship either bears to the earliest
known authorities. What is the state of the case ^ In the
Book of Hauk, Leif, the son of Eric the Red, discovered
Wineland by chance in the year looo, on the way home
from Norway, when he was carrying out the commission of
King Olaf to spread the Gospel in Greenland.
In the Flatey Book, this honour is assigned to Bjarne,
the son of Herjulf, who was searching for his father in
Greenland, and he is said as early as 985 or 986 to have
sailed from Iceland, and discovered the countries, known
later as Wineland, Markland, and Helluland. So the Flatey
(i) Storm and Reeves do not note this difficulty, mentioned by Kayser
on p. 14.
(2) Storm used in his edition of the Eric Saga the text of the Saga of
Eric the Red. H. Gering ("Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Philologie," vol.
xxiv, pp. 84, etc.) prefers the text of the Book of Hauk as of earlier date
and more correct. E. Mogk, ''^ Die Entdeckung Afnerikas diirch die
Nordgermanen^^ p. 63, note i, agrees with Gering. Storm, in answer to
an enquiry of mine, assured me that Gering's view was not tenable. As
far as this present book is concerned, the question need not be definitely
settled, as both Gering and Mogk treat the Saga of Eric the Red as a
work independent of the Book of Hauk.
14 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
Book gives quite a different account, both from the I2th
century geographer, who plainly states that Leif was the
first to discover Wineland, and also from the Kristni and
Snorri King's Saga, who specify Leif as the discoverer of
Wineland the Good in the same year as King Olaf of
Norway sent him to introduce Christianity into Greenland.^
The earliest authorities thus contradict the version of the
Flatey Book, while they entirely corroborate the Sagas of
Thorfinn Karlsefni and Eric the Red, or in short the account
in the Book of Hauk. We are now compelled to ask, how
was it possible under such circumstances for Bjarne to have
been so generally considered as the discoverer of America ?
How can five vogages to Wineland be traced in the Flatey
Book, while the Book of Hauk and the earliest authorities on
the other hand only give two ? Storm's critical industry has
given us the solution.^ He holds that the story in the Flatey
Book is due to the priest J6n p6rdarson, who wrote his Saga
of King Olaf about 1387, and borrowed his account of Eric
the Red, as he himself informs us, from the Saga of Eric the
Red. The priest used the same source for his description of
Leifs voyage from Greenland to vist King Olaf in Norway
in 999, and for the stay and baptism of this hero at the
Norwegian court. But the priest was acquainted with
another account of the voyage to Wineland, which he tried
to connect with the Saga of Eric the Red, but in his account
of the return of Leif he was obliged to omit the words " And
then Leif discovered Wineland the Good." Only in this way
could the priest ascribe the honour of the discovery of Wine-
land to his hero Bjarne, who was really only one of the
band who accompanied Thorfinn Karlsefni on his later
expedition.^
The usual fate of compilers overtook the priest, and
inaccuracies crept in despite all his vigilance. He fixes the
voyage of Leif to Norway in the sixteenth year after the
colonisation of Greenland, i.e., about looi or 1002. He
(i) cf. p. vii, etc.
(2) Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. 1 5, etc,
(3) The principal associates of Karlsefni in his expedition, which was
intended to effect the colonisation of Wineland accidentally discovered
by Leif, were appointed later on to be independent leaders of new
expeditions. We find here an echo of the post-Homeric period in which
each important chieftain had his own bard.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. . 15
represents Leif as converted by King Olaf and sent by that
monarch to Greenland ! King Olaf fell at the battle of
S voider^ in September, looo. Jon makes Leif twice rescue
the ship-wrecked, and both times he receives the appellation
of " The Fortunate.''^
It was by no happy choice that the Flatey Book, was
first used to describe the discovery of America by the Norse-
men. In 1600 Arngrimr J6nsson translated the two accounts
in the Flatey Book, which had been heedlessly welded into
one inharmonious whole, w^idely different as they were in
origin. In 1689 the account in the Flatey Book again
appeared in the Skalholt edition of the Olaf Saga, and
Peringskjold even introduced the same version in 1697 into
SnorrVs Heimskringla, We have here an interesting proof
of the importance of testing the original growth of an
historical account. According to the earliest Icelandic
MSS., Snorri expressly described Leif as the discoverer of
Wineland, but his earliest Norwegian editor does not seem to
have believed in the discovery of a Wineland close to Green-
land, and calmly omits the words " And there he found
Wineland the Good.''^
Th. Torfaeus in his Vinlaiidia^ p. 69, expressly states that
in Snorrie he can find no mention of the name " Wineland,"
while Peringskjold, in his edition of Snorri's Heimskringla^
makes Bjarne discover Wineland. Torfaeus, in his Vinlandia,
ranked the account in the Flatey Book first, and the account
in the Book of Hauk second. Rafn helped to give the palm
to the version in the Flatey Book, when he incorporated it
into his Antiquitates americance and Grbnlmids hist, Alindes-
inaerker (I. 194-256) under the incorrect and misleading title
of " The Saga of Eric the Red." The translation by Kayser
in 1882 and Stock in 1900 gave still greater prominence in
(i) cf. Storm, " Om Aarstallet for Trondhjcms Grundtaeggelse^^
Storm makes out that Olaf Tryggvason became king in 985, and went on
an expedition to Haalogaland in 997, the winter of 999-1000 he spent
in Drontheim, in the summer of 1000 he sailed to the country of the
Wends, and in September of that year fell in the battle of Svolder. See
the criticisms on Storm in the "Jahresberichte fiir Geschichtswissens-
chaft," 1900, vol. Ill, pp. 179, etc,
(2) Other misconceptions are pointed out by Reeves, p. 58, and
Storm, " Vinlandsreisernc^^ p. 16.
(3) We have seen an analogy on p. 3, the compiler of the History of
Norway did not trust Adam of Bremen's account of Wineland.
■
\
16 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
Germany to the Flatey Book. This version came to be
accepted as an authority, and scientific and popular accounts
all recognised Bjarne as the discoverer of America. But the
ancient Norsemen must have sailed the Atlantic Ocean with
a precision to be envied by the captains of our most up-to-
date Atlantic " greyhounds," and they seem never to have
had any trouble in finding the shelter erected by Leif in
Wineland, the " Leifsbudir." What a contrast to the Book
of Hauk, where fine descriptions are tempered by a modest
regard for truth ! The first voyage to rediscover Wineland
proved entirely fruitless ; the second and last had some slight
success : a country was after much labour discovered, whose
fruits entitled it to rank as the Wineland of Leif, but there
was not a sign of a " Leifsbudir." Such a description does
not retain the poetry of the Flatey Book, but it does carry on
the face of it greater probability, and no one will object to
our preference for probability.
The results of Storm's researches may be seen in the
sentence : " We are therefore quite justified in maintaining
that on the one hand the Icelandic accounts of the 12th,
13th, and even of the 14th centuries, contradict the 'short
history of the Greenlanders,' i,e,, the account in the Flatey
Book, and testify to their want of credibility, and that on the
other hand the author of this short history of the Green-
landers seems to be ignorant of the earlier traditions about
the voyages to Greenland."^ As early as 1855, Maurer
rightly pronounced against the account in the Flatey Book
(which " makes Leif sail to Wineland a long time after the
death of King Olaf, and yet makes Eric die after his return
and before the rise of Christianity in Gfeenland ")^, and
which " in the main is decidedly faulty, however correct its
account of minor details may be."^
(i) Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. 16.
(2) K. Maurer, in his " Bekehrung des norwegischen Stammes^^ vol. I,
p. 451, note 16, gives a resume of the accounts of Eric : "As to Eric,
there are three different stories : in the first, he died before the con-
version of Greenland, in the second, he was himself converted by Leif,
in the third, he survived the conversion, but remained mostly a pagan.
The latter version is probably more correct."
(3) K. Maurer, vol. I, p. 450, note 13. In his later work, ^^Gronland^^
Maurer follows the general consensus, but on p. 206, note 2, he offers a
valuable contribution to the view held by Storm, that the author of the
" Gronlendingapdttr^^ in the Flatey Book was unacquainted with the
earlier Icelandic tradition.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 17
The account in the Flatey Book was not at first very
universally accepted, as we can see from the careful table oC
the early MSS., given by Reeves on p. i88, which shows
twenty-eight copies of the Sagas of Eric the Red and of
Thorfinn Karlsefni to one of the Flatey Book.
The account in the Book of Hauk and its companion, the
Saga of Eric the Red, has been to a certain extent called in
question before, so it may not be out of place to follow Reeves
and Storm in analysing the importance of the Flatey Book
version.^ In addition to the usual legends common to all Ice-
landic Sagas, we find several very startling statements, — large
glaciers in Helluland, in Wineland wondrous vines, discovered
in winter, gathered in spring, their juice is intoxicating, the
vine-stalks are mighty trees, felled afterwards for building
purposes. The Book of Hauk mentions no intoxicating
grapes, and makes a distinction between the vine-stocks and
the tall timber suitable for building.^ This may suffice to
prove the superiority of the Book of Hauk, and to inspire
caution in dealing with the account in the Flatey Book.
We will endeavour to give the main historical facts of the
voyages to Wineland, employing the accepted standards in a
brief resmn^,
Leif, a son of Eric the Red, started from Greenland on his
way to Norway, in 999.^ He kept too far on a southerly
course, but on the first direct voyage from Greenland this error
in navigation would not be so apparent. At last he reached
his journey's end, and entered the service of the King of
Norway, Olaf Trygvason. He was converted to Christianity,
and remained at the Norwegian Court till Olaf sent him in
1000 to evangelise Greenland. Leif was driven out of his
course on the return voyage and sailed in unknown seas for
many days, till at last he came to an unknown country. There
he found grapes growing wild, corn, and timber suitable for
building houses. He took away samples of all these valuable
(i) The errors attributable to the compiler have already been
noticed, p. 13, etc,
(2) Reeves, p. 59. Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^'^ p. 19, etc. A further
collection of absurdities is there given.
(3) The dates may be approximately settled by the death of Olaf in
1000. For the rest, cf. Reeves, 1. c, p. 25, etc. ; Storm, " Vindlandsrei-
serne^^ p. 21, etc. ; Columbus, p. 76, etc. ; Ruge, " WeinlandsfahrteUy'
p. 5, etc,
C
*
V
18 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
products. The adventurous mariners took a north-easterly
course and reached Greenland. Just before he came to land,
Leif saved a number of ship-wrecked men, and received the
name of *' The Fortunate."
Christianity was introduced into Greenland in the winter
of looo-iooi, and was at first opposed by Eric the Red. The
nevvdy discovered countries aroused popular interest, which led
to voyages of exploration. Thorstein, a hero of the Sagas, and
an elder brother of Leif, took the lead in the expedition, which ,
Eric also wished to join, but on the way to the ship the aged
father met with a severe fall, and was obliged to relinquish his
purpose. This accident brought disaster in its train. The
adventurers never reached their goal. Thorstein and his band
of twenty followers were tossed about on the waves for
months, and at last, weary and worn out, he had to return
to Greenland. In the autumn of looi, Thorstein married
Gudrid of Iceland, one of the heroines of the Sagas, who
arrived in Greenland with her father in the previous year.
Thorstein died the following winter at his Lijsefjord farm in
West Greenland, and Gudrid rejoined Eric in East Greenland.
In the summer of 1002, two Icelandic vessels arrived at
Brattahlid, the home of Eric. One ship belonged to Thorfinn
Karlsefni, an enterprising and successful merchant, the other
to Bjarne and Thorhall of Iceland. With true Norse hospi-
tality, Eric opened his halls to the captains and their eighty
men. Karlsefni made the acquaintance of Gudrid, and Eric
gave his consent to their marriage in the spring of 1003.
The news of the discovery of Wineland had an irresistible
attraction for Karlsefni and his crew. They determined to
explore and colonise this El Dorado.
The starting point this time was the west side of Green-
land, where Gudrid's home was situated. About 140 went
out on this expedition. Besides the two Icelandic ships and
their crews, the following sailed in their own vessels: Thor-
wald, a younger son of Eric, and his sister, the Amazon
Freydis, with her husband, Thorward, and Gudrid, who
accompanied her husband. The voyage proved a success.
The first point reached was a long, flat, stony stretchy
to which they gave the name of Helluland, the stony land.
Two days later they reached a land of magnificent forests,
which they called Markland, or Forest Land Then, after a
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, . 19
longer and uninteresting voyage, the explorers came to a third
land, where two running scouts, a present from Olaf to Leif,
found grapes and corn growing wild.^ The spot was a long
way from the shore and a difference of opinion arose as to the
right route. Thorhall and nine followers took a northerly
course, were driven by a storm to Ireland, where they fell into
captivity.^ Karlsefni steered to the south, and came at last to
a spot where he found both grapes and corn growing wild.
This, the explorers thought, must be Wineland the Good, but
no mention is made of Leifsbudir. The ground seemed
suitable for colonists, and houses were built. The natives
appeared in large numbers, sailing in leather boats, and the
new-comers thought they would now have a favourable oppor-
tunity for barter and exchange. But the natives made a '
furious attack upon them, and Thorbrand of Iceland fell in
battle. It was only, after repeated losses that the men of
Skraling, who began the attack, began tO retire. Karlsefni,
fearing a further surprise, would not stay in this dangerous
spot, and tried to settle farther north. The men of Skraling
did not molest them again, but in the course of a subsequent
exploration Thorwald, a son of Eric, lost his life, as his
companions said, in fight with "a one-footed man." Dis-
sensions broke out among the colonists themselves, for which
the women were to blame,^ and accordingly in the summer
of 1006 the colonisation scheme was abandoned. Karlsefni
landed again on Markland on his return voyage. On the
beach were five inhabitants of Skraling ; three escaped, a man
and two women, but Karlsefni's men captured two children,
took them away, and taught them to " talk."
Karlsefni and Gudrid, with their little boy Snorri, now
three years old,* reached Greenland in safety, but Bjarne's
worm-eaten ship lost its course and foundered. Half the
crew succeeded in reaching Ireland, and spread the news of
the heroism of Bjarne, who lost his life in saving a young
sailor. No further attempts at colonisation are noticed by the
Book of Hauk or by the earlier Icelandic authorities.
(i) See Storm, ^^Vinlandsreiseme" p. 20.
(2) " The Book of Hauk^\see Reeves, p. 46.
(3) " The Book of Hauk^^ see Reeves, p. 50 ; The Flatey Book, see
Reeves, p. 74, etc,
(4) Snorri is, so far as can historically be determined, the first child
born of European parents on the mainland of America.
C 2
CHAPTER III.
Zbe (Browtb of tbe "Morse Colony in (5rce^laIl^.
I LL success attended the efforts to colonise
Wineland the Good, though Eric the Red
had wonderful results from his colony in
Greenland. Thirty-five ships started with
Eric from Iceland. Only fourteen reached
their port^ in safety, and keen privations
awaited the adventurers. Eric had specially invited a wealthy
and influential man, named Thorgil, to come to Greenland,
His experiences were anything but pleasant. Three years
long was he frozen up among gigantic icebergs, which shut
him out from the sea. Then he went through terrible suffer-
ings and privations before he reached friendly natives.^ This
fact, and the fate of the twenty-one ships, which the Polar
stream either wrecked or delayed, proves that the climate of
that time was no better than the climate of to-day, and that
it was a matter of the utmost importance for the welfare of
the colony to maintain a constant connection with Norway,
and so to avoid the dangers of isolation.
The daring attempt which Storm rightly compares to that
(i) " TAe Book of Flatey" short history of Eric the Red, in Reeves,
1. c. p. 61 ; Rafn, '^ Antiq. AiiUr.^' p. 14. As the numbers are often
wrongly slated, we give the text of the Latin translation of Rafn : " Ita
dicunt homines rerum periti, eadem aestale, qua Eirikus Rufus Graen-
laadiam inhabitatum profectus sit, tres navium decurias cum dimidia ex
Breidafjordo el Borgarfjordo exiisse, sed quattuordecim eo pen'enisse ; ex
reliquis quasdam reiectas, quasdam deperiisse " ; also the note by
Reeves, p. 61, n. i ; " Hdlfr Qordi tOgr : lit. half of the fourth ten, i.e.
three decades' and a half ; the ancient Icelandic method of numeration."
(2) For the truly tragic misfortunes of this man cf. Torfaeus, " Gron-
litndia," p. 130, eU. Mogk, "Die Entdeckung Ameriias," p. 65, n. 2,
rightly remarks ; " The voyage of Thorgil and his men deserves a place
of honour next to the most recent voyages in Greenland's history of
later times. No work of modern times gives such a brief and yet so
thrilling account of the hardships as the Saga of F16amanna" [which
Torfaeus reproduces].
THE DISCOVERIES OF THE NORSEMEN, 21
of Columbus/ was made by Leif, a son of Eric the Red, and
with due success. On the return voyage Leif discovered
Wineland. He and a priest on his ship introduced Chris-
tianity into Greenland. More than a century passed before
the Roman Catholic religion completely dominated the de-
fiant and bloodthirsty Norsemen, but still the introduction of
Christianity soon proved the best channel for a constant and
assured intercourse with Christian Europe. Adam of Bremen
describes the visit of the Greenland envoys to Archbishop
Adalbert of Bremen, when they came in search of mission-
aries.2 As early as the beginning of the 12th century we
hear of the first missionary bishop, Eric, 1 1 1 2. He left for
Wineland in 1121, which caused the people of Greenland to
petition King Sigurd of Norway for a permanent Bishop.
The King appointed Arnald, one of his priests, to the difficult
post, and in 11 24 Arnald was consecrated by Archbishop
Asker of Lund,^ and he is the first of a long and venerable
line of Bishops of Greenland, extending beyond the Refor-
mation, a critical moment in the history of Greenland.
As Greenland was converted to the Roman Catholic
religion, it is possible that the most important records of
Greenland may still be found in the archives of the Vatican.
Munch published most of them in 1864.^ This edition did
not enlist the sympathies of the non-Scandinavian historians,
and so Jelie was able to enjoy the cheap triumph of ap-
parently being the first to discover the important documents.
He only gave a summary of the contents of the majority in
his essay V^vangdisation de VAniMque. Hey wood, in his
(i) Storm, " Columbus ^^ p. 76.
(2) Adam, III. ch. 23, and 70.
(3) For the authorities for the history of the Bishops of Greenland, cf.
Maurer, ^^ Gronland tm Mittelalter^^ p. 213, n. 4, for the history of
Arnald, id. p. 214. In modern times Jeli(5 has devoted himself to
research in the succession of Bishops, see his list of 25 names in
*•'' Missioni Francescane^^ 1897, pp. 557,^/^., and I am indebted to him
for the total of 31 names. For the period from 1198 to 1431, cf. Eubel,
^^ Hierarchia catholica medii aevi.^^ A Bishop of Greenland unnoticed
by Eubel is mentioned in Dr. Hanncke's thesis, '"'' Koslin iin \^. Jahr-
hundert^^ Koslin, 1893, p. 18 : " In the year 1433 John, titular Bishop of
Greenland, a compatriot of Vicar Johann Wynter of Koslin, bequeathed
to his servant Christina Schwarzkoppen for her devoted service of 24
years almost his entire property and an annual income of two bushels of
wheat." The full text of the will is to be found in Wachse's original
documents in his MS. History of the Bishopric of Kamin.
(4) Munch, ^^ Pavelige Nuntiers^^ Christian ia, 1864.
22 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
Documenta selecta e tabulario secreto VaticanOy sets a praise-
worthy example in his facsimile edition of a selected portion
of these documents, where he includes the Bull of Alexander
VI., first discovered and published by Jelic. Besides the
news from Rome, there are three Scandinavian sources spe-
cially noteworthy : the King^s Mirror^ the Icelandic Annals,
and the description of Greenland by Ivar Bardsson. Of these,
most interest attaches to the King's Mirror. The author
gives, in the form of a conversation between father and son,
a most accurate account of land and sea, — and we may fix
his probable date^ at the I2th or 13th century — of the flora
and fauna of Greenland, "of the movement of ice on the
water and on land,'' of the phenomenon " which the Green-
landers call the Northern Lights " ; in short, of all topics
most interesting to a geographer, and he treats them in a
manner which still to-day commands our respect.
Rafn reproduces the King's Mirror, and the passages in
the Icelandic Annals relating to Greenland.^ Storm gives a
more complete and critical edition in Islandiske Annaler
indtil 1578. The Monumenta Germaniae ("Scriptores xxix.,
pp. 252, etc?) only picked out the portions affecting German
history. We are lost in admiration of a masterpiece of
history, which can justly claim to stand next to the best of
our chronicles. What a wide range is here treated : the Holy
Land, Italy, France, Germany, the Scandinavian countries,
including Greenland, all have an equal share of attention.
In Ivar Bardsson we find the first complete account of the
different parishes of Greenland and the possessions of the
various churches. The author was for many years deputy to
the bishop of Gardar, and therefore was most fully acquainted
with the conditions of Greenland in his time — the 14th cen-
tury. His right to be an authority is universally accepted,
(i) According to Rafn, ^^ Gronl. hist Mindesm.'^ III. 264, etc., the
author was Nicholas Sigurdson, a near relative of King Magnus, about
II 60. According to Mogk, ^^ Entdeckung Amerikas^^ p. 68, he was
Sverrir, King of Norway, about 1175-^1200. Daae, however, in his
edition of the ^^ King's Mirror ^^ advances the theory that he was a
servant of King Hakon, named William, and puts the date of the work
at 12^0-1260 {^^ Jahresberichte fiir Geschichtswissensckaft,^^ 1900, III. 182,
etc.). The only certain fact is that the author was a Norwegian of the
better classes, and that on his own showing he had not visited Green-
land, but was giving the experiences of people who had been there for
periods of varying duration.
(2) " Mindesm.^^ III. 276-354 ; ^^ King's Mirror,^^ 6-44 (Annals).
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 23
and his evidence is of great weight in solving the old disputed
questions as to the geographical position of the colonies in
Greenland, and as to an accredited account of the sad fate of
the western colony. Not to mention Rafn, Torfaeus, and
Lelevvel ; R. H. Major, of the British Museum, published this
account as an Appendix to his edition of The Voyages of the
Brothers Zeno (pp. 39, etc^^ but not in the original text, only
in an obscure Latin, and in a clear English translation.
We may endeavour to put together from these varied
sources a picture of the Norse colonies in Greenland, but
then comes the question : " Where were the old settlements V^
The solution at the first glance seems very simple. The
names Eystribyg^ (Eastern settlement), and Vestribyg'S
(Western settlement), seem to denote, without a shadow of a
doubt, that the colonies lay partly on the east and partly on
the west coasts of Greenland. In fact, before this it had
been very generally accepted that the eastern settlement was
undoubtedly situated on the east coast of Greenland, and
some authorities have always maintained this view, in most
recent times Nordenskiold;^ but the majority of scholars now
lean to the opinion that both colonies were situated on the
west coast of Greenland. Ruge, in his critical review of the
Pe7'iplus^ only repeats the view of Nordenskiold, without
mentioning the decided negative of Storm.^ It may therefore
be not without interest to examine this instructive question
of dispute in somewhat exhaustive detail.
Early in the i6th century the Danes seriously took up the
idea of tracing the settlements in Greenland, but started with
the firm conviction that the eastern settlement must be on
the east coast.^ This opinion held the field, till, in 1792,
Peter von Egger, in his prize essay, Ueber die Lage des gron-
Idndischen Ostdistriktes^ proved from the ancient sources of
(i) ^' Forschungerty^ p. 56, and ^^ Perzplus^'^ p. 83, etc.
(2) ^^ Deutsche geogr. Blatter^'' 1899, p. 183, etc.
(3) Storm's critique of ^'' Per (plus ^^ p. 159. His words are: "Nor-
denskiold has already many years ago protested against 'the official
chorography of Greenland,' in assigning the eastern settlement to the
south-west coast of Greenland, but the basis of his argument is weak
and has never to my knowledge convinced any scholar. The arguments
used in his " Periplus^'' are not new, and have, I believe, been altogether
upset by the discoveries in the district of Julianehaab, described in the
Mitteilungen iiber Gronland^ part 16, 1896."
(4) Maurer, " Gronland^^ p. 236, etc.
24 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
authority that " the old Eystribyg^S in Greenland was not on
the east coast, at that early period quite inaccessible, but on
the south-west coast." ^ Graah made researches (1828-31)
which confirmed Egger's conclusions, but without much per-
manent result, as Major^ points out, because Graah had pre-
conceived notions, and did not examine the east coast of
Greenland. Major was not satisfied with Graah's argument,
and went carefully through the old Norse authorities, and
particularly Ivar Bardsson. He finally came to the same
conclusion as Graah and Egger. Major is right when he
considers the solution of the riddle to lie in the correct loca-
tion of the Cape Hvarf (" Turning-point "). Ivar bases his
theories on the eastern and western districts on the following
grounds : To the east of this there are only uninhabited
tracts, whose fjords are remarkable for the abundance of
fishes, while on the west of Hvarf there is a succession of
places and fjords, which are also set out in the Sagas, and
belong to the eastern district. Between the two districts
there extends a desert territory 12 miles in length. At the
most southern point of the western district stood the great
church of Steinesnes.^ Major weighed the evidence carefully
and came to the conclusion that Hvarf must have been a
point to the south of Greenland, and so the eastern district
must have been immediately to the west of southern Green-
land."* As opposed to Nordenskiold this conclusion seems
worthy of support as based on the earliest cartographical re-
presentations of the Norse Greenland. Nordenskiold, it must
be remembered, calls attention in his Forschtmgen^ to the im-
portance of the names of the places in Greenland, as described
on the Donis and Zeno maps, and we may now add, on the
Zamoisky map,^ the three Florentine Norse maps, discovered
by Professor Wieser and so well reproduced by Nordenskiold,^
and also in three maps in the Vatican and Schloss Wolfegg,
(i) Maurer, ^^ Island ^^ p. 9, etc; " Grbnland^^ p. 276.
(2) " Voyages^'' p. Ixix, etc.
(3) Ivar Bardsson : " Et protinus stat magnum t.emplum dictum
Steinnessium," in Major, 1. c. p. 52.
(4) Major, 1. c, p. Ixxix, etc.
(5) P- 52, etc.
(6) Nordenskiold, '' Facsimile- Atlas ^' tab. XXX.
(7) ''Bidra^i' tab. I, II, III, and in '' Periplus^' no. 34, 35» and tab.
XXXII.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 25
which date back to Donnus Nikolaus Gerrtianus, and are first
published as plates II, IV and VI, at the end of this book.
On all these maps there is a Cape Af or Aff to the south-west
of Greenland, which according to Nordenskiold must obviously
be Af hvarf (Turning point).^ If this be the correct explana-
tion, then both the old Norse maps and Ivar Bardsson agree
in fixing the eastern and western settlements of the old
Vikings on the west coast of Greenland. In the early eighties
Holm held the same view as Nordenskiold, that the eastern
settlement was, as its name implied, on the east coast. But
in spite of all his efforts, 1 880-81, and 1883-85, he found no
corresponding ruins on the east coast, though, in the district
of Julianehaab, /. e, in the south-west of Greenland, he found
numerous ruins, widely scattered.^
Holm's conclusions were communicated to the Copen-
hagen meeting of the International Congress of Americans
in 1883 by Steenstrup, who took an exceptional interest in
the question of the Greenland settlements, as he had himself
conducted investigations on the spot. In the same year
Nordenskiold set out on his well-known voyage on the
" Sophie." This expedition confirmed him in his view that
the eastern Norse settlement must have been on the east
coast of Greenland, and he actually succeeded with his frail
vessel in passing the ice and in landing on the east coast.
He found no traces of extensive ruins, but this did not shake
his opinions. Nordenskiold simply maintained that the large
mass of ruins to tfie south-west, which he had also examined,
were of later date than the Norse period.^ We must examine
in every detail this confident assertion, because, if it were well
founded, it would destroy the theories of Mogk, who relied
on the number of ruins in south-west Greenland,'^ and
would rob of their chief support the able deductions of Holm
(i) Nordenskiold, ^^ Forschungen^^ p. 55.
(2) Holm gave a full account of his researches in " Meddelelser oin
Gronland^^ VI, entitled, Forberedelser til Ufidersogelsen af Grd?dands
bstkyst ved Wandel og Nomtann, og Undersogelse af Ruinerne ijttliane-
haabs District 1880 ^^.,1881 ; also in vols. IX and X, entitled, Underso-
gelse paa Gronlands bstkyst indtil 66° 25" N.B,^ i Aarene 1883-85.
(3) Nordenskiold has recently put forward this argument in his
" Periplus^^ pp. 83, etc.
(4) Mogk, " Entdeckung AmerikasJ^ p. 66, n. i : *' I cannot agree
with Nordenskiold's view that the eastern settlement means the east
coast of Greenland {^^ Gronland" pp. 359, etc.). There may be remains
26 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
and Steenstrup, which Schmidt^ communicated to the Paris
meeting of the International Congress of Americans in 1882.
How are we to assign beyond all doubt to the Norse period
the ruins in Greenland, so bewildering in their number and
in their different styles of architecture ? Are we to refer to
the time of the ancient Sagas only the broken stones and
fragments of ruined buildings, or are we to include the stone
houses in remarkable preservation ? For these questions we
need a trustworthy starting-point and a fixed standard. We
shall find both these in Gudmundsson, who has embodied the
results of his patient investigations in his Die Privat-
wohnungen aiif Island in der Sagaszeit. Thanks to Gud-
mundsson, Bruun and his learned co-workers, Petersen,
Jessen and Boye were enabled in 1894 to demonstrate satis-
factorily that the ruins in the district of Julianehaab dated
from the time of the Norsemen,^ and that thus the eastern
district of the Sagas must be looked for and will be found on
the west coast of Greenland. Finnur Jonsson was also
indebted to this investigation, whose interest is only equalled
by its thoroughness, when he determined the ancient topo-
graphy of Greenland from the early authorities and compiled
his map, giving the very names employed to-day.^
The courtesy of this cartographer enables me to show in
Plates IX and X the results of his interesting geographical
researches. Plate IX, the eastern settlement, shows that the
majority of the Norse settlements were near the present
Julianehaab. Altogether there must have been 117 churches
and farm-houses of more or less importance. The greatest
interest naturally centres round the site of the Bishopric of
Gardar, on which very different views have hitherto been
of early Icelandic houses on the east coast, but they are far exceeded in
numbers by those on the west coast, though the mediaeval authorities
agree that the eastern was the larger settlement."
(i) V. Schmidt, ^^ Situation geogr.^^ Congr^s intern, des Am^ric. :
Compte rendu, 1892, p. 203.
(2) " Meddelelser^^ XVI, pp. 479, etc. We learn from Thoroddsen's
article (Petermann's ''^ Mitteilungen,^^ vo\, 43, 1897, L. B. no. 721), that
Bruun visited Iceland in 1896, to see by personal inspection if the early
Greenland buildings resembled the Icelandic, and to make a comparative
study of Icelandic architecture of to-day. The result of these researches
are to be found in ^^ Fortidsmindcr og Nutidshjem paa Island^^ 1897.
One interesting fact determined by his researches is that the early home-
steads were almost identical with those in Iceland of to-day.
(3) " Meddehlser,'' XX, pp. 265, etc.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 27
expressed. J6nsson thinks the earliest authorities point to
Igaliko, where there are still the remains of a considerable
church in the form of a cross (Group of ruins, no. 47).^ The
homestead of Eric the Red, the famous Brattahlid, he places
on the Ericsfjord (Tunugdliarfik, group no. 29), where there
are still, near Kagsiarsuk, the remains of a church, which
agrees with the Sagas. On this map, group no. 83, we find
clearly marked the noble ruins of the church of Kakortok,
well known in pictures. Nos. 91, 107 and 108, are also re-
mains of churches, Vagar, Petursvik, and Aross, w^hile no. 97
is a convent, and no. 105 is a monastery.
J6nsson succeeded in naming many of the fjords with an
exactitude which was of the greatest service in determining
the places and fjords mentioned in the authorities. In the
eastern district he located the Isafjord (=Sermilik), and in
the western district the Agnafjord, which " doubtless answers
to the Ameralikfjord, on which was situated a church, that of
Hop, whose ruins were actually discovered."^
The ruins in the western district have not been thoroughly
investigated, and are, therefore, not numbered on the map.
Up to the present only 56 groups of ruins are known. Any
later explorer will reap this enormous benefit, that the fjords
have nearly all been identified and the MS. authorities are not
at variance with recent archaeological science.
The western settlement was in the country of the modern
Gothaab, and, as the map in Plate X shows, much more to the
west. Gothaab lies 51° 30" W. degree of longitude, while
Juliaijehaab touches 46°. Rangafjord in the Sagas corre-
sponds to Godthaabsfjord. Here was the church of Anavik,
and the ruins of a church have been found in the bay of
Ujaragsuit. Other churches named in the early authorities
have not yet been traced. J6nsson remarks on this and
points out the spot where further researches may profitably
be commenced.
The site of the settlements and the number of the home-
steads and churches are not, therefore, in dispute, and the
archaeological researches in conjunction with the early Ice-
landic and Norwegian authorities enable us to estimate with
(i) Holm gives the best illustrations of these and of the following
ruins of importance, '' Meddelelser,'' VI, tab. I-XXXIV.
(2) '' MeddelelserJ' XX. 351.
28 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
an almost absolute certainty the Norse population of Green-
land. •
This is a second burning question, and a question closely
connected with the alleged Norse settlement on the continent
of America.
Jelic gives the numbers of the diocesans at Gardar as
10,000,^ while Gelcich, an opponent of Jelic, specifies only
" a few families, possessing perhaps less chances of succeeding
in Iceland," as having permanently settled in Greenland.^
This latter view is certainly in direct opposition to the early
authorities, and to the numerous ruins.
Rafn quotes from an old MS. : " The number of the
homesteads amounts to 280, of which 190 are situated in
the eastern settlement, and 90 in the western settlement.^
With this early account of the division of the homesteads
the three other authorities agree entirely on the division of
the churches. According to the Gripla, a gazetteer only
extant in extracts, there were twelve churches in the eastern
colony, and four in the western.^ The accounts agree as to
the east coast, the churches in the western district, formerly
harried by the men of Skralingen, in the list of the Flatey
Book (about 1300) drop from four to three,^ in that of Ivar
(about 1360) to one, at Steinesnes, where for a long time
there existed "a cathedral and a bishopric/'^ the population
may not have been as small, as Gelcich supposes, but it
did not reach 10,000, or justify the creation of a second
bishopric.
The King^s Mirror lays a proper amount of stress upon
the fact that Greenland only owed its bishopric of Gardar to
its distance from other dioceses. Had it been nearer to other
countries, it might have helped to form " the third part of a
diocese ! "^
(1) L. Jelic, " L evangdlisation^^ p. 177.
(2) E. Gelcich, ^^ Ziir Geschichte der Entdeckung Amerikas^^ p. 184.
We may here note that Gelcich also starts with the false premiss, that
Norse colonies were on the east coast.
(3) ''^ Mindesm,^^ III. 226, etc,
(4) id. p. 225.
(5) Maurer, ''^ Gronland^^ p. 216.
(6) Bardsson, in Major, " Voyages^^ p. 52. See the very learned
researches of J6nsson in the ''^ Meddelelser^^ XX, 297, etc.^ where, on
p. 304, he identifies the 12 churches of the east coast.
(7) ''^ MindesinJ^ III. 331.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 29
The opinion was formerly current, but without due grounds,
that Ivar's account of Steinesnes as the seat of a bishopric,
and the lists of the Bishops of Greenland, presupposed a
second Bishopric.^
However, it is possible that the missionary Bishop Eric,
who sailed for Wineland in 1121, may, as Torfaeus has sug-
gested, have had his " cathedral " at Steinesnes.^ The belief
in the second bishopric is only equalled by the idea that the
Bishopric of Gardar in Greenland numbered 10,000 diocesans.
The number is no doubt taken from the amount of the Peter's
Pence paid in 1327 to Pope John XXII, but Storm and others
fall into three errors here. The ratio between the Norse mark
and the Tournay coinage was so carelessly computed, that for
254 Norse marks 338 were reckoned ; secondly, the Norse
mark was rated at double its true value, 160 instead of 80
pfennigs ; and thirdly, it was assumed in this computation
that the Greenland walrus-tusk was less valuable in Flanders
than in Greenland, whereas the walrus- tusk was no rare object
in Greenland, and had a fixed market value, while in Flanders
it was very rare and fetched a very high price.^ If we make
a fair and correct computation of the Crusade Penny for 1327,
we cannot reckon the population of the diocese of Gardar at
more than S,CXX), certainly not at 10,000. We arrive at the
same figures, if we take into account the number of the home-
steads in Greenland, 280 in all. We may reckon 10-15 persons*
on an average to each homestead, which makes a more pro-
bable total.
As to the architecture of the homesteads in Greenland,
we have the fullest information, thanks to the thorough in-
vestigations of Bruun.^ The dwelling-houses, stables, and
(i) Father Rattinger, a Jesuit, since deceased, well known for his
researches in the seats of Bishoprics, was good enough, in answer to a
letter from me, to state that he himself was inclined to favour the
existence of a second Bishopric, but against this stood the accounts in
the Icelandic annals, and the remarks of Ivar, and of the ^^ King's
Mirror,^
(2) Torfaeus, " Gr'dnlandia^^ p. 217.
(3) Storm, " Nye Efterretninger^^ p. 397.
(4) JeliC is satisfied with the estimate of 10 persons. Brynjulfson
reckons with Maurer (" Gronland^^ p. 246, n. 7) 20-30 persons for one
homestead, and so makes up 5600-8400, but this estimate is too high.
There were homesteads (see Maurer) only inhabited by two persons.
(5) See the Illustrations in '' Meddelelser^' VI, plate VII, XVI, XX,
XXVII, XXIX.
30 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
barns were built of the stones found on the spot. The blocks
were laid without mortar on each other, or side by side, or else
a layer of turf was placed between two layers of stone. The
red sandstone joined so well that the buildings, where no turf
was used, have in places lasted very well and have quite a
good appearance even to-day. But the buildings, where
turf was used, are all in ruins. These desolate heaps were
rightly held to be signs of early Norse colonists, but at one
time doubts had been cast upon this by the well-preserved
look of the more perfect ruins. The size of the homesteads
and the number of the out-buildings vary to a very large
extent. The dwelling-house, the stalls and the barns, were
only one storey high. The detached out-buildings, such as
the stables for the horses, cows, sheep and goats, were mostly
quite separate. The dwelling-house hardly held more than
five human beings.^ The chief occupation of the men was
cattle-breeding and hunting. Want of bread and oil, as we
read in a Bull of Alexander VI, dated 1492-93, made them
put up with dried fish and milk.^ They had no coinage, so
they paid their tithes in ox-hides and sealskins, and in the
teeth of whales and whalebone.^ The " Kjokkenmoddinger,"
the kitchen middens, often standing three feet above the
ruins of the facades of the dwelling-house, show the great
fondness of the Norsemen for cattle-breeding and the hunt-
ing of the larger mammals. The predominant feature in
these heaps of ashes and bones are the bones of seals. Of
domestic animals the following can be traced among the heaps
of bones : small-horned cattle (Bos taurus), goats (Capra
hircus), sheep (Ovis aries), small horses (Equus caballus), and
magnificent dogs (Canis familiaris). Among the native mam-
mals of Greenland may also be traced : the Arctic fox (Canis
lagopus), the Polar bear (Ursus maritimus), the walrus (Tri-
checus rosmarus), three species of seals (Erignathus barbatus,
Phoca vitulina, Phoca fcetida), and in considerable quantities
hooded seals (Cystophora cristata), and reindeer (Rangifer
(i) Bruun, ^^ Meddelelser^^ XVI. 171, etc.^ 484, etc,
(2) A facsimile of the Bull will be found in Heywood, " Documenta
selecta^^ ^. 12^ etc. It was first published by Jelic, ^^ L^ang^lisation,^^
p. 183, etc*
(3) " Gronlandiae decima, non percipitur nisi in bovinis et focarum
coriis ac dentibus et funibus balenarum." Martin IV to the Archbishop
of Drontheim, March 4, 1282. Munch, ^^ Nuntiers Beil^^ 26, p. 153.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 31
tarandus), but no hares. There are scarcely any traces of birds
or fishes. Among the former are divers (Una arra), and puf-
fins (Tratercula Arctica, or Mormon fratercula Temm.) ; and
of fishes there are only soles (Pleuronetica sp.). The absence
of fish-bones is remarkable, but the fish-bones, as well as dried
fish, may have been used for food for the cattle.^ The in-
habitants were driven, by their devotion to cattle-breeding
and hunting, to explore their ice-bound country on all sides.
We read in the King's Mirror that " the men often climbed
the highest rocks at different points, to gaze around, whether
by chance they could spy any part of the country free from
ice and fit for habitation, but nowhere was any such spot to
be seen, except in the parts already built over, which followed
the coast line. All ranges and all the valleys were covered
with ice.'*^ The Norsemen in their cattle-breeding acquired
" a very fair idea of the character of the interior of Green-
land,"^ and their chase of polar bears and other marine
animals made them thoroughly familiar with the conditions
of the ice-bound coast. The King's Mirror describes the ice
in the sea as eight to ten feet thick, and as smooth as if it
had frozen then and there. The ice reaches four or five days*
journey from the land, and more towards the E. or N.E. than
towards the S. or S.W. Every sailor bound for the land
must therefore sail S.W. and S. until he has passed every likely
track of icebergs, and then he must set his course direct
for land.* But many mariners have sailed for the shore too
soon, and have been frozen up in the icebergs. They owed
their safety, as eye-witnesses have informed us, solely to the
fact that they took to the small boats, and dragged them
along the ice towards their goal, but the large vessel, with
its cargo, had to be abandoned as a complete wreck. Some
have even had to encamp four or five days on the ice, of even
longer.^
(i) "Resumd des communications sur le Groeniand," Meddelelsery
XVI. 487, etc,
(2) ^^ Mindesin,^'^ III. 330, etc,
(3) Supan's review of Nansen's Paa ski over Gronland, " PetermanrCs
Mitteilungen^^ XXXVII., 1891, L. B. n. 1858. See also the interesting
paper of Rink on the historic development of the knowledge of the inland
ice in Greenland, ^^ PetermanrCs Mitteilungen^^ XXXVI., 1890, 200, etc,
(4) It must briefly be noted how important is this passage as confirming
the previous answers on the position of the eastern district.
(5) ^^Mindesmy III. 315, 317.
32 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
We are involuntarily reminded, in reading this graphic
account in the King's Mirror^ of the tragic fate of the second
German Polar Expedition,^ and of the still more tragic fate
of Marcus Voss, who in 1777-177^ had to spend some 55
days on icebergs.^
Considerable interest attaches to the observations on the
position of the ice. " At times the sea remains motionless,
and at times it moves so quickly that it passes on like a ship
in a fair wind, and not only with the wind, but against the
wind, when it comes to a gale/' The icebergs tower above
the level ice " like rocks above the sea," and do not unite
with the surface ice.^ The inhabitants of Greenland took
even more interest in the living occupants of the sea than
in the state of the ice. The King's Mirror gives full details
of the varied species of whales and fishes.^ We are rnore
interested in the account of " the bears, which are white, and
are supposed to be born there'*; the white bears, in contra-
distinction to the Norwegian " black bear, which lives in the
forests, and eats horses, cows, and other domestic animals,
remain generally on the ice, and catch seals and whales, on
which they live. They are just as skilled in swimming as
these animals." We shall see later how large a part " the
white bears" play in the earliest Italian maps of the far
north, and in connection with a kind of white falcon. We
may here note what a point the King's Mirror makes of
" the white falcons " of Greenland, which " elsewhere are con-
sidered a great luxury."^ Of the other fauna of Greenland,
the King's Mirror only enumerates the JPolar hare and fox,
(i) " Zweite deutsche Nordpolfahrt^^ p. 72, etc.
(2) Gaa, XXXVI, 1900, 170 175, ^^ Eine Uberwinterung im gronldnd-
ischen Eisineer^ Anno 1777- 1778."
(3) ^' Mindes7nJ^ III, 317, and the evidence of later authors, p. 379,
n. 64.
(4) L. c, p. 319, etc. Torfaus, ^'' Gronlandia^^ p. 87-97, estimates 29
species of whales, according to the " King's MirrorJ^
(5) ^^ Mindesm.'^ Ill, ^s^. According to Fr. Kunstmann, ^^Entdeckung
Amerikas^'' p. 34, white falcons from the islands north of Iceland were
sold to the Sultan of Egypt for 1000 pieces of gold, if alive, and 500, if
dead. For white falcons and their use in the chase, see Alw. Schultz,
"Z>^j hojische Leben zur Zeit der Minnesdnger^^ I, 1889, p. 473, etc., also
his references to the work of the Emperor Frederick II., *' Dearte veitandi
cuvi avibus^^ and Albert the Great, " De falconibus?^ On mediaeval
Italian maps we find such legends as these : tlic sunt ursi albi et cotnedunt
pisces crudos (Dalorto, 1339) ; inulty albi ursi et guifalci et alia animalia
(Bianco, 1436).
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 33
and the reindeer, of which there were a very large number.^
Ivar Bardsson also mentions "the extraordinary numbers of
white bears, with a red spot on their heads, and the white
falcons," but he devotes special attention to the herds of
cows, sheep and goats, which, together with fishing, formed
the chief support of the people of Greenland.^
We learn from the Book of Hauk that all the better class
of farmers in Greenland kept their large and small boats for
fishing.^ The " NorSrseta," 72° N. Lat, was especially famous
as a good spot for catching seals.
The Book of Hauk gives a full description of the pre-
paration and preservation of seal blubber, and lays due stress
on the point, which was of such importance to Greenland,,
that the northern country takes all "the drift-wood, which
comes down from the bays of Markland." We have two very
interesting accounts of the most northerly point reached by
these hardy fishermen. In 1266, the Norse adventurers
reached a very high latitude, and came on traces of the
" Skralingers." On receipt of this news, the priests in Green-
land sent a vessel to make further enquiries. The first traces
corresponding with the description of the hunters were found
in Kroksfjar^arhei'Si. No Skralingers were to be found here,
so the explorers pushed on further north. A strong southerly
wind began to blow when the ship was out of sight of land.
In the sudden darkness the ship was perforce left to drift.
After the storm came sunshine, and then several islands were
visible, but the number of polar bears kept the adventurers
from landing. They found no Skralingers, but fresh traces
of their former sojourn in those parts.* The undaunted
explorers steered southwards for three whole days, and dis-
covered more islands and more traces of Skralingers. After
a hard day's work at the oar, they came once more, on St.
James's Day, July 25, to Kr6ksfjar5arhei'Si. "There it froze
at night, but the sun shone day and night. At noon the sun
was so high that the shadow of the side of a ship facing the
(i) '' Mmdesm." IIL 327.
(2) Ivar Bardsson's Account in Major, " Voyages^^ p. 53, etc,
(3) ''Mindesm:' III. 243.
(4) The traces were ; the discovery of driftwood, which seemed to
have been hewed with small axes, and which contained fragments of
bones and teeth, and numerous signs of skralinger huts. Maurer,
" Gronland^ p. 209, etc,
D
34 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
sun fell on the face of a man lying stretched out in a six-
oared boat at right angles to the side of the ship. At mid-
night the sun was as high as it is with us [at Gardar], when
it is in the north-west."
This .remarkable account comes down to us from a con-
temporary letter, written by Haldur, a priest in Greenland, to
Arnald, court chaplain to King Magnus VI, of Norway.^
The different accounts enable us to reckon that Kr6ks-
fjar^arhei^i was not on the coast of Greenland, but about
Lat. 75° 46" N., round Lancaster Sound and Barrow Straits.^
A century before this, about 11 35, three other hardy Green-
land navigators had penetrated to the island of Kingiktorsoak,
one of the Lady Islands in Baffin's Bay, i.e. to Lat. 72° 55" N.
A Runic stone, discovered in 1824, and recognised as genuine
even by Justin Winsor,^ still informs the world that Erling,
son of Sighvat, Bjarne, son of Thord, and Einridr, son of Odd,
had penetrated to the spot, where the pillar stands, on the
Saturday before St. George's Day, April 25.*
During the 12th and 13th centuries the Norse adventurers
also explored the east coasts. In one of their voyages, 1 194,
they reached Svalbar^r or Svalbar^i,^ which Storm's searching
investigations have proved to be Jan Mayen or Spitzbergen.*
Nearly a century later, 1285, as we read in the Icelandic
annals, Aldabrand and Thorvald, the sons of Helgi, dis-
covered new land just opposite to Iceland, the Sandhill
Islands.^ The sons of Helgi were thus, as Storm rightly
notes, " The precursors of Nordenskiold, as they went through
the Straits of Denmark to reach the land on the east coast."^
(i) '' Mindesm:' III. 238, etc, 883, etc,
(2) Maurer, " Gronland^^ p. 210, and Mogk, ^^ Entdeckung^^ p. T^.
(3) Winsor, ''History^' I. 66, etc,
(4) ''Mindesmr III. 843, 883.
(5) ''Mindesm:' III. 9.
(6) Storm, '' Columbus i' p. 78; Ruge, '' Peterm, Mitt:' XL., 1894,
L. B. no. 315. Before this Svalbar8r was looked upon as a part of the
N.E. coast of Greenland : see Maurer, " Gronland^' p. 209.
(7) ^*' MindesmP III. 13. Storm, ^^ Islandske Annaleri' 1285.
(8) Storm, " Vinlandsreiseme^' P* 7i> ^ic. The Sandhill Isles were
formerly reckoned a part of the east coast of the continent of America,
Newfoundland (Maurer, " Gronlandy' p. 210). But the explorers started
from Iceland, and Storm rightly emphasises the importance of "undan"
=" ligeoverfor *'=opposite, at the same altitude, and of "obyg»ir''^
" ubygder "=virgin coasts, as a stock phrase for the east coast of
Greenland.
.-^
0-
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 35
The discoveries made by the Norsemen in the nth, I2th and
13th centuries rendered it possible to draw a map of a part of {
America (Greenland), long before the time of Columbus, and
a map so accurate^ that a cartographer, to whom Norden-
skiold showed a copy, stoutly maintained it to be " a forgery
of the 19th century." 2
Their devotion to fishery, cattle-breeding and hunting, did
not give the men of Greenland any distaste for exploration
by sea or land, and their intellectual development was not in
the least stunted, for " in every respect the men of Greenland
were the equals in brains of the men of Iceland." They per-
petuated the story of their navigators just as in Iceland ;
there were Sagas in Greenland as in Iceland. The Scald
Helgi may be the author of the Saga in the Skdldhelgarimur.
Various poems, such as the Hafger^ingadrdpUy the Nor^rse-
tudrapa are here given, and chief of all the ballads of Atli,
which are preserved in the Edda, the Scandinavian ballads of
the fall of Gunther and Hagen, the Kings of Burgundy, and
of the death of Attila.^ Great literary interest attaches to
the Hafger^ingadrdpa and those portions of the Saga of
Thorfinn Karlsefni, which relate to Greenland. To quote
the Hafger^ingadrapa (The Song of the Sea) : " I entreat
the Judge of the monks, the Spotless One, to favour my
voyage ; may the Lord of the hall, the covering of the
earth [the vault of heaven] hold over me the seat of the
hawk [=His hand, for the falconer carries the hawk on his
hand]."
The poet was assuredly a monk, as we see from the prayer
to " the Judge of the monks." The " Song of the Sea " was
inspired by the terrors of the voyage to Greenland in 985.
There are curious references to the pagan mythology, at the
very beginning, " Oh listen all to the account of the goblet of
Dvalin of the hall of the mountains of the lobster" [the
dwarf of the sea-waves].^ The survival of paganism at the
time of the transition to Christianity is very marked in the
parts of the Thorfinn-Saga, which relate to Greenland. These
(i) See the maps of Greenland in the Appendix, especially Plates II
and IV.
(2) Nordenskiold, " Forschungen^^ p. 44.
(3) Mogk, '' Entdeckungi' p. 72. Paul, " Grundriss^' II. 88, also II,
1 01, on i\it pdrsdrapa of the stubborn hunter of Greenland /^r^^//.
(4) Maurer, " Bekehrung^^ I. 192.
D 2
36 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
portions also afford a striking example of the simple narrative
of the Sagas, and a few lines from Maurer*s translation^ will
not be out of place : " At that time there was in Greenland a
lean year. The men who had sailed to the fishing grounds
had hardly caught any fish, and some of the men never
reached their homes again. There was a woman in the
country, named Thorbjorg ; she was a wise woman, and they
called her the little soothsayer. She was one of nine sisters,
who were all wise women, but she was the only one still
living. During the winter it was Thorbj org's custom to
tramp the country in search of food, and she was generally
an honoured guest with those who were most desirous of
having their fortune told, or of learning the chances of a
good crop. Now Thorkel was the biggest farmer in those
parts, so it seemed most fitting for him to learn when this
lean year would cease." According to the Saga the fortune-
teller wore a dark blue cloak with clasps : " round her neck
she wore glass beads, and on her head a cap of black lamb-
skin, lined with black catskin. She carried a staff in her
hand, on which was a knob, fastened with brass, and sur-
rounded by precious stones. She wore a cork girdle round
her waist with a large leathern purse, in which she kept her
magic apparatus. Her shoes were of untanned calf-skin, with
long straps and large buttons of tin. She wore gloves of cat-
skin, which were white and furry inside."
On the evening of the day after her arrival she wished to
practice her magic arts, and begged her hosts to send her
women, who knew the forms for the display of magic and the
incantation of guardian spirits, but these women were not
forthcoming, and search was made through the whole home-
stead in quest of such. Then Gudrid said : " I am neither
magician nor soothsayer, but I learnt a song from Haldis, my
nurse, which she called the invocation of guardian angels."
But as a Christian she would have no part in the magic in
spite of Thorkel's appeals. At last when Thorbjorg suggested
she might benefit others, without being a wicked woman, and
Thorkel persisted in his entreaties, Gudrid changed her mind.
" The women made a circle round the magic throne, on which
Thorbj5rg sat, and Gudrid sang her song with such a sweet
expression and tone, that the bystanders thought they had
(i) Maurer ^^ Bekehrungi^ I. 445, etc.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. S7
never heard a sweeter melody more sweetly sung. The wise
woman thanked Gudrid and declared that many spirits were
now present." Thorkel received his wish and was informed
that the lean year would end with the winter, as would
the plague. Gudrid was informed of her future greatness
with no veiled hints, as would befit a prophecy after the
event.
The men of Greenland were in no whit behind the men
of Iceland in the field of literature, and they would have
surpassed not only them but all other Scandinavian or even
non-Scandinavian nations in the practical arrangement of
their dwelling-houses, could we but rely implicitly on the
description of the Zenos. The elder Nicol6 Zeno seems in
1380 to have met Dominicans in Greenland, who heated their
church and their living rooms with the water of a hot spring.
He describes the water as running boiling hot into the kitchen,
so that the food was cooked without using a fire. Dough was
set in copper pots, and baked as well as in a well-heated oven.
They grew flowers, fruit, and several kinds of vegetables in
greenhouses. They could increase or lessen the heat of a
room, by letting in more boiling water or by opening a window.
Nordenskiold was misled by the description of a similar hot
water apparatus, an unheard of luxury in the 14th century,^
but we can understand all this now that we know that the
younger Zeno compiled his account from widely different
sources about the year 1558! In the 1 6th century such
contrivances were not unknown. Lucas quotes similar places
and descriptions from Olaus Magnus,^ and Storm^ refers to the
appendices to the " Beschreibimg Norwegens und Islands^' to
which Jelic first called attention. These date from the 15th
century, and give an account of the Dominicans in Norway :
(i) ''^ Forschungen^'' p. 1 1, etc.^ 59. See also the account by the Zenos
in Lucas, " The Annals ^^ ?• i^j ^ic. and Appx. I.
(2) id. p. 74, f.
(3) " Nye Efterretninger^^ p. 404, etc. Storm, p. 406, rightly observes
that the appendices could not, as Jeli(5 supposes, support Zeno's account,
but pointed to his fountain head, and the fantastic way in which he had
handled his information. It is interesting to note the cynical manner in
which Alexander von Humboldt(" /r^jw^j," II. 130, Cottars edition^ 1847,
and " Examen critique de Phistoire de la g^ographie ") treats the Zenos'
description of the hot water apparatus and the greenhouses. It is idle to
dissect further tbe fanciful story of the younger Zeno, after Storm's " Om
Zeniernes reiser''^ and ^''Nye Efterretninger^'^ and Lucas's " Annals.^'' We
shall refer later on to the map drawn by the younger Zeno about 1558.
38 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
" The brethren, who Hve there [in Norway], have in their
houses stoves, which they often light, and they bring the hot
water in secret pipes to a cold hall, where the brethren take
their meals, and they make it pass between the benches and
their seats, or else they could hardly stand [the cold]."
There was, however, no Dominican monastery in Green-
land, as the Zenos would have us believe, but only a monas-
tery of SS. Olaf and Augustine, belonging to the regular
canons of the Augustine order, and a convent of the Bene-
dictine order.^ In fact, the ruins in Greenland only point to
the low ebb of art and industry in Greenland. Nordenskiold
is wrong in affirming the absence of all ancient ruins.^ The
antiquities alone from the ruins, group no. 2, Tingimiut,
amount to 154, according to Boye, and at group no. 66,
Kagsiarsuk, at the Igaliko-Fjord, to 178.^ There are a sur-
prisingly large number of pieces of small and large vessels of
steatite. Their Norse origin is clear from the Runic signs ; it
may be single marks indicating the owner's initials, or frag-
ments of inscriptions. There is a shuttle with the unfinished
inscription " Olaf,'' and a longer inscription in Runic characters.*
The crosses on the steatite are often the St. Andrew's cross,
or the Latin cross, or often a square cross. The most remark-
able ornamentation is on a small piece of steatite, on which a
human figure is chiselled, and the fragment of a handmill
with romanesque ornaments.^ The greater part of the Green-
land antiquities are of steatite ; only one piece of flint, a
rarity in Greenland, has been discovered up to now, and a
few pieces of whetstones made of sandstone. It is not sur-
prising to find so few articles in metal, as all intercourse
with Europe, ceased in the 15th century. Of iron there are
nails and bolts, three knives, a chimney-hook, and a padlock
and key. There are only a few bronze articles, a piece of the
head of a church bell. One piece of terra-cotta has been
found ; only one piece of leather and woollen-stuff. There
(i) Maurer, ^*' Gronland^^ p. 217, with list of authorities.
(2) Nordenskiold (" Periplus^^ p. 83) held that the remains of early
settlements on the west coast of Greenland showed no traces of Scan-
dinavian antiquities, but Ruge did not refute this theory in his review of
the ''Peripius'' {^''Deutsche Geogr, Blatter^' XXIII. 1899, 183), though
Storm will not accept it all in his review.
(3) '' Meddeleher^' XVI. 438, etc,
(4) id. p. 442, etc.^ 448, 450, 456, etc,
(5) id. p. 452, 455.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 39
are various articles in bone, a piece of a comb and some
draughtsmen.^
The barrels, cups, pots, and other pieces of crockery in
steatite were probably finished and ornamented with a knife.
A piece of some length was first cut out, on which the cross-
pieces were laid, as we see in the illustrations {Meddelelser^
XVI. 446). The holes were usually made with a knife, but
some were evidently bored, as in the shuttles, which are very
common, and are pointed or smooth ; three show ornamenta-
tion {ib. p. 442, 446, 447). Several vessels or bowls bear on
the edge or the base spur-shaped projections, which were
either handles or feet (ib. p. 444). Many pieces of pottery
are bored with iron needles or wire, which suggests needle-
work. There are quantities of pebbles with holes in the
centre, which were either weights for weaving or for weight-
ing the fishing nets. The pieces of vessels with holes had
apparently also served as weights, and many have been worn
away by the action of water, so that they must have been
used to secure the nets.
It would take too long to give a detailed account of all
the antiquities.^ We may note, however, that Boye gives
375 articles found in the five groups of ruins nos. 2, 20, 39, 47
and (A? Further excavations would no doubt produce much
of value, but it would be a great thing if the church ruins and
their neighbourhood could be thoroughly examined, together
with the ruins of the two convents. Only two of the four
churches of the western settlement, and only five of the
twelve in the eastern settlement, have been located and par-
tially examined. The churches are on an average 48 to 60
feet long, 24 feet broad, and are built of very large and well
selected stones.*
Much anthropological interest attaches to the churchyards
of the churches of Kagsiarsuk on the Igaliko-Fjord (group of
ruins no. 66), and Ikigait (group no. iii). In Kagsiarsuk
churchyard, a little below the surface, several bodies were
found between large stones, piled one on the other, as in a
(i) ^^ Meddelelser^^ XVI. p. 493, etc.^ and the illustrations, p. 453, etc,
(2) In ^^ Meddelelseri^ VI. 138-143, there is a list of Oldsager.
(3) '' Meddelelser^' XVI. 438, etc.
(4) id. VI. 211. The cathedral church of Gardar covers about 74
feet in length (" Medd:' XVI. 491).
40
THE DISCOVERIES OF THE NORSEMEN.
family vault, the head facing west, and the body bent. No
coffin or winding-sheets were found. But in Ikigait several
bodies were found at a great depth, buried in coffins without
lids, fastened together with wooden nails. The bodies were
wrapped in brown woollen cloth. Some small crosses of
carved wood were also discovered in these coffins.^ It is to
be hoped that due attention will be paid to authropological
interests in any future excavations.
(i) " Meddelelser," V\. 211.
CHAPTER IV.
Zbc most recent accreWteS feistorfcal account of tbc
J'ate of tbe Horse Colontes in Snierfca.
IHE history of Wineland ends with the prob-
ably ill-fated mission voyage of Bishop Eric
in 1 1 2 1 . " Bishop Eric set out from Green-
land in quest of Wineland," and "Bishop
Eric went in search of Wineland," is the
meagre report of the Icelandic annals for
the year ri2i,' which has given rise to many ideas and start-
ling theories as to the bishopric of Wineland. Lyschander
gave a poetic turn to this account in his Greenland Chronicle
of 1609, where he makes Bishop Eric transplant " both people
and religion" to Wineland ("plandtet paa Vinland baade
Folck oc Tro ")."
Torfaus and Rafn shared this view, so we can scarcely be
surprised at the dictum of Gravier : Eric refused the bishopric
of Gardar from his mission in Wineland, and his decision
reached Greenland in 1122, thus showing the progress of
Christianity in America, and the assured future of a colony
whose prelate preferred to link his fortunes with those of his
new home.^ We agree with Storm in his protest^ against the
assertion that the authorities make no mention whatever of
, and " Mindesin!'
Kildeme til
"Aar6. for Nord. Oldk.
(i) " Islandske Annater," ed, G. Storm, t
lU.b,etc.
(z) Storm, " Vinlandsreiseme" p. 27,
Lyschanders Gronlandske Chronica^' p. 14, etc., '
og Hist." 1888, p. 210, etc.
(3) Gravier, " Dicouverte de PAiiiMque^ p. i56, etc. Moosmiiller,
" Europder in Amerika," p. 54, etc.
(4) Jelifi, ^'' L'^ang^lisation" p. 172, etc. thinks that Eric's activity
in the mission field bore "great fruit." 'N. Knotel, " A Hard is" thinks
that there were both bishops and priests in Wineland. See Ruge, " Beitrag
lur Verirrung der Gehkrsamkeit^' Peterm. Milleil. 1895, L. B. no. 60.
M. Shipley, " The Missing records of the Norse discovery of America^'
thinks thai there must be in the Vatican documents letaling to Eric, first
Bishop of Wineland.
42 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
the landing in Wineland of Bishop Eric. He certainly started
from Greenland to discover Wineland ; as to whether he
found it we have no information. His " refusal " of the
Greenland bishopric is also wrapped in obscurity. We do
know for certain that a year or two after the departure of
Eric the people of Greenland endeavoured to obtain a per-
manent bishop, and that in 1124 they received Arnold, who
established his see in Gardar. But we have no official state-
ment of any preferment refused by Eric in Wineland. He
went in search of Wineland, to preach the Gospel, but we do
not even learn that he made a single convert, nor have we
any grounds for theories on this point.
Since the time of Rafn the stock argument relied upon has
always been the alleged Norse remains at Newport, Rhode
Island. The " Norse tower " has no scientific standing, being
but the remains of a windmill, built about 1670- 1680, by
Governor Arnold. This is even admitted by Horsford,^
though his main object was at all costs to prove the exist-
ence, on the mainland of America, of a permanent Norse
colony. Scientists are all agreed, but Horsford makes it
unusually clear, even to a layman, when he gives an illustra-
tion of the prototype of the Norse ruins, the windmill at
Chesterton, Arnold's home in England. Horsford, to his great
credit, is equally sincere in recognising the Dighton Rock
inscription as an Indian picture writing, misinterpreted though
it still is in so many popular descriptions, and he gives a very
striking illustration.^ This is all the more to Horsford's
credit, as other Norse enthusiasts have not scrupled to declare
the Dighton Rock inscription to be Runic, and then to pro-
ceed to claim as Norse Runic inscriptions a number of other
Indian inscriptions. "Such premisses," Mallery justly ob-
serves, " would bring the Vikings as far west as Ohio and
Western Virginia."^ No further doubt could possibly remain
(i) ^''Discovery of America^'* p. 26. Horsford has made repeated
attempts to prove the existence of his alleged Norse colony at Norum-
bega {see Bibliography], but we need not examine them in detail, as
" Horsford's fruitless labours " have been thoroughly dealt with by De
Costa and Gel5ich. Winsor, " /^/j/. of Amer?^ III. 184-218, especially
pp. 184, note 3, 195 and 214. ' GelCich, "Z«r Geschichte^^ p. 162, etc,
S. Ruge, ^^ Peterm, MitteiV^ 1890, L. B. no. 1665, ^^94, L. B. no. 316.
J. B. Shipley, " On some points" who ridicules Horsford's attempts.
(2) Horsford, ^^ Discovery," p. 24, etc, Winsor, ^^Hist" I. 100, etc,
(3) G. Mallery, ^' Picture-writing" p. 764, and particularly p. 762,
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 43
after an inspection of the numerous illustrations, which fill
more than 200 pages of Mallery's book on Indian pictorial
inscriptions. To make certainty even more certain, I referred
to my Icelandic friend, the Runic scholar, Dr. Sveinson, for his
opinion on the Dighton rock inscription. He consulted his
learned colleague. Dr. Finnur Gudmondsson, and wrote me
word that Rafn's theory of a Runic origin for the Dighton
Rock inscription was quite untenable. The Scandinavian
authority. Dr. Zoffler, is no less decided. It is certainly not
Norse, but without doubt of Indian origin.^
This so-called "unimpeachable evidence"^ of the colonisa-
tion of Wineland by the Norsemen has no more weight than
the statements of the Mexican MSS., and the religious in-
scriptions or the Christian customs of the Porte- Croix Indians,
which made such an impression on the Roman Catholic mis-
sionaries of the 17th century, or the popular adoration of the
Cross, or the Latin books of the King of Estotiland, mentioned
in the Zeno narrative. Mexican MSS. or inscriptions, or any
other early Mexican remains, give the barest support to any
traces of Christianity in America before the time of Columbus,
and make no mention whatever of any conversion by Bishop
Eric. This has been proved to be an absolute fact by the
strict investigation of late years.^ The worship of the Cross
is no proof that Christianity came to America before the time
of Columbus. This is evident from the work published by
the Roman Catholic Missions on the pre-Christian crosses in
Mexico and Central America. Due emphasis is there laid
where the explanations of this inscription in " originally Algonquian
characters" are arranged in a somewhat comical juxtaposition. See
^"^ North American Indian Pictographs^^ pp. 3-256, also E. Holden,
" Central America Picture-writing^^ 1881.
(i) E. Loeffler, " Vineland Excursions'^ p. 70.
(2) Moosmiiller, " Europder in Afnerika'^ p. 132, etCy shows the inter-
pretation formerly put upon the Dighton Rock inscription. E. R^clus,
^^ Nouv, Geogr, Univy^V, 1890, 12. R. B. Anderson, ^^ America not
discoveredy^ 4th edn., p. 129, etc,
(3) JeliC, ^^ L dvangdlisation^^ p. 172, quotes from the Mexican MSS.,
giving a letter of Aubin of June 19, 1839 (" M^m de la Soc, roy, des ant.
du Nordy^ 1840-43, pp. 9-12). For the other side see Ch. Rau, ^'' Anales
cUl Mus, Nac, de Mex,^^ II. 1882, pp. 159, etc^ 166, etc. For these
references I am indebted to the Vatican Librarian, Dr. Ehrle, who has
recently assured me both orally and by letter that no trace of any Christian
influence appears in the Mexican MSS., in spite of recent careful research.
This agrees with K. Haebler's investigations, "Z>/> Religion des mittL
Amer.f 1889.
44 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
on the fact that the Cross is also found in other parts of the
world as a sacred symbol with pre-Christian nations, and
that cogent reasons point to the independent development
of this symbol in America.^ The still more remarkable
Christian customs of the Porte -Croix Indians in the i6th
century must, as Storm says, more naturally be attributed to
the influence of French missionaries, whose activity began at
least a century earlier in those parts.^ The younger Zeno
mentions a fisherman as having seen " Latin books " in the
library of Estotiland, an island used by Zeno as the scene of
his romance, but we need hardly refute this statement, for
Zeno*s account, as we have said before, deserves no credit as
an historical authority.
It would be tedious to demolish one by one the arguments
advanced in favour of a permanent colonisation of Wineland.
Gelcich disposed of most of these arguments some years ago,^
and we will only specify one or two, which the material at the
disposal of Gelcich did not enable him to dispose of once and
for all. " There is," we read in Gelcich, " a Bull of Martin IV.,
1282, which states that the tithes in Greenland were paid in
kind, ox-hides, seal-skins, and walrus-tusks. It was generally
believed that cattle were not fourid in Greenland, and Jelic
therefore conjectures that these gifts came from Wineland."^
The conclusion would not be so far wrong if the premises that
" it was generally believed that cattle were not found in
Greenland " ^ were only correct. Gelcich advances nothing to
the contrary ; but the recent excavations prove beyond all
possible doubt that the Norsemen must have bred cattle in
very considerable numbers. The kitchen-middens contain
to-day numbers of bones of a diminutive breed of cattle, and
every important homestead is covered with ruins of cow-
stalls. They were at times over 210 feet long, including the
haystack.^
(i) ''Kath. Miss.;' 1893, p. 201, etc. Parry, '' Sacred Symbols'' H;' Bull
Amer. Geogr. Soc") XXVI. 1894. Winsor, ''^ Hist." I. 191, etc.
(2) Storm, '-''Nye Efter." p. 395. ;.
(3) E. Geli^ich, "Z«r Geschichte^' pp. 153-221.
(4) id. p. 183.
(5) ]t\\^y^''Vdvang^lisation;' ^. 175, asserts this unhesitatingly : "On
sait, qu'il n'y avait pas de boeufs dans le Greenland . . . Cela se conclut
avec certitude de I'examen des sources."
(6) Bruun, '' MeddeV XVI. 489.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 45
The result of the excavations bears out in every particular
the early MS. authorities, the Saga of Eric the Red, the
" King's Mirror,'' the account of Ivar Bardsson, and the Bull
of Alexander VI., first discovered by Jelic, which describes
Greenland as a country so barren of bread and oil that the
inhabitants have to be content with dry fish and milk.^ Two
other arguments in favour of a Norse colony in Wineland are
based upon the alleged martyrdom of Bishop John of Ireland,
and on the discovery of a costly bowl of mazer-wood among the
gifts of the diocese of Gardar in 1327. I have elsewhere
shown that Bishop John (* 1066) did not meet his death in
Wineland the Good but among the Wends,^ and that the
costly bowl, made of cocoanut-wood, and not of mazer-wood,
did not form part of the tithes of the diocese of Gardar in
Greenland, but of the diocese of Skara in Sweden.^
The history of the voyages to Wineland ends at the year
1 121, and all arguments hitherto brought forward in support
of a permanent colonisation of Wineland by the Norsemen
have proved to be fallacious, but the authenticated accounts
of Markland extend further back. In 1347 we read in the
Icelandic annals : " A ship came from Greenland to Straums-
fjord ; it sailed to Markland [det havde faret til Markland],
but later it was driven in here [to Iceland] over the sea.
There were eighteen men m the crew.^'^ The use of the
words " faret til," or " sogt til," as Storm rightly remarks,
expressly implies that the goal of the ship was Markland,
and that it actually had reached its destination. On the
voyage home the ship was wrecked, and was thus obliged to
put in at Iceland. The object of the expedition was not
given. But we may conjecture that the ship had sailed to
(i) The actual words are : Ob defectum panis, vini et olei siccis
piscibus et lacte uti consueverunt, JeliC, ^^ Vdvang^ltsatioHy^ p. 183. I do
not understand why Jeli5, p. 175, note 7, appears to rely on this Bull to
prove the contrary. Milk infers cattle, as Storm, ^^Efter,^^ p. 375, has
also noticed.
(2) Fischer, '''' Bischof Johannes^^ {Jnnsbrucker TheoL Zeitschr, XXIV.)
1900.
(3) Fischer, ^^ Die Bedeutung des Ciphus^'' 1900. I am indebted to
Dr. iC. Uhlirz, Keeper of the Archives in Vienna, who kindly wrote to me
to confirm me in my view that the "nux ultramarina" must be a cocoanut
imported from the Levant. Dr. Uhlirz gives a parallel in the case of the
"vergulten memus," bequeathed in 1432 by a citizen of Vienna to
St. Stephen's Church. See his " Verzeichnis der Originalurkunden^^
II. 105, no. 2393.
(4) *'^ Mindesmr 11. 14, etc. Storm, ^^ Annaler^^ for 1347.
46 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
the " Wood Land," to fetch a cargo of timber, though against
this must be set the express statement of the Skalholt Annals,
that this particular ship was "less in size" than the other
vessels, which arrived at Iceland in 1347. Storm accordingly
conjectures that the Icelanders went on a fishery expedition
to Markland, yet he does not venture to assert that they
reached Newfoundland Bank.^ In favour of this conjecture
is the fact that the advance of the Eskimos had spoilt the
best fishing-grounds at Nor^rseta, and so had compelled the
men of Greenland to find new grounds, and it is quite pos-
sible that tradition in Greenland pointed to the coast of
Markland. Whatever may have been the magnet to draw
the ill-fated sailors to Markland, one thing is certain : Mark-
land was still known in Greenland in the middle of the 14th
century, and in Iceland, men, both in conversation and in lite-
rature, treated Markland as a country of common knowledge.^
The Icelandic Annals mention no later voyages to Hellu-
land, but the " Stone Land " plays a more important part in
Saga and romance, though its position is altered at will.
The early historical Sagas and the early geographers placed
Helluland to the south of West Greenland, while the later
romantic Sagas placed it on the north-east of Greenland, near
Bjarmeland (Russia), or Finnmark, and Jonas Gudmund
accordingly set Helluland north-east of Greenland in his map
published about 1650.^ Bjorn of SkardzA tried to reconcile
the ancient and the modern Sagas, and propounded a theory
of two Hellulands, the larger north-east of Greenland, and
the smaller south-west. To make confusion worse con-
founded, Rafn retained the two Stone Lands as defined by
Bjorn, but altered their position, in defiance of all the author-
ities and of his own champion SkardzA, to the parts of
America lying south-west of Greenland, making the larger
Helluland {Helluland hit mikld) Labrador, and the smaller
Helluland {Helluland hit litld) Newfoundland. Rafn*s au-
thority gave a wide circulation to this gratuitous assumption.^
(i) Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. TZ-
(2) I shall show later that this voyage to Markland in 1347 may have
had some influence on the cartographical representation of America as
known to the Norsemen.
(3) " Delineatio Gronlandiae lonae GudmuncU^^ in Torfaeus, " Vin-
landia^^ tab. III.
(4) Moosmiiller, ^^ Europder in Afnerika^^ p. 106, etc, K. Wilhelmi,
*•*• Island^ Hvitramannaland^^ etc, 1842.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 47
I may add that, owing to this, Rafn was enabled to place
Wineland much further to the south.^
We know next to nothing of the fate of the traditional)
Norse colonies on the continent of America, but we are better'
informed as to the colonies in Greenland. The eighteen
sailors who, in 1 347, were driven by stress of weather from
Markland to Iceland, made their way to Greenland via
Norway, according to the Icelandic Annals. No immediate
connection appears to have then existed between Iceland
and Greenland.^ The royal merchant vessel, the " Knorr,"
kept up communication between Bergen and Greenland, but
at irregular intervals. In 1346, we read in the Icelandic
Annals, the " Knorr " left Greenland, a dependency of Nor-
way since 1261,^ "with a large cargo, and in good condi-
tion,"* for Bergen, but did not return to Greenland till 1355.
A copy of a royal decree shows that extraordinary precau-
tions were taken for this voyage.* A regular expedition
was organized under Paul Knutsson. The avowed object
was " the preservation of Christianity in Greenland/' and its
corollary, "Death to the Eskimos."® The exact date of the
return of the " Knorr " is unknown ; Storm thinks it was in
1363 or 1364, when Ivar Bardsson, who so long administered
the diocese of Gardar, first came to the front in Norway.^
Ivar gives us definite news of the tragic end of the western
colony. The King's deputy had commissioned him to make
a military display in the direction of this colony, " to disperse
the Eskimos.*' But on his arrival " he found not one human
being, either Christian or pagan, but only sheep and cattle
run wild. As many of these were transported on board as
the vessels would hold, and then he returned home [to
Gardar]."® In 1379, according to the Icelandic Annals:
" The men of Skraling attacked the men of Greenland, killed
(i) Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. 37, etc,
(2) Maurer, " Gronland^^ p. 228, etc,
(3) id. p. 227.
(4) ^^ Mindesm,^^ III. 14, etc. Storm, ^^ Annaler^^ for the year 1346.
(5) A further ground of delay may be found in the ravages of the
Black Death {'^ Mindesm:^ III. 15, etc!),
(6) ^^ Mindesm,^^ III. 121, etc. Storm accepts the royal command as
genuine, " Vinlandsreis^^ p. 73, etc. Maurer, p. 228, note 3, thinks it
** somewhat apocryphal," yet it agrees with the report of Ivar.
(7) Storm, " Vinlandsreis^^ p. 74.
(8) Ivar^s Report, see Major, " Voyages^^ p. 53.
48 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
1 8, and captured two boys, whom they made slaves."^
Probably this is a fresh attack on the part of the Eskimos,
whose predatory instincts were soon to make havoc in the
eastern settlement. The disaster was probably hastened by
the increase in the number of shipwrecks in the following
years. In 1367 the "Knorr** was shipwrecked to the north
of Bremen. In 1392, a kind of " black death " visited Norway,
and in 1393, "thirteen German battleships appeared before
Bergen." Both sides lost a number of men, but at last the
town was captured and looted. The bulky plunder was sunk
at sea, but all ships and anchors were taken away.^
Greenland was deeply interested in the fate of Bergen, as
this city was the staple of trade for that country. Subsequent
to the destruction of Bergen, we do not hear of any voyage
of the " Knorr " to Greenland. 1406 is the last date given in
the Icelandic Annals for the arrival of a foreign vessel in
Greenland, when Thorstein Helmingson, Snorri Torfeson and
Thorgrimr Solveson were wrecked on a voyage from Norway
to Iceland. Not till four years later did Thorgrimr and his
companions reach Norway. These men are the authority
for the last mention in the Icelandic Annals of Greenland.
The wife of Thorgrimr was bewitched and betrayed by one
Kolgrlmr through means of the black art. The magician
expiated his crimes on the scaffold, after due trial, in 1407.
In the next year a marriage between Thorstein Olafsson and
Sigri^r Bjornsdottir was concluded at Hvalsey,^ and this is
noted in three existing documents.^
The account in the Icelandic Annals of the last communi-
cation with Greenland, in the early part of the 15th century
agrees in all respects with the latest historical account at the
end of that century. Jelic was fortunate enough to discover
this important document, which dates from the first year of
the Papacy of Alexander VI, 1492-93, or the year of the
discovery of America by Columbus.* The people of Green-
(i) ^^ Mindesfn,^^ III. 33. Storm, ^^ Annaler^^ for the year 1379.
(2) ^^ Mtndesfn.^^ III. 37, etc. Maurer, p. 229, etc. According to Storm,
" Vitaliebrodrenes plyndringstog til Bergen^^ 1393 \^^ Nord. Hist. Tidskr.^^
sen 3, fasc. 4], the invasion took place in the spring of 1393. The second
supposed invasion of 1395 is only due to a mistake in the date by Korner.
(3) ^^ Mindesm,^^ III. 41. Storm, *^ Annater" for the years 1406, etc.
(4) Maurer, p. 230. ^^Mindesm." III. 148, 152, 156.
(5) Jelic, *^ L^A/ang^/isation" p. 183, etc. Hey wood, ^^ Documenta
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 49
land seem to have been so poor that they eked out a bare
existence on dry fish and milk. The ice prevented them from
communicating with other countries, and for eighty years no
ship had touched at any port in Greenland. The inhabitants
were without all spiritual consolations, no bishop or priest
lived among them, and many had relapsed into paganism.
selectUy^ p. 12. Storm, ^^ Efterretninger^^ p. 407, etc. The exceptional
importance of the documents justifies its reproduction in full : " Cum, ut
accepimus, ecclesia Gadensis in fine mundi sita in terra Gronlandie, in qua
homines commorantes ob defectum panis et olei siccis piscibus et lacte
uti consueverunt ; et ob id ac propter rarissimas navigationes ad dictam
terram causantibus intensissimis aquarum congelationibus fieri solitas
navis aliqua ab ottuaginta annis non creditur applicuisse ; et si naviga-
tiones huiusmodi fieri contingeret profecto has non nisi mense augusti
congelationibus ipsis resolutis fieri posse non existimentur ; et propterea
eidem ecclesie similiter ab ottuaginta annis vel circa nullus penitus
episcoporum vel presbyterorum apud illam personaliter residendo pre-
fuisse dicitur. Unde ac propter presbyterorum catholicorum absentiam
evenit quamplurimos dioecesanos olim catholicos sacrum per eos bap-
tisma susceptum, proh dolor ! re[ne]g(e)asse,« et quod incole eiusdem
terre in memoriam christiane religionis non habent nisi quoddam corpo-
rale, quod semel in anno presentetur, super quo ante centum annos ab
ultimo sacerdote tunc ibidem existente corpus Christi fuit consecratum.
" His igitur et aliis consideratis concidefandis, felicis recordationis
Innocentius papa VIII. predecessor noster, volens dicte ecclesie tunc
pastoris solatio destitute deutili [et] ydoneo pastore providere, de fratrum
suorum consilio, de quorum numero tunc eramus, venerabilem fratrem
nostrum Mathiam electum Gadensem ordinis sancti Benedicti de ob-
servantia professum ad nostram instantiam, dum adhuc in minoribus
constituti eramus, proclamatum ad dictam ecclesiam summopere ac
magno devotionis fervore accensum pro deviatorum et renegatorum
mentibus ad viam salutis eteme reducendis et erroribus huiusmodi
eradicandis vitam suam periculo permaximo sponte et libere submic-
tendo navigio etiam personaliter proficisci intendentem eidem episcopum
prefecit et pastorem. Nos igitur eiusdem electi pium et laudabilem(!)
propositum in Domino quamplurimum commendantes sibique in pre-
missis aliquo subventionis auxilio propterea eius paupertati, qua ut
similitur accepimus gravatus existit, succurrere cupientes, motu proprio
et etiam ex certa nostra scientia de fratrum nostrorum consilio et
assensu, dilectis filiis rescribendario, abbreviatoribus necnon sollicita-
toribus ac plumbatoribus illarumque registratoribus ceterisque tam
Cancellarie quam Camere nostre apostolice officialibus quibuscumque
sub excommunicationis late sententie pena ipso facto incurrenda com-
mictimus et mandamus, ut omnes et singulas litteras apostolicas de et
super promotione dicte ecclesie Gadensis pro dicto Electo expediendas
in omnibus et singulis eorum ofiiciis gratis ubique pro dicto absque
cuiuscumque taxe solutione seu exactione expediant et expediri faciant
omni contradictione cessante. Necnon Camere apostolice clericis et
notariis ut litteras seu bullas huiusmodi dicto Electo absque solutione
seu exactione alicuius annate seu minutorum servitiorum et aliorum
iurium quorumcumque in similibus solvi solitorum libere tradant et
consignent,.motu et scientia similibus ac sub penis predictis commicti-
mus et mandamlis in contrarium facientes non obstantibus quibuscumque
fiat gratis ubique quia pauperum etc.
" Datum . . . (Anno primo)."
a Mscr.: regeasse.
£
50 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
The faithful had no other token of the Christian reh'gion than
the corporal, on which a century before the body of our Lord
had been consecrated by the last of the priests. Once a year
this corporal was exhibited for adoration. Innocent VIII
endeavoured to supply the needs of the people of Greenland,
and on the nomination of Cardinal Borgia, afterwards Alex-
ander VI, consecrated Matthias, a Benedictine, as Bishop of
Gardar. Alexander, with due regard to the poverty of the
noble Benedictine, whom danger did not deter from starting
for his See, remitted all fees due on the legal documents of
the consecration.
No further record exists of the new bishop. Storm points
out that Matthias, inspired with missionary zeal, must have
travelled from Norway or Denmark to Rome, to accelerate
the ceremonies of his election to a See so sorely in need of a
spiritual master.^ The Archbishop of Drontheim and his
Cathedral Chapter were the electors of the Bishop of Gardar,
as Gardar cathedral, just as Holar and Skalholt in Iceland,
had no Chapter. The Archbishop also consecrated the newly
elected Bishop, with the approval of the Pope.^ The Holy
Father appointed the nominee as bishop and pastor, but the
consecration took place in the See. The papal bull implies
that news from Greenland had just reached Europe, and
mentions other facts, which are confirmed from other sources.
We are somewhat startled by the statement that the holy
corporal was used " a century previous by the last priest who
was then living in Greenland." Yet this may mean the last
bishop who resided at Gardar,^ who in fact died more than a
century (1377) before the date of the bull.^ We read a little
further on, that a voyage to Greenland could only be carried
out in August; and we learn from Scandinavian authorities
that the voyage from Norway to Greenland was not begun
till August, and the King's ship, the "Knorr," in 1341, left
Bergen for Greenland between the 7th and the 24th of August.
(i) Storm, ^^ EfterretP p. 401.
(2) Maurer, " Grdnland^^ p. 218, and P. Hinschius, ''^ Kirchenrecht der
Katholiken und Protestanten^^ 1878, 1 1. .593, note, with full references to
authorities.
(3) The Papal Brief gives two events by which to fix the date. For
some 80 years (ab ottuaginta annis vel circa) bishops and priests had
ceased to reside there, and on the corporal, exposed for annual veneration,
a hundred years before (ante centum annos) the body of our Lord had
been consecrated by the last of the priests (ab ultimo sacerdote).
(4) Storm, 1. c.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 51
News from Greenland did reach Europe about the end of the
14th century, as we learn from the obscure narrative of Olaus y^
Magnus concerning voyages to Greenland between 1490 and
1494. The names of the pioneer John Scolvus, and the
buccaneers Pining and Pothorst, follow each other in quick
succession. All this seems to prove clearly that, in 1492, a
determined effort, hitherto unknown to history, was made
to restore communications with Greenland.^
From the first quarter of the 15th century the Roman
Catholic population of Greenland were in a condition of great
distress, as we see in a letter of Nicholas V., dated 1448,
addressed to the Bishops of Skalholt and Holar in Iceland.^
(i) Storm, 1. c. Maurer, ''^ Gronland^^ pp. 236, 250. Bruun, ^^Meddel-
elser^^ XVI. 480. Olaus Magnus, ^^De gent, septentr. var, condit,^^ lib. II.
CM. According to L. Daare, ''^ Mere om Didrik Pining^^ \^^ Nord. hist
Tidskr.^^ ser. 3, fasc. 4, p. 195, etc.'l the buccaneer Pining was not a native
of Norway, but of Germany.
(2) ''^ MindesmP III. 165, etc, Jelic, ''*' L^angelisatio7i^'* p. 182, etc.
Hey wood, ^^DocumentaJ^ p. 9, etc. The Brief is as follows : Nicolaus etc.
Venerabilibus fratribus Schaoltensi et Olensi episcopis salutem etc. Ex
iniuncto nobis desuper apostolice servitutis officio universarum eccle-
siarum regimini presidentes, sic auctore domino pro animarum salute
precioso Salvatoris redemptas comercio hostre solicitudinis curam
impendimus, ut illas non solum impietatis et errorum procellis sepius
fluctuantes, sed et erumnis et persecutionum turbinibus involutas ad
statum optime tranquillitatis reducere studeamus. Sane pro parte
dilectorum filiorum indigenarum et universitatis habitatorum insule
Grenolandie, que in ultimis finibus oceani ad septentrionalem plagam
Regni Norwegie in provincia Nidrosiensi dicitur situata, lacrimabilis
querela nostrum turbavit auditum, amaricavit et mentem, quod in ipsam
insulam, cuius habitatores et incole ab annis fere sexcentis Christi fidem
gloriosi sui preconis Beati Olavi Regis predicatione susceptam, firmam
et intemeratum sub sancte Romane ecclesie et sedis apostolice institutis
servarunt ; ac quod tempore succedente in dicta insula populis assidua
devotione flagrantibus, sanctorum edes quamplurime et insignis ecclesia
Cathedralis erecte fuerunt, in quibus divinus cultus sedulo agebatur,
donee, illo permittente, qui inscrutabili sapientie et scientie sue scrutinio
persepe, quos diligit, temporaliter corrigit, et ad meliorem emendam
castigat, ex finitimis lictoribus paganorum ante annos triginta classe
navali barbari insurgentes, cunctum habitatorum ibidem populum crudeli
invasione aggressi et ipsam patriam edesque sacras igne et gladio devas-
tates solis [in] insula novem relictis ecclesiis parrochialibus, que
latissimis dicitur extendi terminis, quos propter crepidines montium
commode adire non poterant, miserandos utriusque sexus indigenas, illos
precipue, quos ad subeundum perpetue onera servitutis aptos videbant et
fortes tanquam ipsorum tyrannidi accommodatos, ad propria vexerunt
captivos. Verum quia, sicut eadem querela subiungebat, post temporis
successum quamplurimi ex captivitate predicta redeuntes ad propria et
refectis hinc inde locorum ruinis, divinum cultum possetenus ad instar
dispositionis pristine ampliare et instaurare desiderent ; et quia propter
preteritarum calamitatum pressuras fame et inedia laborantibus non
suppetebat hucusque facultas presbyteros nutriendi et presulem, toto illo
triginta annorum tempore episcopi solatio et sacerdotum ministerio
£ 2
52 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
Jelic claims also to have discovered this letter, but it has been
known to Scandinavian scholars since 1765.^ This document
may for many reasons not be genuine, and according to
Storm it was addressed to the two Germans, Marcellus and
Matthias, who had secured their election under false pre-
tences,^ but Dr. Ehrle^ is right in asserting that in all main
points the letter is confirmed by the Brief of Alexander VI.,
and, we may add, does not conflict in the slightest with other
trustworthy authorities. But Ivar Bardsson, and the Icelandic
Annals, no mean authorities, as well as Nicholas V. in his Brief,
attribute the downfall of the colonies in Greenland to the ad-
vance of Eskimos, for these must be meant by " the heathen
of the neighbouring coasts." 141 8 appears to be the date, from
caruerunt, nisi quis per longissimam dierum et locorum distanciam
divinorum desiderio officiorum ad illas se conferre voluisset ecclesias>
quas manus barbarica illesas pretermisit, nobis humiliter supplicari
fecerunt, quatenus eorum pio et salutari proposito paterna miseratione
[sjuccurrere et ipsorum spiritualibus supplere defectus nostrumque et
apostolice sedis in premissis favorem impertiri benivolum dignaremur.
Nos igitur dictorum indigenarum et universitatis habitatorum prefate
insula Grenolandie iustis et honestis precibus et desideriis inclinati, de
premissis et eorum circumstanciis certam noticiam non habentes fraterni-
tati vestre, quos ex vicinioribus episcopis insule prefate esse intelleximus,
per apostolica scripta commictimus et mandamus, quatenus vos et alter
vestrum diligenti examine auditis et intellectis premissis, si ea veritate
fulciri compereritis ipsumque populum et indigenes numero et facultatibus
adeo sUfficienter esse resumptos, quod id pro nunc expedire videbitis,
quod ipsi affectare videntur, de sacerdotibus ydoneis et exemplari vita
preditis ordinandi et providendi plebanos et rectores instituendi ; qui
parrochias et ecclesias resarcitas gubement, sacramenta ministrent et si
vobis sive alteri vestrum demum expedire videbitur et opportunum,
requisite ad hoc Metropolitani consilio, si loci distancia patietur, personam
utilem et ydoneam nostram et sedis apostolice communionem habentem^
eis in episcopum ordinare et instituere ac sibi munus consecrationis in
forma ecclesie consueta nomine nostro impendere et administracionem
spiritualium et temporalium concedere, recepto ab eodem prius iuramento
nobis et Romane ecclesie debito et consueto valeatis vel alter vestrum
valeat ; super quibus omnibus vestram conscienciam oneramus, plenam
et liberam vobis vel alteri vestrum auctoritate apostolica concedimus
tenore presentium facultatem, statutis et constitutionibus apostolicis et
generalium Conciliorum ac aliis in contrarium editis non obstantibus
quibuscunque. Datum Rome apud Sanctam Potencianam Anno etc.
millesimo quadringentesimo quadragesimo octavo, duodecimo kalendas
Octobris, Pontificatus nostri anno secundo.
(i) Storm, ^*' Efterretninger^^ p. 399.
(2) id. The latest account of the pretender Marcellus is given in A*
Bugge, ^^ Erkebiskop Henrik Koltiesens KoJ>ibug" and of Matthias in
^^ Finni Johannaei Hist eccL Islandiae^^ IV. 175. Storm kindly sent me
word of these authorities. It seems that the rightful bishops of Iceland
were still alive. There was also a Bishop of Gardar, who however
resided in Norway from 1440 to 1450. — Maurer, " Gronland^^ p. 236.
(3) Fr. Ehrle, ^^ Die Pdpstliche Abtheilung^^ p. 15, note i.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 53
the use of the words "thirty years ago." This is probably
correct. About 1410, priests were certainly at work in Gardar,
and on April 19, 1409, one of them issued a marriage notice.^
But evil days soon came upon the colony, as we see from the
Brief of Alexander VI. The heathen invaders swept the
country with fire and sword, and carried off any inhabitants
likely to be useful as slaves. Only nine churches in remote
villages escaped destruction. But Storm lays due stress
upon the fact that, at the time of the highest prosperity,
there were barely more than this number in the eastern dis-
trict.^ This theory may throw doubts on the accuracy of the
Pope*s facts, but in his favour are his mention of several
churches and a cathedral, and his plea in support of the
great spiritual needs of those who had escaped from captivity.
The Pope made praiseworthy efforts to urge on the Bishops
the supreme necessity of providing trustworthy pastors for
their flocks in Greenland, and he granted them full powers to
nominate and consecrate a Bishop fit for the post, but his
efforts were unsuccessful, as may be seen from the same Brief.
No other result could well be expected, seeing the character
of the recipients of this Brief, who had only secured their
own position by intrigue.
It would be a striking contradiction to the usual author-
ities if any scientific value could be assigned to the theory
that, since 1327, the financial situation of Gardar had been set
on the upward grade, and that the diocese had thus been
enabled in 141 8 to contribute twice as large a sum in tithes
and in Peter's Pence, viz. : 2,600 pounds of walrus tusks.
But, on tracing this tale to the fountain-head, we find it
absolutely baseless. Jelic quotes Gravier, Gravier quotes
Kohl,^ and Malte-Brun*s G^ographie Universelle, I could find
no such idea advanced in Kohl's book, and Storm expressly
declares that the number in question is not given by this
(i) Maurer, " Gronland^'^ p. 230.
(2) Storm, 1. c. If the conversion is attributed in the Brief of Nicho-
las V. to the preaching of St. Olaf, king of Norway (* 1000), nearly
"600 years before this," these theories are naturally not founded on fact.
St. Olaf did not preach in Greenland, and certainly not about the middle
of the 9th century. But a Greenland authority of that period would
hardly cause any wonder by attributing the preaching (predicatio) to
St. Olaf, to whom Greenland owed its first missionaries, and by ante-
dating the event two centuries.
(3) J. H. Kohl, ''History of the Discovery of Maine;' 1869.
54 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
writer.^ Malte-Brun says: "Up to 1418 the Norwegian
colonies in Greenland had their own bishops, and* paid to
the Holy See 2,600 pounds of walrus tusks in tithes and
Peter's Pence." ^ The passage in Gravier reads: "In the
year 1418 Greenland, as in former years, paid to the Holy
See, in the shape of tithes and Peter's Pence, 2,600 pounds of
walrus tusks.'*^ Jelic and his numerous followers state : " In
141 8 this diocese (Gardar) paid in tithes and Peter's Pence
2,600 pounds of walrus tusks,'* and referring to the year
1327, "double as much as was paid in 1327."^ We will put
aside the conclusion as inaccurate^ and examine the basis of
the calculation. It is first of all surprising that in 1418, the
very year of that terrible devastation, the contribution should
have reached so high a figure. But on closer examination
the first authority cannot be made to bear out this statement.
Malte-Brun guardedly states "-up to the year 1418 (jusqu'en
1418)." Gravier is the first to write ''in the year 1418," and
renders " up to the year " by " as in former years (encore
annuellement)." Jelic, finding a difficulty in this addition,
omits the words, and writes "in the year 1418." The situa-
tion is quite dramatic — at the height of the colony's pros-
perity comes the devastating invasion of the Eskimos. The
original authorities draw quite another picture of the gradual
decay of the colonies in Greenland. But how did Malte-Brun
invent his wonderful theories } The author unfortunately
leaves us totally in the dark on this point. Storm, however,
may be right in his explanation :^ Malte-Brun knew the con-
(i) Storm, p. 398.
(2) Malte-Brun, '' Prkis de la geographic universelle^^ 1832, 1. 196:
" Jusqu'en 141 8, les colons norvdgiens ^tablis dans ce pays avaient leurs
^veques, et payaient au Saint-Si^ge 2600 livres pesants de dents de
morses, pour dime et denier de saint Pierre."
(3) Gravier, '' Dkouverte^^ p. 179: "En 1418, le Groenland payait
encore annuellement au Saint-Si^ge, k titre de dime et de denier de
saint Pierre, 2600 livres de dents de morse."
(4) Jelie, '' Ldvangdlisationi^ p. 178 : "En 14 18, ce diocese [Gardar]
paya pour la dime et le denier de saint Pierre 2600 livres de dents de
phoque, done plus du double de ce qui avait etd pay^ en 1327."
(5) Jeli5, p. 176, is right in calling the tithe for the year 1327 "la
dime sexennale," and his grand total is correct (127 lisponsons norw^gi-
ennes), but the conclusion is false, that the total was double as much as
in 1327. In the 14th century 12 pounds went to i Lis pound, and in
1327 the tithes came to 1524 pounds, which doubled amounts to 3048
pounds.
(6) Storm, p. 398.
\
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 55
tribution for the year 1327, but he mistook the total of 130
Lis pounds ' for the total of a single year, and further assumed
that the colonists had up to 1418, i.e. during the prosperity of
the colony, paid annually 130 Lis pounds, or, taking the Lis
pound at 20 pounds, 2,600 pounds. But the total for the year
1327 is really the contribution of an extraordinary tithe for
six years added to the Peter's Pence for one year, and further,
the calculation of 20 pounds for one Lis pound is also inac-
curate, for in the 14th century the Lis pound was only equal
to 12 pounds.*
If we sum up in brief the result of previous researches, we
arrive at certain definite facts : the Norsemen for centuries
possessed tolerably thriving colonies in Greenland. For this
we have historical, geographical and cartographical proof,
supported by Papal Briefs, and the accounts of the Papal
Legates, and there are also the numerous ruins of churches,
homesteads and other buildings, besides numbers of Norse
relics. Wineland, Markland and Helluland, in short, the
continent of America, were only occasionally visited, but
were not colonised as intended. Every theory in support of
a lasting colonisation of Wineland has proved untenable, and,
most important of all, no amount of research has brought to
light any Norse remains or Norse ruins,
(i) Munch, " Paveligc Nuntiers," p. 2$, gives the receipts from the
tithes for sik years : " Decima episcopaius Grenellendensis. Recepta
fiiit per tne Bemardum de Ortolls in dentibus de roardo, quam decimam
recepi Bei^ia a domino archiepiscopo Nidrossiensi anno Domini mille-
simo CCCo. XXVIIo. et XI die mensis August! -CXXVI I lisponsos ad
pondus Norwegiae i p- 27, he gives the Peter's Pence for one year :
"Anno quo supra [1327] ec XI die mensis Augusti recepi ego B. de
Ortolis a domino archiepiscopo Nidrossiensi pro denario sancti Petri
episcopatus Grenellendensis III lisponsos dentium de roardo."
(2) Storm, 1. c.
CHAPTER V.
Ube Conception anb Representation of tbe S)fscOi«
veries of tbe Tlocsemen in Bmertca. ^be Cosmo-
grapbecs ClauMus Ctavus. Z>onnud Vtiftolaus
(Bermamis, an& /nai-tin Walbseemiiller.
S we are aided by both written and carto-
graphical monuments, we can form some
conception of the Norse nations as regards
the connection of their discoveries with the
countries known at that time. Rafn has made
an almost complete collection of MS. des-
criptions in his Griinlands historische ErimierungefijAnd Storm
in various publications has worked through the authorities in
detail. The cartographical representations have only of late
years been valued at their true weight, owing to the impor-
tant discoveries of Prof, von Wieser and Nordenskiold.
The pioneers thought the new masses of land were islands,
as we can read in Adam of Bremen.^ Later on endeavours
were made to apportion these islands among the three then
known continents, Europe, Asia and Africa, and the discovery
in the I2th century of Svalbar'Sr, Jan Mayen, or Spitzbergen,
was of great importance to the conception of Greenland.*
This discovery seemed to lend some probability to the idea
that Greenland was joined to the mainland of Europe, as
reindeer. Polar hares and foxes were met with, which animals
are not found on islands, "unless they have been conveyed
there." ^ The latter could not have been the case in Green-
land, so it was then argued, "the animals must have come of
their own accord from other places on the mainland." The
ice of the Arctic Ocean ("mare congelatum") naturally gave
(i) See page 3. Greenland also appears as an island in Papal Briefs
of Nicholas III. (1279), and Nicholas V. (1448).
(2) Storm, " Columius," p. 78.
(3) " The King's Mirror" in "Gronl. hist. Mindesm." III. 327, etc.
THE DISCOVERIES OF THE NORSEMEN. oT
to this conclusion an air of probability,^ which was heightened
by the following story : A man travelled on foot from Green-
land to Norway; he took a goat with him and lived on its
milk, while it found plenty of fodder in the valleys, and on
the hillocks.^ People then came to fancy that Greenland was
joined to Bjarmeland, the north west part of Russia. This
was naturally uninhabited, hence the name, "ubygder," i.e,
uninhabited land. We .read in the Cosmographia of the
middle of the 12th century, referred to above, "uninhabited
masses of land extend from Bjarmeland towards the north
right up to Greenland."^ A similar account appears in the
13th century: "To the north of Norway lies Finmark. The
land extends north east and east, till one comes to Bjarmeland,
which pays tribute to the Russian king. From there the land
extends to fallow districts in the north on the borders of
Greenland."^ The author of the " History of Norway" ends
up his account of Greenland with this remarkable passage :
** Some sailors, on their way from Iceland to Norway, were
driven into the ice-bound region by contrary storms. They
landed at last between Greenland and Bjarmeland at a spot,
where, as they declared, they found men of extraordinary
stature and the country of the Amazons, who conceive after
a drink of water. Greenland, which is separated from them
by ice-bound rocks, was discovered by the inhabitants of
Iceland, colonised, and converted to the Roman Catholic
faith. It forms the boundary of Europe in the west, and
extends almost to the islands round Africa." ^
The cartographical representation of Greenland varies with
the accounts, sometimes it is shown as an island, sometimes
as a peninsula. This latter description merits most careful
consideration, as in recent years it has received much atten-
( 1 ) Kretschmer, " Entdeckung^^ P- 2 5 4.
(2) Torfaeus, " Gronlandia^^ p. 25, etc,
(3) ^^ Mindesm.^^ III. 221. WerlaufF, ^^ Symbolae^^^ p. 14.
(4) ^^ Mtndesmy III. 217 ; 222, etc. It will be seen from these passages,
that the connecting strip of land was " the uninhabited land," and I learn
from Storm that this is a standing expression for the uncultivated parts
of Greenland. Bishop Howley, " Vinland Vindicated^^ 1898, is not there-
fore quite right in applying the term to portions of the main land of North
America.
(5) Storm. ^^ Hist. Norweg.^^ p. 75. The " History of Norway" was
of considerable importance to the representation and description of the
Arctic regions by Claudius Clavus. I do not think this point has been
sufficiently realised.
58 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
tion from savants. More than 20 years ago von Wieser dis-
covered and copied in Florence three maps of the northern
regions, which gave a wonderfully accurate position for
Greenland. His geographical classes were favoured with
the full history of this valuable discovery, but the Professor
could not carry out his intention of publishing a scientific
account of his researches till Nordenskiold published in his
" Facsimile- Atlas " the Zamoisky map, which he had dis-
covered in Warsaw. Von Wieser reviewed the "Facsimile-
Atlas,"^ and added an account of his own previous discovery.
Thereupon Nordenskiold published a most scholarly edition
of the three Florentine maps of Greenland,^ and in the
" Periplus " he attempted to account for the almost perfect
accuracy of the cartography. He came to the conclusion
that the maps were of Scandinavian-Byzantine origin, i.e.
the maps were finished in Byzantium from Norse informa-
tion.^ Von Wieser^ and Storm ^ have strongly contested
this theory. Ruge agrees with von Wieser,^ but did not come
across Storm's book, and thus he was unable to come to any
more definite conclusion as to the date and author of the
earliest map of the northern regions. Storm's papers on the
original draughtsman and the authorities for the maps of the
northern regions have not met with sufficient attention in
Germany, and the following details will not be out of place, if
they provide a basis for a second important, and as yet un-
solved, question, how are we to reconcile the differences in the
cartographical representations of the peninsula of Greenland }
Claudius Clavus Swartho (Schwarz) was the first scholar to
add to Ptolemy's description of the world the discoveries of the
hardy Norsemen in America. This fact is expressly attested
by three independent scholars and rests on satisfactory
internal evidence. Cardinal Filiaster, in the precious Ptolemy
1427 MS. in the Biblioth^que de la ville at Nancy,^ shows
(i) ''Pcierm, MittP XXXVI. 1890, p. 275.
(2) Nordenskiold, '' Btdrag, Tab:' I. II. III.
(3) id. " Periplus^' p. 86, etc,
(4) "Periplus," in '' Peterm, Mitt:' 1899, XLV. 192.
(5) Review of "Periplus" in ^^ Nord, Tidskr:' p. 160.
(6) Ruge, Review of "Periplus," ^^ Deutsche Geogr, Bldtt:' 1900,
XXIII. 186.
(7) Blau, ^'' Mdm, de la Soc. Roy, des sciences^'' Nancy, 1835, LIII-LX.
and 67-97. Waitz, ^^ Des Claudius Clavus Beschreibung^' 1844. Norden-
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 59
that Claudius Clavus was the first to describe, in writing and
in maps, the country of Greenland as distinguished from other
northern territories. Filiaster expressly states, in the intro-
duction to the eighth map of Europe, that in addition to the
places given by Ptolemy, such as Poland, Prussia and Lithu-
ania, the eighth map included Norway, Sweden, the " Sinus
Codanus," which divides Norway and Sweden from Germany,
also another bay further north, which is frozen for one-third
of each year, and that Greenland is situated on the further
side of this bay. Ptolemy does not give these places, and he
appears to have had no knowledge of their existence. A
certain Claudius Cymbricus, therefore, was the first to describe
and to cartographically represent these northern regions.^
We find the same account in Johannes Schoner and Fran-
ziscus Irenicus (Friedlieb) of the merits of Claudius Niger
(Schwarz). Sch5ner begins his detailed description of the
bleak northern regions by noting that they were not in
Ptolemy's description of the world (extra Ptolemaeum), and
that they were scientifically treated by one Claudius Chlaus
Niger.2
Irenicus notes that Claudius Niger was the first to explore
the islands of Germany, and to give full particulars of the
extent of the Cimbrian peninsula, till then an unknown
quantity.^ Irenicus takes pains to tell us that the famous
mathematician Johann Virdung of Hasfurth, fresh from his
Danish journey, drew his attention to the writings of Claudius
skiold, ^^ Studien^^ p. 40, etc.^ Facsimile, p. 63, etc. ; '''' Facsimile-Atlas^^
pp. 54, 58; ''^ Penplus^^ p. 90, etc., and especially Storm, ^^ Claudius
Clavus^^ 1889, p. 129, etc.^ 1891, p. 13, etc. The Chief Librarian of the
Biblioth^que de la Ville of Nancy generously granted me exceptional
facilities in the use of this priceless MS.
(i) Storm, id. 1889, p. 135, etc.
(2) J oh. Schoner, ''^ Luculentissima quedam terre t otitis descriptio.^^
At the fifth chapter the description of Europe begins with Iceland, and
then, after Ireland, England and Spain, comes an extract with the title :
" 7?^^*^;/^i* asperrime extra Ptolemaeum observatae per quendam Claudium
Chlaus nigrum, harum regionum inquilinum : sequuntur Sarmatiam ad
septentrionem multum protense et sunt Scania et Dacia regiones, quas
Schondemnargk dicunt : sitae sunt sub gradibus 36, o ; 57, 40." This
edition, undated, is in the Hofbibliothek at Munich and differs in many
points from the edition used by Storm, " Claudius Clavus^^ 1889, p. 138,
etc,
(3) Franc. Irenicus, " Totius Germaniae description^ c. 20, 2nd edn.
Frankfurt, 1570: "Nemo tamen insularum Germanicarum periculum
fecerat, nisi nuper Claudius Niger, qui totius Cimbricae Chersonnesi
extensionem hactenus omnibus ignotam, multa experientia tradidit."
60 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
Niger, and induced him to bequeath to posterity Niger's views
on the North of Europe, and on Greenland in particular.^
The external evidence can be strengthened by a more
detailed research, but the internal evidence is sufficiently
conclusive. In his account of the northern map in the Nancy
Ptolemy MS., the author gives his own name as Claudius
Clavus Swartho, and his native place as Salinga on the island
of Pheonia or Ottonia, east of Jutland in the Baltic Sea.
Claudius gives just as full particulars of the date of the map.
Storm is quite right in assuming that the name " Erichsstadn '*
(Nancy Codex) or Erici portus, as given on all 15th century
maps of the Arctic regions, is a striking proof that the
common original must have contained the name of the town.^
But the town, which received its charter in 141 3 from
Eric VII of Pomerania (1412-1436), and took his name in
compliment, was not founded till 14 10 by German Carmelites.
The name Erichsstadt was soon superseded by the name
Landora or Landor, the modern Landskrona.^ The charac-
teristic name is common to all MS. maps of the Arctic
Region, from that of Cardinal Filiaster to those of the
Vatican and the Ptolemy Codex at Wolfegg Castle [see
Plates 11^ IV and VI), and must thus have been on the pro-
totype, and it cannot therefore be earlier than 141 3.
But here we ask : Can a Dane possibly, in the first quarter
of the 15th century, have drawn a map which would form
an appendix to Ptolemy's maps } Macaulay's " schoolboy "
would know that a Dane could not have done this in Den-
mark at that date. Even Cardinal Filiaster, at the time of
the Council of Constance, could not preserve the maps of
Ptolemy. Italy was the only place, at the beginning of
the 15th century, where it was possible to draw maps after
the style of Ptolemy. We must thank Storm for pointing
out that the Dane Claudius Clavus actually was residing at
that time in Italy, having come to Rome in the winter of
1423-24. Among classical circles Claudius was introduced
to Ptolemy's maps and descriptions, and was encouraged to
complete that great geographer's work by maps and des-
(i) id. c. 20, 21.
(2) Storm's " Review of ' Periplus,^ "
(3) Storm, 1. c, and Vivien de Saint- Martin, ^^ Nouv. Diet de giogr,
univ.^^ under " Landskrona."
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 61
criptions of the Arctic regions.^ Irenicus states that Claudius /
was persuaded by the King of Denmark^ to undertake this'^
task, and that it is quite easy to explain, for King Eric in
1424 was resting in Italy, on his pilgrimage to the Holy
Land.^
It is not so easy at first sight to explain the legends on
the maps of the northern regions, if we fix their date at the
early part of the 15th century. Nordenskiold believed that
the passage in Cladius Clavus, where somebody expressed
his joy at having seen the island of Somershavn, where St.
Olaf, King and Martyr, conquered his perjured brother,
referred to an authority of the nth century.^ Von Wieser
has already proved that this conclusion by no means follows.^
Storm, in reviewing the " Periplus," expresses his surprise at
finding a scholar in Nordenskiold's position so lost to all
critical sense as " to treat a fanciful legend of the 15th century
as an authority of the nth century."^ Nordenskiold goes on
to explain the legends of the Nancy map : " Britanni angli-
cati apostate ; Carelorum infidelium regio maxime septen-
trionalis ; Slavorum regio insidiatrix ; Perversa prutenorum
nacio vel nocio," by adapting them to the 13th century,^ but
it is more reasonable to treat them as referring to the begin-
ning of the isth century, the period of Claudius Clavus
himself.
We cannot well term the English " apostates " merely
because the Pope, Innocent III (1198-1216) excommunicated
King John and kept an interdict suspended over England.
The description can far better be applied to the English at
the beginning of the 15th century, at a time when the then
unorthodox views of Wiclif were rapidly gaining ground and
giving rise to cruel persecutions.^ There can be no objection
(i) Storm, " Claudius Clavus ^^ 1891, p. 15, etc.
(2) Fr. Irenicus, 1. c, c. 21 : "Id autem, quicquid est, Claudio Nigro
debetur, qui, precibus regis Danorum impulsus, totius Daniae descriptio-
nem sibi desumpsit."
(3) Storm, I.e., p. 18.
(4) Nordenskiold, " Periplus^^ p. 90. The passage reads : " Sumers-
haun insula, in qua sanctus Olaus rex et martyr debellabat fratrem suum
infidelem visibili adiutorio Domini, quod oculis vidisse favet."
(5) Von Wieser, " Review of the * Periplus^'*^ p. 192, note 2.
(6) Storm, ^^ Review of the ^ Periplus^^^ p. 160.
(7) Nordenskiold, ^^ Facsimile Atlas^^ p. 54, etc. ; ^^ Periplusi^ p. go, etc,
(8) Storm, " Claudius Clavus ^^ 1891, p. 22.
62 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
taken to Nordenskiold's remarks about the Karelians, if by
Karelians we understand the Karelians of Finland. These
had already been converted by Thorgil Knudtson, and the
expression " heathens " (infideles) could oo longer be applied
to them at the beginning of the 15th century. But the
Karelians, whom Claudius Clavus mentibns, are plainly not
the Karelians of Finland. Claudius' Karelians lived in the
\ extreme north of Greenland near the North Pole,^ and the
legend on the map is so given.^ I agree with Storm that
this must therefore refer to the Eskimos Skralings. It
seems all the more certain, for Clavus expressly states that
his Karelians marched in strong force southwards to attack
Greenland.^ According to the " Historia Norwegiae/* Norse
huntsmen had already fought with the Skralings in North
Greenland,^ and as time went on these kept pushing on
further southwards. About 1345 the Skralings attacked and
destroyed the western settlement, and since that year they
had a perpetual feud with the inhabitants of the eastern
settlement, who were nearly all put to the sword in 1418.^
The account of the pagan Karelians in the north of Green-
land, and their attacks on the inhabitants of Greenland,
thoroughly agrees with the state of Greenland towards the
close of the isth century. The mention of the Slavs in the
south of the peninsula of Jutland as hostile quite suits the
relations of the Slavs to the northern kingdoms in the time
(i) "Tenent autem septentrionalia eius [Gronlandiae] Careliinfideles,
quorum regio extenditur sub polo septentrionali versus Seres orientales
[Ptolemy calls north eastern Asia * Serica'], quare polus [the polar circle]
nobis septentrionalis est eis meridionalis in gradibus 66." of. Storm, 1. c,
P- 34-
(2) Between 74 and 75 Lat. "Carelorum infidelium regio maxime
septentrionalis."
(3) "Gronlandiae praeterea insulae Chersonnesus dependet a terra
inaccessibili, a parte versus Septentrionem vel ignota propter glaciem.
Proficiscuntur tamen Caroli infideles quotidie cum exercitu in Gron-
landiam, et hoc absque dubio ex altera parte poli septentrionalis. Non
igitur alluit limen terrae recte sub polo, ut omnes priscorum auctores
profitentur, veluti honestissime nobis Niger Mathematicus ostendit."
(Irenicus, ^^ Germ, exeges.^^ lib. X. c. 19). We may here note that we
shall see later how this account of Claudius Clavus influenced Schoner's
map of the northern Polar regions.
(4) Storm, '''' Monwnentai* p. 'jd : "Trans Viridenses ad aquilonem
qui dam homunciones a venatoribus reperiuntur, quos Scraelinga appel-
lant, qui dum vivi armis feriuntur, vulnera eorum absque cruore albescunt,
mortuis vero vix cessat sanguis manare. Sed ferri metallo penitus carent,
dentibus cetinis pro missilibus, saxis acutis pro cultris utuntur."
(5) Storm, " Claudius Clavus^^ 1891, p. 22, and p. 48 above.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 63
of Queen Margaret, as the mere reference to the Vitali
brothers shows.^
The unflattering designation of the Prussians is not sur-
prising in a Danish geographer at the beginning of the 15th
century, for apart from the fact that the Knights of the
Teutonic Order had conquered Gothland from the Danes, the
actual state of the Prussian Orders justified the biting des-
cription "perversa prutenorum nacio." The Grand Master,
Conrad of Jangingen, was obliged in 1405 to enact stern laws
against the heretics, and the following years saw a further
lapse from all religious and moral virtues.^ The explanation
of " perversa " in connection with these scandals appears from
the choice of the expression " Prutenorum," and the fact that
the author does not quite know whether to take " Pruteni '*
for the name of the nation, or as a purely geographical term
(nacio vel nocio), also points to the close of the 15th century.
A similar doubt could not have existed in the 13th century,
as ** Prussian " was then used for the name of that nation.
" Pruzzi " or " Prucl '* or " Prusci " was used for " Prussia " in
Scandinavian authorities up to the 14th century, and not till
the 14th and iSth century do we find "Pruteni" used in
German and Danish authorities for " Prussians."^
Storm's researches into the expression " Pruteni " give us
at once a starting point for the date of a legend which at
first seemed most likely to cast doubts on our previous con-
clusions. Von Wieser was the first to call attention to this
legend and its possible bearings. The actual words are :
" Norwegia et Livonia, patrie paludoxe, ut vix estate per-
meari possint ; Livonia noviter per prutenos fratres ad Cristi
fidem conversa se extendit ad boream." * Von Wieser points
out correctly that the conversion of Livonia was finished by
the 13th century;^ he might have added that "noviter con-
(i) id., p. 23.
(2) Storm, 1. c, and Holzapfel, " Der deutsche Ritterorden^^ p. 62, etc,
(3) After this theory of Storm it can hardly be urged, that the term
" Pruteni," perhaps something to do with " Rutheni," is to be found in
English and French authorities of the 13th century, e.g. in Roger Bacon
in 1268, see ^^ Mon, Germ.'^ S. XXVIII, 578, 30, or in the ^''Chronica
Albrici Monachi^ Mon. Germ" S. XXIII. 911, 25.
(4) The legend is on the Arctic map in a Florentine codex, whose
present contents can be traced back to Buondelmonte (about 1420). The
map appears in photo-type in ^^ Periplus^" tab. XXXII.
(5) Von Wieser, Review of the " Facsimile- At las," p. 276.
64 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
versa" is used of Livonia in a 13th century authority.^ " Per
prutenos fratres " rather shows that we are dealing with a gloss
and with a Scandinavian legend. Storm has been kind enough
to inform me that "noviter" cannot be pressed as referring to
the 13th century, as even dated MSS. use this term in des-
cribing events which happened half a century or so before.^
A Scandinavian would not have mixed up Norway and
Livonia, or placed the legend in its present absurd position.
Storm is not unnaturally inclined to believe the legend to be
an insertion made by an Italian cartographer. In no case
can the isolated legend bear out the date as the 1 3th century,
or even Nordenskiold's theory of the Scandinavian-Byzantine
origin of the map. The present contents of the Buondel-
monte-Codex, which includes the Arctic map with the
wonderful legend, may go back to authorities which Buon-
delmonte brought back from the Greek Archipelago at the
beginning of the isth century, but the map must have been
inserted in the Codex at a later period, judging from the
words "Olfatie ducatus," as Holstein did not become a Duchy
till 1474. "Erici portus," a characteristic name, also on this
map, certainly belongs to the 15th century.
All allusions to events seem to point to the date as about
the end of the iSth century, the mention of " Erichsstadt "
must involve some period after 141 3. Claudius Niger, accor-
ding to Irenicus in his description of the kingdom of
Denmark, mentions gold mines near the slopes of Kumty-
hone, which were discovered in 1425.^ But Irenicus may
have seen a second enlarged edition of Claudius Clavus' des-
cription ; this isolated fact cannot be pressed in assigning a
date to Clavus' map of the Arctic regions. The map, with
this writer's descriptions, was certainly finished by 1427, as
we learn from a remark of Cardinal Filiaster, who included in
(i) Henry's ^^ Chronicon Lyvoniae^^ for 1226, in ^^ Mon, Germy S.
XXIII, 329, 20.
(2) Storm was good enough to send me a long extract from Hygden's
^^ Polychronicon^^ confirming his view. I have found several myself since
then of the same nature. The " Terra australis " appears as " recenter
inventa, anno 1499," on the MS. globe in the Biblioth^que Nationale at
Paris, which probably comes from Vopel and certainly was made after
1532.
(3) " Kumtyhone promontorium occidentalis Daniae, ubi fodiuntur auri
minerae anno Salutis 1425 repertae, cuius gradus feruntur 44, 59 ; 30."
(Irenicus, lib. X. c. 21).
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 65
his edition of Ptolemy of 1427^ the map and descriptions by-
Claudius Clavus, though somewhat mutilated.
Claudius Clavus the Dane may have been the original
draughtsman of the Arctic maps, and have completed them /
in Italy in the early part of the iSth century; and then we
should naturally expect Scandinavian, or rather Danish terms,
on the map and in the descriptions, and the use of Scandi-
navian and Italian authorities of the 14th century. We are
not disappointed in either case. Apart from the term " Nord-
hindh Bondh'* (Nancy Codex), or Norenbodhen (Irenicus), or
Nordinhoduch (Schoner), for the northern sea of ice, there
are on the maps of the Arctic regions a number of Danish
numerals for names of rivers. They commence at Livonia,
and join the Ptolemy map of northern Europe. The names
of the rivers run from south to north : fursta f., avenas f.,
trediena f, fierdis f {see Maps IL and IV,), Dahlgren was
the first to call attention to this interesting fact.^ The rivers
are only just shown on the map in the Nancy Codex, but
without names, as Filiaster capriciously either left out or only
just marked several towns on the map, which he mentions in
the description. But we find on the later and more exact
copies of the Arctic maps the terms first, second (fursta, etc.),
and so on, and that expert in early Scandinavian history, my
friend Professor Storm, points out that these terms, which are
also found on the Swedish and on Schonen*s east and west
coasts, imply a Danish origin, and this in a form of speech
"scarcely earlier than the 15th century."^
Storm carefully tested both the etymology and the author-
ities of the Arctic maps. His researches proved that the
author of these maps had not only made use of the Ptolemy
map and its description,^ but also Italian portulanos and
(i) In Pinaster's own words " hoc anno Domini millesimo quadringen-
tesimo vicesimo septimo, quo hec tabule descripte fuerunt," two envoys
from Prester John came to King Alfonso of Aragon, the one a Christian,
the other a heathen. The Papal Nuncio at the Court of Aragon, Cardinal
de Fuxo, saw them with the king at Valencia and learnt from them, that
they were also going to the Pope, Martin V., whom the Christian ambassa-
dor considered to be the deputy of Christ. " Hec dictus Cardinalis pape
retulit me Cardinali sancti Marci [Filiaster] presente, qui has feci describi
tabulas, et ex greco exemplari" (Nancy Codex, fol. 190). Storm, ^'' Claud,
Clav.i^ 1889, p. 133.
(2) Nordenskiold, " Facsimile- Atlas ^^ p. 56 ; " Periplus^^ p. 89, etc,
(3^ Storm, ''''Claudius Clavus ^^ 1889, p. 145, etc.
(4) Claudius Clavus, from the whole arrangement of his work, must
have been acquainted with the Ptolemy maps and their text.
F
66 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
Scandinavian authorities of the 14th century. Of the latter
there is one in particular, a route, known in Lelewel as the
" Itineraire Brugeois,'' in the collection of routes to the Holy
City.^ Lelewel rather aptly dates this work between 1360
and 1388, probably about 1380.^ The original, of which Storm
used a copy by Dahlgren, gives this title to the route :
"Diversorum locorum mundi distancia demonstrativa."^ The
interest to the high latitudes is in the route from Liibeck to
Schonen,* Schonen to Bergen, Bergen to Iceland, Iceland to
Greenland, and the Karelians. The islands Femo and Faro
are marked between Bergen and Iceland. Clavus translated
Femo by Feminarum insula (Isles of the Women), and added
the explanation : " on which girls only were born, and not
boys."^ When the text mentions the Karelians after Green-
land, and adds that it takes half a year (per medium annum)
to journey thither, and goes on to describe the Karelians as
a wonderful nation (est enim populus monstruosus), we are
strongly reminded of Claudius Clavus' account of the Kare-
lians. He puts their name far north of Greenland in his map,
and he says in his description, the heathen Karelians live
in the north of Greenland, their territory extending beyond
the Arctic circle to Serica in north-eastern Asia. Cardinal
Filiaster here cuts short the description of Claudius Clavus
(i) Lelewel, ^^ GSogr, du moyen-dge^'^ Epilogue, p. 281-308.
(2) id., p. 283.
(3) Storm, " Claudius Clavus^^ 1 891, p. 19, etc,
(4) It may at first sight seem unlikely that Clavus made much use of
the ''^ Itinerary ^^ but Storm draws attention to the following points of
agreement : in Jutland Clavus locates Plon and Kiel as in the " Itinerary,^^
Among the islands off Zealand Clavus gives Draghor parva (z>. the village
of Dragor on Amager), obviously the Draethoor insula of the ''^Itinerary "
(p. 287). The town of Madhkeruth in Schonen, must also be the Madkerot
in the ^^ Itinerary ^^ Storm also gives other examples.
(5) "Feminarum insula, in qua singulae nascuhtur feminae et num-
quam mares" (Nancy Codex). Storm, ^^ Claudius Clavus^^ 189I) p. 33,
20 ; Nordenskiold, " Studien und Forschungen^^ on the last page of the
facsimile of Clavus there is the text and description. Irenicus gives the
same account, quoting the mathematician Claudius Niger : " Foeminarum
insula, ubi numquam mares partu eduntur, cuius gradus 26, 63 referuntur
{^^ Germanic description^ lib. X. c. 19). Storm, " Claudius Clavus ^^ 1889,
p. 143. The ^^ Historia Norwegiae^^ also mentions the land of the
Amazons (Storm's edn., p. 75) : " Quidam nautae, cum de Glaciali insula
[Iceland] ad Norwegiam remeare studuissent et a contrariis ventorum
turbinibus in brumalem plagam propulsi essent, inter Viridenses [men of
Greenland] et Bjarmones [Russians] tandem applicuerunt ubi homines
mirae magnitudinis et virginum terram (quae gustu aquae concipere
dicuntur) se reperisse protestati sunt." cf. Adam of Bremen, lib. IV,
c. 19.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 67
with the remark : " This is really enough " (sat patenter).
Schoner and Irenicus mention the northerly homes, and many
other interesting details about this wonderful nation, quoted
from Claudius Clavus or Claudius Niger. They call them
" Pygmies," a race of dwarfs (homines cubitales), who use
coracles. Schoner strengthens his story by appealing to
Claudius Clavus, as an eye-witness, who had himself seen
pygmies in captivity, probably Eskimos from Greenland,
and also a large and a small boat of skins, which the pygmies
had used on the sea, exhibited later in Drontheim Cathedral.^
This account is in accordance with fact. We know from the
Icelandic Annals that, in 1406 • a ship on its way from Norway
to Iceland reached Greenland, and its crew spent four years
in the country before returning to Norway in 1410. The
crew may quite well, as Storm suggests, have come into con-
flict with the Eskimos, some of whose boats they took, and
then carried away some Eskimos into captivity to Norway.
We must not overlook the remarkable distinction made by
Schoner — based on the report of his Scandinavian authority
— between the large and the small boat, both of skin. The
kajack and the umiak, as we should call them now-a-days,
are here mentioned for the first time, and the exactness
of the distinction, as Storm explains, show contemporary
observation.^
The preservation of the trophies in the Cathedral of Dron-
theim has an analogy in the Scandinavian history of Olaus
Magnus,^ who in 1 505 says he saw two Greenland boats hung
(i) "Pigmei parvi longitudine cubitales, quos vidit Claudius Chlaus
Niger captos in mari in navicula modica de corio preparata, quae hac
nostra tempestate in ecclesia Cathedrali Nodrosie reservatur. Habent
ibidem navem longam etiam de corio, quae quondam cum pigmeis etiam
capta erat." (Schoner, ''^ Luculeni. descript.^^ in the under paragraph,
Regiones asperrime.) The varia in the text in Storm, " Claudius Clavus^^
1889, p. 139, are unimportant. See p. 64, note 2.
(2) Storm, /^. p. 140. Nordenskiold emphasises the difference between
the large and the small coracle, to attest Zeno's accuracy {Studien^ p. 60),
and on this point Clavus may have been one of Zeno's authorities.
(3) Olaus MsignuSi^^Deg^enlmm septentrionaliuin variis conditionibus^^
Basle, 1567, lib. II, c. 9 : "Vidi ego binas huiusmodi naviculas coriarias
anno 1505, super Occidentalem portam intus in Ecclesia cathedrali As-
loensi divo Haluardo dedicata, quasi pro spectaculis muro appensas : quas
eisdem regni Rex Hacjuinus bellica classe littora Gruntlandiae pertran-
siens, dicebatur acquisiisse." In " Z>^ Pygmaeis Gruntlandiae^^ Olaus
Magnus (1. c. c. 11) also gives the accounts of the buccaneers Pining and
Pothorst (1494), and Knipphof and his 70 companions in misfortune.
Ahlenius, " Olaus MagtiuSy^ Upsala, 1895, p. 148.
F 2
68 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
up in Osloe Cathedral, and the story went that King Hacon
had brought them home from a campaign on the coast of
Greenland. This book of travels makes the deformed tribe
of the Karelians possess " a mountain, called Jueghelberch, on
the one side a volcano, and on the other a snow mountain." ^
The mountain is not named in the Nancy Codex, but the
" place of punishment " (lacus penarum), curtly so put, is
explained in the detailed account of Irenicus, presumably
based on Claudius Clavus' description of the dreadful Hechel-
berg, a type of hell and purgatory.^
We must not dwell too much on the relations between the
book of travels and the map and the text by Claudius Clavus,
and, as to the connection between Claudius Clavus and the
Italian portulans, it will suffice to mention here that the
characteristic and inaccurate extension, east and west of the
Scandinavian peninsula, can be traced to the portulanos, and
that the historical accounts of the voyages of the southerners
in the northern latitudes, and their cartographical representa-
tions, fit in exactly with Storm's interpretation.^ Storm also
points out that the very names of the coast provinces are
clearly borrowed from Italian portulans.* The Latin Ptolemy
maps, which were engraved early in the 15th century by
Francesco di Lapacino of Florence at the same time^ as the
(i) Lelewel, ^'' Giogr. du moyen-dge^^ Epilogue, p. 287: "Et habent
montem, quae vocatur lueghelberch et est mons igneus ab una. parte et
glatialis ab alia parte." The Hechelberg must be Hekla in Iceland.
The mistake in the Itinerary misled Claudius Clavus, and, perhaps,
through him the younger Zeno, who places his monastery of St. Thomas
in the country of the Karelians on the Nancy map, and the volcano in
the vicinity.
(2) " Mons mari Norvegico circumseptus, Hechelberg dictus, infemi
aut purgatorii speciem repraesentat. Hunc horrendo clamore instincti
vultures ac corvi nigerrimi circumvolando perterrefaciunt. Totus prae-
terea mons eiulatu lachrymabili intonat, clamor ad unum miliare dilatatus
diffunditur. Duo quoque fontes illic horrent diversissimi, primus inten-
sissimo frigore, alius calore intractabili praeditus, caetera elementa longe
excedunt. Nee ultra octo pedum spacio a se invicem absunt. Tumultu
illo itaque admoniti accolae cultui divino plus caeteris mortalibus de-
duntur" (Irenicus, ^'' Description^ lib. X. c. 18). Storm, " Claudius ClavuSy*
1889, p. 142, 1 891, p. 20.
(3) E. Hamy, "Z^j origines de la cartographic de P Europe septen-
trionale.^^ Bull. " G^ogr. hist.y^ Paris, 1889 ; reprinted in ^^ Etudes hist, et
giogr,^^ Paris, 1896. Jomard, tab. X. i. Nordenskiold, ^^ Periplus^^
tab. X. XI.
(4) Storm, " Cladius Clavus^^ 1891, p. 16, etc.
(5) Storm, p. 15. Gallois, "Z^j Gdographes^^ p. 16, note i. Uzielli,
" Toscanelliy^ p. 391, etc.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 69
translation of Ptolemy by Jacob Angelus, were used by the
compiler of the Arctic maps, as may be seen in the peninsula
of Scotland, which extends so far eastwards, the characteristic
representation of the Cimbrian peninsula, the island of Thile,
and a comparison with the other edition of the Latin Ptolemy
maps.
The Danish cosmographer must have been induced to
complete the Ptolemy map of the world during his stay in
Italy, as he made use both of the Italian portulans and of
the Latin Ptolemy maps. Von Wieser, Storm and Ruge,
emphatically declare their inability to see any connection
with Byzantium, such as Nordenskiold advances in his Peri-
plus, but everytliing points to Italy. Von Wieser reminds us
that, in Italy, first arose the custom of giving as supplements
to the Ptolemy MSS., and later to the printed editions,
"Tabulae modernae extra Ptolemaeum."^
It may be asked, what cartographical representation of
the northern regions we are to ascribe to the Dane, Claudius
Clavus? First in the line come the Nancy map {see Fig i,
page 70, which gives the outlines one-half the natural size)
of 1427, and the "Tabula regionum septentrionalium," dis-
covered by Nordenskiold in a 15th century Ptolemy map in
the Zamoisky library at Warsaw. With the latter we must
place the three companion maps of the 15th century,^ dis-
covered many years ago by von Wieser in the Biblioteca
Nazionale and the Biblioteca Laurenziana at Florence, and
the maps of Greenland in the two Vatican MSS., by Donnus
Nicolaus Germanus {Plates IL and IV,), Both types are
unanimous in representing Greenland as a European penin-
sula, west of Iceland, and extending considerably southwards,
and they give Greenland its correct position in relation to
Norway and Iceland. The latter has a curious elongation
from north to south, and not from west to east. The mar-
vellously correct delineation of Greenland, in which these
maps of the iSth centuries are so superior to the representa^
tions of Greenland in the cartography of the i6th, 17th and
1 8th century, quite corresponds, as we have seen, with the
(i) Von Wieser, ^^ Review of^Periplus,^^^ p. 192. Krumbacher, " Ges-
chichte der byzantinischen Litteratury^ 2nd edn., 1897, p. 409, etCy gives
an appreciation of the cartographical activity of the Byzantines.
(2) Nordenskiold's edition of these is unrivalled {^^ Bidrag:' tab. I.
II. III.).
70
THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
ideas accepted in high latitudes in the course of centuries.^
Greenland appears as a European peninsula not only in the
Nancy MS. and the above-mentioned maps of the so-called
Zamoisky type, but also on the maps of the so-called Ulm or
Denis type. The maps of the Ulm Ptolemy editions of 1482
and i486, repeated in numbers of subsequent editions, have
up to now been unknown in MS., and I am immeasurably
indebted to Fiirst Wolfegg for graciously allowing the inte-
resting map from the unique Wolfegg MS. to be reproduced
in Plate VI.
Fig. 1.
If we at once exclude this kind of representation, where
the question is to determine what type most faithfully repro-
duces that of Claudius Clavus, we are justified by the danger
of assuming off-hand that a Scandinavian cartographer, per-
sonally acquainted with voyagers to Greenland, at a time
when the trade route to that country viA Iceland, or by the
south-west route skirting Iceland, was still well known, should
have located Greenland to the north of the Scandinavian
peninsula and to the far east of Iceland {see Plate VI.).
Besides the Nancy map, which is expressly based on Claudius
(i) Storm, "Colwnbus," p. 78, and p. 33, etc. Nordenskifild, "Peri-
flus" Sailing directions, p. loi.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 71
Clavus, shows Greenland in its true position to the west of
Norway and Iceland {see fig. i).
The daily increasing number of MS. maps of Greenland,
of the Zamoisky type {see Plates II, and IV.), do not own
Claudius Clavus as their author, though they may give the
most faithful reproduction of his prototype. Storm has treated
this point very fully in his work on the Danish geographer
Claudius Clavus. I will here give only one or two important
arguments. According to Schoner and Irenicus, the Danish
cosmographer, Claudius Niger, speaks of a place to the north
of the Scandinavian peninsula, which is marked with the
cross of Christ, and over which no one dares to pass without
the royal permission and a strong escort. This characteristic
spot occurs, in fact, on all isth century maps of the Zamoisky
type, over the legend : " Non licet ultra ire. Ultimus limes
cruce Christi signatus.^ Ultimus limes crucis Christi signatus.
Non licet ultra ire,"^ and the cross is plainly marked on the
map of Scandinavia and Greenland in the Biblioteca Na-
zionale in Florence.^ In the corresponding Vatican MS.
we find : " Non licet ultra ire. Ultimus limes cruce Christi
signatus."* But in the maps of the Ulm type the character-
istic legend does not appear (see Plate VI.). Irenicus quotes
Claudius Niger for giving the promontory of Nen as the
extreme known point of the earth.^ We find, in the same
way, on the maps of the Zamoisky type, at the extreme
north-west of Greenland, the legend : " Ultimus terminus
terre habitabilis. Neu promontorium" (see Plates II. and IV.),
and in the same place in the Buondelmonte Codex : ** Neum
(i) ''Facsimile-Atlas^' tab. XXX. and '' Bidrag:' III.
(2) Nordenskiold, '' Periplus^' tab. XXXII. Buondelmonte Codex der
Laurenziana in Florenz, and p. 85, note 34. '' BidragJ' II.
(3) Nordenskiold, p. 87, note 35, or '' Bidrag.^' I.
(4) Plate II and IV. The passage in Schoner reads: " Ibi [in
Pilappelandia] enim nimius [1. ultimus] limes cruce Christi signatus est,
ne Christiani audeant absque licentia regis ultra accedere, etiam comitatu
forti. Et est in gradibus 40, o ; 67, o." Storm, " Claudius Clavus^' 1889,
p. 139. Irenicus gives the same account : " Ultimus praeterea locus illic
est cruce Christi signatus, ubi nee Christiani audent sine regis facta
facultate longius proficisci, et hoc non nisi adiuncto comitatu magno. Ab
illo inde loco, ut Nicolaus Niger Mathematicus profitetur, versus occasum
longissimo ambitu terrae habitant primo Vuildlapmanni, quorum gradus
44, 30, 60, 20 referuntur" (1. c, lib. X. c. 18).
(5) Irenicus, 1. c, lib. X. c. 21: " Promontorium praeterea Neu
dictum, cuius gradus 14,69,39, ultimus est terrae terminus nobis cognitus,
12 insulas possidet."
72 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
promon tori urn, ultimus terre terminus/' Cardinal Filiaster
does not reproduce these descriptions either on his map or in
the text, but this is not surprising, as he omits the western
half of Greenland, and fails to reproduce a number of names
of rivers and towns, although he gives the geographical signs
for the course of the rivers and for the position of the towns.
On maps of the Ulm type we do not find the designation
"Ultimus terrae terminus," and the promontory "na" is not
at the extreme north, but appears on the east of Green-
land, south of the promontory of Sadi {see Plate VL). We
have already noticed, as a characteristic of the author of these
maps, the Danish nomenclature of the rivers, which is pre-
served on the maps of the Zamoisky type and partly on
those of the Ulm type (see Plates II., IV, and VI), The
number of promontories and rivers given on the real Clavus
map of Greenland, and on maps of the Ulm type, which were
cut down by Cardinal Filiaster to a few promontories num-
bered I, 2, 3, has not as yet been satisfactorily explained.^
The names in their present situation do not suit the historical
positions of the Sagas.
The Danish nomenclature of the rivers is characteristic of
the author of the real Clavus map (of the Zamoisky type),
and no less of the man, who in the second half of the 15th
century did so much to popularise the Clavus map. He was
so little versed in the Danish language that he did not even
know that " fursta " means " first." This cosmographer is
known under the name of Nicolaus Donis. But Pseudo-
Donis is really called Donnus Nicolaus Germanus. Pseudo-
Donis is supposed to have been a Benedictine monk in the
monastery at Reichenbach, in Bavaria.^ This account rests
only on the authority of Trithemius, a contemporary, and a
famous Benedictine abbot. But the statements of Trithe-
mius on this point are no more final than those of the Ulm
editions of Ptolemy of 1482 and i486, on which they are
based. The authority of these statements is completely nulli-
fied by the fact that both editions have introduced the name
Donis, instead of Donnus or Donus, clear as it is in the MSS.
the mediaeval equivalent of Dom, as lay brothers in Italy are
commonly known to-day. Trithemius changed the order of
(i) Jos. Fischer, " War Pseudo-Donis Benediktiner in Reichenbach V^
Hist. Polit. Blatt. 1900, CXXVI. p. 641, etc.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 73
the alteration, and wrote Nicolaus Donis for Donis Nicolaus.
He took this name and the profession of Benedictine from
the Ulm editions of Ptolemy. The initial letter of the dedi-
cation : " Non me fugit," depicts a Benedictine monk pre-
senting, on his knees, a book to the Pope, who, in full
canonicals, is wearing his tiara. No other manuscript delinea-
tion of this cosmographer can be found. The statement
that Donis was a member of the monastery of Reichen-
bach is not confirmed by the Ulm editions, but Trithemius
gives it only as an "on dit" ("ut ferunt"), and his posthumous
history of distinguished Benedictines states that the mon-
astery of Nicolaus Donis was unknown (" memoriae non
occurrit"). On this authority the fable of a cosmographer,
named Nicolaus Donis, a Benedictine at Reichenbach, has
lingered on to our time.^ But the pseudo-Donis was no
Benedictine from Reichenbach, he did not dedicate his nu-
merous editions of Ptolemy to the German Emperor, or to a
German spiritual or temporal prince, but he chose for patron
the Italian Duke Borso di Este, and afterwards the Pope,
Paul II. The miniatures and the penmanship are Florentine,^
and two editions at least are to be found in Florence with
the dedication to Borso di Este.^ All we know for certain
of Donnus Nicolaus Germanus is as follows : On March 15,
1466, Donnus Nicolaus Germanus arrived from Florence at
Duke Borso di Este's castle of Quartisana, and presented to
the Duke a work entitled " Cosmographia." The Duke sent
(i) Nordenskiold states this in his '''' Facsimile- Atlas ^^ p. 10: "The
only facts known with certainty respecting the life of Donis are, that he
was a Benedictine from Reichenbach, and that he lived during the time
of the Pope Paul II."
(2) For the Este MS. in Modena, see the views of Hermann {^^ Zur
Geschichte der Miniaturmalerei^^ p. 190). Father Manganotti, a Jesuit
like myself, writes to me that the same opinion, independent from Her-
mann's, was expressed in plain terms by an expert in 1 5th century minia-
tures, the Director of the Royal Galleries and Museums in Modena. The
Wolfegg Codex also proves to be Florentine work : see frontispiece of
this work, and cf. the characteristics of Florehtine Miniatures in E. Frantz,
^^ Geschichte der christlichen Malerei^^ II., 492, etc.^ and on p. 495, where
the author says: "The borders are broken at the ends and in the middle
by medallions with representations of figures, busts, often in the form of
portraits. Csontosi examined the Wolfegg MS. in 1887, and pronounced
It of Florentine origin, and the initials to be Florentine, while the pictures
on the title-page reminded him of MSS. executed for King Ferdinand in
Naples.
(3) Jos. Fischer, Pseudo-Donis and his works in the Proceedings of
the 5th. Internat. Congress of Roman Catholic Savants, 1901, p. 436, etc.
74 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
this cosmographer with his book and an introduction to his
man of business, Ludovico Casella at Ferrara. Casella was
commissioned, in conjunction with the expert Giovanni Bian-
chini, and Pietro Bono dell' Avocaro, the Ducal astrologer, to
examine and report on the book by Don Nicol6, and finally
to fix the price of the work, and a suitable form for the
ducal approval. Don Nicolaus Germanus was to have all his
expenses (" la hosteria ") paid as long as the enquiry into his
book required his presence in Ferrara.^ The work was tested
at once according to the Duke's instructions,^ and the verdict
was in Don Nicolo's favour. On March 30, 1466, the Duke's
treasurer received immediate orders to furnish the Duke with
100 florins in gold, that his Highness " might present them
in person to the honourable and learned cosmographer. Sire
Nicolaus Germanus, as a sign of his appreciation of the very
scholarly work entitled Cosmographia!'^ Nine days later,
April 8, 1466, the treasurer received further instructions to
furnish the Duke with 30 florins in gold, which were also to
be paid to Donnus Nicolaus Germanus, who, in addition to
the scholarly Cosntographia ("ultra illud excellens Cosmo-
graphie opus"), had dedicated to his Highness a perpetual
calendar ("librum tacuini multorum annorum").^ Don
Nicol6 is^ further said to have dedicated a map of Italy to
the Duke in these terms : " Illustrissimo Principi D.D. Borsio
Duci Mutinae ac Regii, Marchioni Estensi, Rhodiique Comiti
Donnus Nicolaus Germanus." Targioni mentions this map
as extant in his day at Florence.^ But all the efforts of
Dr. Marzi, the Keeper of Archives, to trace this map, have
unfortunately met with no, success. It may not be a special
map, but it may, perhaps, be the modern map of Italy which
Donnus Nicolaus added to his second edition of Ptolemy,
and which contains a hymn in praise of Italy, probably
written by the cosmographer (see Appendix V.), There are
still two copies of the second edition of Ptolemy by Donnus
Nicolaus Germanus, with the dedication to Borso, in the
(i) Appendix I.
(2) The reason given, that Don Nicol6 was eager to return to Florence,
is the more noteworthy, as Campori has in error put "Ferrara" for
" Florence."
(3) Appendix II. and IV.
(4) Appendix III.
(5) Targioni, " Viaggi in Toscana," lib. 32.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 75
Biblioteca Laurenziana in Florence.^ In addition to the
ordinary 27 Ptolemy maps these two copies have three fresh
maps, Spain, Italy, and the map of the northern regions,
embracing Norway, Sweden, Greenland, and the adjacent
territories. It is curious that the dedication makes no men-
tion of these maps. Donnus Nicolaus has reproduced almost
word for word the dedication which he placed in front of
the edition of 1466.2 But in the dedication to Paul II, our
cosmographer calls special attention to the addition of three
new maps.^ Besides the two editions of Ptolemy mentioned
above, another was also edited by Nicolaus Germanus. The
chief point of difference from the first edition with 27 maps,
and the second with 30 maps, is not merely its increase in
numbers, 32,— there is a new map of France and of the Holy
Land, — but the remarkable representation of the northern
countries. The first edition exists in MS. in the valuable
MS. presented to Borso in 1466, now in the Este Library in
Modena, and in the fine Codex, no. 4805, in the Biblioth^que
Nationale in Paris. From a careful collation I discovered
that the Paris Codex has only 27 maps, and no map of
Greenland.^ The same is the case with the Modena copy.^
The same 27 maps are also to be found in the Codex Ebner-
ianus, of which Raidel^ has given such a detailed account.
The second edition in MS. exists at Warsaw, in the Zamoisky
Codex, and in the two Vatican Codices,'' in each of these
there is the dedication to Paul II., and also in the two
Codices at Florence, which are dedicated to Duke Borso.^
(i) Plut. XXX. n. 3, 4. I learn through the courtesy of Dr. Marzi
that only n. 4 contains the Hymn in praise of Italy.
(2) Appendix VI. particularly no. 3. I am again indebted to Dr.
Marzi for these notes and for various collations.
(3) Appendix VI. no. 3.
(4) Walkenaer is of the contrary opinion (" Bibliogr. Univ.^^) — Donis,
1 8 14, and later editions.
(5) Campori's note that the Codex has only 17 (diecisette) maps is,
Father Manganotti assures me, contrary to fact.
(6) " Coinmentatio critica^"^ Norimb., 1737, p. 26, etc.
(7) Cod. Urbin. lat. 274, 5. Father Ehrle, the Vatican Librarian, has
been kind enough to furnish me with these notes : Cod. Urbin. lat. 274,
pergam. saec. XV. 445 x 304 mm. ff. 134. Cod. Urbin. lat. 275, pergam.
saec. XV. 442 x 291 mm. ff. 129.
(8) " Bibl Laurenz^ Plut. XXX. n. 3, 4. See Gallois, " Les g^o-
grapheSy^ p. 19, n. 2 ; though the proposition that Dom Nicolas had
already added the three new maps — Italy, Spain, and the Northern Re-
gions — to his ^rst edition, is untenable.
76 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
The corresponding map of the northern regions is also to be
found in the isth century Ptolemy MS., no. 1935 (249), in
the Biblioteca Nazionale and in the Buondelmont^ Codex
in the Biblioteca Laurenzlana, in Florence. The third edition
exists only, so far as is known at present, in the unique MS.
copy in the Library of Furst Waldburg-Wolfegg, at Wolfegg
Castle, in Wiirttemberg.^ Each of the three editions has an
(i) The Wolfegg Ptolemy Codex, 440 x 290 mm., is a manuscript
on parchment in a red velvet cover, the silver mounting of which is much
damaged. Of the 169 folio leaves, ']^ are occupied by the dedication to
Pope Paul II. (cf, the frontispiece) and the text of Ptolemy, 64 by the
maps, 26 by the subsequent additions, and two are blank. The pagination
of the text (77 leaves) is of later date, as is also that of the maps (32 —
two folio leaves being devoted to each map with its text). There is no
pagination to the parts that were afterwards added : (a) at the very
commencement, and before the title-page, the introduction of Reger to
his Registrum alphabeticum super octo libros Ptolemaei, which begins
with the words : Nota ad inveniendum, and ends with : subscribitur
civitatibus (the Registrum itself is wanting) ; (b) at the end, after the
maps, the treatise : De locis ac mirabilibus mundi, which, like the
paragraph : Nota ad inveniendum, is evidently taken from the Ulm
edition of Ptolemy of i486. The binding is of more recent date. The
Codex is richly illuminated, as may be seen from the title-page. If we
except those in the parts of later addition, the miniatures are very
carefully executed and are apparently of Florentine workmanship.
Unfortunately, the coat of arms is so completely effaced {cf, the frontis-
piece) that it is no longer recognisable, nor is there anything else to
determine the origin of the Codex ; it is, however, certain that, in the
year 1672, it was already in Wolfegg. In a catalogue of books in the
Wolfegg Library, officially drawn up on the 26th July, 1679 (Wolfegg
Archives, No. 2899), it is described as : "Manuscripta i, bound in red
velvet, with silver clasps, and consisting of old maps." As has been
already indicated in the Preface, the Wolfegg Ptolemy manuscript served
^ as a prototype for the Ulm editions of Ptolemy of 1482 and i486. This
interesting but unexpected fact became evident to me after a very close
comparison of the text and the maps, an especially characteristic feature
is the agreement in obvious errors, e.g.^ ben^ for bene, manarchiam for
monarchiam, l^cum for locum, ejr^debat for excedebat, moz/eat for
moveat, ex^n?vimus for exornavimus, antem for ante (which last mistake
is, like many others, corrected in the Ulm edition of 1486),/^^ for pro,
D^lmatia for Dalmatia, etc. (cf, also Suppl. V and VI). Smaller
variations may be easily accounted for. The map of the world gave
more trouble. The spelling scitlander for islanda must of course be
regarded as a printer's error ; but what is the original source of the many
new names ? Doubtless, the engraver Johannes de Armszheim may
have been able to avail himself of a second original source, but this
assumption is unnecessary, as all the names on the Ulm world maps,
both on that of the world and on the respective special maps, may be
referred to the Wolfegg manuscript. Upon a printed map of the world,
which Henry N. Stevens discovered, and had the kindness to send me a
photograph of from London, there are fewer names to be found than
upon the maps of the world in the Ulm editions of Ptolemy ; but more
than there are on the map of the world of the Wolfegg Codex. As
Stevens himself intends to give further information about the map, the
only remark to be made here is that maps of the world and of the
northern regions, of the type B and b, are not uncommonly appended to
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 77
important bearing on the development of cartography. To
the first edition belong the Rome editions of Ptolemy of
14781 and 1490, to the second the maps of the Canerio or
Cantino-type, as far as relates to northern Europe and the
peninsula of Greenland, and to the third, the Ulm editions
of 1482 and i486. As to the date of the preparation of the
three editions, we may safely say that the first was completed
in 1466, and the third in 1482. The second contains the
dedication to Paul 11. who was pope from 1464 to 1471, and
we should, therefore, fix its date about 1470, but against this
is the fact that we find on every known MS. copy of the
second edition the legend : "Ducatus Olfatie" (see Plate III),
which cannot be earlier than 1474, as Holstein did not be-
come a Duchy till that year. I cannot explain this difficulty,
and the presentation copy and the Papal Brief of thanks
have not yet been traced.
It is incorrect to ascribe to Donnus Nicolaus Germanus
the tracts in the Ulm edition of i486, "Registrum alpha-
beticum super octo libros Ptolomaei," and " De locis ac
mirabilibus mundi."^ MS. copies of these are not to be
found in the different editions of Ptolemy by Nicolaus.
Johann Reger, of Kemmat, definitely claims the authorship
of the " Registrum." Under the word Chemmat or Chetaori
he tells us that Chemmat is marked on the fourth map of
Europe, and is mentioned in the tenth chapter of the second
book of Ptolemy, and then further on we read: Hie Johannes
Reger duxit originem et anno etatis sue 32 composuit hoc
registrum in Ulma anno Domini 1486.^
other maps ; e.g., at the National Library in Paris, Cod. lat. 4804 and
1 1 523. The statement appertaining to the Tabula Moderna Prussie,
Livonie et Gottie of the Cod. 11 523 is of interest: "Hec tabula extra
ptolemeum noviter edita continet gothos et populos cardini proximos
. . . Sinus autem a germanis ad ipsos protensus codanus dicitur. . .
Pars ad cardinem obdurata glacie horescit. . ."
(i) See Gallois "Z^j Gdographes^'* p. 19, note i.
(2) /^., note 3.
(3) After a careful examination of the Registrum, I found this signi-
ficant statement in a copy of the Ulm edition of the year 1482 (in the
Hofbibliothek at Munich). Chemnat, however, was not to be found on
the fourth map of Europe, or in the text. The Registrum was evidently
not prepared for the edition of 1482, but only for that of i486, in which
the data in question are found in the text, and on the map. In the same
Registrum, Reger's source is also to be met with under the word
Cabulium, as follows : Hie dominus primus germani episcopus sacre
theologie professor, qui anno Domini 1450 hos sanctos composuit in sua
^
^
78 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
We cannot claim Reger, with the same amount of cer-
tainty, as the author of the tract " De locis ac mirabilibus
mundi," but there are grounds for believing that Reger
inserted it in the edition. I will only mention the various
references to the " Registrum," and the colophon with the
printer's mark and the initials : I. R. (Joh. Reger). In any
case, Nicolaus Germanus is not the author of the tract.
The social position, the methods of work, and the literary
relations of Donnus Nicolaus Germanus may, to a certain
extent, be defined from the literary and very interesting dedi-
cations to Duke Borso di Este and Pope Paul II.
We can be sure, from the dedication to the Pope, that
Nicolaus was a priest. He says that it is only natural that
what a priest has put together (" quod a sacerdote provenit ")
shall be dedicated to the chief of all priests ("ad omnium
sacerdotum archimandritam referendum erit").^ He was an
intimate friend of the chief litterati of Ferrara, as we also
learn from the dedication to the Pope, and this statement is
both justified and explained in the dedication to Duke Borso.^
Johannes Blanchinus and Petrus Bonus in particular were
among his closest literary friends,^ for he mentions them before
mappa mundi, quae spiritualis dicitur. When I gave Professor von
Wieser oral information about this important find, he to my astonish-
ment showed me an entry in the edition of Ptolemy of i486 (preserved
at Innsbruck), inserted at the top of the first page of the registrum, and
which, judging by the writing, may probably belong to the very end of the
15th century. It runs thus: "Registrum sequens composuit Johannes
Reger de Cemnat in ulma anno MCCCCLXXX6 [!], vide vocem Cemnat.
Et satis patet eum ea, que in hoc registro compilavit, sumpsisse ex
spiritual! mappa mundi composita per loannem Germani episcopum
Cabilonensem composita anno 14XLIX*', unde et verba eiusdem inferius
ponit." For an account of Jean Germain and his Works, see Feret, ^^ La
FaculU de Thdologie de Paris au Moyen-dge^^ /f^ (Paris, 1897), 153, etc.
The Mappa mundi spiritualis, which Feret failed to find, I discovered in
manuscript in the Biblioth^que royale at Brussels, Manuscript No. 1 1038.
This exceedingly carefully written manuscript on parchment is illumin-
ated, with elegant gold and coloured initials. It bears the dedication :
" A tres excellent prince mon tres redoubte seigneur et maistre Phelippe
de France le second, par la grace de dieu due de Bourgoigne . . .
Jehan germain, docteur en theologie a Paris, par la grace de dieu
evesque de Chalon sur le son vostre tres humble soubget et chancellier
de votre ordre de la toyson dor tout honneur et reverence." My best
thanks are due to P. Van den Gheyn, S. J., the esteemed superintendent
of the Manuscript Collection in the Biblioth^que royale, for his very kind
assistance in my investigations.
(i) See Appendix VI. No. 4b.
(2) App. VI. no. 4 a.
(3) For the men of learning mentioned by Nicolaus Germanus, see
G. Uzielli, ^^ Paolo Toscanelli^^ particularly p. 401, etc, F. Borsetti,
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 79
all/ and he had been recommended to them, when he presented
his first edition of Ptolemy to the Duke.^ He explains his
methods of work and his improvements in the Ptolemy maps
with much self-satisfaction and confidence. His innovations
were in the lines of degrees, and a more accurate delineation ^-^
of the outlines of countries, provinces, islands, mountains,
lakes, etc,^ and in the size of the map. He gave a more handy
form to an unwieldy sheet, and he replaced old maps by new.^
He assures us that he himself introduced the projection, now
called the Donis projection, and yet von Wieser curtly dis- ^
misses this as "a trapeze-like projection with equi-distant
rectilinear parallels, and meridians converging on the Pole." *
In the same passage he goes on, misled by incorrect theories
of D'Avezac^ and Nordenskiold,^ to assume that no good
reason exists for attributing this projection to Donnus
Nicolaus, but the honour of this discovery is certainly due to •
our countryman. I am convinced from personal examination
that the Greek Ptolemy Codex, no. 1 401, in the Biblioth^que
Nationale in Paris is certainly marked with the trapeze-like
projection, in which d'Avezac and Nordenskiold agree, and
further that it shows an extraordinary resemblance with the
handwriting of Donnus Nicolaus. D'Avezac and Nordenskiold
were wrong in attributing the Codex to the late 14th or early
1 5th century. It belongs to the late 1 5 th or early i6th century,
and I think Gallois is quite correct in quoting this Paris MS.
as a proof of the favourable reception accorded to the maps of
this German cosmographer.^
^^ Hist, almi Ferrariae gyvinasii^'' 1735, 2 vol., and for ^^ Petrus Bonus^^
I. 62 ; II. 48.
(i) Appendix VI. no. 4a.
(2) Appendix II.
(3) Appendix VI. no. i, 2, 3.
(4) ''Review of 'Peripius^'' '' Peterm, Mitt.,'' 1890, XXXVI. 273.
(5) " Coup d'oeil hist, sur la projection des cartes^' p. 43, etc.
(6) '' Facsimile-Atlas^' '^. 135.
(7) Gallois, p. 19, n. i. The passage runs thus : "Ces cartes, ainsi modi-
fi^es, semblent avoir €\.€ prdffr^es, k partir de leur apparition, aux cartes
de Fancien modHe. Ce sont alles qui furent gravies pour I'^dition romaine
de 1478. Elles sont reproduites quelquefois dans les manuscrits, m6me
dans un manuscrit grec {'' Bibl. Nat. fonds grec, 1401.") Sur les vingt-
sept cartes de ce manuscrit, dix-neuf ont la projection en forme de trapeze.
Ce manuscrit est certainement des demieres annees du XV si^cle ou
pliitot encore des premieres du XVI e. La petite mappemonde dessin^e
au frontispiece et ou I'on voit une partie de I'Amdrique ne permet pas
d'en douter."
80 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
Uzielli belittles the merits of Donnus Nicolaus in intro-
ducing the so-called Donis-Projection, by insisting that Petrus
" Bonus and Hieronymus Manfredi were already acquainted
with the idea, but preferred the conic system, but he seems to
start with the idea that the preparatory work of these scholars
for the Bologne edition of Ptolemy of 1462 (or rather 1472)
was prior to the work dedicated to Duke Borso in 1466 by the
German cosmographer. But the contrary was more likely.
The Modena Ptolemy MS. has been erroneously attributed to
Petrus Bonus, but it was compiled by Peregrinus Priscianus.^
Donnus Nicolaus describes in each of his dedications ^ how he
Nl/ came to introduce the trapeze-formed projection, and in the
Wolfegg MS. the passage of Ptolemy which gave him the idea
is marked by a double asterisk. The passage is on fol. 14 of
the MS., at the end of Book I : " Ex his igitur modus iste
melior habetur, quam primus, sed ab illo etiam deficiet in
facilitate designationis. Cum illic ab unius regule circumduc-
tione : descriptio uno paralello divisoque locari possit quilibet
locus ; hie autem non similiter contingit ob meridionalium
lineas ad medium flexas. Omnes enim circulos inscribere
singillatim oportebit et locorum situs inter paralellos incidentes
ex utrorumque rationibus coniectare." It is therefore clear
that in Donnus Nicolaus we see " a German Humanist passing
part of his life in Italy, and admitted to the circle of scholars
^ in Ferrara, a priest with leisure enough to devote all his efforts
to improving the text and the maps of Ptolemy." ^
(i) Father Mangonotti was good enough to favour me with these
theories, which are of the greatest interest to a student of cartography,
and which I hope he will himself subsequently expound in greater detail.
For Peregrinus Priscianus see Uzielli, p. 306, 432, 645 b, and Borsetti I. 136,
etc, : II. 124, etc,
(2) See Appx. VI. no. i.
(3) See my essay on ^^ Pseudo-Donis und seine Werke^^ in the Pro-
ceedings of the 5th International Congress of Roman Catholic Savants,
Munich, 1901, p. 436. I pointed out the advantages of pursuing the
question whether our Nicolaus Germanus was identical with the "Nicolaus
teotonichus " (Campori, " Gli artisti italiani e stranieri negli stati Estensi^^
Modena, 1855, P- 495)> ^^^^ about the middle of the 15th century was a
member of the Artists' Guild in Padua, and a pupil of the famous Squar-
cione, because the MSS. of Donnus Nicolaus are remarkable for the beauty
of the miniatures {e, g. the picture of Ptolemy or that of the Bishop on
the title-page), and because Don Nicol6 himself draws special attention
to the artistic side of his work. I therefore followed up this point very
closely. Father Mangonotti, to oblige me, undertook to examine the
Modena Archives, and with gratifying success. He may not have found
any very definite description of the painter " Nicolaus tetonichus," but after
considerable trouble he unearthed the original of Crivelli's diary at the
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 81
It would take too much space to examine in detail the
modern maps of Spain, Italy, France and the Holy Land,
which Dom Nicolaus added to the 27 Ptolemy maps. Like rw?
the maps of the Northern regions, to which we must pay more
particular attention, they are based on earlier prototypes.^
We have already noticed that Nicolaus Germanus only gives
us maps of the North in his second and third editions of ,;::::^
Ptolemy. It has not however been sufficiently remarked that
Nicolaus Germanus presents Greenland in both editions on ^
his map of the World {Plate I. III. and K), and that in the
third edition he has given the preference to a striking repre-
sentation of Greenland as due north of the Scandinavian
peninsula, though in the second edition he gives us the correct
map by Claudius Clavus. For the sake of clearness we will
follow Nordenskiold, von Wieser and Ruge, and divide the
representations of Greenland in the Ptolemy MSS. into two
classes : first, the maps showing Greenland in its true position
to the west of Scandinavia and Iceland, and secondly, the
maps showing Greenland to the north of Scandinavia and the \
east of Iceland. In Donnus Nicolaus both types appear : the
zenith of his fame — a work of the greatest artistic importance. From this,
Father Mangonotti was able to show the relations between the famous
miniature painter, Thaddaeus Crivelli,a pupil of Squarcione, and "Maistro
Nicol6 todesco cartolaro," who between 1452 and 1466 not only supplied^^
Crivelli with colours, but also gave him the most varied commissions, e.g,
to ornament the Grammar of Donatus, Breviaries, Missals, etc. with initial
letters, scrolls, small and large miniatures (Appx. VII. and for Crivelli see
H. J. Hermann, ''^ Miniaturmalerei^^ p. 145, etc.) This "Maistro Nicol6
todesco" is very probably — and in this Dr. Marzi concurs — the " Maestro
Nicolo Todescho," who appears as a Florentine printer between 1470 and '^
1589. Dr. Marzi's valuable theories on this point are given in the memorial
volume compiled for the 500th anniversary of the birth of Gutenberg,
Mainz, 1900, under the title : "/ tipografi tedeschi in Italia durante il
secolo A'F." especially on pages 434-36, 442, 445, etc. The bookseller
"Maistro Nicolo todesco cartolaro" and the printer "Maestro Nicolo ^^
Todescho" may be one and the same person, and if so, we shall then be
face to face with the question, is this person the same as Donnus Nicolaus
Germanus ? Dr. Marzi is best fitted to solve this difficulty, but he has as yet
shrunk from a definite solution, though in a letter to me he seemed rather
against the identification. I cannot quite agree with Ceradini, when in
his scholarly and suggestive book, ^^Aproposito del due globi Mercatoriani^
1 541-155 1," Milan, 1894, p. 90, etc.^ he advances the theory that Nicolaus
Germanus, Nicolaus Hahn and the Florentine printer, are one and the
same person, for I think there must be at least two persons. I may later
find a suitable opportunity to examine this difficulty more critically. The
archives of the reign of Paul II should be searched, as there may be a
letter of thanks for the dedication in Donnus Nicolaus Germanus's edition
of Ptolemy.
(\)lSee the excellent examples given in Gallois, p. 19, etc.
82
THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
first, type A {Plate II , and IV,) and the corresponding map of
the world, type a {Plate /. and III, \ which we may briefly call
Y the Claudius Clavus or Zamoisky type, in his second edition
of Ptolemy ; the second, type B {Plate VI,) and the corres-
ponding map of the world, type b (Plate F".), in his third
edition. This latter can be traced back to Nicolaus Ger-
manus,^ so we may well call it the Nicolaus Germanus
type, or to take an analogy from the Zamoisky type, we
may christen it the Wolfegg type. Of the first type, we
have the Zamoisky Codex in Warsaw, the two Vatican
MSS., of whose maps of Greenland Father Ehrle, the
Vatican librarian, was good enough to send me copies,
and the two Codices dedicated to Duke Borso, now in the
Biblioteca Laurenziana, both in the map of the world and in
the special maps of the Northern regions. Similar maps are
found in other Codices, in the " Descriptio Cycladum aliarum-
que insularum" by Christopher Buondelmonte in the Biblioteca
Laurenzia, Plut. XXX. cod. 25, sec. XV, and in the splendid
Ptolemy MS., sec. XV. 1935 (249) in the Biblioteca Nazionale
in Florence, to which von Wieser was the first to call attention.^
The second type, I believe, exists only in MS. in the Wolfegg
Codex. It appears again however in the Ulm editions of 1482
and i486, and has repeatedly given rise to this query : How
is it possible that the northern regions should be so correctly
delineated, as they undoubtedly were in Claudius Clavus, and
(i) Gallois, p. 20, supports Nordenskiold's view that the map of the
northern regions published by Ruelens (" Monuments de la gdogr. des bibl.
de Belgique^^) proves the existence of an earlier prototype, and I have
myself examined the Brussels Ptolemy very carefully, so that I am inclined
to think that Ruelens was justified in considering the Brussels map, drawn
as it is on Mercator's Projection, as copied from a map of the Northern
Regions by " Donis."
(2) In the review of "Periplus," Peterm. Mitt. XXXVI. 1890, p. 276.
I wrote to Dr. Marzi, who informs me that in the MS. of the ^^ Biblioteca
Nazionale^^ [sec. XV. 1935 (249) or in its present designation] ^^Cod, Magl,^^
CI. XIII. n. 16, there is no map of the world showing Greenland, but there
is " una bellissima tavola moderna deir Italia," and also the modern maps
of France, Spain and Palestine. There is a note in the Catalogue : " Le
carte sono identiche air edizione della Geografia fatta a Roma nel 1507
dal Vitali." Von Wieser, in his review of " Periplus," p. 192, etc, points
out that in Henricus Martellus's ^^ Insularium Illustratum^^ there is a most
interesting map of the world with a correct representation of Greenland,
which is also to be found in the Buondelmonte MS. in the Biblioteca
Laurenziana^ Plut. XXIX. 25, but it must be noted that Henricus Mar-
tellus, whose map of the world in his ^^ Insularium^^ cannot have been
published till after 1498, may have used the hitherto unknown maps of the
world by Nicolaus Germanus.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 83
yet come to be so incorrectly depicted in the Ulm type ? This
riddle is all the more piquant to us, because we ascribe the
change to Donnus Nicolaus, though in his second edition his
representation is correct.
Nordenskiold explained this magic dislocation of Green-
land by saying that a cosmographer in the 15th century made
allowance for the variation of the needle of the compass,
which was not understood in the 1 3th century. This attempt
is futile, if we join Storm in dating the origin of the northern
maps in question from the isth century, and not from the
13th. It is all the more untenable, because Iceland has not
altered its position. We cannot wonder, therefore, that the
critics will have none of Nordenskiold's explanation.^
Von Wieser*s solution is somewhat more probable : " I
think that in the maps of type C [the Wolfegg type] two
Norse originals, a map of Greenland and a map of the;
Scandinavian peninsula, have voluntarily combined. The I
dislocation of Greenland was caused by the confusion of the
names " Gronelant " and " Engronelant " (Fig^ \)? But this
is no solution of the problem as it makes the maps combine
"voluntarily." If we wish to satisfactorily explain why
Greenland was so strangely shifted to the north of Scan-
dinavia, we must consider, as Storm warned me, the state of
the Italian knowledge of Arctic circles. We must not forget
that, even in 1427, Cardinal Filiaster, using Norse authorities,
described the relative position of Greenland to the Scan-
dinavian peninsula and Iceland, exactly as it appears on the
Wolfegg Northern map {Plate VL), and in the Ulm editions
of Ptolemy. I have more than once laid the text of Cardinal
Filiaster before my philological colleagues, and requested
them to give me their view of the position of Greenland in
relation to the Scandinavian peninsula and Iceland, and I
never failed to receive the answer, that Greenland figured as
north of the peninsula, and east of Iceland. Nordenskiold
gives part of the text, but does not explain that the Cardinal ^
wrote this part before he received the Clavus map, and thus
I was unable at the start to explain the apparent contra-
diction between the Nancy map and the words of the
Cardinal. I was anxious to solve the riddle, and went to
(i) C/. the reviews of " Periplus" by von Wieser, Ruge and Storm.
(2) Von Wieser, *^ Review of the ^ Periplus^ ^^ p. 193.
G 2
84 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
Nancy with the firm expectation of finding in the famous
Nancy Codex a map of the Wolfegg type, as well as the
Clavus map. I did not find the map I expected, but I found
a key to the difficulty: the Cardinal must have taken his
description from some other Norse sources,^ as he had written
them down, before he knew the Clavus map. Filiaster
actually remarks upon the want of agreement between his
description and the Clavus map. This passage is of such
striking importance that I will quote it in full : " Octava
Europae tabula," as he notes on the eighth map, Europe,^
" continet Sarmatiam europe, id est, illas regiones, que sunt
ab Germania ad septentrionem versus orientem^ in quibus est
Polonia, pruthia, lituania et alie ample regiones usque ad
terram incognitam ad septentrionem, partem dacie et tauri-
cam Chersonesum usque ad paludem meotin. Et ibi thanay
fluuius, qui diuidit europam ab asia in parte septentrionali et
versus orientem. Item continet, ultra quam ponit tholomeus,
noruegiam, suessiam, Rossiam utramque et sinum codanum
diuidens germaniam a nouergia et Suessia. Item alium sinum
ultra ad septentrionem , qui omni anno congelatur in tercia
parte anni. Et ultra ilium sinum est grolafidia, que est versus
insulam tyle magis ad orientem et ita tenet totam illam
plagam septentrionalem usque ad terram incognitam, de
quibus tholomeus nullam facit mencionem et creditur de illis
non habuisse noticiam. Ideo hec VI 11^ tabula est multo
amplior describenda. Propter quod quidam claudius cym-
bricus illas septentrionales partes descripsit et fecit de illis
tabulam." The same hand made the subsequent addition to
the text : " que jungitur europe et ita erunt XL" Filiaster
himself does not fail to call attention to the difference between
his account and that of the Claudius map, not known to him
at the time : " Et tamen nullam facit mencionem de illis
duobus sinibus maris nouergie^ et grolandie;" he picks out
(i) As I subsequently came to see, Storm was right in referring the
theories of Filiaster to Scandinavian sources, which were known to the
Cardinal before 'the Clavus map and description, but Storm did not pay
sufficient attention to the importance of the theories of Filiaster for the
curious representation of Greenland.
(2) Storm, ''''Claudius Clavus ^^ Ymer, 1891, p. 135, etc,
(3) Storm rightly calls attention to the fact that the Cardinal missed
the term " sinus Codanus " on Claudius Clavus's map, and, may we add,
a "sinus Gronlandiae" corresponding to his ideas. This remark of
Filiaster's may, perhaps, give us the clue to the marvellous conglomera-
tion of bays on Donnus Nicolaus's maps of the northern regions.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 85
what he thinks are important ethnographical bits of informa-
tion from the map : " In his regionibus septentrionalibus
sunt gentes diverse, inter quas unipedes et pimei, item griffones
sicut in oriente, ut vide in tabula." Filiaster also does not
omit to give his own views on the northern regions of Europe
in the paragraph on Germany : " In ista parte septentrionali
Europe omittit Tholomeus plurimas regiones ad septentrionem,
de quibus, quia ipse Australis fuit, credo eum non habuisse
noticiam ; omittit enim magnum sinum Cogdmium^ qui ex
occeano e directo Anglie et Scotie exiens transit usque ad
Prussiam et Poloniam et diuidit Almaniam a Norwegia et
Suesia, in quo sinu est Dacia Insula et Regnum, quam forte
alio nomine vocat et in isto sinu capiuntur Aleca habundan-
tius et per hunc navigatur de Prussia ad Galliam et econtra.
Omittit eciam mare^ quod dicitur congelatumy quia per maiorem
partem anni est glaciatum et est iyiter Nonvegiam et Gro-
landiam^ quam eciam omittit maxima septentrionalem regionem
ad Oceanum septentrionalem versus Occidentem et insnlam
Tyler
Storm is right in reminding us that Filiaster did not, nor,
indeed, could he, borrow the " Sinus Cogdanus " and the
" mare congelatum " from Ptolemy, but from the Roman geo-
graphers (Mela, Pliny, or Solinus). His other ideas are more
modern in character, and are taken from oral or MS. Norse
authorities. If we delineate Greenland from these ideas, it
must come north of Norway and east of Iceland. Filiaster's
observations, or similar Scandinavian authorities, have been
the cause of the extraordinary alteration in the cartographical
representation of Greenland. Long before Donnus Nicolaus,
but from similar reports on the far north, Greenland (" grin-
land") was drawn on the Genoa Mappemonde of 1447^ to
the north of the Scandinavian peninsula, and to the east of
the unnamed islands. Donnus Nicolaus made use of Scan-
dinavian authorities, because he gives on his Mappemonde
not only the island " islanda," but also, far north of the most
northerly point of Greenland, the " insula glaciei " ( Wolf egg
Codex, see Plate V, and Fig. 2 on p. 86), or " glacialis " (Ulm
editions). The term " insula glacialis " (Iceland) is the
Scandinavian name for Iceland.^ The " insula glacialis " had
(i) Lelewel, '' epilogue ^ tab. IV.
(2) p. 68, note 5.
/
86
THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
not up to now received much attention and owes its northerly
situation above the north point of Greenland to the con-
sideration, that the " icy Island " or " Ice Island " must, of
necessity, be situated farther north than the "green land."
But, is Greenland really the peninsula to the south of the
"insula glaciei." Nordenskiold or Ruge, or, indeed, any
scholar, has put forward no such suggestion. The meaning,
however, is quite clear. The transition land : pilappelanth
{Plate VI) or pilapelant {Plate V. and Fig, 2), and the
horizontal and vertical form of the peninsula are clear on
this point. I submitted my views for safety's sake to my
honoured master, Professor von Wieser, and he entirely
agreed. When we discovered what we believed to be the
first map bearing the word "America," [Geographical Journal,
London, Feb. 1902, vol. XIX. no. 2, pp. 201-209], I found to
my joy that Waldseemiiller had also taken the peninsula to
be Greenland (" engronelant ").
The representation of Greenland, as north of the Scan-
dinavian peninsula and east of Iceland, but without the
"insula glacia-
r\^^tl\\i\cL^ \ I l^s," is repeated
on the maps of
the world and of
the northern re-
gions in later
centuries.^ I find
it no difficult
task to explain
this peculiarity,
since it has fallen
to my lot to dis-
cover the miss-
ing map of the
world by Wald-
seemiiller, dated
1507. This map,
rather more than
3*2 m. square,
shows Greenland as it appears on the map of the world in
the Wolfegg Codex (type b. see Plate V. fig. 2, and the wall
(i) See Table in Storm, " Claudius ClavusJ^ 1891, p. 36.
Fig. 2.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 87
map on Plate VIL which has no " insula glaciei *'), and the
Ulm editions of Ptolemy, and also as it appears on the map
of the northern regions (type B. see Plate VI. and the corres-
ponding part of the map of the world, by Waldseemiiller, on
Plate VII.). This map was published in an edition of looo
copies/ was unusually quickly circulated,^ and was pirated to
(i) This fact is expressly stated by Waldseemiiller himself in the
somewhat discursive legend of the "Carta Marina" of 1 516: "Generalem
igitur totius orbis typum, quem ante annos paucos absolutum non sine
grandi labore ex Ptolomei traditione ... in lucem edideramus et in mille
exemplaria exprimi curavimus."
(2j As early as February, 1508, Waldseemiiller was able to write to
his friend, Matthias Ringmann : " Cum his diebus Bacchanalibus solatii
causa, qui mihi mos est, in Germaniam venissem e Gallia seu potius ex
Vogesi oppido, cui nomen Sancto Deodato, ubi ut nosti meo potissimum
ductu labore, licet plerique alii falso sibi passim ascribant Cosmographiam
universalem tarn solidamquam planam 7t07t sine gloria et laude per orbeni
disseminatam nuper composuimus, depinximus et impressimus." Cf. A.
Elter, *'Z?^ Henrico Glareano^'' p. 13. I have had the good fortune to
discover a copy of Waldseemiiller's map of the world, 1507, and of his
maritime chart, "Carta marina," 15 16, which are first mentioned in this
passage, and a few words may not be out of place, though a full account
will appear with the photo-facsimile of this cartographic treasure, which
we have in preparation. I had spent two days in carefully examining the
contents of Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg's library. The following day I
came across a Codex, elephant folio, dated 1 5 1 5. The printed book-plate,
with the words : "Hoc te posteritas Schonerus munere donat / Quo stante,
ingenij stant monimenta sui," showed that the volume was formerly in
the possession of the famous mathematician and cartographer, Joh.
Schoner. The second sheet of the maps (see Plate VII.) in particular
drew my attention, for Greenland was drawn exactly as in the map of the
world and the map of the northern regions in the Wolfegg Codex. I
turned over some more sheets, and on sheet 9 1 found "America" printed
in large type. I also found on the lower edge of the map, in large capital
letters, the beginning of the title of the gigantic map of the world, con-
tinued on sheets 10, 11 and 12 : "Universalis Cosmographia / secundum
Ptholomaei traditionem / et Americi Vespucii aliorumque / lustrationes."
On turning over I came on another map, of which the title, also in large
capitals on the upper edge of sheets 13 to 16, ran as follows : "Carta
marina navigatoria Portugalien [sium] navigationes atque tocius / cogniti
orbis terre marisque formam naturamque, situs et terminos nostr / is
temporibus recognitos et ab antiquorum traditione differentes, / eciam
quor [um] vetusti non meminerunt autores, hec generaliter indicat." The
date is fixed by sheet 20, which states that the map was printed on the
eve of Whit-Sunday, 1516 : "cum gratia et privilegio imperiali ad quat-
tuor annos. Exartum [a later gloss = Exaratum] in vigilia Penthecostes
Anno Domini mellesimo quingentesimo sedecimo." On the very next
sheet I found a very long legend, beginning : " Martinus Waldsemuller (!)
Ilacomilus lectori felicitatem optat incolumem." So the " Carta marina "
was by Waldseemiiller ! This is confirmed by sheet 24, where 1 think
the place of printing is also given : " Consumatum est in oppido S. Deo-
dati compositione et digestione Martini Waldseemuller. llacomili." It
was not so easy to arrive at the exact history of the first map, '* Uni-
versalis cosmographia." It was qertainly by Waldseemiiller, and was
finished some years before the " Carta marina." The legends of both
maps agree in this, but I had to consult Professor von Wieser before I
88
THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
an almost incredible extent by rival cosmographers. The
incorrect representation of Greenland is, therefore, very
common, and with the name " America,'* and the " Abbatia
could determine the date, 1507, and the place of printing, St. Di^, or
oppidum S. Deodati. We shall give full details of our conclusions in the
preface to our edition of the fac-simile. 1 will only note that the genuine-
ness of the map is proved by the famous " Cosmographiae introductio "
of 1507, Waldseemiiller's companion publication. All the chief points
in the preface are duly represented on the map of the World : the Papal
Keys, the Imperial Eagle, the crescent, the little crosses to show the
dangerous places, the name " America," etc. The plan of the two maps
is uniform. Of the twelve sheets, on an average, without the margin,
580 millemetres x 420 millemetres, the first four form the upper portion
of the map, the next four the centre, and the next four the lower portion :
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
II
12
Additional interest attaches to this discovery because here we have
"pulls" of both maps, and we have both the MS. map and the proof of
the printed map, so that we can almost see Waldseemiiller at work.
Plates VII. and VIII. are sufficient to show that the artistic side is by no
means inferior.
The date, 15 15, at the back of the binding refers to an astronomical
chart, now removed from this guard-book, and appears in the legend :
"Joann. Stabius ordinavit, Conradus Heinfogel Stellas posuit, Albertus
Durer imaginibus circumscripsit," in the year 15 15. The Codex contains
a second chart with MS. notes by Schoner. The Waldseemiiller maps
are not noted in any catalogue of the Wolfegg library, but the Diirer
chart is carefully entered in the catalogue of the unique Wolfegg collection
of engravings. The volume was probably purchased for the Diirer en-
graving alone.
A few books on the subject are : " Cosmographiae introduction'' 1 507 ;
d^ PixtzdiC, ^^ Martin Hylacomilus Waltzemiiller^^ Paris, 1867; A. Elter,
"Z?^ Henrico Glareanoj^^ L. Gallois, "Z^j Gdogr^ p. 38, etc.^ and '''"Amdric
Vespuce et les gdographes de Saint-Did^^ Firenze, 1899 ; and von Wieser's
works quoted m my Bibliography. Harrisse, " Discovery ^^ p. 444, seems
positive that North and South America would appear all as one country
on the map of the World of 1507, but he is only partially correct. The
cartouche, representing Americus Vespucius's idea of the world, a com-
panion cartouche to the portrait of Ptolemy {Plate Vn.\ shows North and
South America as one country, but on the map of the world they are
divided by straits. Harrisse, p. 278, identifies Waldseemiiller's " Carta
marina " of 15 16, with his map of the world of 1507, while, Nordenskiold
in his ^^ Facsimile- At las ^^ (p. 129), and in still stronger terms in his
^^ Periplus^^ (p. 153), disputes all claims of Waldseemiiller to original
work, and can make nothing of Ortelius's theory about the " Carta
Marina." My discovery of the " Carta Marina " must, therefore, be of
even more importance than that of the map of the world of 1507.
Another interesting point is Waldseemiiller's name for the mainland
opposite Isabella Island (Cuba) on his " Carta Marina :" Terra de Cuba,
Asie partis, which works in with Columbus's idea that he had discovered
the east coast of Asia, he does not show on his map the junction with
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 89
omnium sanctorum," forms a very good guide in estimating
the influence of Waldseemiiller's Map of the World of
1507. This German cosmographer issued his Cosmographia
Universalis in the form of a globe (" in solido "),^ and,
simultaneously, in the form of a Mappemonde as well, which
explains the frequent occurrence of the peculiar representa-
tion of Greenland on more than one kind of globes. Stobnicza
slavishly copied the wall maps of Waldseemiiller, and, there-
fore, he could not but reproduce the incorrect drawing of
Greenland with the name " Engronelant/'^ Glareanus does
not attempt to hide his indebtedness to Waldseemiiller, and
it is no wonder, therefore, that in his maps also Greenland
does not figure any the more correctly.^ Apianus makes use
of Waldseemiiller, but not by name, but his representation
of Greenland betrays the source of his information.^ The
Asia, but he gets over this difficulty by omitting 105 degrees of longitude.
It will interest a larger circle to know that Waldseemiiller tried to undo
the wrong done to Columbus by calling the new land " America," after the
Florentine, Americus Vespucius. In the " Carta marina," near the Tropic
of Capricorn, the word " America " has been deleted, and replaced by
capital letters : " Brasilia sive terra papagalli," parrot-land, and a lengthy
legend has been added, in which *' A/^ericus Vespucius " is placed third,
and Christopher Columbus comes first : " Hec per Hispanos et Portogal-
enses frequentatis navigationibus inventa circa annos Domini 1492,
quorum capitanei fuere Cristoferus Columbus lanuensis primus. Petrus
Aliares [Cabral] secundus. Albericusque Vesputius tertius."
Father Albert, the Director of the Stadtarchiv in Freiburg im Breisgau
i^'' Zeitschrift fiir die Geschichte des Oberrheins^^ N. S. XV. 1900, p. 510,
etc^^ gives us valuable documentary information about the spelling of the
name and native place (Radolfzell). Dr. Albert inclines to Walzenmiiller,
following the Freiburg roll of Dec. 7, 1490 : " Martinus Waltzenmiiller
de Friburgo, Constantiensis dioecesis, septima decembris," but I prefer
"Waldseemiiller" as written by the cartographer himself. The name
may have indicated the position of the family. One of the ancestors may
have been the miller of Waldsee Castle, which is still in the possession
of the Princes of Waldburg-Wolfegg, and is the seat of the eldest
son. " Walzenmiiller " for " Waldseemiiller " is quite Suabian, as Father
Hafner has rightly noted. To this day the natives say "Walzee" for
" Waldsee."
(i) Gallois, ''Lesg^ogr:' pi. II.
(2) Cf. Nordenskiold, '' Facs.- Atlas ^' tab. XXXIV. Waldseemuller
introduced at the top of his large map of the world two cartouches, the
world as known to Ptolemy (pi. VII.), and to Americus Vespucius.
Stobnicza has a rough imperfect copy, pi. XXXIII.
(3) See E. Oberhummer, ^^ Zwei handschriftliche Karten des Glareanus
in der Milne hener Universitdtsbibliothek ;^^ pi. III. ^^ Jahresbericht der
Geogr, Gesellschaft in Miinchen^^ no. 14, 1892 ; A. Elter, "Z?^ Henrico
Glareano^^ p. 11, etc.^ and pi. VI.; Nordenskiold, *'^ Periplus^^ p. 173,
note 82.
(4) Nordenskiold, '' Facs.-Atlas;' tab. XXXVIII. where "Engrene-
lant" also occurs, and p. 93, note 57.
90 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
same holds good of Benedetto Bordone,^ Orontius Finaus^
(Vinegia, 1528), Joachim Vadianus (Tiguri, 1534),^ Johann
Honterus* and many others, perhaps not excluding Agnese ;
of the latter I discovered a fine MS. hitherto unknown and
unnamed, whose maps correspond with those published by
Nordenskiold in PeripbiSy tab. XXIV. To mention one or
other of the globes, the Waldseemiiller representation of
Greenland is plainly visible on the Boulenger Globe ^ and the
"Mappa mundi ad globum inducendem,"^ while the corres-
ponding representation on the Lenox Globe ^ shows many
alterations.®
The way in which Johannes Schoner, the former owner of
the Wolfegg maps, made use of and added to the cartography
of Waldseemiiller, deserves a special paragraph. Gallois,
in his Les g^ographes allemands de la Renaissance (p. 82),
enumerates six different kinds of Schoner globes. If the first
of these globes, in the Liechtenstein collection, in Vienna, is
really by Schoner, he must have followed Waldseemiiller very
closely. The other globes, numbered 2, 3, 4, and 5, are quite
different. On all of these he has supplemented Waldseemiiller
by his characteristic northern Polar circle, which is worthy of
note for the true understanding of the later cartographical
works of Mercator, Ortelius, etc., and also for Schoner's
Antarctic map, which balances the Arctic map.^ Schoner^s
(i) Nordenskiold, '' Facsimile- Atlas ^' tab. XXXIX.
(2) id. tab. XLI.
(3) id. tab. 106, note 66.
(4) id. p. 112, note 71.
(5) id. tab. XXXVI I A. Henry Stevens and C. H. Coote, ''Schoner,''
fig- 2.
(6) id. tab. XXXVI Ib.
(7) id. p. 75, note 43. Stevens and Coote, fig. i.
(8) How little was known about the northern regions in Waldsee-
miiller's day is shown by the legend on his " Carta marina : " " Totam
septentrionalem plagam cum suis conditionibus latius describere placuit
hucusque differe ad particulare nostrum ob variorum lustratorum contro-
versiam. Spero tamen in brevi hec eliminare juxta verum." I cannot
find that Waldseemiiller ever carried out this intention of drawing a
correct map of the northern regions, but even in the time of Mercator
just as little was known about the Far North, as we see in a letter of
thanks written by a son of Mercator, 1595, to a Scandinavian colleague
of his father.
(9) See the reproductions of the 1 5 1 5 Schoner Globe in Nordenskiold,
''Facsimile-Atlas^' p. 78, note 46 ; Jomard, pi. XVII. and Gallois, pi. V. ;
of the 1520 Globe, though not the whole, in von Wieser, " Magalhaes-
Strasse^' pi. 1. ; of the 1523 Globe in Stevens, Schoner, fig. 5, and
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 91
striking map of the North Pole district was due to the
accounts of Claudius Clavus. I believe that the relationship
of the Schoner globes to the descriptions of Claudius Clavus
have not as yet been fully understood, so I will quote
Schoner*s own version. Schoner says of the Peninsula of
Greenland, in his Luculentissima Description 1515: " Grone-
landia, quam et Engronelandiam vocant, chersonesus est
dependet enim a terra inaccessibili a parte Septentrionis vel
ignota propter glaciem . . . sub gradibus longitudinis 26
usque ad 31; latitudinis vero 63, o" {Plates IL and IV.),
The boundary land is then mentioned : " Uuildlapmanni,
quorum regio Pilappelandia . . . ibi enim nimius [1. ultimus]
limes cruce Christi signatus est {Plate IL and IV,), ne
Christiani audeant absque licentia regis ultra accedere : etiam
comitatu forti. Et est in gradibus 40, o ; 60, O. Et ab hoco
versus occasum longissimo ambitu terre habitant dicti
Uuidlappmanni homines sylvestres . . . Et ab illis ad
occasum morantur Pigmei parui longitudine cubitales, quos
vidit Claudius Clilaus niger captos in mari in navicula modica
de corio preparata . . . Hec itaque portio permaxima
Ptholomeo incognita permansit." Schoner's account of the
intercourse between the Lapps, also called Karelians, and the
people of Greenland, shows unmistakably the influence of
Claudius Clavus (p. 64, note i) : " Laponia ingens terra versus
polum septentrionalem, a populo dicta. Nam sylvestres
sunt, qui etiam quotidie veniunt a septentrionibus terra
incognita, ac a mari glaciali, qui et Caroli vocantur, merci-
moniarum gratia in Gronlandiam cum exercitu magno, etiam
ex altera poli septentrionalis parte." ^ The position of the
Schoner globe No. 6, 1533, is quite peculiar. On this Green-
land is shown not only north of the Scandinavian Peninsula,
but also in its right place west of Iceland, otherwise this
globe agrees with the map of the world by Orontius Finaus,
1531,^ according to von VVieser and the reproduction of the
in Nordenskiold, " Facsimile- Atlas ^^ tab. XL. Careful comparison with
the reproduction given by Stevens shows that the " Mappa mundi auctoris
incerti, Norimbergae, 1540" (?) is actually Schoner's Globe of 1523.
For this Globe of. von Wieser, " Der verschollene Globus desjoh. Schoner
von 1523."
(i) Schoner, ^^ Opera mathematical^ Norimbergae, 1551, p. 139. See
above p. 60, etc,
(2) Nordenskiold, ^^ Facsimile- Atlas ^^ tab. XLl. For Orontius Finaus,
see Gallois, ^^ De Orontio Finaeo^^ Paris, 1890.
92 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
part of the globe in Harrisse's Discovery {Tab, XVII I.).
The correct location of Greenland should not really be so
surprising, as Waldseemiiller himself, in his Carta Marina^
1 516 (Plate VIII ^i and in the Strassburg edition of Ptolemy,
of 1513^ gives Greenland its right place. In this case
Schoner may perhaps not have been so directly indebted to
Waldseemiiller, but rather indirectly through Orontius Finaus.
The legend on the 1520 globe is characteristic of the way in
which Schoner pirated the Carta Marina of Waldseemiiller :
"terra de Cuba" {Plate VIII), and also the term "terra
Corterat'' {Plate VIII) for the "litus incognitum"^ on the
map of the world, 1 507 {Plate VII.) and the Schoner globe of
15 1 5, and also the legend of the 1520 globe: " Haec terra
inventa est ex mandato regis Portugalliae per capitaneum
Gaspar Corterat anno Christi 1501,"^ which suits Waldsee-
miiller's legend {Plate VIII) remarkably well.
Waldseemiiller in his turn owed the correct draughtsman-
ship of the new map prepared for the Carta Marina to the
Cantino type. The Cantino map may, as I have already
hinted, be traced back to a MS. by Donnus Nicolaus
Germanus (second edition). It seems that the Carta Marina
was published in a more limited edition and enjoyed an
equally limited circulation, so that the correct location of
Greenland was not so universally adopted till after the
publication of the Zeno map, in ISSS.'* It requires further
investigation before we can definitely say whether the Zeno
map owes its existence to the second edition of Donnus
Nicolaus Germanus or more directly to the map of Claudius
Clavus. The original or an old copy of this latter map may
have served Zeno as a prototype, as we find a more exact
draughtsmanship, and the younger Zeno himself states that
his prototype was " a chart of the northern regions, which he
had discovered in his house, *all mildewy,* among some old
papers,"^ and Zeno must have been acquainted with the
(i) Nordenskiold, ^'^ Facsimile- Atlas ^'' tab. XXXV.
(2) For this important discovery, see Harrisse, " Terra Neuvef
especially p. 100, etc. For a prototype for the Terra Laboratoris, see
Harrisse, p. 39.
(3) Gallois, " Les gdogr.^'' p. 90, etc.^ who, not being acquainted with
Waldseemiiller, rated too high the originality of Schoner.
(4) Storm, " Claudius Clavus^'' Ymer, 1891, p. 37.
(5) Lucas, Appx. II. fol. 47. See also Miller Christy, " The Silver
Map of the World^'^ London, 1900, p. 54, etc.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 93
second edition of Donnus Nicolaus, as he also uses the word
" Engronelant."
The illustration, fig. 3, on this page, according to the
title, " Gronelandi Pars," purports to represent a part of
Fig. 3.
Greenland. This and the other maps in the same Vatican
Codex (Urbin. 275} originate from Donnus Nicolaus Germanus.
But, if we regard for a moment the position and shape of the
peninsula, there must be a confusion somewhere: it must
94 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
mean " Scotiae Pars" {Plates II. and IV,). But the mistake
does not seem to have had far-reaching consequences.
Greenland was for centuries a flourishing Norse colony,
and the news of this discovery was handed on for generations
through the Arctic maps of Claudius Clavus and his followers.
Norsemen from Greenland discovered Helluland, Markland,
and Wineland, but ceased to visit them towards the close of
iSth century, and it is therefore quite natural that Claudius
Clavus omitted these countries from his map, and that thus
they escaped the Ptolemy map of the world. According to
early Norse traditions, Greenland forms the north-western
peninsula of Europe, and it so appears on the map of
Claudius Clavus. Nordenskiold published a 15th century
Catalanian Portulan, which gives quite a different idea.^ In
this the " green island " (ilia verde) takes the form of a long
parallelogram extending from north to south, bending inwards
at the south. Storm identified "ilia verde" as Greenland,
and Fixland, the island on the north-east, as Iceland.^ Ruge^
agrees as to Greenland, and this is confirmed by the legend
on the chart which I discovered in the Biblioth^que Nationale
in Paris (Cod. Lat. 4801), which agrees in all essentials with
Nordenskiold's map: "Insula viridis, de qua fit mentio in
geographia." ^
In this representation all that has been preserved of the
old Norse conception is the course given in the old sailing
directions, according to which one was obliged to steer from
Iceland to the south-west in order to arrive at Greenland.*^
In the vicinity of Ilia Verde there is a large, almost
circular island, marked Brazil, which Storm correctly inter-
prets as the ancient Markland.^ In order to understand this
interpretation we must examine a little more closely the ideas
of the former inhabitants of the north as to the position of
Markland in relation to Greenland. In this connection an
(i) Nordenskiold, '' Bidrag:' V.
(2) Storm, " Coluinbus^^ p. 80, etc.
(3) Ruge in '' Peterm. Mitt:' 1894, L. B., 315.
(4) It is of interest to note that Waldseemiiller also drew a " viridis
insula" on his 1507 map of the world, and to the west of Ireland. This
is absent from the corresponding part of the Carta Marina, but the
island of " Obrazill " takes the place of the " Green Island " {see PI. VII L).
(5) of. Nordenskiold, ''^ Periplus^' p. loi.
(6) Storm, " Columbus^ ?• 81, etc.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 95
opportunity is presented to us at the same time of acquiring
a knowledge of the views of the Norsemen as regards Hellu-
land and Wineland.
" To the south of Greenland is Helluland, then comes
Markland, from which it is no longer any great distance to
Wineland the good, which, as some think, extends from
Africa. If this is the case an arm of the sea separates Wine-
land from Markland."^ This idea, couched in almost identical
words, is repeated in two other Icelandic sources, and even in
the Historia Norwegiae, This conception, if we omit the
learned conjecture as to the relation of Wineland with
Africa, exactly corresponds with the detailed accounts of the
sagas as to the position of these countries to Greenland and
to each other ; moreover the sagas supply several data, which
at least makes possible an approximate determination of their
geographical position.
Upon the basis of an astronomical observation ascribed to
Leif himself,^ it was formerly believed that one could accur-
ately determine the position of Wineland. Naturally there
would not be the least difficulty in the matter if the old Norse
account actually ran thus : " Upon the shortest day the sun
[in Wineland] remained above the horizon from half-
past seven in the morning until half-past four in the after-
noon."^ Unfortunately the old Norsemen have neither made,
nor could have made, any such exact data as are given by
Moosmiiller and all who depend upon Rafn. On the contrary,
the actual statement is obscure and has experienced the most
diverse interpretations. The difference in the length of the
day is, according to the actual account, at the time of the
winter solstice, i.e, on the 2ist of December, less in Wineland
than in Greenland and Iceland ; the sun having then an
Eykt and Dagmal position. Storm, in his Vinlandsreiserne,
has subjected this statement to a new and searching examin-
ation,^ and, after a well-founded rejection of all former
(i) ''^ Mindesm^^ III. 221. Werlauff, ^^ Symbolae^^ p. 14.
(2) This theory is untenable, for according to the " Book of Hauk^^
and the earliest Icelandic accounts, Leif spent the autumn of 1000 in
Wineland, but there is not a single mention of a second sojourn in that
country.
(3) Moosmiiller, ^^ Europaer in Amerika^^ p. 119. Rafn, ^^Antiq,
Amdric^^ p. 19 : " Ce soleil se levait k 7 h. et demie et se couchait k 4 h.
et demie au jour le plus court."
(4) Storm, " Vinlandsreiseme^^ pp. 1-7.
96 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
explanations, brings forward a new interpretation of the
Eykt and Dagmal position. This view commends itself,
moreover, on the ground of its being supported by the still
current linguistic usage in Norway. An exact astronomical
determination is not to be thought of: but Storm, with the
assistance of the astronomer H. Geelmydcn, was able to
establish that Wineland could not be further to the north
than 49° 55'. This calculation has, in addition, met with a
thoroughly independent and lucid confirmation by the
American astronomer, Phythian. In reply to an enquiry
from the investigator Reeves, whose early death we all
lament, the Director of the Maritime Observatory of the
United States estimated that 49° 50' 2" was the furthest
northern limit conformable to the record of the more restricted
Eykt and Dagmal position.^ Thus the geographical latitude
of central Newfoundland, or of the corresponding coast of
Canada, would readily satisfy the astronomical observation,
but of course a position considerably more to the south is not
necessarily excluded.
In order then to be able to obtain more exact data as to
the position of Wineland the Good, we must look about in
the sources for some other determining features. These are
supplied by the Sagas, which inform us of the place of
departure, as well as of the duration and direction of the
voyage. As Storm has most carefully weighed all these
circumstances, as his deductions have met with full recog-
nition among experts, and finally, as all the objections that
have been brought forward have only presented the oppor-
tunity of placing the justice of his views in a clearer light,
the final result of his investigations is here briefly given,
along with his map (fig. 4). Helluland, which takes its name
from the long, flat stone which attracted the special attention
of the discoverers, corresponds with the present Labrador,
although the northern peninsula of Newfoundland is not
excluded. The hardy navigators came from Helluland in
(i) Reeves, " Winelandi^ p. 184, etc, : "The data furnished are not
sufficiently definite to warrant a more positive assertion than that the
explorers could not have been, when the record was made, further north
than lat. [say] 49** . . . that is to say Wineland may have been somewhat
farther to the south than northern Newfoundland or the corresponding
Canadian coast, but, if we may rely upon the accuracy of this astronomical
observation, it is clear that thus far south it must have been."
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA.
97
two further doegr} ue. in twice twelve hours, to Markland,
whose density of wood astonished them. The Country of the
Wood was reached " with a northerly wind." The direction
and duration of the voyage, as well as the definition Country
of the Wood, answer to Newfoundland. The third country,
in conclusion, which was met with after a long voyage in a
southerly direction, and which owed its enticing name of
Wineland the Good to its abundance of wild grapes, is the
present Nova Scotia in conjunction with Cape Breton. As
Storm shows in detail, the description suits admirably these
regions, just as one finds it given in the saga of Eric the
Fig. 4.
Red (Hanksbook) about the various voyages of research of
Karlsefni on the coast of Wineland, with the stations Hop,
Straumsfjord, Kjalarnas, and Krossanas.^
But however much in agreement the geographical position
and horizontal form of Nova Scotia may be for the purpose
of indicating it as Wineland, yet at a first glance it appears
absurd to describe Nova Scotia as a Wineland, and that it
was moreover said to produce wheat grown in a wild state.
(i) Rafn interprets doegr as a course of 24 hours, including both day
and night. Storm takes it to mean a course of 12 hours, whether by day
or by night (" Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. 33, n. 2). Reeves (p. 173, n. 46) takes
a similar view, and appeals among others to the ^^ Rimbegla^^ : " In the
day there are two *doerg' ; in the ' doerg' twelve hours."
(2) Storm, ** Vinlandreiseme^^ p. 40, etc,
H
98 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
Without doubt at the present time this definition would not
answer, for the limit of the growth of the vine upon the east
coast of North America does not extend beyond North
Carolina. But formerly it was otherwise. Nicolas Denys, a
Frenchman, who about the middle of the 17th century was
Governor of Nova Scotia, makes mention not only of the
abundance of wood and of the nut trees, but speaks expressly
of the wild growth of the vine. He says that the grapes
were as large as nutmegs and rather acrid, that they were
growing wild, but that with a little cultivation they would
yield the best wine.^ And, like the vine, self-sown wheat also
thrived in the southern part of Nova Scotia. Rafu denoted
this wheat as maize ; but maize does not grow wild ; and in
opposition to this dictum is the circumstance that the sagas
would certainly not have named simply as wheat such a
species of grain as maize, which is entirely different in its
structure from wheat. By wheat growing in a wild state it is
evident that the old Norsemen meant some plant similar to
their wheat, and such a kind actually grows even now upon
the east coast of North America as far as 50'' N. lat., i,e, the
Indian rice (Zizania aquatica), which is spoken of by almost
all travellers who treat of the products of the soil in Nova
Scotia. For instance, Jean Cartier (1534) expressly states
that this Indian rice covers wide tracts of land on the Gulf of
St. Lawrence.^
Thorfinn's companions on his great expedition concluded
from the grapes and corn which they found growing wild that
they had reached the spot where Leif had first discovered
grapes growing wild. They were naturally unable to identify
the exact spot. Leif had not met any natives. But
Karlsefni was prevented by " Skralings " from settling in
Nova Scotia for any length of time. There is a vivid account
in the sagas of the first meeting with the Skralings, dark men
of wild appearance, coarse hair, large eyes, broad cheek-bones.
As to their nationality, the authorities are still divided. At
first it was believed that they must have been Eskimos.
People had a mistaken idea that the first settlers in Green-
land found the Eskimos there on their arrival and described
them as Skralings, and it was thought to be " beyond the
( 1 ) Storm," Vinlandreiseme^^ p. 46, etc. Ruge," Weinlandsfahrten^^ p. 1 2.
(2) of. Storm, p. 50, etc, Ruge.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 99
bounds of probability that anyone should have seen both
Indians and Eskimos without noting the difference."^ Ari
expressly states that the first colonists in Greenland met no
inhabitants, but found deserted dwellings, stone implements,
and portions of coracles,^ so this does not help much in
determining the nationality of the American Skralings. So
we may safely assume with Storm and Ruge that the
Skralings of Wineland were " Indian hunters," and all
accounts in the Sagas agree with the characteristics of the
North American Indians as given by Waitz and RatzeL^
It may be asked, how far did the news of the discoveries
of the Norsemen on the mainland of America spread, and
how old is the earliest cartographical representation. Present
research enables us to state that the earliest extant Icelandic
map of these territories only dates from the close of the
sixteenth century.^ This is based on the Eric Saga, and
IS interesting as showing the representation, by Sigurd
Stephanius of Iceland, of the discoveries of his ancestors
{see fig, 5, which Storm has kindly 'allowed me to reproduce).
Otherwise the earliest representation of one of these countries
IS, according to Storm, to be found in the 15th century
portulan, published by Nordenskiold [Bidrag, no. V.). He
identifies, as we have already seen, the " Ilia de Brazil," the
little circular island to the south of the " Ilia Verde," as
Markland.^ Storm also lays stress, and not unduly, on the
fact that " Brazil " is used in Spanish maps as a term for
thickly wooded islands, and that the translation of Markland
or Woodland by " Ilia de Brazil " is quite consistent with the
use of " Ilia Verde " for Greenland. Ruge agrees with this
interpretation of ** Brazil,"^ and it deserves every considera-
(i) Waitz, ^''Anthropologic der Naturvolker^^ III. 60.
(2) See p. 5.
(3) Storm, p. 54. Ruge, p. 7. Waitz, III. 304, 348. Ratzel, " Volker-
kunde^^ II. 548, 596. On p. 732, note i, Ratzel refutes the opinion,
adhered to by Crantz, in his " History of Greenland^^ and enjoying a
wide circulation (see Vivien, Dictionnaire^ II. 546 ; Kalalit), that the
Esquimos in Greenland called themselves Karalit (= Skralinger). Storm
brought this view again into vogue (Claudius Clavus, Ymer, 1891, p. 22).
Winsor (I. 105, etc.) recapitulates the different versions of the origin of
the Skralings, but expresses no opinion.
(4) Storm, p. 28, etc,
(5) " Columbus J^ P' 81, etc,
(6) Ruge, ''Review of Storm's 'Columbus^'' '' Peterm, Mitt.'' XL.
1894, L. B. no. 315.
H 2
100
THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
tion, even though it brings Markland closer to Greenland
than the early authorities allow, while the cartc^raphical
representation, as Storm thinks, may come to qs from the
early 15th century accounts, and not directly from the
original Norse legends.
Although Storm does not hesitate to identify the island
Brazil with Markland, he is more cautious about asserting
the island Salvage, as we find it on other medieval maps,
Fig. 5.
to be the Wild' Land, i.e. the Skralings' Land (Wineland).
This prudence deserves all commendation, for here he is
employing all his skill in identification on one of the islands
in the Atlantic Ocean, which up to now had played havoc
with so many reputations. Storm's explanation of " Salvage"
as " Wild Land " is quite correct, but if we follow Kretschmer
and translate "Salvage" after the French sauvage as "woody,"
(i) Storm, "Columbus^ p. 8z.
t •
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA. 101
and then as "wild,'*^ this interpretation would suit Wineland,
where giant trees and wild grapes were known to flourish.
Unfortunately Storm has no authority for his assumption,
and we can only say that it is not improbable. Our only
possible resource is the Oxford geographer and mathema-
tician, Nicolas de Linna (Lynn), quoted by Kunstmann and
Storm, who, we are told, went on a scientific expedition to
Norway, and embodied the result of his researches in his
Inventio fortunata^ dedicated in 1360 to King Edward III. of
England.^ Franciscus a Sancta Clara, the Franciscan, states
that the Inventio fortunata contained a description of the
northern islands, and their whirlpools, from 53° to the North
Pole. The book appears to have been printed about 1500,
and is quoted on Joh. Ruysch's map of the World in the
legend above the Arctic magnetic mountain : " This can be
read in the book De inventione fortiuiatir^
Until this book is discovered, or new authorities brought
to light, any attempt to explain the names of the islands,
Antillia, Salvage, Satanaxio, Tanmar, Reillo, etc. will only
add to the number of the existing hypotheses, by adding new
channels of thought. In spite of all preparatory study, or
rather because I was convinced, after a careful perusal of
such authorities as Jomard, Santarem, Wuttke, Lelewel,
Fischer, Kuntsmann, Kretschmer, Nordenskiold, etc,^ that I
could not possibly put forward any hypothesis on a sure
basis, I forbore to apply the light of criticism to any existing
conjectures. I will only here add that I am not convinced
by the arguments of Kretschmer against the relation of these
islands to the Norse discoveries.
The mediaeval cartographers must have had opportunities
of hearing full details' of the discoveries of the Vikings in
the west. This brings us to a circumstance hitherto but
little regarded, which shows how far news of the discoveries
could and did spread.
Men of learning had till lately confined their researches
for an authoritative account of the Norse discoveries in
America to early historical and geographical works, but
(i) Kretschmer, ''*' Entdeckung Amerikas^^ p. 212.
(2) For this Franciscan in search of knowledge, see Kunstmann,
^*' Amerika^^ P* 35> 9o> i^ote 87. Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. 74, etc,
(3) Storm, p. 75. Lelewel in his reprint prints Fortunati in capitals.
102 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
without much result. Rug^e says : " Adam of Bremen,^ one
of the best geographers of his time, is the only foreign
scholar who mentions this early discovery of America."
Albertus Magnus also refers to these discoveries, in speaking
of the neighbouring countries to Iceland "as having been
lately colonised." ^ But the news must have travelled far and
wide, as will be shown by the following facts. Two of the
ships in Karlsefni's great voyage of discovery- were storm-
driven in the years 1003 and 1006 from Wineland to Ireland.^
Karlsefni's brave wife and companion, Gudrid, the mother of
Snorri, the first Norseman born in America, made a pilgrim-
age some years later to Rome.^ The news of the Norse
discoveries would thus have been spread through the south
of Europe by eye-witnesses, as well as by the Bishops of
Scandinavia, and, in particular, of Greenland and Iceland,
such as Isleiv, the first native Bishop of Iceland, who was
educated in Saxony, and who brought a white bear from
Greenland as the most costly and remarkable present possible,
on his visit to the Emperor in 1056.'* Isleiv left the Imperial
court to visit Pope Leo in Rome. Isleiv's successor, Gizur,
was also educated in Germany, and also paid a visit to the
Vatican prior to his consecration^. The communication with
Rome was even more frequent in the 12th century. The
creation of the Archbishoprics of Lund, 1 104, and Drontheim,
1 1 52, and of the Bishoprics of Holar, 1106, Faroer mo, and
Gardar 1123, naturally brought about a closer connection
(i) Peschel-Ruge, " Geschichte der Erdkimdc^^ p. 87.
(2) id. p. 87, note 3. Moosmiiller, (iravier, etc,^ think that Wineland
is mentioned by the Benedictine Odericus Vitalis in his ^^Ecclesiastical
History ^^ (1. X. t. IV.), but this is hardly borne out by the passage :
" Orcades Insulae et Finlanda, Islanda quoque et Grenlanda, ultra quam
ad septentrionem terra non reperitur, aliaeque plures usque in Gollandam
regi Noricorum subiciuntur" (Gravier, ''^ D^couverte" p. 116). Wineland
is repeatedly confused with Finland. The Liibeck map of the world of
1475 (" Rudimenta Novitioriim " ; Nordenskiold, " Facsimile- Atlas ^^ p. 3)
shows Wineland where Finland only can be meant. The ^^ Mon. Genn,
Script^'* XXIX. repeatedly mentions expeditions against Finlandia,
Finland or Wineland. See also Fischer, ^^ Kann Bischof Johafines mit
Recht als erster Martyr er Amerikas bezeichnet werdenP^ {^^ Innsbruck.
Zeitscher, fiir Kat/i. TheoV^ XXIV. 1900, p. 757).
(3) See the account in the " Book of Hauk^^ Reeves, p. 46, 52.
(4) See the " Flatey Book^^ Reeves, p. 72, Tj.
(5) Hungrvaka, c. 2. '' Mon, Germ. Script:' XXIX. 413 : " Dedit ei
ursum album, qui venerat e Gronlandia, et haec bestia fuit summi pretii
res."
(6) id.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 103
between Scandinavia and Rome. We must also not forget
that Cardinal Nicolas of Albano, afterwards Pope Hadrian
IV., lived in Norway^ from 1 154 to 11 59, and that the Danes
went on a Crusade, 1189 to 1193, to the Holy Land, and on
their return visited Constantinople and Rome.^ The port of
Bergen was much crowded during the same period with ships
and travellers from Iceland, Greenland, England, Germany,
Denmark, Sweden, etc? In the early part of the 13th century,
about 1204, Ion, Bishop of Greenland (1108 to 1209), went
on a journey to Rome.^ About the middle of the same
century, Olaf, Bishop of Greenland, and the Papal Legate,
William of Sabina, were together at the Court of the King of
Norway. The Cardinal wrote to the people of Iceland, to
persuade them to recognise the supremacy of Norway. The
Bishop of Gardar undertook a similar mission to Greenland.^
The Cardinal's efforts were crowned with success. The people
of Iceland as well as Greenland, 1 261 , recognised the supremacy
of the King of Norway. At the Council of Lyons, 1274, there
were present three Scandinavian Bishops: Archbishop John of
Drontheim, Bishop Andrew of Osloe, and Bishop Ascatinus
of Bergen^ From the 12th century onwards, the rise of the
Dominicans and Minorites in the northern kingdoms must
have also greatly contributed to a better acquaintance with
Scandinavia.'' In the 14th century, we find Bishop Jon
Ericson Scalle of Greenland, a candidate for the Icelandic see
of Skalholt, visiting the Vatican on two occasions, in 1356
and 1369."
We cannot expect to find \xv every bishop or pilgrim
coming to Rome'*^ from high latitudes, from Denmark, Norway,
Iceland, and Greenland, as great an interest in geography,
(i) Maurer, ^' Bekehrung,'' II. 678, etc.
(2) Boerglumensis, O. Cist., " Historia de profectione Danorum in
terram sanctam^^ c. 25. ^^ Mon, Germ. Script. ^^ XXIX. 163.
(3) id. p. 162.
(4) " Pals biskups Saga" c. 9. Maurer, " Bekehrung," II. 606, note 1 39.
(5) Maurer, p. 227.
(6) ^^ Icelandic Annals." ^^ Mon. Germ. Script." XXIX. 264.
(7) Storm, " Nye Efterretninger" p. 405, etc. This is the more im-
portant, as the younger members of the Orders went as students to all
possible universities.
(8) ^"^ Icelandic Annals P ''^ Gronl. hist. Mindesui." III. 19, etc.^ 31.
(9) Werlauff, ^^ Symbolae" p. 35, note 21, where will be found the
reasons (Pietatis studium ; Absolutio ; Negotia), the routes (Britain-
104 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
as was shewn by the Icelandic Abbot Nicolas of Thingeyre
(+1159), who is probably the first geographical authority on
the discoveries of the Norsemen in America (^see p. 7, etc^^
and was the author of an Itinerary, as replete with culture as
with interest, from the far north to Rome, Compostela, and
Jerusalem. But they were all qualified to give information
on the situation and peculiarities of the northern countries.
Even the earliest portulanos show traces of this kind of oral
information. Nordenskiold insists that Insula Rovercha on
Andrew Bianco's map of 1436, means Walrus Island, and
refers to Greenland^ The legend of the so-called Dulcert
Map of 1339: " Hec ursi albi et comedunt pisces crudos,"
may equally well apply to Greenland^. This legend is placed
north of Norway, and is only separated by a mountain chain.
But white bears were just as scarce in Norway at that day^
The King's Mirror represents the brown bear as a dangerous
beast of prey in Norway, but gives the white bear as a
characteristic feature of Greenland. White bears were in
Greenland what the white elephant is in Siam. In 1056,
Isleiv, Bishop of Iceland, brought a white bear from Green-
land as an offering to the Emperor of Germany, Henry III.
Einar, the Envoy of Greenland, brought a white bear for
King , Sigurd of Norway, whose help he needed in the
appointment of a Bishop of Greenland. The Einar-Saga
states that " he presented the King with a bear which he
brought with him from Greenland."^ To the north of
Norway there lay a country, where white bears and white
falcons were quite common. This we see from representations
and legends on the portulanos of Dolarto (1339), the Pizigani
France- Switzerland or Flanders- France, and three different routes vid
Germany), and the seasons of the year most in vogue with the pilgrims
to Rome, as well as numerous authorities.
(i) Nordenskiold, ^'' Forschungen^^ p. 40 ; ^'' Facsimile- Atlas ^^ p. 53.
(2) Nordenskiold, ''^ Facsimile-Atlas^^ p. 47. Olaus Magnus on his
large map gives a graphic illustration of a Polar bear devouring a live
fish near Iceland. Prof, von Wieser owns a facsimile of this map drawn
to scale. See O. Brenner, "/>/> echte Karte des Olaus Magnus^^ I593>
Christiania, 1886.
(3) Knauer, ^^Handworterbuch der Zoologie^^ p. 43, etc.
(4) ^^ Einars Saga^' ch. i. Maurer, ^^ Bekehrung^^ II. 602, etc,^ note
128. In ^"^ Gronl. hist. Mindesm.^^ III. 383, etc,^ note 80, there is a very
interesting summary of the value of Greenland Polar bears as presents.
For white and black bears see Storm's article, " Hvr tabjorn og Bjarndyr "
i^^ Arkiv. for fiord. FiloV\ Christiania, 1895.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA, 105
(1367), etc. The land of the white bears may also mean
Spitzbergen, which was thought to lead to Greenland. But
we never hear of hunters going across this intermediate
tongue of land to catch bears, and Greenland, inhabited as
it was, must be meant, when such stress was laid on white
bears being so exclusively a present from Greenland.
In the earliest times Greenland was widely known. It is
even shown as an island on a mediaeval circular map which
Professor von Wieser^ discovered, and of which he intends to
write a detailed account. In the discoveries on the mainland
of America tradition may have been always associated with
Markland. Kunstmann has already published his view that
the island Brazil, Brazir, or Brezir, etc., which we find on
almost every portulan, from the 14th to the 17th century, to
the west of Ireland, must be the Norse Woodland. From
its name and shape, the Brazil which Storm takes to be
Markland is probably our old friend Brazir, pushed a little
further west. The large island, called Fixlanda on the same
portulan, is the same island put more to the south-west.
Kunstmann and Storm state that the island Brazil to the
west of Ireland first appears on the Pizigani map of 1367,^
but, in reality, it is to be found on the famous portulans of
1339 and 1351.^ How the cartographers acquired their
information about the Woodland, is a matter of uncertainty.
If Kuntsmann be correct in explaining the legend on the
Pizigani map of 1367, as novus cotits (nouvelle cote) de
Brazir,^ this designation may, perhaps, be traced to the
publication of the latest accredited historical information
about Markland in the year 1347.^ The English had such a
firm belief in the existence of some such country to the west
of Ireland, that, according to Pedro de Ayola, the Spanish
Ambassador at the Court of King Henry VII., writing on
July 25, 1498, the merchants of Bristol had for seven years
been sending out annually two, three, and even four caravels,
chiefly to look for the Isla de Brazil.^
(i) ^^ Peterm. Mitt,^^ 1899, p. 192, note i.
(2) Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^'* p. 74.
(3) Nordenskiold, '' Periplus^' tab. IX. X.
(4) Kunstmann, ^^ Amerika^^ p. 90.
(5) *''' Icelandic Annals ^^ 1347.
(6) Ruge, " Weinlandsfahrten^^ p. 60. In the course of these voyages
106 THE DISCOVERIES OF THE
We come, in conclusion, to the much debated question :
What influence did the discoveries of the Norsemen have on
Columbus and his successors ?
We must at once dissent from the view of those author-
ities, who make out that Columbus in his youth met Bishop
Magnus of Skalholt, in Iceland, and heard from him of the
discoveries of the Norsemen in America.^ Even if Columbus
had learnt all the details of the discoveries of the Norsemen*
it would, as Ruge points out, have been of no use to him, for
"his goal was rather the tropics than the Arctic Circle."^
But, so far as Greenland is concerned, the Zeno map, based
as it was on Norse discoveries and representations, undoubt-
edly influenced Frobisher's voyages.^ The expeditions of the
hardy Norseman undoubtedly had a moral influence, imme-
diate or otherwise, on later explorers, as Nordenskiold briefly
sums up in the preface to his Bidrag, : " The discoveries of
the dauntless Normans broke through the limits of Ptolemy's
world, introduced a cartography based on observations taken
on the spot, and shattered the belief in the infallibility of
Alexandrian scholarship, while firing recruits with enthusiasm
for fresh voyages of discovery."^ Storm cannot be far wrong
in supposing that Columbus may have seen a representation
of the Norse discoveries in America, such as the fifth map
the explorers would naturally find the position of the island of Brazil to
be different from that on the maps, and Beccario, 1435, Andreas Bianco,
1436, Canerio, 1500, etc., could hardly have been ignorant of this fact.
But the Icelandic geographers inserted Frisland, although they had no
knowledge of the island and their sailors had never discovered Frisland
(** haec, quae sit insula, nescio, nisi ea forte, quam Venetus [Zeno] ille
invenit, Frislandiamque Germani vocant " : Stephanius, Description of
the map of 1590), cf " Torfaens," tab. II. and I. IV. [1668], and so
Brazil was still retained on maps. Waldseemiiller, on his " Carta
Marina " of 15 16, still retains Obrazill S.W. of Ireland {see pi. VIII.).
(i) Stovm^ ^^ Columdus,^^ p. 68, ^/r. He, as well as Harrisse {^^ Dis-
covery;^ p. 661), thinks that Columbus visited Iceland, but both these
authorities are against the view that he was influenced by any reports on
Wineland, a view held by Lohr, " Stellung der Kanarischen Inseln "
{^^ Miincheur Sitzungs berichten^^ 1888, p. 87). Ruge does not believe
that Columbus went to Iceland. See " Peterm, Mitt,^^ XL. 1894, L. B.
no. 315.
(2) Ruge, " Weinlandsfahrten^^ p. 13.
(3) Storm, " Om Zeniemesreiser^^ P- 21, etc,
(4) Nordenskiold, ^'Forord zum Bidrag.^^ See Ruge's ^^ Review of the
^ Bidragy^ ^'' Peterm, Mitt^ XL. 1894, L. B. no. 310. Since this work
went to the (Freiburg) printers the world of cartography has lost one of
its most shining lights, so often referred to in these pages — I mean
Baron Adolf Erik Nordenskiold, who died August 12th, 1901.
NORSEMEN IN AMERICA.
107
given in Nordenskiold's Bidrag., ihe 15th century I'ortulan.'
My researches into Norse discoveries liave had a most
unexpected and, I may say, epoch-making result. I under-
took this particular research at Wolfegg Castle on the
suggestion of my friend, Professor von Wieser. The hidden
treasures were the Wolfegg Ptolemy Codex and the Wolfegg
incunabulum, Waldseemuller's map of the World of 1507 —
the first map, so far as I know, to have the word " America "
— and his Carta Marina of 1516. I can only hope that the
facsimile edition of the Waldseemiiller maps, which von
Wieser and myself have undertaken, may induce other
students to continue a scries of research in the fields of
history and geography. We may then come across the map
and description, published by Claudius Clavus, and arrive at
some details of the personality and the works of Donnus
Nicolaus German us.
In bringing this little volume to a close, I would venture
to express our deep-felt gratitude to the Prince of Waldbui^-
Wolfegg for graciously permitting us to prepaie a facsimile
edition of these treasures of the Wolfegg Library.
(1) On Juan de la Cosa's map of the world, 1500, there occur (Storm,
" Columbus," p. 82) the islands Frixlanda, Ilia verde and Brazil (S.
Gregor).
APPENDICES.
Sorsius S)us [XuDovico Casellae].
glLFXTISSIME NOSTER. Nui te driziamo el
jiortador de la presente chiamato Don Nicolo el
quale te mostrara uno suo libro zoe la Cosmo-
I f^rapAia} de Ptolomeo. Vogliamo tu chiami
] Zoanne Bianchino et maistro Pedrobono dallo
Avogaro et che tutti insieme examiniatj el
liliro (liligentemente cosi area la correctione della scriptura et
vmundationc como ancho tutte quelle picture se sono facte cum
tlutiita meiiiira et designatione delle loro pane alii luogi suoj. Et
)K.*r<:hc c.DSlui monstra du voler tornare presto a Fiorenza vedeti de
diirgi HIK17.U ciiiti pill presteza se puo pur che la cossa se intenda
bene. I'^t (piuiido hareti facto circa tutte le parte dicte suficiente
I'Naiiie vudeti fra voi quello ve pareria io avesse a dare a costui si per
pat-amcnto del liliro como ancho per usargi qualche cortexia. Et
del parere vostro tu Ludovico damine aviso per una tua. Siamo
unchora contend che per el tempo che costui stark a ferrara fino a
taiito che se exaniinj ijuesto suo libro tu ge fact pagare la hosteria.
I''.t non ti marnvigliure se a i^uesta lettera non sera el nostro sigello
piTchi" so retroviamo non Io avere cum nui al presente.
Quartisanao XV martij 1466.
(il 'X\w worils in italics were cither omitted or incorrectly given by
(.■. C>imf\'n, I ininiiuiiri deRli Eslensi \Atti e memorie delle RR. deputa-
tiiiiii \\i st<>ria )V)tria (>er le pnivincie Modenesi e Parmensi VI. [1872},
j-,i\ The imisl imimn.im correction is "Fiorenia," which Campori
ttUHiKly Ki^'*" •'*" Kctr.tta," Kaiher Mangnnoiii, S.J, of Modena, kindly
allrniled to the <oj>y .tnti 10 the colUtion of Appendices nos. I. to IV.,
and \'\. anil Vll., lor which 1 A^a\n express my gratitude.
APPENDICES, 109
(Fuori) : Clarissimo viro Ludovico Casellae referendario et Con-
sUiario nostra secreto syncere dilectissimo.
[The original, from which Father Manganotti allowed me to take
this copy, is in the " Regio Archivio di Stato in Modena. Cancel-
laria ducale. Archivio proprio a. 1466."]
II.
3Bor5fU5 Bus*
Mandato 111°^^ Principis et Ex°" d. n. d. Borsij ducis etc. Vos
. . . factores generales mittatis sine mora ad cancellariam Florenos
centum auri et in auro, dandos venerabili et Ex"^° cosmographo
domino Nicolao germanico,^ in signum gratitudinis Ex° sue pro eo
libro tam nobili quem de gosmographia titulauit presentauit idem d.
Nicolaus eidem 111™° D. n. et portentur Ex« domini N. ad expensam.
Aristoteles de Bruturijs scripsit xxx marcij 1466.
[Regio Archivio di Stato in Modena — Camera Ducale — Reg™
mandati 1466 a O® 125 v.]
III.
JSorsius Bui*
Mandato 111™^ Principis et Ex™^ domini nostri domini Borsij
ducis etc. Vos . . . factores generales dari faciatis venerabili viro
domino Nicolao de Alamania^ qui presentauit Ex*^« sue ultra illud
excellens Cosmographie opus alium librum tacuini multorum
annorum ipsius III™* domini nostri nomini dicatum Florenos triginta
aurj et in auro. Et eos portari faciatis eel sue ad expensam.
Aristoteles de bruturijs scripsit viij aprilis 1466.
[L. c. C. 89 v.]
IV.
Al nome di dio merchorj adj viiij de aprile mcccclxvj.
Alo 111™° N. S. Duca al suo chapitolo Fiorini cento doro di
camera per la soa S"* a la soa chanzelaria dj contanti in ferrara per
(i) A marginal note reads: "domini Nicolai germanici," and then
" habuit mandatum."
(2) In the margin : " domini Nicolai de Alemania," and a little lower
down, " habuit mandatum x aprilis."
110 APPENDICES,
darli a messer Nicolo Zermanicho per gratitudine di vno libro di
cosmografia che luj a donate al prefato N. S. Duca come in R«> di
la camera 88 per mandato de generalj faturj etc. Valeno^ a soldi 55
denari 6 de marchesani per Fiorino portoli contati Bartolomeo de
Sumj meso del spectabile bonuexin dale charte.
Z. ccLXxvij soL X den, — a spexa 94.
[Regie Archivio di Stato in Modena — Camera Ducale — Com-
putisteria — Registri Camerali diversi — Registro N. N. Uscita
C. 30 v.]
V.
Ipaneflsric of Bonnus 'Wfcolaus ©ermanus on
5talB;-
Plurime sunt regiones, que quidem singule singulis rebus
excellere uidentur. Nam thus sola arabia gignit.^ Balsamum
nusquam nisi in iudea* legitur : ex india ebur prouenit. Item aliud
ab alijs nationibus accipimus. Verum si exactissime cuncta indices :
invenies profecto italiam omnibus esse iure preferendam.
Nam si [i] priscos in ilia reges commemores, illu strata est saturno
ianoque regibus : quorum alter non modo colendorum agrorum,
uerum etiam multarum aliarum rerum disciplinam tradidit. lanus
autem sacra cerimoniasque summa erga in mortales (!) * deos pietate
edocuit. Fuit [2] semper adeo in re militari prepotens italia, ut
nuUo unquam tempore sine splendido imperio extiterit. Non
minime enim umbrorum opes fuere : umbris successerunt tirreni^
quos uniuerse Italic imperitasse id maxime declarat, quod superum
mare ab adria illorum colonia adriaticum, inferum vero a gente ipsa
tirrenum est nuncupatum. Post etruscos imperium latini susce-
perunt, quod quale quantumque fuerit, omnes norunt. Sed [3]
(i) Valent solidos 55 et denarios sex de marchesanis pro unoquoque
floreno. Cf. Atti d. R. deput. di storia patria per le prov. Modenesi ser.
IV., vol. VI. (1895), p. 222 sqq,
(2) The Text of the Wolfegg Ptolemy MS. is the main authority. L
means here Plut. XXX. n. 4 of the Biblioteca Laurenziana of Florenz ;
UU the Ulm editions of Ptolemy of 1482 and i486. For the punctuation,
the numbers in brackets, and the italics, the editor is responsible, as also
in the case of Appx. VI. Dr. Marzi, of the Public Record Office of
Modena, did me the favour to collate the proofs of Appx. V. and VI. with
the Florentine MSS. of Donnus Nicolaus Germanus. I would here like
once more to express my appreciation of his kindness.
(3) gi^^&J^it L. (4) ludea L., and lower down India and Italiam.
(5) immortales L.
APPENDICES, 111
nullus quidem in ea populus fuit, quin aliqua re excelluerit. Quid
enim calobro (!) appuloque affluentius. Quid campano nobilius.
Quid sannite extitit populosius.^ Sabinis seueritas atque sanctitas
maxima fuit. Etruscis nichil, quod ad religionem pertinet defuit.
In liguribus maxima apparuit laborum difficultatumque omnia
patientia.^ Sed hec de hominibus. SUus autem [4] loci quid aut
ad salubritatem accomodatius (!) aut ad omnes utilitates aptius aut ad
voluptatem amenius potest excogitari. Celum enim huiusmodi est,
ut neque nimia subtilitate corpora extenuent^ neque nimia crassi-
tudine ilia corrumpat (!). Atque inter frigus caloremque ita
temperatum est, ut uerissime dixerit poeta : Hie uer perpetuum
atque alienis mensibus estas.* Habet [5] preterea duo maria
superum, ut dixi, et inferum, per que creberrimis atque tutissimis
portubus, quecunque humano generi usui sunt, importari expor-
tarique licet. Habet etiam [6] flumina lacusque navigabiles atque
piscosos' et cum colles arboribus : campi segetibus vestiantur.
Tamen [7] perpetuus est appenninus mons, qui italiam diuidens tum
hac distinctione pulchritudinem afferat, tum e siluis lignorum
materiam in omnium usus affatim prebet.
Hanc igitur regionem cum hiis rationibus, quas dixi, tum maxime
quia gentibus et olim propter romanorum manarchium^ (!) et nunc
propter apostolicum sedem semper caput fuit. Obmissis nationum
nominibus, que nunc a ptolomeo recitata sunt, ad nostra tempora
civitates, oppida, lacus, marinas, portus et montes, nomina etiam
fluminum et eorum ortus, loca quoque montuosa et campestria una
cum insulis sibi adiacentibus, ut intueri fas est, diffusius describere
censui, nichil in hijs, que ab auctor/ (!) libri huius dimensione certa
ac ratione verissima obseruata sunt, transgrediendo.
(i) populosius extitit ? L. The notes of interrogation occur also in L.
(2) pacientia L. (3) extenuet L. (4) Verg.^ Georg. II., 149.
(5) piscosas L.
(6) monarchiam L. It is noteworthy that the very mistakes in the
two Ulm editions (UU) agree with the Wolfegg Codex.
112 , APPENDICES.
VI.
Bonnus 'nfcolaus GermanuB's Dedication to prince
JSorso of £5te and tbe pope Paul ii.'
[i] Illustrissimo principi ac Beatissimo Patri Paulo II®*
domino domino Bursio'* duci Pontifici Maximo Donnus*
Mutine et* Regii marchioni Nicholaus' Germanus.
Estensi Rodigiique comiti
Donnus Nicolaus* Germanus.
Non me fugit, illustrissime Non me fugit, beatissime
princeps. pater.
Cumque* summo ingenio exquisitaque doctrina ptolomeus cos-
mographus pinxisset,^ in his aliquid nouare^° attentaremus," fore ut
hie noster labor in multorum reprehensiones incurreret ; ^* omnes
enim, qui banc nostram picturam, quae his tabulis, quas ad te
mittimus," continetur, viderint, geometrice presertim rationis ignari,
ab ea, quos^* ptolomeus edidit paululum abhorrentem, certe nos uel
imperitige vel temeritatis arguent. Nam plane nos aut ignorasse,
quid egerimus aut temere ausos esse tentum opus contaminare
affirmabunt, cum alique ex parte illius immutata" cement. Non
enim sibi persuadere poterunt nee fas esse existimabunt, ut tantum
virum, quantus certe is fuit, si quis alius pingendi" orbis terrarum
melior modus extitisset, is eum fugisset, cum is solus fuerit,^' qui inter
tam^** multos excellentes cosmographos, qui ante^® se floruerant,*®
(i) The dedication in the two editions of Ptolemy inscribed with Prince
Borso's name (E and L) agrees in all essentials, and therefore the present
text is based on the earlier edition presented to the Prince in 1466, and
now in the Este Library at Modena. The differences, here and there, of
importance, in the two editions dedicated to Paul II., were printed in
italics according to the Wolfegg MS., or printed separately in the second
column. The less important readings have been relegated to the foot-
notes. W denotes the Wolfegg MS. ; Z, Cod. Laur. PI. XXX. n. 3 in
Florence; 6^i/, the Ulm editions of 1482 (UO and i486 (Ua); £", the
Ptolemy MS. at Modena. The dedication of L is given without critical
notes in A. M. Bandini, " Catalogus codicum Latinorum Bibl, Mediceo-
Laurentiance 11,^^ Florence, 1775. PP* ^9 sqq.
(2) Borsio L. (3) ac L. (4) Nicholaus L.
(5) secundo \5\5. (6) Donis UU. (7) Nicolaus UU.
(8) Cumque also in L, W. UU instead of Cum quae.
(9) pinxisse L, W, UU. (10) novari W.
(u) attemptaremus W, UU. (12) incurrerent L.
(13) missimus L. (14) quam L, W, UU.
(15) illud immutatum L, W, UU. (16) pinguendi W.
(17) qui fuerat L. (18) tarn inter UU.
(19) autem W, Ui. The Ulm edition of i486 is correct in its reading,
ante. (20) floruerunt UU.
APPENDICES, 113
modum viderit^ quo situm terrarum omnium in tabulis primus*
pingeret. Quasi vero aut Princeps ille poetarum homenis a pisistrato
in ordinem redigi aut lucrecii' divinum opus a cicerone emendari
aut toUetane tabule ab alphonzo corrigi nequiverint. Quare hi*
sane erunt, quit* nihil laudabunt, nisi quod se intelligere posse
confidant quemque*^ sperabunt animo et cogitatione complecti^
valere, eundem bene^ pingendi orbis modum esse censebunt. Et
cum obruentur [crebritate]® linearum non^° equidistantium raram
illam et vastam ptolomei picturam ac^^ rectis lineis drstinctam se
malle, quam banc nostram multiplicem et comodam pendentibusque
lineis distinctam^* dicent. Neque vero nos hsec nunc ideo dicimus,
ut quicquam in ptolomei pictura reperiatur^', quod corrigi vel
emendari aut in ordinem redigi oportuerit, cum omnia ita scienter
ac prudenter vir ille pinxerit, ut nihiP*, quod ad rationem situs
terrarum pertineat^^, in eius tabulis deesse^^ videatur; sed ut illos
ignorantie sue argueremus", qui cum nuUam talium rerum scientiam
aut cognitionem teneant, tamen invidia et liuore quodam«moti, si
quid viderint ab altero editum, quod ingeniis eorum impar sit,
statim ad eius vitvperationem sese convertunt. At si qui erunt, qui
non oranino cosmographiae^* expertes^® sint quique ipsum ptolomeum
sepius legerint ac picturam deinde nostram placata'*** mente contem-
plauerint, hi*^ certe nos aliqua laude dignos non reprehensione ut illi
putabunt. Perspicient^* enim nos opus ita difficile atque arduum
suscepisse et ita egregie ad exitum perduxisse, ut illud mirari
cogantur, presertim cum nulla in re nos a ptolomei ratione*^ licet a
pictura paululum deuiasse** comperient. Quod ut iam ita esse plane
perspicere possis, illustrissime princeps, [B(eatissime) P(ater) W.
UU.], queso, quid ille dicat et quid nos fecimus, attende*^
[2] Ptolomeus quidem, quod facile in eius scriptis intellexerim,^*
duplicem pingendi orbis terrarum rationem esse tradit : Unam enim
(i) videret UU. (2) primis L.
(3) lucretii L. (4) hii L. (5) qui L, W, UU.
(6) quenque UU. (7) completi L. (8) ben^ W, UU.
(9) crebritate linearum longitudinalium W, UU ; E has a blank space.
(10) Not in L. (11) ac is not in W, UU.
(12) discretam L ; pendentibus inclinatisque lineis discretam W, UU.
(13) repperiatur W. (14) nichil L.
(15) pertineat is not in W, UU. (16) de esse L.
(17) sue argueremus ignorantie, qui W, UU.
(18) geometrie sine cosmographie L, W, VU.
(19) expartes L. (20) placatu L. (21) hii L.
(22) Perspitient L ; prospicient Ui. (23) intentione L, W, UU.
(24) devicisse UU. (25) fecerimus parumper attende L, W, UU.
(26) intellexerim scriptis L, W, UU ; intellexerum W.
I
114 APPENDICES.
esse asserit, cum pro circulis, ut eius uerbis utar, que sunt in VIII°^
circa principium libro, rectas lineas facimus particularibusque^ in
tabulis meridianos ipsos non inclinatos et reflexes^ sed rectos*
invicem equidistantes* adnotabimus*. Alteram vero esse testatur,
cum eius formam ubique flexis et inclinatis lineis ut ipsius terrae
situs ratio exigit et non directis' exprimimus. Harum porro
rationum etsi posteriorem magis approbat, utpote artificiosiorem® ac
subtiliorem, superiorem® tamen in pictura secutus est^®, non procul
a veritate esse affirmans, si quis in pingendo orbe pro circulis, ut
modo diximus, rectas lineas fecerit.
Nos autem, illustrissime P(rinceps), (in the Dedication to Pope
Paul II. B[eatissime] P[ater]), cum per ocium^^ aliquando^* eius
scripta^' legeremus, quae a professione nostra non abhorrebant et in
eum locum", qui est in primo eius fere libro circa finem, forte^' in-
cidissemus, ubi precipit magis tenendum esse^*, quod sit equius
atque" seriosius, quam quod sit facilius debiliusque, repente hac
lectione 'admonti cogitare cepimus, quo pacto nos aliquid glorias
compararemus^^ Rati enim nobis oblatam^® esse occasionem, uti
aliquid industriae nostras monumentum*° estaret*^ et ingenii vires
elucessere** possent, statim picturam orbis propterea*^ ratione
facere^* aggressi sumus, que apud ilium approbatior videretur.
Nam et pro circulis inclinatas lineas non equidistantes** singilatim**
omnes, ut ipse monet, fieri oportere^^, ubi opus fuit, fecimus et
locorum situs inter paralellos incidentes ex utrorumque rationibus
coniecturavimus^®, et quo facilius ratio distantiae cuiuslibet loci,
(i) octauo L, W, UU. (2) que is not in W, UU.
(3) reflexes L, W, U U, instead of flexos.
(4) rectos is not in L, W, UU. (5) eque distantes L, W, UU.
(6) adnotamus L, W, UU.
(7) rectis W, UU. The passage in Book VI II., ch. I., reads : "Nee
procul a veritate fiet, sicut initio operis diximus, si pro circulis rectas
lineas describemus. Preterea particularibus in tabulis adnotabimus meri-
dianos ipsos non inclinatos et flexos, sed invicem eque distantes."
(8) artifitiorem L. (9) supe L.
(10) Zusatz : si [vel L] eius est, que circumfertur in antiquis exem-
plaribus pictura L, W, UU. (11) otium L, W.
(12) aliquando is not in W, UU. (13) scriptam L.
(14) lacum W, UU. (15) forte legendum L, W, UU.
(16) esse in pictura L, W, UU. (17) et W, UU.
(18) comparemus L, W, UU. (19) oblatum L.
(20) monimentum W, UU. (21) extaret W, UU ; e stare L.
(22) ducescere UU. (23) propera L, W, UU.
(24) facere is not in UU. (25) eque distantes L, W, UU.
(26) singillatim L, UU. (27) ut ipse fieri monet oportere W, UU.
(28) coniectavimus L, W, UU.
APPENDICES, 115
quae per lineas equidistantes^ discerni non satis plane poterat,
certior extaret, ipsius intervalli numerum sub extremis paralellis
cuiuslibet tabule* ascribere^ non recusavimus.
[3] Q^Jd dicam, quod cum in antiquorum exemplarium gre-
corum* pictura discerni non possit*, quot et* qui in quacumque
regione vel provintia populi, nationes, gentes, urbes, oppida, flumina,
lacus, portus et montes contineantur', et sub quo celo posita aut in
quam partem altere ab alteris® vergunt^, nos certa quedam^° ex illis,
non tamen omnia, sed cuncta, quae a ptolomeo ipso ratione^^ in
scriptis suis adnotata sunt, ita distinximus ac lineis quibusdam^^
punctim scriptis^'* vallavimus^*, ut quivis^* etiam imperitus facile
discernere valeat, atque ipsam etiam^* formam picturae, quae certe
apud alios vastissima erat^'^, ad eum modum redegimus, servatis
diligentissime omnium locorum dimensionibus, qui cunctis sit
posthac illam intueri volentibus gratior futurus^®. Reliqua vero illius
tanti viri, ut prius erant, intacta reliquimus^^ nisi quantum studii
amor et legentium sollicitudo suggessit^ ut ob mutationes temporum, que
frequenter in orbe contingunt duas nobilissimas regiones, Hispaniam^
videlicet et ytalian^ quorum loca ab {/y° auctoris vetustatem per (/y^
maxima eorum parte a noticia nostra deciderunt ; ipsas etiam regiones^
que in oceano sarmatico se ingerunt et sub paralello per circulum
(i) per rectas lineas et eque distantes L ; per lineas et eque
distantes W, UU.
(2) numerum sub gradu cuiuslibet paralelli L ; extaret miliarium
continentiam cuiuslibet (gradus) longitudinis cjuibusdam paralellis singu-
larum tabularum W, UU. (3) adscnbere L.
(4) tarn grecorum quam latinorum L, W, UU.
(5) cuius quantitatis et forme quelibet insularum sit que proprias
descriptiones non habent et W, UU. (6) aut W, UU.
(7) quaque regione vel provintia populi, mtiones (!), gentes, oppida,
urbis fluvia (!), [portus] lacus et montes continerentur L; populi vel
gentes, o^ida, urbes, flumina, portus, lacus et montes continerentur W,
UU. (8) altere ab alteris is not in L, W, UU.
(9) vergant L, W, UU.
(10) quedam certa W, Ui ; certe U2 ; certam L.
(11) etiam L, W, UU. (12) quibus L.
(13) signatis L ; punctum signatis W, Ui ; punctim signatis U2.
(14) Ipsas etiam insulas miaores ad proprias formas preter ptolomeum
redegimus is added in W and UU.
(15) quam vis L. (16) etiam ipsam UU.
(17) et communem librorum exedebat(!) rationem W, UU.
(18) facturus L.
(19) relinquimus UU. What follows is not in the Dedications to
Borso, but in all Dedications to Pope Paul II., also in the Vatican MSS.
(Urbin. lat. 274 et 275), as Father Ehrle informed me.
(20) ab instead of ob W and UU.
(21) per W, UU instead of pro written with small letters.
I 2
116
APPENDICES.
articum ductum occurrunt: Datiam utpotCy stamam\ nordegiam^
Gottiam^ Suetiam^ Gronelandian^ et regiones sidi adhaertntes cum
insulis adiacentibnsy de quibusprofectoptolomeus ipse autstrabo diligens
necaliquis cosmographus descriptionis monimenta relinquit^ certa ratione
iungendo nostrcUitn poneremus, Nacti autem consilio salutari, quod
honori confert et fame, prefatus regiones in suis locisy ui intueri fas est^
non discribendo^ ne tanti viri opus forte scitideremus^ sed pingendo per
regna sua singulariter exoravimu^.
[4*] Cum banc igitur picturam,
ut dixi, pene ad votum absol-
vissemus eamque dicare alicui
principi cogitaremus : nemo sane
te dignior nobis visus est, ad
quem potissimum destinaremus.
Tu enim solus es, si verum fateri
volumus, ex omnibus Italise^
principibus, qui et talibus scriptis
ac picturis multum delecteris, et
qui plures in eiusmodi re et in
ceteris aliis multis excellentes et
doctos viros penes te habeas, qui
facile valeant, si quid a nobis
erratum fuerit, reprehendere et
laudare, si quid recte factum.
Nam ut alios obmittam*, qui in
urbe tua his temporibus philoso-
phantur, quis in matematicis*
iohanne blanchino et petro bono
etiam in physicis doctior. quis in
medicina sonzino acutior et fran-
cisco fratre in dyalectica' etiam
et philosophia® subtilior. Quis
in civili ac pontificio^ iure fran-
cisco porcellino peritior. quis in
theologia iohanne gatto sublimior
eodemque Uteris grecis et latinis
[4^J Cum banc igitur picturam,
ut dixi, pene ad votum absol-
vissemus eamque dicare alicui
principi cogitaremus, nemo sane
te dignatior^^ nobis visus est,
B.P., quem huiuscemodi
munere^^ dignissimum existi*
marem. Cui enim terrarum
omnium situm dedicare debeOy
quam illi principi, cuius sanctissi-
mis pedibus quicquid extreme
occeano (!) circumdatur, subiici
oportet et quod a sacerdote pro-
venit, id ad omnium sacerdotum
archimandritam referendum erit.
Nee moneat^'* quemquam, B.P.,
si hoc ipsum opus ad estensem fer-
rarie principem priusquam ad te
delatum sit. Quis enim ita iniquus
rerum iudex erit, ut quempiam
in honore a me tibi praelatum
putet, cum universum christianum
nomen ita apostolice sedi primas
partes sine controversia concedat,
ut nullius nisi longo relicto inter-
vallo secundus habeatur. Neque
enim putavi neque fas esse duxi
quicquam ad te antea mittere.
(i) scaniam UU.
(2) The three last names are like hispania in UU.
(3) exoravimus for exorriavimus also in the Ulm Ausgaben editions
of 1482 and i486. (4) ytalie L. (5) omittam L, W, UU.
(6) mathematicis L. (7) dyalecticis L. (8) ac philosophia L.
(9) pontifitio L. (10) dignior UU.
(11) Die abbreviation for munere is in UU given as munera.
(12) moneat instead of mov^at W and UU, as also occeano.
APPENDICES.
117
omatior. Quis denique in omni
genere doctrinse hieronymo^ ca-
stellano prestantior. dies me certe
deficeret*, illustrissime p(rinceps),
si cunctos* excellentes* viros,
qui hac tempestate tuam urbem
incolunt, enumerare aut illorum
virtutes persequi velim, qui, sane
illam non incolerent, nisi te solum
hac nostra etate intuerentur, qui,
cum probe noris, virtutem vitae
mortalium ducem esse prsestantis
doctrina viros sublevaris* et ab
inerti otio ad legendi aut scribendi
negocium® traduceres. Itaque
nunquam satis pro mentis tua
probitas ac virtus laudari poterit,
quae, cum omnem anteactam
vitam variis disciplinis' impen-
dent, nunc etiam doctis faveat
viris et sua munificentia reliquos
ad eandem invitet virtutis emu-
lationem.
[5] Accipe igitur, humanissime
princeps et italicae'' nobilitatis
decus hoc, quod tibi dicavimus**
opus, quod non tam cognoscendi
quam emendandi causa ad te
mittimus. Quare, si quid in eo
reprehensione dignum oflfenderis,
quaeso ne me[ae]^° potius imbecil-
litati ingenii, quam magnitudini
ac difficultati operis assignandum
putes^^. Sin autem nos in com-
munem omnium utilitatem non
frustra in hac ipsa re laborasse
comperies, rogamus te etiam at-
quam id nam (!) modo summa
industria lucubratum" expoli-
tumque esset, verum etiam mul-
torum doctissimorum hominum
iuditium subisset. Non enim
pontificij fastigij oblitus alium
summo pontifici preposui, sed
humane imbecillitatis memor et
nostre tenuitatis conscius meo de
re tanta iudicio non prius stan-
dum decrevi, quam maximas
mathematicis esset approbatum.
Quam ob rem missum est illud
quidem a nobis in eam urbem,
in qua et auctoritate principis,
qui bonis ingenijs fa vet, et
copia doctorum virorum, qui et,
quum universam etatem in hoc
litterarum genere contriverunt,
exactissime possent et, quum
studiorum coniunctione et diut-
urna consuetudine mihi amicis-
simi^^ essent, maxime vellent,
emendacius^* redderetur. Nunc
igitur ab illis spectatum atque
probatum visum dignum est,
quod non modo elimatius, verum
etiam, quoad a me fieri potuit,
materia ipsa ornatius in pontificie
maiestatis conspectum tandem
prodiret.
[5] Tue igitur clementie fuerit,
B. P., ita a servulo devotissimo
munus accipere, ut et si reliqua
in eo non amplissimis omnino
laudibus digna sint, sedulitatem
tamen et deuotionem nostram
(i) hyeronimo L. (2) deferret L.
(3) servitos instead of si cunctos L. (4) excellentis L.
(5) sublevares L. (6) negotium L.
(7) The abbreviation can also mean disci pulis. (8) ytalice L.
(9) dedicavimus L. (10) mee L. (11) potes L.
(12) lugubratum UU. (13) amicissum UU. (14) emendatius UU.
118
APPENDICES,
que etiam, ut in multis aliis, que
adhuc intacta supersunt, diver-
sarum artium nobis per tuam
beneficentiam ac liberalitatem
vires ingenii liceat exercere.
Vale.
erga sanctitatem^ tuam non
aspemeris. Est enim eiuus',
que in pontificio culmine maiestas
est, non quantum dederim, sed
quantum dare voluerim, intueri.
Supplicem ama.
(i) sanctificationem for sanctitatem is the emendation of W.
(2) eiuus an obvious clerical error for eius UU.
VII.
Xibro **Comto 6( &ibituri e cre&eCurt facto 1452
[&i XCad^eo CriPcUi miniatore].
»»
o^ 1
vo
1462.
Maistro Nicolo todesco cartolaro de auere soldi dui per
prexio de uno quarto de azuro che lui me de adj 5
de feueraro
E de auere soldi sete per prexio de uno quarto de azuro
che lui me deadj 14 de feueraro . . . .
E de auere adj 16 de feueraro per uono quarto de azuro
s. quatro e per vno quarto de uerde s. vno d. sei
E de auere adj 4 de feueraro soldi diexe che lui me de
in persona ....
E de auere adj 15 de marzo leuere uno soldi dui chel
me de
E de auere adj 1 6 de marzo .
E de auere adj 18 de marzo .
Per alamente ....
E de auere adj 27 de marzo .
E de auere adj 28 de marzo per azuro
E de auere adj 30 de marzo .
E de auere adj primo de auerille .
O^ 2.
1462.
Maistro nicolo todesco cartolaro adj 12 de feueraro de
dare L. vna s. diexenoue per miara vno e cento
letere tratezade e parafi miara dui a soldi tri lo
centanaro dele letere monta . . . .
E de dare adj 1 7 de feueraro s. tri per vna letera doro da
letura . . . .
/. 5, d.
o 2
o 7
o 5
10
1 2
o 10
o 7
o 10
o 3
O 2
O 4
o 3
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
4 2 (!)
I 19 o
030
APPENDICES. 119
/. s, d,
E de dare adj 4 de marzo soldi trenta noue per mile
doxento letere e parafi mile i 19 o
E de dare adj 27 de marzo per la miadura de uno donato 050
E de dare adj 22 da uerile per letere cinquecento trate-
zade s. quindese e per parafi miara doe e cinquecento
s. sete d. sei monta in somma . . . .120
E dare adj 28 de auerile per una letera doro como una
arma . . . . . . . . .060
E de dare adj 5 de mazo per uno centanaro de letere
antighe che fo in uno libreto de li inperaduri . .020
*ta ovo
5 16
Maistro nicolo todescho cartolaro de dare adi s ^^ zugno
L. vna s. noue e d. 6 marchesani per letere 575 a 3s.
lo centanaro e per letere 477 a s. i d. 6 lo centa-
naro monta 196
1452.
Maistro nicolo todescho cartolaro de pagare le tre
Campezate 016
E de dare che ge de messer fedrig per mi . .0100
E dare per letere ccl de pena non tratezade e parafi mile 069
E de daro per miniadura de uno oficiolo . . .1150
E de pacare letere cinquecento cinquanta tratezade e
miara 5 che fo in una letura soa . . . .1116
E de pagare letere dosento e che fo 14 quintemi de una
letura e miara uno parafi monta . . . .090
E de pagare letere cento che fe in quinterni 4 de letura e
parafi miara uno monta . . . . . .060
E de auere 040
E de auere 020
E de auere per uno quarto de azuro . . .060
E de auere 040
E de auere per uno quarto de azuro . . .060
E de auere 060
E de auere 020
E de auere 016
E de auere 040
120
APPENDICES.
C^ 3^0.
1453.
Maistro nicolo de pagare letere dosento cinquanta trate-
zade e parafi miara uno raonta
£ de dare per miniadura de uno officiolo
£ de dare per una letera doro e 8 cento parafi
E de dare per vno donato ....
E de dare per vno donato ....
£ de dare per una pisanela in la quale fe le tratezade
6 cento e parafi miara 3 e una letera doro
E per una letera doro
E per una letera doro
1453 aJ)j 28 De ma3o.
lo tadie dai criueli aminiadore a saldai e feci rasone con
Maistro nicolo todesco cartolaro al di soprascrito de
ogni cosa aue abuto a fare con lui per fino al di
soprascrito. Rimasi suo debitore de quarto L. mar-
chesane e cosi lui fo contento ....
/. s, //.
O II
o 4
o 5
5
1 10
o I
O I
6
o
o
o
o
o
o
o
De questo saldo sora scrito ne apare uno altro saldo a
carte 6 nel qualle e computado questo soprascrito e
ogni rasone che nuj aueseno auto a fare inseme
per fino a questo di e milesmo zoe de 1454 de 19
de luio.
1454 aJ)j 14 j)e flDarso.
Maistro Nicolo todescho cartolaro de dara adj 14 de
marzo ;^i 5 s. 6d. per centenaro 6 de letere de pena
e miara 2 e -f- de parafi che sono in 14 quinterni de
una letura 156
E de dare adj 16 de marzo s. 5 per doe letere doro zoe
una da tri e una da du e iera da due principi de
lettura 050
E de dare adj 25 de marzo per la miniadura de uno
donato s. 5 e per cento letere de pena s. 3 e per la lo
prentipio de quelle pistore de san yerolino s. 10 e.per
una altra letra campezada s. i che fo nele doe pistole 019 o
E de dare adj 7 de mazo per s. 6 per Mile parafi 677
letere de pena 060
£ de dare adj 24 de mazo per lo presio de doe letere
doro ......... o ..^ o
APPENDICES, 121
/. s, d,
E de dare adj 8 de zugno s. 19 d. 6 per seicento letre de
pena e una doro 0196
E de dare adj 2 de zugno s. 13 per letre 280 e parafi 1475 012 o
Cta 6V0. 1454.
Maistro nicolo todesco cartolaro de daro adj 19 de luio
1. I s. 15 per miniaduro de uno officiolo . . .1150
Tlota cbe bel 1464 abj 19 be luio*
lo tadie dai criuellj feci e asaldaj Basoni con maistro
nicolo tadesco cartolaro adi soprascrito de ogni
dinari e colurj auese abuto da luj e de ogni minia-
dura de oro e de pena auese fato a lui et dogni rason
scripta e non scrita ogni saldo fato per lo pasato fato
fra nui sintenda esere nula perche nui siamo cosi
dacordo chel dito M° nicolo resta auere da mi tadie
liuere cinque de marchesane le quale liuere se de
scontare in miniatura 500
Maistro nicolo soprascrito de auere adj 27 de luio s. i per
uno quarto de zalla . . . . . .010
E de auere adj 30 de luio s. 7 per uno quarto de azuro .070
E de auere per uno quarto de zalo . . . .010
E de auere per -i. onza de uerde 030
E de auere per -i- onza de zalo . . . .016
E de auere che lui me presto one
E de auere per -j- onza de verde . . . . .030
C^ 7. 1454.
Maistro Nicolo contrascrito de dar adj 24 de setenbre s. 3
per cento letre de uerzino antiche e fo in 4 quintemi
de una letura . . . . . .030
E de dare adj 27 de nouenbre s. 3 per quaranta letere
tratezade 030
E de dare adj 8 de zenaro s. i del 1455 per una letra
doro chanpezada . . . . . . .010
E de dare per una letra che fo prentipio de offitiolo .060
E de dare adj 25 de zenaro s. 3 per 4 letre campezade
e per 4 de pena 030
E de dare per uno donato 05
E de dare adj ultimo de marzo Lire 2 soldi 10 per minia-
dura de una letura che lo gia miniai in la quale fe le
700 a s. 3 el centanaro monta 1. i s. i e parafi miara
8 monta 1. 1 s. 4 e una letra doro s. 5, monta in soma 210
o
122 APPENDICES.
L s. d.
E de dare per una letura in la quale dosento letre e doa
milia paraii e una letra doro de s. 3 monta . .0150
E de dare per una letura che ge fo letre 6 cento e parafi
miara e una letra doro i 19 o
C^ 7V0. 1456.
Recordo che mi tadie liuerai da miniare a M° Nicolo lo
mesalle che ge aueua comenzado a rainiare M° Zoane
todescho su lo qualle mesere fe questo lauorirero
I prima uno crocefiso con la nostra dona e S. Zoane .200
Item letere de penello 16 da s. 3 luna monta . . .280
Item ge feici letere de pena tratezade 352 da s. 4 el
centanaro 0140
le ce tratezai 250 letere a s. 2 el centanaro . .050
Maistro nicolo de dare per miniadura de uno officiollo
L. 2 in el qualle ere letere 14 doro con 4 principi e
de pena tratizade ......
E de dare per miniadura de una letura in la qualle fo
parafi 2 milia e lettere 25 monta . . . .
Recorde che io restai debetore 1. i s. 15 adj 28 de ottouero
1456.
C** 8. 1456.
Fato e assaldarasimo tra M° nicole todescho e mi tadie
miniadore adj 28 de ottobre de ogni cosa auese
abuto a fare inseme zenerallemente per fino adi
soprascripto, Resto suo debitore 1. j s. 15 e semo
rimasti dacorda
Item me presto ....
Item aui meza onza da zuro .
Item me presto ....
C** 9^°. 1456.
I 15 o
o 10 o
036
o 14 o
336
Maistro nicoUo todescho de dare adj 16 de nouembre
1. 2 s. 18 d. 6 per la miniadura de una letura in la
qualle fo letere mille cento e parafi sete milia
cinquanta e una letera doro da s. 3 el centenaro da
s. 3 monta . . . . . . . . 2 18
E de dare adj . . de zenaro 1456 s. 14 per la miniatura
de una letura de li qualli dinari ne de s. 3 per una
medaja resto s. 11 on
APPENDICES. 123
/. s. d,
£ de dare per la miniadura de una letura Lire j soldi lo
de marchesani in la qualle fo una letera dora de s. 3 e
600 letere e parafi miara 3 j 10 o
O* 10.
1456.
Maistro nicolo contrascripto de auere 1. 3 s. 2 d. 6 per una
sua rason leuada in questo adj 8 in piu poste soma
in tuto 326
O^ 44^0.
1455.
Nicolo da chile de dare (adj 24 de desenbre) s. 14 che io
fezi boni a Maistro nicolo todescho per luj . .0140
1451 M 16 &e luio.
Fato e a salda razon con M° Nicholo todesco resta auer
da mi tadie L. 5 non mitando in conto la etura de
messer antonio da bagna caualo che resto a essere
pagato da luj.
Item de auere 070
Cunza for per uno altro salda de rasone fato tra lui e mi
adj vinteoto de zenaro del 1452 zoe de hogni cosa
auese abuto a fare con el dito Maistro nicolo.
[Regio Archivio di Stato in Modena. Archivi speciali — arti belle —
Miniatori.]
(Fine del libro.)
Father Manganotti was good to send me the following description
of the Codex Crivelli: "Codice cartaceo, 0,21,4 ^ o>i5>2 coperto
in carta pecora, di carte 93 numerate, precedute da altre 5 carte non
numerate. Porta il titolo esterno : Comto di dibituri e crededuri.
facto 1452." This document has till lately never been clearly or
thoroughly understood, as may be seen in the account, which Hermann
gives in his Geschichte der Miniaturmaterei am Hofe der Este for
March 27, 1452 ; "5 Soldi und 1 Lira 15 Soldi per miadura de uno
oficiolo."
INDEX.
Abhatia omnium iancconim, St
Adalbert. Archbishop, t, xi
AduD, ofBcemen, i-8, 15,11, $'
Aiitiin IV, Pope, loj
AT, Cafe, 15
Afbvirf, Cafe, 1;
Africa, 4, g, S7. 95
Agnatjord, i
Adl, Ballads of, 3;
■ "'.35
Agne
. 90
Ahleaius, 67
Albano, io3
Albert, Father, 89
Albcctus Magnus, 3a, loa
Albiici Chtonici, 63
Aldabrand, 34
Alciander VI, Pape, 11, Jo, 45, 48, 50
Alfbnio of Atagon, King, 65
Aliates, Petrus, 89
Almanla, gj
Alptlirdingen, 9
Amager, 66
Amaioni, |7, 66
AmtraliliTjord, 17
America, 79 ; first map showing, 36, e.
Anavik, »7
Anderson, Ratmui Bjtim, 43
Andrew, Blihop of Osloi, 103
Andrew'j Cross, Saint, 38
Angdus, Jacob, 69
Anglia, gj
Antlllia, 101
Aplanus, 89
Appeanlnus Mons, iii
Aragon, fij
Arctic Expedition, German, 31
All Thor^ason, sa Thorgilison, Ari
109
Arroiiheiro, Johanne
Amald, Sithop, %, zi, 41
Arnald, Court Chaplain, 34
Arnold, Governor, 41
Ascatinus, Bishop of Bergen, 10
Asia, 66, 8g
Asker, ArcAbishep, Ii
Atlantic greyhounds, 16
A.bb,J. I ...
Auguitinei, 3$
Auslralls, Terra, 64, 8;
Aveiac-Macaya,MatieArmand Pascal, d' t%
Ayola, Pedro de, 10;
Bacon, Roger, 6j
Baffio'i Bay. 34
Baltic Sea, 60
Bandini, Angelo Maria, ill
Bardsson, Ivar, 11, 15, 18, 33, 45, 47
Barrow Straiti, 34
Baumgaimer, Alexander, 7, It
Beccario, 1435, 106
Bergen, 4.7, 48, 66, 103 ; BUhop of, 103
Bernard, Augustin, I
Bernardui, de Ortolii, 55
Bianchini, Giovanni, 74, 78, loS, etc.
Bianco, Andrew, Map, 1436, 31,104, 106
Bjatmeland, 46, 57
Bjarmones, 66
Bjame, 13,«ft., 18, 34
Bjom, of Skardii, 46
Bjornsdottir, SigriSr, 48
Black Death, 47, +8
Blanchinus, Jabannei, 74, 7I
Blau, 58
Bologna Ptolemy edition, lee Pculemy
Bono deU'Avacato, Pietro, 74, 7S, tic,
loi, etc.
Bonus, Petrus, 74, 78, etc., 108, etc.
Book of Hauk, ste Hiuk, Book of
Borpa, Cardinal, see Alexander VI
Borglumends, Ord. Cist., 103
Borsclti Ferranti Balanl, Ferrante Oio>
vanni, 7K-S0
Bono di £sle, Dake, 73, elc, to8, etc.
Boulenget Globe, 90
Baye, 16, 38, 39
Brasilia, 89
, Braetihlid. 6, 18,1;
Brazil, Island, 94, 99, 105-107
INDEX.
125
Brazir, Islaftdy X05
Breidaifjord, 5
Bremen, ly see also Adam, of Bremen
Brenner, Oscar, 104
Brezir, Island, X05
Bristol Merchants^ 105
Britain, X03
Brugeios, Itinlraire, 66
Brussels Ptolemy, see Ptolemy
Bniun, Daniel, 26, 30, 44, 51
Bniun, Malthe Conrad, 53, 54
Brynjillfson, 29
Bugge, Alexander, 52
Buondelmonte, Christopher, 63
Buondelmonte Codex, 64, 71, 76
Burgundy, Kings of, 35
Byzantium, 58) 69
Cabral, 89
Cabulium, 77
Campori, Guiseppe, Marquis, 75, 80
Canada, 96
Canerio, 1500, 77, 106
Cantino, 77, 92
Cape Breton, 97
Capricorn, Tropic of, 89
Carelorum regio, 61, 6 a
Carmelites, German, 60
Caroli, 91
Cartier, Jean, 98
Casella, Ludovico, 74, 108, etc.
Catalanian Portulan, 15 th cent., 94, 99
Cemnat, 78
Ceradini, Giulio, 81
Chemmat, jj
Chesterton, England, 42
Chetaori, 77
Christ, cross of, 71
Christy, Robert Miller, 92
Cimbrian Peninsula, 59, 69
Claudius Clavus, 57, 59, 84, 91
Claudius Cymbricus, 57, 59, 84, 91
Claudius Niger, 57, 59, 84, 91
Clavius, Claudius, 57, 59, 84, 51
Codanus, Sinus, 59, 84, etc,
Cogdanus, Sinus, 85
Columbus, Christopher, 89, 106
Compostela, 104
Conrad, Grand Master, 63
Constance, Council of, 60
Constantinople, 103
Coote, Charles Henry, of the British
Museum, 90
Coracles, 67, 99
Corner, Hermann, 4
Corporal, 50
Corterat, Gaspar, 92
Corterat, Terra, 92
Cosa, Juande la, Map of the World, 1500,
107
Cranz, David, 99
Crivelli, Thaddaus, 80, etc., 108, etc.
Crusade Penny, 29
Crusades, 103
Csontosi, 73
Cuba, 88
Cyclades, 82
Cymbricus, Claudius, 57, 59, 84, 91
Daae, Ludwig, 22, 51
Dacia, 84, 85
Dagmal position, 95, 96
Dahlgren, 65, 66
Dahlmann, Friedrich Christoph., 5
Dalmatia, 76
Dalorto, 32
De Costa, Benjamin Franklin, 49
Dalmatia, 76
Denmark, 64, 103
Denmark, King of, 2, 3, 61
Denys, Nicolas, 98
Deodatus Sanctus, 87
Deutsche Rtmdschan, 12
Di^, St., 87
Dighton Rock, iii, 42, 43
Doegr, 97
Dolarto Portulano, 1339, 104
Dominicans, 37^ 103
Donatus, 81
Donis, 73
** Donis *' Maps, 24, 70
Donnus Nicolaus Germanus, see Nicolaus,
Germanus
Draethoor, Insula, 66
Draghdr parva, 66
Drontheim, 15
Drontheim, Archbishop of, 50, 102, etc.
Drontheim Cathedral, 67
DulcertMap, 1339, 104
Diirer, Albrecht, 88
Dvalin, 35
Ebnerianus, Codex, 75
Edda, 35
Egger, Peter von, 23
Egypt, Sultan of, 32
Ehrle, Franz, v., 43, 52, 75, 82
Einar, Envoy of Greenland, 104
Einar Saga, 104
Einridr, 34
Elter, Anton, 87-89
England, 61, 103
Engronelant, 83, 86, 89, 93
Eric the Red, 5, etc,^ 97
Eric VII., of Pomerania, 60
Eric, Bishop, 21, 29, 41
Eric Saga, 12, 99
Erici Portus, 60, 64
ErichsQord, 5, 7, 27
Erichsstadn, 60
Erichsstadt, 60, 64
Erling, 34
Eskimos, 47, 54, 67, 98, 99
Este, Duke Borso di, 73, etc., loS, etc.
Este MS., Modena, 73, 108, etc.
Estotiland, King of, 43
Estotiland, Library of, 44
Eubel, Konrad, 21
Europe, Map of, 84
Eykt and Dagmal position, 95, 96
126
INDEX,
Eyrbygg, 9
Eyrbyggja Saga, 9
Eystribyg, 23, 24
Falcon, White, 32
Faro, island, 66
Faroer, Bishop of, xoz
Feminarum insula, 66
Femo, Island^ 66
Ferdinand, King of Naples, 73
Feret, Pierre, 78
Ferrara, 74, 78, 80
Filiaster, Cardinal, 58, etc, 72, 83, etc.
Finseus, Orontius, see Fine, Oronce
Fine, Oronce, Delph, 91, etc,
Finland, 62, 102
Finnmark, 46, 57
Finnus Johannaeus, see J6ns8on, Finnr,
Bishop ofSkalholt
Fischer, Joseph, 45, 72, 73, 80, x ox, x 02
Fixlanda, Island^ 94, X05
Flanders, 29, 104
Flatey Book, 7, 12, X3, 15, X7, X9, X02
F16amanna Saga, 20
Florentine Norse Maps, 24, 58, see also
Ptolemy
France, Map of, 75, %i,etc, ; Routes, 104
Franciscus a Sancta Clara, 10 1
Frantz, Erich, 73
Frederick Il.y Emperor^ 32
Freiburg im Breisgau, 89
Freydis, 18
Friedlieb, Franziscus, 59
Frisland, 106
Frixlanda, Island^ 107
Frobisher, Martin, 106
Fuxo, Cardinal de, 65
Gda^ 32
Gallia, 85
Gallois, L., 68, 75, -j-j^ 79, 8x, 88, 89-92
Gamlason, Porhallr, 9
Gardar, 8, 22, 26, 28, 29, 39, 4X, 45,47,
50 ; Bishop of, X02, etc.
Garde, 8
Geelmyden, H., 96
Gel^ich, Eugen, 28, 42, 44
Gellisson, Thorkel, 5
Genoa Mappemonde, 1447} 85
Gering, Hugo, 9, 13
German battleships, 48
German Polar Expedition, 32
Germain, Jehan, 78
German ia, 84
Germanus, Joannes, 78
Germanus, Nicolaus, see Nicolaus
Germany, 103 ; Emperor of, 104
Gizur, Bishop of Iceland, X02
Gheyn, Joseph van den, 78
Godthaabsfjord, 27
Gold Mines, Danish, 64
GoUanda, 102
Golther, Wolfgang, 4, 5
Gothaab, 27
Gothland, 63, 77
Graah, Wilhelm August, 24
Gravier, Gabriel, 4X, 53, xoi
Greek Archipelago, 64
Greenland, x, etc.^ 6x, 62, 66, X03, in
cartography, 69, 8 x, 86, etc,
Greenland, Zoology of. 30-33, 56
Gregor, S., Island, 107
Grenlanda, X02
Gretti Saga, 9
Gripla, 28
Grolandia, 84
Gronelant, 83
Gronlendingapattr, x6
Gudmundsson, Finnur^ 26, 43
Gudmund, Jonas> 46
Gudrid, 18, 36, 102
Gunnbjorn, 6
Gunthcr, 35
Giinther, Siegmund, i
Gutenberg, Johann, 81
Haalogaland, 15
Haebler, Konrad, 43
Hafger^jingadr&pa, 35
Hafner, H., v., 89
Hagen, 35
Hahn, Nicolaus, 8x
Hakon, King of Norway, 22, 67, 68
Haldis, 36
Haldur, Priest, 34
Hallagland, 3
Hamy, Ernest Theodore, 68
Hanncke, Rudolf, 21
Harrisse, Henry, 88, 92, 106
Hasfurth, 59
Hauk, 12
Hauk, Book of, 12, 13, 15, 17, X9, 33,
102
Hechelberg, 68
Heinfogel, Conrad us, 88
Hekla, 68
Helgafeld, 5
Helgi, 34
Helluland, 8, 17, 46, 55, 94, etc.
Helmingson, Thorstein, 48
Hem burg, 4
Henry III., Emperor of Germany, X04
Henry VII., King of England, X05
Herjulf, 13
Hermann, Hermann Julius, 73, 81
Hey wood, J. C, 30, 48, 51
Higden, Ranulphus, 64
Hinn, Fr6di, see Thorgilsson, Ari
Hinn Hepni, Leif, 7
Hinschius, Paul, 50
Holar, 50 ; Bishop of, 51, X02
Holden, Edward Singleton, 43
Holm, Gustav Frederik, 25, 27
Holstein, Duchy of, 64, 77
Holy Land, 61, 103 ; Map of, 75, 8x, etc,
Holzapfel, 63
Hon terns, Johann, 90
Hop, 97
Horsford, Eben Norton, 42
Howley, Bishop, 57
INDEX.
127
Hnitafjordy 9
Humboldt, Fried rich Heinrlch Alexander
von, Baron f 37
Hvalsey, 48
Hvarf, Cape^ 24
Iceland, i, etc., 66, 70, 85
Icelandic Annals, 47, d"]
Igalikofjord, 38, 39
Ikigait, 39, 40
Ilacomilus, Martinus, see Waldseemiiller,
M.
Ilia de Brazil, 99
Ilia Verde, 94, 99, 107
India, no
Indian Rice, 98
Indians, North American, 99
Innocent III., Pope^ 61
Innocent VIII. , Pope^ 49
Insula glacialis, 85
Insula Rovercha, 104
Inventio Fortunata^ '50o> i©'
Ireland, 105
Irenicus, Franciscus, 58, 61, 64, 68, 71
Isabella Island, 88
Isafjord, 27
Islanda, 102
Isleiv, Bishop of Iceland, 102, 104
Italia, no
Italy, Nicolaus' Map of, 74, 75, 81
Itineraire Brugeoib, 66
Ivar Bardsson, see Bardsson, I.
}an Mayen, 34, 56
angingen, 63
JeliC, Luka, 21,28, 29, 37, 41, 44, 45, 48,
5»» 53, 54
erusalem, 104
essen, 26
ohn. Archbishop of Drontheim, 103
bhn, of Koslin, Bishop, 21
ohn XXII., Pope^ 29
omard, Edme Fran9ois, 68, 90
on. Bishop of Greenland, 1208, 103
on Ericson Scalle, Bishop of Greenland,
103
on pbrdarson, 14
6nsson, Arngrimr, 15
onsson, Finnr, Bishop of Skalholt^ 52
onsson, Finnur, 26-28
uan de la Cosa, 107
udea, no
ueghelberch, 68
}~ ulianehaab, 23, 25, 27
utland, 60, 66
Kagsiarsuk, 27, 38, 39
Kajack, ^"j
Kakortok, 27
Kalalit, 99
Kamuiy Bishopric of, 21
Karalit, 99
Karellans, 6x, 62, 66, 91
Karlsefiii, Thorfinn, 7, etc,^ 97, 98^ X02
Kayser, W., X2, 15
Kemmat, 77
Kiel, 66
Kimbe, Thorleif, 9
Kimbervaag, 9
King's Mirror, 9, 22, 28, etc.^ 56, 104
Kinglktorsoak, 34
Kjalarnas, 97
Klene, H., iv.
Knauer, Friedrich Karl, 104
Knorr, Ship, 47, 48, 50
Knotel, A. F. R., 41
Knutsson, Paul, 47
Kohl, Johann Georg, 53
Kolgrimr, 48
Konigssaga, 7
Koslin, 21
Krantz, Albertus, 4
Kretschmer, Konrad, 57, loi
Kristni Saga, 7, 14
Kroksfjar2(arheidi, 33
Krossanas, 97
Krumbacher, Karl, 69
Kultur, 12
Kumtyhone, 64
Kunstmann, Friedrich, 32, loi, 105
Laboratoris, Terra, 92
Labrador, 46, 96
Lady Islands, 34
Lancaster Sound, 34
Llandora, 60
Landskrona, 60
Lapacino, Francesco di, 68
Laponia, 91
Lappenberg, Johann Martin, x
Lapps, 91
Laub, Thomas, 7
Lawrence, St., Gulf of, 98
Leif, 7, etCy 17, 95, 98
Leifsbudir, 16
Lelewel, Joachim, 23, 66, 68, 85, loi
Lenox Globe, 90
Leo IX., Popey 102
Lijsefjord, 18
Lis pounds, 54, 55
Lithuania, 59, 84
Livonia, 63 ; Map of, 77
LofHer, Ernst, 43
Lohr, 106
Liibeck, 66
Liibeck Mappemonde, X475, 102
Lucas, Frederick William, 37, 92
Lund, 21
Lund, Archbishop of, X02
Lyons, Council of, X274, 103
Lyskander, Claus Christophersen, 4X
Macaulay*s ** Schoolboy," 60
Madhkeruth, 66
Madkerot, (id
Magnus, Bishop of Skalholt, 106
Magnus VI., King of Norway, 22, 34
Magnus, Olaus, 37, 51, 67
Major, Richard Henry, of the British
Museum^ 23, 24, 33, 47
128
INDEX.
Mallery, Garrick, 42
Malte-Brun, Conrad, see Bruun, Malthe
Conrad
Manfred!, Hieronymus, 80
Margaret, ^ueen oi Norway, 63
Manganotd, A., v., 73, 75, 80, 108
Marcellus, 52
Markland, 8, etc,^ 55i 94» ^c,^ 105
Martin IV., Pope^ 44
Marzi, Demetrio, 75, 82
Matthias, 52
Matthias, Benedictine, 49, 50
Maurer, Konrad, 3, 7, 16, 21, 23, 24, 28,
I9» 33-36, 38, 47*48, 50-53, 103, 104
Mazer Wood, 45
Mela, 85
Mercator, 90
Mexican MSS., 43
Minorites, 103
Modena, Este MS., 73, 75, 80, 108, etc,
Mogk, Eugen, 6, 13, 22, 25, 34
Monuments Germaniae Historica, see
Pertz, G. H.
Moosmiiller, Oswald, 41, 43, 46, 95, lox
Munch, Peder Andreas, 21, 30, 55
Nancy Ptolemy Codex, see Ptolemy
Ncn, Promontory y 71
Newfoundland, 34, 46, 96
Newfoundland Bank, 46
Newport, Rhode Island, 42
Nicholas III., Pope^ 56
Nicholas V., Pope, 5', 56
Nicholas, Abbot, of Thingegre, 7, 8, 104
Nicholas Sigurdson, 22
Nicolas, de Linna (Lynn), loi
Nicolas, of Albano, Cardinal, 103
Nicolaus Donis, see Nicolaus, Germanus
Nicolaus, Germanus, Donus, 25, 69, 77,
80, etc., 108, etc,\ Lobhymnus, no,
III
Nicolaus Niger, 7 1
Nicolaus teotonichus, 80, xo8, etc,
Nicol6 todesco, 81, 108, etc.
Nordenskiold, Nils Adolf Erik, Baron, 6,
23-25» 35» 38* 58, 59i 63, 65-71, 79,
81, 83, 89-92, 99, 102, X05 ; death, 106
Nordhindh Bondh, 65
Nordinhoduch, 65
Norenbodhen, 65
Norse mark, 29
Northern Lights, 22
Northern Regions, Map of, 75
Nor8rseta, 33, 46
Norumbega, 42
Norway, i, etc., 59, 63, 84, 104
Norwegia, 85
Nova Scotia, 97
Novergia, 84
Nux ultramarina, 45
Oberhummer, Eugene, 89
Obrazill, 106
Odd, 34
Ohio, 42
Olaf, Bishop of Greenland, 103
Olaf I, King of Norway, 7, 9, 15, 17
Olaf, Saint, 38, 61
Olaf Saga, 12
Olafsson, Thorstein, 48
Olsatie ducatus, 64, 77
Orcades, 102
Ordericus Vitalis, loi, 102
Orkneys, 3
Ortelius, Abraham, 88, 90
Osloii, Bishop of, 103 ; Cathedral,- 68
Ottonia, Island^ 60
Padua, 80
Palestine, 61, 103 ; map of, 75, 82
Paris Ptolemy Codex, see Ptolemy
Parry, 44
Paul II, Pope, 73, 75, 77, 78, 112, etc.
Paul, Hermann, li, 35
Pedro de Ayola, 105
Peringskjold, Johan Fredrik, 15
Pertz, Georg Heinrich, 22, 63, 102, Z03
Peschel, Oscar Ferdinand, 10 1
Peter's Pence, 29, 54, 55
Petersen, 26
Petursvik, 27
Pheonia, Island, 60
Phythian, 96
Pilapelant, 86
Pilappelandia, 91
Pilappelanth, 86
Pining, Didrik, 51,67
Pizigani Portulano, 104, 105
Pliny, 85
Plon, 66
Poland, 59
Polonia, S4, 85
Porte-Croix Indians, 43, 44
Portugal, 87
Portugal, King of, 92
Portulanos, 65, 68, 94, 99
Pothorst, 51, 67
Prester John, 65
Priscianus, Peregrinus, 80
Pruci, 63
Prusci, 63
Prussia, 59 ; map of, ^j^ 85
Prussians, perversa nacio, 61, 63
Prutenorum nacio, 61
Pruthia, 84
Pruzzi, 63
Pseudo-Donis, 72
Ptolemy, the Geographer, 58, etc, J^eic,,
106; Bologna edition, 80 ; Brussels Co-
dex, 815 Florence Codex, 69, 71, 76,
8z, no. III; Nancy Codex, 58, ^.;
70, 83 ; Paris Codex, 75, 79 ; Rome
edition, 82; Strassburg edition, 1513,
92 J Vatican Codex, 60, 75. 93 5 Ulm
edition, 1482, i486, 70, 76, 77, 82,
etc.; Wolfegg Codex, 24, 60, 73, 76,
80, 82, etc.y no. III
Pygmies, 66, 91
Quart! Sana, Castle, 73
INDEX,
129
R., J. (Joh. Reger), 78
Radolfzell, 89
Rafh, Carl Christian, 7, 8, 12, 22, 23, 28,
41, 56, 95» 97 .
Raidcl, Georg Martin, 75
Rangafjord, 27
Rattinger, Jesuit, 29
Ratzel, Friedrich, 99.
Rau, Charles, 43
Reclus, Elisee, 43
Reeves, Arthur Middleton, i, 4, 7, 8, 12,
i3» i5» ^7» 96' 97» i02> 103
Reger, Johann, -j^i, 77
Reichenbach, Bavaria^ 72
Reillo, Isiafidy 101
Richard, Joseph, v.
Rimbegla, 97
Ringmann, Matthias, 87
Rink, Hinrich Johannes, 3 1
Rome, 103
Rossia, 84
Rovercha, /vjw/a, 104
Ruelens, Charles, 81
Ruge, Sophus, 17, 23, 34, 41, 42, 58, 69,
94, 99, 105, 106
Runic Stone, 34
Russia, 46, 57, 66
Ruthent, 63
Ruysch, Joh., loi
Sabina, 103
St. Die, 87
Salinga, 60
Salvage, Island^ 100
Sancta Clara, Franciscus a, 101
Sandhill Islands, 24
Santarem, loi
Sarmatia, 84
Satanaxio, Island ^ loi
Saxony, 102
Scalle, John Ericson, Bishop of Green-
land, 103
Schmidt, Valdemar, 26
Schonen, 65
Schbner, Johann, 59, 67, 71, 87, ^o^eic.
Schultz, Alwin, 32
Schwarz, Claudius Clavus, 57, 59» 84, 91
Schwarzkoppen, Christina, 21
Scolvus, John, 5 1
Scoda, 85
Scotland, 69
Serica, 66
Sermelik, 27
Shipley, John B., 42
Shipley, Marie A., 41
Siam, 104
Sighvat, 34
SigriSfr Bjornsdottir, 48
Sigurd, King of Norway, 21
Sigurdson, Nicholas, 22
Sk4ldhe]garimur, 35
Skalholt, 50 ; Bishop of, 51, 106
Skalholt Annals, 46
Skara, Diocese of, 45
Skardz6, 46
Skralingen, 28
Skralings, 6, 9, 19, 33, 47. 62, 98. 99
Slavorum re^o, 61, 62
Slavs, 61, 62
Smith, Ch., 11
Snorri, 7, 9, 19, 102
Snorri Torfeson, 48
Solinus, 85
Solveson, Thorgrimr, 48
Somershavn, 61
Sophie, Ship, 25
Spain, Map of, 75, 81, cic.
Spitzbergen, 34, 56, 105
Squarcione, 80
Stabius, Joannes, 88
Steenstrup, 25
Steinesnes, 24, 28, 29
Stephanius, Sigurd, 99, 106
Stephen's Church, St. , Vienna, 45
Stevens, Henry, Schoner's Globe of, 1523,
90,91
Stevens, Henry Newton, discovers an earlier
printed World map than that in the Ulm
Ptolemy of 1482, 76
Stobnicza, 89
Stock, F. R., 12, 15
Storm, Gustav, i, 4, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13-19,
i9> 34» 38, 41, 44, 45-57» 59> 7°, 84,
94. 95,97->oi> 105-107
Straumsfjord, 45, 97
Suesia, 85
Suessia, 85
Supan, Alexander, 31
Svalbar8r, 34, 56
Sveinson, Dr., 43
Sven Estrithson, King of Denmark, 2, 3
Svolder, 15
Swartho, Claudius Clavus, 57, 84, 91
Sweden, i, etc,
Switzerland, 104
Tanmar, Island j loi
Targioni, 74
Taurica Chersonesus, 84
Terra Australis, 64
Terra Corterat, 92
Terra de Cuba, 88, 92
Terra Laboratoris, 92
Teutonic Knights, 63
Thanay, fl., 84
Thile, Island^ 69
Thingeyre, 7, 8, 104
Tholomeus, 84, eic.
Thomas, St., Monastery of, 68
Thorbjorg, 36
Thorbrand, 9
Thord, 34
Thorfinn Karlsefni, 7, elc, 97, 98. 102
Thorfinn Saga, 35
Thorgil, 20
Thorgilsson, Ari, 4-10, 99
Thorgrimr Solveson, 48
Thorhall, 18
Thorkel, 36
ThorleifKimbe, 9
K
130
Tboroddwn, Thonildr, i6
Thonnln, iS
Thomcin Helmingion, 4S
ThontEia Olaftaon, 48
Tbomld, J4
Thorwild, 6, iS
T..I
.t, Jt
Tor^eui, Thormodu), ;, i], 11
46. 57
Toricton, Snom, 4S
Toi^rnajr coinage, 19
Tricbciniiu. 71
TuougdliirGk, 17
Tyk, /j/il»</, 84
UhUn, Kul. 4.;
Ujuatniit, 17
Ulm Ptokmj, m/ Ptolnny
UmUk, 67
Uuildiapnunni, 91
Uiiciii, GumTo, es, 78, So
Vadianut, Joachim, 90
Vagar, 17
Van den Ghqro, JoKph, sit Oheyn
Vatican. la^ ; Archl>«, 11 ; Mapt, 14, 69
Vatican Ptolemy Codei, set Ptokmy
Vetpudtu, AlboicDt, 89
Vnpuciuj, Americas, %~, etc.
Vestribvi-*, ij
Vikingi, 101
Vine^, 90
Wuu, Georg, 5!
Waitt, Theodor, 99
Walckmaet, Chatlts Athanate, Banm, 75
Waldburg-Wolftgg-Waldiee, Frani Xa«ier
Joief Friedrich, PritKC, X4, 70, 86,
WaldMC, Waldboig-Woll^ set
buig-Woll^-WaldHX
WaldiemulLer Ilacomilu, Mattinus
Waldieemiiller, Mailin, Map of the
1507, 14,86, (^c-i Carta Marina
Olographic introduf
Wald-
Walnu toiks.
*9.4+.
54
, S9
Wanaw Codei
r. 7i, sti
■also Zammik;
Watlenhacb, Wilhelm
Weinhold, Ka
rl, 1
Wend,, 4;
WerlaulF, Erich Chriiti
an, 4, 7, 8. S-
>9!>
103
Wiclif, John,
61
Wiewr, Franz,
,*.WffVon,i4,s8,6i
.63.
69, 8z, S3, SS, 88, 90, 91,
WUbelml, Karl. 46
William, ofSabina, 103
William, lerrant of King Hakon, 11
Wineland, 3, etc^ 55, 94, etc., 101, loi
Winior, luilin, i, 7, J4, 41, 44, 99
Wolfcgg Map, 1507,14, ib,etc.
Wolfcgg Ptolemy Codei, see Ptolemy
Wolfegg-Waldiee, W.ldborg, ste Wald-
burg-Wolfegg-Waldiec
Wuttke, 101
Wyoter, Johann, Wrar, 11
Zamoisky Map, 14, 58, 69, 71 , 8i
Zealand, 66
Zeno, Antonio, 13, 57, 44. 67, 68, to6
Zeno, Nicolfi, ij, j-, 44, 6-, 106
Zeno Map. 1558, 14,91
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4'}3'
A LIST OF
IMPORTANT
HISTORICAL, GEOGRAPHICAL
AND
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL
WORKS
llographia, quasi
publisbeb anb Solb big
HENRY STEVENS, SON & STILES
39 Great Russell Street over against the South-West
Corner of the British Museum
LONDON
SPECIAL NOTICE as to DISCOUNT.
BS we are both publishers and retail book-
sellers, the vexed question frequently arises
as to the equitable discount to be allowed
I to retail buyers on our own publications.
Most London retail booksellers allow their
customers 2 5°/o discount for cash on new books which are
not published at a net price. But the practice of publishing
books at a net price, to be retailed by all booksellers
uniformly at that net price, is happily coming more and
more into vogue. In this catalogue most of our more recent
publications will be found to be marked net. From the
prices of those not so marked, we will allow henceforth the
customary retail Discount of 25°/,, and will pay the postage in
addition. On those books marked net there is no discount
beyond the free postage ; but to Libraries and others
ordering J or more separate works at the same time* we
will give (until further notice) a special discount on net books
and a further discount on those not so marked. Particulars
of these Clubbing Rates will be sent on application.
HENRY STEVENS, SON & STILES.
* The " Hercules Club " Series {pages 8 and 9) cannot be included
under this offer. Winship's Cabot cannot be supphed to America {vide foot
of page 4), and the price of American Book Prices Current {page 11) is
absolutely net under all circumstances.
Published December, 1902.
WITH SPECIAL RELATION TO THEIR EARLY
CARTOGRAPHICAL REPRESENTATION
By JOSEPH FISCHER
PROFESSOR or GEOGRAPHY JESUIT COLLEGE FELDKIRCH AUSTRIA
Translated from the German
By basil H. SOULSBY
SUPERINTENDENT OF THE MAP ROOM BRITISH MUSEUM
AND HON. SECRETARY OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
Royal Svo, xxiv+ 132 /A witk a frontispiece and 10 facsimiles of ancient Maps,
also a valuable Bibliography ; tastefully bound in cloth,
8s. net, post free.
iN this important work, Professor Fischer passes under review every scrap
of information which has been used by previous writers on this subject.
II With the greatest care, he endeavours so to sift his material, as to
eliminate what may be described as purely mythical, and then to show
how much of the remainder may reasonably be accepted as fact. He then
attempts to demonstrate how far the facts are supported by the new evidence
he adduces, principally in the shape of recently discovered manuscript maps
(hitherto unpublished, save in the recent German edition of this work).
The results are surprising, and it becomes plainly apparent from the
cartographical evidence exhibited by Professor Fischer, that the early dis-
coveries of the Norsemen in Greenland and in the regions to the North of
America, were far better known in pre-Columbian times than has hitherto
been supposed or thought to be possible. The account of the manner in
which the information probably reached Southern Europe through the visits
of Scandinavian Bishops to the Pope, and through pilgrims to Rome and the
Holy Land, will be read with the greatest interest.
The new information respecting the geographers Claudius Clavus, Donnus
Nicolaus Germanus, and Martin VValdseemiiller, is of the highest importance.
The facsimiles of the recently discovered Manuscript Maps in the Vatican
and at Wolfegg, will be received by all cartographical students with avidity.
Particular interest naturally centres in the account given by Professor
Fischer of his fortunate discovery of the long-lost Waldseemiiller Map of 1507,
and his hitherto unknown " Carta Marina "of 1516. Facsimiles of the Green-
land portions of these two maps are included in the plates.
In making his translation, Mr. Soulsby has endeavoured to be as literal
as possible. From the unrivalled resources of the British Museum at his
command, he has been enabled to considerably expand the Bibliography
prefixed to the work, and he has also added a short Index, otherwise the
work conforms to the original German as closely as possible.
The contents of the work and a list of the plates are given in a detailed
prospectus, which will be sent on application.
CABOT BIBLIOGRAPHY
WITH AN INTRODUCTORY ESSAY
ON THE CAREERS OF
THE CABOTS
BASED UPON AN INDEPENDENT EXAMINATION
OF THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION
BY
GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP
1900
Demy Svo, liv + i2>o pages, cloth, uncut
18s. post free.
HE position of the Cabots in the geographical history of England and Spain
between 1460 and 1560 has made them the subject of a very large number
of books. The confusion which has resulted from the conflicting statements
made by various writers, caused the necessity for a thorough re-examination
of the whole subject.
Being inspired to undertake this task, Mr. Winship found it absolutely
necessary first to collect and tabulate all the available material ; hence the origin
of this bibliography. Its compilation necessitated the re-examination of every
scrap of Cabotiana which could be found.
The first part of the bibliography contains a detailed description of every
known item of information which throws any light upon the personalities or the
public careers of the Cabots. Every significant statement which can be traced to
any person who may have known either of the Cabots, or whose information may
have been derived from someone who knew about them personally, is quoted in
its original form, and analysed for the purpose of showing what deductions may
properly be derived from it.
The second part contains a bibliographic description of books relating to the
Cabots written since 1600. The notes call attention to statements which appear
for the first time in these secondary writings, and, wherever possible, show how the
statements came to be made, and what justification there is for them in the sources
of information or in historical probability. Many of the erroneous statements can
be traced to a modicum of fact, out of which they have been evolved by the various
processes of misapprehension and misconception, by which successive writers have
altered the statements of their predecessors, until the hypotheses and the accidental
mistakes of one generation become the accepted historical traditions of the next.
Having thus gotten together his material and analysed it item by item, Mr.
Winship then proceeds to write therefrom a simple connected narrative of what is
definitely known about the Cabots. This forms the " Introductory Essay " of the
present volume. Marginal numbers refer to the notes in the bibliography, serving
as a chronological index to the sources of information, by which the accuracy of
the statements in the essay may be tested step by step. This is followed by a brief
discussion of the Cabot controversies, providing a similar guide to the significant
contributions to the numerous disputes, pointing out the questions which may fairly
be considered as subject to discussion, and suggesting, where this is possible, the
explanation of the peculiar views maintained in the arguments.
The work as a whole is an effort to contribute something new to bibliographic
method and to the material for historical study.
A detailed prospectus with specimen page will be sent on application,
American orders for this Book should be sent to Dodd, Mead & Co., New
York, to whom we have assigned the American rights.
Published 5th December, 1900.
Mr. Henry Harrisse's very Important Work on the
Discovery and Cartography of Newfoundland.
decouverte et
Evolution cartographique de
TERRE-NEUVE
ET DES PAYS CIRCONVOISINS
1497 — 1501 — 1769
ESSAIS DE GEOGRAPHIE HISTORIQUE ET DOCUMENTAIRE
PAR HENRY HARRISSE
This beautiful volu7ne consists ^/ 72 + 420 pages of text, demy 4to,
uniform in size and general appearance with the *' Discovery of North
America^^ by the same author^ published by us in 1892. The work is pro-
fusely illustrated by 26 full-page facsimiles of ancient maps, in heliogravure,
Qf^Cy and by no less than 162 smaller facsimiles in the text.
The entire impression consists ^380 copies :
10 copies on Whatman paper {Author's copies, not for sale).
I o copies on Japanese paper, at £8 net.
40 copies on Dutch hand-made paper, at £5 net.
320 copies on toned paper, at £3 net.
The above prices include postage in prifited wrappers. Copies can be
supplied, bound in half leather, gilt top, Roxburghe style, at the additional
cost of 6s., but the work is too heavy for book-post in that form.
N this elaborate work Mr. Henry Harrisse applies to the early history,
cartography and nomenclature of Newfoundland, a thorough scientific
analysis which may be described as exhaustive. All the principal con-
figurations, courses of rivers, localities of towns, harbours, coasts, estuaries
and seas, as depicted on the earliest known globes, portulans and maps, are brought
under review, together with the variations and discrepancies in their nomenclature,
whether cartographical or documentary. These elements are then compared,
analysed and studied with a view of ascertaining the truth they contain, and
endeavouring to discover the cause of the manifold errors which mar the early
geographical history of America, particularly in the regions of Newfoundland,
Labrador, Nova Scotia and the north-eastern part of Canada proper.
The 26 beautiful facsimile maps will be found of the greatest value to all
students of the early cartography of America, and the 162 admirable diagrams in
the text will enable the reader still more readily to follow Mr. Harrisse's arguments
step by step.
A detailed Prospectus, with Specimen Page and Table of Contents, will be sent on
application.
Special Notice as to Mp. Ppowse's Book.
In December, 1898, by arrangement with Mr. G. R. F. Prowse we announced the speedy publication
of his work entitled
CABOT TO CHAMPLAIN.
A Cartological Determination of the English, French and Iberian Discoveries between
Labrador and Maine, 1497- 163 3.
In November, 1899, ^he author informed us that the work was not yet ready for the press, but
since that date we have had no further communication from him. Consequently we are unable to
state whether the work will ever be published. Those persons who have already enrolled their
names with us as intending subscribers are requested to accept this intimation that the delay rests
entirely with the author.
As the work of Mr. Harrisse described above, covers to some extent the ground designed by Mr.
Prowse's book, any subscribers to the latter who desire to take Mr. Harrisse's book at once, instead
of waiting indefinitely for Mr. Prowse's, will be supplied on special terms, which may be ascertained
on application.
5
The Silver Map of the World
A CONTEMPORARY MEDALLION COMMEMORATIVE
OF DRAKE'S GREAT VOYAGE (1577-80)
Including some Critical Remarks on the Zeno NarratiYe and Chart of 1558 and
on the Curious Misconception as to the Position of the DiscoYeries made by
Martin Frobisher in 1576-7-8 which crept into the Cartography of the North
Atlantic and of the North-Eastern Coast of America through the
Errors of the Zeno Chart.
By miller CHRISTY
1900
xii + 71 pages. Illustrated by facsimile reproductions of the Silver Map^
seven other contemporary Charts^ and two diagrammatic Charts, Demy Svo,
handmade paper ; cloth, uncut.
Price 12s. 6d. post free.
R. MILLER CHRISTY'S work as Editor of several volumes of the Hakluyt Society's
series is well known.
In the present important book Mr. Christy discusses in detail the Silver Medallion,
bearing a Map of the World, which was struck about the year 1581 to illustrate and
commemorate Drake's Circumnavigation of the Globe in 1577-80.
Of this medallion, only three examples are now known to exist. The map it bears proves on
examination to be a masterpiece of the map engraver's art and of considerable cartographic import-
ance. By means of a dotted line and various inscriptions, the route taken by Drake, and the
principal places he touched at are named. In all probability it was engraved in Paris, under the
supervision of Richard Hakluyt, and by a certain cartographer who signed himself* F.G."
Incidentally, too, the " Silver Map " is of considerable interest in connection with the contem-
porary north-west voyages of Martin Frobisher, inasmuch as it is one of the few charts of the period
which shows the region explored by him in its correct position on the east coast of America — not on
the east coast of Greenland, where it was erroneously placed on most later maps, until quite a recent
date. Mr. Christy shows in detail how this most extraordinary and long enduring misconception
arose through certain errors of the Zeno Chart of 1558 (which is reproduced in facsimile), and
illustrates his remarks by means of a diagrammatic chart, in which he super-imposes the Zeno Chart
(in red) upon a correct chart of the North Atlantic (in black). In this connection, the author has
been enabled, by the kind permission of the Marquess of Salisbury, to reproduce in facsimile, the
actual chart of Frobisher's first voyage in 1576, which is preserved at Hatfield House and is
described in an appendix. It was drawn by William Borough ; and, as it has not hitherto been
published, its reproduction should prove a boon to students of early American cartography.
The author concludes with a long appendix in which he discusses the geographical importance
and probable origin of the perplexing Zeno Chart of 1558. Though agreeing, in a' great measure,
with the opinions as to the fictitious character of the Zeno story and map, recently expressed by Mr.
Lucas, in his exhaustive work, The Annals of the Voyages of the Brothers Zeno^ Mr. Christy
adduces, nevertheless, strong reasons for believing thAt the map (although it may be fictitious as
illustrating the presumedly bogus Zeno story) may, from its strikingly correct representadon of
certain parts then unknown, possibly have more foundation in fact than Mr. Lucas admits. His
remarks (which are illustrated by a second diagrammatic chart) may well be read in connection with
Mr. Lucas's treatise and the more recent work of Prof. Fischer,
Among other contemporary charts which are reproduced in facsimile, as illustrating Mr. Christy's
arguments, are Captain George Best's two maps of 1578, Michael Lok's map of 1582, F. G.'s
beautiful map of the New World appearing in Hakluyt's edition of Peter Martyr's De Orbe Novo
(Paris, 1587), and that portion of Emery MoUineux' globe of 1592 which represents the North
Atlantic and the countries adjacent thereto. This is the first occasion, it is believed, on which any
portion of this unique and extremely interesting globe has been reproduced.
The Annals of the Voyages of the Brothers
Nicolo and Antonio Zeno
IN THE NORTH ATLANTIC ABOUT THE END OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY
AND THE
CLAIM FOUNDED THEREON TO A VENETIAN DISCOVERY OF AMERICA
A CRITICISM AND AN INDICTMENT
By FRED. W. LUCAS
1898.
2^^ pages, Royal ^to, with \Z facsimiles of early maps and numerous illus-
trations in the text, handmade paper, half morocco, gilt top, £2 2s.
or sewed in printed wrappers, post free, £2 2s,
Edition de Luxe, Japanese Vellum Paper, £4 4s. net.
Detailed Prospectus on Application.
EXTRACTS FROM THE OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.
" The Story of the Zeni has been regarded for centuries as one of the strangest problems of literature. . . .
Some of the worst difficulties have been explained by Mr. Lucas in the fine volume before \xs." — Spectator .
" The volume, a royal quarto, with many facsimiles of rare letterpress and precious maps, is printed in the
best style of the Chiswick Press, on which, as well as the publishers and the learned author, it reflects honour."
— Montreal Gazette.
" It is difficult to see how the story can be any longer regarded as a serious narrative of exploration after
the minute and masterly criticism to which Mr. Lucas has subjected it. . . . The work is altogether creditable
to everyone concerned m its production." — T/w Times.
" Mr. Fred. W. Lucas . . . has dealt fully and ably with one of the vexed questions in the history of
geographical exploration. " — A tlietueum.
"This work is a new and admirable study of the much controverted narrative." — Literature.
"We must not dismiss Mr. Lucas's work without characterising it as an excellent piece of historical
investigation^ and a most sumptuous volume typographically considered. . . . The all important bibliography
has also received due attention." — TAe Z>m/ (Chicago).
^ "This book is unquestionably and by far the best study of the Zeno question that has yet appeared." . . .
" This splendid volume of Mr. Lucas." ..." The Zeno controversy was never before presented in so ample a
manner, and with so many and pertinent illustrations. . . . One of the handsomest geographical books
published recently." — T/ie Geographical Journal.
" A noteworthy contribution to the literature of American discovery. With the assistance of his publishers,
the firm which has done so much during two generations to throw light on the dark places in our history, Mr.
Lucas has produced a magnificent volume, a model for the setting forth of any serious work in cartographic
history. . . . For his contribution to our facilities for historical and cartographic knowledge no praise or
gratitude can be too strong." — The Nation.
"The most important publication upon this vexed subject which has appeared in English." — Rez'iew of
H istorical Publications relating to Canada.
BY THE SAME AUTHOR.
APPENDICUL^ HISTORICiE
OR SHREDS OF HISTORY HUNG ON A HORN
London 1891.
Over 200 pages with 10 maps and plates.
Demy \to, 21s.
Large handmade paper, royal ^to, 36s.
HE Author has in his possession a remarkable Powder Horn, on which is engraved a map,
about 1760, embracing that scrap of the Continent of America now forming the greater pare
of the modern State of New York.
Taking this map as a groundwork, Mr. Lucas endeavours to show how England and
France came into collision in that region, and where and how they fought, and with what results.
He then proceeds to elaborate more extensively the history of that part of the country displayed on
the Powder Horn Map, during the French War, concluding with the Treaty of Paris in 1763.
See also page 9.
THE NEW LAWS OF THE INDIES
Posthumous Works of the late
HENRY STEVENS OF VERMONT.
THE OLD 'HERCULES CLUB' SERIES
IN COURSE OF COMPLETION UNDER THE EDITORSHIP
OF HIS SON HENRY N. STEVENS
These beautiful small 4to volumes are privately printed in the old style at
the Chiswick Press, on finest handmade paper, and are tastefully hound,
uncut, in cloth hoards, to a special and novel design. They are issued only
to subscribers, and
The ENTIRE IMPRESSION consists of only
150 numbered copies on small paper at l^sis.. net per volume.
33 numbered copies on large paper at Sis. net per volume.
Prices include postage.
Vols. I and II were issued in 1900, and vols. Ill and IV are in the Press for deliver)* to the
subscribers early in 1903. Vols. Ill and IV will be reserved in the first instance at the option of
the subscribers to vols. I and II, hence they cannot be sold separately, unless any of the original
subscribers do not desire to continue the series. Odd copies of vols. Ill and IV (if any) becoming
thus available, will be allotted, either together or separately, according to priority of application.
As very few copies of vols. I and II remain on hand, new subscribers will be required to take
the set of 4 volumes at £3 net for the small paper, and £4 48. net for the large paper.
It is hoped that the whole series of eleven volumes, as originally designed by the late Mr. Henry
Stevens, may yet be completed, but no obligation is incurred by subscribers to continue the series
beyond the four volumes now announced. They will, however, have the first option of taking any
future volumes that may be issued.
A detailed prospectus of vols, I and 11^ explaining also the origin and scope of the whole series^
together with a list of the other volumes in hand, will be sent on application.
Vol. I (rif^^).— THOMAS HARIOT, THE MATHEMATICIAN, THE
PHILOSOPHER AND THE SCHOLAR, developed chiefly from
dormant materials. With notices of his associates, including disqui-
sitions upon the materials of the history of "Ould Virginia." By
Henry Stevens of Vermont.
(Of this volume 12 extra and separate copies were printed for the Press and for presentation.)
Vol. II {ready),^K BRIEFE AND TRUE REPORT OF THE NEW
FOUND LAND OF VIRGINIA, Sir Walter Raleigh's Colony of
1585. By Thomas Hariot, Mathematician. With an Introduction.
The detailed prospectus explains how the publication of these two volumes came to be so
long delayed. Suffice it to say here that the ** Life of Hariot** is a most interesting volume
written in the late Mr. Henry Stevens's well known chatty and instructive style. The new
facts and documents therein recited are of the greatest historical value. The following extracts
from his "Premonition to the Pertingent Reader" will give some idea of the scope and aim
of the book. " When I years ago undertook to compile a sketch of the life of Thomas
Hariot and to trace the gradual geographical development of Virginia, I little suspected the
extent of the research I was drifting into or the success that awaited my investigations.
From a concise bibliographical essay the work has grown into a biography of a philosopher
and man of science with extraordinary surroundings, wherein the patient reader may trace the
gradual development of Virginia ; Hariot's nearly forty years intimate connection with Sir
Walter Raleigh ; his long close companionship with Henry Percy j his correspondence with Kepler 5
his participation in Raleigh's History of the World ; his invention of the telescope and his
consequent astronomical discoveries ; his scientific disciples ; his many friendships and no foeships j
his blameless life j his beautiful epitaph in St. Christopher's Church, and his long slumber in the
* garden * of the Bank of England. AH the new documents mentioned have their special value,
8
Rosthumous Works of the late
HENRY STEVENS OF VERMONT.
THE OLD 'HERCULES CLUB' 'SEMSS,— continued.
but too much importance cannot be attached to the recovery of Harlot's will, for it at once dispels a
great deal of the inference and conjecture that have so long beclouded his memory. It throws the
bright electric light of to-day over his eminently scholarly, scientific and philosophical life. By this
and other authorities given, it is hoped to add a new star to the joint constellation of the honoured
worthies of England and America." — Henry Stevens.
Vol. Ill (In the Press).— K BRIEFE AND TRUE RELATION OF
THE DISCOVERIE OF THE NORTH PART OF VIRGINIA
MADE THIS PRESENT YEERE 1602. By Captaine Gosnold,
Captaine Gilbert and divers other gentlemen. Written by
M. John Brereton, one of the voyage. With an Historical Intro-
duction by George Parker Winship, embodying the Notes of the late
Henry Stevens of Vermont.
The Introduction includes a bibliographical account of the excessively rare first edition, the
esdstence of which was practically unknown till identified by Mr. Henry N. Stevens in 1886.
Vol. IV (/« the Press). — A TRUE RELATION OF THE MOST
PROSPEROUS VOYAGE MADE THIS PRESENT VEER 1605
BY CAPTAINE GEORGE WAYMOUTH IN THE DISCOVERY
OF THE LAND OF VIRGINIA. Written by James Rosier, a
gentleman employed in the voyage. With an Historical Introduction by
George Parker Winship, embracing the Notes of the late Henry Stevens
of Vermont.
Subscriptions (which should be accompanied by remittances) are now beings re-
ceived, and should be addressed to Mr. HENRY N. STEVENS, 39, Great
Russell Street, London, W.C.
THE lEW lAWS OF THE IIDIES
FOR THE GOOD TREATMENT AND PRESERVATION
OF THE INDIANS
promulgated by the Emperor Charles the Fifth
1542 — 1543
A facsimile reprint of the original Spanish Edition together with a literal
translation into the English Language
TO WHICH IS PREFACED AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
BY THE LATE HENRY STEVENS OF Vermont
AND FRED. W. LUCAS
Privately printed at the Chiswick Press
London 1893.
This beautiful book was designed and for the most part executed by the late Mr. Henry Stevens of
Vermont.^ His historical introduction was unfortunately left incomplete at the time of his death in 1886. Mr
Lucas, with great industry, took up Mr. Stevens's tmfmished narrative and conducted it to a successful
conclusion.
The Introduction shows the changes in the condition of the Indians from the first landing of Columbus,
their gradual enslavement, and the ever increasing hardships (hrust upon them by their Spanish conquerors.
The consideration of these cruelties led to the framing of these New Laws, principally by Las Casas, for the
amelioration of the unhappy lot of the Indians. The result of this well intentioned legislation is briefly traced.
The first 38 pages of^the Introduction are from the pen of the late Mr. Henry Stevens, and the remainder
from that of Mr. Lucas. Very few copies remain unsold. Detailed Prospectus on application.
The ENTIRE IMPRESSION consisted of only
13 copies on the finest writing^ vellum, at j£26 5s. net,
75 copies on the finest handmade paper, at jgio los. net.
The work has never been published or publicly advertised for sale. The paper copies are issued uncut in
a tasteful binding, and the vellum copies unbound in an ornamental portfolio.
Posthumous Works of the late
HENRY STEVENS OF VERMONT.
JOHAm SCHOIfEE
PROFESSOR OF MATHEMATICS AT NUREMBERG
A reproduction of his Globe of 1523 long lost
his dedicatory letter to Rymer von Streytperck
and the "De Moluccis" of Maximilianus Transylvanus
With New Translations and Notes on the Globe
BY HENRY STEVENS of Vermont
Edited with an Introduction and Bibliography
^ C. H. Coote of the British Museum
London 1888.
Small SvOy elegantly printed on thick special paper, embellished with numerous
geographical blocks re-engraved from contemporary sources.
Neatly bound in cloth, appropriately ornamented, 18s. post free.
Large Paper, uniform in size and paper with the large paper Recollections of
Lenox, £1 lis. Q^, post free.
The only known copy of Schoner's Globe of 1523 came to light in 1885, and passed into the possession of
the late Mr. Henry Stevens, who regarded it (to use his own words) as one of the keys to unlock the many
mysteries of early American Geography. "America, instead of being broken up into many Islands as in all
earlier globes, is here shown as one large continent of tolerably correct shape. Florida is here nanied for the
first time in print, while all the monsters and bogus elements of American geography are made to disappear."
In addition to the Contents mentioned on the title, the volume contains a IJibliography of Schoner's Works
(46 items), with Collations and Notes ; a copious Index to the Introduction, Translations, and Bibliography ;
and facsimiles of four earlier globes, and a Sketch of the " Carta da Navigar," 1502.
The Introduction includes an account of early globes, embodying Mr. Henry Stevens's Notes on Schdner's
Globe of 1523, and the early Cartography of America ; also a Biographical Sketch of Schoner.
N.B. — Many additional facsimiles of early American maps referred to in this volume are contained in Mr.
Stevens's Historical and Geographical Notes, described on page 14.
THE DAWIJ OF BRITISH TRADE U THE
EAST IMIES
AS RECORDED IN
THE COURT' MINUTES OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
1599— 1603
CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF
THE FORMATION OF THE COMPANY, THE FIRST
ADVENTURE AND WEYMOUTH'S VOYAGE IN
SEARCH OF THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE
NOW FIRST PRINTED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT
By HENRY STEVENS of Vermont
With an Introduction
By Sir GEORGE BIRDWOOD, Kt. C.S.I. M.D.
London 1886.
Medium Svo, elegantly printed on thick laid paper specially made for the Book.
Neatly bound in cloth, uncut ^ 21s. post free.
Large Paper, super royal Svo, printed on Whatman^ s finest handmade
paper, elegantly bound in cloth (a beautiful volume), £2 lOs. post free.
Printed from the original Manuscript preserved in the India Office. The volume teems with interest on
every page, containing, as Sir George Bird wood aptly remarks, " the ^erm of every triumph subsequently
achieved m the seas and lands of the East." The chief importance of this volume to Ajiierican history is the
account of Waymouth's Voyage for the Discovery of the North-West Passage, of which little has hitherto been
known beyond the details given by Waymouth himself in his Journal, printed by Purchas.
10
B
■■MiaMnMai
RECOLLECTIONS OF
MR. JAMES LENOX OF NEW YORK
AND THE FORMATION OF HIS LIBRARY
By henry STEVENS OF Vermont
London 1886.
Foolscap Svo, elegantly printed on handmade paper^ daintily bound in cloth,
uncut, 7s. 6d. net, post free.
Large Pap^r, thick handmade paper, cloth, uncut, 21s. post free.
As very few copies now remain in stock, the price of the small paper edition has been advanced to
7s. 6d. 7iet.
This is a volume to charm the heart of every lover of books. It is full of humorous and romantic
anecdotes of rare and unique books, and of stories of desperate struggles in the auction room, the_ whole
interspersed with interesting bibliographical gossip of the experiences of half a century of book collecting.
" Like what ^ book for the book collector should \}z"— Daily News.
" Beautifully printed. A model of a book."— 6"/. James's Gazette.
" Exceptionally handsome."— /'w^/wA^ry' C«>rt</rtr.
"Mr. Henry Stevens is the man who knew more about the Lenox Library, if not about Mr. Lenox
himself, than anybody else."— New York Daily Tribune.
AMERICAN BOOK- PRICES CURRENT
A RECORD OF
BOOKS, MANUSCRIPTS AND AUTOGRAPHS
Sold at Auction in
NEW YORK, BOSTON, PHILADELPHIA, AND
CINCINNA TI
COMPILED FROM THE AUCTIONEERS' CATALOGUES
By LUTHER S. LIVINGSTON
NEW YORK: DODD, MEAD & CO.
SOLE EUROPEAN AGENTS : HENRY STEVENS, SON & STILES
Published annually in December, each volume
containing the Prices realised in the previous
season ending on September 1.
Price per volume 24s. net, absolutely without discount.
Parcel Postage 6d. extra. Foreign Book Post is, extra.
^r^HE arrangement of the American Book Prices Current will be found to offer
I several improvements on the English plan. The books are arranged all in
JL one alphabet (not by sales), so that all copies reported of the same work
fall together. This alone is a great saving of time, as it is not necessary to
refer to the index, as in the English plan, for each separate copy. At one glance,
a comparison of different editions and varying prices is consequently obtained.
The work also includes a large number of "previous records" by way of
references to prices obtained in the sales of previous years both in England and
America, thereby frequently saving the necessity of consulting back volumes or
the English Book Prices Current.
The series commenced in 1895, but several of the volumes are entirely out of
print and command a considerable premium second-hand. A few odd volumes can
be supplied (prices on application). The work being intended principally for the
trade and collectors, the subscription price of the annual volume, 24s., has been
fixed on a net basis absolutely without discount here or in America.
II
AMERICAN EXPLORERS SERIES
Edited bv Dr. ELLIOTT COUES.
We are pleased to be able to announce that we have secured from the New York publisher,
Francis P. Harper, the exclusive European rights of sale of this important series of works devoted to
exploration and discovery in the interior of North America. The books are beautifully printed on
fine book paper, and the edition is limited to 950 numbered copies, cloth, 8vo.
No. I.
THE JOURNAL OF MAJOR JACOB FOWLER
NARRATING AN ADVENTURE FROM ARKANSAS
THROUGH THE INDIAN TERRITORY, OKLAHOMA, KANSAS,
COLORADO, AND NEW MEXICO, TO THE SOURCES OF
RIO GRANDE DEL NORTE
1821-22
Edited with Notes by Dr. ELLIOTT COUES.
I vol, doth, Svoy 128. 6d. net, post free,
A most interesting volume of Western pioneering, now first printed from the original manuscript,
containing the accounts of practically the first expedition into New Mexico after the Treaty of 1819 ; the first
ascent of the Arkansaw River to Colorado : first recorded ascent of the Rio Grande to its headwaters, &c. &c.
Detailed Prospectus on Application.
No. 2.
FORTY YEARS A FUR TRADER
ON THE UPPER MISSOURI
THE PERSONAL NARRATIVE
OF CHARLES LARPENTEUR 1833-1872
Edited with many critical notes by Dr. ELLIOTT COUES.
2 voh,^ cloth ^ %vo, illustrated by 1% maps, portraits, and views, largely from rare unpublished
drawings ami photographs, 258. net^ post free.
This work, like No. i, is also now first printed from the author's original manuscript. It is rich in the
inside facts of every-day life among the Indians at trading posts and forts of the great West in the early days.
In a story of adventure of absorbing interest, Larpenteur tells us all about the Sioux, Crow, Blackfoot,
Assiniboine, Arapahoe, and other Indian tribes. He has much to say about the methods and operations of the
various great rival fur companies at various posts on the Missouri and Yellowstone Rivers.
Detailed Prospectus on Application.
No. 3.
ON THE TRAIL OF A SPANISH PIONEER
THE DIARY AND ITINERARY OF
FRANCISCO GARCES
Missionary Priest
In his travels through Sonora, Arizona and California
1775-1776
Translated from an official contemporaneous copy of the original Spanish Manuscript, and edited
with copious critical notes
By Dr. ELLIOTT COUES.
2 vols,^ cloth, 2vOj illustrated with 19 maps, facsimiles and illustrations, largely from rare
unpublished drawings and photographs, 258. net, post free.
This narrative of adventure has all the charm of novelty, for at the time of Garces' travels there was hardlj
a white man in all the country described by him. Even at the present day the district traversed by him is
probably the least known of all the vast territory of the United States.
Detailed Prospectus on Application.
12
Dr, Coties^ larger works on the Exploration
of Western North America.
No. I.
THE HISTORY OF THE EXPEDITION
UNDER THE COMMAND OF
CAPTAINS LEWIS AND CLARK '
TO THE SOURCE OF THE
MISSOURI RIVER
&c. &c.
New York and I^ondon, 1893
4 vols, Svo, cloth uftct*t, {j>ut of Print)
No. 2.
THE EXPEDITIONS OF
ZEBULON MONTGOMERY PIKE
TO THE HEADWATERS OF THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER
THE INTERIOR PARTS OF LOUISIANA, MEXICO AND TEXAS
IN THE YEARS 1805-6-7
Reprinted in full from the original Philadelphia edition of iSlo
WITH COPIOUS NOTES, MEMOIR AND INDEX
BY PROF. ELLIOTT COUES, A.M. M.D. ETC.
New York and London, 1896
3 vols. Svo, on fine laid book paper, binding, paper a7td typography uniform with
Lewis and Clark. £2 Ss. net per set.
Large Paper, 3 vols, on handmade linen paper, roy. Svo, boards, uncut,
uniform with Lewis and Claris. £4 4s. net per set.
DETAILED PROSPECTUS ON APPLICATION.
No. 3.
THE MANUSCRIPT JOURNALS OF
ALEXANDER HENRY
FUR TRADER OF THE NORTH-WEST COMPANY
AND OF
DAVID THOMPSON
OFFICIAL SURVEYOR AND EXPLORER OF THE SAME COMPANY
1 799- 1 8 14.
Exploration and Adventure among the Indians on the Red, Saskatchewan,
Missouri, and Columbia Rivers,
EDITED WITH COPIOUS CRITICAL COMMENTARY
BY PROF. ELLIOTT COUES, A.M. M.D. Etc Etc
New York and London, 1897.
3 vols. Svo, on fine laid book paper, binding, paper and typography uniform with
Lewis and Clark and Pike. £2 2s. net per set.
Large Paper, 3 vols, on handmade linen paper, royal Svo, boards, uncut, uniform
with Lewis and Clark and Pike. £4 4s. net per set.
This is an entirely new and original work printed from the original manuscripts, and contains the daily
journals of the au^or's travels, explorations, and adventures in the fur trade throughout the greater portion of
British America and much of the United States west of the Great Lakes.
DETAILED PROSPECTUS ON APPLICATION.
13
^tantrartr ^ublm tion^.
HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL NOTES
ON THE EARLIEST DISCOVERIES IN AMERICA
1453-1530
With comments on the earliest charts and maps ; the mistakes of the early navigators and the
blunders of geographers ; the Asiatic origin of the Atlantic coastline of North America j how it crept
in and how it crept out of the maps.
By henry STEVENS of Vermont.
JVew Haven and London^ 1869. Roy, Svo, neatly bound in cloth^ with the maps in
a special pockety JBl 16s. post free.
Of this elegant volume only loo copies were printed, all on hand-made paper. The Notes are illustrated
by 16 photo-lithographic facsimiles of the earliest maps and charts of America.
HISTORICAL NUGGETS
Bibliotheca Americana, or a Descriptive Account of my Collection of Rare Books relating to America
By henry STEVENS, G.M.B., F.S.A.
Londofi, 1862. 2 vols.^ foolscap Svo, cloth^ uncut ^ ZOb, post free.
Describes nearly 3,000 rare books relating to America, with the titles given in full most accurately,
with careful collations.
A CATALOGUE OF AMERICAN BOOKS
IN THE LIBRARY OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM
By henry STEVENS of Vermont.
London^ 1866. Royal Svo, about T^opages^ cloth, uncut, 1Q&. post free.
Includes Mexican, Spanish American, West Indian, and Canadian Books and Maps; describing
about 20.000 items.
Printed by Whittingham on fine-toned paper, in the best style of the Chiswick Press. At the beginning
are the rules for cataloguing Books, Maps, Music, &c., adopted in the British Museum, together with a
detailed description of the classification of the books on the shelves.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN'S LIFE AND WRITINGS
A Bibliographical Essay on the Stevens Collection of Books and Manuscripts relating to
Dr. Franklin
By henry STEVENS of Vermont.
London, 1881. Imperial Zvo, on fine handmade paper, illustrated by five steel
portraits and a facsimile of Franklin^ s celebrated letter to Strahan. •
Cloth extra^ uncut, IDs. 6d. post free.
Contains a most interesting History of the Franklin Collection sold to the American Government for
;^7,ooo. Includes a List of 200 printed Books by or relating to Franklin.
A SERIES OF SIX SPANISH HISTORICAL TRACTa
printed by Whittingham uniformly in black letter type similar to the Las Casas tracts of 1552.
These tracts were printed from the original autograph letters in the possession of the late Mr. Henry
Stevens. The first is by Diego Columbus, the second by Hernando Cortes, the third, fourth and fifth by Las
Casas, and the sixth relates to him.
Only 100 copies printed, all on handmade paper, and separately bound in paste-
grained roan, uniform in appearance but of six colours, ^to. The Set of Six,
£3 3s. post free, or 10s. 6d. each. Details sent on application.
THE BIBLES IN THE CAXTON EXHIBITION, 1877
Or a bibliographical description of nearly one thousand representative Bibles in various languages,
chronologically arranged, from the first Bible printed by Gutenburg, in 1450-1456, to the last
Bible printed at the Oxford University Press, the 30th June, 1877. With an Introduction on
the History of Printing, as illustrated by the printed Bible from 1450 to 1877, in which is told
for the first time the true history and mystery of the Coverdale Bible of 1535. Together with
bibliographical notes, ^and collations of many rare Bibles in various languages and
divers versions printed during the last four centuries. Special edition,
revised and carefully corrected with additions. Flavoured with a
squeeze of the Saturday Review s homily on Bibles.
By henry STEVENS of Vermont.
London, 1878. Cloth, uncut, (8) -j- 152//., Zvo, 7s. 6d. post free. Large paper
edition on Whatman^s finest handfnade paper, super royal 8vo, bound in half
roan, uncut, 16s. Or bound in red morocco extra, by Bedford, very handsome,
only 10 so done, £4. 4s.
This large paper edition, bound by Bedford, having \^n produced under Mr. Stevens's personal direc-
tion, he modest^ puts it forth as his model of what the manufacture of a modern book should be. {yide
**Who Spoils our new English Books?" page 10.)
14
STANDARD PUBLICATIONS— «>«//«/<«/.
SEBASTIAN CABOT— JOHN CAB0T=O
Endeavoured by HENRY STEVENS, G.M.B. etc.
Boston and London^ 1870. 167;/^, clothy uncut.
Only a very few copies privately printed for presentation. Long since out of print. We occasionally
meet with a secondhand copy, price about lOs. net.
THE HISTORY OF THE OXFORD CAXTON
MEMORIAL BIBLE
Printed at Oxford and bound in London in twelve consecutive hours, June 30 1877.
By henry STEVENS.
London : privately printed^ 1878. 16;;/^, y^ pp. On best handmade paper ^
illustrated^ blue roan^ 6s. post free.
Most interesting account of the realisation of Mr. Stevens's conception that the work could be carried out
in the time. His idea was cordially taken up by the Oxford University Press in honour of the Caxton
Commemoration Exhibition held in London in 1S77. {^See " Bibles*' on the pre^'ious page.)
WHO SPOILS OUR NEW ENGLISH BOOKS?
Asked and Answe.red by HENRY STEVENS or Vermont.
London^iZZ^, Handmade paper, cloth, uncut, i6mo, 10s. net, post /ree {secondhand).
This little volume was intended principally for gratuitous presentation to authors, the press, friends, and
connoisseurs, for the purpose of eliciting their opinions on the subject. A ver>' small edition was printed, and
only a few copies were offered for sale at the nominal price of 5s. It has long been entirely out of print, and
for years we have only occasionally been able to supply applicants with second-hand copies secured at the sales
of the libraries of deceased collectors,
" A dainty brochure." — Bookseller.
" Must be regarded as a volume which has not been spoiled." — Publishers' Circular.
*' Mr. Stevens speaks with an authority which no publisher can affect to ignore." — Daily Telegraph,
"Elegant little volume. The American publisher might learn much from it, if he would."— iVt*xt' York
Daily Tribune.
THE UNIVERSAL POSTAL UNION
AND INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT
With a Bibliographical Appendage.
66 //. cloth. Only 250 copies printed. London : printed at the Chiswick Press
^ for the Author, 1879. Sfn. Svo, 2s. 6d. post free.
The object of this little book was, in giving a history of the origin and working of the Universal Postal
Union, to show that selfish and unnecessary- impediments have been thrown in the way of its success by the
United States of America.
CATALOGUE OF MY ENGLISH LIBRARY
Collected and Described bv HENRY STEVENS,
Literary Agent in London of the Smithsonian Institution.
Cloth extra. Privately printed by Charles Whittingham, Chiswick Press, Lo?ulon,
1853. Fscap.Zvo. {Out of print.)
This little Manual was prepared and printed for private distribution. It contains a list of about 7,500
volumes of Standard English Books, and was designed to aid collectors in the choice of their English Books
and Editions. The contents are given of the principal collected works, together with the dates of birth and
death of most of the deceased authors. We occasionally meet with a second-hand copy at about 7s. 6d.
PHOTO -BIBLIOGRAPHY
or a word on printed Card Catalogues of old, rare, beautiful and costly books, and how to make
them on a co-operative system ; and two words on the establishment of a Central
Bibliographical Bureau or Clearing- House for Librarians.
Neatly bound in roan. London : privately printed for the Author by C. Whitting-
ham, Chiswick Press, i^']^. \bmo,bs. post free.
Dedicated to the Librarian of the Future, whose Bibliography is to be as exact as his spelling. Extensively
illustrated with reduced facsimile titles, and six sample Cards.
AMERICAN BIBLIOGRAPHER
Nos. I and II (all ever printed), Jan. and Feb. 1854.
Large woodcuts, vii. and ^b pp. Svo. London, C. Whittingham, Chiswick Press,
1854. %vo, 7s. Qd. post free.
Only 100 copies printed ; withdrawn from sale in favour of the Nuggets. {See page 14.)
15
STANDARD PUBLICATIONS— ^<7«//«»*^.
BIBLIOTHECA AMERICANA
A Catalogue of Books relating to the History and Literature of America,
By henry STEVENS or Vermont.
vi. and 273 pp,^ large paper, cloth, uncut London, sold by Messrs. Puttick &»
Simpson, March, 1861. %vo,fi%, post free.
This catalogue contains 2,415 lots with collations and numerous historical and bibliographical notes. It
served as the model of the Maisonneuve elaborate Biblioth^ue Am^ricaine.
BIBLIOTHECA HISTORICA
Or a Catalogue of 5,000 Volumes of Books and Manuscripts relating chiefly to the History and
Literature of North and South America, among which is included a large proportion of
the extraordinary library of the late Henry Stevens, senior, of Barnet, Vermont,
Founder and First President of the Vermont Historical Society.
Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by HENRY STEVENS, G.M.B., F.S.A.
xvi. and 22^^ pp., cloth, uncut. Boston, H. O. Houghton &» Co., Rtver-Side Press
Cambridge, 1870. ^vo, 6b. post free.
Contains manjr important historical notes. The Introduction is written in Mr. Stevens's wittiest vein, and
contains some particulars of the Stevens family.
SCHEDULE OF 2,000 AMERICAN HISTORICAL
NUGGETS
Taken from the Stevens Diggings in September, 1870, and set down in Chronological Order of
Printing from 1490 to 1800 [1776], described and recommended as a
Supplement to any printed Bibliotheca Americana.
By henry STEVENS.
Chiswick Press, London, October i, 1870. Folio, 7s. ^^. post free.
Privately printed, iv. and 20 pages, describing above 1,350 works on America. Blue cloth extra, on thick
handmade paper.
BIBLIOTHECA GEOGRAPHICA ET HISTORICA
Or a Catalogue of a Nine Days' Sale of Rare and Valuable Ancient and Modern Books, Maps,
Charts, Manuscripts, Autograph Letters, et cetera, illustrative of Historical Geography
and Geographical History, &c., very many relating to North and South America,
and others to Europe, Asia, Africa, Australia, and Oceanica.
Collected, used, and described, with an Introductory Essay on Catalogues, and how to make them
upon the Stevens system of photobibliography.
By HENRY STEVENS.
Part I (all ever published). Dispersed by auction by Messrs. Puttick and Simpson, November,
1872.
Frontispiece, \\, \^, and '>fy\ pp., cloth, uncut. London, 1872. ^vo, 6^. post free.
Describes 3,109 lots with a number of important historical, geographical, and bibliographical notes.
AMERICAN BOOKS WITH TAILS TO 'EM
A private pocket list of the incomplete or unfinished American periodicals, transactions, memoirs,
judicial reports, laws, journals, legislative documents, and other continuations and works in pro-
gress supplied to the British Museum and other libraries.
By henry STEVENS, G.M.B., F.S.A., etc.
Privately printed, London, ^fuly, 1873. i6/«<?, 4s. Q^. post free.
Forty pages in pearl type, very beautifully printed by Messrs. Clay on thick handmade paper, comprising
about 2,000 titles.
STEVENS'S HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS
Catalogue of the first portion of the extensive and varied collections of rare books and manuscripts
relating chiefly to the history and literature of America.
Sold at Sot hebfs, July, 1881. 22g pp., cloth, Svo, Sa. post free.
Describes 1,625 lots, including the famous Henry Stevens Franklin Collection. Numerous bibliographical
and historical notes.
16
The borrower must return this item on ot before
the last date stamped below. If another user
places a recall for this item, the borrower will
be notified of the need for an earlier return.
Non-receipt of overdue notices does not exempt
the borrower from overdue fines.
Harvard College Wdeiier Library
Cambridge, MA 02138 617-495-2413
Please handle with care.
Thank you for helping to preserve
library collections at Harvard.
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