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THE 
DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA 


WITH  SOME  ACCOUNT  OF  ANCIENT  AMERICA 
AND  THE  SPANISH  CONQUEST 


JOHN    FISKE 

IN  TWO  VOLUMES 
VOL.  II. 


TbcD  I  imblr  Uh  doon;  my  imthi  lad  out 

The  cxodiu  c4  nalioni;  I  dispenc 

Hu  lo  lU  ibsm  Ihal  Iitnit  ibe  huiry  miin. 

niiHisn  dwell!  lorever  with  the  wive. 

To  diHut  meo,  who  miut  yi  Ihere  or  die. 


BOSTON   AND  NFW   YORK 

HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND  COMPANY 

CtK  KidtrntK  Hgintit  CombriDgr 


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Bl  JOHir  FIUEX 
AS  rtgliu  rtttTMd. 


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CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  Tn. 


MOTHS. 


The  faw  facta  known  about  John  Cabot        ...         2 
The  merchants  of  Bristol,  and  the  Tojage  of  Thonuu 
Lloyd         .........  3 

Kffaot  of  the  news  that  Colnmbus  had  foand  a  WMt«ra 

ront«  to  the  Indiei 4 

John  Cabot  finds  land  snppoaed  to  be  Cathaj,  Jane  24, 

149T A 

John  Cabot  and  hU  «on  Sebastian  go  in  learoh  of 

Cipanp>,  April,  1498 6 

Uter  eareei  of  Sebaatian  Cabot 7 

FerplexitieB  eanaed  bj  the  rapid  accamiilation  Ol!  geo- 
graphical facts  in  the  sixteeath  oenturj    ...         8 
What  part  of  North  America  did  the  Cabota  visit  ?     .         d 
Map  of  1544,  attributed  to  Sebastian  Cabot  .      10 

Teatimonj  of  Robert  Thome 11 

Cabot's  coarse,  aa  described  by  Eaimondo  de  Sonoino  .       12 
Description  of  the  map  mode  in  ISOO  by  La  Cosa  13 

The  Cabot  voyagea  probably  ranged  from  Labrador, 
throogh  the  gnlf  of  St.  lAwrence,  and  perhaps  as 

far  as  Cape  Cod 14,  IS 

Why  the  Cabot  TOyages  were  not  followed  up      .        .16 
The  Tt^rage  of  John  Rat,  in  1627  16,  17 

Change  in  the  sitnation  between  tiie  reign  of  Henry 

Vm.  and  that  of  Elizabeth      .         .         .  17,  18 

Portnguese  voyages  to  lAbrador  ;  the  brothera  Corte- 

real IS,  19 

!nu  map  made  in  1602  for  Alberto  Cantino         .        20,  21 


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IT  CONTEXTa. 

Tbe  NewfouidUnd  flsheriei  ;  Baooalaoi       ...      23 
Ab  linka  in  the  chain  of  ducoverf ,  tbe  aorthern  rojagM 

mre  insigniflcMit  m  compared  with  the  wuthem      23, 24 
Early  life  of  Amerioua  Veapneina  26, 26 

Ha  goes  to  Spain  and  becomea  connected  with  the  com- 

manual  house  of  Jaanoto  Berardi,  at  Seville      .         27, 28 
Hia  letters  to  Ldmdzo  di  Pier  Franoeaco  da'  Medici 

and  to  Piero  Soderint 2S,  30 

The  four  vojages  described  in  these  letters  30-32 
Vespuoias  appointed  pilot  major  of  Spain  .  .  .38 
Hia  death  at  Seville,  Febmarj  22,  1512  .  .  .  3S 
The  letter  from  Veapucius  to  Soderini,  in  its  detiuls  .  34 
He  went  on  his  earlier  voyages  in  tbe  capacity  of  as- 
tronomer   35 

Character  of  his  descriptions 36 

The  Qaailro  Oiomatt,  the  loat  book  of  Vespucins  37, 38 

The  Latin  TCrsion  (1607)  of  th'e  letter  to  Soderini  39 

Recent  discorery  of  the  primitive  Italian  text  (1606- 

06)  of  the  letter 39, 40 

The  atupid  or  accidental  change  of  the  Indian  name 

LarUA  mto  the  Indian  name  Pariat  in  tbe  Latin 

version  of  1507  was  the  original  source  of  all  the 

ctduinDy  that  has  been  directed  against  Tespucius     42, 43 

How  tbe  "  little  wooden  Venice  "  aided  and  abetted 

the  error 43, 44 

In  this  way  was  originated  the  charge  that  Vespnciua 
feigned  to  have  diacovered  the  iHiast  of  Pari*  in 

1407 44 

Tbe  date  1497  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  tbe 

naming  of  America 46 

Absurdity  inherent  in  this  charge  agunst  Teapaciua     .      46 
Claims   of   Diego  Colnmbjs  to  all  hia  father's   dig- 
nities and  emoluments       ......      47 

Hia  law-suit  against  the  crown 48 

Tbe  great  jadioi&l  inquiry,  the  Prolanzat     ...     49 
The  teatimony  of  the  witnesses  examined  in  the  Pro- 
banxfu  proves  that  Vespucius  did  not  discover  tbe 

Pearl  Coast  in  1497 60 

It  proves,  with  equal  force,  that  he  never  ptofeuod  to 
have  done  so 81 


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COXTSlfTS.  V 

The  Undfall  on  tbe  flnt  rajtge  of  VMpnoiiu  wu  dmt 

C*pe  Honduras 52 

Uii  "little  w(N>d«ti  VeniM  "  ma  probably  on  the  ihoie 

ofTabMco fi3 

Tbe  "province  of  Lariab"  was  near  Tampioo     .        .      fit 

Boasted  iguanas  and  Ssh  patties SB 

DescripCioQ  of  Lariab  and  its  conininnal  honM*    ■  56, 67 

From  Tampico  Yespucius  tallowed  the  ooast  to  Florida 

and  aroand  it 57, 68 

And  from  some  point  on  the  coast  of  the  United  Statu 

sailed  for  Spain,  stopping  at  tbe  Bermodas      .         59-61 
Wby  oridcs  bare  found  no  aontempoiarj  allurimis  to 
this  Tojage  :  tbej  bare  not  looked  in  the  right  di- 
rection       61 

Ibeie  ace  saoh  contemporar]'  allusions        ...      64 
Antonio  de  Uerreca,  and  his  account  (1601)  of  the  flnt 
To;age  of  Vicente  YaBez  Hoioo  and  Juan  Diaz  de 

Solis 64-66 

Herrent  got  tbe  dote  wrong,  — 1506  instead  of  1497  .      67 
Documents  gathered  bj  Nararrete  prove  that  Knzon 

did  not  go  on  an;  Toyage  in  1506     .  .  67, 68 

How  easy  it  was  for  Herrera  to  inake  this  partionlar 

niiitake 68,69 

Testimony  of  Peter  Martyr 69 

Testimony  of  Gomara  and  Oviedo       ....      70 
The  flnt  Toyage  of  Vespncius  was  with  Finton  and 

Solia  in  1497-98 71 

It  was  probably  from  Vespucius  that  La  Cosa  got  the 
information  that  led  him  in  his  map,  made  be- 
tween Jane  and  October,  1500,  to  depict  Cuba  as 

an  island 72, 73 

The  Cantino  map  prores  that  the  coasts  of  Florida 
were  viaited  and  mapped  by  Spanish  mariners  be- 
fore Norember,  1602,  and  that  the  voyage  in  which 
this  was  done  was  not  followed  np    .  74-76 

Relations   of   the   Canllno   map   to   Waldeeemttller'B 
Tahvla  Tare  None,  made  before  1508,  and  often  in- 
^propriately  called  "The  Admiral's  "  mfp         .      77-81 
How  and  wby  the  old  map-makers  were  pniiled  by 
the  names  on  tbe  Florida  coasts  60,81 


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Ti  CONTENTS. 

Hie  voyage  of  Vespncitu  in  1497-98  ii  tbe  oulj-  TOyagv 

on  reootd  tbat  explains  the  CaDtiao  map  ...       83 
How  it  otune  kbout  that  Pinion,  Solia,  and  Veipniniu 

made  this  voyage 83, 84 

The  three  Beiaidi  aqnadroua  .  85, 86 

How  far  north  did  Yeipncios  follow  tbe  coast  of  tbe 

United  States  ? 87, 88 

Perhaps  as  far  as  tbe  Chesapeake        ....      89 
Wbj  the  voyage  was  not  followed  up  .  89, 90 

It  was  not  a  commeFcial  saocess  .  90, 91 

All  eyes  were  tnmed  toward  the  Indian  ocean  after 

Gama's  voyage 91, 92 

Probable  inflnenoe  of  the  first  Toyage  of  Yeepadiis 
npoQ  the  fonrtb  voyage  of  Colunibna,  which  was 
iteelf  a  direct  respoose  to  the  voyage  of  Gama  92, 98 

Tbe  second  voyage  of  Vespncins,  with  Ojeda  and  I« 

Cosa 93-96 

Second  voyage  of  Pinion,  and  discovery  of  the  Ama- 
zon   95 

Alvarez  de  Cabial  crosses  tbe  Atlnntia  by  acddent, 
and  finds  himself  npon  the  coast  of  Braiil  96 

The  "L«nd  of  the  Holy  Cross" 97 

yespncius  passes  into  the  service  of  Fortngal  .       98 

If  Columhos  hod  never  lived,  Cabral  would  have  dis- 
covered America,  April  22,  1500      ....       98 
Tbe  third  voyi^  of  Tespuolub ;  he  meets  Cabral  at 

Cape  Verde 99^  100 

He  explores  the  coast  of  Brazil,  and  meets  with  can- 
nibals        101,102 

The  Bay  of  AU  Saints 102 

Chiiuge  of  direction  near  tbe  mouth  of  La  FlatA .  103 

Discovery  of  the  island  of  South  Geo^^a     .  .     104 

Return  to  Lisbon,  September  7,  1502  .         .         .105 

Great  historical  importance  of  this  voyage    .         .      105, 106 

An  antarctic  world 106, 107 

Why  Vespiioius  tbongbt  it  was  a  "  new  world  "  ■     107-110 
His  letter  to  Lorenio  de'  Medici  108-110 

This  letter  was  translated  into  I^tin  and  published  (at 
Paris,  I503--O1)  by  the  fomous  architect  Giocondo, 
who  entitled  it  "  Uundiis  Novus  "     .         .         .      111-113 


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COWTENTS.  tU 

IMMIW  iDtazeBt  mnniied  by  this  little  tnwt  113 

Uftttbias  RiDgmann  and  hia  Tsnes  ....  116 
What  did  the  phnue  "  New  World  "  atiffutllj  mem  ?  117 
Ooeanio  and  continental  theoriea  117-12S 

Johann    Bujsch'B   map   of    the    world,   pnblished   in 

1506 114, 116, 118, 119 

The  Lenox  globe,  made  about  1510  .     120-122 

The  globe  of  Orontius  Flnaiui,  made  in  1631  122-126 

Hie  name  "  Cattigai& "  upon  thii  globe  Bhows  that 

"  America  "  was  snppoaed  to  be  part  of  Ptolemy's 

Ten«  Incognita  in  the  sonthem  hemiaphete  126, 126 

Some  acconnt  of  Mela's  antipodal  world,  oi  Oppoaite- 

£arth,  bejood  the  equator 126, 127 

It  wMEometimeH  called  "Quarta  Pars"  ...  128 
SnccessiTe  steps  in  the  naming  of  Ameriea  .      129,130 

Rend  II.,  Duke  of  Lorraine 130 

The  town  of  Saiot-Ditf,  in  the  Tosges  mcantains  .  131 
Walter  Lnd,  and  MartiD  Waldseemttller  .  .  131, 132 
French  version  of  the  letter  of  Amerious  to  Soderini  .  132 
The  proposed  new  edition  of  Ptolemf  ....  133 
The  French  version  of  the  letter  is  tamed  into  Latin 

bj  Jean  Basin  de  Sendacour 134 

The "  Cosmographie  Introduetio "  .  .  .  .  136 
WaldseemlUler's  suggestion  that  Quarta  Pari  should 

be  called  ^Dwrica 136 

Note  en  the  names  Europe,  Asia,  Libja,  Africa  .  136-138 
Why  the  western  hemisphere  was  not  named  after 

Columbus 13S 

It  was  not  the  western  hemisphere  that  was  first  meant 

b;  America 139 

The  inscription  upon  Waldseemtlller's  map,  the  T<^mla 

Tim  Nove,  engraved  before  1608  ....  140 
What  Ringmann  and  WaldseeroUller  really  meant  141 

Significant  silence  of  Ferdinand  Colambns  .         .      142-144 

The  Ptolemy  of  1S22 146 

Different  Qonceptiona  of  Mundns  NoTua  ■  146,146 
The  map  (dr.  1614)  attributed  to  Leonardo  da  Vind  146, 147 
America  on  Schoner's  first  and  second  globes  •  •  148 
The  "  New  World  "  was  not  the  western  but  the  south- 
em  woild  149 


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viii  COSTENTS. 

ExUuiioti  of  the  n&me  "America"  from  Braiil  to 

Sontb  America  .     149-161 

^e  name  "America"  vas  flrat  applied  to  the  weatcm 
hemiaphete  iii  1541  by  Gerard  Meroator  .         .         .     Ifi2 

Hiamap 163 

Change  of  meaning  in  the  names  "  New  World  "  and 

"America" 164 

How  the  memot;  of  Vespucina  at  length  oame  to  be 

attacked 16^166 

Sohooer's  loow  remarka 166 

The  utoation  as  misuodentood,  after  1560,  bf  Lm 

Caaas 166 

Effect  upon  Las  Caaaa  of  the  blandeiing  Bubstitntion 

of  Pariaa  for  Lariab 157, 168 

The  first  published  charge  against  Vespucius  was  made 

in  1601  b;  Herrera 169, 160 

Herrera'a  cha^a  gave  riae  to  the  papular  notion  tliat 
Americus  coutriTod  to  supplant  bis  friend  Colum- 
bus   160 

Saotaiem'a  ridiculoos  tirade 161 

Divers  grotesque  conceits 162 

The  charges  against  Vespucins  were  paitly  refuted 
faj  Alezaader  tou  Humboldt,  and  have  since  been 

destroyed  by  Varnhogen 163 

Bnt  a  coinpreheniive  and  systematic  statement  of  the 

case  is  now  made  for  the  first  time                .        .    164 
Causal  sequence  of  voyages  from  the  third  of  Colum- 
bus to  that  of  Magellan 165, 166 

Toyagea  of  Coelho  and  Jaques     ....      166, 167 

Fourth  voyage  of  Vespucius,  in  1503  with  Coelbo  .      168-170 
Conclusion  of  the  letter  to  Soderini  170, 171 

Americus  returns  to  Spain,  and  visits  Columbus  .  172 

The  Pinion  expedition  to  Lo  Plata ;  planned  for  1606, 
but  not  carried  out   .......     173 

Hfth  and   sixth  voyages  of  Veapncius,  —  with  L* 

Co«i 174, 176 

Tovage  of  Knzon  and  Soils,  1608        .        .  .176 

Last  voyage  and  death  of  Solis,  1616   .  .176 

Emergence  of  the  idea  of  a  western  hemisphere  ;  Stob- 
nioia'a  map,  1B12 177-180 


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CONTENTS.  IX 

flnt  light  of  the  Pkcifto  by  Balboa,  id  1613                .  180 
Eutward  pn^reaa  of  the  Fortugnese  to  China  and  the 

MoIdocm,  15M-17 181-183 

Dim  nidimentaij  oonceptioii  of  a  separate  ocean  be- 
tween MuuduB  Novns  and  Asia        ....  183 

Ferdinaad  Magellan 184 

Seqaeira's  expedition  and  the  Malay  plot,  1509    .         .  185 

Seqaeira  and  Serrano  saved  bj  Magellan                     .  186 

Serrano's  shipwreck,  and  his  staj  at  the  Molnccaa       .  187 
The  antipodal  line  of  deinarcatioii  between  Spanish  and 

Portuguese  waters 187, 188 

Magellan's  retnm  to  Portugal ;  his  toheme  for  suling 

westward  to  the  Moluccas  ....      188, 189 

Qnestion  as  to  the  strait   depicted  npoa  SehOner's 

globe* 169 

Magellan's  proposals  are  rejected  bj  the  king  of  Por- 
tugal ;     and  accordingly  he  euters  the  Mr?ice  of 

Spain 100 

Hia  marriage  to  Beatriz  de  Barbosa     ....  191 
Ships  and  men  of  the  great  expedition         .             191, 192 

Traitors  ID  the  fleet 192,193 

The  CbaTaliei  I^gafetta  and  bis  journal  of  the  voyage  193 
After  a  Btormy  voyage  to  the  coast  of  Patagonia,  the 

ships  go  into  wbter  qnarters  at  Port  St  Julian  194 

Beasons  for  returning  home ;  Magellan's  refusal  196 
The  mutiny  at  Port  St.  Julian ;  desperate  situation  of 

Magellan 196 

His  bold  stroke,  and  snppression  of  Uie  mutiny  .     197, 198 

Discovery  of  the  strait 199 

Desertion  of  the  pilot  Gomel,  with  the  San  Antonio    .  199 

£Dt«rii>g  the  Pacific  ooean 200 

Famine  and  aonrry        .......  202 

Vastneis  beyond  coooeption 203 

The  Ladrone  islands ;  and  the  FhiUppines  ...  201 
llie  inedittTa]  spirit ;  sudden  conversion  of  the  people 

ofSebn 206 

Death  of  Magellan 206 

The  maseacre  at  Sebu £07 

Arrival  of  the  Trinidad  and  Victoria  at  the  Moluocaa  .  207 

Fate  of  the  Trinidad 208 


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X  CONTESTS. 

Setiim  of  the  Victoria,  bj  tli»  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  to 
Spain        ........      208-210 

An  nnporalleled  TOjBge 210 

Eleano'B  erest 210 

How  Blowly  the  reanlt  vu  eompreheuded    .  211 

To  complete  the  discovery  of  Nortli  America  was  the 

Work  of  Two  Centuries 212 

Bnt  before  we  go  on  to  treat  of  this,  something  must 
be  said  couceming  the  flnt  contact  between  the  Die< 
diiBTa]  ciTilization  of  Europe  and  the  archaio  semi- 
driliiatioiu  of  America 212 


CHAPTEB  Vm. 

THB  CORCIUEBT  OF  IIBXIOO. 

Effect*  of  increased  knowledge  of  geography  upon  the 

romantie  spirit 213, 214 

Romantic  dreama  of  the  Spudsh  explorers  .  214, 215 

Prehistoric  Mexico 216 

The  "Tolteos,"  and  the  wild  notions  about  them.  217 

The  "Chichimecs" 218 

The  Nahus  tribes 219 

Tollan  and  the  Serpent  Hill 220 

The  fabnloas  "Toltec  empire" 221 

nie  Asteos,  and   the  founding  of  the  city  of  Mex- 
ico     221,222 

The  flnt  four  Aztec  ohiefs-of -men        ....    223 
DeBtrucUon  of  Aicaputzalco         .....     224 

The  MezioM)  Confederacj 224~22C 

The  hostile  Tlascalans 227 

The  second  Montesuma 227 

Tlie  tax-gatherer  Knotl  hears  an  amazing  story  of  a 
winged  tower  floating  upon  the  sea  and  filled  witfi 
bearded  men  in  shining  raiment        ....     228 
IHnotl  visits  the  mysterious  strangers,  and  carries  news 

of  them  to  Monteinma 228, 220 

How  this  event  was  to  be  regarded  ;  Qnetzslcoatl  and 
ITaJoc 229-233 


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CONTEHTa. 

8peai«liwtinn  of  TUloo  u  elemental  deity  . 
CrwienJiMtion  of  QaetwloiMiH  m  eoltiiTfr4ieio  SS3, 

TiMt  dark  Tewmtlipooft,  mud  the  strife  between  ligbt 


Exile  of  QDetaOoostl 236 

Expeobdioii  of  hia  retoni 237 

FlilfllmeDt  of  prophecy ;  extrftordiDerj  ooineideiioee  238 
Bj  what  etagee  the  Spaniatds  arrived  ;  diftuaioii  of 

the  work  of  diHooTeiy  fiom  Hiapaniola  239 

C6rdoT»'i  eipediUm  to  Tocatui,  1617         ...  240 

Hoetilfl  demeanonr  of  the  Mayaa 241 

Defeat  of  the  Spuianb  at  Cfaampoton         ...  242 
Grijalra'i  expedititm,  IfilS  ;  it  was  Grijaln's  fleet  that 

waa  Tinted  by  the  tax-gatherer  Pinotl                .         .  243 

Exdteinent  of  the  Spaniarda  orer  Grijalva's  report*    .  244 
He  waa  aet  aiide,  howerer,  and  Hernando  Cortea  waa 

appointed  to  command  the  next  expedition  245 

Rnt  proeeedinga  of  Cortea ;  his  inanbordinatitm .         .  246 

Tbe  aoattling  of  the  ahipa 246,247 

The  Spamah  foroe  npon  the  Mexican  coast  .  248 
Andaei^  of  Cortea  at  CempoaU  ....     249, 250 

The  SpMiiarda  reoeiTed  as  gods  at  XocotUn                 .  252 

Battle  between  Spaniards  and  TUacaUns     ...  253 

Scheme  of  the  TIaaoalan  aoothsayera    ....  264 
Complete  tritunph  of  Cortea ;  alliance  between  Tlaa- 

calan*  and  Spaniards 256 

Treachery    at    Cbolnla,    diaoorered    by    DoBa    Ma- 
rina   256, 267 

Maaaacre  of  Chololana  by  the  Spaniards       .        .     ?58, 259 
First  ai^t  of  Mexico-Tenochtitlan,  a  most  romantic 


n  of  the  aity ;  the  csnsewaya 
The  canala  and  bridges ;  the  honaes 
Population  of  Tenochtitlan  . 
The  flowei^^atden*      .... 

The  f oar  wards 

Dreaa  of  men  and  women 
Interien  of  the  bonaea ;  dinner    . 


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xa  CONTSSTa. 

UrinkB 270 

The  markets 270 

The  temple  .                271 

Human  iscrifice* 273 

The  tzompantii,  or  phwe  of  akiiUa  ....  273 
Entry  of  the  Spaniards  into  TenoohtiUan     .                .274 

Extreme  peril  uf  the  situation 27B 

Effect  of  seizing  the  head  wUMihief  ....  276 
Montezuma  was  a  prieat-^ommander    .         .               277, 278 

He  affair  of  Quauhpopoca 279 

SMzure  of  Montezuma  by  the  Spaoi&ida       .         .         .  280 

Quanhpopoca  bnmed  at  the  stake        ....  281 

Cleansing  of  one  of  the  pyramid!         ....  281 

Arrival  of  Narraei  at  San  Joan  de  Dlloa     .         .         .  282 

Cgrtas  defeats  and  captures  Narraez  ....  282 
AlTarado,  left  in  command  at  TenochtitUn,  meditates 

a  heaTy  blow 28S 

The  festival  of  Tezcatlipooa 283 

Massacre  of  Aztecs  by  Alrarado 284 

Betuin  of  Cortes  ;    he  lets  CuitlaLnatiin  ont  of  the 

house  where  he  had  him  confined  ....  28S 
The  crisis  precipitated  ;  the  tribal  council  deposes  Mon- 

tecuma  and  elects  Cuitlshoatiin  chief-of-men  in  hia 

place  ;  and  the  Spaniards  are  at  once  attacked          .  285 

Death  of  Montezuma 286 

The  Melancholy  Night 286 

Victory  of  Cortes  at  Otumba,  and  its  effects        .        .  287 

Gaining  of  Tezcuoo 288 

Siege  of  Mexico 289 

Conclusion  of  the  conqnest ;  last  years  and  death  of 

Cortes 290 

How  the  Spanish  conqnest  should  be  regarded  .  291 
It  wae  a  good  thing  for  Mexico    ....     292,293 

CHAPTER  IX. 

AKCIENT   PERU. 

General  view  of  the  South  American  peoples  294^97 

Cbiriqui 29i 


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COJfTXNTS.  xiii 

TheChibchu 896,296 

Hie  C«nbs  oiid  Mftypnrea 296, 297 

T&rioos  sange  groups 297 

The  Anaeauisaa 297 


Hetliod  of  reeordiog  bj  quipui    ....     293-300 

UsU  of  locu 301 

Lake  Titicaca  and  the  cjclopean  rains  at  Yabsanaerx  .    302 

The  alleged  I^rna  d;iiasty 303 

BaiDaan  the  Saosahaaman  hill  ....  304-310 
The  hiatorian  Cieza  de  Leon  ....  304r-306 
The  hiBtorian  Gaicilasso  Inca  de  In  Vega     .  307, 308 

ADtiquitj-  of  PemviaD  cultuie  ;  domOHtiisatod  uiiniala      311 

The  potato 312, 313 

The  PemTiana  were  in  many  reapects  more  advanced 
than  anj  othei  American  aborigines,  bnt  were  still 
within  the  middle  period  of  barboriaui              .     314, 316 
Inflaence  of  cattle  upon  the  erolalion  of  aooiety  .  .   315,  316 
Private  ptopertj  (pecuiuan)  ;  developinent  of  the  no- 
tion   317 

There  vaa  no  tme  pastoral  life  in  ancient  Pern   .        .    318 
That  oonntiy  preaenta  a  unique  inatauce  of  the  attain- 
ment  of  a  rudimentarj  form  of  nationality  wiUkout 

the  notion  of  private  property 319 

Growth  of  Peruvian  nationality  ;  the  fonr  tribes  .      319, 320 

Names  of  the  Inoas 321 

Couqueat  of  the  Aymaroa,  of  the  Chancas  and  Hnancaa, 
the  Chinrna,  the  Quitua,  and  the  tribea  of  northern 

Chili 321-324 

Dimenaions  of  the  empire 326 

The  locas  sought  to  asaimilate  oonqueted  pec^les  .  326 
Cieza's  deacription  of  the  military  roads  327 

The  relay  hoaaes  and  couriera 328 

Hie  limitations  of  the  middle  period  of  barbarism  were 

to  be  seen  in  the  rope  bridges  .  329, 330 
The  system  of  military  oolonies  and  deportation  .  330, 331 
Symptoms  of  incipient  uadouality  ....  332 
Gtaroilaaao'a  aeconnt  of  the  Inca  caste  .  .  333, 334 
The  Inca  sovereign  and  the  council  ....  336 
The  depoeition  <a  Uroo  Inoa 336 


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Hr  CONTENTS. 

The  laoa  wm  k  "  god-king  " 887 

PernviaD  religion  ;  Pachaoamao,  the  CrMtor  338, 389 

Snn-worehip 340 

Human  uoriflceB  had  been  abolifhod  bj  the  Inoaa  be- 
fore the  aTrival  of  the  Spanioid*       ....    311 

The  priesthood 342,313 

The  Testal  nuns 314 

They  were  cooonbineB  for  the  Inoa  ....  346 
The  Inoa's  legitimate  wife,  or  Cojra  ....  316 
Sooietjr  had  undergone  further  derelopment  in  Fera 

than  elsewhere  in  America 347 

Breaking  up  of  the  clan  sfstem 318 

The  Chirihnanas,  eut  of  the  Andei      .         .         .         .     3M 

^eir  oommuoal  honses 360 

Monognmy  in  the  Inca  aoeietf 361 

Ihe  indostrial  army 362, 863 

Allotment  of  lands  and  prodnoe 351 

There  was  little  or  no  diniion  of  labour  366, 366 

Enormous  cost  of  government      ....      366, 367 

Cyolopean  works 357 

Commnniatio  deapodam 368 

Agricultnr* 368,860 

Goremment  hunts 860 

Arts 860 

General  SDmmaiy 361 


Intellectosl  enlton 968,861 

CHAFTEB  X. 

THE  COXqOST  OF  FEXU. 

Relatims  of  the  Admiral  Diego  Colambns  to  Ow 

orown 861 

ProTioaes  <^  Tern  Firma  granted  to  Ojeda  and  lAi- 

cuesa 366 

Starting  of  the  expeditions 367 

Death  of  La  Cosa 368 

Death  of  Ojeda 369 

Expedition  irfEnejao,  and  flrstappearanoe  of  BaUwa     .  870 


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Eneiao  depoawd  bj  hii  men 8T1 

Awful  auffeiingi  of  NicoMa  and  hia  party  .  371, 372 

Cmel  traatmeDt  of  Nieneaa  by  the  man  of  Duien        .  873 

Balboft  left  in  imdispnted  oomrouid     ....  373 

£sploratioD  of  tke  uthmiu  ;  speech  of  Comogie'a  ton  .  374 

DiflooTery  of  tbe  Pacific  oceui 37fi 

Fnrther  news  of  the  golden  kingdom  ....  376 

Affain  in  Spain 376 

PednrUs  DiTiln S77 

JeaJoQSj  between  Fedrariu  and  Balboa  378 
An  expedition  prepared  to  go  in  leaioh  of  tbe  golden 

kingdom 879 

All  in  readiness,  ezcopt  for  *  little  inm  and  piteb        .  880 

A  Etial  oonvenadon 381 

GanTito'a  tieacheij 382 

Balboa  put  to  death  by  Pednuim          ....  383 

An  interval 884 

fWtoiBco  Piiarra 886 

Origin  of  tbe  name  "  Peru  ' 866 

Lope  de  Sosa  appointed  to  supersede  Pedrariaa    .  886 

Sodden  death  of  Lope  de  Soea 387 

^inusa's  Tojage  in  Balboa's  ships      .  .387,388 

(U  GoQzalei  Dttvila,  his  troubles  and  death  .  386-390 
Pizarro  and  Almagro  start  in  search  of  tbe  golden 

kingdom 391 

Death  of  Pediarias *       .        .  392 

Tbe  soene  at  Gallo 393 

Discovery  of  Pern 394 

I^zarro'i  visit  to  Spain 396 

Tbe  ^zarro  brotheM 306, 396 

Civil  war  in  Peru,  and  usurpation  of  Atahnalpa  .  396 

Hio  Spaniards  Airive  upon  tbe  scene    ....  398 

And  are  snppoeed  to  be  "  sons  of  Tiraoocha  "      .        .  399 

>   Cauunatca 400,401 

Capture  of  Atahnalpa 402 

Ransom  collected  for  him  ;  Fernando  Pizarro's  ride  to 

the  temple  of  Pachacamac         .....  403 

Uurder  of  the  captive  Inca  Huasoar  by  Atahnalpa  404 
Atahnalpa  put  to  death  bj  the  Spaniards      .         .      406, 409 


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xn  CONTENTS. 

Hie  true  Idco,  Manco,  mokes  hU  sobnUsrion,  and  ia 

duly  inaugurated  at  Cdzdo  b;  Piiarro  .    407 

AniTal  and  retirement  of  Pedxo  de  Alvarado  406 

Effect  of  the  news  in  Spaia 406 

AlmagTo'a  disgust ;  he  starts  for  Chili  .    409 

Manco  plans  an  insuFrection 410 

The  Spaniards  besieged  in  Cuioo         ....    411 
Betum  of  Almagro,  who  defeats  the  Inca,  and  pres- 
ently seiiea  Cuzco 412 

CiTil  war ;  execution  of  Almagni,  and  final  defeat  of 

the  Inca 412 

How  Fernando  Fizarro  was  received  in  Spain  413 

Valdiria's  conquest  of  Chili         .       .        .        ,        ,    414 
Gonzalo  PixaiTo'a  expedition  in  search  of  El  Dorado, 
and  Orellana's  descent  of  the  Amazon  414, 416 

Gonzalo's  return  to  Quito 419 

The  Marquis  Fizarro  and  the  "men  of  Chili"  416,417 

Assassination  of  Pizarro 417 

The  "  blood;  pluns  of  Cbupaa  " 418 

The  New  liiws,  and  the  rebellion  of  Gonsalo  Ilnrro     418 

Pedro  de  la  Gasca 419 

Defeat  and  execution  of  Gonzalo  ^zarro     .  .    420 

Arrival  of  Mendoza 421 

Some  reasons  why  the  conquest  of  Pern  was  aoooiD- 

plished  so  easily 422, 423 

Fate  of  the  Inca  Manoo 424, 42fi 

End  of  the  Inoa  dynasty 426, 426 


CHAPTER  XL 


The  plague  of  slaTeiy 427 

Anoient  slavery 427,428 

Beginnings  of  modem  slavery 429 

Aiunua's  narrative 430, 431 

Beginnings  of  Indian  slavery  under  Columbus  432, 433 

Rtpartmitnioi  and  their  origin 434 

Nicolas  de  Ovando,  and  his  treatment  of  white  men     .    43S 
Ovando's  treatment  of  red  men  in  Xaragua  436 


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CONTESTS.  xrii 

Biith  and  iKtaOj  of  Lu  Cuu     .  .     487, 438 

His  oharaater  and  his  wri^gi     ....     439-411 

The  rofal  orden  of  1S03 441 

Origin  of  ffMonueacfaf USl 

EffectB  of  the  ducoverj  of  g(dd 448 

Hideooa  cruelties  .  .         .    -     .  444, 44S 

The  great  sermons  of  Antonio  MontenDO  446, 447 

The  king's  poaitioQ 44S 

Iab  Casas  was  at  flnt  a  slave-owner     ....  44B 

The  conTenion  of  Las  Casas 460 

His  flrrt  proceedings 4£1 

His  reception  bj  Bishop  Fooseca ;  and  bj  Cardinal 

Ximenes VS& 

lint  attempts  at  reform 453 

The  popnlar  notion  aboat  the  relationa  of  I«a  Casaa  to 

negro  sUverj  is  grosalj  incorrect      ....  454 

What  Las  Csaas  really  said 455 

MediKTa)  and  modern  conceptions  of  human  ri^ta  456 
Giadoal  development  of  the  modem  conception  in  the 

mind  of  Las  Casas 466, 467 

His  momentary  suggestion  bad  no  traceable  efteet  upon 

negro  slavery 467 

His  life-work  did  raneb  to  dimmish  the  volume  of  De> 

gra  slaver;  and  the  spiritual  oorruptiou  attendant 

upon  it 458 

Las  Casas  and  Charles  V. ;  scheme  for  founding  a 

oolouj  upon  the  Fearl  Coast 469 

The  Blave-ealeher,  Ojeda ;  the  mischief  that  one  mis- 
erable sinner  can  do 460 

Destruction  of  the  little  colon;  b;  the  Indians      .  461 

Grief  of  Las  Casas ;  be  becomes  a  Dominican  monk  .  462 
Spanish  conqueBts,  and  resalting  movements  of  the 

Dominicans       ....          ■         .         ,         ,  463 

The  little  monastery  in  Guatemala  ....  464 
The  treatise   of  Las  Cssas  on  the  only  right  way  of 

bringing  men  to  Christ      ,....,  465 

How  the  colonists  taunted  bim 465 

Tunilatlan,orthe  "Landof  War"     .        .        .     465,466 

The  highest  <7pe  of  manhood 466 

Diplomacy  of  Las  Casas        ......  467 


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XTOl  CONTXNTS. 

Hii  pFopumtioiu  for  a  peaoefal  ioTuioD  of  tho  Land 

of  Wax 46S 

How  an  entrance  was  effected      ....     468-i70 

The  first  poaitionB  carried 471 

The  rictorjr  won 472 

The  Land  of  War  bajomes  the  Land  of  Tni«  FMuw 

(VtraPiix) 473 

EnolaTement  of  Indiana  forbidden  bj  the  Pope    .  473 

The  New  Laws  of  Charles  V. 474 

The  final  oompromiM,  working  gradual  abolition  476 

Immense  results  of  the  labours  of  Las  Casas  .  476 

Las  Casaa  made  Bishop  of  Cbiapa        ....  477 

His  final  return  to  Spain 478 

His  oontFoyersj  with  SepnWeda 479 

His  relations  with  FhiUp  II 480 

His  "  Historj  of  the  Indies  " 481 

HU  death -    ^1,482 

CHAPTER  Xn. 

THE  WORK   OF  TWO  CEITTDIUBS. 

Hispauiola  as  the  centre  of  Spanish  colonizatiou  .  483  . 

Tbe  first  Tojage  of  Vespacios 484 

MandevillB's  Fountain  of  Youth 486 

The  Und  of  Easter 486 

Pineda's  discovery  of  the  Missisuppi,  1619  .  487 

Effect  of  Magellan's  Tojage  in  turning  the  course  of 

exploration  to  tbe  northward 4S7 

Cape  Horn 4S8 

The  Cottgrus  of  Bodajos 488,489 

The  search  for  a  Northwest  Passnge    .         .         .         .  *B0 
Ajllon,  and  the  Spanish  colon;  on   James   riTer  in 

1626 491 

The  TOTage  of  Gomez  in  1526 492 

France  enters  upon  the  scene  ;  the  Toj^age  of  Verra- 

EanoinlS24 *BS 

Cartier  and  Roberral,   1534-43  ;   and  the  vojage  of 

Allefonsce 494 

Tbo"Seaof  Verraznno" 495 


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OOHfTXlfTS.  xix 

IbeoitoB  of  Agnew  and  GaaUldi  .     4M,  497 

Tlie  (WM  M  repnHDtod  by  SebutiMi  HOiuter  .  06, 499 
Inlaita  sxpeditioiu  ;  Fuifllo  de  Names  GOO,  Ml 

SarpriaiDg  wlnntuMS  of  Cmbetm  de  Yaoa    .  001,  fiOii 

Lagend  of  the  Savea  Cities;  Fn;  Uarcoi  of  Niua  .  fi03 
The  Seren  Citiu  of  Cibola,  or  Zuai  .  ...  DM 
Holder  of  EBtevAoioo  and  retreat  of  Fray  Idarooa  G06 

Zmli  reoolleetion  of  thia  affair 607 

Expedition  of  Coronodo  to  Cibola  and  Qainra  .  .  fi08 
E^edition  of  Soto  to  the  UiwisMppi  .  MO,  510 

"nie  PominieaM  in  Florida 611 

The  Hu^uenota  im  Bnxil 611 

Bibant  and  tba  Hnguenota  in  Florida  .    612 

lAodonnibe  and  his  oolonj  at  Fort  Caroline  .    613 

Henondex,  the  Last  of  the  Cnuaders  ....  614 
Beginnings  of  the  town  of  St  AngnstiDe  616 

EQanghter  of  the  people  in  Fort  Caroline  .    616 

The  massaores  of  Hnguenota  at  M.fjT.««  Inlet  .  617, 618 
Appioral  of  tbe  maamcreR  by  Philip  U.  .  .  .  519 
^le  vengeanoe  of  Dominique  deGoorgaee  .  620,681 

Historio  importance  of  the  affair 622 

Knowledge  of  North  American  geography  abont  1580, 

■a  ibown  in  tbe  nwpe  of  Hiehael  Lolc  and  John 

Dee 523-627 

Exphmdmi  of  the  St.  Lawrenoe  and  Miacdasippi  val- 

leyi  by  the  French 628 

Sainnal  de  Cbamplain  and  tbe  principal  featorea  of 

Ftancfa  eoloiiiiatioa 629 

Causes  wEuoh  drew  the  Frenoh  into  the  interior  of  tbe 

oontinent 530,631 

Bobert  CaTBliev  de  La  Salle 632 

Harqnette  and  Joliet ;  La  Salle's  great  undertakiiig  .    633 

FoK  CrfeTeotenr 634 

A  thousand  miles  in  tbe  wildemeaa  634, 535 

Defeat  of  tbe  mutioeen BS5 

Sack  of  tbe  Illinois  town 536 

La  Salle'*  descent  of  tbe  Miisiaaippi  river    .         .         .536 

Bis  last  expedition,  and  death 537 

Jdiet's  ideas  of  North  Araerioan  geography  538 

lUber  Hmnepin  in  the  Minnesota  country  .     -  .     63S,  639 


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Hii  falls  preteiudcHU 640 

The  Hudaoa  B*^  Compuij  and  the  fan  of  Bnpert'i 

lADd £40,511 

La  Vdrendije,  and  the  Ymusk  diseovetj  of  the  Kookj 

mouiitaiiis,  1743 542 

IMaooTei7  of  the  Colambia  river,  1792  ...     643 

Lewis  and  Clark ;  tint  oroasing  of  the  coDtinent,  1806  544 
Search  for  a  Kotthwest  Faiaage ;  Drake  and  Frc^ 

biiber 545 

DavU  and  Bareoti 646 

Heiii7  Hudaon 546-548 

William  Baffin 648 

Effect  of  arotia  ezplorationi  apon  the  oonceptioit  of 

Vinland 649 

Biuaaii  conquest  of  Siberia 649 

Titiu  Bering 650 

Discovery  of  Bering  strait,  1728 661 

Bering's  discover;  of  Alaska,  1741  ....  661 
The  discovery  of  America  wm  a  gradual  process  662-564 
Cessation  of  Spanish  exploring  and  colonizing  activity 

after  about  1670 664,665 

Tlie  long  struggle  between  Spaniards  and  Moon  666 
Its  effect  in  throwing  discredit  npoii  labour  .  667 
Its  effect  in  strengthening  religious  bigotry  668 
Spain's  crusade  in  the  Netherlands  ....  669 
Effect  of  oceanic  discovery  in  developing  Dutch  tnde  669 
Conquest  of  the  Portngneae  Indies  by  the  Dutch  660 
Disastions  results  of  persecuting  heretics  .  661 
Expulsion  of  the  Moriscoes  from  Spain,  and  its  ter- 
rible consequences 662,  £63 

Dreadful  work  of  the  Inquisition  ....  664 
It  was  a  device  for  insuring  the  survival  of  the  on* 

fittest 56S 

The  Spanish  policy  of  crushing  out  indiridualiam  re- 
sulted in  nniversal  sUgnation  ....     666, 667 
It  has  been  the  policy  of  England  to  give  full  scope  to 

individualism 567,668 

That  policy  has  been  the  chief  cause  of  the  inccess  of 
English  people  in  founding  new  nations    .  669 


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00NTSST8. 


APPENDIX. 

A.  ToHanelli'i  lettet  to  Cotninbtu,  with  the  enokMod 

letter  to  MMtinei 

B.  The  ball  "  later  CeterA,"  with  Eden's  tnuultttion  . 

C.  List  of  officen  and  uilon  in  the  flnt  voTage  of 

Colambiu      ........ 

D.  lilt  of  •urrirois  of  the  flnt  vojage  wouod  the 

world 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


bv  Google 


ILLCSTKATIONS. 


Mnp  of  the  New  IHiooTeriei,  made  in  1500  bj  the 
pQot,  Joftn  de  Ia  Coba,  redrawn  after  Ihe  tketch  ac- 
eomfanyittg  Sumboldi't  Examen  critique,  etc  Froniitpitce 

Sketch  of  part  of  the  Cantino  map,  lB02,/rom  Wm- 
ior't  America .        .      21 

Facsimile  of  title-page  of  the  original  Italian  edition 
of  the  letter  from  Vespudns  to  Soderini,  reduced 
Jrom  Ike/aetimilt  m  Vamhagen'i  Amerigo  Veipucci  .      41 

FInt  Tojage  of  Yespuciua  (with  Pinzoo  and  Solia, 
1497-98),  tkeUhed  by  the  author,  after  Fartihagen      .      64 

Table  of  principal  Spanish  and  Portugneae  vojagea 
■onth  of  the  tropic  of  Cancer,  from  Columbus  to 
Uagellon,  compiled  by  the  author  .         62, 63 

Sketch  of  the  Florida  coaats,  from  the  Cantino  map, 
1S02,  »tached  Ay  the  author 75 

Waldieemilller'B  map,  called  "Tabula  Terre  Nove," 
cip.  lB07,ynm  WiMor't  America  Facing       78 

Second,  third,  and  fourth  TojogcH  of  Yea^aaoi,  sketch^ 
by  lie  author,  after  Vamkagea 9fl 

Johann  RajMb's  Map  of  the  World,  ,^wn  the  PtoUmy 
oflBOS,  reduced/rom  conical  to  Merealor't  projection 
bg  lie  author 114, 115 

WoBtem  half  of  the  Lenox  globe,  cir.  1510,  fiom  Win- 
sor't  America 120 

Sketch  of  part  of  the  globe  of  Orontioa  Finteos,  1631, 
redrawn  and  abridged  bg  the  author  from  the  reduction 
la  Merealor't  projection  »  Slevens'i  Hiitorical  and 
QeograjAical  Nolet 12S 

Facsimile  of  the  passage  in  which  Waldseemllller  sug- 
gested that  Quarta  Pars  afaoold  be  oalled  America, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


Div  ILLUSTBATX0N8. 

pholograjdud,  on  MligMy  reduced  *eale,Jrom  a  page  tn 
Me  copy  of  (he  Cotmogr^hke  IntroducHo  (ediiion  of 
Augutt,  IBOl)  m  tie  library  of  Harvard  (fnwenitg  .  136 
Fart  of  the  map  attribatod  to  Leooardo  da  Viad, 
ciz.  1614,  —  earliest  knoim  map  with  the  aama 
"  AmeticA,"  from  Wiiuor't  America  .  147 

Sketch  of  Gerard  Mercator's  map,  lS41,_^vm  Winsor'M 

Amervxt 153 

Ships  of  the  time  of  Yespaeira,  factimiU  of  woodcut  m 
Ihe  original  edition  of  the  letter  to  Sodermi,  from  Vant' 

Kagen't  Aiaerigo  Vetpucei 168 

Jan  Stobnioza'a  map,  1512,  from  WtTuor'i  America     178, 179 
Uagellan's  route  acrou  the  Pacific,  ttetched  by  the  au- 
thor   201 

Table  of  the  auccemioti  (eleotiTe)  and  of  the  lelatiou- 
■hipsof  the  eleven  Mexican  tlacalecuhdi,  or  "chiefa- 
of-roen,"  eompSed  by  tAe  author         ....    2S5 
Baa-reliefg  ftom    Palenqoe,  Jrom  Stephem'i  Central 

America 230,231 

Hie  Mexican  pnebloe  in  1619,  ekettAed  bg  the  author    .    261 
The  Vallej  of  Mexico  in  1519,  ditto     ....    260 

The  Iithmus  of  Darien,  diUo 369 

Map  illustrating  the  canquest  of  Pern,  ditto  ,        ,    397 

Map  of  TazulutUn  and  neighbonrbood,  ditto       .        .    466 
Aneient  Nahnatl  Flute  Melodiea,,^wn  Brmtoit'i  GOe- 

giienee 469 

Sketch  of  Agnete's  map,  1636,>n>ni  Wintor'e  America     496 
Sketch  of  Gastaldi's  Carta  Marina,  1648,  (fiUo  .    497 

Sebaatian  Miiiwter's  msp,  1540,  iftOo    .  .     498, 499 

A  itreet  iu  Ziillii/i'om  an  article  by  F.  H.  Cuihiag  in 

Century  Magazine,  new  teriee,  vol.  iii.         .         .         .    606 
Michael  Lok'a  map,  1582,/roin  Wiiuor't  America     624, 526 

Dr.  John  Dee'a  map,  1580,  ditto 627 

Lonia  Joliet's  map,  1673,  ditto 639 

Specimen  of  the.  hand  writing  of  Columbua,  Jrom  Har- 
riiM't  Notei  on  Columbu* 679 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 


CHAPTER  Vn. 

ucNDcs  Novne. 

SoMETiHES  in  Wagner's  musical  dramaa  the 
introduction  of  a  few  notea  from  some  leading 
melody  foretells  the  inevitable  catastrophe  toward 
which  the  action  is  moving;  as  when  in  Lohen- 
grin's bridal  chamber  the  well-known  sound  of  the 
distant  Grail  motive  steals  suddenly  npon  the  ear, 
and  the  heart  of  the  rapt  listener  is  smitten  with 
a  sense  of  impending  doom.  So  in  the  drama  of 
mmtime  discovery,  aa  glimpses  of  new  worlds  were 
beginning  to  reward  the  enterprising  crowns  of 
Spain  and  Portugal,  for  a  moment  there  came  from 
the  north  a  few  brief  notes  fraught  with  ominous 
portent.  Hie  power  for  whom  destiny  had  reserved 
the  world  empire  of  which  these  southern  nations 
—  BO  noble  iu  aim,  so  mistaken  in  policy  —  were 
dreaming  stretched  forth  her  hand,  in  quiet  disre- 
gard of  papal  bulls,  and  laid  it  upon  the  western 
shore  of  the  ocean.  It  was  only  icit  a  moment, 
and  long  years  were  to  pass  before  the  conse- 
quences were  developed.  But  in  truth  the  first 
fetefnl  note   that  heralded   the  coming  English 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


2  TSS  DISCOrXBY  OF  AMSBICA. 

sapKcaacy  vaa  sotmded  when  Jolm  Cabot's  tiny 
craft  Bailed  out  from  the  Bristol  chaimel  od  a 
bright  May  morning  of  1497. 

The  story  of  the  Cabots  can  be  briefly  told. 
Less  is  known  about  them  and  their  voyages  than 
one  could  wiah.^  John  Cabot,  a  native 
of  Genoa,  moved  thence  to  Venice, 
where,  after  a  residence  of  fifteen  years,  he  waa 
admitted  to  full  rights  of  citizenship  in  1476. 
He  married  a  VenetiaD  lady  and  bad  three  sons, 
the  second  of  whom,  Sebastian,  was  bom  in  Ven- 
ice some  time  before  March,  1474.  Nothing  is 
known  about  the  life  of  John  Cabot  at  Venice, 
except  that  he  seems  to  have  been  a  merchant  and 
marine,  and  that  once  in  Arabia,  meeting  a  car- 
avan laden  with  spices,  he  made  particular  in- 
quiries regarding  the  remote  countries  where  such 
goods  were  obtained.  It  is  not  impossible  that 
he  may  have  reasoned  his  way,  independently  of 
OdumbuB,  to  the  conclusion  that  those  countries 
might  be  readied  by  suling  westward ; '  but  there 
is  no  evidence  that  such  was  the  case.  About 
1490  Cabot  moved  to  En^and  with  his  family  and 
made  his  home  in  ^risfol,*  and  he  may  have  been 

'  The  best  tiritical  disonuion  of  the  nibjeot  is  thkt  of  H.  Har- 
risi,  Jean  et  Slbattien  Cabot,  Puis,  1S82.  Mo«t  of  tli«  uthoi'i 
Muoliuiani  Mem  to  me  ver;  stroT^cIy  snppovted. 

*  Thii  wenw  to  1m  implied  b;  the  worda  of  the  late  Dr.  Cha^M 
Diane :  —  "  Accepting  tbe  new  viewe  aa  to  '  the  lonndDen  of  tbe 
•arth,'  at  Columbiu  had  done,  he  wae  quite  diapoaed  to  pnt  tham 
to  a  piaotioal  test-"  Wimor,  Narr.  and  Crit,  Hill.,  vol.  iii.  p.  1. 
But  i>  it  not  Mrtag*  to  Snd  >o  leamad  a  writer  allnding  to  the 
anoieDt  dootrina  of  the  eaith'a  g'lobnlar  fonn  aa  "  new  "  in  the  time 
of  Colamboa  1 

■  H.  d'ATeno'i  nggMlioii  (BvUtiin  de  la  SociiU  dt  Gfogra- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


MUNDUS  NOVUB.  % 

one  of  the  persona  who  were  conviitoed  at  that  time 
\fy  the  argamenta  of  Bartholomew  Colnmbiu.     ' 

Bristol  was  then  the  principal  seaport  of  En^ 
land,  and  the  centre  of  trade  for  the  Iceland  fish- 
eries.^ The  merchants  of  that  town  were 
fond  of  maritime  enterprise,  and  their  cteauct 
ships  bad  already  ventored  some  distance 
out  upon  the  Atlaintic.  William  of  Worcester  in- 
forms ns  that  in  the  Bommer  of  1480  the  wealthy 
merchant  John  Jay  and  another  sent  out  a  couple 
of  ships,  one  of  them  of  eighty  tons  burthen,  com- 
manded by  Thomas  Lloyd,  "the  most  scientific 
mariner  in  aU  England,"  in  order  to  find  "the  is- 
land of  Brazil  to  the  west  of  Ireland,"  but  after 
Buling  the  sea  for  nine  weeks  without  making  any 
disoorery  foul  weather  sent  them  bach  to  Irelaod.' 
From  a  letter  of  Pedro  de  Ayala,  one  of  the  Span- 
ish embassy  in  London  in  1498,  it  would  appear 
flat,  Puti,  1872,  e*  ijrie,  torn.  It.  p.  44)  thU  Colnmbni  m>j  haTa 
oouoltad  with  Ckbot  mi  Brirtol  in  1477  mmi,  tlunfora,  ijnito 
improbabla. 

1  Sm  Bnnt'i  Brinol,  pp.  44, 187 ;  Haganaon,  On  dt  Engdtku 
Bandtipaa  Idajtd,  CopenlugBD,  1833,  p.  147. 

*  "1480  die  jnllij  utIi  .  .  .  st  Johfuin]!*  Jkj  jimiarii  pan- 
darn  80  doUorum  iuoepernnt  vugism  mpnd  poitam  BmtdliM  d« 
EyngToda  uaqna  ad  ■-t"'""  de  Braiylle  in  oeeidaatali  puta  Hiber- 
Tom,  mloMido  nuuia  par  .  .  .  at  .  .  .  Thlyda  [L  a.  Th.  Lfda  — 
Uojd]  eat  magiatar  idantifleiia  mariiiariaa  taetna  Anglln,  at  nooa 
B  dia  aaptambrit,  qnckd  dieta  naTii 
neiiaea  ueo  iiiTenarniit  inanlam  led 
it  luqne  portum  .  .  .  ia  Hibemia 
/linerortiiM  Wilklmi  it 
Wgntttrt,  MS.  in  library  of  Corpni  Chriali  Cidlaga,  Canbridga, 
Ho.  210,  p.  lOB,  apod  Haniae,  op.  dt.  p.  44.  Sea  alao  Foi-BoDnie, 
Engliili  MtrehanU,  ToL  i.  p.  106.  Thongb  the  Latin  aayi  mae 
monlkt,  it  la  erident  that  onlj  nine  vttkt  are  meant  to  be  iaolndad 
b«tWMn  "  a  d»7  of  Jnl;  "  and  tha  IStli  da;  of  3 


^lailizc.bvGoOglc 


4  TBX  DIBCOVEBY  OF  AUSBICA. 

tba.t  aeveral  expeditions,  banning  periiaps  as 
early  as  1491,  may  have  auled  from  Briatol,  at  the 
instigatioii  of  John  Cabot,  in  search  of  the  ima^- 
nary  islands  of  Brazil  and  Antilia.' 

We  are  told  that  the  news  of  the  first  Yoyage  of 
Columbus  was  received  by  the  Cabots  and  their 

English  friends  with  much  admiiation. 
nan  f»m       To  havc  reached  the  coast  of  China  by 

sailing  westward  was  declared  a  wonder- 
ful achteTement,  and  it  was  resolved  to  go  and  do 
likewise.  On  the  21st  of  January,  1496,  the  Span- 
ish ambassador  Fnebla  informed  his  sovereigns  that 
"a  person  had  come,  like  Columbus,  to  propose  to 
the  king  of  England  an'enterprise  like  that  of  the 
Indies."  On  the  28th  of  March  the  sovereigns 
instructed  Fuebla  to  warn  Henry  VII.  that  such 
an  enterprise  could  not  be  put  into  execution  by 
him  without  prejudice  to  Spain  and  Portugal.' 
But  before  this  remonstrance  arrived,  the  king  had 
already  issued  letters  patent,  authorizing  John 
Cabot  and  his  three  sons  "to  sail  to  the  east,  west, 
or  north,  with  five  ships  carrying  the  English  flag, 
to  seek  and  discover  all  the  islands,  countries,  re- 
gions, or  provinces  of  pagans  in  whatever  part  of 
the  world."^  The  expedition  must  return  to  the 
port  of  Bristol,  and  the  king  was  to  have  one  fifth 
of  the  profits.     By  implicitly  excluding  southerly 

1  AymU  to  Ferduunil  and  luballa,  Jnly  2S,  1406 ;  Huriaa, 
p.  329.  Tbs  reader  hu  doubtlen  alreadj  obterrad  Umh  f atrolon* 
iiUndi  on  (Le  Toacanalli  map  i  (ae  above,  vol.  L  p.  3&T. 

1  Feidinaod  and  Isabella  to  Fnebla,  Uanib  28, 1406;  ~ 
P.81G. 

*  "  Pro  Johaiuie  Cabot  et  liliia  mil  sapei  Terra  Inoogmta  in 
tigwda,"  Uanh  0,  1406 ;  HaniMe,  p-  313. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


MUWDus  mows.  6 

oonnea  it  wu  probably  intended,  as  &r  as  possi- 
ble, to  avoid  occasions  for  conflict  with  Spain  or 
Portagal. 

The  voyage  seems  to  have  been  made  with  a 
single  ship,  named  the  Matthew,  or  Matthews, 
after  the  evanselist,  or  perhaps  after 
some  fiDgush  patron.*     Ihe  crew  nnm-  andiiud 
bered  eighteen  men.     Sebastian  Cabot  c^^jm 
may  quite  probably  have  accompanied 
his  father.      They  sailed   from   Bristol  early  in 
May,  1497,'  and  discovered  what  was  supposed  to  ' 
be  Uie  Chinese  coast,  "in  the  territory  of  tlie  Grand  I 
Cham,"  on  the  24th  of  June.     By  the  end  of  July 
they  had  returned  to  Bristol,  and  on  the  10th  of 
August  we   find   thrifty  Henry  VH.  giving  *'to 
hym  that  foimde  the  new  isle"  the  munificent 

1  Buratt,  BitK/ry  and  AntiquUiit  of  Brutol,  1789,  p.  172.  A 
Mnt«mponU7  MS.,  pnaeired  in  (hi  Britub  MuMBta,  uya  tliat 
beddai  the  flagihip  aqoippsd  b;  ths  king  there  ware  three  ot 
tool  otbeis,  appanndr  eqnipped  by  private  entaTpiue :  —  "In  anno 
18  Htar.  VIL  Thia  jere  ths  Kjng  U  the  beajr  nqiieai  and  aop- 
plieaeion  of  ■  StraDugei  veuiaian,  which  [i.  e.  who]  b;  a  C<Ban 
[i.  a.  ohact]  made  hymaelf  eipart  in  knovyng  ot  the  world  oauaed 
the  Kyng«  to  mutne  a  ahip  w'  vjtaill  and  other  aeoeeuiriaa  for  to 
•Mhe  an  Hand  wbaiem  the  aaid  Stiannger  anim;«ed  to  be  greta 
oommoditiM ;  w'  wbloh  (Up  bj'  the  Kjngei  gtaee  to  Ryg^ed  w«Dt 
3  or  4  moo  oats  of  Briatowe,  the  aaid  Straunger  beyng  Conditor 
ot  the  taide  Elgto,  vhsrjn  dynsn  merohaiuitea  w  well  of  London 
aa  BriRow  arantund  goodac  and  ileight  merehanndiiea,  which  do- 
parted  froRi  the  Waat  Cnntrey  in  ths  begTDnTng  of  Somer,  bat  to 
thia  pnaant  moneth  came  neTir  Knowlepi  of  their  eiplojt."  Ses 
Hwriaae,  p.  SIS.  On  page  50  M.  Harrine  Besma  diapoaed  to  adopt 
Ihia  aUtunent,  bat  ita  anthorit;  ia  fktall;  iiupKired  b;  the  U*t 
aantanoe,  which  ahow*  that  already  the  writer  had  mixed  np  the 
fl»t  Toyags  with  ths  aeoood,  aa  waa  af  tarwarda  commonly  done. 

*  The  dat«  b  often  incorrectly  giren  w  1494,  owing  to  an  old 
laJarfJing  of  h.  ocwc.  xcuu  inatOBd  of  m.  txxc  xcvu. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


6  THE  DIBCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

lugBBS  of  XIO  with  wUch  to  celebrate  tlie  aohiere- 
ment.^ 

Tlie  news  in  England  seems  to  have  tahen  the 
foim  that  Cabot  had  discovered  the  isles  of  Biazil 
and  the  Sev^i  Cities,  and  the  kingdom  oi  the 
Great  Khaa.  A  Yenetian  gentleman,  Lorenzo 
Paaqoaligo,  writing  from  London  August  23, 1497, 
Bays  that  "  bonoura  are  heaped  upon  Cabot,  he  is 
,  called  Grrand  Admiral,  he  is  dressed  in  silk,  and 
i  the  English  run  after  fajm  like  madmen."'  It 
seemed  to  Cabot  that  by  returning  to  the  point 
jobD  Cabot  where  he  had  found  land,  and  then  pro- 
£b^^^  Deeding  somewhat  to  the  southward,  he 
Sj^?  "  could  find  the  wealthy  island  of  Cipango, 
^^^  and  this  time  we  do  not  hear  tluit  ar^ 

dread  of  collision  with  Spain  prevailed  npon  the 
king  to  discountenance  such  an  undertaking.  A 
second  expedition,  consisting  of  five  or  six  ships, 
sailed  from  Bristol  in  April,  1498,  an^  explored  a 
part  of  the  coast  of  N^orth  America..'  InadespattJi 
dated  July  25,  Ayala  told  his  sovereigns  that  its 
return  was  expected  in  September.  One  of  the 
vessels,  much  damaged  by  stress  of  weather,  took 
refuge  in  an  Lrish  port.  When  the  others  returned 
we  do  not  know,  nor  do  we  hear  anything  more 
of  John  Cabot.  It  is  probable  that  he  ssdled  as 
commander   of   the   ejq>edition,  and  it  has   been 

'  BwrilM,  pp.  Bl,  Sft  "FkD  bona  iiei«,"  txjt  Puqnali^; 
"pmiT  ■'■mimii."  laji  OairiMa,  ta,  a»  aat  might  pat  it,  "to  go 
aBftapiM."  It  molt  b*i«m«mb«>«d  tLat  £10  diea  waa  •qnira- 
Unt  to  at  l^rt  £100  of  to-da;.  Tha  kii^  alw  giutwl  to  Cabot 
a  jaailj  pmnon  ol  £iO,  t»  b«  paid  oat  of  the  nodpta  of  tha  Boa- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MVNDV8  NOVUS.  7 

mpposed  tbat  he  may  have  died  upon  the  voyage, 
leaving  the  MMiuiiaDd  to  his  Bon  SebaatiaD.     It  has  , 
farther  been  sapposed,  on  extremely  slight  evi- 
dence, that  Sebastian  may  have  oondnoted  a  third 
voyage  in  1501  or  1503. 

Sebastian  Cabot  married  a  Spanish  lady,  and 
seems  to  have  gone  to  Spiun  soon  after  the  death 
of  Henry  VII.^  He  entered  the  service 
of  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  October  20,  BiubSSS 
1612.  In  1518  Charles  V.  appointed  ""^ 
him  Pilot  Major  of  Spain ;  we  ehaU  presently  find 
him  at  the  congress  of  Badajoz  in  1524 ;  from  1526 
to  1530  he  was  engaged  in  a  disastrous  expedition 
to  the  river  La  Plata,  and  on  his  return  he  was 
thrown  into  prison  because  of  oomplaints  urged 
against  him  by  his  mutinous  crews.  The  Council 
of  the  Indies  condemned  him  to  two  years  of  exile 
at  Oran  in  Afric-a,^  but  the  emperor  seems  to  have 
remitted  the  sentence  as  unjust,  and  presently  be 
returned  to  die  discharge  of  his  duties  as  Pilot 
Major.  In  1548  he  left  the  service  of  Spain  and 
went  bach  tq_jlnglapd.  where  he  was  appointed 
governor  of  a  company  of  merchants,  oiganized 
for  the  purpose  of  discovering  a  northeast  pass^pe 
to  China.8  This  enterprise  opened  a  trade  between 
England  and  Russia  by  way  of  the  White  Sea ; 
and  in  1556  the  Muscovy  Company  received  its 
charter,  and  Sebastian  Cabot  was  appointed  its 
governor.  He  seems  to  have  died  in  London  in 
1557,  or  soon  afterwards. 

1  PeCer  Hutyr.  dsc.  iii.  lib.  vi.  fol.  US. 

*  NkTsfTBte,  BibiioUca  marilima,  tarn.  ii.  p.  099. 

■  Yfhaia,  Harr.  and  Crit.  Hitt.,  toL  iii.  p.  6. 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


8  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

The  life  of  the  younger  Cabot  thus  extended  over 
the  vhole  of  the  period  doriug  which  Earopeans 
f^r^y^Mm  "^^1^  gradually  awakening  to  the  ae- 
^Ji^2^  tounding  fact  that  the  western  coasta 
m^iaif^  of  the  Adantio  were  not  the  coasts  of 
^^^  Asia,  bnt  of  a  new  continent,  the  exist- 
*°^'  ence  of  which  had  never  been  suspected 

bj  any  human  being,  except  in  the  unheeded  guess 
of  Stiabo  cited  in  a  previous  chapter.^  The  sixty 
years  following  1497  saw  new  geographical  facts 
accuinnlate  much  faster  than  geographical  theory 
oonld  interpret  them,  as  the  series  of  old  maps 
reproduced  in  the  present  volume  will  abundanUy 
show.  By  the  end  of  that  time  the  revolution  in 
knowledge  had  become  so  tremendous,  and  men 
were  carried  so  far  away  from  the  old  point  of 
view,  that  their  minds  grew  confused  as  to  the 
earlier  stages  by  which  the  change  had  been 
effected.  Hence  the  views  and  purposes  ascribed 
to  the  Cabots  by  writers  in  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century  have  served  only  to  perplex 
the  subject  in  the  minds  of  later  historians.  In 
Bamusio's  collection  of  vc^ages  an  anonymons 
.writer  puts  into  t^e  mouth  of  Sebastian  Cabot 
more  or  leu  autobiographical  narrative,  in  which 
there  are  almost  as  many  blunders  as  lines.  In 
this  narrative  the  death  of  John  Cabot  ie  placed 
before  1498,  and  Sebastian  is  said  to  have  con- 
ducted the  first  voyage  in  that  year.  It  thus  liap- 
pened  that  until  quite  recently  the  discovery  of 

>  Sm  abore,  tdL  L  p.  S70. 

*  Raniniio,  Raeaita  di  NamgaHord  t  Viaggi,  VeniM,  ICOO^ 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUlfDUa  N0FU8.  9 

the  contineiit  of  North  America  wu  attributed  to 
the  son,  while  the  father  waa  velluigh  forgotten. 
It  is  to  Ramusio's  narrator,  moreoTer,  that  we 
owe  the  ridiculous  statement — repeated  by  almost 
every  historian  from  that  day  to  this  —  that  the 
purpose  of  the  voyage  of  1498  was  the  discovery 
of  a  "northwest  passage*'  to  the  coast  of  Asia! 
As  I  Edull  hereafter  show,  the  idea  of  a  northwest 
passage  through  or  around  what  we  call  America 
to  the  coast  <k  Asia  did  not  spring  up  in  men's 
minds  until  ^ter  1522,  and  it  was  one  of  the  con- 
sequeneee  of  the  vc^rage  of  Magellan.'  There  is 
no  reason  for  supposing  that  Sebastian  Cabot  in 
1498  suspected  that  the  coast  before  him  waa  any- 
Oang  but  that  of  A^ia,  and  it  does  not  appear  that 
he  contributed  anything  toward  the  discovery  of 
the  fact  that  the  newly  found  lands  were  part  of  a  . 
new  continent,  tibough  he  lived  long  enoi^h  to  be-  ' 
come  familiar  with  that  fact,  as  gradually  revealed  I 
through  the  voyages  of  other  navigators. 

The  slight  contemporary  mention,  which  is  all 
that  we  have  of  the  voyages  of  the  Cabots  in  1497 
and  1498,  does  not  enable  us  to  deter-  vbi>ti«rtot 
mine  with  precision  the  parts  of  the  S^tST" 
North  American  coast  that  were  vis-  <>»»>«•»•«' 
ited.  We  know  that  a  chart  of  the  first  voyage 
was  made,  for  both  the  Spanish  envoys,  Fuebla 
and  Ayala,  writing  between  August  24,  1497,  and 
July  25,  1498,  mentioned  having  seen  such  a 
chart,  and  from  an  inspection  of  it  they  concluded 
that  the  distance  run  did  not  exceed  400  leagues. 
The  Venetian  merchant,  Pasqualigo,  gave  the  dis- 
iSeelMl<nr,pp.467-~490. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


10  THE  DISCOVESr  OF  AMEBICA. 

tance  more  correctly  as  TOO  leagues,  and  added 
that  Cabot  followed  the  coast  of  the  "territory  of 
the  Orand  Khan  "  for  800  leagues,  and  in  return- 
ing saw  two  islandB  to  starboard.  An  early  tra- 
dition fixed  upon  the  coast  of  IJabrador  as  the 
region  first  visited,  and  until  lately  this  has  been 
the  prevailing  opinion. 

The  chart  seen  by  the  Spanish  nunisters  in  Lon- 
don is  unfortunately  lost.  But  a  map  ei^^raved  in 
ibp  of  1M4,  Germany  or  Flanders  in  1544  or  later, 
gl^i^Jj^  '^  and  said  to  be  after  a  drawing  by  Sebas- 
°'^-  tian  Cabot,'  has  at  the  north  of  what 

we  call  the  island  of  Cape  Breton  the  legend 
"prinwj  tierra  viata,"  i.  e.  "Jirat  land  seen;"  and 
in  this  connection  there  is  a  marginal  inscription, 
Spanish  and  Latin,  saying:  —  "This  country  was 
discovered  by  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian,  and  Se- 
bastian Cabot,  his  son,  in  the  year  of  our  Saviour 
Jesus  Christ  H.  cccc.  xciill*  on  the  24th  of  June 
in  the  morning,'  which  country  they  called  prima 
titrra  vista,  and  a  large  island  near  by  they  named 
St.  John  became  they  discovered  it  on  the  same 
day."  Starting  from  this  information  it  has  been 
supposed  that  the  navigators,  passing  this  St. 
John,  which  we  call  Prince  Edward  island,  coasted 
around  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  passed  out 
through  the  strait  of  Belle  Isle.     The  two  islands 

'  It  wu  diicoTered  in  1S43  in  the  house  of  a  dargymBn  in  Brtv 
ria,  and  is  nuw  in  the  NaCional  Librar;  at  Faria.  Then  ii  a  bean- 
tif ul  facsimile  if  it  in  coloun  in  HarrisBe'B  Jran  tl  S^'baHien  Cabal, 
and  it  ia  deuribed  b}  M.  d'Aveiac,  Bulltlin  de  la  SociiU  de  Gio- 
graphie.  Ift57,  4'  i^rie,  torn.  xiv.  pp.  26S-270. 

^  Thii  date  ia  irrong.  The  (irat  two  letten  aft^r  xc  ihould  b( 
joilied  together  at  the  bottom,  making  a  v. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


UUNDUS  NOVUS.  11 

seen  on  the  starboard  vould  then  .be  points  on  the 
northern  coast  of  Newfoundland,  and  a  consider- 
able part  of  Pasqualigb's  300  le^^ues  of  coasting 
would  thus  be  accounted  for.  Bnt  inasmuch  as  the 
Matthew  had  returned  to  Bristol  by  the  first  of 
August,  it  may  be  doubled  whether  so  long  a  route 
could  have  been  traversed  within  five  weeks. 

If  we  could  be  sure  that  tite  map  of  1544  in  its 
present  shape  and  with  all  its  legends  emanated 
from  Sebastian  Cabot,  and  was  drawn  with  the 
aid  of  charts  made  at  the  time  of  discovery,  its 
authority  woidd  be  very  high  indeed.  But  there 
are  scone  reasons  for  supposing  it  to  have  been 
amended  or  "touched  up  "  by  the  engraver,  and  it 
is  evidentfy  compiled  from  charts  made  later  than  / 
1536,  for  it  shows  the  results  of  Jacques  Car- 
tier's  explorations  in  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.  . 
Its  statement  as  to  the  first  landfall  is,  moreover, 
in  confiict  with  the  testimony  of  the 
merchant  Robert  Tbome,  of  Bristol,  in  oi  n^wf 
1527,'  and  with  that  of  two  maps  made  ""' 
at  Seville  in  1527  and  1529,  according  to  which  the 
"prima  tierra  vista  "  was  somewhere  on  the  coast  of 
Labrador.  It  must  be  remembered,  too,  that  John 
Cabot  was  instructed  to  take  northerly  and  westerly 
courses,  not  southerly,  and  an  important  despatch 
fr<»a  Raimondo  de  Soncino,  in  London,  to  the 
Duke  of  Mihm,  dated  December  18,  1497,  de- 
scribes his  course  in  accordance  wiUi  these  instnic- 
tioos.  It  is  perfectly  definite  and  altogether  prob- 
able. According  to  this  account  Cabot  sailed  from 
Bristol  in  a  small  ship,  manned  by  eighteen  per- 
'  HaUnjt,  PrinqpnU  Navi^ivnt,  vol.  i.  p.  21& 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


12  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

BODS,  and  having  cleared  the  weetem  shores  of 
Ireland,  turned  northward,  after  a  few 
M  dH^iM""  days  headed  for  'Asia,  and  stood  mainlj 
west  tili  he  reached  "Terra  Finna," 
where  he  planted  the  royal  standard,  and  forthwith 
returned  to  England.'  In  other  words,  he  followed 
the  common  custom  in  those  days  of  first  running  to 
a  chosen  parallel,  and  then  following  that  parallel 
to  the  point  of  destination.  Such  a  course  could 
hardly  have  landed  >iiiii  anywhere  save  on  the 
eoast^rf  L^rador.  Supposing  hia  return  voyage 
simply  to  have  reversed  this  course,  running  south- 
easterly to  the  latitude  of  the  English  channel 
and  then  stuling  due  east,  he  may  easily  have 
coasted  300  leagues  wiUi  land  to  starboard  before 
finally  bearing  away  from  Cape  Race.  This  view 
is  in  harmony  with  the  fact  that  on  the  desolate 
coasts  passed  he  saw  no  Indians  or  other  htunan 
beings.  He  noticed  the  abundance  of  codfish, 
however,  in  the  waters  about  Newfoundland,  and 
declared  that  the  English  would  no  longer  need  to 
go  to  Iceland  for  their  fish.     Our  informant  adds 

'  "  Ciun  DDo  picGolo  n&ngI!o  e  xriti  penone  u  pon  all  fortniu, 
et  partitoal  da  BrUto  porto  occidBntals  da  questo  regno  et  puwto 
Tbemia  piit  offludflntaleT  a  poi  Hlzatad  verso  il  aepteDtrione,  ooroen- 
cid  ad  naTigan  als  parte  orientale  {i.  e.  toward  eMtom  Asia], 
Itwundosi  (tn  qualctie  giorni)  U  tramontuia  ad  maoa  drits,  et 
haTeikdo  assai  errato,  ioCne  capitoe  in  terra  ferma,  dova  posts  la 
btwdeni  regia,  et  tolto  la  poaseasione  per  qneita  AlCezs,  et  pieso 
oerti  segnali,  se  oe  retoraato."  See  Hanine,  p.  324.  The  phrsM 
"Laveiido  aiBU  errata"  ia  reodered by  Dr.  Dmra  "haviiqciraii- 
dertd  abont  Mnaidei^bl;  "  (Winaor,  ^orr.  and  Cril.  Bill.,  iii.  &4), 
but  id  thii  ooDtext  it  seenu  to  me  rather  to  nieaa  "hBTin|;  wao- 
derodraffioieDtljfar  [from  Enrope],"  i.  e.faavii^  gone  far  enongb 
he  f  ODikd  Terra  Firma. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


XnSDVB  NOVUS.  13 

that  Master  John,  being  foreigu-bom  and  poor, 
would  have  been  set  down  as  a  liar  had  not  his 
crew,  who  were  mostly  Bristol  men,  confirmed 
everything  he  said. 

With  regard  to  the  coasts  visited  in  the  expedi- 
tion of  1498  onr  sole  contemporary  anthority  is  the 
remarkable  map  made  in  1500  by  the  i^cob»., 
Biscayan  pilot,  Jnan  de  La  Cosa,  who  "^  ™°- 
had  sailed  with  Columbns  on  his  first  and  second 
voy^iea.  So  far  as  is  known,  this  is  the  earliest 
map  in  existence  made  since  1492,  and  its  impor- 
tance is  very  great.'    Lse  Casas  calls  La  Cosa  the 

'  A  copy  of  tha  westeni  sheet  of  this  oelebraled  Dup,  akatched 
upon  B  mdoced  Bcale  after  the  cop;  in  Hamboldt'a  £zanni  cri- 
tiqM,  formi  the  frontasfaeoe  to'the  preaent  ToliiAe.  The  original 
was  fonnd  and  identified  bj  Hiunbcildt  in  the  librar;  of  Baron 
Walekeuaer  in  1832,  and  after  the  death  of  the  tatter  it  was 
boo^t  April  21,  1853,  at  an  anotion  Bale  in  Paris,  for  the  qneen 
<rf  Spain  agaitttt  Henry  Sterem,  for  4,030  fntics.  It  ia  now  to  "be 
•eau  at  the  Naval  Haeeiun  in  Madrid.  It  was  made  by  La  Coaa 
at  Puerto  Santa  Maria,  near  Cadii,  at  aoms  time  betwsen  June 
and  October,  in  the  year  1600  (see  Legaina,  Jvan  de  la  Cosa,  Ma- 
drid, I8T7,  p.  TO).  It  is  aaperbly  illnmiDated  vith  coloun  and 
pdd.  Ila  aoale  of  proportiona,  remarkably  oorrect  in  some  places, 
■  notably  defestire  inothsn.  The  Newfonndland  ieg[ion  is  prop- 
eriy  broDght  near  to  the  papal  meridian  of  demaroation,  and  what 
-we  call  Brazil  is  Dot  by  it ;  which  may  pcasibly  indicate  that  La 
Coea  had  heard  the  newa  of  Cabral'a  diacorary,  praaently  to  be 
noticed,  which  resclied  Lisbon  late  in  Jane.  The  Aiorea  and 
Cape  Veide  istsnda  aie  mnch  too  far  west.  The  voysigea  of  which 
the  reaoha  are  distinctly  indicated  upon  the  map  are  the  fimt  three 
oif  Colnmbns,  tlie  two  of  the  Cabola,  that  of  Ojeda  (1498-m),  and 
that  of  Pinxon  (1400-1500),  and,  aa  we  shall  prmently  aee,  tha 
map  givea  very  important  and  atriking  testimony  lef^aiding  the 
first  voyage  of  Yespnoins.  The  coast-linea  and  iatanda  marked 
by  La  Coaa  with  names  and  flags  reprcaeDtreanlta  of  actual  eiplo- 
Totion  BO  far  as  known  to  La  Cosa  or  exhibited  to  him  by  means 
of  oharta  ot  loK-book*.  The  coast-lines  and  islands  witboot 
BMnns  npraaent  in  general  his  noTerifled  theory  of  the  si 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


14  THE  DISCOrSBT  OF  AMERICA. 

beet  pilot  of  bis  day.  Hia  reputation  as  a  carto- 
grapher was  alflo  hi^,  and  his  maps  were  much 
admired.  Tlie  map  before  us  was  evi- 
Tmt«  pnb-  dently  drawn  with  honesty  and  caxe.  It 
irdL  uS£  represents  the  discoveries  of  the  Cabota 
tba'sDUiKst.  as  extending  over  S60  leagues  of  coast, 
pviupi  H  fK  or  about  as  far  as  from  the  strait  of 
"*  ^*  Belle  Isle  to  Cape  Cod,  and  the  names 

from  "Cabo  de  Ynglaterra"  to  "Cabo  Descubier- 
to  "  are  probably  taken  from  English  sources.  But 
whether  the  coast  exhibited  is  that  of  the  conti- 
nent within  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  or  the 
southern  coast  of  Newfoundland  with  that  of  Mova 
Scotia,   is  by  no  means  clear. ^     The  names  end 

Of  the  Dortheni  island  "Frislutda"  he  mnrt  probably  hare  beea 
told  hy  Golnmbiu,  tor  he  could  not  have  known  ■nythiiig'  of  tlia 
ZsDO  narratiTe,  fint  made  poblio  in  1658.  Id  tbe  middle  of  the 
vMt  sid«  of  the  nuip  ii  a  vigoette  repreaentin^  Chriatoplier  (the 
Christ-beater)  wadiDg  throngh  the  waten,  oarrying^  upon  hia 
ibouldeTB  the  infant  Chriat  or  Sun  of  Kighteonaneae,  bo  ahine  npon 
the  heathen.  At  the  bottom  of  the  Tig^ette  ia  the  le^nd  "  Joan 
de  la  coaa  la  fiio  en  el  pnerto  dea"  nu*  bd  aBo  de  1600."  Ilie 
origiinal  is  five  feet  nine  inches  long;  by  three  feet  two  inobaa 
wide,  and  ia  a  map  of  the  world.  The  fnll-nzed  facsiniila  pnb- 
liahed  by  M.  Jomard  (in  his  Monanunla  de  la  gfogrophie,  pL  xvL) 
ii  in  three  elephant  folio  aheeta,  of  which  the  frontispiece  to  thii 
Tolaiue  npreaeats  the  third,  or  western.  The  hypothetical  coast- 
line of  Brazil,  at  the  bottom,  ia  cnt  off  square,  so  that  the  map 
Diay  be  tlien  attached  to  a  roller ;  and  beyond  the  cat-off  this 
•ame  coaal'line  ia  continaed  on  the  fint,  or  eastern  sheet,  aa  the 
oooat  of  Asia  east  of  the  Ganges.  In  the  opinion  of  most  geo- 
grspheiH  of  that  time,  the  ntuation  of  Qninuy  (Hang-chow)  in 
China  would  come  »  Uttle  to  tlie  weat  of  the  westernmost  Engliali 
flagstaff. 

'  The  fonner  riew,  which  ia  that  of  Hnmbcldt,  is  perhaps  the 
more  probable.  See  Ohillany,  Geschidile  da  SerfiJiTeri  Bitter 
Kartin  BOaim,  Nnrembe^,  1K>3.  p.  2.  The  Utt«r  view  U  held 
by  Dr.  Kohl  (iJocumnUnrj  Hiaorg  of  Maine,  toL  i.  p.  154),  wh* 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


jtujfDua  Novrrs.  15 

□ear  the  niouth  of  a  large  river,  wliich  may  very 
probably  be  meant  for  tbe  St.  Lawrence,  and  be- 
yond  the  names  we  see  two  more  Eugliab  flags  with 
the  l^^d,  "Sea  discovered  by  Englishmen."  In- 
asmuch as  it  would  be  eminently  possible  to  sail 
tJiroiigh  the  gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  without  becoming 
aware  of  the  existence  of  Newfoundland,  except  at 
the  strait  of  Belle  Isle  (which  at  its  narrowest  is 
about  ten  miles  wide),  one  is  inclined  to  suspect 
that  the  "Isla  de  la  Trinidad"  may  represent  all 
that  the  voyagers  saw  of  that  large  island.  It  is 
worthy  of  note  that  on  the  so-called  Sebastian 
Cabot  map  of  1544  Newfoundland  does  net  yet  ap- 
pear  as  a  single  mass  of  land,  but  as  au  archipel- 
ago of  not  less  than  eleven  large  blands  with  more 
than  thirty  small  ones.  By  this  time  the  reader 
is  doubtless  beginning  to  have  "a  realizing  sense  " 

identiSM  "Cabo  de  Tnglatem"  with  Cape  lUoe.  To  me  it 
■eeiDS  mora  likel;  that  Cabo  de  Tnglateira  ja  the  promontoiy  just 
Dcntli  of  Invnlrtoke  iulet  on  the  coaat  of  Labrado:-,  and  that  th* 
ialand  to  the  right  of  it  (Tala  Verde)  IB  meant  for  Oreenlniuf.  If. 
then,  Ilia  de  la  Trinidad  is  the  northern  eitremit;  of  Newfoiind- 
land  and  the  river  b;  Cabo  Deacabierto  is  the  St.  Lawrence,  we 
h»Te  a  eonaixteDt  and  not  improbable  TJew.  In  apite  of  the  two 
adtUtional  flaf(B,  the  ooaat  to  Qis  lef  t  of  the  St,  Lawrence  ia  «tj- 
dentlT  hypothetiosl ;  tbe  irait  riTer  is  probabl;  meant  for  the 
Hoang-ho  in  China  (called  bj  Polo  the  Caramoraui  gae  Tule'a 
Mono  Polo,  a.  104-106),  and  the  "aea  discoTered  bj  the  Eng- 
liab  "  waa  probabl;  anppoaed  to  be  the  YeUov  Sea. 

Then  it  no  good  gKinnd  for  the  statement  that  Sebastian  Cabot 
sailed  aa  fai  eoiith  oa  Florida.  "  The  remark  of  Peter  Martyr,  in 
1515,  abont  Cabot's  reaching-  on  tbe  American  coast  the  latitude 
of  Oibraltar,  and  finding'  himaelf  then  on  a  meridian  of  longitade 
tar  enongh  vest  to  leave  Cnba  on  his  left,  ia  aimpl;  abenid,  dilem- 
malue  it  aa  jon  -will,  Snch  &  -vojage  would  hare  landed  him  npiir 
Cindimati."     Stevens,  Hitlorical  and  Grographkal  Nola.  p.  35. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


16  TBB  DI8C0VSBT  OF  AMERICA. 

of  the  fact  that  the  work  of  discoTermg  America 
was  not  such  a  simple  and  instantaneous  afiair  as 
b  often  tacitly  assumed. 

The  second  voyage  of  the  Cabots  was  regarded 
in  Enghmd  as  a  failure,  tor  the  same  reason  that 
wh;ti»Cft-  the  later  voyages  of  Columbus  were  re- 
mmu^i-  garded  with  diminishing  interest  in 
londnp.  Spain,  because  there  was  much  outlay 
and  little  profit.  Whatever  there  was  to  be  found 
on  these  tantalizing  coasts,  it  surely  was  not 
golden  Cathay.  The  inhospitable  shores  of  Lab- 
rador offered  much  less  that  was  enticing  than  the 
balmy  Talleys  of  Hispaniola.  Furs  do  not  seem 
as  yet  to  have  attracted  attention,  and  although 
the  unrivalled  fisheries  were  duly  observed  and  re- 
ported, it  was  some  time  before  the  Bristol  mer- 
chants availed  themselves  of  this  information,  for 
they  considered  the  Iceland  fisheries  safer.'  There 
was  thus  little  to  encourage  the  cautious  Henry 
VTl.  in  further  exploration.  In  1505  he  made  a 
contract  with  some  sailors  from  the  Azores  tor  a 
voyage  to  "the  New -found -land,"  and  one  item  of 
the  result  may  be  read  in  an  account-boob  of  the 
treasury:  —  "To  Portyngales  that  brought  popyn- 
gais  and  catts  of  the  mouutaigne  with  other  Stuf 

to  the  Kinges  grace,  51."^  In  the 
jX^,        reign  of  Heniy  VIII.,  and  in  one  and 

the  same  year,  1527,  we  find  mention  of 
two  voyages  from  Portsmouth,  the  one  conducted 
by  John  Rut,  in   the  Samson  and   the  Mary  of 

1  Himt'i  Britid,  p.  137. 

*  Hbitum,  Jtan  a  Bibattien  CaM,  pp.  142, 2T2. 


^oiizccb,  Google 


MVNDUS  NOVUS.  17 

Guilford,  the  other  hy  a  certain  Master  Grube,  in 
the  Dominiis  Yobiscnm,  the  latter  being  perhaps 
the  most  obacnre  of  all  the  voyages  of  that  centnry. 
I  suspect  that  the  two  voyages  were  identical  and 
the  reports  multifarious.'  But's  expedition  was 
undertah^i,  at  the  instaoee  of  Robert  Thome,  of 
Bristol,  for  the  purpose  of  finding  a  route  to  Ca- 
thay. It  encountered  vast  icebei^;  the  Samson 
'  was  lost  witii  all  its  crew,  and  the  Mary  "durst 
not  go  no  farther  to  the  northward  for  fear  of 
more  ice;"  so  after  reaching  Cape  Race  and  the 
bay  of  St.  John's  she  returned  to  £ugland.^ 

We  hew:  of  no  further  enterprises  of  this  sort 
daring  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  The  lack  of 
interest  in  maritime  discovery  is  shown  cbun  in  a» 
hy  the  very  small  number  of  books  on  ^~thJ*" 
such  matters  published  in  Englimd,  —  v^^^id^ 
only  twelve  before  1576.»  We  may  «'»"i-t*i^ 
suppose  that  public  attention  was  for  die  time 
monopolized  by  the  straggles  of  the  Befonnation, 
and,  even  had  the  incentives  to  western  voyages 
been  much  stronger  than  they  seem  to  have  been, 
tiiere  was  serious  risk  of  their  leading  to  diplo- 
matic complications  with  Spain.  The  government 
of  Charles  V.  kept  a  lyuz-eyed  watch  upon  all 
trespassers  to  the  west  of  Bo^;ia's  meridian.^ 
It  was  not  until  the  Protestant  England  of  Eliza- 
beth had  come  to  a  life  and  death  grapple  with 

'  Sm  Haniae,  op.  at.  p.  294. 

*  HaUnyt,  Priaeipall  NaoigalioBi,  toI.  iii.  p.  129 ;  Purcluu  hii 
PilgrimtM,  rol.  iu.  p.  809 ;  Fox.Bohtds,  English  MtnAajUi,  toL  i 
p.  159 ;  De  Coots,  Xnrtincn  t'n  Maint,  pp.  43-62. 

>  Wiiuor,  Narr.  and  Crit.  Bin.,  toL  iii.  pp.  199-208. 

*  See  HuriMe,  tyt.  eit.  p.  146. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


18  TBE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMESICA. 

Spun,  aod  not  until  the  discovery  of  America  had 
advanced  much  nearer  to  completion,  so  that  ita 
value  began  to  be  more  correctly  understood,  that 
political  and  commercial  motives  combined  in  de- 
termining England  to  attach  Spain  through  Amer- 
ica, and  to  deprive  her  of  supremacy  in  the  colo- 
nial and  maritime  world.  Then  the  voyages  of 
the  Cabots  assumed  an  importance  entirely  new, 
and  could  be  quoted  as  the  basis  of  a  prior  claim, 
on  the  part  of  the  English  crown,  to  lands  which 
it  bad  discovered.  In  view  of  all  that  has  since 
happened,  as  we  see  these  navigators  coming  upon 
the  scene  for  a  moment  in  the  very  lifetime  of  Co- 
lumbus, and  setting  up  the  royal  stsmdard  of  Eng- 
land upon  a  bit  of  the  American  coast,  we  may 
well  be  reminded  of  the  phrase  of  prophetic  song 
that  heralds  a  distant  but  inevitable  doom. 

La  Cosa's  map  shows  that  definite  information 
of  the  Cabot  voyages  and  their  results  had  been 
portuguHs  ^'^t  to  Spain  before  the  summer  of 
;3^^"thB  1500.  Similar  information  was  pos- 
t«^7tM^  sessed  in  Portugal,  and  the  enterpria- 
*^~  ing    King    Emanuel    (who    had    suc- 

ceeded John  II.  in  1495)  was  led  to  try  what  could 
be  accomplished  by  a  voyage  to  the  northwest. 
Some  of  the  land  visited  by  the  Cabots  seemed  to 
lie  very  near  Borgia's  meridian;  perhaps  on  closer 
inspection  it  might  be  found  to  lie  to  the  east  of  it. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  this  was  one  of  the 
leading  motives  which  pnmipted  the  voyages  of 
the  brothers  Cortereal.  Into  the  somewhat  vexed 
details  of  these  expeditions  it  is  not  necessary  for 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


MUNDUB  NOVUS.  19 

our  purposes  to  enter.  The  brothers  Qaspar  and 
Miguel  Cortereal  were  gentlemen  of  high  consid- 
eration in  Portugal.  Two  or  three  voyages  were 
made  by  Graspar  in  the  course  of  the  years  1500 
and  1501 ;  and  fnmi  the  last  voyage  two  of  his 
ships  returned  to  Lisbon  without  him,  and  he  was 
never  heard  of  ^ain.  On  May  10,  1502,  Miguel 
sailed  with  three  caravels  in  search  of  his  brother ; 
and  a^ain  it  happened  that  two  of  the  ships  re- 
turned in  safety,  but  the  commander  and  his  flag- 
ship never  returned.  The  incidents  of  the  various 
voyagee  are  sadly  confused ;  but  it  seems  clear 
that  the  coasts  visited  by  Oaspar  Cortereal  were 
mainly  within  the  region  already  explored  by  the 
Cabota,  from  Labrador  perhaps  as  far  south  as  the 
bay  of  Fundy.  He  probably  followed  the  east- 
em  shores  of  Newfoundland,  and  crossed  over  to 
Greenland.  He  brought  home  wild  men  (^homines 
silvestrea)  and  white  bears,  as  well  as  a  gilded 
sword-hilt  and  some  silver  trinkets  of  Venetian 
manufacture  which  the  natives  had  evidently  ob- 
tained from  the  Cabots.^  The  coast  which  he  had 
followed,  or  part  of  it,  was  dechtred  to  lie  to  the 
east  of  the  papal  meridian  and  to  belong  to  Portu- 
gaL  A  despatch  dated  October  17,  1501,  recount- 
ing these  facts,  was  sent  to  Ercole  d'  Este,  Duke 
of  Ferrara,  by  his  agent  or  envoy,  Alberto  Cantino, 

'  Tlwe  wajiget  m  ably  discnned  by  M.  Huiisw,  La  Carlt- 
JUaJ  tt  Uuri  voi/agei  au  NoUBtaa  Monde,  Puis,  16B3 :  see  also  the 
ueomita  in  Peaclieri  GenAichtt  deiZeilallen  der  Snldeclcungm,2' 
aafl.,  Stuttgart.  IBTI;  EnnstiDuiii,  Die  Entdeckang  Amerikai, 
UiiJaich,  18S9 ;  Lafitan,  Hittoire  de$  dfcouvoies  dn  Poriagai»  data 
It  Nmiwau  Monde,  Pari^  1733,  2  vols.  4t>)  i  ^insor,  Narr.  and 
(M.  Hut.,  vcL  IT.  pp.  1*4, 12-16. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


20  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

then  reBident  in  Lisbon.  An  elaborate  map,  con- 
ceming  which  we  shall  presently  have  more  to  say, 
waa  made  for  Cantino  at  a  coat  of  twelve  golden 
lb*  cutiiw  ducats,  and  carried  by  him  to  Italy  in 
'^^  the  autumn  of  1502.     This  map  is  now 

preserved  in  the  Biblioteoa  Estense  at  Modena.' 
On  it  we  see  the  papal  meridian  cutting  through 
Brazil,  and  we  see  the  outer  coast  of  Newfound- 
land laid  down  to  the  east  of  the  meridian  and 

'  The  rude  iketiih  here  prtMeptad  givM  no  idaa  wluterer  of  tha 
fnlneB  of  detail  and  Qie  gocj^ous  beauty  of  thii  remarkable  map. 
A  foU-aited  facHmils  of  the  weatem  portion,  3  feet  5j  inches  in 
width  by  3  feet  2)  iuohea  in  height,  iu  the  original  ooloun,  i«  to 
be  found  in  the  portfolio  accompanying  M.  Harriaw's  work  on  the 
Cortereala.  The  eontinenta  are  given  in  a  soft  gfreen,  the  ialauda 
in  rich  blnea  and  redi.  Flags  in  their  proper  coloun  mark  the 
Afferent  aoiereigntiei,  from  that  of  the  Turks  at  Conatantioople 
to  that  of  tha  Spaniards  near  Haracaibo.  The  two  tropica  are  in 
red,  the  equator  !n  i^Id,  and  the  papal  line  of  demarcation  in  a 
brilliant  blue,  Africa  is  charaderiied  by  a  hilly  landscape  in 
pale  bloea  and  greens,  a  castellated  Portuguese  fortress,  native 
hnta,  negroes  in  jet  black,  birds  of  various  hue,  and  a  huge  lion- 
headed  fignn  in  bmvn  and  gold,  A  cinular  straotOn  called 
■■  Tower  of  BabiloDJa  "  appears  in  Egypt,  while  Runia  is  marked 
by  a  pile  of  aharacteriitie  architectun  ang^estive  of  Moscow. 
Nawfonndland,  placed  to  the  east  of  the  papal  meridian  and 
labelled  "  Terra  del  Re;  de  Portngall,"  is  decked  out  with  trees  in 
green  and  gold.  The  Braziliaa  coast  —  the  aontham  part  of  which 
is  given  from  hearsay,  ahiefly  from  the  third  voyage  of  Vespu- 
cins,  who  returned  to  Lisbon  September  7, 1502  (as  is  proved, 
among  other  things,  by  its  giving  the  name  of  the  Bay  of  All 
Saints,  discovered  in  that  voyage)  —  is  adorned  with  tall  trees  in 
green,  gold,  and  brown,  among  which  are  intetspstsed  smallei 
trees  and  shrubs  in  various  shades  of  blue,  and  three  enormous 
paroqaeta  intensely  red,  with  white  beaks  and  clawi,  and  divers 
wii^  and  tail  feathers  in  blue,  buff,  and  gold.  The  ocean  is  of 
•n  ivory  tint,  and  tha  lettering,  sometimes  gothio  someUmea  our- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


MUNDUS  SOWS. 


21 


labelled  "  laoA  of  the  King  of  Portugal."  The 
BOathem  extramity  of  Greenland  is  also  depicted 
with  remarkable  clearness.  The  islands  after- 
wards known  aa  West  Indies,  heretofore  known 


SkctoH  of  port  of  die  CantJuo  m>p,  1 
simply  as  Indies,  here  appear  for  the  first  time  as 
Antilles  (has  Antilhas). 

Porti^rnese  sailors  were  prompt  in  availing  them- 
selves of  the  treasures  of  the  Newfoundland  fish- 
eries. By  1525  a  short-lived  Portuguese  colony 
had  been  established  on  Cape  Breton  island.'    But, 

^  Souu.  TrfOado  dot  VJuu  Novat,  p.  5 ;  HurkM,  Jean  <1  8f- 
doMMn  Cabot,  p.  TtL 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


22  THE  DISCOVXBT  OF  AMEBIC  A. 

as  the  name  of  that  island  reminds  as,  the  Poitn- 
guese  had  sturdy  rivals  in  this  workl  As  early  aa 
1504  that  spot  was  visited  by  Breton,  Norman, 
and  Basque  sailors,  and  from  that  time  forth  the 
fisheries  were  frequented  hy  all  these  people,  as 
well  as  the  Portuguese.'  The  name  "  Baocalaos," 
applied  on  most  of  the  early  maps  to 
Newfoundland  or  the  adjacent  regions, 
is  the  Basque  name  for  codfish.^  Tlie 
English  came  later  apon  the  scene.  Had  Eng- 
land been  more  prcnnpt  in  following  up  the  Cahot 
voyages,  there  would  probably  have  been  a  serious 
dispute,  for  Portugal  did  not  cease  to  claim  the 

'  When  John  Rat  raached  the  bay  of  St.  John,  August  8, 1S27, 
he  found  tiro  Portnf^eae,  one  Breton,  and  eloTen  Nornivi  shipi 
fiohiug  there.  Purduu  hit  PUgritnet,  toI.  t.  p.  822 ;  Hantes, 
Jean  et  S^lxutUn  Cabot,  p.  Td  j  Bmm,  Hittorg  qf  tU  Uand  of 
C(ip<  Brtioii,  p.  13. 

^  See  the  book  of  the  JuDit  father,  QeorKea  PoninieT,  Bt/dra- 
graphie,^  (A.iVaaM,  16<tT.  Peter  Hartyr  ii  miBt»ken  in  Mying 
that  the  land  waa  named  Baocalsoa  {by  Sebastian  Cabot)  faeoaoaa 
it  was  the  native  name  for  codfish.  Qaman'a  accoont,  as  Tendered 
b;  Richard  Eden,  in  I5i>!>,  is  entertaining  :  — "  The  neve  lande  of 
Baccalao*  is  a  conlde  K|pou,  whoae  inhabTtantei  are  Idolatoon 
and  praye  to  the  sonne  and  moone  and  dynen  Idoles.  They  An 
vhyte  people  and  very  rustical,  for  they  eate  flenhe  and  fyMb* 
and  all  other  things  rave.  Snmtymea  also  they  eate  man's  flesshe 
prinilj,  so  that  their  Csoique  have  no  knowledge  thereof  [I].  The 
apparell,  both  of  men  and  women,  is  made  of  beares  shynnes,  al- 
though they  hare  sables  and  marteniea,  not  greatly  eatemed  be- 
cause they  are  lytcle.  Sum  of  them  go  naked  in  sommer  and 
veare  apparell  only  in  wynter.  The  Brytous  and  Frew-he  men 
are  accustomed  to  take  f  yssbe  in  the  coastes  of  these  lands,  vheie 
ii  found  great  plenty  of  Tunnies  which  the  inhabytauntes  oaul 
Baccalaoa,  whereof  the  land  was  so  named.  ...  In  all  this  newe 
lande  is  neytJier  citie  nor  caatell,  but  they  lyae  in  compaoiea  lyke 
heardea  of  beastes."     The  Firit  TTiree  En^ith  Boela  on  AnuneOf 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDV8  NOrVS.  28 

Bovereignty  of  Newfoundland,  on  the  ground  that 
it  lay  to  the  east  of  the  papal  meridian,  and  in 
those  days  it  was  not  easy  to  disprove  this  assump- 
tion.' But  the  question  was  swallowed  up  in  the 
events  of  1580,  when  Spain  conqueired  and  an- 
nexed Portugal ;  and  it  was  not  long  after  that 
time  that  the  inahility  of  the  Spaniards  to  main- 
tain their  mastery  of  the  sea  left  the  wealth  of 
these  fisheries  to  be  shared  between  France  and 
England. 

While  these  northern  voyages  are  highly  inter- 
esting in  their  relations  to  the  subsequent  work  of 
Enghsh  colonization,  nevertheless  in  the  history  of 
the  discovery  of  the  New  World  they  occupy  but 
a  subordinate  {dace.  John  Cabot  was  probably 
the  first  commander  since  the  days  of  the  Vikings  - 
to  set  foot  upon  the  continent  of  North  ^  „„^  ,„  ^f^ 
America,  yet  it  would  be  ridiculous  to  ^J^j^^ 
compare  his  achievement  with  that  of  J^^^ere 
Columbus.  The  latter,  in  spite  of  its  ^^^|^ 
ailmixture  of  error  with  truth,  was  a  *'»«>"''"'™- 
scientific  triumph  of  the  first  order.  It  was  Co- 
lumbus who  showed  the  way  across  the  Sea  of 
Darkness,  and  when  once  he  had  stood  that  egg 
upon  its  end  it  was  easy  enoi^h  for  others  ta  fol- 
low.^    On  the  other  hand,  in  so  far  as  the  dis- 

'  Ttw  reader  mill  olweTre  tlie  name  of  CortereaJ  upon  Nev- 
foDuUsttd  sa  ta  ialand  on  Sebastian  Munster'a  map  of  1540;  at 
an  archipelago  im  Metcator's  map  of  15-11  ;  and  at  port  of  tlie 
maiiilaiid  on  Lok'a  map  of  1&B2.     See  below,  pp.  499,  153,  52S. 

^  Tba  anecdote  of  Colarobaa  and  the  egg  is  told  b;  Benzoni, 
BaUtria  dd  Moaio  Nuovo,  Venioe,  l.)72,  p.  12.  It  belongs  to  tbe 
alaai  of  migTatoT;  mytbs,  having  already  been  told  of  Bmnel- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


84  TEE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

eovery  of  America  was  completed  when  it  waa 
made  known  to  Europeans  that  what  Columbus 
had  found  was  not  Asia,  bat  a  New  World,  the 
northern  voy^es  bad  absolutely  nothii^  to  do 
with  its  completion.  The  causal  sequence  of  events, 
from  Columbus  to  Magellan,  which  brought  out 
the  fact  that  a  New  World  had  been  discorered, 
would  not  have  been  altered  if  the  voyages  of  the 
Cabots  had  never  been  made.  It  was  only  by 
V(r)rages  to  the  south  that  the  eyes  of  Europeans 
could  be  opened  to  the  real  significance  of  what 
was  goiag  on.  Our  attention  is  thus  directed  to 
the  fomouB  navigator  who,  without  himself  under- 
standing the  true  state  of  the  case,  nevertheless 
went  far  toward  revealing  it  The  later  voyages 
of  Vespucius  began  to  give  a  new  meaning  to  the 
wort^of  Columbus,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the 
grand  consummation  by  Magellan. 

Amerigo  Vespucci  ^  was  bom  at  Florence  on 

leaohi.  Ilia  gremt  BTchiteot  vho  built  the  dome  of  the  oatliedn]  at 
Florenae  Bboot  1420.  Aa  Vulture  Baji,  m  this  aonneotioii,  "  La 
plupart  do  bou  moti  atmt  dra  ndites."  Eiiai  tw  la  Mtgurt, 
torn.  iii.  p.  3S1. 

'  Amarigo,  Ameni^,  Herigo,  Mori^,  Almerioo,  Alberioo, 
Alberi^ ;  Vupuctn,  Yespooj,  Veapachj,  Veipuche,  Veepntio, 
Veapulnoa,  Bspoolii,  Deipoahi ;  Istiulied  Americiu  Vespnriiu. 
Amrigo  is  ao  italianiied  form  of  tlis  old  Q«niuui  AmahvA  (not 
Emmarieb),  which  in  inedisTol  French  became  ^maurjr.  Ttmeana 
"the  atasdfast"  ("celni  qui  endare  dee  labenn").  See  Hum- 
boMt,  Exanen  iritlgiie,  Uaa,  W.  pp.  52-57.  This  denTstion  would 
natonll;  make  the  accent  fall  upon  the  penult,  Amerigo,  Ameri- 
ca!;  and  thus  light  seems  to  be  thiown  upon  the  soanning  of 
OeoTge  Herbert's   Taraes,  written   in  1631,  dnrinE  the   Paiitao 

"  RcUgloa  itudi «  tip-toe  In  odt  lud, 
Rasdli  to  puaa  to  tlw  Amaiinn  (tnind." 

TJu  CliunA  XHilaiU,  235. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MVNDUa  NOVUS.  26 

the  IStli  of  March,  1452  (N.  S.).  He  ww  the 
third  son  of  Auastasio  Vespucoi  and  Lis- 
abetta  Mini  The  family  was  old  and  Amrinuyw 
respectable,  and  had  been  wealthy.  An- 
astaaio  was  a  notary  public.  Hia  brother  Griorgio 
Antonio  was  a  Dominican  monk,  an  accomplished 
HelleniBt  in  those  days  of  the  Renaissance,  and  a 
friend  of  the  martyr  Savonarola.  One  of  Ameri- 
go's brothers,  Antonio,  studied  at  the  university 
of  Pisa.  The  second,  Jerome,  engaged  in  some 
business  which  took  him  to  Palestine,  where  be 
suffered  many  hardships.  Amerigo  was  educated 
by  his  uncle,  the  Dominican,  who  seems  to  have 
had  several  youth  under  his  care ;  among  these 
fellow-students  was  the  famous  Piero  Soderini, 
afterward  gonfaloniere  of  Florence  from  1502  to 
1512.^  Amerigo  acquired  some  knowledge  of 
Latin  and  was  sufficiently  affected  by  the  spirit  of 
the  age  to  be  fond  of  making  classical  quotations, 
but  his  scholarship  did  not  go  very  far.  At  some 
time,  however,  if  not  in  hia  early  years,  he  acquired 
(m  excellent  practical  knowledge  of  astronomy,  and 
in  the  art  of  calculating  latitudes  and  longitudes  he  - 
became  an  expert  unsurpassed  by  any  of  hi»  con- 
temporaries.^ After  his  school  days  were  over,  he 
was  taken  into  the  great  commercial  house  of  the 

•  Sm  Oniooiardiiii,  Staria  FiorenHna,  cap,  ht.  ;  Trollope'B  Hit- 
tarj  a/At  CaniHonvitallk  of  Ftonnce,  toI.  iy.  pp.  KM,  337. 

'  Sm  the  teitini0D7  of  SebaatioD  Cabot  and  Peter  UartTT,  and 
Hnnboldt'a  remarks  in  ODunectioii  tliereirith,  in  Examm  critique, 
Uan.  IT.  pp.  144, 133, 101 ;  torn.  t.  p.  36.  Considering'  hia  Btrong  in- 
nlinatifrti  for  aiitfoiiomiaal  atadiee,  one  ia  inclined  to  wonder  whether 
Ve^maiiB  may  not  have  profited  by  the  inetmotitHi  or  eonvena- 
tion  of  hii  fellov-townanuui  TowMoalll.     How  oould  he  fail  to 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


26  THE  DISCOVERY  OE  AMERICA. 

Medici,  and  seems  to  hare  led  an  uneventful  life 
at  Florence  nntil  he  was  nearly  forty  yean  of 
a^.'  He  devoted  his  leisure  hours  to  the  study  of 
gei^raphy,  and  was  an  eager  collector  of  maps, 
charta,  and  globes.  On  one  occasion  he  paid  180 
golden  ducats  for  a  map  made  in  1439  by  Gabriel 
de  Valsequa.^  He  also  became  an  expert  map- 
maker  himself,^  and  along  with  such  tastes  one 

'  What  little  u  known  of  the  etilj  life  of  Veapnciiis  U  iniiimed 
Dp  in  Bandiiu,  Vita  t  kftcrc  di  Amfrigo  Vetpvcci,  Plorenne,  1745. 
IIm  onlir  intelligent  modern  tre&tiH  on  the  lif  a  Mid  Toyagea  of  thii 
uarigator  ii  Vamhagen's  colleation  of  monogrBpha  —  Aaerigo 
Vttptuxi:  ton  earactirt,  la  (criu  (mtmelts  noita  aufAenfiguu),  (n 
tit  tt  net  ywtvigiOiont,  Lima,  1805 ;  Ia  prtmitr  voi/age  de  Amerigo 
Vt^iicci  d^JtRitinement  expiiqa^  dam  wh  dOaUi,  Vienna,  I8Q9; 
iVouvdlei  redurdus  tur  Ui  demiert  voyagtt  da  navigaleur  Jtareatiti, 
et  It  rette  de*  decamenit  et  ietairciaenierUi  lur  lai,  Vienna,  1806 ; 
Pattfact  attx  (row  liaraiioiu  air  Amtrigo  Vftpucci,  Vienna,  1870 ; 
Ainda  Amerigo  Ve^nieci  i  nooot  atadoi  e  ackrgai  e^ecialmtm*  em 
favor  da  inierpretacSo  dada  d  laa  la  viagtm  em  1407-98,  Vienna, 
IST4.  Theae  are  oanall;  bound  tog«Uier  in  one  amall  folio  toI- 
ame,  SomeCiniefl  the  French  znonogiaphe  are  found  t^jgether 
vjdlont  the  PoitQf^ese  TDonograpli.  VarnhBg^n'a  book  haa  made 
everything  elae  antiquated,  and  no  one  who  has  not  maaterad  it  in 
all  its  details  ie  entitled  to  apeak  about  Vespucitu.  In  the  Eng- 
liah  language  there  is  no  good  book  on  the  subject.  The  defence 
by  Leater  and  Poat«T  {Life  and  Vagaget  of  AjBericiu  Vttpadiu, 
New  Tark,  1&441)  had  acme  good  points  for  its  time,  hot  ia  now 
ntterl;  antiqnated  and  worae  than  nselem.  The  eliapter  b;  the 
late  Sydney  Howard  Gay,  in  Winaor'a  Narrative  and  Critical  Hit- 
loiy,  ToL  ii.  chap,  ii.,  ia  qnite  unworthy  of  ita  place  in  that  excel- 
lent work ;  bat  ita  def ei^ts  are  to  some  extent  atoned  for  by  the 
editor'a  critical  notea. 

^  In  1S48  this  map  "  waa  atill  in  the  library  of  Connt  de  Mon- 
tenegro at  Palma,  in  the  ialand  of  Hajorca."  Harriase,  BiUio- 
fAera  Amtricana  Vetutlinima,  Addition!,  p.  xiiii.  It  is  the  only 
relio  of  Vespnciua  to  which  we  can  point  aa  exiating  b  the  preaent 

*  "  I  repayred  to  the  byaboppe  of  Surges  [Fomeca]  beinge  Ui<> 
cbiute  refuge  of  this  nauigation.    Ae  wee  were  therfore  aecreili 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDVS  NOVUS.  27 

can  easily  see  bow  there  was  a  latent  love  of  ad- 
ventare  which  it  only  required  circumstanceB  to 
bring  out.  He  seems  in  these  earlier  years,  as 
throughout  his  life,  to  have  won  and  retained  the 
respect  of  all  who  knew  him,  as  a  man  of  integrity 
and  modesty,  quiet,  but  somewhat  playful  in  man- 
ner, mild  and  placable  in  temper,  and  endowed 
with  keen  intelligence.  He  seems  to  have  been  of 
middle  height,  and  somewhat  bmwny,  with  aquiline 
features  and  olive  complexion,  black  eyes  and  hair, 
and  a  mouth  at  once  firm  and  refined. 

The  Medici  had  important  business  interests  in 
Spain,  uid  at  some  time  between  the  Tsqnwhs 
midsummer  of  1489  and  the  end  of  «~'**^ 
1491  they  sent  Vespucius  to  Barcelona  as  their 
confidential  agent.  He  took  with  him  several 
young  Florentines  who  had  been  placed  under  his 
care,  and  among  them  his  own  nephew,  Giovanni 
(afterwards  spanished  into  Juan)  Vespucci,  a  very 
capable  youth  who  accompanied  him  in  some  if  not 
all  his  voyages,  and  lived  to  be  regarded  as  one  of 
the  most  accomplished  navigators  and  coamogra- 
phers  of  the  age.'     Early  in  1493  Americua  seems 

togjiiua  Id  one  chamber,  wa  bad  mao;  iaatraniBnteB  perteynynge 
to  theae  affkyna,  aa  g-lobw  and  many  of  thoae  mappea  which  are 
cammoul;  eaalod  (he  tbipmana  cardeA,  or  cardea  of  the  sea.  Of 
the  vhieh,  one  waa  diswen  bj  th«  Portugalee,  wherennto  Ameri- 
cm  Veapatitu  ia  eayde  to  bare  pat  hia  hande,  beinge  a  man  moale 
■iperte  in  Uiia  facoltie  and  a  Florentyne  boms  ;  who  alao  Tnder 
the  etipende  of  tbe  Portug:a1e*  hadde  sayled  tovaide  the  Bbnth 
pole."  Peter  Martyr,  Dteada  afUie  fttux  Worlde,  Eden's  trani- 
latliiD,  1553,  dec.  ii.  lib.  i. 

>  "  Tbe  yoni^s  Veaputiiii  ia  odb  to  vhom  Americas  Veapatius 
hia  mele  left  the  tract  knowledga  of  thu  marinun  facoltie,  aa  it 
ware  by  inberitanoa  after  hia  death,  for  be  vai  a  very  expert  maia- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


28  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

to  have  formed  some  sort  of  connection  with  the 
Florentine  commercial  house  of  Juanoto  ^rardi, 
at  SeTiUc.^  This  Berardi,  who  had  been  domiciled 
in  SpfUQ  for  more  than  nine  years  and  was  a  friend 
of  Columbus,  was  employed  by  the  crown  in  fit- 
ting out  ships  for  ihe  Atlantic  Toy^es.  On  the 
9th  of  April,  1495,  we  find  him  signing  a  contract 
engaging  to  funuBh  twelve  veBsels  with  an  aggre- 
.gate  burthen  of  900  tons,  and  to  have  four  of  them 
ready  that  same  month,  four  more  in  June,  and 
the  rest  in  September.^  We  shall  presently  find 
this  contract  quite  interesting  and  its  date  elo- 
quent. In  December  of  that  same  year  Berardi 
died,  and  we  find  Vespucius  taking  bis  place  and 
fulfilling  what  remained  to  be  fulfilled  of  the  con- 
tract and  sundry  obligations  growing  out  <A  it. 
From  the  above  facte  the  statement,  often  made, 
that  Vespucius  took  part  in  fitting  out  the  second 
voyage  of  Columbus  is  quite  probable.     He  can 

t«r  tn  the  knowledga  ot  hU  aaxAn,  hii  «ompu««,  tttid  the  eleiwttaii 
of  the  pole  sCorre  nitli  all  that  pertaineth  thecto.  .  •  ■  VaBpatioB 
ii  my  verye  f amiljar  frande,  and  a  irytde  younge  mau  in  irhoaa 
ooompMiy  I  take  great  pleaiaie,  and  therefore  vw  hym  oft«a- 
tymei  for  my  gfitHa."   ld.,iae,  iii.  lih.  t. 

'  "  Vostia  Mag;.  lapta,  come  el  motino  delU  venata  mia  in 
qneato  regno  di  Spagna  fa  pi  tractara  mercatantie :  &  oome  ae. 
guini  in  q'ato  propo^to  citca  di  quattrD  anni :  neqnalli  niddi  A 
coonobbi  ediaoariati  moniioe'li  delta  foitnoa;  .  .  ■  delibeiai  lai- 
ciarmi  deUa  mercantla  A  pom  elmio  fine  in  COM  pin  tandabile  & 
f anna :  che  fa  che  midiapod  daodan  a  nedera  parte  del  mondo, 
A  Is  sue  maraaiglie."  Lttttra  di  Ameriga  Ve^twci  ddlt  itolt 
ntiouamtnte  Irouate  in  qiutttro  taoi  viaggi,  —  vriCMn  to  Soderini 
from  Lisbon,  September  i,  1604 ;  primitire  text  ieprint«d  in  Vam- 
bagen,  Lima,  18S5,  p.  36. 

'  See  the  dqenmept  in  Varnhagen,  p.  (13  i  NaTanflt«,  tom.  ii 
pp.  169-102. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


KUNDUB  Norua.  29 

Iiard]y  have  failed  to  become  acquainted  with 
Cohunbus  ID  the  Bummer  of  1493,  if  he  had  not 
known  him  before.  The  rehttioiui  between  the 
two  seem  always  to  hare  been  most  cordial ; '  and 
after  the  Admiral's  death  his  sons  seem  to  hare 
continued  to  hold  the  Florentine  narigator  in  high 
esteem. 

Oar  information  concerning  Amerious  Vespu- 
cius,  from  the  early  part  of  the  year  o,,,-u_^ 
1496  until  after  his  retom  from  the  S^^^J!™' 
Portuguese  to  the  Spanish  service  in  . 
the  latter  part  of  1604,  reata  primarily  upon  his 
two  &mouB  letters ;  the  one  addressed  to  his  old 
patron  Lorenzo  di  Pier  Francesco  de'  Medici  (a 
cousin  of  Lorenzo  the  Magnificent)  and  written  in 
March  or  April,  1503,  giving  an  account  of  his 
third  roy^e : '  the  other  addressed  to  his  old 
school-fellow  Piero  Soderini  and  dated  from  Lis- 
bon, September  4, 1504,  giring  a  brief  account  of 
four  royages  which  he  had  made  under  various 
conuoanders  in  the  capacity  of  astronomer  or  pilot.' 

'  See  tLa  Admiial'i  lettar  to  bla  aoo  Diego,  iM«i  Fabnurj  5, 
1506,  in  NkTurete,  torn.  L  p.  351. 

^  The  ekrlieat  Latin  sod  Italian  i«zta  an  ^Ten  in  Vuriluij^ii, 
pp.  9-2fl. 

*  The  pHmitiTB  Italian  text  and  the  famoiu  Latin  TeriiOD  pre*- 
entlj  to  be  Doticed  an  giTen  in  Vnrnhigen,  pp.  33-64. 

VarnlutKen  prints  three  other  letters,  attributed  to  Vetpnoina, 
which  haia  been  often  quoted.  The;  are  all  ad  Iressed  to  Lonuo 
di  Pier  Frsncesoo  de'  Medici :  —  1.  reladnK  to  the  second  vojage, 
ud  dated  Jul;  18,  1500,  first  pnblished  in  1745  b;  Bandini ;  it  u 
anqneatlonablf  a  fotf^rj,  not  older  than  the  seTenteentb  centniy, 
and  has  done  mnoh  to  bemuddle  the  story  of  Vespncios ;  2.  doted 
from  Cape  Varde,  June  4,  1501,  vhile  starting  on  the  thiid  voy- 
age, fint  pabliahed  in  1627  by  Baldelli ;  the  doonment  itMlf  la 
not  original,  bnt  I  am  inclined  to  think  it  may  perhaps  be  made 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


80  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMESJCA. 

These  letters,  for  reasons  presently  to  be  set  forth, 
became  speedily  popular,  and  many  editiooB  were 
published,  more  especially  in  France,  Germany, 
and  Italy.  It  is  extremely  improbable  that  proof- 
sheets  of  any  of  these  editions  could  ever  have 
been  read  by  the  author,  and  it  is  perfectly  clear 
that  if  his  eye  ever  rested  at  any  time  upon  the 
few  strange  errors  of  editing  and  proof-reading 
which  were  destined  to  embroil  and  perplex  his 
story  in  the  minds  of  future  generations,  he  conld 
not  possi)>ly  have  foreseen  or  dimly  surmised  what 
wretched  complications  were  going  to  flow  froiii 
the  slight  admixtures  of  error  in  the  printed  text. 
For  Americus  died,  as  Columbus  had  died,withont 
ever  having  suspected  the  real  significance  of  the 
discoveries  in  which  he  had  been  concerned. 

The  letter  to  Soderini  gives  an  account  of  four 

voyages  in  which  the  writer  took  part, 

TojngHdfk      the  first  two  in  the  service  of  Spain,  the 

■Tibedtathe         ,  .         ,  ■  r    ^  , 

!"<«■;-  other  two  m  the  service  of  i'ortugal. 
■■  The  first  expedition  sailed  from  Cadiz 

May  10, 1427,  and  returned  October  15. 1498,  after 
having  explored  a  coast  so  long  as  to  seem  un- 
questionably that  of  a  continent.  This  voyage,  as 
we  shall  see,  was  concerned  with  parts  of  America 

np  from  gvnoine  notea  or  memonuida  j  3.  relating  to  tlie  third 
Tojage,  and  dated  1502,  first  publiabed  in  1789  by  Bortoloio.  I 
do  not  regard  U  as  Kenoiiie.  but  u  It  addi  nothing  to  vhat  ia 
contained  in  the  genoine  lettais,  tba  point  ia  of  do  great  impor- 

A  Spudab  letter  from  Vaspncios  to  Cardinal  Ximenea'ia  pub- 
lished hj  Augusto  Zari,  in  his  Tre  Letirrf  di  Coionbo  t  Fcjpucci, 
Borne,  18S1 ;  but  it  hsa  no  nfaranca  to  the  queatioiu  discOMed  in 
the  priaant  obapter, 


^oiizccb,  Google 


MUNDUS  NOrVS.  81 

not  visited  again  until  1518  and  1517.  It  dis- 
covered nothing  that  was  calculated  to  invest  it 
with  much  importance  in  Spain,  though  it  by  no 
means  passed  without  notice  there,  as  has  often 
been  wrongly  asserted.  Outside  of  Spain  it  came 
to  attract  more  attention,  but  in  an  unfortunate 
way,  for  a  sUght  but  very  serious  error  in  proof- 
reading or  editing  in  the  most  important  of  the 
Xiatin  versions  caused  it  after  a  while  to  be  practi- 
cally identified  with  the  second  voyage,  made  two 
years  later.  This  confusion  eventually  led  to  most 
outrageous  imputations  upon  the  good  name  of 
AmericuB,  which  it  has  been  left  for  the  present 
oentuiy  to  remove. 

The  second  voyage  of  Yespucius  was  that  in 
which  he  accompanied  Alonso  de  Ojeda  g^^g^ 
and  Juan  de  La  Cosa,  from  May  20,  "i'^- 
1499j  to  June,  1500.  They  explored  the  northern 
coast  of  South  America  from  some  point  on  what 
we  woiUd  now  call  the  north  coast  of  Brazil,  as 
far  as  the  Pearl  Coast  visited  by  Columbus  in  the 
preceding  year ;  and  they  went  beyond,  as  far  as 
the  gulf  of  Maracaibo.  Here  the  squadron  seems 
to  have  become  divided,  Ojeda  going  over  to  Hin- 
paniola  in  September,  while  Yespucius  remained 
cruising  till  February. 

In  the  autumn  of  1500,  or  early  in  1501,  at  tlie 
invitation  of  King  Emanuel  of  Portugal,  Yespu- 
cius transferred    his  services    to  that  _ 

!¥•       .!..    Ji  *  ThirdToyige. 

country.     His  third  voyage  was   from 
Lisbon,  May  14,  1501,  to  September  7,  1502.     He 
pursued  the  Brazilian  coast  as  far  as  latitude  34° 
S.,  and  ran  thence  S.  £.,  as  far  as  the  island  of 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


82  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

South  Geor^a.  I  shall  presently  show  why  it 
was  that  such  a  voyage,  into  this  whoUy  new  part 
of  tihe  world,  excited  public  curiosity  even  more 
keenly  than  those  of  Columbus  and  Gama,  and 
how  curiously  but  naturally  it  led  to  the  placing 
of  the  name  '*  America  "  upon  the  map. 

In  a  fourth  voyage,  from  June  10,  1503,  to 
Fooith  June  18,  1504,  Vespucius,  with   Gon- 

""■"^  zaJo  Coelho,   undertook  to   follow  the 

Brazilian  coast  to  its  end  or  until  they  should 
find  some  passage  into  the  Indian  ocean.  This 
nxpedition  met  with  disasteFS,  and  after  reaching 
latitude  28°  S.,  Vespucius  returned  to  Lisbon  with- 
out accomplishing  anything. 

In  the  autumn  of  1504  Americus  returned  to  tibe 
^^  service  of  Spain  with  the  rank  of  cap- 

tain and  a  salary  of  30,000  maravedis. 
He  went  on  two  more  voyages,  in  company  with 
La  Coea,  in  1505  and  150T,  for  the  exploration  of 
the  gulf  of  Urab£,  and  the  coasts  adjoining.  It 
seems  to  have  been  early  in  1505  that  be  mar- 
ried a  Spanish  lady,  Maria  Cerezo,  and  became  le- 
gally domiciled  at  Seville.  On  the  22d  of  March, 
1508,  because  of  the  growing  interest  in  voyages 
to  the  Indies  and  the  increasing  number  of  squad- 
rons equipped  for  such  a  purpose,  the  government 
created  the  highly  responsible  office  of  Pilot  Major 
of  Spain.  It  was  to  be  the  duty  of  this  officer  to 
institute  and  superintend  examinations  for  all  can- 
didates for  the  position  of  pilot,  to  jadge  of  their 
proficiency  in  practical  astronomy  and  navigation, 
and  to  issue  certificates  of  competence  to  the  suc- 
cessful candidates.     Such  work  involved  the  es- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


MUSDV8  SOWS.  88 

tablishment  and  supervision  of  regular  methods  of 
tniining  in  nautical  science.  The  pilot  VMpMtai»p. 
major  was  also  genera!  inspector  of  Sowt^*"* 
maps,  globea,  and  sailing  charts,  and  he  ^■"'^ 
was  expected  to  provide  for  the  compilation  of  a 
"Carta  Padron  Beal,"  or  authoritative  government 
map,  which  was  to  be  revised  and  amended  with 
reference  to  new  information  brought  home  by  pi- 
lots from  the  Indies  year  after  year.'  On  the  6th 
of  August,  1508,  this  important  office  was  conferred 
upon  Vespucius,  with  a  salary  of  75,000  maravedis. 
It  was  but  a  short  time  that  Americua  lived  to  dis- 
chai^  the  duties  of  pilot  major.  After  ^^ 
his  death,  which  occurred  at  Seville, 
February  22, 1512,  he  was  succeeded  in  that  office 
by  Juan  Diaz  de  Solis,  who  in  turn  was  succeeded 
by  Sebastian  Cabot. 

In  view  of  the  Egyptian  darkness  that  has  here- 
tofore enveloped,  and  in  the  popular  mind  still 
anrronnda,  the  subject  of  Americua  Vespucius  and 
his  voy^^es,  it  has  seemed  advisable  to  complete 
the  mere  outline  of  the  events  of  his  life  before 
entering  into  discussion,  in  the  hope  of  showing 
where  the  truth  is  to  be  found  and  how  the  mis- 
takes have  been  made.  Hie  reader  will  find  it 
coDvenient  to  bear  in  mind  this  simple  outline 
sketch  while  I  now  return  to  the  consideration  of 
the  first  and  second  voyages,  and  point  out  bow 
the  mystery  that  has  so  long  surrounded  them  has 

1  The  official  dooDment  da«cribh^  the  datde*  and  powen  of  Um 
iniM  mftjoT  i>  ^ven  in  NaTorrste,  CoUixi'm  dt  viafa,  torn.  iiL 
PP.2W-S02. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


S4  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

been  in  great  part  cleared  away  and  seeins  likely 
erelong  to  be  completely  dispelled. 

First  we  must  note  the  character  of  our  primary 
ThaMter  ^'^^  '^°^3  detailed  authority  for  the 
dSTwB^  events  of  all  four  voyages,  the  letter 
'*"'■  from  Yespucius  to  Soderini,  dated  Lis- 

bon, September  4, 1504.  Observe  that  this  is  not 
a  formal  or  official  document ;  it  is  not  a  report 
from  a  naval  commander  or  the  conductor  of  a 
scientific  expedition  to  the  head  of  his  department. 
It  18  the  business  of  such  official  reports  to  give 
names  and  incidents,  dates  aud  dietanceB,  and  all 
relevant  statistical  information,  with  the  greatest 
possible  fulness  and  precision ;  and  if  there  is 
any  noticeable  deficiency  in  this  regard,  we  are 
entitled  to  blame  the  writer.  With  informal  let- 
ters written  to  one's  friends  the  ease  is  very  diffei^ 
ent.  If  Vespucius,  in  sendii^  to  his  old  school- 
mate a  cursory  account  of  his  adventures  during 
seven  years  past,  failed  to  mention  sundry  dettuls 
which  it  annoys  and  puzzles  us  not  to  know,  we 
have  no  business  to  find  fault  with  him.  He  had 
a  perfect  right  to  tell  his  story  in  his  own  way. 
He  was  writing  to  a  friend,  not  posing  for  poster- 
ity. Some  querulous  critics  have  blamed  him  for 
sot  mentioning  the  names  of  his  commanders,  as 
if  he  were  intending  to  convey  a  false  impression 
of  having  commanded  in  these  voyages  himself. 
No  such  impression  is  conveyed  to  the  reader,  how- 
ever, but  quite  the  contrary.  On  the  first  voy^e 
Americus  describes  himself  as  invited  by  King 
Ferdinand  to  "  assist "  in  the  enterprise ;  as  to 
his  position  in  the  second  voyage  there  is  no  im- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


MUNHUS  NOTUa.  35 

plioatjon  whatever ;  as  to  the  third  and  fourth  he 
expiesaly  mentions  that  he  served  under  other 
captains.  His  whole  letter  shows  plainly  enough 
that  on  his  most  important  voy^es  he  went  in  the 
capacity  of  "  astronomer."  During  the 
latter  half  of  the  fifteenth  centurv,  as  Buiier*Dj*c« 

, .         ,       ,  ,''  '  In  tha  o^ul- 

voyages  were  extending  farther  and  far-  tyotMtnn- 
ther  into  unknown  stretehes  of  sea,  it 
became  customary  to  sail  witli  such  an  officer  on 
board.  Each  ship  had  its  captain,  its  "  master  "  (or 
mate),  and  its  pilot ;  and  for  the  squadron,  besides 
its  captain-general,  and  its  chief  pilot,  expert  in  the 
knack  and  mystery  of  navigation,  there  was  apt  to 
be  (whenever  it  was  possible  to  find  one)  a  person 
well  skilled  in  the  astrolabe,  fertile  in  expedients 
for  determining  longitude,  and  familiar  with  the 
history  of  voyages  and  with  the  maps  and  specu- 
lations of  learned  geographers.  Sometimes  there 
was  a  commander,  like  Columbus,  who  combined 
all  these  accomplishments  in  himself ;  hut  in  the 
case  of  la&ay  captains,  even  of  such  superb  navi- 
gators as  Pinzon  and  La  Cosa,  much  more  in  the 
case  of  land-lubbers  like  Bastidas  and  Ojeda,  it 
was  felt  desirable  to  have  the  assistance  of  a  spe- 
cialist in  coamt^raphy.  Such  was  evidently  the 
position  occupied  by  Vespucius ;  and  occasions 
might  and  did  arise  in  which  it  gave  him  the  con- 
trol of  the  situation,  and  made  the  voy^e,  for  all 
historical  purposes,  his  voyage. 

It  is  certainly  much  to  be  regretted  that  in  the 
narrative  of  bis  first  expedition  Vespucius  did  not 
happen  to  mention  the  name  of  the  chief  com- 
mander.   If  he  had  realized  what  a  world  of  trouble 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


86  THE  DISCOVESr  OF  AMERICA. 

one  little  name,  euoh  as  Pinzon,  would  hare  saved 
us  he  would  doubtless  have  obliged  ua  b;  doing  so. 
However,  as  already  observed,  he  was  wi-iting  not 
for  us,  but  for  his  friend,  and  he  told  Soderini 
only  what  he  thought  would  interest  him.  In  his 
preface  Americus  somewhat  playfully  apologizes 
for  presuming  to  intrude  upon  that  magistrate's 
arduous  cares  of  state  with  ao  long  a  letter.  He 
accordingly  refrains  from  giving  professional  de- 
tails, except  in  stating  latitudes  and  longitudes  and 
distances  run,  and  even  here  he  leaves  gaps  and 
contents  himself  with  general  statements  that  to 
us  are  sometimes  far  from  satisfactory.  He  also 
gives  very  few  proper  names  of  places,  either  those 
supposed  to  be  current  among  the  natives,  or  those 
applied  by  the  discoverers.  But  of  such  facts 
as  would  be  likely  to  interest  Soderini  he  gives 

plenty.  He  describes,  with  the  keen 
t^i*>«rip-      zest  of  a  naturalist,  the  beasts,  birds, 

and  fishes,  the  trees,  herbs,  and  fruits, 
of  the  countries  visited  ;  their  climates,  the  statB 
in  their  fiEmament,  the  personal  appearance  and 
habits  of  the  natives,  their  food  and  weapons,  their 
houses  and  canoes,  their  cetemonies  and  their 
diversity  of  tongues.  Such  details  as  these  proved 
intensely  interesting,  not  only  to  Soderini,  but  to 
many  another  reader,  as  was  shown  by  the  wide 
circulation  obtained  by  the  letter  when  once  it  had 
found  its  way  into  print.  In  an  age  when  Pope 
Leo  X.  sat  up  all  night  reading  the  "  Decades  "  of 
Peter  Martyr,  curiosity  and  the  vague  sense  of 
wonder  were  aroused  to  the  highest  degree,  and 
the  &cts  observed  by  Veapucius  —  although  told 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


ifUNDUa  ItOVTJB.  87 

in  the  hurried  and  rambling  Btyle  of  an  oShand 
ejnstle  —  were  well  adapted  to  satisfy  and  further 
to  stimnlate  these  cravings.  Bat  for  die  modem 
investigator,  engaged  upon  ^  problem  of  deter- 
miqing  precise  localities  in  tropical  America,  these 
descriptions  are  too  general  They  may  some- 
times be  made  to  apply  to  more  than  one  region, 
and  we  are  ^ain  reminded  of  the  difficulty  which 
one  finds  in  desmbing  a  walk  or  drive  over  coun- 
try roads  and  making  it  intelligible  to  others  with- 
oat  the  aid  of  recognized  proper  riamea.  The 
reader  will  pleaae  note  these  itahcs,  for  it  is  an 
error  in  proper  names  that  has  been  chiefly  respon- 
sible (or  the  complicated  misunderstandings  that 
have  done  such  injustice  to  Yespacius. 

In  the  letter  to  Lorenzo  de'  Medici,  written 
about  April,  1608,  reference  is  made  to  -a^,  «„«„ 
a  book,  or  group  of  three  pamphlets,  ioa  book's^ 
which  VeapaciuB  had  already  written,  ^"i™'" 
giving  a  definite  and  detailed  account  of  his  voy- 
ages. He  tells  Lorenzo  that  the  pamphlet  de- 
scribing the  third  voyage  is  now  in  the  hands  of 
the  King  of  Portugal,  and  he  hopes  it  will  soon  be 
returned  to  him.  He  hopes  at  some  future  day, 
when  more  at  leisure,  to  utilize  these  materials  in 
writing  a  treatise  on  cosmography,  in  order  that 
posterity  may  remember  him  and  that  Grod's  crear 
tive  work  in  a  region  unknown  to  the  ancients 
may  be  made  known.  If  God  shall  spare  his  life 
until  he  can  settle  down  quietly  at  Florence,  he 
hopes  then,  with  the  aid  and  counsel  of  learned 
men,  to  be  able  to  complete  such  a  book.'     But 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


88  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

just  now  he.  is  about  to  start  on  a  fourtli  toji^, 
the  results  of  which  will  probably  need  to  be 
added  to  the  book.  In  the  letter  to  Soderini,  writ- 
ten seventeen  months  later,  after  the  return  from 
the  fourth  voyage,  Americus  refers  moi-e  than  once 
to  this  book,  under  the  title  '*  Four  Journeys " 
(  Quattro  Giomate').  It  is  not  yet  published,  he 
says,  because  he  needs  more  time  to  revise  it ;  in 
this  narrative  everything  will  be  minutely  de- 
scribed.' It  is  thus  quite  clear  why  Vespucius 
was  not  more  explicit  in  his  letters ;  and  we  can 
also  well  understand  how  his  arduous  duties  as 
pilot  major  of  Spain  would  delay  the  publication 
of  his  book  until  discourteous  death  ^  overtook 
him.  Unfortunately,  while  versions  of  the  hastily 
wiitten  letters,  intended  only  for  the  moment, 
have  survived,  the  manuscript  of  the  carefully 
written  book,  so  conscieotiously  withheld  until  it 
could  be  perfected,  has  perished.^ 
lariK  abjae  mirabUia  coUifcere,  et  vel  geographia  tbI  ooanu^rapliia 
libruiD  aonacribrae :  nt  mei  lecoidstio  spud  poatsroo  vivat,  &  om- 
nipotentia  dei  cofpHHcatur  tam  iiimieiUDm  artifiainm  in  parte  prii- 
cii  ignotniu.  nabii  aat«in  cognitam.  ■  .  .  Patriam  &  qoietem  re- 
petere  conabor^  xbi  A  odm  peritia  oonf  erre :  &  ab  amicia  id  opna 
pro&oieDduiD  confortari  et  adjarari  valeam."    Vambafceu,  p.  26. 

'  "  In  qaeata  (Ceute,  &  in  loro  terra  conobbi  &  uiddi  tenti  de  loro 
cootami  &  lor  modi  di  uioera,  che  no'  euro  di  allargharmi  in  epd : 
percbe  aapra  V.  H.  come  in  ciaacnna  delli  miei  niaggi  honotate  la 
eoee  pia  maraniglioee:  &  tatto  ho  ridocto  in  nn  nolnme  in  Kilo  di 
g«ogT«fia:  A  le  intitnlo  Le  Qdattro  Qiobnatb:  nella  quale 
opera  eicoDtieite  le  ooae  p,  miauto  &  per  aocbora  dd'  aeue  data 
fuora  copia,  percha  me  Dscessario  conferirla."    Vomhagen,  p.  46. 

"  "Horte  TJllana;  "  aee  Dante,  Vila  Naoea,  nil,  and  Ptofaa- 
■or  NoTtoo'a  oharming  lenioii. 

*  One  hedUtea  to  aa;  too  poutiielj'  about  any  book  that  it  haa 
perished.  Things  have  SDch  queer  wajs  of  turning  np,  aa  f or  in- 
■tanoa  Ariatotle'a  treatiae  on  th«  piTmimaot  of  Atbom,  after  ita 


^oiizccb,  Google 


MVIfDUS  NOVVS.  39 

Aa  for  the  letters  themselves,  the  manuBcriptt. 
are  nowhere  forthcoming,  and  until  lately  it  has 
been  maintained  that  none  of  the  printed  texts 
are  originals,  but  that  all  are  reprints  Tb«i^nT«[^ 
from  a  primitive  text  that  has  been  ^u't^tT 
lost.  Of  the  letter  to  Soderini  the  ver-  *''*'''^- 
sion  which  has  played  the  most  important  part  in 
history  is  the  Latin  one  first  published  at  the  press 
<^  the  little  college  at  Saint-Di^  in  Lorraine,  April 
25  (vij  Kl'  Mwj),  1607.  We  shall  presently  have 
more  to  say  about  the  remarkable  book  in  which 
this  version  appears ;  suffice  it  here  to  observe  that 
it  was  translated,  not  from  an  original  text,  but 
from  an  intermediate  French  version,  which  is 
lost.     Of  late  years,  however,  we  have 

,  ,     .  ,      ,  T     .•  RaoratdlBKiT- 

detected,  m  an  excessively  rare  Itauan  "J°'J** 
text,  the  oiiginal  from  which  the   £a-  jSj^'**'' 
moos  Lorraine  version  was  ultimately 
derived.     Of  this  little  booh  M.  Harrisse  was  able 
in  1872  to  mention  four  copies  as  still  existing,  — 
one  in  the  Palatine  library  at  Florence,  one  in  the 
library  of  the  Marquis  Gino  Capponi  in  that  city, 
one  in  the  British  Museum,  and  one  purchased  at 
Havana  in  1863  by  the  eminent  Brazilian  histo- 
rian, Francisco  Adolpho  de  Varnhagen,  Viscount 
de  Porto  Seguro.     This  last-named  copy  had  once 
been  in  the  Cartuja  at  Seville,  and  it  was  bound  in 

Bip  y>ii  TTiDkle  slamber  of  two  thonsuid  jean.  Of  a  certaui 
«efj  ot  Oriedo'i  fint  folio  (Toledo,  152H)  M.  Hbjtuwi  obwrrei : 
"  The  onl;  other  copy  vhich  we  knov  of  this  extremely  rare  book 
n  in  Baiaim,  and  wm  found  in  ■  Madrid  butcher's  stall,  u  the 
OHterate  dealer  in  meat  was  tearing-  it  to  vrsp  a  sirloin  of  Lee* 
whicih  a  pretty  manola  had  just  purchased.' '  -   Nolri  on  Colambiti, 

Naw  Tork,  leee,  p.  13. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


40  THB  DtSCOVBRT  OF  AMEBICA. 

Tellom  together  with  a  tract  of  St.  Basil,  printed  at 
Florence  hj  the  printer  Gian  Stefano  di  Carlo  di 
Favia,  for  the  publisher  Fietro  Pacini,  of  Pesoia,  in 
1506.  From  the  manner  in  which  the  edges  of  the 
leaves  were  gnawed  it  was  evident  that  the  two 
tracts  had  been  within  the  same  cover  for  a  great 
length  of  time.  Closer  examination  showed  that 
they  were  printed  from  the  same  font  of  type ;  and 
a  passi^  in  Girolamo  Priuli's  diary,  dated  July  9, 
1506,  says  that  the  voyages  of  Vespiicius  have  al- 
ready been  printed.^  If  we  were  absolutely  stue 
diat  this  statement  refers  to  this  edition,  it  would 
settle  its  date  beyond  all  question ;  but  as  there  is 
no  other  edition  ever  heard  of  or  known  to  have 
existed  to  which  it  can  possibly  refer,  the  circum- 
staotial  evidence  becomes  exceedingly  strong. 
Moreover  die  language  of  this  text  is  a  corrupt 
Italian,  abounding  in  such  Spanish  and  Portu- 
guese words  and  turns  of  expression  as  Veapucius 
would  have  been  lihely,  during  fourteen  years  of 
residence  in  the  Iberian  peninsula  and  of  associa- 
tion with  its  sailors,  to  incorporate  into  hid*  every- 
day speech.  This  fact  is  very  significant,  for  if  a 
book  thus  printed  in  Florence  were  a  translation 
from  anything  else,  its  language  would  be  likely 
to  be  the  ordinary  Italian  of  the  time,  not  a  jar- 
gon salted  with  Atlantic  brine.  Altogether  it 
seems  in  the  highest  degree  probable  that  we  have 
here  the  primitive  text,  long  ^ven  up  for  lost,  of 

>  "Qoeata  lUTigaiiaiiB,  e  I*  nstura  delle  panone,  e  li  naggi,  e 
li  Tsoti,  s  tutto  BODO  ia  stempa  noUti  dod  gna  InteUigenia." 

Letteralura  vtneiiana,  Pulu,  1T52,  p.  ITB. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


dtOeifoKnnoiMnwnte 

ttensutitte^ittto 

faeiViiSSi' 


hedmn«of  ttt1».pas«  ef  the  nighaH  It«li»D  edition  of  tho  letter 
froja  Veepncini  to  EJoderini,  pnlilidied  et  Florenoe,  ISUs-Oe. 


3oi,;c.bvGoogIc 


42  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

tlie  ever  memorable  letter  &om  Yespocius  to  bis 
former  Bcboolmate  Soderini.* 

If  now  we  compare  this  primitive  text  with  tbe 
Latin  of  the  Lorraine  Tersion  of  1507,  we  observe 
that  in  the  Litter  one  proper  name  —  the  Indian 
name  of  a  place  visited  by  Americua  on  his  first 
fu,„,^^a^  voyage  —  has  been  altered.  Intheori' 
to^inta*  g*"*l  i''  •*  Lariah;  in  the  Latin  it  has 
JJt^fJ^j,  become  Farias.  This  looks  like  an  in- 
laiM^i^  stance  of  injudicious  editing  on  the  part 
iS^'S^  of  the  Latin  translator,  although,  of 
^"^■J^w^  course,  it  may  be  a  case  of  oarelesa 
™*-  proof-reading.     Lariab  is  a  queer-look- 

ing word.     It  is  DO  wonder  that  a  scholar  in  hia 

*  Tbe  title  of  tbii  edition  ii  L^tra  di  Amerigo  Yttp'oaa  ddit 
UoU  naeaamnti  troaate  in  qtuUtro  tuai  viaggi.  gixtaen  DnDombared 
leaTei  in  qnuto.  It  it  No.  87  in  Hamne'e  Bibliolheca  Americana 
Vtluttitsima,  Nev  Tork,  1866,  where  the  date  ISIH  is  conjectn- 
rallj  iMigned  it ;  bat  that  date  is  clearly  whing.  lu  M.  Uarriaae 
ha«  tinoe  meogniied.  In  tho  Addilioni  (Parie,  ISTi)  to  hie  RTeat 
work  be  Is  inclined  to  adopt  VamhagBD'e  date,  lSC6-lHe,  and 
Mnaiden  it  "  almoit  certain  "  that  this  text  nas  the  original  eonrce 
of  the  Lmune  Latin  TeiBion  published  April  25, 15UT.  M.  d'Ave- 
no  is  of  the  aame  opinion;  see  bis  Martin  fValtztmUUer,  p.  46. 
For  iba  wbole  ai^meDt,  loe  Vamhsgen,  Amerigo  Vapueci,  pp. 
27-31.  Thia  primitive  text  ii  rsproduced,  page  for  pag^e  and  line 
for  line,  with  all  ila  typogrsphioal  peculiaritiea  and  ita  few  qnunt 
wood  onta,  b;  Vamhagun.  Mr.  Quaritch  {Rough  Lilt,  No.  Ill, 
April  16,  1S91,  p.  62)  ears  there  are  five  copiaa  extant.  He 
bong:ht  one  for  £524  at  the  sale  of  the  laM  Dr.  Conit'e  librarj  at 
Puns  in  18»4  ;  and  it  is  now,  I  believe,  in  the  library  of  Mr.  C.  H. 
KjabBeisch.  of  New  Yo.k.  From  tliis  original  Mr.  Quaritch  pnb- 
lished  in  1S8J  a  facaimile  reproduction,  »hicb  may  be  boug-ht  for 
live  ^ineas,  and  an  English  tr;in9lation,  price  two  guineas  and  a 
half  ;  ao  that  now  for  the  6ret  time  linoB  tbe  discovery  of  Amer- 
ioa  an  Engliah  reader  not  tlioranghly  at  home  in  Italian  thieUj 
Intatlarded  with  Spanish  and  Portuguese  can  see  for  himself  what 
'  la  really  said. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUSDVS  S0VV8.  48 

•tody  among  the  mountains  of  Loiraind  could 
m&ke  notfaing  of  it  If  he  had  happened  to  be 
acquainted  with  the  language  of  the  Huasteoas, 
who  dwelt  at  that  time  about  the  river  Pannco, 
—  fierce  and  dreaded  enemies  of  their  southern 
neighboors,  the  Aztecs,  —  he  would  have  known 
that  names  of  places  in  that  region  were  apt  to 
end  in  oA  (Tanlajah,  Tancnayalab,  Tanoiiallalab),' 
very  maeh  as  English  names  of  towns  are  apt  to 
end  in  ham  and  Persian  names  of  countries  in 
Uan.  But  as  such  facts  were  quite  beyond  our 
worthy  translator's  ken,  we  cannot  much  blame 
him  if  he  felt  that  such  a  word  as  Lariab  needed 
doctoriog.  Pariaa  (Paria)  was  known  to  be  the 
natire  name  of  a  region  on  the  western  shores  of 
the  Atlantic,  and  so  Lariab  became  Farias.  As 
the  distance  from  the  one  place  to  the  other  is 
more  than  two  thousand  miles,  this  little  emenda- 
tion shifted  the  scene  of  the  first  voyage  beyond 
all  recognition,  and  cast  the  whole  subject  into  an 
outer  darkness  where  there  has  since  been  much 
groaning  and  gnashing  of  teeth. 

Another  curious  circumstance  came  in  to  con- 
firm this  error.     On  his  first  voyage,  _ 

■'J7'        How  Uh  "  lil- 

shortly  before  arriving  at  Jjanab,  Ves-  «■  'T^^.'J. 
pnciuB  saw  an  Indian  town  built  over  adudibatMd 
the  water,  "  like  Venice."     He  counted 
forty-four  large  wooden  houses,  "  like  barracks," 
Bupported  on  huge  tree-trunks  and  communicating 
with  each  other  hj  bridges  that  could  be  drawn 

1  OnsM  J  B«TM,  Otogn^a  di  Uitgoat  y  carta  anogrijiea  dt 
Mixice,  p.  S89i  TmnluKaD,  Lt  prtmUr  vanage  dt  Vapwxi, 
p.  2a 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


44  THX  niaCOTEBT  OF  AMEBIC  A. 

Up  in  caae  of  danger.  This  may  well  have  been 
a  village  of  communal  houses  of  the  Chontals  on 
tlie  coast  of  Tabasco ;  but  such  villages  were  afteis 
wards  seen  on  the  gulf  of  Maracaibo,  and  one  of 
them  was  called  Venezuela,'  or  "Little  Venice," 
a  name  since  spread  over  a  territory  nearly  twioe 
as  large  as  France.  So  the  amphibious  town  de- 
scribed by  Vespucius  was  incontinently  moved  to 
Maracaibo,  as  if  there  could  be  only  one  such 
place,  as  if  that  style  of  defensive  building  had 
not  been  common  enough  in  many  ^es  and  in 
many  parts  of  the  earth,  from  ancient  Switzer^ ' 
land  to  modem  Siam.  Such  "  little  Venicea " 
might  once  have  been  seen  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Amazon,  and  there  is  now,  or  has  lately  been,  a 
similar  town  named  Bodegas,  on  the  coast  of  Ec- 
uador, near  Guayaquil.^ 

Thus  in  spite  of  the  latitudes  and  longitudes 
h~_  distinctly  stated  by  Vespucitts  ia  his 
>h««  v«ij«i-  letter,  did  Lariab  and  the  little  wooden 
'"•duiT^oMt  ^^°'**  £**  shifted  from  the  gulf  of 
iw"**  1°  Mexico  to  the  northern  coast  of  South 
America.  Now  there  is  no  question 
that  Vespucius  in  his  second  voyage,  with  Ojeda 
for  captain,  did  sail  along  that  coast,  visiting  the 
gulfs  of  Faria  and  Maracaibo.     This  was  in  the 

I  The  nuns  tKcnn  in  this  place  on  Lb  Cou'i  nup,  vhleh  Uiiu 
eonfirnis  die  common  atatement  that  Ojeda  fonnd  inch  >  Tiling* 
OD  big  Bnt  Toy^e  (Veipnciui'i  lecond)  in  1499.  Ojada  at  fint 
sailed  the  gnll  "  ih]  lake  oF  St.  Bvtholomav,"  became  he  dia- 
eoraTed  it  on  the  24lli  of  Angoit ;  tome  jaari  afterward  he  apoke 
of  it  aa  "gulf  of  Venice"  (golfo  d«  Venecia).  Sm  K»TBnat« 
Cebccioa,  tom.  lii.  p.  8. 

'  Vamhagan,  Le  prender  voyage  da  Vetpacd,  jt-  18. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


MJTNDUB  NOVUB.  45 

sammer  of  1499,  one  year  after  a  part  of  the 
same  coast  had  been  visited  by  Columbus.  Henc« 
in  a  later  period,  long  after  the  actora  in  these 
scenes  had  been  gathered  unto  their  fathers,  and 
when  people  had  begun  to  wonder  how  the  New 
'  W^orld  could  ever  have  come  to  be  called  America 
instead  ot  Columbia,  it  was  suggested  that  the 
first  voyage  described  by  Vespucius  must  be  merely 
a  clnmsy  and  6ctitiou3  duplicate  of  the  second, 
and  that  he  invented  it  and  thrust  it  back  from 
1499  to  1497,  in  order  that  he  might  be  ^.^  ^^^  ,4^^ 
accredited  with  the  "  discovery  of  the  !^.S,«"S 
oontinent "  one  year  in  advance  of  his  ^i^',^ 
friend  Columbus.  It  was  assumed  that  *™''™- 
he  must  have  written  his  letter  to  Soderini  with 
the  base  intention  of  supplanting  his  friend,  and 
that  the  shabby  device  was  successful.  This  ex- 
planation seemed  so  simple  and  intelligible  that  it 
became  qnite  generally  adopted,  and  it  held  its 
ground  until  the  subject  begui  to  be  critically 
studied  and  Alexuider  von  Humboldt  showed, 
about  sixty  years  ago,  that  the  fii^t  nuning  of 
America  occurred  in  no  such  way  as  had  been 
supposed. 

As  soon  as  we  refrain  from  projecting  our  mod- 
ern knowledge  of  ger^iaphy  into  the  past,  as  soon 
as  we  pause  to  consider  how  these  great  events 
appeared  to  the  actors  themselves,  the  absurdity 
of  this  accusation  against  Americas  becomes  evi- 
dent We  are  told  that  he  falsely  pretended  to  ! 
have  visited  Paria  and  Maracaibo  in  1497,  in 
order  to  claim  priority  over  Columbus  in  the  dis- 
covery of    "  the    oontansnt."     What    continent  ? 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


«  THE  mSCOTXBY  OF  AMEBICA. 

When   Vespuciua   wrote   that'  letter  to  Soderini, 
in  1504,  neither  he  nor   anThodv  else 

AbnrdI*}  <■>■  ii     i 

bsnnt  ia  tb«  Buspected  that  what  we  now  call  Amer- 
ica had  been  discovered.  The  only  con- 
tinent of  which  there  could  be  any  question,  so 
far  as  supplanting  Columbus  was  concerned,  was 
Asia.  But  in  1504  Columbus  was  generally  sup- 
posed to  have  discovered  the  continent  of  Asia, 
by  his  new  route,  in  1492.  In  that  year  and  in 
1494,  taking  the  two  voyages  together,  he  had 
sailed  more  than  a  thousand  miles  along  the  coast 
of  Cuba  without  detecting  its  insular  character. 
As  the  history  of  that  time  has  always,  until  very 
lately,  been  written,  we  have  been  told  that  the 
insularity  of  Cuba  was  first  revealed  by  Sebastian 
de  Ocampo,  who  circumnavigated  it  in  1508.  If 
this  opinion  were  correct,  Americus  could  not  pos- 
sibly have  undertaken  to  antedate  Columbus  with 
his  figure  1497 ;  it  would  have  been  necessary 
for  him  to  feign  a  voyage  earlier  than  the  autumn 
of  1492.  As  I  shall  presently  show,  however, 
AmericuB  probably  did  know,  in  1504,  that  Cuba 
was  an  island,  inasmuch  as  in  1497—98  he  had 
passed  to  the  west  of  it  himself,  touching  the 
coasts  of  both  Yucatan  and  Florida !  If  this  view 
is  correct,  then  he  did  visit  what  we  now  know  to 
have  l^en  the  continent  of  America,  but  which 
he  supposed  to  be  the  continent  of  Asia,  a  year  in 
'•  advance  of  Columbus,  and  of  course  the  accusa- 
tion against  him  falls  to  the  ground.  From  this 
dilemma  there  seems  to  be  no  escape. 

The  perplexity  surrounding  the  account  of  the 
first  voyage  of  Vespucius  is  therefore  chiefly  dus 


^oiizccb,  Google 


MUNDua  yorua.  47 

to  Uie  lack  of  intelligence  with  which  it  haa  been 
read.  There  is  no  reason  whatever  for  imagining 
dishonesty  in  his  narrative,  and  no  reason  for  not 
admitting  it  as  evidence  on  the  same  terms  as 
those  upon  which  we  admit  other  contemporary 
documents.  The  court  presumes  the  witness  to 
be  truthful  until  adequate  reason  has  been  alleged 
for  a  contrary  presumption.  What,  then,  are  we 
to  conclude  in  the  case  of  this  voyage  of  1497  ? 

The  evidence  that  no  such  voyage  was  made  in 
fliat  year  oZongr  the  Pearl  Coast  is  as  strong  as  it 
is  possible  for  negative  evidence  to  be ;  indeed  it 
seems  unanswerable.  We  have  seen  how  Colum- 
bus, owing  to  his  troubles  with  rebellious  Span- 
iards and  the  machinations  of  his  enemy  Fonseca, 
was  deprived  of  his  government  of  Hispaaiola, 
and  how  he  ended  his  days  in  poverty  and  neglect, 
vainly  ui^ing  King  Ferdinand  (as  acting  regent 
of  Castile)  to  reinstate  him  in  the  dignities  and 
emoluments  which  had  been  secured  to  him  by 
solemn  compact  under  the  royal  seal  in  April, 
1492.  The  right  to  these  dignities  and  emoln- 
ments  was  inherited  by  his  eldest  son,  ci*<ini<itiH^ 
Don  Diego  Columbus,  and  that  young  ■"  ooiumb™. 
man  was  earnest  in  pressing  his  claims.  He  urged 
that  Ovando  shoidd  be  recalled  from  Hispaniola 
and  himself  duly  installed  as  viceroy  of  the  Indies, 
with  his  percentage  of  the  revenues  accruing  from 
Hispaniola,  the  Pearl  Coast,  and  such  other  re- 
gions as  his  father  had  discovered.  Whether 
these  claims  of  Diego  would  ever  have  received 
any  iec<^nition,  except  for  one  fortunate  circum- 
stance, may  be  doubted.     Diego  seems  to  have 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


48  TSE  mSCOYSBY  OF  AXEBICA. 

iulierited  ha  father's  good  fortune  in  winning  the 
hearts  of  aristocratio  ladies.  He  had  lived  in  the 
royal  houaehald  since  he  was  taken  there  as  a  page 
in  1492,  and  in  1508  he  married  a  princess,  Maria 
de  Toledo,  whi>se  paternal  grandmother  was  sister 
to  the  mother  of  Feidlnand  the  Cathalic.^  The 
next  year  Ovando  wae  recalled  from  Hispaniola, 
and  Diego,  accompanied  by  his  bride  and  many 
people  from  the  court,  vent  out  and  assumed  the 
government  of  the  Indies.'  The  king,  however, 
was  not  prepared  to  admit  the  full  claims  of  Di^p) 
Columbus  to  a  percentage  on  the  rerennes  with- 
out interposing  eveiy  obstacle  in  his  power.  It 
was  understood  that  the  matter  must  be  adjusted 
by  litigation ;  and  in  1508,  the  year  of  his  mar- 
riage, Diego  brought  suit  against  the 
■oiutuw  crown  of  Castile,  in  the  fiscal  court  of 
that  kingdom,  for  the  full  restitution  of 
rights  and  emQlumeats  wrongfully  withheld  from 
the  heir  of  the  Admiral  Don  Christopher  Colum- 
bus. This  suit  dawdled  along  for  several  years, 
as  such  suits  are  apt  to  do.  Various  pleas  in 
abatement  of  Diego's  demands  were  presented  by 
the  crown.  At  length  in  1513  a  plea  was  put  in 
which  invested  the  case  with  fresh  interest,  inso- 
much that  Diego  came  home  from  Hispaniola  to 
give  it  his  personal  care.  The  king  bad  taken  it 
into  hia  head  to  subject  the  Admiral's  claims  as 
discoverer  to  a  critical  examination,  in  the  hope  of 
paring  them  down  to  as  small  a  figure  as  possible. 

'  See  Hairbw.  ChritUphe  Calomb,  torn.  ii.  p.  247. 
*  Hemis,  dec  i.  op.  Tii.  p.  ie&;  Oviedo,  Hittaria  gmtral  dt 
lot  bidiat,  torn.  L  p.  97. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


MUtlDXJS  Novna.  49 

Alt  inqnirj  waa  aecordiogly  institated  in  1513, 
and  renewed  in  1515,  in  order  to  define  Thagnuin- 
hj  a  judicial  decision  tow  much  Colum-  ?^'^" 
bos  had  discovered  and  how  far  the  '™**^ 
work  of  other  navigators  might  properly  be  held  to 
diminish  his  claims  to  originality.  Observe  that 
the  question  at  issue  was  not  as  to  "  who  discov- 
ered America."  It  was  a  question  of  much  nap- 
rower  and  more  definite  import,  and  the  interest 
felt  in  it  by  both  parties  to  the  suit  was  mainly 
a  pecuniary  interest.  The  question  was :  —  in 
just  what  islands  and  stretches  of  "  terra  firma " 
in  the  Indies  was  Diego  Columbus  entitled  to 
claim  a  share  in  the  revenues  on  the  strength  of 
his  father's  discoveries  ?  What  might  have  been 
done  by  other  Spanish  navigators,  outside  of  the 
regions  visited  by  Christopher  Columbus,  was 
quite  irrelevant ;  the  Columbus  family  could  have 
no  (Atom  upon  such  regions.  The  investigation, 
therefore,  was  directed  chiefly  upon  three  points  : 
—  1.  great  puns  were  taken  to  bring  out  all  the 
facts  relating  to  the  discovery  of  the  rich  Pearl 
Coast ;  2.  much  less  attention  was  given  to  the  Ad- 
miral's last  voyage  along  Honduras  and  Veragua ; 
and  3.  some  attempt  was  made  to  see  if  his  nierit 
in  first  pointing  out  the  way  to  the  Indies  could 
be  diminished  by  proof  of  indispensable  aid  ren- 
dered by  Martin  Alonso  Finzon  and  others. 

These  interrogatories  and  answers,  which  were 
published  in  the  great  work  of  Navarrete  under 
the  general   title  of  PTobanzas}  are  simply  in- 
valuable for  the  light  which  they  throw  upon  the 
*  I{»*aiT«t*,  CaUtcion  dt  ciaga,  torn,  iii 


D,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


fiO  TES  DISCOVEBY  OF  AMERICA. 

biogr^hy  of  Columbua  and  some  of  the  more 
minute  details  in  tlie  hiatoiy  o£  Uie  time.  With 
regard  to  the  alleged  voyi^  of  Vespucius  (as 
along  the  Pearl  Coast')  in  1497  they  are  quite 
eoaoluaive.  Nearly  a  himdred  witnesses  were  ex- 
amined under  oath,  including  Alonso  de  Qjeda 
himself,  who  made  the  voyage  along  that  coast  id 
1499,  when  he  had  with  him  Juan  de  La  Cosa, 
Americus  Vespucius,  and  other  pilots.'  Ojeda 
was  a  friend  o£  Fonseca  and  an  enemy  of  Colum- 
bus. In  his  Toy^^  of  1499  he  used  a 
vtqneiiu  M  copy  of  a  chart,  furnished  him  by  Fon- 
tta  Purl  seca,  which  had  been  made  bv  Coliun- 
bus  the  year  before  and  sent  by  him 
to  the  Bovereigna.  At  the  time  of  the  Probartr 
zas,  Vespucius  and  La  Cosa  were  both  in  their 
graves  and  could  not  be  summaned  as  witnesses, 
but  Ojeda's  testimony  was  positive  and  explicit 
that  Columbus  was  the  discoverer  of  the  Pearl 
Coast.  JS'ow  if  his  own  pilot,  Vespucius,  had  vis- 
ited that  coast  in  1497,  Ojeda  could  not  have 
failed  to  know  the  fact,  and  he  would  have  been 
only  too  glad  to  proclaim  it.  If  such  a  fact  could 
have  been  established,  it  would  at  once  have  set- 
tled the  question  as  to  the  Pearl  Coast  in  favour 
of  the  king,  and  there  would  have  been  no  need 
of  the  elaborate  but  weak  and  unsuccessful  argu- 
ments to  which  the  crown  lawyers  had  recouree 
The  result  of  the  inquiry  was  overwhelmingly  in 
favour  of  Columbus  ;  and  from  beginning  to  end 

'  "Bu  aiteTuge  que  etta  dicho  teEtigo  tmjn  canB[ga  i  Jiuuid« 
h  C<»^  pilots,  •  Mwigo  VaapuDhe,  •  oln*  piloto."  NftTirrate. 
torn.  lap.  6U. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDU8  S0VU8.  61 

not  an  intem^toiy  nor  an  anawer,  either  on  die 
part  of  Diego  or  on  the  part  of  tlie  crown,  betrayed 
the  faintest  glinunering  of  a  conaciouaneas  that 
anybody  had  ever  made,  or  that  anybody  had  ever 
prqfetiBed  to  have  made,  ^  voyage  along  the  Pearl 
Coast  before  1498. 

Tim  fact  haa  been  commonly  and  rightly  re- 
g^^ed  aa  decisive.  It  makea  it  morally  certain 
that  Vespucius  did  not  visit  Faria  or  Maraciubo 
or  the  coast  between  them  in  1497.  But  it  con- 
tains another  implication  which  seems  to 
have  passed  without  notice.  It  makes  it  kiSho^*, 
equally  certain  that  Vespudua  had  Tieoer  pniswdto 
profetied  to  have  made  such  a  voyage. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  Probajizaa,  in  1513,  the 
Italian  letter  from  Vespucius  to  Soderiui  had  been 
in  print  at  least  seven  years ;  the  Latin  version, 
which  made  it  accessible  to  educated  men  all  over 
Europe,  had  been  in  print  six  years,  and  was  aa 
popular  that  it  had  gone  through  at  least  six  edi- 
tions. We  can  hardly  suppose  the  letter  to  hare 
been  unknown  in  Spain ;  indeed  we  know  that  one 
copy  of  the  Italian  original  was  in  Spain  in  151S 
in  the  possession  of  Ferdinand  Columbus,  who 
bought  it  in  Bome  in  September,  1512,  for  five 
cuaUrini^  From  1508  until  his  death  in  Febru- 
ary, 1512,  Amerious  held  one  of  the  highest  posi- 
tions in  Ulb  Spanish  marine.  Now  if  the  Pilot 
Major  of  Sptun  had  ever  made  any  public  preten- 
sions which  in  any  way  tended  to  invalidate  the 
claim  of  Di^;o  Columbus,  that  hia  father  had  first 
disoovered  the  Pearl  Coast,  can  we  for  a  moment 

B,  f  inland  Calomb,  p.  11. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


62  TSB  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

Boppose  that  at  just  that  time,  wiUi  suoh  a  lawsuit 
impeading,  the  king  would  not  have  heard  of 
those  pretensions  and  used  them  for  all  they  were 
worth?  It  is  not  supposable.  The  fact  that 
neither  party  to  the  suit  knew  of  such  claims  on 
the  part  of  Americua  proves  not  only  that  they 
were  ur^ounded,  hut  that  they  had  never  been 
made.  It  shows  that  contemporary  Spaniards, 
familiar  with  the  facta  and  rea<Ung  the  narrative 
of  his  voyages,  did  not  understand  the  first  one  as 
referring  to  the  Pearl  Coast,  but  to  an  entirely  dif- 
ferent region. 

It  was  M.  Yamhagen  who  first  turned  inquiry 
ThtULiiJf«u  on  this  subject  in  the  right  direction. 
™/h^o(  vm-  Where  does  Vespuoius  say  that  he  went 
SSSt"  ™  on  his  first  voyage  ?  He  says  that  he 
Honda™.  started  May  10, 1497,  from  Cadiz  and 
ran  to  the  Grand  Canary,  the  distance  of  which 
from  Lisbon  he  calls  280  leagues.  We  thus  6nd 
the  length  of  the  le^ue  used  by  Vespucius  and 
get  a  scale  wherewith  to  measure  his  distances. 
That  run  is  not  likely  to  have  been  made  in  less 
than  seven  days,  and  as  he  staid  eight  days  more 
at  the  Grand  Canary,  he  must  have  started  thence 
about  May  25.  After  a  run  of  37  (or  27)  days  ^ 
he  made  land  in  a  direction  about  west-southwest 
from  the  Canaries  and  distant  1,000  leagues,  in 
latitude  16°  N.  and  longitude  75°  W.  from  the 
meridian  of  the  Grand  Canary.  If  we  suppose 
this  land  to  have  been  Cape  Honduras,  the  lati- 
tude, about  which  Vespucius  was  least  likely  to  be 
mistaken,  is  exactly  right ;  bis  distance  by  dead 

>  Sm  balmr,  p.  67,  note. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


nuNDUB  irorua.  68 

Teobming  is  somewhat  too  Binall,  probably  because 
be  failed  to  allow  for  the  acoeleration  due  to  the 
westward  carrent  in  the  Caribbean  sea ;  and  his 
longitnde  is  scarcely  5°  in  excess,  a  very  moderate 
error  for  those  days.  The  northern  coast  of  Hon- 
duras not  only  thus  suits  the  conditions  of  the 
case/  but  makes  the  subsequent  details  of  the 
voyage  consistent  and  intelligible.  Having  taken 
a  correct  stmt  by  simply 'following  the  words  of 
Tespnoius  himself,  from  a  primitive  text,  without 
reference  to  any  preconceived  theories  or  tradi- 
tions, M.  Vamhagen  finds,  from  further  analysis 
of  the  narrative,  that  he  sailed  around  Yucatan, 
and  found  his  aquatic  village  of  communal  houses,^  ' 
his  little  wooden  Venice,  on  the  shore  of  Tabasco.  ; 
Thence,  after  a  fight  with  the  natives  in  which  a  \ 
few  tawny  prisoners  *  were  captured  and  carried  ; 
on  board  the  caravels,  Vespucius  seems  to  have  ' 
taken  a  straight  course  to  the  Huasteca  country  by 

'  The  entraooe  to  the  gnU  of  Maracaibo  is  abont  12°  N.  by  63° 
W.  fram  Canaries ;  Paria,  at  the  other  end  of  the  Pearl  Coast,  ii 
about  11°  N.  by  44°  W.  fioni  Canaries  ;  so  that  no  poiot  on  tiuA 
eowt  can  by  any  possibility  be  intended  by  VespaciDs. 

^  In  a  dngle  hanae  Vespncios  found  600  p«ople,  and  in  one 
place  he  eBtiinat«d  the  population  of  13  honaeB  aa  abant  4,000,  or 
rather  roora  than  300  to  a  bouse.  These  figurea  are  eminently 
probable. 

*  They  vere  of  medinm  statnre,  and  veil  proportioned,  with 
reddish  akin  like  a  Uon's :  —  "  Sono  di  mediana  Btatnra,  molto  ben 
propoftioDati :  le  lor  comi  sono  di  colore  che  pende  in  rosso  come 
pelle  di  lione."  Zcftera  (ed.  lS05~1500J,fol.  a- iii.  recto.  Yamlia- 
gen,  p.  37.  He  notes  their  omameats  of  gorgeonB  feathers,  their 
hammocks,  and  their  "  patemoatrini  ohe  fanno  dossi  di  pesohi," 
i.  e.  "  patertuntera  made  of  fieh-bones  "  (fol.  a.  it.  tbtso),  meaning 
strings  aoalogxjn*  to  qu^nu  and  to  wampum-belta.  See  belov, 
p.  200. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


54  TEE  DZ8C0YBBY  OF  AMEBICA. 

Tampioo,  without  toaching  at  points  in  ihs  region 
subject  or  tributary  to   tbe  Aztec  confederacy. 
„  This  Tampico  country  waa  what  Vespu- 

biuoii^  ciua  understood  to  be  called  Lariab. 
He  again  gives  the  latitude  definitely 
and  correctly  as  23°  N.,^  and  he  mentions  a  few  in- 
teresting circumstances.  He  saw  the  natives  roast- 
ing a  dreadfidly  ngly  animal,  "like  a  serpent, 
[dragon  ?]  only  it  had  no  wings."    It  was  about  the 


Rnt  Tojage  of  Vupaoini  (vith  I^inon  mod  Solit,  1497-06). 


size  of  a  kid,  half  as  long  ^ain  as  a  man's  arm, 
wilii  a  hard  skin  of  various  hues,  a  snout  and  face 
like  a  serpent's,  and  a  saw-like  crest  running  from 
the  top  of  its  head  down  the  middle  of  its  back 
and  on  to  the  upper  part  of  its  tail.     The  sailors 

1  It  U  jnit  2,400  miln  distant,  u  tLe  oniw  flies,  from  Paris,  tha 
re^on  will)  whioh  it  has  so  long  been  itupidl;  identifiad.  Thu 
baa  been  preBminentlj  one  of  the  cnsea  mantioiied  b;  Biibop 
Berkele<^i  in  which  eommeDtaton  fint  Uok  np  a  doit  and  dm 
tronder  vhj  the;  cuuut  see  tlvnisli  it  I 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUSDUa  NOVUS.  66 

saw  many  of  these  creatures,  and  were  afraid  to 
touch  them  leat  they  might  have  a  ven- 
omoua  bite,   but  the  natives  esteemed  inuiuwd 
them  as  delicacies.    This  is  an  excellent 
descriptioii  of  the  iguana,  the  flesh  of  which  is  to 
this  day  an  important  article  of  food  in  tropical 
America.^     These  Huastecaa  also  made  cakea  or 

>  "  Oooe  ii»da'ma  che  smMtiiiaao  un  oerto  kninule  oh'  panna 
nn  wrpe'te,  salno  oh'  do'  tenma  alik,  A  nellk  appuema  ta'to 
bralto,  ebe  molui  dmaraniglia' mo  della  an*  fiereia:  AikU'dm 
oosi  p,  le  lor  ease,  o  aaTt>  tra  bacche  &  bana'ino  niolti  di  qneati 
•erpa'te  oini,  &  eran  legati  pa  piedi  .  .  .  :  emu  di  taoto  fiero 
aapsetD,  che  Deasnoo  di  Qoi  no'  anlina  di  torns  nno,  penuudo,  eb' 
sTon  ueiWDod:  *ono  di  gnndezK  di  nno  oauretto  &,  di  la'gheia 
biaceia  nno  &  mezo :  te'  gono  epiedi  Innghi  &  gtoaai  &  armati  co' 
gnma  uaghie :  tengono  la  pelle  dura,  &,  aono  di  aarii  oolori : 
elmoso  &  faccia  tengon  di  Mrpe'te :  &  dal  naio  limuoue  loro  nna 
creata  come  una  legha,  che  paisa  lora  p,  elmeio  delle  achiene 
infino  alia  aommita  della  coda :  in  co'clinioue  gli^ndioa'mo  lerpi 
A  nenenon,  aegli  ma'giansno."  Letttra,  fol.  a.  t,  recto.  Varn- 
)u^u,  p.  4J.  Compare  the  descriptiDn  in  the  CeiUwg  Dictioa- 
dry :  —  '*  It  attaina  a  Isngth  at  fiye  feet  or  more,  and  preaanta  a 
rather  formtdabte  appearance,  but  ia  inoffenuTe  unlesa  molested ; 
.  .  .  ita  flesh  ia  much  need  for  food.  'I'he  toil  ia  ver;  lon^,  oom- 
ptesaed,  and  tapering ;  a  n>v  of  acalea  along  the  back  ia  devel- 
oped into  a  senate  creat  or  donal  ridge  ;  the  head  ia  covered  «ith 
seal;  plataa;  ...  its  coloration  ia  variei^ted  with  brownish,  green- 
ish, and  jellowiah  tints."  Yet  this  trell-known  aoimal  haa  aorelj 
ponied  the  commentaton.  It  ia  not  eas;  to  imagine,  says  Narar- 
rata  (tom.  iii.  p.  22.'i),  what  kind  of  a  serpent  this  conid  hare  been, 
as  big  aa  a  hid,  aud  with  winga  and  feet  (j/  qae  lenian  alai  i)  pia), 
and  he  is  inclined  to  aet  it  down  aa  "  one  of  Vaspncio'a  man;  ab- 
snrditiee"  (uno  de  ki  aadua  abrurdat  de  Vtipado  en  nu  rtia- 
aoHtt).  Apparently  Naiarrete  conld  not  read  his  own  text  cor- 
rectlf  when  a  chance  was  offered  lor  a  fliiig  at  poor  old  Vespaciua, 
for  that  text  (on  the  ver;  aame  pa^ !  I)  reads  "  onl;  it  did  hot 
have  winga"  {loie  que  no  tenia  aiiu)l  Why  ahoold  Veapaeina 
have  taken  the  puns  to  saj  that  it  had  no  wingi  f  It  probably 
indioalea  that  be  had  only  a  literary  acqauntanoa  with  lerpenta, 
and  dimly  confuaed  them  vith  dragons. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


56  TEE  DISCOVBSr  OF  AMEBICA. 

patties  ont  of  small  fish,  which  they  kneaded  op 
with  a  sort  of  pastry  and  baked  upon  red-hot  coals. 
The  Spaniards  tasted  them  and  found  them  good.' 
The  people  were  enemies  of  those  whom  the  Span- 
iards had  found  in  the  "  little  Venice  "  over  on  the 
Tabasco  share,  and  when  it  was  observed  that 
Bome  of  the  latter  were  shackled  prisoaera  on 
board  the  caravels,^  the  white  men  were  forthwith 
greeted  as  friends.  The  Indians  received  them 
most  hospitably,  and  under  their  escort  twenty- 
three  of  the  mariners,  among  whom  Vespucius  was 
one,  made  a  journey  some  eighteen  leaguea  inland, 
to  see  what  could  be  found  in  that  country.  They 
visited  several  villages,  composed  of  communal 
houses.     In  one  of  these  villages,  described  as  well 

Narurete'i  remark  u  a  fur  ipecimeD  of  Qa  ming'Ied  dnlMM 
and  flippBDo;  with  whioh  commentuon  haTe  been  wont  to  treat  the 
great  Florentine  sailor,  —  finding  it  easier  ta  char^  him  with  ab- 
■ordltiea  than  padentl;  to  ascertain  hii  meaoing.  Even  Hr.  Lea- 
tcT,  in  a  different  temper  from  Navarrete,  thinki  that  "  the  navi- 
gator has  perhaps  drawn  somewhat  npon  hii  inuigination  in  Ua 
deanriptioD  of  this  animal"  {Life  of  Amerims  Veipuciut,p.  129). 
Tet,  as  we  have  here  seen,  hii  descripUan  is  strictly  Bconrate,  and 
I  cits  it  in  iUnitration  of  the  general  (aithfnlneaa  of  his  narratiTe. 
—  Aa  for  the  flesh  of  the  nglj  reptile,  I  do  not  find  any  mention 
of  it  among  the  1,394  dishes  described  by  Alessandto  Filippini,  of 
Delmonino's,  in  his  intereating  book,  37m  Tabic,  New  York,  1889 ; 
bat  one  lancies  that  it  might  bs  so  treated  as  to  commend  itself 
to  epicniei,  even  as  the  peerle^  terrapin,  of  which  one  of  onr 
British  oonsins  is  said  to  have  declared,  "  Upon  my  word,  it  'e  not 
H>  nasty  as  it  looks  1  "  I  have  been  told  that  the  flavoar  of  the 
Iguana  reminds  one  of  spring  chicken. 

'  "Prona'molo,  &  troaa'mo  cha  era  bnono."  Compare  soma  of 
the  Mexican  dishes  mentioned  below,  p,  268. 

'  They  were  expert  swimmera  and  Ihonght  nothing  of  jamping 
OTerboard  and  striking  oat  for  the  shore,  even  when  it  was  several 
leagues  distant  and  out  of  sight ;  so  that  all  those  whom  the  Span- 
iards had  not  pnt  in  irons  had  eaeapsd. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUSDUa  NOVUS.  67 

peopled,  the  nnmber  of  such  houses  was  but  nine. 
Liona  and  panthers  (i.  e.  probably  pumas  and 
ocelots)  were  seen,  but  neither  horse,  ass,  nor  cow, 
nor  any  kind  of  domesticated  animal.'  It  was  a 
populons  country,  with  no  end  of  rivers,^  and  an 
astonishing  quantity  of  birds  of  most  brilliant 
plumages.  The  people  were  struck  dumb  with 
amazement  at  the  sight  of  the  white  strangers,  and 
when  they  had  so  far  recovered  themselves  as  to 
ask  the  latter  whence  the;  came,  the  Spaniards 
gave  them  to  understand  that  they  came  from  be- 
yond the  sky. 

After  leaving  this  country  of  Lariab  the  ships 
kept  still  to  the  northwest  for  a  short 
distance,  and  then  followed  the  windings  nond*  *od 
of  the  coast  for  870  leagues,"  frequently 
IwTnling  and  doing  petty  traffic  with  the  natiTes. 

1  "No  te'glioiio  oanalli  nemoli,  ne  co'  reaerauda  asiui,  ue  oani, 
ne  di  Boite  alooiia  hpdtiame  pcoolioao,  ne  luiJoiDo :  ma  N>no  ta'ti 
li  sitri  aniiuali  ahe  ta'giioiKi  &  tncti  huio  Hilaatiohi,  &  di  neanmo 
ntenniKt  per  loro  wmilio,  ohe  no'  mpouou  oontsre."  hettera, 
fol.  b.  L  peoto.     Varnhagen,  p.  45. 

*  "  Qoestk  tens  e  populatunma,  A  di  g«Dte  pieno,  A  dinfiniti 
fimni."    Id.    The  vhole  deHriptioo  >g»«  with  Tunpioo. 

*  Aceordii^  to  the  moat  obTioiu  reading  of  the  t«it  they  lailed 
N.  W.  for  870  Ie«KiiM,  bat  thia  iroald  bs  imponible  npon  an; 
thsory  of  tbe  voyage :  —  "  Fartdmo  di  qneato  porto  :  la  proaioeU 
ndica  Lariab:  ii  naoigs'iao  bUdii^  delta  ooata  laiiipre  a  niata 
della  terra,  tanto  che  eorre'ino  deaea  870  legbe  tutta  nia  oerao  (I 
maectrale,"  etc.  Xettem,  fol.  b.  i.  TCrao.  VamhageD,  p.  40. 
Doa  luUavia  here  mean  "  alway*,"  o'  "  atill  "  7  For  tba  eqiuvs- 
lant  Spanish  lodavia  the  latter  meoninir  >«  the  more  primuy  and 
omal.  M.  Vamhagen  auppaiM  tliat  the  words  "  tntta  nia  neiao 
el  maeatrale"  belong  in  the  writer's  mind  with  "partinu  di 
qneato  porto ;  "  so  that  the  lenee  wonld  be,  "we  aailed  from  tbit 
port  Mill  to  the  N.  W.,  aod  we  fcdlowed  the  coast  alwava  in  eight 
of  land  nnti)  we  had  nm  870  lea^vet"  {Lt  pramitr  vogaga  (U 


^oiizc^b,  Google 


68  TBB  DiaCOVERY  OF  AMEBXCA. 

The^  bought  a  litUe  gold,  but  not  much.  Here 
the  letter  hurries  over  the  scene  somewhat 
abruptly.  It  was  not  likely  that  Soderini  would 
be  parti[nilarly  interested  in  the  shape  of  these 
strange  coasts,  and  as  for  red  Indians,  much  had 
already  been  said  about  them  in  the  earlier  part  of 
the  letter.  So  we  are  brought  quickly  to  the  end 
of  the  jonmey.  After  traversing  the  870  leagues 
of  crooked  coast  the  ships  found  themselves  in  ''the 
finest  harbour  in  tlie  world."  It  was  in  June, 
1498,  thirteen  months  since  they  had  started  from 
Spain.  The  ships  were  leaky  and  otherwise  dilap- 
idated, no  discoveries  of  abundant  gold  or  spices 
or  jewels,  calculated  to  awaken  enthusiasm,  had 
been  made,  and  the  men  were  tired  of  the  voyage. 
It  was  therefore  unanimously  agreed '  to  beach  and 
repair  the  ships,  and  then  return  home.  They 
spent  seyen-and-thirty  days  in  this  unrivalled  har- 
bour, preparing  for  the  home  voyage,  and  found 
the  natives  very  hospitable.  These  red  men 
courted  the  aid  of  the  whit«  strangers.  On  some 
islands  a  hundred  leagues  or  more  out  at  sea  there 
lived  a  fierce  race  of  cannibals,  who  from  time  to 

Vetpucd,  p.  22).  If  tlie  stjle  of  Veapnciiu  vera  thkt  of  a  contMt 
Mid  elflgant  writer,  snah  &  raadinj;  woold  1m  baldly  admisnble, 
but  u  his  style  vu  •nything  bat  coneot  and  eleg^ant,  perhapi  it 
nay  pMs.  Or  peifaapa  N.  W.  may  Iuts  been  caraleaaly  snbeti- 
tDted  for  N.  E.,  aa  wonld  have  been  easy  If  Kipa  were  uaed  in  the 
maDmaript  iiutead  of  wordi  like  maeiirale  and  greco.  Then  it 
would  mean  that  Uie  gfnercd  diraction  after  leaiing  Lariab  waa 
N.  E.  Upon  any  poaible  lopponitdon  there  ii  a  blunder  in  the 
■tateraent  as  it  appean  in  the  printed  tpit 

'  "  Acchorda'mo  di  comnne  consiglio  porre  le  noatrv  nani 
amonte,  A  rioorrarlc  lei'  .;lii..(!harle,  cbe  faceaano  molta  aoqaa,* 
•te.     fol.  b.  i,  reno.  ' 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


UUSDVS  nOWB.  69 

time  in  fleets  of  canoes  invaded  the  coasts  of  t^e 
mainland  ^"<^  carried  off  human  victims  by  the 
scoie.  Here  a  source  of  profit  for  the  Spaniards 
was  suggested ;  for  Columbus,  as  we  shall  hereafter 
Bee,'  had  already  set  the  example  of  kidnapping 
cannibals,  and  it  was  coming  to  be  a  recognized 
doctrine,  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  government, 
that  it  was  right  for  people  "guilty  of  that  unnat- 
ural crime  "  to  be  sold  into  slavery.  The  expedi- 
tion  with  which  VeBpucius  was  sailing  tihBbibb- 
weighed  anchor  late  in  August,  taking  ^**' 
seven  of  the  friendly  Indians  for  guides,  on  condi- 
tion that  they  should  return  to  the  mainland  in 
their  own  canoes.  The  Indians  were  glad  to  go 
on  these  terms  and  witness  the  discomfiture  of 
their  enemies.  After  a  week's  voyage  they  fell  in 
with  the  islands,  some  peopled,  others  uninhabited, 
evidently  the  Bermudas,^  600  miles  from  Cape 
Hatteraa  as  the  crow  flies.  The  Spaniards  landed 
cm  an  island  called  Iti,  and  had  a  brisk  fight  with 
a  large  body  of  the  cannibals,  who  defended  them- 
selves manfully,  bat  could  not  withstand  firearms. 
More  than  200  prisoners  were  taken,  seven  of 
whom  were  presented  to  the  seven  Indian  guides. 
Taking  a  large  canoe  from  the  island,  these  • 
friendly  barbarians  paddled  away  westward,  "right 
merry  and  marvelling  at  our  power."'     "We  also 

1  Sm  below,  p.  4Sa. 

*  Wben  tlieu  idanda  irers  Tedueorered  in  1522  they  wen  en- 
tinl;  depopnlited,  — an  imtance,  do  doubt,  of  tha  friglitful  thor- 
nnnhiT  with  which  the  Spmniah  kidnapper*  tram  HiapamoU  liad 
dons  tbeir  work  dniin^  the  inteml. 

■  "Sane  tonunnio  allor  terra  molto  aUegri,  maiauig-Iia'dosi 
delle  Doatre  fone."  If  they  ever  raoceeded  in  gettjog  bonie,  ooe 
data  not  need  to  b«  told  of  tha  lurid  fate  of  the  oapliTea. 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


60  TBB  DiaCOrXBT  OF  AXEJtICA. 

set  sail  for  Spain,  with  222  prisoaen,  slaves;  and 
amred  in  the  port  of  Cadiz  on  the  15tb  day  of 
October,  1498,  where  we  were  well  received  and 
sold  our  slaves.  This  is  what  happened  to  me  in 
this  my  first  voyage  that  may  be  most  worth  tell- 
ing." ^ 

The  words  of  Yespucius  are  too  va^e  to  enable 
uB,  without  help  from  other  sources,  to  determine 
the  situation  of  that  "finest  harbour  in  the  world," 
where  the  expedition  made  its  last  halt  before 
striking  eastward  into  the  Atlantic.  So  much  de- 
pends upon  the  quantity  of  allowance  to  be  made 
for  tacking  and  for  the  sinuosities  of  the  coast-line, 
that  it  is  impossible  to  say  with  any  confidence  to 
what  point  a  run  of  870  leagues  from  Tampico 
would  have  brought  the  ships.  It  is  clear  that 
they  must  have  sailed  between  Cuba  and  Florida, 
and  must  have  taken  their  final  start  from  some 
point  on  the  Atlantic  coast  of  what  is  now  the 
United  States.  The  conditions  of  the  case  seemed 
at  first  to  M.  Vamhagen  to  point  to  the  waters  of 
the  Chesapeake,  but  he  was  afterward  inclined  to 

'  "  Noi  *1»  taeeato  neU  p,  Spagns  con  222  prigioni  aoliuiu :  4 
gingnemo  qbI  potto  di  Calis  adi  15  doctobre  1498  done  fnmo  b«ii 
licsunti  A  uende'mo  uoatri  Bchiani.  QuesCo  e,  qasllo  che  mUc- 
chadde  in  quests  mio  primo  aiBfcgio  di  pin  notabile."  Fol.  b.  ii. 
yato.  It  vtu  a  dreadful  number  of  ilavei  to  pack  awii;  in  four 
earsTek,  and  22  hu  been  nig'geBted  u  n  more  probable  flgare. 
Perhape  so;  mistakei  in  nameraU  are  eaaj  and  fnqnent.  Tbe 
annali  of  tbe  slave  trade,  lioveTer,  give  grewiome  instanaes  of 
what  boman  greed  txa  do.  "  De  noa  joora  encore,"  observea  Vam- 
hagen, "  que  la  traits  dee  nigren  eat  pieiqae  entiircment  eappri' 
mie.  nooa  .iTona  td  aborder  an  Collao,  venant  de  Chine,  dana  nn 
Hol  navire,  qnelqnea  oeats  Coolies :  plus  de  la  diiiirae  partja  de 
oea  Coolies  aiait  pdri  b  bord,  pendant  la  trtTersJa." 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDua  fforua.  61 

designate  Cape  Ct^veral  on  the  Florida  coast  as 
the  final  point  of  departure  for  the  cannibal  islands 
which  apparently  must  have  been  the  Bermudas.' 
Bat,  as  Mr.  Hubert  Bancroft  suggests,  it  is  hard 
to  imagine  what  port  near  Cape  CaBaveral  could 
have  been  called  the  best  harbour  in  the  world,  ex- 
cept "by  a  navigator  little  fatmliar  with  good  har- 
bours." I  shall  presently  point  to  some  reasons  for 
bdieving  that  capes  Charles  and  CaSaveml  were 
probably  the  northern  and  southern  limits  between 
which  the  final  departure  was  taken.  Meanwhile 
another  and  more  important  question  claims  our 
^tention. 

We   have   hitherto   been   considering   only  the 
statements  of  Vespuciua  himself  in  an  informal  let- 
ter.   It  has  been  urged;  with  reference  to  the  cred- 
ibility of  these  statements,  that  there  is  no  contem- 
porary allusion  whatever  to  such  a  voyage,  either 
in   books  of  history  or   in   archives.^    There  is 
strong  reason  for  believing  that  this  sweeping  as- 
sertion ia  far  from  correct,  and  that  con- 
temporary allusions  have  not  been  found  >■»"  f^ft  no 
simply   because   scholars    have   sought  ^•toiuto 
them  in  the  wrong  quarter.     With  their 
backs  turned  upon  Lariab  they  have  been  staring 

'  Tanibagen,  Aiiierigo  Veipuca,  Lima,  186S,  p.  9S,  and  chart 
M  the  and ;  Le  prtaier  vogagt  de  Vespmxi,  Vieniu,  ISflO,  p.  30. 

*  "It  •hoald  &M  of  nil  Iw  Doted  that  the  sole  anthorit;  for  a. 
^ojfK  niade  b;  Vespncci  in  1407  is  Ve^naci  hiTamlf.  All  con- 
tempotary  liist<a7,  o&ei  thnn  his  own  letten  [it  ibonld  be  leHer], 
ia  abaolatelj  nlent  in  regard  to  snah  a  voyage,  whether  it  be  hia- 
(orj  in  printed  books,  or  in  the  arahiTei  of  th«e  tin^onu  of 
Earope  where  (he  preciong  docninenls  toDohing  the  earlier  eipe- 
ditioua  to  the  New  World  ware  deposited."  S.  H.  Gaj,  in  Winaoi, 
Narr.  and  Cril.  HUt.,  ii.  187. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


t  DISCOVBSr  OF  AMSSICA. 


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64  THE  DiaCOrBST  OF  AMEBICA. 

at  Faria,  and  might  have  gone  on  etariiig  to  eter- 
nity without  se^g  what  was  all  the  time  hehind 
them.  So,  too,  one  might  look  long  into  narra- 
tivea  and  archives,  and  look  in  vun  for  a  "voyage 
of  Vespucina,"  lor  it  waa  customary  to  speak  of  a 
voyage  by  the  name  of  the  commanding  officer, 
and  the  language  of  Vespucius  distinctly  implies 
that  in  this  voyage  of  1497  he  was  not  the  com- 
mander; he  was  chosen  by  King  Ferdinand  "to  go 
with  the  ships  and  assist  in  the  work  of  diBCor- 
eiy . " '  Let  us,  then,  turn  our  faces  toward  Lariab, 
and    see    if    contemporary    documents 

TbmmBoh    ,  i  •  ,  •  i 

DODtanponfT  kuow  anything  about  a  voyage  into  the 
gulf  of  Mexico  earlier  than  those  of 
Ocampo  in  1508  and  Ponce  de  Leon  in  1513.  We 
find  at  once  a  remarkable  and  significant  group  of 
allusions,  both  in  narratives  and  in  archives,  to 
such  a  voyage,  undertaken  by  no  less  a  person  than 
Vicente  Yaiiez  Finzon,  captain  of  the  little  ship 
NiSa  in  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus.  Associated* 
with  Pinzon,  and  probably  second  in  command, 
was  another  consummate  sailor,  Juan  Diaz  de 
Solis,  who  in  1S12  succeeded  Vespucius  ae  pilot 
major  of  Spain, 

The  date  commonly  assigned  to  this  voyage  of 
Pinzon  and  Solis  is  1506.  The  figure  rest«  upon 
the  single  unsupported  statement  of  Antonio  de 
Herrera,  whose  great  work  was  published  in  1601.' 

1  "  Che  fn,  cbel  Re  don  Pemodo  di  Casdglia  bane'do  a  raan- 
dUB  qnattro  naui  a  diacoprire  nnoae  tone  neno  locoidsnte  fo- 
•lectiipsriiDaHltezBche  io  f aasi  in  sum  floctk  per  «diat«n  a  dia- 
coprire."    Leitera,  fol.  a.  li.  recto.    Vambagen,  p.  35. 

1  Herr««,  Hiitma  general  de  lot  hecAot  lie  lot  Cattellamn  «n 
(at  iiUu  I  tiermjirme  dd  Mar  Oceana,  Madrid,  1601,  4  toI*.  ia 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


XUNDV8  N0VU8.  65 

For  erents  that  happened  in  the  time  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  this  book  cannot  be  cited  as  of  ori- 
ginal authority.  It  is  a  compilation  of  priceless 
value,  but  not  without  grave  defects.  Mr.  Hubert 
Bancroft  is  quite  right  in  saying  that  we  find  in  it 
"evidences  everywhere  of  inexperience  and  incom- 
petent assistance.  '  Now  that  we  have  before  us 
many  of  the  sources  of  Herrera's  mate-  Antonio  a* 
rial,  we  can  see  that  his  notes  were  badly  ^"""- 
extracted  and  compiled  in  a  bungling  manner;  so 
much  so  that  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  errors, 
from  which  to  some  extent  the  most  carefully  ex- 
ecuted work  cannot  be  expected  to  be  wholly  free, 
there  are  many  and  serious  discrepancies  and  con- 
tradictions for  which  there  is  no  excuse,  the  cause 
being  simply  carelessness."' 

Now  Kerrera  tells  us  that  when  it  had  been 
made  known  in  Castile  what  the  Admiral  had  dis- 
covered afresh,  Pinzon  and  Solis  made  .up  their 
minds  to  go  and  further  pursue  the  ju,  .ooonnt  oi 
route  which  he  had  taken ;  and  from  the  ^l^o,  pi^. 
Ouanajos  islands  on  the  northern  coast  "^  "*  ^"^ 
of  Honduras  they  sailed  westward  and  passed  the 
Golfo  Dulce  ^  without  seeing  it,  but  they  gave  the 
name  of  Navidad  to  what  is  now  known  as  the  bay 
of  Honduras.  Thence  they  discovered  the  moun- 
tains (or  lands)  of  Caria  and  a  considerable  part  of 
Yucatan.  But  as  (Acre  was  nobody  who  follcnoed 
up  that  discovery,  nothing  more  waa  known  about 

'  Bittory  of.  Ctntrai  Ameriea,  San  FnnciBco,  1882,  tdI.  i.  p.  3n. 

'  For  the  pontiaD  of  the  Golfo  Dulce,  im  the  map  of  the  ra^on 
■nmnd  TnzolatUn,  below,  p.  400.  It  ii  sunplr  the  deep  inlet  at 
the  head  of  the  bit  j  of  HondoiM. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


66  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMEBICA. 

those  coasts  until  the  whole  of  New  Spain  was  dis- 
covered [in  1517-19]  from  Cuba.  The  principal 
object  of  these  navigators,  Piozon  and  Solis,  adds 
Herrera,  was,  throng  a  spirit  of  rivalty  with  the 
Admiral,  to  discover  land  and  to  pass  beyond  what 
he  had  discovered.' 

'  The  puMga  in  Herrera  ii  BomeirbBt  omf  nwd  and  inTolTed, 
from  tb*  VTong  coanvetion  in  vhicli  ha  coneeired  it;  bnt  vban 
mmu  wa  hrnvs  f&thomed  the  confusion  under  whioh  he  laboared,  H 
it  remarkable  bow  Dearlj  rigbt  he  wae  in  the  principal  itemi  of 
hii  itatoment ;  —  "  Saludo  an  CiatillA  la  qna  havia  dnHmhierto  de 
UOWTO  el  Almirante,  Jdbd  Kax  de  Solii  i  Vinoente  TaBei  I^nioa 
determinaroD  de  ir  b  proaeg^nir  el  camino  qne  dejaba  hecho,  i  foe- 
roD  ft  tomar  el  hUo  deade  laa  ialaa  de  loa  Onanajoa  i  volver  de  ellaa 
.  k  leraota  ;  pero  navegamn  deada  laa  diohaa  ialai  hiaim  el  poniente 
haata  el  para|^  de  el  Oolfo  Dolce,  annque  no  lo  Tieron,  porqoe 
eati  gsoondido;  reeoDOeieron  la  entrada  que  ham  U  mar  entre  la 
tierra  qua  oantiaue  el  Golfo,  1  la  de  Yncatan  qne  ea  coma  nna 
g^rande  ensenada,  <i  baia,  qne  asi  llanAii  loa  Tnarineroa.  ■  .  .  Y 
como  TiBron  aquel  rrncon  grwide  qne  hace  la  Mar  entre  doa  Her- 
ras,  la  nna  qne  aati  k  la  mano  esquierda  teuiendo  las  eapaldaa  al 
Orienta,  que  ea  la  eoata  qne  contiene  el  Paerto  de  Caballoa,  i  ade- 
lanto  de  A  el  Golfo  Dnlce :  i  la  otra  de  mano  deieoha,  la  eoato 
del  reino  da  Ineatan,  pareoiitles  gnn  baia,  i  por  eato  la  UamaioD 
la  gran  B«ia  de  Navidad,  deade  donda  deacnbriarOD  laa  aieriaa 
[tierrafl  ?]  de  Carla ;  bolvieron  ftl  Norte,  i  deacnbrieron  mncha 
paria  de  el  nino  de  Yucatan,  pero  como  deapaes  no  ha*o  nadia, 
qae  prorif^aaa  aqnel  DeBcubrimiento,  no  ae  anpo  mas.  haata  qne 
a«  deaoohrid  todo  lo  de  Nueve  Espafla  deade  la  isla  de  Cuba,  i  ealM 
Deaonbridores  principalioente  pratendian  deacnbrir  tierra  por  emn- 
laoion  del  Almi/antc,  i  pasar  adelante  de  lo  qne  41  habia  deacn- 
Inerto"  {dec.  i.  lib.  ii.  cap.  17).  Prelendian  bore  doe*  not  mean 
"pretended,"  bat  "  nndertook  "  or  "  attempted."  The  allnsion  to 
ncrrtu  dt  Caria  ha*  alwayi  been  felt  to  be  punling,  as  no  monn- 
tain-ch^na  are  known  which  it  seeins  to  Gt  The  eipreaucm  is 
•ridentlj  taken  by  Herrera  from  Pinion's  testimony  in  the  Pra- 
ianMOt,  in  which  occur  aeTeTsl  other  namea  now  nnintelligible, 
Boch  aa  the  comitries  uf  Camarona,  Chnbaca.  and  Pintigron,  which 
Pinion  aaja  he  Tinted  after  tumini;  northward  from  Hondniaa, 
bat  to  which  we  have  no  further  cine.    The  lapse  into  oblirion  of 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUSLVB  N0VU8.  6T 

In  tbis  Btatement  Herrera  nndentiULds  the  voy- 
age of  Pinzon  and  Solis  to  have  been  oonseqaeDt 
npon  the  news  of  what  Columbus  had 
discovered  in  his  fourth  voyage  (1502-  *'**''^i™, 
1504);  and  this  opinion  is  evidently  J^^^ 
based  upon  his  interpretation  of  the  tes- 
timony of  Pinzon  himself  and  other  sailors  in  the 
Probaraas.  It  is  a  very  natural  way  in  which  to 
read  that  testimony  if  we  have  nothing  bnt  the 
text  itself  to  guide  us ;  and  if  Herrera  made  a  mis- 
chievous mistake  we  cannot  blame  him.  There 
are  the  strongest  reasons  for  believing  that  he  did 
make  such  a  mistake,  and  that  this  voyage  of  Fin- 
Eon  and  Solis  was  made,  not  in  consequence  of  the 
fourth  voyage  of  Columbus,  but  in  consequence  of 
the  news  of  what  he  bad  discovered  in  1494  in  the 
course  of  his  second  voyage. 

In  the  first  place  the  evidence  collected  by  Na- 
varrete  seems  to  prove  conclusively  that  Pinzon  did 
not  go  upon  any  vc^age  of  discovery  between  the 
end  of  the  year  1504  and  June  29, 1608.  piB™dWnot 
A  voyage  for  him  was  indeed  contem-  {JI^J^ 
plated  as  early  as  February  or  April,  '^"^ 
1505,  but  it  was  not  a  voyage  in  the  direction  of 
Honduras,  nor  had  it  any  reference  to  the  fourth 
voy^e  of  Columbus.  On  the  contrary,  as  we 
shall  hereafter  see,  it  was  a  direct  consequence  of 
the  fourth  voyage  of  Vespucius.     Its  object  was 


Ml  nanj  nsinei  known  to  tha  flnt  navigaton  u  juM  what  wa  might 
■ipaot  in  tlu  oaae  of  a  lojags  irhiuli  wu  not  followed  up  for 
twnrtr  Ttm  H- 1^«*-  &•  ^>  ^^  i"  "iJ  table  of  ^oticm).  We  ihall 
pramitly  hare  a  liiDilai  illnttntiini  in  the  oanua  upon  a  part  of 
^Kf  CaJituiouap< 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


68  TBS  DISCOVERY  OT  AMERICA. 

the  further  exploration  of  the  Brazilian  coast  south 
of  the  tropic  of  Capricorn,  and  while  it  was  planned 
early  in  1505,  the  fear  of  complications  with  Por- 
tugal prevented  such  an  expedition  from  sailing 
until  the  Bummer  of  1508.  During  that  interval 
we  keep  coming  upou  documents  that  prove  the 
presence  of  Pinzon  in  Spain ;  and  it  is  not  for  a 
moment  to  be  supposed  that  while  thus  concerned 
in  this  enterprise  he  could  have  been  at  the  same 
time  engaged  in  a  long  voyage  into  the  gulf  of 
Mexico.^  We  have  no  alternative  but  to  suppose 
that  Herrera's  dat«  of  1506  forPinzon's  Honduras 
voyage  is  a  mistake,  and  that  he  ought  to  have 
made  it  consequent,  not  upon  the  fourth,  but  upon 
the  second,  voyage  of  Columbus. 

It  was  all  the  more  easy  to  make  such  a  TniatalfP 
since  the  farthest  point  reached  by  Columbus  upon 
the  southern  coast  of  Cuba  in  June,  1494,  was  not 
far  from  the  point  whence  he  crossed  from  Cuba 
to  Honduras  in  July,   1503.     If    be  had  kept 

'  We  find  ¥aaxta  in  Spain  rMeiTiag  ■  payment  of  10,000  m*nt- 
Tedii,  FebniATy  2S,  liM)5  (Navurrete,  Colaxion,  iii.  112)  ;  ha  ii  ap- 
piHiitad  to  command  a  fortren  in  San  Joan  de  Porto  Bieo,  Mai«b 
14,  150S  (iii.  112);  the  kiog  viahes  to  coanlt  vith  Pinion  and 
VcApDoiiu  about  a  projected  Tojagfe,  May  IT,  1605  (iii.  302)  ;  Pin- 
lOD  wanta  a  lawmit  settled,  oa  it  is  bioderin^  hia  departaie  on 
a  voyage,  September  28,  liKfi  (iii.  113)  j  he  ifl  in  Spain,  bnay  on 
work  on  which  be  has  evidently  been  engaged  for  a  good  whila, 
Angnat  23,  15U6  (iii.  294) ;  on  September  15,  1500,  the  offioMi  of 
the  Caaa  de  la  Contnlacion  inform  the  king  that  the  eipeditioD 
vill  not  be  able  to  aail  before  Fehraory,  1S07  (iii.  S21) ;  bj  tliat 
time  ths  growl  from  Portugal  haa  become  ao  audible  that  tlie 
•ipsdition  ia  for  the  time  abandoned  and  the  ihipa  nied  tor 
other  pnrpoen  [id.).  Theee  doonmentt  evidently  relate  to  m* 
and  the  aame  voyage,  and  they  leave  no  plaee  for  a  voyage  to 
Hondaifui  and  the  gulf  of  Uemco. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


MUWDus  Norva.  69 

stndglit  ahead  in  the  former  voyage  and  left  the 
ooast  of  Cuba,  he  would  have  crossed  to  Honduras 
Tery  mach  as  in  the  latter  voyage.  It  is  not 
strange,  then,  that  in  the  mind  of  Herrera,  oa  per- 
haps even  in  the  report  of  the  Prohanzat  upon 
which  Herrera  seems  to  have  relied,  the  two  voy- 
ages shoold  have  got  more  or  less  mixed  together. 
Assuming,  then,  that  Pinzon's  first  voyage  was 
consequent  upon  news  received  from  Columbus  in 
1494,  and  that  it  was  the  voyage  upon  which 
Vespucius  describes  himself  aa  having  sailed  in 
May,  1497,  we  cao  understand  sundry  statements 
in  early  historians  of  the  Discovery,  that  have 
heretofore  been  unintelligible.  Peter  Tcitiinonr  ot 
Martyr,  in  a  pass^e  written  before  '•'"''»"''■ 
1508,  says :  —  "  For  there  are  many  which  affirme 
that  they  haue  sayled  rownd  abowt  Cuba.  But 
whether  it  bee  so  or  not,  or  whether  enuyinge  the 
good  fortune  of  this  man  [Columbus]  they  seeke 
occasions  of  querelinge  ageynste  hyxa,  I  cannot 
judge.  But  tyme  shall  speake,  which  in  tyme  ap- 
poynted,  reuealeth  both  truth  and  falsehod." '  In 
another  place  Martyr  says  that  Vicent«  YaSez 
sailed  about  Cuba,  which  had  hitherto,  because  of 
its  great  size,  been  regarded  as  continent;  and 
having  found  that  this  b  an  isluid,  he  went  on  and 
stmck  upon  other  lands  to  the  west  of  it.*    Again 

*  "  Neqm  mum  d««aiit  qni  w  aironine  Cnbain  andtant  diMra. 
An  bsa  ita  Aat,  an  imlcUft  (anti  iurenti  oeeanaDei  qnsrant  in 
hnira  vimm,  dod  dijadioo;  temptu  loqnetur,  in  qoo  Tsma  jodex 
Inrigilat."  Mturtjr,  dea.  1.  lib.  tL  Aa  Hnmboldt  U7»,  tliit  lut 
alaiua  ihoira  ooDoloiiTalf  tlut  the  puug«  «ru  writtaii  Ixfore 
Ooampo'a  T07ag«  in  1S08. 

*  "  TieMitiM  Anna  .  .  .  Cnbun,  •  tnoltis  ad  •■  ua^na  Mm- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TO  THE  mSCOVSBT  OP  AMERICA, 

Oomara  Bays  that  thiee  jeasv  bef  oie  Colnmbni 
visited  the  coast  of  Handoras  that  coast 
^aZS^  had  been  discovered  by  Pinzon  and  So- 
ils.^ Gomara's  three  years  should  be 
five,  but  the  main  fact  is  the  fact  of  priority,  which 
is  i^ain  expressly  afBrmed  by  Oviedo  (in  1533- 
35) :  —  *'  Some  persons  have  attributed  the  discov- 
ery of  the  bay  of  Honduras  to  Don  Christopher 
Columbos,  the  first  Admiral,  saying  that  he  dis- 
covered it.  But  that  is  not  true ;  for  it  was  discov- 
ered by  the  pilots  Vicente  YaSez  Finzon,  Juan 
Diaz  de  Solis,  and  Pedro  de  Ledesma,  with  three 
caravels,  and  that  was  before  Vicente  Y^ez  had 
discovered  the  river  Amaaon,"'  in  other  words, 
before  January,  1500.  This  explicit  and  definite 
testimony  from  a  contemporary  first-hand  author- 
ity is  not  lightly  to  be  set  aside. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  Oviedo,  Gomara, 
Martyr,  Herrera,  and  the  witnesses  in  the  tenth 
section  of  the  Probanaas,  in  their  various  refer- 

por*  ob  mun  migiutiiilinem  oontlneatem  putatam,  oinmint.  .  .  . 
Tioentiiu  Anoai  co^to  jam  eiperimenta  p&Unti  Cnbam  esse  in- 
•dlwn,  pnMMUt  olteriiu  et  ten**  aliu  ftd  oenidanMiil  Cnbn  offeit- 
dit."    Id.,  deo.  u.  lib.  yu. 

*  "Deaonbrid  Chriatoud  CnlaD  ti«d>tM  j  aettta.  lajcwu  da 
casta,  que  ponen  de  no  gruide  d«  Bigaerw  al  NSbra  de  Dioa,  el 
afio  de  mil  ;  qniiuentu*  j  dot ;  diian  ampera  algnno*  q  tna  >Boa 
•nto  lo  ausn  aiidado  Vicente  Ysllei  Piman  ;  Jdkd  Diu  de  Sulia, 
H  fneKm  gtandiajmo*  daHtiibridcsea."  Oomara,  HiUoria  gtntnd 
dt  Uu  Iitdiai,  An''werp,  l-'>54,  cap.  It.  foL  SS  recto. 

*  "AtgiiiMa  Mribnyan  al  Almirante  primero.  Don  ChriatoTal 
Cokn,  dituendo  qna  dl  lo  deecnbrilS  Y  no  e*  ad ;  porqae  el  golfo 
da  H'iga»Tt»  lo  dBaonbiienni  loa  pilotoi  Viiente  Taflei  KmoB  t 
Joban  Diu  da  Solia  i  Pedro  de  Ledesina,  oon  tiea  oariTela*,  ante* 
qae  el  Vioento  TaAei  dmnibrieae  al  rio  MaiaBotL  "  Oriedo,  J7ia> 
tario  gentrai  dt  Uu  butitu,  Madrid,  1851,  torn.  iL  p.  140. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


MVlTDUa  NOVVS.  71 

enoes  to  the  voyage  of  Pinzon  and  Solia,  are  all 
Iff  erring  to  the  first  voyage  desoribed  by  Vespa- 
cius  in  his  letter  to  Soderini,  —  a  voyagei  which 
achieved  the  first  discovery  of  Honduras,  with 
parts  of  the  coasts  of  Mexico  and  Florida,  and 
which  first  revealed  to  some  persons  the  insularity 
of  Cuba.  Here  the  map  made  in  1500  by  La  Cosa 
becomes  quite  interesting.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  this  able  mivigator  was  with  Columbus 
on  that  memorable  occasion  in  June,  1494,  when 
all  hands  solemnly  subscribed  to  the  belief  that 
Cuba  was  part  of  the  Asiatic  continent.'     On  that 

>  Thii  ftffair,  lo  grotaiqiia  aooordini^  to  modern  nadoiis,  la  nni- 
■llj  DiiveprMeiited  i  a.  g.  "  Colombui  Tojagsd  for  India,  tbongbt 
Lia  fint  Imndinfc  WlJ  tliare,  anil  fonsd  hii  cnw  to  ■wBKr  tliej 
thoagbt  to  too  hj  tlmktenin^  to  cat  out  thair  ton^ea."  (Prof. 
J.  D.  Bntlar,  in  a  verr  nieritorioua  paper  on  "  The  NaminK  ot 
Anerio*,"  in  Traaiaction  of  Vfiwonjin  ^riu'fnjF  of  Sctaiftt, 
1874,  «a:.  ii.  pp.  I!y3- 21U.J  The  paaaaga  in  Henr;  StSTeu'a  HiiL 
and  Gtog.  tiala,  p.  12,  to  which  the  writer  refer*,  doea  not  juatifj 
■ooh  k  Btatement  Stsvena  ainipl;  aaja  "  oansed  hit  eapta'na,  hii 
pilots,  bb  nuatar  of  chuta  [La  Coaa],  and  all  bia  aailora  to  *ign  a 
d«olanrtiaai  nnder  oath,  that  the;  belieTed  Cuba  to  he  part  of  the 
oonttnent  of  Alia  near  Mangt"  Ha  notary's  original  docnmant, 
proaoTTod  in  the  Archivea  of  the  Indiea  at  Sariile  (printed  in  "i^tr- 
Tairete,  torn.  iL  pp.  143-141^).  doee  not  indicate  that  in  thia  "  caiia- 
ii^"  then  wai  either  tay  Force  or  any  threat  naad.  The  ofBceia 
and  men  were  aeked  to  atate  their  diaaentinif  Tirira  if  they  had 
anjr.  Nobody  aeema  to  have  had  an;,  and  there  is  no  leaaou  for 
aoppcdng  that  anybody  Big:ued  the  dealarstion  reluctantly.  The 
formal  proriiion,  that  if  any  one  ahould  afterward  deny  that  on 
thia  oocaaion  he  had  expressed  the  opinion  written  down  in  the 
doeament  he  ahoald  hare  the  tip  of  bia  tjingiia  uit  (aa  wan  often 
dooa  to  liaia).  waa  aimpl;  a  bit  of  fsenaiDe  mediaTaliam,  aboat 
eqniTalent  to  the  aolenin  imprscationa  of  raodsm  ahildrsn  :  "  Hnek 
Itnn  and  Tom  Sawyer  wishea  they  may  drop  down  dead  in  thair 
tnoks  if  they  erer  toll  of  tbh  and  rot,"  aa  Mark  Twain  so 
faithfnlly  pnta  it.  For  the  owlish  granty  with  which  some  mod- 
em  writan  as*  thia  iwndent  in  evideBce  of  the  Admiral'a  allegad 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


72  THE  DISCOVSST  OF  AMEBICA. 

occasion,  Ls  Coaa  declared  that  he  had  never  heard 
of  an  island  with  335  leagues  length  of  coast  from 

east  to  west,  and  that  from  the  contour 
wBMiuu  of  this  coast,  as  well  as  its  apparently 
OMj'imw.      interminable  length,  he  had  no  sort  of 

doubt  that  it  was  the  mainland.  We 
have  no  reason  for  supposing  that  La  Cosa  did  not 
mean  precisely  what  he  said.  Yet  upon  his  famous 
map,  of  which  a  sketch  is  prefixed  to  the  present 
volume,  Cuba  is  distinctly  represented  as  an  is- 
land. On  the  north  of  it  the  left-hand  flagstaff 
marks  the  westernmost  point  reached  by  Columbus 
and  La  Cosa  in  1492;  on  the  south  we  read  C. 
Bien  Espera,  the  "Cape  of  Good  Hope"  where 
in  1494  Ltv  Cosa  and  his  comrades  all  testified  that 
to  the  best  of  their  knowledge  and  belief  they  were 
on  the  coast  of  Asiaj  and  just  to  the  south  of  this 
cape  we  see  a  few  small  islands  whereunto  the 
map-maker's  fancy  has  added  a  goodly  archipelago 
of  bigger  ones.  The  ehore  on  the  west  of  these 
islands  Columbus  called  Evangelista,  deeming  it 
"fraught  with  good  tidings"  for  him  when  he 
should  come  that  way  ^ain.  On  the  map  we  see 
"Abangelista,"  albeit  written  too  far  to  the  west- 
Then  Cuba  is  terminated  by  a  western  coast-line 
all  Uie  way  around  from  Uie  archipelago  to  the  flag- 
staff, —  a  coast-line  which,  as  even  an  unpractised 
eye  may  see,  is  drawn  not  from  exploration,  but 
from  theory  or  from  hearsay.    On  the  original  map 

"  d«oeitfii]i»M ' '  ud  we&kMti  of  obarsetar,  the  proper  antwer  it 
•  peal  of  Homeiie  lanKbtet.  I  have  deeoribed  the  affair  abora, 
ToL  i.  pp.  476, 477,  with  a*  mnoh  BerionsDea  ai  I  think  it  d*> 


,a.l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDVa  S0VU8,  T8 

du8  western  coast-line  is  abmpUy  oat  off  witli  a 
dash  of  greflu  paint.'  This  means  to  my  mind 
that  when  La  Cosa  drew  the  map,  between  June 
and  October,  1500,  he  had  been  informed  of,  or 
brought  to  believe  in,  the  insularity  of  Cuba,  but 
had  not  seen  a  chart  of  its  west«m  extremity. 
Where  did  he  get  bis  information?  The  answer 
is  obvious.  He  had  just  returned  from  that  voy- 
age on  the  Pearl  Cloast  with  Ojeda  (the  second  voy- 
age of  Vespucins)  in  which  he  and  Vespuciua  were 
asao(»ated  as  pilots.  Evidently  the  latter  had  told 
him  of  the  discovery  of  a  passage  between  Cuba 
and  the  mainland  two  years  before,  but  had  not 
shown  him  his  charts,  which  very  likely  were  then 
in  the  hands  of  Bishop  Fonseca.  Hence  it  ap- 
pears that  the  continental  coast-line  opposite  Cuba 
was  drawn  not  wholly  from  theory,  but  partly  fmn 
hearsay.  The  protruding  land  at  the  words  "Mar 
Oceanuz "  and  below  may  indicate  that  La  Cosa 
'  Hanoa  tba  l>te  Heniy  StereiM  mggened  that  La  Cesa  did  not 
IntHod  to  bt  nndantood  m  repreaantiiig  Cnba  u  an  Uluid,  but 
OmIt  moult  to  ihov  diat  hu  oirn  deflnita  kimled^  did  not  go 
^tjaui.  th>  Brchip«l*fra  on  the  Mmth  and  the  flagiUff  on  tli* 
Mtth.  (BiHarieal  and  OtoffrtigAKai  SMt,  LondoD,  1S69,  p.  IS.) 
Bnt  if  that  wt»  all  that  ha  maaat  to  diow,  vh;  dSd  he  Mpwata 
Cnbs  from  Uw  mainland  at  all  7  The  mere  fact  of  the  Mpac*- 
lion  iiidioaus  a  knovladge  of  eometUni;  to  the  weat  of  "  Aliaiig*. 
bu,"  thmf^  confiiaaedly  a  dim  knowledge.  At  least  it  in^oatai 
a  deeided  ehauge  of  opinion  sinee  14M;  otherwiie  La  Cosa  would 
Dot  onlT  have  made  the  ventarn  end  of  Cnba  flare  like  the  outline 
of  a  tnunpM,  but  beyond  the  flacstaff  it  would  hare  trended 
■trai^j  to  the  nordiward  and  beoome  eonticnona  with  the  maia- 
bi^  At  the  an:hipelaf[0  it  would  have  been  prolonged  indefi- 
Btelj  to  the  MDtbwMt,  and  there  would  bare  been  nothing  of 
that  Ti^e  bnt  nnmiatakabia  mg^Mion  of  the  gulf  of  Hexloo 
vUili  La  Coia  aannot  tiave  got  fnau  any  other  bouim  than  tha 
intTOTaEeotV 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


74  TES  DZSCOVSBT  OF  AMBBICA. 

had  heard  somethii^  about  Florida,  but  haviug  no 
drawings  to  guide  him,  had  pictured  it  to  himself 
as  a  big  promontory  rather  than  a  peninsula. 

The  striking  suggestion  thus  afforded  by  the  map 
of  La  Cosa  is  confirmed  with  overwhelming  force 
1:^  that  ot  Alberto  Cantino  already  mentioned  in 
TbaOutiDB  connection  with  the  voyages  of  the 
m»f,  low.  brothers  Cortereal.  This  map  was  made 
in  Portugal  by  some  cartographer  unknown,  at  the 
order  of  Alberto  Caotino,  who  carried  it  to  Italy 
in  the  autumn  of  1502,  and  sent  it  to  Eroole 
d'  Este,  Duke  of  Ferrara.  It  had  reached  the 
duke,  or  was  on  its  way  to  him,  November  19, 
1502,  as  we  know  from  Cantiao's  letter  of  that 
date  written  at  Rome.  It  has  been  carefully  pre- 
served, and  since  1868  has  been  accessible  in  the 
Biblioteca  Estense  at  Modena;  but  it  is  only 
within  the  past  ten  years  that  scholars  have  be- 
gun  to  wake  up  to  its  importance. 

The  Cantino  map,^  which  gives  both  Hayti  and 
Cuba,  not  only  represeuts  the  latter  as  an  island, 
tnit  It  terminated  on  the  west  by  a  hypothetical 

SJJ!^*°^  coast,  but  goes  on  to  depict  a  consider- 
"°''*^  able   portion   of   the  coast-line  of   the 

United  States,  including  both  sides  of  the  peninsula 

'  A  iketob  aboiriiqc  the  Mlatire  pontloiu  irtw  giTSti  Aort  on 
pag«  21.  Thi*  aketch  of  the  Florida  oouta  I  IwTe  copied  from 
tbe  f nll->i»d  f acumile  pnbluhed  in  18^31);  M.  BBrrine,Bod  have 
takan  paim  to  reproduce  vith  accuracy  tlie  details  of  the  coaat- 
line.  Off  the  •onthvsMcrD  coaat  the  origiiul  ha*  a  pronp  of  Ulaod* 
which  I  have  omitted  ia  order  to  get  room  for  the  uamei.  One 
eaaoot  do  all  that  one  vonld  like  on  m>  email  a  page.  TheM 
Uandi  may  b*  Men  an  the  other  aketoh  joit  mentioueiL  On  tlM 
origiinal  map  the  ooaite  end  abmptly  jnit  vhera  thej  tonch  m; 
bonier,  at "  Bio  de  1*«  Palnuta  "  and  "  CMta  del  Mar  Vfano. " 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


SKETCH  OF  TH£ 

FLORIDA  COASTS 

raOM  THE 

CANTINO   MAP 

1303 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


76  THE  DJSCOrSBT  OF  AMSBICA. 

<rf  Florida,  and  all  this  is  depicted  as  a  visUed  ooast, 
vitli  sundry  detula  of  bay  and  headland,  upon 
vhich  are  placed  twenty-two  local  names.  A  few 
of  these  names  have  been  distorted  beyond  recog- 
nition by  the  Foitugnese  dianghtsman,  but  iheir 
ori^nal  form  is  unquestionably  Spanish  and  not 
Portuguese.  The  names  furnish  absolute  proof 
tiiat  this  part  of  tbe  map  was  copied  from  a  Span, 
ieh  map '  by  a  person  not  familiar  with  Spanish, 
and  furthermore  that  this  copyist  was  a  Portuguese. 
These  names,  like  fossils  from  an  age  extinct,  are 
Sequent  in  their  silence.  As  I  shall  presently 
show,  they  bad  ceased  to  be  understood  before  the 
rediscovray  of  Florida  by  Ponce  de  Leon  in  1518 ; 
the  continuity  of  tradition  was  broken  off  short. 
All  this  means  that  this  pobtion  of  the  United 
States  COAST  WAS  tisited  and  mapped  bt  Span- 
ish marinerbbefobeNoyehber,  1502,  Aim  THAT 
THE  VOYAGE  IN  WHICH  THIS  WAS  DONE  WAS  NOT 
FOLLOWED  UP. 

It  is  not  only  dear  that  the  Csntino  map  was 
copied  or  compiled  from  an  older  Spanish  map  or 
maps ;  it  is  also  clear  tbat  it  was  not  based  upon 
the  map  of  La  Cosa,  but  upon  some  entirely  dif- 
ferent authority.  For  upon  the  northern  coast  of 
South  America,  where  La  Coaa  has  forty-fire 
names'  and   Cantino  twenty-nine,   only  three  of 

1  The  miilakM  ue  mistakei  of  the  eya,  not  of  Ilia  ur;  thaj 
■tuid  for  mianod  lattan.  not  for  miaheard  aoniida.  M.  Hairiaa*, 
In  bia  vM'k  oo  the  Cortereala,  deinointnt«  that  Do  Portogiiaaa 
Toyagea,  noi  any  recordrd  loyAgB  whatever,  except  that  of  VmpOr 
dna  In  14Q7-9B,  will  Moosnt  for  thia  delmaalioii  of  Florid*  tipoa 
Um  Cantitto  ma^ 

*  ^lay  an  not  all  gifW  in  n  j  ndnoad  aketoh. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUS  IfOVUS.  77 

these  names  agree  on  the  two  nupa.  It  therefore 
appears  that  the  Cantino  map,  vhile  it  represents 
knowledge  gained  at  some  length  of  time  before  the 
aatomn  oi  1502,  also  gives  testimony  that  is  inde- 
pendent, and  not  a  mere  repetition  of  the  testimony 
of  LaCoaa. 

It  is  worth  our  while  here  to  follow  out  a  little 
fmtiier  some  of  the  relations  of  this  map  to  the 
oartographj  of  that  time.    The  original  _ 
from  which  it  was  made  exercised  much  ^'*  ?»&  "" 

.    _  -  »   T        /-I  Tabula  Tim 

more  influence  than  that  of  La  Cosa,   ^'"*'°^ 

'    baton  UOS. 

which  does  not  seem  to  have  been  en- 
graved or  extensively  copied.  In  the  edition  of 
Ptolemy  published  at  Strasburg  in  1513  there  is 
a  remarkable  map,  made  before  1508  ^  by  Martia 
'  "ClisTts  antem  Uarina,  qnam  H^dio^raphiam  Tocant,  per 
Adnuimlem  qaondam  ■enninimi  Portng&LB  [Caatellie?]  regit 
FBTdinaiidi,  ontero*  deniqne  InatntorM  Teruuiniii  pengradam. 
bni  Initrata:  miniiterio  Bensti  dam  vixit,  Dona  pie  mortni  Doaa 
illnstriamnii  Lothartugua  libsriiu  prsIographBtiaiii  tnulita  nt," 
Ha.,  aiiglici,  "  The  sailing  chart,  or  Bydrognpfaj,  aa  it  ia  nailed, 
raatifled  hj  mean*  o(  Tery  exact  naTJgatiana  made  Ity  a  fonuer 
AdniintI  of  tlie  moM  gtaciona  Kii^  Fgrdinand  of  Portngal  [Caa- 
tile  ?],  and  thgnafter  b;  other  exploren,  waa  liberaUj  giren  to  b« 
«ngT*Tsd  bj  the  oare  ct  the  most  iUnstriooa  Bend,  in  hi*  lifetima 
Dnke  of  Ltmaine,  nov  deceaoed,"  eta.  Aveiae,  Martia  Wakm- 
mSOer,  p,  1S3;  cf.  Lelewel,  Giogn^kie  da  Mogen  Age,  tom.  iL 
pp.  157-160;  Homboldt,  Sxamen  critique,  torn.  W.  p.  lOD.  A» 
Rent  died  in  150S,  tlus  ii  perhapa  the  earliest  tngraved  map  now 
extant  ihawiiig  portioDa  of  Amerioa,  though  Che  map  made  by 
Jobann  Rajieh  and  publiohad  in  th«  edition  of  Ptolemy  iinied  at 
Roma,  Aognrt:  13,  1506  (ees  below,  p.  114),  may  hare  been  en- 
grared  •arlier.  The  Waldnemttller  map,  known  by  iti  title 
Taimla  Terra  Nove,  aeema  to  have  been  made  after  an  original 
chart  obtained  from  Portngal  by  T>ukg  Rend  in  1504  (see  Hw- 
liaK,  Biiiiolheca  Americana  VetuMitiima,  p.  108).  The  "  former 
AdnuTsl "  aboTe  mentioned  is  probably  Colunbns,  and  calling 

_    _.      ~  "  Bf  gt  Portngal"  waa  amen  dip  of  tbapen.    It 


78 


THE  maCOYSBY  OF  AXXBICA. 


WaldseemiilleT,  a  geographer  of  whom  we  shall 
have  more  to  say  hereafter.  This  map,  known  aa 
Tabvla  Terre  Nove,  haa  been  a  puzzle  to  scholan, 
but  a  long  step  is  taken  toward  understanding  it 
when  we  learn  that  it  was  made  from  an  original 
chart  which  found  its  way  from  Portugal  into  Lor- 
taine  in  1504,  and  when  we  furthermore  see  that 
this  original  must  have  been  ihe  same  that  was  fol- 
lowed by  Cantiuo's  draughtsman.  This  is  proved 
by  the  identity  in  names,  of  which  ihe  following 
list,  containing  all  the  names  upon  the  Florida 
coasts,  is  sufficiently  atrikinj;;  — 


C.  vlrms. 
0.  do  lureor, 
C.  do  moitlnbo, 
C.  lutMr, 

C.  lis  flm  do  ■twin, 

Biadsiodlico, 

pataRoLxA, 


B^de  lua 


a.  dallnr, 


npa  of  tha  Old  of  ApriL  . 

dogwood? 
rlfBT  of  Don  Dlifo. 
aipfl  of  the  taX. 
JrodpolDtr  I 

1  p.  Bsyia,^  low  poliit  1 1 

'Irtr  cTunidi,  at  illliiitan. 
-  'vntfO,  loDf  lifooi  f 
:ap«of  good  fortoDa. 
C  del  encadrot*  capo  of  mMUD 


bu  often  been  Balled  "Tlie  Admiral'i  Map,"  but  tk«t  phiM* 
ia  nuileadiiiff.  It  npnaents,  aa  the  aditon  laj,  the  ramlla  of 
TDjagei  mad*  b;  Cotmnbus,  "  and  there>fMr  by  other  ezplor- 
enj  "  bnt  it  il  not  likel;  diat  it  emulated  from  Colnmbnt.  It 
lead*  na  mnch  more  dinotl;  bask  to  Veapnoina. 

1  I  am  ludebtnl  for  theaa  t  ----- 

Cortt-Btal,  pp.  SO,  90. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


'J 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MVSDUa  NOVUS.  79 

Of  the  twmity-tvo  lutmes  on  Cantino'B  coasts  of 
Florida,  imieteeQ  are  tlias  repeated  in  the  later 
map.  Originally  Spanish,  these  names  have  on 
the  Portuguese  map  in  a  few  instances  ^^ 
been  deformed  heyond  recognition;  on  2^7?* 
the  Lorraine  map  the  deformity  is  gener-  !^^4^  ^ 
ally  carried  a  little  farther,  as  we  might 
expect.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that,  so  far  as  the 
delineation  of  Florida  is  concerned,  the  two  mape 
are  drawn  from  the  same  source.  Observe  the  con- 
clusions to  which  this  fact  carries  us.  As  the  his- 
tory of  the  Discovery  of  America  has  usually  been 
written,  Florida  was  first  visited  by  Ponce  de  Leon 
on  Easter  Sunday,  1512 ;  and  a  superficial  observer 
might  not  be  surprised  at  seeing  tiie  Florida  coasts 
laid  down  on  a  map  first  published  in  1513 ;  per- 
haps, too,  it  might  not  occur  to  him  that  the  pecul- 
iar names  on  these  coasts  are  not  derived  from  the 
explorations  that  b^an  with  Ponce  de  Leon.  But 
now,  while  on  the  one  Iiand  it  has  lately  been 
proved  that  Ponce  de  Leon  did  not  see  Florida 
until  Easter  Sunday,  1513,'  on  the  other  hand  the 
map  of  the  1513  Ptolemy  was  certainly  made  before 
1508,  and  the  comparison  with  the  Cantino  map 
proves  it  to  have  been  drawn  from  an  original  as 
old  as  1502,  and  probably  older.  It  follows,  there- 
fore, with  the  force  of  absolute  demonstration,  that 
the  coasts  of  Florida  were  explored  and  the  insu- 
larity of  Cuba  detected  before  1502.  There  is  no 
possible  escape  from  this  conclusion. 

>  See  Pswihel,  GachUhtt  da  Ztitaiten  dtr  Entdechmgtn,  p.  621 ; 
Eahl,  in  DoeumtnlaTg  Hittary  of  Maine,  toI.  i.  p.  240;  Wiaaor, 
liarT.  and  Crit.  HitL,  iL  333. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


m        THE  DiacorxBT  or  amebica. 

fint  thia  is  not  the  wbole  story.  Oar  &cts  show 
that  while  Florida  was  visited  at  that  early  date, 

and  while  for  the  moment  the  discoveiy 
■■■P-mi^s     attracted  enough  attention,  among  car- 

tc^raphers  at  least,  to  leave  its  indelible 
impression  upon  more  than  one  map,  nevertheless 
it  soon  ceased  to  occapy  attention  aad  became  for- 
gotten, BO  that  the  names  it  left  behind  became  a 
source  <A  worry  and  confuuoa  for  map-makers. 
Because  Florida  (as  yet  without  a  name)  purported 
to  be  a  piece  of  continent,  and  because  until  after 
1508  most  people  believed  Cuba  to  be  a  piece  of 
continent,  the  old  maps  used  to  miit  them  together 
without  rhyme  or  reason ;  and  the  perplexity  was 
increased  by  the  fact  that  the  true  Cuba  was  often 
called  Isabella.  Sometimes  the  island  appeared 
under  the  latter  designation,  while  the  name  Cuba 
was  placed  upon  the  Florida  peninsula;  sometimes 
the  two  were  fused  into  one,  because  while  geogra- 
phers found  both  ooontries  mentioned  or  drawn 
upon  maps,  they  knew  only  of  the  one  as  being 
actually  visited,  and  hence  tried  to  correct  the  ap- 
parent error.  For  example,  in  Johann  Ruysch's 
map,  1508,  to  the  west  of  Hispaniola  we  see  an 
island  abruptly  cut  off  with  the  scroC  marked  C, 
upon  which  is  the  legend,  "the  ships  of  Ferdinand, 
king  of  Spain,  have  come  as  far  as  here."  ^  Now 
this  might  be  meant  for  Cuba,  and  the  two  ends 
of  the  scroll  nught  be  intended  to  mark  the  two 
farthest  points  reached  by  Columbus  in  1492  and 
1494;  or  it  may  be  meant  for  Florida,  partially 
capsized, — an  accident  not  uncommon  in  early 
1  Sm  below,  p.  U4. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


MUNDUB  NOVUS.  81 

nuqis,  —  and  the  scroll  may  simply  Bhov  what 
Rnysoh  was  able  to  gather  from  the  original  of 
the  Cantiuo  map.  That  the  latter  is  probably  the 
true  ezpIanatioD  is  indicated  by  the  names:  ^  —  at 
the  eastern  point  we  have  C  de  Fundabril,  anH, 
going  thence  to  the  right,  Corveo  (for  Corned) 
and  C.  Elicontii  (for  C.  de  Ikontu) ;  going  to  the 
left,  we  have  Cvlcar  (far  C.  arlear)  and  then 
Lagn  dd  Oro.  This  seems  to  show  what  Buysch 
had  in  mind.  On  the  other  hand,  on  Stobnicza's 
map,  1512,  which  waa  in  part  derived  from  the 
Cantino  source,  we  see  the  islands  of  "Spagnolla" 
and  ''Isabella"  rudely  drawn  in  much  the  same 
ontlinB  as  in  the  Tabtda  Terre  Nbve,  but  the  name 
"Isabella"  has  taken  refuge  upon  the  mainlaud.^ 

These  examples  show  that  the  geographers  of 
that  time  had  more  facts  set  before  them  than  they 
were  able   to  assimilate.     In   some  directions  a 
steady  succession  of  voyages  served  to 
correct  imperfections  in  theory  and  to  nntiiH 
attach  certain  names  permanently  to  cer- 
tain localities.     But  the  facts  relating  to  the  gnlf 
ot  Mexico  and  Florida  remained  indigestible  be- 
eanse  from  fifteen  to  twenty  years  elapsed  before 
the  earliest  voyage  in  those  waters  was  followed 
up  and  the  first  erode  impressions  made  definite. 
The  names  applied  to  those  coasts  soon  sank  into 
oblivion,  and  when  the  actors  in  that  generation 
had  all  passed  from  the  scene,  the  very  memory  of 
the  voyage  itself  was  lost,  the  maps  which  it  in- 

1  TIitM  !a  not  room  enongli  (or  tticni  on  mj  redacied  aketch  trf 

■  Sm  b«low,  p.  176. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


82  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMEBICA. 

spired  slept  itnheeded  in  the  gloom  of  great  librft* 
lies,  the  only  literary  document  describing  it  was 
wrongly  referred  to  a  very  different  voyage,  and  tlie 
illustrious  writer  of  that  document  became  the  tar- 
get for  all  manner  of  ignorant  abuse. 

There  is  little  room  for  doubt  that  the  first  voy- 
age of  VespuciuB  was  made  jnst  as  he  descnbes  it 

in  his  own  sea-faring  dialect.  No  other 
▼jj^Mta  source  is  known  from  which  those  Flor- 
"^  "^5^  ida  eoaate,  depicted  with  their  long-f  or- 
^^^uh     gotten   n^nes   upon    the   Cantino   and 

Waldseemtiller  maps,  can  possibly  have 
come.  We  must  either  admit  that  Americua  Ves- 
pucius  circunmavigated  the  Florida  peninsida  be- 
fore 1502,  or  we  must  invent  some  voy^re,  never 
heard  of  and  never  mentioned  by  anybody,  in  which 
that  thing  was  done;  and  as  the  latter  alternative 
is  not  likely  to  commend  itself  to  sensible  minds, 
we  are  driven  to  the  former.'  But  if  Vespncius 
'  "  Ds  tootes  1m  expedition!  msiitiniai  dn  xr*  ri&cle,  oalle-oi 
[the  first  Tajkg«  of  VeBpnciiu]  attl&uola  qui  cadre  avec  lea  ean- 
flgnratioiia  ^{dafrTaphiqnes  que  ran  re'i^Te  snr  la  c&rt«  de  Cantino." 
Bairiue,  La  Cane-Eent,  p.  107.  In  a  footnote  to  thii  pana^ 
M.  Harrisw  U  strongly  tempted  to  beliave  that  tlie  Portngvese 
map  wbiah  Peter  Martyr  lav  in  Biafaop  Fonaeca'i  office,  "  where- 
Bnto  Amerions  Vespatins  is  sajde  to  bftve  put  hU  liaode,"  was  tlie 
Ter;  prototype  of  the  map  made  in  Lisbon  for  Cantino.  Yet 
M.  Harrine  finds  a  difficolty  in  snppo^ng  that  the  voyage  which 
inspired  the  Cantino  map  was  made  before  1000.  If  it  bad  been, 
he  thinks  the  Florida  coasts  would  have  been  delineated  and 
■tndded  with  names  on  La  Cosa's  map.  Sioce  La  Cosa,  when  he 
tnade  hii  map,  bad  just  been  for  a  year  in  company  witii  Vespa- 
elna,  why  had  not  the  latter  pat  him  in  possession  of  all  tiie  facts 
recorded  npon  the  Cantino  map,  if  he  knew  them  1  To  M.  Har- 
riaae  this  diiBcnIty  seemB  so  formidabls  that  he  is  actnally  dis- 
posed  toinwRt  a  voyage  between  1500  and  1502  in  order  t«  acconnl 
for  the  Cantino  map '    La  CorU-Btal,  p.  161.    To  mj  mind  the 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


MUNDUS  NOVUB.  88 

made  this  voyage  b^ore  November,  1502,  then  he 
must  have  made  it  exactly  vhea  he  says  he  did,  in 
1497-98,  for  we  can  trace  him  through  the  whole 
intervening  period  and  know  that  he  was  all  the 
time  busy  with  other  things. 

To  return,  then,  to  the  beginning,  and  sum  up 
Uie  case,  it  seems  to  me  that  things  must  have  hap- 
pened abont  as  follows :  — 

It  was  in  the  coarse  of  the  year  1494  that  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella  began  to  feel  somewhat  disap- 
pointed at  the  meagre  r&ults  obtained  ^^^  ^^  ^^^ 
by  Columbus.  The  wealth  of  Cathay  ^J|;^^ 
and  Cipango  had  not  been  found,  the  f,^°  "^^ 
colonists,  who  had  expected  to  meet  with  '^- 
pearls  and  gold  growing  on  bushes,  were  sick  and 
angry,  Friar  Boyle  was  preaching  that  the  Admi- 
ral was  a  humbug,  and  the  expensive  work  of  dis- 
covery was  going  on  at  a  snail's  pace.  Meanwhile 
Vicente  Y^ez  Finzon  and  other  bold  spirits  were 
grumbling  at  the  monopoly  granted  to  Columbus 
and  b^^ing  to  be  allowed  to  make  ventures  for 
themselves.  Now  in  this  connection  several  docu- 
ments preserved  in  the  Archives  of  the  Indies  at 
Seville  are  very  significant.  On  the  9th  of  April, 
1495,  the  sovereigns  issued  their  letter  of  creden- 
tials to  Juan  Aguado,  whom  they  were  about  send- 
ing to  Hispaniola   to   inquire    into   the   charges 

diffienlty  da«a  not  exwL  LaCim's  mapaesina  buns  —  mI  tu>v« 
■liaadf  ofasarrsd  —  to  show  yoA  the  knowledgv  vhich  he  nort 
h«T*  gsined  (rom  coDTgnatioD  with  Vespacioi  withont  ■eeing-  a 
ohait  of  the  Florida  ooaat ;  and  laee  Doresaon  whyYeapaoiiuiuiut 
neoaaMrUj  haTa  wrried  >noh  a  chait  with  him  on  a  yo;af^  to  the 
Faarl  Coaat,  or  irh;  he  ihould  hsTa  been  anziona  to  impwt  «11  die 
detail*  of  hia  prof Mikmal  azperieiiM  to  a  bnthn  pilot 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


S4  THE  DISC0VEB7  OF  AMXBICA. 

agjunat  Columbus.'  On  that  veiy  same  day  they 
Bigued  the  ooutract  with  Berardi,  whereby  the  lat- 
ter hound  himself  to  furnish  twelve  vessels,  four  to 
be  ready  at  once,  four  in  June,  and  four  in  Sep- 
tember. On  the  next  day  they  issued  the  decree 
throwing  open  the  navigation  to  the  Indies  and 
granting  to  all  native  Spaniards,  on  certain  pre- 
scribed conditions,  the  privilege  of  making  voyages 
to  the  newly  found  coasts.  On  the  12tb  they  in- 
strooted  Fonseea  to  put  Aguado  in  conuuand  (^  the 
first  four  caravels.^  All  these  acts  were  coherent 
parts  of  a  settled  policy  which  the  sovereigns  were 
then  pursuing.  Under  the  permission  of  April  10, 
says  Gomara,  quite  a  number  of  navigators  sailed, 
some  at  their  own  expense,  others  at  the  expense  of 
tlie  king;  all  hoped  to  acquire  fame  and  wealth, 

'  The  reader  maj  like  to  eee  die  form  of  tiiii  sort  of  Utter, 
which  so  oftoD  cturied  diunay  to  aiploren,  vorthy  uid  uaworthy, 
in  the  New  Worid :  —  "  £1  Rey  4  U  Keina :  Caballerca  y  EeenderiM 
J  otmi  penoDAi  qae  por  DDoatro  nuwdado  eitaia  en  Iwi  Indiai, 
mlli  Toa  enviknica  i  Jama  Agatdo,  aaettro  Repmtero,  el  onal  de 
mteetra  parte  Toe  hal)lari.  Noe  icu  mandamas  que  le  dedei  fe  7 
tlMuria-  De  Madrid  i  nTsve  de  Abril  de  mil  y  ciutnicieDtai  j 
Doventa  y  oinco  alloe.  —  Yo  kl  Ski-  —  To  i-l  Rsatx.  —  Por  man-  • 
dado  del  Rey  d  de  la  Rtina  nnestroe  SeBorea  —  Hbknaicd  Alta- 
axx."   Laa  Casai,  Hltt.  de  tat  Jndias,  torn.  ii.  p.  1 10 ;  ttn^id :  — 

Thb  Knca  akd  thb  Qubeh: 
Cavalien,  Eiqairea,  and  otlier  penons,  who  by  aai  eommaud 
■re  in  the  Indie*,  ve  eeud  yon  thither  Jnan  AgaaAo,  oni  Oentle- 
nan  of  the  Chamber,  who  will  speak  to  yon  on  our  pnrt.     We 
eommand  that  yon  giTB  him  faith  and  ci«dence.     From  Madrid 
the  lunth  of  April,  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  ninety-five. 
I  THE  KiNa ;  I  THB  QcrKBK. 
By  command  of  the  King  and  Queen,  onr  Lords, 

HKRHAXD  AXTAKB. 

Brief  bnt  comprehenuTs  1 

*  Navarrete,  ColteciMt,  torn.  ii.  pp.  1C9-168. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUlfDus  Norua.  86 

but  Bince  for  the  moat  part  tliey  only  succeeded 
in  mining  tliemselTes  with  their  discovering,  their 
voyages  were  fotgotten.^ 

The  delays  in  fitting  oat  saoh  expeditions  were 
apt  to  be  many  and  vexationa.  Of  the  twelve  car- 
avels which  Berardi  was  to  fnmish,  the  first  four 
started  ofi  in  August,  with  Aguado  in 
command.  The  second  squadron  of  BsHdiamid- 
four,  which  was  to  have  been  ready  in 
Jane,  was  not  yet  fuUy  equipped  in  December, 
when  Berardi  died.  Then  Vespuciua,  representing 
the  bonse  of  Berardi,  took  ap  the  work  and  sent 
the  four  caravels  to  sea  February  3,  1496.  They 
were  only  two  days  out  when  a  frightful  storm  over- 
took and  wrecked  them,  though  most  of  the  crews 
were  saved.  ^  The  third  squadron  of  four  caravels 
was,  I  believe,  that  which  finally  sailed  May  10, 

'  "  Entendieiido  qnaii  grandiwimm  tieiTaa  «tsii  Ua  que  Chris- 
torml  Cotim  deaenbrU,  fneroa  mnohoa  i  eontiDnar  el  deaonbri- 
muDto  it  todsB ;  nnos  i  m  oasts,  otna  i  la  del  Reji  J  todm  ptm- 
lando  enriqueocr,  gmai  funa  j  tnediar  eon  loa  Reyea.  Pero 
oomo  loa  maa  deUoa  no  hiiieiDii  rino  deaoubriT  y  ptatana,  no 
qa«dd  memoria  da  todaa,  que  70  aepa,"  etc.  Qomara,  HiMoria 
general  dt  lot  Indiat,  Saiagoaaa,  1553,  fol.  50. 

'  Tbesa  paitionlan  aie  from  mamomida  in  MS.,  •ztraoted  by 
Hoftoi  from  ■oconiit-bookB  in  the  Caaa  da  Contratacion  at  Seville. 
Se«  Irriug'a  Colaixbut,  tal.  lii.  p.  367.  Irring  and  Navarrete  had 
aoeeaa  to  the  dooDmeDta  of  MaSm,  and  NaTurate  (torn.  iii.  p.  31T), 
in  apeakiug  of  a  paytnent  mada  from  tbe  treaaary  on  January  IS, 
1490,  observea  tbat  VeapuciaB  ' '  went  on  attending  to  eTerything 
until  tbeaimadawaa  despatched  from  San  Lncar,"  i,  e.  Febtnary 
8, 1496.  Humboldt  atrangely  interpreted  thia  atatcment  aa  neaii- 
ing  that  Vespaaina  fitted  ont  the  third  aipedition  of  ColnDibna, 
and  waa  thns  kept  in  Spain  till  Hay  30,  149S  {Examen  critique, 
tarn,  IT.  p.  26S).  Tbia  ingeniooa  alibi,  often  qnoted  aa  proTing 
the  impoadbility  of  a  royage  anywhei*  by  Vetpnoina  in  149T,  ia 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


86  THX  OISCOrXBT  OF  AMEBIC  A. 

1497.  While  it  was  getting  ready  Vicente  YaBez 
Pinzon  returned  from  the  Levant,  whither  he  had 
been  sent  on  important  business  by  the  sovereigns 
in  December,  1495.'  Columbus,  who  had  re- 
turned to  Spain  in  Jane,  1496,  protested  against 
what  he  considered  an  invasion  of  hia  monopoly, 
and  on  June  2,  1497,  the  sovereigns  issued  a  de- 
cree which  for  the  moment  was  practically  equiva* 
lent  to  a  revocation  of  the  general  license  accorded 
to  navigators  by  the  decrae  of  April  10,  1495.^ 
Observe  tbat  this  revocation  was  not  issued  until 
after  the  third  squadron  had  sailed !  The  sover- 
eigns were  not  going  to  be  baulked  in  the  little 
scheme  which  they  had  set  on  foot  two  years  be- 
fore, and  for  which  they  had  paid  out,  through 
VespuciuB,  so  many  thousands  of  maravedis.'  So 
the  .expedition  siuted,  with  Pinzon  in  chief  com- 
mand and  Solis  second,  with  Ledesma  for  one  of 
the  pilots,  and  Vespaoios  as  pilot  and  cosmogra- 
pher. 

The  course  taken  and  the  coasts  visited  have 
already  been  sufficiently  indicated.     The  innjlfnll 

'  NavuTste,  torn.  iii.  p.  75. 

»  N»T»n«t«,  torn.  u.  p.  201. 

'  Vmpacini  speaks  of  ths  ozpsilitioii  u  uiliiig'  in  ths  wrrlee  of 
Eing  Ferdinand.  He  does  not  mj  "  their  highnMM*,"  ot  "  Loa 
Reyes,"  the  soveieigTis,  but  mentions  only  the  king,  and  thi* 
agrees  with  Gomora's  eiprearion  abor*  qnotod,  "some  at  tlieir 
own  giprnie,  others  at  the  expense  of  the  king,"  and  also  with 
the  eipressian  of  the  pilot  Ledesma  in  lui  testimony  in  the  Pto- 
baiaiu,  "por  mandnda  de  S.  A."  (NaTarrete,  torn.  iii.  p,  658). 
On  the  other  hand  Pinion,  in  his  tesdmoD;,  says  "  par  nuadado 
de  SS.  AA."  (which  he  vonld  not  have  been  likely  to  say,  by  tlis 
way,  if  he  had  been  ref erring- to  eTenta  of  the  year  1506,  «ft*r  the 
qneen's  death).  On  the  whole  it  teem*  not  nnlikely  that  this  was 
espeeislly  Ferdinand's  Tentnra. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUS  N0VU8.  87 

was  undoubtedly  npou  the  northern  coaat  of  Hon> 
dons,'  points  on  the  coasts  of  Yuca- 
tan  and  Tabasco  were   visited,  then  a  didTaapuoiu 
strught  nm  was  made  to  Tampico,  and  SJiS'ii^ 
thence  the  coast  was  followed  to  some 

'  It  WW  a  very  common  cuBtcm  to  name  uawlj-dkcoreKd 
plsG«a  after  the  saint  upon  whose  day  tfaey  were  discorend. 
When  you  tea  a  sunt'a  name  on  a  cape  or  bay,  it  ia  good  ground 
for  a  presnmption  that  the  name  wu  given  by  some  eiplonr  who 
flr«t  vittted  it  on  that  suut's  day.  When  you  aee  Navidad  it 
generally  meane  Christmae,  bat  not  Dnfreqnsntly  Jane  24,  the 
Natifit;  of  John  the  Baptiet.  When  Heirera  telle  na  that  I^nzoo 
and  Solia  discovered  the  bay  of  Hcmdnrsa  and  named  it "  B^  de 
Navidad,"  it  affords  a  strong  preanmptioD  that  it  waa  discovered 
on  St  John's  day.  The  ships,  aa  ve  have  seen,  probably  started 
Uay  25  from  the  Grand  Canary,  whence  a  mn  of  27  days  wontd 
bring  their  landfall  at  or  near  Cape  Hondoraa  on  Jnne  21.  Three 
more  days  would  enable  them  to  reoogniie  the  water  to  the  west 
of  that  p<nnt  as  a  great  bay.  But  the  primitive  text  of  Veepa- 
oos  says  the  landfall  occurred  after  37  days.  As  the  figure  i* 
given  in  Arabia  nameraU  there  is  a  good  chance  for  error.  Cu- 
riously enough,  the  Ladn  version  of  1507  say*  "  viginti  septem 
via  elapsis  diebua,"  i.  e.  "  after  barely  twenty-seven  days."  Ii 
this  a  mistake,  or  an  emendadou  snggeated  to  the  Latin  transla- 
tor by  some  oatside  sonrce  of  information  ?  The  latter,  I  sne- 
peot  With  the  trade  wind  nearly  dead  aiitem,  and  with  the 
powerful  westward  anrrent  in  tlie  Caribbean  sea,  the  quicker  run 
is  the  more  probable,  and  it  fits  the  name  Navidad.  The  reader  \ 
will  remember  that  this  same  June  24, 141*7,  was  the  date  of  John  , 
Cabot's  landfall  on  the  Dorthesstern  coast  of  Nortli  America.  If  [ 
the  Latin  figure  is  correct,  Veepncios  probably  saw  "  the  conti- 1 
Dent "  two  or  three  days  before  Cabot.  The  qnestion  may  have  ' 
interest  for  readers  fond  of  such  trifles.  It  is  really  of  do  conse- 
quence what  navigator — after  the  genioB  of  Cilumbris  bad 
opened  the  way  —  happened  to  be  the  first  to  see  land  which  we 
have  linoe  come  to  kno'iv  sa  part  of  the  cooat-lioe  of  a  continental 
■yatem  distinot  from  the  Old  World.  Nor  has  the  question  a 
hiatorio  intereet  of  any  sort ;  for,  as  we  shall  see,  conaideratioDS 
of  "priority"  conoecl^  with  this  voyage  of  1497  had  nothing 
whatever  to  do  with  the  naming  of  America. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


88  THE  DISCOVERT  OJF  AMEBICA. 

point  on  tlie  Atlantic  coast  of  the  United  States 
which  may  perhaps  be  detennined  if  any  one  can 
succeed  in  interpreting  the  details  of  the  Cantino 
map.  If  the  Latitudes  on  the  Tabula  Terre  Nom 
vere  given  with  any  approach  to  correctness,  it 
would  be  helpful  in  deciding  this  point;  but  they 
are  hopelessly  wrong.  Though  Vespncius  was  in 
all  probability  the  original  source  of  this  part  of 
the  map,  it  is  impossible  that  he  should  ever  have 
given  such  latitudes.  It  is  pretty  clear  that  the 
data  must  have  been  "amended  "  by  Waldseemuller 
to  suit  some  fancy  of  his  own.  The  Fearl  Coast 
18  not  far  out  of  place,  but  Hispaniola  is  more 
than  five  d^^rees  too  far  north  and  above  the  tropic 
<A  Cancer;  the  tip  of  Florida  comes  in  35°,  which 
is  ten  degrees  too  far  north;  and  for  aught  we  know 
the  error  may  go  on  increasing  to  the  top  of  the 
map.  The  latitude  assigned  to  "C.  del  mar  usi- 
ano"  is  55°,  the  latitude  of  Hopedale  on  the  coast 
of  Labrador!  That  is  of  course  absurd.  But  if 
we  turn  back  to  the  Cantino  sketch  of  Florida  and 
suppose  the  proportiont  of  the  sailing  chart  from 
which  it  was  taken  to  have  been  fairly  preserved, 
we  may  give  a  sort  of  definiteness  to  our  guessing. 
As  a  starting-point,  what  is  the  "River  of  Palms"  ? 
M.  Vamhagen  thinks  it  is  the  Mississippi,^  and 
if  we  were  to  adopt  that  scale  it  would  throw  the 
"Costa  del  mar  vfano"  as  far  north  as  Long 
Island.  But  I  suspect  that  M.  Vamhagen  is  mis- 
taken. This  "River  of  Palms"  may  be  seen  in 
the  same  place  upon  the  Tahvla  Terre  Nove,  and 
farther  to  the  left,  a  little  above  the  30th  parallel, 

1  Tunliageii,  Amcris^  Vapacci,  p.  9S. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


XUJTDUS  NOVUS.  89 

we  see  the  delta-like  mouth  of  a  much  lai^r  rirer, 
which  strongly  au^ests  the  Missiseippi.  Al- 
though it  is  tilted  too  £ftr  to  the  left  and  the  coast- 
line is  incorrectly  drawn,  such  things  are  what  we 
expect  to  find  in  these  old  maps.  It  seems  to  me 
that  this  is  the  Mississippi,  and  that  the  river  of 
t^e  palms  or  palmettos  is  the  Appalachicola,  while 
the  lake  of  the  parrots  may  be  St.  Andrew's  hay 
or  Santa  Rosa  hay.  With  the  scale 
thus  redaced  the  "  Costa  del  mar  v^ano  "  "^tiMOhw 
(which  should  probably  be  "  Cabo  del 
mar  oceano  ")  may  very  probably  represent  Cape 
Hatteras.  If  this  was  the  point  reached  by  Ves- 
pocius,  as  he  says,  in  June,  1498,  we  can  easily 
understand  the  signifiuance  of  the  name  "  Cape  of 
the  end  of  April,"  ^  applied  to  the  extremity  of 
Florida. 

The  reader  must  not  attach  to  these  sug^iestions 
an  importance  which  I  am  far  from  claiming  for 
them.  The  subject  is  a  difficult  one,  and  stuids 
much  is  need  of  further  clues,  which  perhaps  may 
yet  be  found.  The  obBCurity  in  which  this  voyage 
has  BO  long  been  enveloped  is  due  chiefly  to  the 
fact  that  it  was  not  followed  up  till  many  years 
had  elapsed,  and  the  reason  for  this  neg-  yrxj  tM 
lect  impresses  upon  as  forcibly  the  im-  ^^Mi«rai 
possibility  of  understanding  the  history  "'' 
of  the  Discovery  of  Amei^ica  unless  we  bear  in  mind 

■  On  St.  Bernard'B  day,  Anpnst  20,  Vespnciiu  wbb  verj  likcl; 
at  the  B«nnadaa,  and  Mr.  Hnbert  Banoroft  {Central  America, 
jd.  i-  p.  106)  NgKeiti  that  "  the  Bermndaa  ma;  h&ve  been  the 
arebipelago  of  San  Bernardo,  famotu  for  its  Heree  Carib  popnla- 
tiaii,  bnt  gfenerslly  located  ofi  the  gulf  of  Urabi."  This  laeDU 
not  mlikel^. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


90  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

all  the  attendant  circumstances.  One  might  at  first 
sappose  that  a  voyage  which  revealed  some  4,000 
miles  of  the  coast  of  North  America  would  have 
attracted  much  attention  in  Spain  and  have  become 
altogether  too  famous  to  be  soon  forgotten.  Such 
an  ai^ument,  however,  loses  sight  of  the  fact  that 
these  early  voyagers  were  not  trying  to  ''discover 
America."  There  was  nothing  to  astonish  them 
in  the  existence  of  4,000  miles  of  coast-line  on  this 
side  of  the  Atlantic.  To  their  minds  it  was  sim- 
ply the  coast  of  Asia,  about  which  they  knew 
nothing  except  £rom  Marco  Polo,  and  the  natural 
effect  of  snch  a  voyage  as  this  would  be  simply 
to  throw  discredit  upon  that  traveller.  So  long  a 
streteh  of  coast  without  any  great  and  wealthy 
cities  did  not  answer  at  all  to  his  deecriptions. 
It  may  seem  strange  that  Pinzon  and  Solis  did  not 
come  upon  pyramidal  temples  and  other  evidences 
of  semi -civilization  on  the  coast  of  Yucatan,  as 
Hernandez  de  Cordova  did  in  1517 ;  but  any  one 
who  has  sailed  along  coasts  in  various  weathers 
knows  well  how  easy  it  is  for  things  to  escape  no- 
tice at  one  time  which  at  another  time  fairly  jump 
at  your  eyes.  As  wiU  be  shown  in  the  next  chap- 
ter, it  was  such  sights  in  1517,  after  Cuba  had 
been  colonized  by  Spaniards,  that  turned  the  drift 
of  exploration  into  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  Not  hap- 
pening to  catch  sight  of  cuch  things  in  1497,  and 

nowhere  frndine  an  abundance  of  ?old 
cnmniaTeu      or  jewcls  Or  spices,  the  voyagers  did  not 

regard  their  expedition  as  much  of  a  suc- 
cess, and  there  is  no  reason  why  people  in  Spun 
should  have  so  regarded  it.     If  King  Ferdinand 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


11VNDU8  ItOVUS.  91 

made  an  especial  venhire  on  this  occaaion,  he  prob- 
ably took  no  pleasure  in  recollecting  the  fact  or 
having  it  recalled  to  him.  Indeed,  the  tone  of 
Vespucius,  in  this  part  of  his  letter  to  Soderini,  ia 
not  at  all  that  of  a  man  exulting  in  the  conscious- 
ness  of  having  taken  part  in  a  great  discovery. 
He  says  that  they  did  not  find  anything  of  profit 
in  that  country,  except  some  slight  indicationB  of 
gold ;  bnt  he  anggests  that  pwhaps  they  might  have 
done  better  if  they  had  understood  the  limguages 
of  the  natives.  The  general  impreaaion  left  by  the 
letter  is  that  but  for  the  capture  of  as  many  ^ves 
as  they  could  crowd  into  their  four  caravels,  they 
would  have  returned  home  without  much  to  show 
for  their  labours. 

It  is  plain,  then,  thatthe  1497  voyage  of  Pinzon 
and  Solis  was  not  followed  up  for  precisely  the 
same  reason  that  prevented  the  voyages  j^  ,^„  „,„ 
of  the  Cabots  from  being  foUowed  up.  SXST^ 
There  was  no  prospect  of  immediate  "™^ 
profit,  and,  moreover,  public  attention  was  ab- 
sorbed in  another  direction.  All  eyea  were  turned 
to  the  south,  and  for  a  good  reason,  as  I  had  oc- 
caaion to  observe  in  the  preceding  chapter,  in  con- 
nection with  the  declining  reputation  of  Colum- 
bus. In  July,  1499,  Vasco  da  Gama  returned 
to  Lisbon  from  Hindustan,  with  ships  laden  with 
the  riches  of  the  East.  'The  fame  of  this  achieve- 
ment for  the  time  thi^w  Columbus  quite  into  the 
shade.  The  glories  of  Cipango  and  Cathay  seemed 
nnaubstantial,  like  promissory  notes  thrice  re- 
newed, when  Portugal  stepped  blithely  into  the 
fraeground  jingling  the  hard  caah.    Interest  in  the 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


02  THE  DiaCOVSBT  OF  AMBSWA. 

eastern  coast  of  AeU  for  the  momeot  died  away. 
The  great  object  was  to  get  into  the  Indian  ooean, 
and  oome  as  nearly  as  possiUe  to  ihe  rich  oountriea 
visited  by  Gama.  Spain  could  not  go  east  of  die 
papal  meridian ;  she  must  go  to  the  west  and  seek 
the  vaguely  rumonred  strait  of  Malacca,  which  was 
supposed  to  be  somewhere  to  the  south  of  Hon- 
duras. Nothing  more  was  done  in  the  gulf  of 
Mexico  for  twenty  years,  and  the  first  voyage 
made  by  Spaniards  in  those  waters  was  probably 
seldom  talked  of. 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  fourth  voyage 
of  Columbus  was  a  direct  response  to  the  voyage 

of  Gama.  It  was  an  attempt  to  get  from 
fluawt  d  tba  tJie  Atlantic  into  the  Tndiaii  ocean.  If 
of  Vda^dui  the  view  here  taken  of  the  first  voyage 
■""b^ Co-    of  Vespucius  be  correct,  Columbus  must 

have  known  its  results  in  1502,  for  he 
took  with  him  Pedro  Ledesma,  who  had  been  one 
of  the  pilots  in  that  voyage.  Perhaps  the  Admiral 
may  have  selected  him  for  that  very  reason. 
Ledesma  would  naturally  tell  Columbus  that  be 
had  saUed  through  the  passage  between  Cuba  and 
Yucatan,  and  found  a  continental  coast  which  led 
him  ultimately  far  to  the  north  of  the  tropic  of 
Cancer.  Columbus  would  thus  see  that  Cuba, 
though  not  a  part  of  the  continent  as  he  had  sup- 
posed, was  nevertheless  dose  by  it ;  that  a  voyage 
upon  the  coast  of  that  continent  would,  as  he  had 
supposed,  only  lead  him  northward;  and  that  he 
was  not  likely  in  the  latitude  of  Cuba  to  find  a 
channel  westward  through  Asia  into  the  Indian 
ocean.     With  his  general  view  of  the  situation 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MVNDUS  N0VU8.  98 

thus  conflrmed  in  spite  of  the  insularity  of  Caba, 
Columbus  bad  no  motive  for  steering  west;  aad 
ibe  prompt  deciaivenesa  with  which  from  the 
Queen's  Gardens  he  steered  across  open  sea  straight 
for  Cape  Honduras  and  there  turned  eastward  ia 
to  my  mind  a  strong  indication  that  he  was  well 
informed  as  to  what  his  friend  Americus  had  seen 
to  the  west  of  that  cape.  But  for  such  definite  in- 
formadon  would  he  not  have  hugged  the  coast  of 
Cuba?  and  when  he  had  thus  passed  his  "Cape  of 
Good  Hope  "  and  reached  the  end  of  the  island, 
with  no  land  in  sight  before  him  in  any  direction, 
would  not  a  natural  impulse  have  carried  him  west- 
ward into  the  gulf  of  Mexico? 

The  fourth  voyage  of  Columhus  was  not  the  first 
response  made  by  Spain  to  the  voyage  of  Gama. 
The  first  response  was  entrust«d  to  Vi-  ggoooiTOwcB 
cente  YaEez  Finzon,  the  way  having  "'^^"P'"'"- 
been  indicated  by  the  second  voyage  of  Vespncius, 
in  company  with  Ojeda  and  La  Cosa,  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1499.  The  Voyage  of  Ojeda  was  instigated 
by  Bishop  Fonseca,  with  some  intention  of  taking 
out  of  the  hands  of  Columbus  the  further  explora- 
tion of  the  coast  upon  which  valuable  pearls  bad 
been  found.  The  expedition  sailed  May  16, 1499, 
ftom  Cadiz,  ran  down  to  the  Cape  Verde  islands, 
crossed  the  equator,  and  sighted  land  on  the  coast 
of  Brazil  in  latitude  4°  or  5°  S.,  somewhere  near 
Aracati.  Vespucius  gives  a  good  account  of  this 
half-drowned  coast.'     Thence  the  ships  ran  a  few 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


94  TSZ  DISCOVERT  OF  AMEBWA. 

leagues  to  the  southeaat,  probably  to  see  whether 
tlie  shore  neemed  to  be  that  of  an  island  or  a  conti- 
nent. Finding  progress  diffienlt  against  the  equa- 
torial current,  they  turned  about  and  ran  north- 
west as  far  as  Cayenne,  thence  to  Paria,  and  so  on 
to   Maraoaibo  and  to  Cape  de  la  Vela.     From 

i>  bacwue  Ojeda,)!!  hi*  teituDODy  in  the  Pniliaiuaf,  did  DOtallade 
to  any  plBoe  farther  esat  than  Surinam.  But  thii  negative  sri- 
denoe  ia  here  of  miall  raloe.  In  a  •aoond  Tojage,  in  1S02,  Oj*d> 
had  b«apaned  upon  FortngQese  territory,  and  had  been  eentDied 
and  hgaTilj  fined  for  n  doing  (NaTarrete,  tom.  iL  p.  430).  Eri- 
dsnt]f  in  tpving  hii  testimony,  in  1&I3,  Ojeda  thonght  it  pmdant 
to  gire  the  PortngiMM  a  iride  berth,  and  aa  there  irai  no  oeeauou 
for  hia  nying  that  he  had  been  on  the  eoaat  of  Braiil,  he  uid  no- 
thing about  it.  The  account  of  Teapncim  is  clear  and  atnughtfoi- 
ward.  It  ii  true  that  Mr.  Hubert  Bancroft  Mya,  "  hi*  aooonnt  in 
the  different  forma  in  which  it  erist*  is  *o  full  of  blnndera  that  it 
eonid  throw  but  little  li^t  upon  tha  aubjeot"  {CtBiral  America, 
ToL  i.  p.  1 13).  When  Mr.  Bancroft  aaya  (his,  he  of  cnnrae  haa  In 
mind  the  apurioua  latter  pnbliabed  in  1746  by  Bandini,  in  which 
Veapuciua  ii  suppoeed  to  give  to  hia  friend  Loreuio  di  Pier  Fran- 
cesco de'  Hedici  an  account  of  his  tecond  voyage.  The  HS.  of 
thia  latter  which  profaaaee  to  be  an  original,  and  by  which  Ban- 
dini waa  deceived,  ii  at  Florence,  in  the  Biblioteca  Riccardiana, 
MS.  No.  2112.  Neither  the  paper  nor  the  ink  is  older  than  the 
aeventeenth  oentnry,  the  handwriting  is  not  that  of  Veapuaim. 
tha  langnaga  ia  a  very  different  Italian  from  that  which  he  need, 
and  the  pmea  ewarm  with  absurditiea.  (See  Vamhagen'e  pap«r 
in  Btdlain  de  la  todfU  de  gfogri^hie,  avril,  1858.)  Nothing  ei- 
oapt  the  bluDdering  change  at  Lariab  to  Paritu  has  done  so 
mooh  to  bemnddle  the  atory  of  Veapneina  as  this  tetter  which 
•ome  elever  scamp  waa  Und  enoogh  to  write  for  him  after  he 
had  been  more  than  a  hundred  yeara  under  the  sod.  It  ia  onrioui 
Ut  see  the  elaborate  ailments  to  which  Humboldt  was  driven,  in 
hia  Eiaam  eritiqae,  torn,  v.,  beoauM  he  did  not  begin  at  the  be- 
ginning, with  teitnaJ  oritictam  of  sources,  and  so  aeeepted  thb 
e]ditle  la  gtmune.  The  account  of  Ojeda'a  voyage  in  the  third 
vdnme  of  Irviug'e  Columbiu,  from  iti  mixing  the  fint  and  second 
vojagM  of  Veapuciuo,  ia  so  full  of  blnnden  aa  to  be  vone  than 
worthlMs  to  the  general  raader. 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUSDU8  SOWS.  96 

diis  point  Ojeda,  with  part  of  the  little  squiidron, 
went  over  to  Hispaniola,  and  arrivecl  there  on  the 
5th  of  September.  Ojeda's  visit  to  that  ielaitd 
was  made  in  no  friendly  spirit  toward  Columbus, 
but  there  is  good  reason  for  believing  that  the  Ad- 
miral or  some  of  his  people  learned  the  partioulars 
of  Ojeda's  route  across  the  ocean  and  his  landfall. 
Early  in  October  two  caravels  were  sent  from  San 
Domingo  to  Spain,  and  probably  carried  suoh  in> 
formation  as  to  determine  the  rout«  to  be  taken  by 
Finzon.  That  gallant  captain  started  in  Decem- 
ber, and  followed  in  the  track  of  Vespucius  and 
Ojeda,  but  went  a  little  farther  to  the  second  Tojug. 
south,  losing  sight  of  the  pole-star  and  °'  "°*™' 
finally  striking  the  coast  of  Brazil  near  the  site  of 
Femambnco,  in  latitude  8°  S.  Our  accoonta  of 
this  voy^e  ^  u?e  meagre,  and  it  does  not  appear  just 
why  Finzon  turned  northward  from  that  point. 
While  crossing  the  equator  from  south  to  north, 
with  no  land  in  sight,  he  found  the  sea-water  fresh 
enough  to  drink.  Fidl  of  wonder  at  so  strange  a 
thing  he  turned  in  toward  the  coast  and  entered  the 
mouth  of  the  greatest  river  upon  the  earth,  the 
Amazon,  nearly  a  hundred  miles  wide  and  sending 
huge  volumes  of  fresh  water  more  than  a  hundred 
miles  out  into  the  sea.     After  proceeding  as  far  as 

'  Utuiasl  da  Taldorinos,  one  of  the  witDcasea  in  the  Proiannu, 
■■yi  that  he  went  on  thi*  vojrage  with  I^man  the  beoond  (iir(  that 
it  (nuon)  ujtnl  to  malce  dlicoverla  ("la  ■sgnndft  fez  que  fiid  i, 
dAMmbrir,"  Naranete,  torn.  iii.  p.  552).  Tlia  might  mian  tiut 
his  fint  vojuge  wm  Che  one  with  Colnmbiu  id  1492,  bnt  in  accord- 
■noe  with  the  general  mage  of  these  speaken,  the  pfanse  lefen 
to  him  B8  for  the  Mcond  time  in  command,  eo  that  h'u  fltst  voyage 
moat  hare  bwD  that  of  1407-96. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


96  THE  DiaCOVBRY  OF  AMERICA. 

the  Pearl  CoaBt  and  Hispaniola,  and  loBing  two  of 
his  ships  in  a  hurrioane,  Pinzon  returned  to  Spain 
in  September,  1500.  When  he  arriTed  he  found 
that  hia  fellow-townsman  Diego  de  Lepe  had  set 
Bail  just  after  him,  in  January,  with  two  caravels, 
and  had  returned  in  June,  after  having  doubled 
Cape  San  Eoque  and  followed  the  Brazilian  coast 
to  latitude  10°  S.,  or  thereabouts,  far  enough  to 
b^in  to  recognize  its  southwesterly  trend.  ^ 

AfEurs  now  became  curiously  complicated. 
TCing  Emanuel  of  Porti^al  intrusted  to  Pedro  Al- 
varez de  Cabral  tbe  command  of  a  fleet  for  Hin- 
dustan, to  follow  up  the  work  of  Gama 
tiMAUutio  and  establish  a  Portuguese  centre  of 
trade  on  the  Malabar  coast.  This  fleet 
of  thirteen  vessels,  carrying  about  1,200  men,  sailed 
from  Lisbon  March  9,  1500.  After  passing  the ' 
Cape  Verde  islands,  March  22,  for  some  reason 
not  clearly  known,  whether  driven  by  stormy 
weather  or  seeking  to  avoid  the  calms  that  were 
apt  to  be  troublesome  on  the  GKiinea  coast,  Cabral 
took  a  somewhat  more  westerly  course  than  he  real- 
ized, and  on  April  22,  i^ter  a  weary  prc^iess  aver- 
aging less  than  60  miles  per  day,  he  found  himself 
on  the  coast  of  Brazil  not  far  beyond  the  limit 
reached  by  Lepe.     It  was  easy  enough  thus  to 

1  From  June,  1499,  to  April,  1500,  P»ro  Alonao  NiBo  and  Ciis- 
toral  QnsiTa  made  a  Tojag«  to  the  Pearl  Coast  and  acqaired 
imich  irMltb,  bat  M  it  eoDtributed  notiiing  to  the  progrew  of  dia- 
ooreiy  I  have  oat  included  it  in  my  liat. 

The  yyjtgK  of  Rodrigo  de  Baatidaa,  with  La  Coaa  for  pilot, 
tn>m  October,  1500,  to  September,  150'J,  vaa  alao  in  its  main  in- 
tent a  Toyage  for  pearla  and  gfold,  but  it  completed  the  diacovery 
of  the  iMntliani  coait  of  what  we  now  know  to  be  Sontb  America, 
fNm  Cape  da  la  Vela  to  Fnatto  B«Uo  on  tlia  iatbmn*  of  Daiun. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


XUSDUB  SOWS.  9T 

croes  tlie  ooeim  uointeatioiially,  for  in  iiiat  latitude 
the  Brazilian  coast  lies  only  ten  degrees  west  of 
the  meridian  of  the  Cape  Verde  islands,  and  the 
Bouthem  equatorial  current,  unknown  to  Cabral, 
sets  strongly  toward  the  very  spot  whither  he  was 
driven.  Approaching  it  in  snch  a  way  Cabral  felt 
sure  that  this  coast  must  fall  to  the  east  of  the 
papal  meridian.  Accordingly  on  May  day,  at 
Forto  SeguTO  in  latitude  16°  30'  S.,  he  took  foimal 
possession  of  the  country  for  Portugal,  and  sent 
Gaspar  de  Lemos  in  one  of  his  ships  back  to  Lis- 
bon  with  the  news.^  On  May  22  Cabral  weighed 
anchor  and  stood  for  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 
As  the  fleet  passed  that  famous  headland  the  an- 
giy  Genius  of  the  Cape  at  last  wreaked  Lis  ven- 
geance upon  the  audacious  captain  who  had  dared 
-to  reveal  his  secret.  In  a  frightful  typhoon  four 
ships  were  sunk,  and  in  one  of  them  the  gallant 
Bartholomew  Dias  found  a  watery  grave. 

Cabral  called  the  land  he  had  found  Vera  Cmz, 
a  name  which  presently  became  Santa  Cruz;  but 
when  Lemos  arrived  in  Lisbon  with  the  news  he 
had  with  him  some  goi^eons  paroquets,  and 
among  the  earliest  names  on  old  maps  of  t^  Bra- 
zilian coast  we  find  "Land  of  Paroquets"  and 
"land  of  the  Holy  Cross."  The  land  lay  obvi- 
ously so  far  to  the  east  that  Spain  could  not  deny 
that  at  last  there  was  something  for  Portugal  out 

1  See  GuidavD,  Hiitoria  da  provinda  Santa  Cna  a  imlgarmaitt 
damanuM  Braxit,  LUbon,  167H,  eap.  L ;  Riceioli,  Geographia  et 
Bt/dTographia,  Venice,  16T1,  lib.  iiL  cap  22;  Bsiroe,  Aiia,  dec  1. 
lib.  T.  cap.  2  ;  Mmcedo,  NoqBtt  de  Corographia  do  Bmtii,  Rio  de 
JamiKi,  187S ;  Maohado,  Uemana  latre  e  dacobrimatto  do  Bnuil, 
Kd  de  Janeiro,  1866. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


96  THX  DiacovBsr  of  AXXniCA. 

in  ^»  "ocean  aea."  Much  interest  was  felt  at 
Lisbon.  King  Emanuel  began  to  prepare  an  er- 
ThphHib  pedidon  for  exploring  thia  new  coast, 
•S?ria*'S°i^  ftod  wished  to  secure  the  services  of 
^**'-  some  eminent  pilot  and  oosmographer 

ftuniliar  with  the  western  waters.  Overtures  were 
made  to  Americus,  a  fact  which  proves  that  he 
had  already  won  a  high  reputation.  The  over- 
tores  were  accepted,  for  what  reason  we  do  not 
know,  and  soon  after  hia  retom  from  the  voyage 
with  Ojeda,  probably  in  the  autumn  of  1500, 
Americus  passed  from  the  service  of  Spun  into 
that  of  Portugal. 

The  remark  was  made  long  ago  by  Dr.  Robert- 
son, that  if  Columbus  had  never  lived,  and  the 
^^^  chain  of  causes  and  effects  at  work  in- 
jw^jMi*  dependency  of  him  had  remained  un- 
■^"i^oot  changed,  the  discovery  of  America  would 
not  long  have  been  postponed. '  It  would 
have  been  discovered  by  accident  on  April  22, 
1500,  the  day  when  Cabral  first  saw  the  coast  of 
Brazil.  All  other  navigators  to  the  western  shores 
of  the  Atlantic  since  1492  were  aucoeasors  of  Co- 
Iambus;  not  so  Cabral.  In  the  line  of  causal  se- 
quence he  was  the  snocessor  of  Gama  and  Dias,  of 
Lao^arote  and  Gil  Eannes,  and  the  freak  of  wind 
and  wave  that  carried  him  to  Forto  Seguro  had  no 
ctnmeotiiHi  with  the  soientifio  triumph  of  the  great 
Genoese. 

This  adventure  of  Cabral's  had  interesting  con- 
sequences.    It  set  in  motion  the  train  of  events 

'  BoliartMii,  HiOory  of  Amaica,  book  ii.  Hurtue  makM  » 
rfmOv  TOmark  id  tlu  prafaoa  to  hii  Chrittcpht  Colamlk 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


ItUNDUS  N07U8. 


which  ended  after  some  years  in  placing  the  name 
"America"  npon  the  map.  On  May  14,  1501, 
Vespucius,  who  was  evidently  principal  pilot  and 
guiding    spirit   in   this   voyage    under  unknown 


S«0(md,  Thinl,  aikd  Fourth  Vajaffn  of  VaipnaiDi. 
ekies,  set  sail  from  Lisbon  with  three   caravels. 
It  is  not  quite  dear  who  was  chief  captain,  but  M. 
Vamhagen  has  found  reasons  for  believing  ^bai 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


100  THX  DiaCOVEBT  OF  AMBBJCA. 

it  was  a  certftin  Don  Nuso  Manuel.^  The  first 
halt  was  made  on  the  African  coast  at  Cape  Yerde, 
the  first  week  in  June;  and  there  the  explorers 
met   Cabral  on  his  way  back  from   Hindustan. 

Aecording  to  the   letter  attributed  to 

Vespucius  and  published   in  1827  by 
~'  Baldelli,^  the  wealth  stowed   away  in 

Cabral's  ships  was  quite  Btartling.  "He  says  there 
was  an  inunense  quantity  of  cinnamon,  green  and 
diy  ginger,  pepper,  cloves,  nutmegs,  mace,  musk, 
civet,  storax,  benzoin,  porcelain,  cassia,  mastic, 
incense,  myrrh,  red  and  white  sandalwood,  aloes, 
camphor,  amber,"  Indian  hemp  and  cypress,  as 
well  as  opium  and  other  drugs  too  numerous  to 
mention.  "Of  jewels  he  saw  many  diamonds, 
rubies,  and  pearls,  and  one  ruby  of  a  most  beauti- 
ful colour  weighed  seven  carats  and  a  half,  but  he 
did  not  see  all."^  Verily,  he  says,  Grod  has  pros- 
pered King  Emanuel. 

After  leaving  Cape  Verde  the  little  fleet  had  to 
struggle  through  the  belt  of  calms,  amid  a  perpet- 
ual sultry  drizzle  with  fierce  thunder  and  lightning. 

After  sixty-seven  days  of  "the  vilest 
nji««  vopo-  weather  ever  seen  by  man  "  they  reached 
tbaooutof      the  coast  of  Brazil  in  latitude  ab6ut  5° 

S.,  on  the  evening  of  the  16th  of  August, 
the  festival-day  of  San  Roque,  whose  name  was 
accordingly  given  to  the  cape  before  which  they 

'  Vambagen,  NoavdUM  rederehu  mr  Ut  demien  aoyagtM  dtl 

NavigaUvr  Fiortntiii,  Yiamu,  1800,  p.  6. 
'  If  not  itaalf  gsnaine,  it  ii  yerj  likely  bued  on  ^enniiu  UMDi- 

*  Hsjor,  Prince  Henrg  tkt  Naetgator,  p.  412 ;  ■••  du  doon- 
■ant  in  Tanilugni,  Amtrigt  Vt^ptcd,  p.  81. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MuifDua  trorus.  loi 

dropped  anchor.     From  {ihia  point  they  slovly  fol- 
lowed the  coast  to  the  soathward,  stopping  now  and 
then  to  examine  the  country.     In  some  places  the 
inhabitants  were  ferocious  Indians,  who  received 
them  frith  showers  of  arrows,  but  fled  in  terror 
from  firearms.^     In   other  phices  they  found   the 
natives  disposed  to  be  friendly,  but  "wicked  and 
licentious  in   their   manner  of  living, 
more  like  the  style  of  the  Epicureans  withonai- 
than  that  of  the  Stoics.  All  their  women 
are  in  common,  and  they  have  neither  kings  nor 

'  "  Tbeie  were  two  in  Uis  abippA  irlua}i  toke  Tpon  thsm  to 
tare  th«  laade,  and  Uame  whKt  ipyoe*  Bud  othsr  ooramodides 
mlKlit  be  had  tlieinii.  Thay  wen  appornted  to  ntnine  witUn 
ths  apaoe  of  fine  daiM  at  th«  rttarmaat.  Bnt  when  ajrght  dayea 
wen  DOW  paste,  tbay  whicha  ranutyDed  in  the  ahippea  beard  yet 
Bodiing  of  tbeyr  retanie  :  wher  as  in  tlie  meane  time  great  mnl- 
titodai  of  other  people  of  tlie  ■ame  laada  raiortad  to  the  Sea 
■yds,  bnt  Donld  hj  no  maanee  ba  allnred  to  comninnioiaion. 
Yet  at  the  lei^tii  they  bionc'hte  oertuna  women,  which  (hewed 
thanualoae  familier  towarde  the  Spaniardea  [L  a.  Porti^Tieaa]. 
Wbempon  tbay  lant  forth  a  young'  man,  btyng  TUy  atnmg  aod 
qnioke,  at  whom  aa  the  woman  wondered,  and  Mode  gaiiiif;  on 
him  and  f  eling  hii  appanll,  there  cams  aodenynly  a  woman  downa 
from  a  maantayiie,  hringinK  with  her  esoTetely  a  great  stake, 
with  whieh  ihe  gane  him  snob  a  stroke  bebynda  that  be  fell  dead 
<m  the  earth.  Hie  other  womemia  foorthwith  take  hym  by  the 
le^es,  and  dxewe  him  to  the  nunuitayne,  whyle  in  tha  mean 
tynie  tha  man  of  tha  oonntraya  oame  fmrth  with  bowee  and 
arrowea,  and  shot  at  onrs  men.  Bnt  the  [Portn^eae]  dlaeharge- 
ixf  toon  i^eoea  of  ordenannoe  afcayoat  them,  drone  them  to 
flighte.  Hie  women  also  which  bad  slayne  tha  yong;  man,  ent 
hym  in  pieoes  enen  in  the  aijcht  of  tha  [Portn^eae],  shewing 
them  the  piecea,  and  rosting  them  at  a  f^reate  fyre.  The  man 
alao  made  oartayn  token,  wherfay  they  deolarod  that  not  past 
TiiL  daiea  before  they  had  io  lyke  maner  aamed  other  obiiataas 
toen.  Wberfore  ye  [Partngiiese]  haainge  thns  snitaynsd  eo  gia- 
nona  tnliiriea  nrenanged,  departed  with  enS  wyL"  Edan's 
ZVsotiM  i^lit  If  am  India,  Londtm,  156S. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


102  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

temples  nor  idols.  Keither  have  Uiey  commerce  or 
money ;  but  they  hare  strife  smong  them  and  fight 
most  cruelly  and  without  any  order.  They  sJso 
feed  on  human  flesh.  I  saw  one  very  wicked 
wretch  who  boasted,  as  if  it  were  no  small  honour 
to  himself,  that  he  had  eaten  three  hundred  men. 
I  saw  also  a  certain  town,  in  which  I  staid  about 
twenty-seven  days,  where  salted  human  flesh  was 
suspended  from  the  roofs  of  the  bouses,  even  as  we 
suspend  the  flesh  of  the  wUd  boar  from  the  beams 
of  the  kitchen,  after  drying  and  amoldiig  it,  or  as 
we  hang  up  strings  of  sausages.  They  were  aston- 
ished to  hear  t^at  we  did  not  eat  oar  enemies, 
whose  flesh  they  say  is  vety  appetizing,  with 
dunty  flavour  ajid  wondrous  relish."  ^  The  climate 
and  landscape  pleased  Americus  much  better  than 
the  people.  He  marvelled  at  the  temperate  and 
balmy  atmosphere,  the  brilliant  plumage  of  the 
birds,  the  enormous  trees,  and  the  aromatic  herbs, 
endowed  by  fancy  with  such  hygienic  virtues  that 
the  people,  as  he  understood  Uiem  to  say,  lived 
to  be  a  hundred  and  fifty  years  old.  His  thoughts 
were  of  Eden,  like  those  of  Columbus  on  the  Pearl 
Coast.  If  the  terrestrial  paradise  is  anywhere  to 
be  found  on  the  earth,  said  Vespuoius,  it  cannot 
be  far  from  this  region. 

So  much  time  was  given  to  inspecting  the  conn- 
try  and  its  inhabitants  that  the  progress  of  the 
TbeBvotin  B^ps  'ras  slow.  It  was  not  until  All 
■••■^  Saints  day,  the  first  of  November,  that 

they  reached  the  bay  in  latitude  13°  S.,  which  is 
'  Sm  th*  letter  to  Utdid,  in  VwnlugBn,  Awiaigo  Vt^med, 

^l9. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUITDUS  SOVUS.  108 

stall  known  by  tlie  name  which  they  gave  it,  Bahia 
de  Todos  Santos.^  On  New  Year'a  day,  1502, 
tJiey  arrived  at  die  noble  bay  where  fifty-four 
years  later  the  chief  city  of  Brazil  was  founded. 
They  would  seem  to  have  mistaken  it  c,,™,afdi. 
for  the  mouth  of  another  huge  river,  ^^^^ 
like  some  that  had  already  been  seen  in  ^  ""^ 
this  strange  world;  for  they  called  it  Rio  de  Ja- 
neiro (river  of  January).*  Thence  by  February  15 
they  had  passed  Cape  Santa  Maria,  whan  they  left 
the  coast  and  took  a  southeasterly  course  out  into 
the  ocean.  Americas  gives  no  satisfactory  reason 
for  this  change  of  direction;  such  points  were  prob- 
ably reserved  for  his  book.  Perhaps  he  may  have 
looked  into  the  mouth  of  the  river  La  Plata,  which 
is  a  bay  more  than  a  hundred  miles  wide ;  and  the 
sudden  westward  trend  of  the  shore  may  have  led 
him  to  suppose  that  he  had  reached  the  end  of  tlie 
continent.  At  any  rate,  he  was  now  in  longitude 
more  than  twenty  degrees  west  of  the   meridian 

I  The  miaraBdiiig  of  tbii  name,  in  which  the  k  wu  ohangsd  into 
d,  K*T*  liM  to  on*  of  tb*  fuimiwt  ftbaonlitds*  known  to  get^fn- 
phy.  A  Bahia  dt  Todoi  Santoi  beoania  La  Badia  de  Todot  San- 
IM  (LMJn,  Abbeiia  Onntoin  Sanctorum) ;  so  the  Bai/  became  an 
Abbtg,  ■nppoaad  to  eiiit  on  that  faarbannu  ooaat !  !  The  leader 
nwy  we  tbie  panM,  giTen  nr;  diitinatly,  epon  the  Rnjadi  map, 
and  alao  {If  hi*  eyea  aie  aharp)  on  the  Tabula  Tare  Novt. 

Mi.  Winwv  (iVorr.  attd  Crit.  Hiit.,  viiL  373)  attribute*  the  di*- 
oorerj  of  th*  Bahia  de  Todoe  Santo*  to  Chiutorfto  Jaqna*  In 
1S03.  But  that  i*  Impowble,  for  th*  name  oec.u»i  in  that  plaae 
on  die  Caotino  map.  Vespnciiu  arriTed  la  Liibon  September  7, 
IS02 ;  *o  that  I  belieTe  we  can  fix  the  date  of  that  map  at  b»- 
tween  Septambflr  7  and  NoTamhor  19, 1502. 

*  Vamh*^n,p.  110;  the  aame  I*  aometdme*  attributed  to  Mar- 
lino  de  Soma,  1531,  bnt  that  i*  Improbabla.  Sea  Winaor,  Narr. 
aad  Crit.  Bitt.,  nlL  39a 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


104  THE  DISCOrSBT  OF  AMERICA. 

of  Cape  San  Boque,  and  therefore  nnqueatioii- 
ably  out  of  Portugneae  waters.  Clearly  there  was 
no  use  in  going  on  and  discovering  lands  which 
oonld  belong  only  to  Spain.  This  may  acootmt,  I 
think,  for  the  change  of  direction.  New  lands 
revealed  toward  the  soatheast  might  perhaps  come 
on  the  Portuguese  side  of  the  line.  Americus  was 
already  somewhat  farther  south  than  the  Cape  of 
Gtood  Hope,  and  nearer  the  antarctic  pole  than  any 
civilized  man  had  ever  been  before,  except  Bar- 
tholomew Dias.  PoBsibly  be  may  also  have  had 
some  private  notion  of  putting  Ptolemy's  theory  of 
antarctic  land  to  the  teat.  On  the  part  of  officers 
and  crews  there  seems  to  have  been  ready  acqui- 
escence in  the  change  of  course.  It  was  voted  that 
for  the  rest  of  the  voyage  Americus  should  assume 
the  full  responsibility  and  exercise  the  chief  com- 
mand ;  and  so,  after  laying  in  food  and  fresh  water 
enough  to  last  six  montJis,  they  started  for  realms 

The  nights  grew  longer  and  longer  until  by 
April  3  they  covered  fifteen  hours.  On  that  day 
^^^  the  astrolabe  showed  a  southern  lati- 
smttOMTfti,  tude  of  62°,  Before  night  a  frightful 
storm  overtook  our  navigators,  and  after 
four  days  of  scudding  under  hare  poles,  land  hove 
in  sight,  but  no  words  of  welcome  greeted  it.  In 
that  rough  sea  the  danger  on  such  a  coast  was  ap- 
palling, all  the  more  so  because  of  the  io^  and 
sleet.  It  was  the  island  of  South  Georgia,  in  lat- 
itude 54°  S.,  and  about  1,200  miles  east  from  Tierra 
del  Fuego.  Captain  Cook,  who  rediscovered  it  in 
January  (midsuinmer),  1775,  called  it  the  most 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUKDUB  SOrUS.  105 

wietohed  pLtoe  he  had  ever  seen  on  the  globe.  In 
oompariaon  with  this  scarped  and  craggy  island, 
covered  down  to  the  water's  edge  with  glaciers, 
Cook  called  the  savage  wastes  of  Tierra  del  Fti^;o 
balmy  and  hospitable.  Straggling  gusts  lash  tlie 
waves  into  perpetual  fury,  and  at  intervals  in  the 
blinding  snow-fiurries,  alternated  with  fieezing 
rains,  one  catehes  ominous  glimpses  of  tumbling 
ice-floes  and  deadly  ledges  of  rock.  For  a  day  and 
a  night  while  the  Fortugnese  ships  were  driven 
along  within  sight  of  this  dreadful  coast,  the  sail' 
ors,  with  blood  half  frozen  in  their  veins,  prayed 
to  their  patron  saints  and  made  vows  of  pilgrimage. 
As  soon  as  the  three  ships  succeeded  in  exchanging 
signals,  it  was  decided  to  make  for  home.  -^ 
Vespucius  then  headed  straight  N.  N.  Y^;  't*- 
£.,  through  the  huge  ocean,  for  Sierra 
Leone,  and  the  distance  of  more  than  4,000  miles 
was  made  —  with  wonderful  accuracy,  though  Ves- 
pucius says  nothing  about  that  —  in  thirty-three 
days.  At  Sierra  I^eone  one  of  the  caravels,  no 
longer  seaworthy,  was  abandoned  and  burned; 
after  a  fortnight's  rest  ashore,  the  party  went  on 
in  the  other  two  ships  to  the  Azores,  and  thence 
aftev  some  further  delay  to  I^isbon,  where  they 
arrived  on  die  Tth  of  September,  1502. 

When  we  remember  how  only  sixty-seven  years 
before  this  dat«  the  dauntless  Gil  Eaoues  sailed 
into  the  harbour  of  Lisbon  amid  deafen-  ™^^^w. 
ing  plaudits  over  the  proud  news  tliat  Pf^"*^'* 
in  a  coasting  voyage  he  had  passed  be- 
yond Cape  Bojador,  there  is  something  positively 
startling  in  the  progress  that  had  been  achieved. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


106  TEE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

Among  all  the  voyages  made  during  tliat  eventful 
period  there  was  none  that  as  a  feat  of  navigation 
surpassed  this  third  of  Vespncius,  and  there  was 
none,  except  the  first  of  Colnmbus,  that  outranked 
it  in  historic^  importance.  For  it  was  not  only  a 
voyage  into  the  remotest  stretches  of  the  Sea  of 
Darkness,  but  it  was  preeminently  an  incursion 
into  the  antipodal  world  of  the  southern  hemi- 
sphere. Antarctic  cold  was  now  a  matter  of  posi- 
tive experience,  no  less  than  arctic  cold.'  Still 
more  remarkable  was  the  change  in  the  aspect  of 
the  starry  heavens.  Voyages  upon  the  African 
coast  had  indeed  already  familiarized  Portuguese 
sailors  with  the  disappearance  of  the  pole-star  be- 
low the  northern  horizon,  and  some  time  before 
reaching  the  equator  one  could  seejJie  majestic 
Southern  Cross.'  But  in  this  course  from  Lisbon 
to  South  Georgia  Vespuctus  sailed  over  an  arc  of 
93°,  or  more  than  one  fourth  the  circumference  of 
the  globe.     Not  only  the  pole-star,  but  the  Great 

'  Yaapnoiiu  nu^t  well  lisTe  uid,  in  th*  '«<adt  ot  th*  grMt 
SpMtlili  apic :  — 

Gllmu  pttf^i  noudd  «>nit«Ucl<Hwa, 
Oolfo*  lniiT«plilH  uHgudo, 
BttmdlHido,  Bcflor,  roHtn  conw 
Hutali  uutnl  frigldaioaL 

*  In  Ptolem;'!  tima  the  Sonthem  CroM  paaicd  the  meridiaii  of 
Aleiudria  at  an  altitnde  of  6°  M'  above  the  boriion ;  to-daj, 
(nriog  to  die  pTFeenion  of  the  eqainoies,  it  U  3°  below  the  hori- 
nn  in  &aX  pliue.  Su  Hnmboldt,  Examm  eritiqm,  torn.  it.  p. 
S21-  The  sight  of  it  vu  familinr  to  Christian  aneboritea  in 
EfCTpt  in  the  days  of  St.  AthanaiinB.  imd  to  Arab  sailon  in  the 
Red  Sea  in  the  Middla  kgrs,  whence  Dante  may  hare  gai  Ul 
knowledge  of  it.  It  finallT  paised  ont  of  sight  at  Alexandria 
about  JL.  D.  1340.    Cadamosto  obaerred  it  in  1464  from  th«  riTer 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


KUSDUS  yovus.  107 

Bear,  the  Swan,  and  the  larger  part  of  the  oonstel- 
lations  risible  from  Lisbon  sank  out  of  sight; 
Castor  and  Pollux,  Arcturus  and  the  ABinuntiB 
Pleiades,  were  still  visible,  but  in  *"'*• 
strange  places,  while  over  all  the  sl^  ahead  twin- 
kled unknown  stars,  the  Milky  Way  changed  its 
shape,  and  the  mysterious  Coalsacks  seemed  to 
beckon  the  voyager  onward  into  realms  of  eternal 
sleet  and  frost.  Our  Florentine  navigator  was 
powerfully  afFected  by  these  sights.  The  strange 
coast,  too,  which  he  had  proved  to  extend  at  least 
as  far  south  as  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  arrested 
his  attention  in  a  very  different  way  from  the  coasts 
of  Honduras  and  Florida.  In  these  there  was 
nothing  to  startle  one  out  of  the  natural  belief  that 
they  must  be  parts  of  Asia,  but  with  the  Brazilian 
sbwe  it  was  otherwise.  A  coast  of  continental  ex- 
tent, b^inning  so  near  the  meridian  of  the  Cape 
Verde  islands  and  running  southwesterly  to  lati- 
tude SS"  S.  and  perhaps  beyond,  did  not  fit  into 
anybody's  scheme  of  things.  None  of  the  ancient 
ge(^;raphers  had  alluded  to  such  a  coast,  unless  it 
might  be  supposed  to  be  connected  with  vbr  Vn*^ 
the  Taprobane  end  of  Mela's  Antich-  ^'i:^^ 
thones,  or  with  Ptolemy's  Terra  Incog-  ^'"^" 
nita  far  to  the  east  and  southeast  of  Cattigara.  In 
any  case  it  was  land  unknown  to  the  ancients,  and 
Yespucins  was  right  in  saying  that  he  had  beheld 
there  things  by  the  thousand  which  Pliny  had 
never  mentioned.^  It  was  not  strange  that  he 
B  ondo  quod  Flimm 


Ll,a,l,zc.bv  Cookie 


108  TSB  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

should  call  it  a  New  Wobu),  and  in  meetiiig  with 
this  phraae,  on  this  first  occasion  in  which  it  ap- 
pears in  any  document  with  reference  to  any  part 
of  what  we  dow  call  America,  the  reader  must  be 
careful  not  to  clothe  it  with  the  meaning  which  it 
wears  in  oar  modem  eyes.  In  using  the  expres- 
sion "New  World  "  Vespucius  was  Dot  thinking  of 
the  Florida  coast  which  he  had  visited  on  a  former 
voy^e,  nor  of  the  "islands  of  India"  disoorered 
by  Columbus,  nor  even  of  the  Pearl  Coast  which 
he  had  followed  after  the  Admiral  in  exploring. 
The  expression  occurs  in  his  letter  to  I^orenzo  de' 
Medici,  written  from  Lisbon  in  March  or  April, 
1503,  relating  solely  to  this  third  voyage.  The 
letter  begins  as  follows :  — 

"I  have  formerly  written  to  you  at  sufficient 
Bii  iMui  to  leogth '  about  my  return  from  those  new 
^™*™^  countries  which  in  the  ships  and  at  the 
expense  and  command  of  the  most  gracious  King 
aletni  in  piagendi*  illil  deficeiet.  Omnea  arborM  ibl  mnt  odorata : 
at  ungnlfl  ex  ae  giDDmn  tsI  oUun  val  liquorem  allqagm  emittnat. 
Quorum  propriaUlw  ci  nobia  nota  eaunt  non  dubito  quia  hn- 
DULnii  eorporii  aaluli  farent,  A  oerte  u  paiadiaua  tanastiia  in 
aliqoa  ut  tarre  parte,  doo  loop  ab  illia  n^ombai  diatar*  tx- 
iatiino."  Vamhagen,  p.  21.  In  tbia  charming  pava^  tbe  graat 
aulor,  bj  a  ilip  of  tbs  memorj,  got  ana  of  hii  uamei  wrong.  It 
waa  not  ths  acnlptor  Poljoletna,  bnt  tbe  paintai  Polygnotna  tbat 
ha  Tcallj  had  in  mind. 

'  Sevaral  alloaiuni  in  tbe  letter  indicate  that  Yeipncina  bad 
written  to  Lorenio  iood  aftei  bia  retnm,  annonneing  that  fast 
and  proiniaing  to  send  him  bia  jonmal  of  tba  Toy  age.  Ha  waa 
nnable  to  tolfil  thia  piomiaa  becana*  tbe  H-iag  of  Portu^  kept 
the  janroal  and  Veapnoina  fslt  delicaU  about  aaking  bim  for  it. 
At  laat,  in  the  ipriiq;  of  1503,  before  atarting  on  aootber  long 
Toyaga,  om  navigator  inot*  this  brief  letter  to  bia  old  friend, 
giving  him  "joat  the  main  p<rinta,"  thoogh  he  had  not  jet  !»■ 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDU8  NOVTTS.  109 

of  Portugal  we  have  aougbt  and  found.  It  is 
proper  to  call  them  a  new  world." 

Observe  that  it  is  only  the  new  coontries  visited 
on  this  third  voyage,  the  countries  from  Cape  San 
Roqne  southward,  that  Vespucius  thinks  it  proper 
to  c^  a  new  world,  and  here  is  his  reason  for  bo 
calling  them :  — 

"  Since  among  our  ancestors  there  was  no  know- 
ledge of  them,  and  to  all  who  hear  of  the  aSair  it 
is  most  novel.  For  it  transcends  the  ideas  of  the 
ancients ;  since  most  of  them  say  that  beyond  the 
equator  to  the  soul^  there  is  no  continent,  but 
only  the  sea  which  they  called  Atlantic,  and  if  any 
of  them  asserted  the  existence  of  a  continent  there, 
they  found  many  reasons  for  refusing  to  consider 
it  a  habitable  country.  But  this  last  voyage  of 
mine  has  proved  that  this  opinion  of  theirs  was 
erroneous  and  in  eveiy  way  contrary  to  the  facts, 
since  In  those  southern  regions  1  have  found  a  con- 
tinent more  thickly  inhabited  by  peoples  and  ani- 
Dkals  than  onr  Europe,  or  Asia,  or  Africa,  and 
moreover  a  climate  more  temperate  and  agreeable 
than  in  any  other  region  known  to  us ;  as  you  will 
understand  below  when  I  write  yon  briefly  jnst  the 
main  points,  and  [describe]  the  most  remarkable 
things  that  were  seen  or  heard  by  me  in  this  new 
world,  — as  will  appear  below."' 

'  I  (^ve  here  in  panllel  oolamiu  two  of  the  earlisit  texts  of 
tliia  tot;  interesting  aod  important  pnrsgnpb :  — 

Latin  text  of  1501.  Italian  verilen  in  Vtnitiati  dia- 

lect, Victnza,  1507. 
"  Sapariraibtu    diebn*    latiB        "  Li   panati  zami  anai  am> 
ample   tibi    aaripn    de   leditn    plame'te  te   Bcrini  da  la  mia 
nuio   ab    oavia  illii    regionibog     letoraata  da  q.lli  Doni   pfteaa: 
qna*    at    '' et     impaa^    iqiuJi   &    on'  lannata    &   on* 


Uiailizc^bv  Cookie 


110  TBS  DISCOrjSBT  OF  AMBRIOA. 

This  expression  "Koms  MnnduB,"  thus  oonnr- 
ring  in  a  private  letter,  had  a  remarkable  career. 

at   mandsto  iitini   ■erenulinii  lupess    A    ooma'dama'to    i» 

FortagKlJa  Regis  penjuwriinni  q,ato   SennuuiDO   Ba   da  pcv- 

&    inTammiia.      Qnasqaa    aa-  togsllo     hameniD     oercato     A 

Tnm  mandam   sppelve    lioat  letnmsta:   i  q,Ii  noao  moDdo 

Quudo  apod  maioMS  nostroa  ohiaman    ne   aU  lidto  p,  all' 

nolla   da    ipaii    faeiit   habits  ap.uo   da    imaiori  ii,ri    niiiita 

cofiiitdo   A   aadiantibtia  onmi-  de  q.Ui  eatata  banta  copiitdo'e : 

boa  ait  Doniaaima  rea.    £t  enim  A   a   tuti    q,lli   eba    aldint'no 

heo    opinionem   Dastroram   an-  aeia  DouiMime  ooae  :  impaiooha 

dqaotnm  euadit :  earn  Ulonuti  q,Tta   la  oppimooa   da    li  D,ii 

inaior  para  dicat  Tltra  linaam  autiq,  azoede :  eo'cio  aia  aha  d' 

eqtiiiuitiBlein  at  Tenna  Dsiidiam  q,lli  la  maui  p,ta  dica  nltra 

HOD  eaae  oontiiMnten],  aed  tuare  laliDaa  aq.notialfl :    A  nemo  el 

taotnin   qnod    Atlandoum   ya-  meio  lomo  no'  aaaai  oo'tineiita .' 

Mwam  «t   ai  qui  eonun    cob-  Ma  el  mars  aoUou'tv:   alqual 

•an)  saw  temun  habitabilem  ai  qnal  che  ono  de  q.Ue  oo'ti- 
mnltii  tationibna  nag^aTerant.  uente  li  eaaet  ba'uo  afflcmato; 
Sad  bano  eomm  opinioaam  eaae  q.Ua  eaaer  tern  habitabile  pei 
falaam  et  Teritati  onuiiiia  con-  molte  nnona  ba'no  nagatot 
tcafiam,  heo  mea  ultima  nari-  Ma  qneata  ua  oppiniona  aaaei 
gatio  declaraoit,  mmi  in  partibnt  falaa  A  alaaerita  ogni  nado 
mi*  meridiaina  oontinentam  oo'traria:  Qoaata  mia  ultima 
inrenerlm  f mqnentiaribiu  popn-  naoigaliolie  he  deahiamto :  oo' 
lia  A  animalibna  habitatam  do^  oba  in  qnella  parte  mari- 
qnain  uMttmn  Enropam,  aen  dionale  el  oo'tinente  io  habia 
A^am,  Tal  Afrieam,  et  inanpar  TOtrotuto:  da  pin  fmqnenti 
aarem  magla  tempeiMnm  et  popnli  A  a'i'ali  habitata  da  la 
amannin  qaam  in  qnani*  alia  n,ra  Eoiopa :  o  iuito  A^  :  o 
Mgiona  a  twbia  copula ;  proot  oaio  Affrioa :  A  ancora  laen 
inf  erioa  intelligea  ibt  ■aoaiBOte  ^a  temperato  A  ameno :  chs 
tantnm  remm  capita  acribamoa,  in  qoa  banda  altra  ragiona  da 
et  iM  di|p4orea  umota^ooa  et  nni  cognoaoiDte  i  coma  de  aotto 
memori*  qne  a  ma  Tel  tite  vel  inteodeni  :  Doua  bniiainanta 
andite  in  hoc  Dono  mnndo  aiilaraente  de  U  coee  ioapi 
fnera:  vt  infn  patabit."  aorineanio:  A  le  ooaa  pin  degna 

de  aunotodo'a  A  da  nemoria : 
la  qnal  da  mi :  o  nan  uiate :  o 
naro  andite  in  qneato  neno  tD»'> 
do  f  araao :  oomo  da  aotto  aant'- 


Uiailizc^bvCoOglc 


xusbua  NovvB.  Ill 

Earty  in  Jane,  1503,  about  the  time  when  Amtst- 
ieos  was  starting  on  his  foDith  voyage,  j^  ^^^^ 
Lorenzo  died.  By  the  beginning  of  £^^i^ 
1504,  a  Latin  version  of  the  lettar  was  lilj;?^^^ 
printed  and  published,  with  die  title  """^ 
"Mnndua  Novub."  It  is  a  small  quarto  fA  only 
four  leaves,  with  no  indication  of  place  or  date; 
bat  on  the  verso  of  the  last  leaf  we  a'e  informed 
that  **Tbe  interpreter  Giocondo  translated  this 
letter  frcnn  the  Italian  into  the  Latin  language, 
that  aia  who  are  versed  in  the  Latin  may  learn  how 
many  wonderful  things  are  being  discovered  ever; 
day,  and  that  the  temerity  of  those  who  want  to 
probe  the  Heavens  and  their  Majesty,  and  to  know 
more  than  is  allowed  to  know,  be  confounded;  aa 
notwitbatanding  the  long  time  since  the  world  be- 
gan to  exist,  the  vastness  of  the  earth  and  what  it 
contains  is  still  unknown." '  This  rebuke  to  some 
<A  tiie  audacious  speculators  of  the  time  is  quite  in 
the  clerical  vein,  and  we  are  not  surprised  to  learn 
that  "the  interpreter  Giocondo"'  was  a  Domin- 
ican friar.  He  was  Giovanni  Giocondo,  of  Verona, 
the  eminent  mathematician,  the  scholar  who  first 
edited  Vitruvius,  and  himself  an  architect  famoos 
enou^  to  be  intrusted  with  the  building  of  the 
dome  of  St.  Peter's  during  part  of  the  interval 
between  Bramante  and  Michael  Angelo.*     From 

'  For  an  Meoimt  of  thi>  and  tha  othflT  saily  editjoni  of  Jftnxfiit 
Nmm,  sea  Hnnuis,  Bibli<ahtca  Amtrieana  Vttaititiima,  pp.  K- 
88,  ind  Additiant,  pp.  10-21,  26. 

*  "loaBdni  intarpni"  becomai,  in  tha  band*  of  the  TenBtiaa 
tnmlator  of  1607, "  •!  ioMudo  inUrprata,"  angliei  "  the  joauid 
interpntcT  "  1 1 

•,  Bmaitianee  in  Balf,  toI.  ii.  p.  429,  toL  OL  p.  01. 


Diailizc^bvCoOglc 


112  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

1499  to  1S07  Giocondo  was  liviDg  in  Paris,  en- 
gaged ia  building  the  bridge  of  Notre  Dame,  which 
ie  stiU  standing.^  Of  all  the  thousands  who  pass 
oyer  it  from  day  to  day,  how  many  have  ever 
dreamed  of  associating  it  with  the  naming  of  Amer- 
ica? This  Giooondo,  who  is  now  positively  known 
to  have  been  the  one  that  translated  the  letter  of 
Yespucius,^  was  on  terms  of  intimaoy  with  the 
Medici  family  at  Florence  and  also  with  Soderini. 
There  would  be  nothing  strange,  therefore,  in  a 
manuscript  copy  of  a  brief  but  intensely  inter- 
esting letter  finding  its  way  into  bis  hands  from 
this  quarter.  I  can  find  no  indication  that  any 
printed  Italian  text  preceded  this  Latin  version, 
and  am  disposed  to  believe  that  Giocondo  made  it 
directfy  from  a  manuscript  copy  of  the  original 
letter.  The  first  edition  of  Giocondo'e  version  was 
clearly  one  of  those  that  were  published  in  Paris 
late  in  1503  or  early  in  1504.     At  that  time  Yea- 

1  Suit*],  Hitloirt  el  reeherrhti  da  aatijviUi  de  Parii,  ?«!•, 
1724,  torn.  L  p.  230;  llnbaseU,  Lateratura  italiana,  FIotsdm, 
1800,  tom.  Ti.  pp.  128,  203,  1144-iiaO. 

■  Walter  Lad,  ^leadum  Orbit,  Straaburg.  IS07,  fol.  iu.  Thk 
little  tract,  of  only  four  leaTc*  folio,  baa  been  of  prioeleai  Talaa 
in  alaaring  up  roan;  of  the  anjnst  and  absurd  ■■pcnioiu  ai^iut 
Veapucioa.  One  of  the  only  two  copiea  knawn  to  bf  now  id  ax- 
bteuce  vaa  diacoTsrad  in  1862  by  my  old  and  iDach  eatAeiDsd 
friand  Henry  StaTeoa,  who  «aa  the  Gnt  to  point  out  it*  impor- 
tanee.  After  tZTing  in  vain  to  plana  it  in  aome  Amsrioan  librarj, 
iSx.  SteTBDa  choired  it  to  Mr.  Major,  and  it  fonnd  •  plaoe  in  that 
gieataat  of  all  traaBiire-hoiuoi  for  the  matariala  of  American  hia- 
tory,  the  Briti^  Muaenm.  It  ie  ooe  of  the  auM  piedon*  doen- 
menta  in  the  world.  See  SteTena,  Hitiorical  aytd  GtograjAieal 
Nota,  p.  35 1  Aveuui,  Xanin  WaUnn'dUa;  pp.  00-61 ;  HarriaM, 
Biaiotluca  Americana  Vthiili$rima,'Si>.  40.  The  oSur  cop j  k  la 
the  Imperial  library  at  Vieniuu 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


UVtTDVB  IfOVVS.  118 

pacios,  on  die  coast  of  Brazil,  and  Coluntlma,  on 
the  coast  of  Jamaica,  were  alike  contending  against 
the  bufFets  of  adverae  fortune.  People  in  Europe, 
except  the  fewpereons  directly  concerned  with  their 
enterprises,  took  little  heed  of  either  of  these  mari- 
ners. The  learned  Giocondo,  if  interrc^ted  about 
their  doings,  would  probably  have  replied  that 
Columbus  had  arrived  at  the  eastern  coast  of  Asia 
bj  sailing  westward,  and  that  Vespucius  had  dis- 
closed the  existence  of  an  Inhabited  World  in  the 
south  temperate  zone  and  in  a  new  and  untried 
direction.  It  surely  would  not  have  occurred  to 
Giocondo  that  the  latter  achievement  came  into 
competition  with  the  former  or  tended  in  any  way 
to  discredit  it. 

The  little  four-leaved  tract,  "Mundus  ffovus," 
turned  out  to  be  the  great  literary  success  of  the 
day.  M.  Harrisse  has  described  at  least  eleven 
Latin  editions  probably  published  in  ^^  int™-t 
the  course  of  1504,  and  by  1506  not  leas  '•"J?  "'*™- 
than  eight  editions  of  German  versions 
bad  been  issued.  Intense  curiosity  was  aroused 
by  this  announcement  of  the  existence  of  a  popu- 
lous land  beyond  the  equator  and  unekown  (could 
such  a  thing  be  possible?)  to  the  ancients  !  I 
One  of  the  early  Latin  editions  calls  for  especial 
mention,  by  reason  of  its  title  and  its  editor.  In- 
stead of  the  ordinary  "Mundus  Notus"  we  &id, 
as  an  equivalent,  the  significant  title  "De  Ora  Ant- 
arctica," concerning  the  Antarctic  Coast  lately 
discovered  by  the  King  of  Portugal.  This  edition, 
published  at  Strasbui^  in  1505,  was  edited  by 
"Master  Singmaun  Pbilesius,"  a  somewhat  pale 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


114  TBS  mSCOrSBY  OF  AMEBICA. 


TTniTeiulIor  Cagnid 
JohanD  Rnyioh'*  Hap  of  tha  World,  pabluhed  Aogiut 

'  A  nduotioo  of  ■  put  of  the  orifpoal  map,  in  Rar>c)i'«  coui- 
Dal  projeotioD,  nuj  W  Been  In  Winaor,  Narr.  and  Crit.  Bisl., 
it.  8.  As  that  projeotion  would  be  pnnlin^  to  most  readen.  I 
baTe  reduced  it  to  Hcrcntor's.  An  Engliah  tnualation  of  tha 
Taiiam  legends  apon  the  map  is  here  Bnbjoiued  :  — 

A.  "Here  liie  ship's  oompBM  loBea  ita  propeiif,  and  no  Ten«l 
vitb  iron  on  board  ia  able  to  |[«t  awaj." 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDVS  NOVUa. 


I  projection.' 

B.  "  Thta  Uland  whs  entiisly  burnt  in  I45fl."  [See  aboro,  Tol. 
i  p.  24S.] 

C,  "  The  ship*  of  Ferdintuid,  king  of  Spun,  bare  come  as  far 
u  here."      [See  above,  p.  30.] 

D.  "Manio  Polo  aaja  that  1,400  miles  eaitward  from  the 
port  of  Zaiton  then  is  a  very  larjte  island  called  Cipango, 
wboaa  inbabitaiita  aie  IdoUtert,  and  have  tlinr  own  king, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


116  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

uid  slender  jouth  of  two-and-twenty,  vho  is  a 
personage  of  muoh  importance  in  our  narrative. 
He  was  a  young  man  of  remarkable 
promise,  a  native  of  ScUestadt,  a  little 
town  on  the  eastern  slope  of  the  Vosges  mountains 
in  Alsace.  His  name  was  Matthias  Ringmann, 
but  in  accordance  with  the  prevailing  fashion  be 
was  more  commonly  known  by  a  dog-Latin  epithet, 
Fhilesius  Vogesigena,  in  allusion  to  his  birth-place. 

Bol  are  tribntaiy  to  no  one.  Hrae  u  a  g^reat  a^inDiluioa 
of  gfold  and  all  wriH  of  Kama-  Bat  aa  the  idandi  diwnT- 
«i«d  bj  tha  Spaniardi  oooDpy  thia  spot,  we  Lave  not  ven- 
tured to  pUce  thia  isluul  here,  thinking  that  what  the 
Spaniarda  call  Spaf^nola  |  Hiapaniola,  Ilayti  ]  b  the  aame  aa 
Cipao^  Diuw  the  things  vfaiah  an  deacribed  aa  in  Cl- 
pan{^  are  fonod  in  Spagiiola,  besides  the  idolalr;." 

E.  "  Spaniah  uilon  have  ooine  aa  far  as  here,  and  thej  a«U 
thia  cotintr;  a  New  World  becaaae  of  its  magnitude,  for  in 
troth  the;  have  not  aeen  it  all  nor  np  to  the  preaent  titna 
have  thej  gone  beyond  thia  point.  Wherefare  it  ia  here 
left  incomplete,  eapeciallj  aa  we  do  not  know  in  what 
direction  it  goea." 

F,  "  This  region,  which  by  many  people  b  believed  to  be 
anotber  world  {alter  lorarum  orbis),  a  inhabited  at  difter- 
•ut  points  by  men  and  women  who  go  aboat  either  qnite 
naked  or  clad  in  interwovou  twiga  adorned  with  feathen 
of  TarioDB  hues.  Thay  live  for  the  moat  part  in  common, 
with  no  religion,  no  king ;  they  carry  on  wars  among  them- 
aelvea  perpetually  and  devonr  the  fleah  of  human  captives. 
They  enjoy  a  wholesome  climate,  however,  and  live  to  be 
more  than  140  yeara  old.  They  are  seldom  aick,  and  then 
are  oared  merely  by  the  roots  of  herbs.  Th^ie  are  liona 
here,  and  serpents,  and  other  horrid  wild  beaats.  There 
are  moontaina  and  rirera,  and  there  is  the  greatest  aboD- 
dance  of  gold  and  pearls.  The  Portngueae  have  brongfat 
from  here  brazil-wood  and  quaaaia." 

0,  "  Portagoese  marinEra  have  euuuined  thia  part  of  this 
country,  and  have  gone  aa  far  as  the  5(lth  degree  of  sonth 
latitude  wtthont  laaohing  ila  soatheni  eitl«tDity>" 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUVDUS  NOVVS.  117 

He  acquired  an  early  reputation  by  Iiie  graceful 
Latin  verses,  which  sparkled  with  wit  and  could 
sting  if  the  occasion  required  it.  In  1504  Ring- 
mann  was  in  Paris,  studying  at  the  college  of  Car- 
dinal Lemoine,  and  there  he  seems  to  have  become 
acquainted  with  Fra  Giocondo  and  with  the  letter 
of  Vcspuciits,  a  new  edition  of  which  he  presently 
brought  out  at  Strasburg.  Thus  in  its  zigzag 
career  the  Italian  letter  sent  by  its  writer  from 
Lislxm  to  Florence  was  first  turned  into  Latin  and 
printed  at  Paris,  with  its  phrase  "\ew  World" 
lifted  up  from  the  text  and  turned  into  a  catdung 
title,  by  the  friar  Giocondo,  and  thereupon  a  friend 
of  this  accomplished  friar  sent  it  into  Alsace,  and 
into  a  neighbourhood  where  the  affair  was  soon  to 
enter  into  a  new  sti^  of  development. 

We  shall  the  better  understand  that  further  stage 
if  we  pause  to  illustrate,  by  means  of  two  or  three 
early  maps,  just  what  the  phrase  "New  World" 
meant  to  the  men  who  first  used  it.  A  whudMUM 
glance  at  mysketch  of  Martin  Behaim's  fi^J^-'w'S. 
globe  ^  will  assure  the  reader  that  in  the  "•"i""*"' 
old  scheme  of  things  there  was  no  place  for  such  a 
coast  aa  that  which  Americue  bad  lately  explored. 
Snch  a  coast  would  start  to  the  east  of  Beh^m's 
SSOth  meridian,  a  little  below  the  equator,  and 
would  run  at  least  as  far  ssuth  as  the  southern  ex- 
tremity of  Behaim's  island  of  "Candyn."  No- 
body bad  ever  dreamed  of  inhabited  land 
in  such  a  place.  What  could  it  be?  KnUHnui 
What  could  be  said  of  its  relations  to 
Aria?    Two  contrasted  opinions  are  revealed  by 

'  8m  above,  Tol.  L  p.  422. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


118  THE  DISCOVXBT  OP  AMEBWA. 

the  old  maps.  Aa  m  the  days  of  Ptolemy  and 
Mela,  we  agaia  see  a  dry  theory  confronted  by  a 
wet  theory.  Some  supposed  the  "Land  of  the 
Holy  Cross  "  to  be  a  southeasterly  projection  from 
the  vast  continental  mass  of  Asia ;  others  conceiTod 
it  as  an  island  of  quasi -continental  dimensions  lying 
to  the  southeast  of  Asia,  somewhat  in  the  position 
actually  occupied  by  Australia.  This  theoiy  is 
most  vividly  presented  on  tlie  map  of  the  world  by 
RuTMh-inap,  Johann  Ruysch,  in  the  edition  of  Ptol- 
"*■  emy  published  at  Rome  in  1508.     This 

is  the  earliest  published  map  that  shows  any  parts 
of  America,  and  it  is  the  first  snch  map  that  was 
engraved,  except  perhaps  the  Tahvla  Terre  Nave. 
It  exhibits  a  study  of  many  and  various  sources  of 
information,  and  is  a  very  interesting  sketch  of  the 
earth's  surface  as  conceived  at  that  time  by  a  truly 
learned  geographer.  In  the  eastern  half  of  his 
map  Ruysch  is  on  a  pretty  firm  ground  of  know- 
ledge as  far  east  as  the  Ganges.  The  relative 
position  of  S^lam  (Ceylon)  is  indicated  with  a  fair 
approach  to  correctness.  Taprobana  (Ptolemy's 
Ceylon)  has  now  become  a  difEerent  island,  appar- 
ently Sumatra;  and  both  diis  island  and  Malacca 
are  carried  more  than  a  thousand  miles  too  far  to 
the  south,  probably  from  associations  with  Ptol- 
emy's Cattigara  land.  Curiously  enough,  Ceylon 
(Seylan)  reappears  in  latitude  40'=  S.  as  the  very 
tip  end  of  Asia.  Coming  now  to  the  western  baU 
of  the  map,  we  find  Sumatra  reappearing  as  "lava 
Minor,"  and  Java  itself  as  "lava  Major"  vOdly 
out  of  place.  Ciamba  (Cochin  China),  Mangi  and 
Cathay  (southern  and  noithem  China)  are  given, 


^oiizccp,  Google 


MUNDva  jforus.  119 

after  Marco  Polo,  with  tolerable  correctness;  bnt 
Bangala  (Bengsl)  ib  mixed  up  with  tbein  on  the 
coast  of  the  PliBacns  Sinus  (Yellow  Sea).  Oogand 
Magog,  from  the  Catalan  map  of  1376,  are  aepa- 
rated  only  by  a  great  desert  from  Greenland,  which 
is  depicted  with  striking  correctness  in  its  rela- 
tions to  Gunnbjom's  Skerries  (at  B)  and  Iceland,  as 
well  as  to  Terra  Nova  (probably  Labrador)  and  I. 
Baocalauraa  (Newfoundland).  The  voyages  of  the 
Oortereals  are  recognized  in  the  name  C  de  Pot' 
togeei.  In  rather  atartling  proximity  comes  the 
Barbadoes.  The  island  which  terminates  with  tbe 
scroll  C  probably  represents  the  Florida  of  the 
Cantino  map,  with  which  this  of  Buyscb  is  demon- 
strably connected  by  the  droll  blmider  '^Abatia 
oniii  sactorii  "  on  the  Brazilian  coast.  There  is  no 
mistaking  Spagnola  (Hayti),  which  Buysch  is  still 
inclined  (in  legend  D)  to  identify  with  Cipango. 
The  fabulous  Antilia  is  in  the  same  longitude  as 
upon  Behaim's  globe.  If  now,  contrasting  Ruysch 
with  Behaim,  we  observe  the  emergence  of  the 
"Land  of  the  Holy  Cross,  or  New  World"  from 
the  Atlantic  ocean,  in  place  of  the  fabulous  St. 
Brandon's  isle,  we  cannot  fail  to  see  in  a  moment 
what  was  the  most  huge  and  startling  feature  that 
had  been  added  to  the  map  of  the  world  during  the 
interval  between  1492  and  1507.  And  this  emer- 
gence of  laud  from  an  unknown  djsep  was  due 
chiefly  to  the  third  voyage  of  Yespucius,  for  the 
short  extent  of  Pearl  Coast  explored  by  Columbus 
in  1498  was  not  enough  to  impress  men's  minds 
with  the  idea  of  a  great  continent  detached  from 
Asia. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


120  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

So  far  a3"Muiidus  Novus"i8  concerned,  I  have 
called  Rnysch's  map  an  exponen^j  of  the  wet  or 

oceanic  theory.  In  its  northern  portion, 
■lobe,  dr.        however,  where  Greenlaad  and  lAbra- 

dor  are  joined  to  China,  we  have  the 
continental  or  dry  Btyle  of  theorizing,  very  much 


WeBtern  half  of  the  Lbdox  globe,  dr.  IGia 

after  the  fashion  of  Claudius  Ptolemy.  For  an 
extreme  illustration  of  the  oceanic  style  of  in- 
terpretation we  must  look  to  the  Lenox  glol>e, 
which  was  discovered  in  Paris  about  forty  yeara 
ago,  and  afterward  found  its  way  into  the  library 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUITDUS  NOVUS.  121 

of  Mr.  James  Lenox,  of  New  York.  This  is  a 
oopper  globe,  about  five  inches  in  diameter,  made 
in  two  sections  which  accurately  fit  together,  mat- 
ing a  spherical  box;  the  line  of  junction  forms  tlie 
equator.  The  maker's  name  is  unknown,  but  it  is 
generally  ^reed  that  it  must  have  been  made  in 
1510  or  early  in  1511.'  It  is  one  of  the  earliest 
records  of  a  reaction  against  the  theory  that  it 
would  be  possible  to  walk  westwu^  from  Cuba  to 
Spain  dry-shod.  Here  the  new  discoveries  are  all 
placed  in  the  ocean  at  a  good  distance  from  the 
continent  of  Asia,  and  all  except  South  America 
are  islands.  The  land  discovered  by  the  Cabots 
appears,  without  a  name,  just  below  the  Arctic  cir- 
cle, with  a  small  vessel  approaching  it  on  the  east. 
Just  above  the  fortieth  parallel  a  big  aea  monster  is 
sturdily  ewinuning  toward  Portugal.  The  sixtieth 
meridian  west  from  Lisbon  cuts  through  Isabel 
(Cuba)  and  Hayti,  which  are  placed  too  far  north, 
ae  on  most  of  the  early  maps.  If  we  compare  the 
position  of  these  islands  here  with  the  imaginary 
Antilia  on  Ruysch's  map,  we  shall  have  no  diffi- 
culty in  imderstanding  how  they  came  to  be  called 
Antilles.  A  voy^;e  of  about  1,000  miles  westward, 
from  Isabel,  on  this  Lenox  globe,  brings  us  to  Zi- 
pangri  (Japan),  which  occupies  the  position  actually 
belonging  to  Lower  California.  Immediately 
southeast  of  Japan  bepns  a  vast  island  or  quasi- 
continent,  with  the  name  "Terra  do  Brazil "  at  its 
nordiwestem  extremity.    The  general  name  of  this 

'  Therc  ia  a  deacripUon  of  the  Lenox  globe  by  Dr.  De  Costa, 
in  Xagaana  qf  American  Hiiiori/,  September,  1679,  toL  iii  pp. 
SS»-HO. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


122  THE  DISCOVEST  OF  AUEBICA. 

wliole  portion  of  the  earth  is  "Mundus  Notus  "  or 
"Terra  Sanctse  CrucU."  The  purely  hypothetical 
oharftcter  of  the  western  coast-line  Lb  confessed  by 
the  dots.  The  maker  knew  nothing  of  the  exist- 
ence of  the  Pacific  ocean  and  nothing  of  South 
America  except  the  northern  and  eastern  coasts; 
be  had  no  means  of  proving  that  it  did  not  extend 
as  solid  laud  all  the  way  to  Asia;  but  his  general 
adherence  to  the  wet  theory,  i.  e.  his  general  dis- 
position to  imagine  water  rather  than  land  in  the 
unknown  regions,  led  him  to  give  it  a  western 
boundary.  He  would  probably  have  called  it  a 
vast  island  in  the  Atlantic  ocean.  Observe  that 
the  eastern  coast  seems  to  be  known  as  far  as  lati- 
tude 50°  S.  and  beyond,  and  a  notable  eastward 
twist  at  the  extremity  seems  intended  to  include 
the  ice-bound  coast  where  Vespucius  turned  badi 
in  1502. 

The  Buyech  map  and  the  Lenox  globe  illustrate 
sufficiently  the  various  views  of  those  who  were  in- 
clined to  imagine  the  region  we  caJl  South  America 
as  separated  from  Asia  by  water.  In  the  globe 
we  have  an  extreme  instance  of  oceanic  theory,  in 
Ruysch  a  kind  of  compromise.  Now  for  an  in- 
stance  of  the  opposite  or  continental  theory  we 
cannot  do  better  than  cite  a  very  remarkable  globe, 
made,  indeed,  a  quarter  of  a  century  later  than 
Ringmann's  edition  of  the  "Mundus  Novus,"  but 
retaining  the  earlier  views  in  spite  of  more  recent 

discoveries.      This  globe  was  made  in 
orontiiKi  n-     1531,  by  Oronce  Fine,  better  known  as 

Orontius  FinieuB,  a  native  of  Dauphiny, 
professor  of  mathematioB  in  the  College  Boyal  de 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


134  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

Ftsace.  In  liis  mathematics  Orontiue,  thougli 
oleTer,  was  decidedly  unsound;  ^  but  his  knowledge 
of  get^jraphy  was  extensive  and  minute.  One 
of  the  chief  points  of  interest  in  his  globe  is  Qie 
conservatism  with  which  it  presents  a  geographical 
theory  derived  from  Ptolemy  and  dovetails  into  it 
the  new  discoveries.^  This  makes  it  excellent  tes- 
timony to  the  views  of  the  continentalists,  if  I  may 
so  call  them,  in  the  time  of  Huysch's  map  and  the 
Lenox  globe.  The  reader  must  bear  in  mind  that 
before  Orontins  made  his  globe,  Mexico  had  been 
discovered  and  conquered,  the  Pacific  ocean  bad 
been  discovered  and  crossed,  the  Peruvian  coast 
had  been  explored  as  far  as  latitude  10°  S.,  the 
North  American  coast  had  been  followed  from 
Labrador  to  Fh>rida,  and  Portuguese  sailors  had 
found  their  way  around  Malacca  to  the  coast  of 
China.  Yet  so  far  was  Orontius  from  assimilat- 
ing the  unwieldy  mass  of  facts  so  rapidly  thrust 
before  the  mind,  that  we  find  him  unable  to  sur- 
render the  preconceived  theory  —  common  to  him 
with  many  other  gec^raphers  —  which  made  what 
we  call  South  America  a  huge  peninsula  jutting 

'  He  believed  Uut  he  bad  discorered  hoir  to  vqiuve  tbe  drole 
■nd  trisect  Bugles,  "  c«  qni  est  tm  pen  scandalenx  de  la  part 
tfim  profeaaeni'  da  Call^^  Rojal  de  Fiaoce,"  saja  Delunbre, 
Attroaoviit  du  Mogen  Agt,  p.  400. 

*  A  danble-hMrted  map  representing  this  globe,  vith  north- 
ern and  sonthem  hemispheres  e»;b  od  a  polar  projedioD,  was 
pnbliahed  in  Orjnffiiu,  Novas  Orbit,  Paris,  1531.  It  is  repiodnced 
by  Henry  SteveiiB,  in  bis  Hiitorical  and  Gtogn^hxcal  Notei,  Lon- 
don, 1B69.  SteTena  also  giTes  u  redaction  of  it  to  Meraator's 
projection,  afler  which  I  have  made  my  simplified  eket4sfa.  For 
the  uke  of  cloanieis  I  have  omitted  many  details  which  bare 
nothing  whatsTor  to  do  with  the  purpose  for  which  it  is  here 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ItUNDUB  mOVVB.  126 

out  sontlieastetly  from  Asia.  This,  I  say,  was  the 
dry  or  Ptolemruo  way  of  conceiving  the  position 
of  "Mundua  Novua,"  aa  Ruysch's  was  the  wet  or 
Mela-like  way  of  conceiving  it. 

Starting  now  from  the  prime  meridian  and  from 
the  top  of  the  map,  we  may  observe  that  Orontins 
has  a  fairly  good  idea  of   the  relations  betwe^i 
Oreenland    and    Baccalar    (Labrador-Newfound- 
land).   Florida  tmd  the  northern  part  of  the  gulf 
of  Mexico  are  quite  well  depicted.     Observe  the 
positions  of  the  Rio  de  Santo  Espiritn  (the  Missis- 
sipjn),  the  R.  Panuco,  and  the  Rio  de  Alvarado,  as 
well  as  of  Temisteta  (the  city  of  Mexico) ;  they  are 
^T«n  with  a  fair  approach  to   oorrectnesB.     But 
observe  also  that  these  places  are  supposed  to  be  in' 
China,  and  there  is  Cambaluo  (Peking)  about  1,000 
miles  distant  from  the  city  of  Mexico,  slightly  to 
west  of  northl    Aa  for  Farias  (i.  e.  Lariab),  which 
the  early  maps  sometimes  correctly  place  by  the 
river  Panuco,   but  which  is  oftener  confounded 
with  Paria  and  placed  near  the  island  of  Grenada, 
the  worthy  Orontius  makes  a  compromise,  and  it 
stands  here  for  what  we  call   Central   America. 
And  now  we  come  to  the  most  instructive  feature 
of  the  map.     The  Mexican  peninsula  being  rep- 
resented aa  part  of  Asia,  the  "Mundus 
Novus,"  here  called  America,  is  repre-  cmu^ 
sent«d  aa  a  further  offshoot  from  Asia,   ''^reriis" 
But  this  is  not  all.     In  the  theory  of  t^*^rti>f 
Orontins  America  is  evidently  a  part  of  t  m'li^coc- 
the  Terra  Incognita  by  which  Ptolemy  Kucbem 
imagined  Asia  to  be  joined  to  Africa, 
enclosing  the  Indian  ocean.     This   is   proved  by 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


126  THE  DISCOVEST  OF  AMERICA. 

the  position  of  the  name  CATnoABA,  which  occurs 
in  the  same  latitude  at  the  eastermnoBt  verge  of 
Ptolemy's  world;  and  it  is  further  illustrated  by 
the  bits  of  antarctic  continent  labelled  "Hegio 
Fatalia"  and  "Brazielie  Begio"  (I)  peeping  up 
from  the  lower  border.  The  "Mare  Magellani- 
cnm,"  or  Pacific  ocean,  was  to  the  mind  of  Oron- 
tius  only  a  huge  gulf  in  a  landlocked  Indian  ocean  I 
This  notion  of  an  antarctic  continent  coming  well 
up  into  the  southern  temperate  zone  may  be  seen 
upon  many  maps,  and  it  survived  into  the  seven- 
teenth century.^  It  was  probably  a  reminiscence 
of  both  Ptolemy  and  Mela,  of  Ptolemy's  Terra 
Incognita  and  Mela's  Antichthon  or  Opposite- 
Eaiih.  Mela's  idea  that  Taprobane,  or  some  such 
point  eastward  in  Asia,  formed  an  entrance  to  this 
antipodal  world  '  was  very  nearly  in  harmony  with 
the  suggestion,  upon  Ptolemy's  map,  thnt  one  might 
go  thither  from  Cattigara.^  In  this  southern 
world,  according  to  Mela's  doctrine  of  the  zones, 
the  course  of  things  was  quite  contrary  to  that  with 
which  we  are  familiar.     Shadows  fell  to  the  south, 

>  See  lot  example  the  mep*  of  Agnete,  1536,  uid  Gaitaldi, 
154g,  below,  pp.  496,  497.  On  the  great  inSnence  otPtolsmyuid 
Mela  in  the  uzteeuth  cectarj,  there  are  aome  Kood  ramarlu  in 
HiomH^,  La  Papti  g/ographtM  et  la  cartngraphie  da  Vatuxiti. 

p>rit,iesa. 

'  See  above,  toI.  i.  p.  30S. 

*  OroDtins  irae  not  alone  in  identif  jing  the  New  Wiwld  with 
PtoUinj'B  Cattigsra  land.  The  name  recim  upon  old  mapa,  as 
e.  g.  the  French  mappemonde  of  about  1540,  now  in  the  Britiah 
MDHnm.  It  ia  grven  in  Winaor,  yarr.  and  Crit.  Bill.,  nil.  SSft 
In  thia  map,  made  after  the  disooTerj  of  Pera  had  had  time  to 
take  effect,  the  uiine  Cattigara  ia  aimpl;  pnahed  •onthward  ints 
ChDiwi  tanitor;. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ifunDus  Norus,  127 

it  was  summer  in  December  and  winter  in  June, 
and  the  cold  increased  as  you  went  usu'i  utipo- 
southward.  Mela  had  even  heard  that  ''*'  """*" 
somewhere  out  in  "India,"  on  the  way  toward  this 
mysterious  region,  the  Greater  and  Lesser  Bears 
disappeared  from  the  sky.'  In  the  Middle  Ages 
there  was  more  or  less  discussion  as  to  the  possible 
existence  of  such  an  antipodal  world  as  Mela  had 
described ;  and  among  the  clergy  there  was  a 
strong  disposition  to  condemn  the  theory  on  the 
ground  that  it  implied  the  existence  of  a  race  of 
men  cnt  off  (by  an  impassable  torrid  zone)  from  the 
preaching  of  the  gospel.  The  notion  of  this  fiery 
zone  was  irretrievably  damaged  when  the  Portu- 
guese circumnavigated  Africa;  it  was  finally  de- 
molished by  the  third  voyage  of  Vespucius.  Many 
things  seen  upon  that  voyage  must  have  recalled 
Mela's  antipodal  world  with  startling  vividness. 
It  is  true  that  the  characteristics  of  the  southern 
temperate  zone  had  been  to  some  extent  observed 
in  Africa.  But  to  encounter  them  in  a  still  greater 
d^p-ee  and  in  the  western  ocean  on  the  way  to 
Asia,  upon  the  coast  of  a  vast  country  which  no 
one  could  call  by  name,  was  quite  another  affair. 
That  it  did  not  fail  to  suggest  Ptolemy's  Terra  In- 
cognita is  proved  by  the  position  of  Cattigara  and 
die  general  conception  of  the  Indian  ocean  upon 
the  globe  of  Orontius;  and  for  those  who  pre- 
ferred Mela's  wet  theory  it  was  fair  to  suppose 

'  Dt  Situ  Ortit,  lib.  iii.  cap.  7  ;  probably  a  misniMlarBtandinB  of 
the  rary  diffennC  statemeDt  reported  by  Stnbo  (it  1,  |  IB),  that 
in  the  aonthem  part  of  India  the  Greater  and  Lener  Beare  are 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


128  THE^DISCOVSRY  OF  AMEBICA. 

that  the  "  Mnndus  Novns  "  as  given  upon  Buysch's 
map  vas  the  entrance  to  that  get^rapher's  antipo- 
dal world.  From  a  passage  interpolated  in  the 
Latin  text  of  the  Nurembei^  Chronicle  (1493)  we 
learn  that  this  supposed  antipodal  world  in  the 
HwuMRiw-  southern  hemisphere  was  sometimes 
"glllinll'**  called  "Quarta  Pars."'  Europe,  Asia, 
and  Africa  were  the  three  parts  of  the 
earth,  and  so  this  oppoBite  region,  hitherto  un- 
known, but  mentioned  by  Mela  and  indicated  by 
Ptolemy,  was  the  Fourth  Part.  We  can  now 
b^in  to  understand  the  intense  and  wildly  absorb- 
ing interest  with  which  people  read  the  brief  story 
of  the  third  Toy^e  of  Vespnciua,^  and  we  can  see 

'  "  Exfark  trei  ptea  wb :  {^rtt  S  pa  tritoocMuitl  ttariora  T  meridie 
4  vd'  uderib*  nob'  lneogrniU  I :  I  cai'  fli]ib>  antipodes  f  abuloaa 
bftbitara  dicmitiii."     Uarrine,   BxUioihtca  Avuricana  Vetuttit- 

^  When  we  ramamber  hov  macb  theological  discnmioii  there 
had  been  with  regard  to  an  antipodal  votld  beyond  the  eqaator, 
we  G«ii  appreciate  the  Btartling  effect  of  the  eiinple  right-aDgled 
triangle  with  which  America!  illnatrated  the  atatement  that  he 
had  aailed  OTer  an  an  of  90°  from  Lisbon  to  a  point  where  the 
imith  eormtponded  to  Liabon'i  haHzon:  —  "  Igitnr  ut  diii  ah 
Oljsippo,  nude  digiBgoi  lamiu,  qnod  ab  linea  equinaetiaii  diatat 
gradibiu  trigintaoonem  umia  naaigafimni  vltta  liaeani  eqniuoO' 
tialem  per  qoinqiuginta  gradns  qai  iinial  jnncti  efficiont  gnidiu 
oinjitvr  nonaginta,  qne  aamma  earn  qnartam  partem  obteniat 
nunmi  eiroali,  leauBdnm  verani  menanre  rationem  ab  antiqaia 
nabia  traditam,  manifeatnm  t«C  noe  nauigaaae  qoartam  mundi 
partem.  Et  ban  istione  no*  Olyaippnm  habitantea  citm  lineam 
•qninootialem  gradn  trif^eaimo  nono  semis  in  ladtadine  eeptentrio- 
nali  inmiu  ad  illua  qni  gnAa  qiiing«nt«nnio  habitant  Tltra  eandflm 
lineam  in  roeridionali  latitodine  anffolariter  fcradoa  qninqoe  in 
linea  tmuneraali:  et  vt  olarina  intallig«s:  Perpendicataria  linea 
qne  dam  recti  stamns  a  pancto  oeli  immioente  vertici  noetro 
dapendet  in  caput  noatnun  :  illia  dependet  in  datna  [nad  latna] 
Tel  is  ooetaa.     Quo  fit  rt  noe  aimna  in  linea  reoU:  ipai  vaio  in 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUSDU8  IfOrUB. 


129 


that  in  the  nature  of  that  interest  there  was  nothii^ 
calculated  ta  bring  it  into  compariaon  with  the 
work  of  Columbus.  The  two  navigators  were  not 
regarded  as  rivals  in  doing  the  same  thing,  but  as 
men  who  had  done  two  verj  different  things;  and 
to  give  credit  to  the  one  was  by  no  means  equiva- 
lent to  withholding  credit  from  the  other. 

The  last  point  which  we  are  called  apon  to  ob- 
serve in  the  Orontius  globe  is  the  oocnrrence  of  the 
name  Amebica  in  place  of  the  MuTidua  Bosawin 
Noma   of    the   Kuysch   map  and    tlie  ^^S" 
Lenox  globe.     Thus  in  about  a  quarter  ^"""^ 
of  a  century  the  first  stage  in  the  development 
of  the  naming  of  America  had  been  completed. 
That  stage  consisted   of  five   distinct   steps:     1.  \ 
Americus  called  the  regions  visited  by  him  beyond  / 

IiMft  tnimena,  et  spepias  Bat  trUngnli  ortbogoni,  cajns  vioam 
lime  Mnamni  mthete  ipn  aatam  buia  ot  bipotcnim  a  nortro 
md  illoram  prctmditiiT  Tcrdoun :    Tt  in  Bgvi*  pM«t. 


Jf»KJM   ffovM,  1504,  ftpnd  Vu-dlugvn,  p.  24.    Tba 
TsnioD  introdoeai  the  ftbora  pvagraph  with  tlie  heading, 
"  Forms  dels  qouto  parte  da  la  tMm 


^lailizc.bvGoOglc 


180  THE  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

the  equator  a  "  new  world  "  because  they  were  un- 
known to  the  ancients;  2.  Giocondo  made  this 
striking  phrase  Mundva  Novus  into  a  title  for  his 
translation  of  the  letter,  which  he  published  at 
Paris  while  the  writer  was  absent  from  Europe 
and  probably  without  his  knowledge;'  S.  the 
name  Muudus  Novus  got  placed  upon  several  maps 
aa  an  equivalent  for  Terra  Sanctis  CruciB,  or  what 
we  call  Brazil;  4.  the  an^;eBtion  was  made  that 
Mnndua  Novus  was  the  Fourth  Part  of  the  earth, 
and  might  properly  be  named  America,  after  its 
discoverer;  5.  the  name  America  thus  got  placed 
upon  several  maps  as  an  equivalent  for  what  we 
call  Brazil,  and  sometimes  came  to  stand  alone  as 
an  equivalent  for  what  we  call  South  America, 
but  still  signified  onlt  a  past  op  the  dbt  land 

,'  BETOND  THE  ATLANTIC  TO  WHICH  COLUHBtJS  HAD 

<  LED  THE  WAT.  We  have  described  the  first  three 
of  these  steps,  and  it  is  now  time  to  say  something 
about  the  fourth  and  fifth. 

Ben^  H.,  de  Vaudemont,  reigning  Duke  of  Lor- 
nune,  and  titular  King  of  Sicily  and  Jerusalem  — 
the  "blue-eyed  gentle  Ben^"  who  with  the  aid  of 
stout  Swiss  halberds  overthrew  Charles  the  Bold 
Bm>*  n.  rt  ^t  Nancy  in  1477  —  was  an  enthusiastic 
^"'"'^  patron  of  literature  and  the  arts,  and  at 
bis  little  town  of  Saint-D!€,  nestUng  in  one  of 
those  quiet  valleys  in  the  Vosges  mountsins  which 
the  beautiful  tales  of  Ercknuum-Chatrian  have  in- 

*  Sinoa  Veapnciiu  vm  ao  careful  tc  withhold  hii  book  from  tht 
pTM  nntQ  he  oonld  Iibts  leunr*  to  niTin  it,  I  am  inclined  lo  be- 
)i«T*  that  if  he  had  kDown  what  Giooondo  was  doing  he  wtFold 
not  have  been  ^mmA. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNBUS  NOVUB.  181 

Tested  witli  imperishable  charm,  Uiere  vas  a  ooUeg». 
The  town  had  grown  up  about  a  Benedictine  mon- 
astery founded  in  the  aeTeutb  century  by  St.  De- 
odatus,  bishop  of  Nevers.  Toward  the  end  of  the 
tenth  century  this  monastery  was  secularized  and 
its  govemmsnt  placed  in  the  hands  of  a  coUegiato 
chapter  of  canons  under  the  presidency  of  a  miti^ 
prelate  whose  title  was  Grand  Provost.  The 
chapter  was  feudal  lord  of  the  neigh-  Tintairaai 
bearing  demesnes,  and  thus  as  the  pop-  **''**'*' 
nlation  increased  under  its  mild  rule  there  grew  up 
the  small  town  in  whose  name  Deodatua  suffered 
contraction  into  DU.^  It  is  now  a  place  of  some 
8,000  inhabitants,  the  seat  of  a  bishopric,  and 
noted  for  its  grain  and  cattle  markets,  its  fine  linen 
fobrics,  and  its  note-paper.  From  the  lofty  -peaJa 
that  tower  above  the  town  you  can  almost  catch 
sight  of  Speyer  where  Protestantism  first  took  its 
name,  while  quite  within  the  range  of  vision  come 
Strasbnrg,  associated  with  the  invention  of  print- 
ing, Freibui^  with  that  of  gunpowder,  fuid  Van- 
oouleura  in  the  native  country  (rf  the  Mud  of  Or- 
leans. The  college  of  Saint-Di^  was  curiously 
associated  with  the  discovery  of  America,  for  it 
was  there  that  toward  1410  the  Cardinal  Pierre 
d'Ailly  wrote  his  *'Im^o  Mundi,"  the  book  which 
so  powerfully  influenced  the  thoughts  of  Columbus. 
At  the  end  of  that  century  there  were  several  emi- 
nent men  among  tiie  canons,  as  Pierre  de  Blarm, 
author  of  the  local  heroic  poem  the  ^^^^^ 
"Nanc^ide,"  Jean  Basin  de  Sendacour, 
of  whom  we  shall  have  more  to  say  presently,  and 
■  At«wo,  Martin  WaUttntUUtr,  p.  12. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


162  TBX  DISCOVEBY  OF  AMEBICA. 

Dake  Kent's  secretary,  Walter  Lud.  Under  the 
auspices  of  the  latter  a  priDting  press  was  set  np 
at  SaiDt-Die  about  the  year  1500,  and  so  many 
learned  men  came  to  the  college  that  Pico  della 
Mirandola  wondered  how  such  a  society  could  ever 
have  been  brought  together  in  so  obscure  a  town. 
One  of  the  lights  of  this  little  society  was  the  bril- 
liant and  witty  young  Ringmann,  who  returned 
from  Paris  in  1505  and  accepted  a  professorship 
of  Latin  at  Saint-Di^.  About  the  same  time  an- 
KutiD  Wild-  °^^^  young  man  of  three-and-twenty  or 
■Hmuiiv.  8Q^  named  Martin  Waldseemiiller,'  a 
native  of  Freibui^  in  the  Breisgau,  was  appointed 
professor  of  geography  at  Saint-Di^,  and  an  inti- 
mate friendship  sprang  up  between  him  and  Ring- 
mann. The  latter  had  acquired  while  at  Paris, 
and  probably  through  hia  acquaintance  with  Fra 
Giocondo,  a  warm  admiration  for  Yespucius,  and 
published,  as  we  have  already  seen,  in  1505  a 
Latin  version  of  the  letter  to  Medici,  under  the 
title  "De  Ora  Antarctica." 

Kow  VeBpuciuB  wrote  his  second  epistle,  tihe  one 
to  Soderini  giving  a  brief  account  of  his  four  voy- 
ages, at  Lisbon,  September  4,  1504,  and  Soderini 
-^^  had  a  certified  MS.  copy  of  it  made 
g^u"  February  10,  1505.'  From  that  magis- 
2™«j™>>«  trate's  hands  it  afterward  passed  into 
those  of  the  publisher  Pacini,  for  whom 
it  was  printed  at  Florence  before  July  9,  1506. 

1  Th«  fwnilf  Dams  uanu  to  Iut*  bMo  WaltumiUUr,  but  ka 
•Iwkji  preferred  to  write  it  WBldMemlillet.  He  wu  mora  oooi- 
monl;  known  by  hi*  liteiarj  name  HyIac(Hn;lii>. 

*  Vtimhagtm.  Amtrigo  Vt^ucci,  p.  80: 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUB  NOVUS.  188 

From  this  Italian  original,  of  which  I  have  men- 
lioiied  five  oopiea  as  still  existing,  somebody  made 
a  French  version  of  which  no  copy  is  now  to  be 
found.  Walter  Lud  tells  us  that  a  copy  of  this 
French  veniion  was  obtained  directly  from  Portugal 
for  ths  little  group  of  eoholars  at  Saint- Di^.  This 
copy  could  not  have  come  from  Yespucius  himself, 
who  before  Febmary  10,  1505,  had  left  Portugal 
forever,  and  on  the  5th  of  that  month  was  making 
a  friendly  visit  to  Columbus  at  Seville.  There  is 
notliing  to  indicate  the  existence  of  any  personal 
relations  or  acquaintanceship  between  VespuoiuB 
and  any  of  the  people  at  Saint-Di^. 

The  French  version  of  the  letter  to  Soderini  ar- 
rived  at  Saint-DiS  just  as  Lud  and  Bingmann  and 
Waldseemuller  bad  matured  their  plana  _ 

I.  •  p    -n     1  1     Tin  imltiiwtJ 

for  a  new  edition  of  Ptolemy,  revised  '^^^ 
and  amended  so  as  to  include  the  re- 
sults of  recent  discovery.  The  strong  interest  felt 
in  geographical  studies  during  the  latter  half  of 
the  fifteenth  century  was  shown  in  the  publication 
of  six  Latin  editions  of  Ptolemy  between  1472  and 
1490.^  Before  1506  the  rapid  progress  of  discov- 
ery had  made  all  these  editions  antiquated,  and  oar 
friends  at  Saint-Di^  proposed  to  issue  one  that 
should  quite  throw  into  the  shade  all  that  bad  gone 
before.'  Walter  Lud,  who  was  blessed  with  along 
purse,  imdertook  to  defray  the  expenses;  Wald- 

'  At  Boloztuh  1472;  Vioenst,  1475;  Knraa,  1478  ud  1490; 
Dim,  1482  and  1486;  all  tioapt  that  of  Vicenu  proTJded  villi 
■DgraTad  maps.    ATeiao,  Jfartin  Wi:dtxeJn'iller,  p.  23. 

'  Jut  at  the  Ulna  time  anotlMr  littla  gnnip  of  asholaia  at 
Vieima  ware  dmllarlj  at  work  on  a  nev  edidon  of  Pomponint 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


184  THE  DISCOVSBr  OF  AMEBIC  A. 

seemtiller  superintended  tbe  scientific  part  of  the 
work  and  Kingnuuia  the  philological  part,  for  the 
sake  of  which  be  made  a  journey  to  Italy  and  ob- 
tained from  a  nephew  of  the  great  Pico  della  Mi- 
randola  an  important  manuscript  of  the  Greek 
text.  Duke  Ren£,  who  was  much  interested  in  the 
scheme,  gathered  rare  data  from  various  quarters 
and  seems  to  hare  paid  for  the  engraving  of  Wald- 
seemiiller's  map  entitled  Tabula  Terre  JVove, 
Tiwrnaek  which  was  to  acctnnpany  the  new  edi- 
S£?;^  tion.  Early  in  1507  "WaldBeemiiller 
loMiMiD.  had  finished  a  small  treatise  intended  as 
an  introduction  to  the  more  elaborate  work  which 
he  was  embodying  in  the  edition  of  Ptolemy,  and 
it  was  decided  to  print  this  treatise  at  once  on  the 
college  press.  Just  in  the  nick  of  time '  Duke 
Sen4  handed  over  to  the  professors  the  letter  of 
Vespucius  in  its  French  version,  which  he  had 
lately  obtained  from  Portugal.  It  was  forthwith 
turned  into  Latin  by  the  worthy  canon  Jean  Basin 
de  Sendacour,  who  improved  the  situation  by  ad- 
dressing his  version  to  his  enlightened  sovereign 
Ben^  instead  of  Soderini,  thus  bemuddling  the 
minds  of  posterity  for  ever  so  long  by  making 
Vespucius  appear  to  address  the  Duke  of  Lorraine 
as  his  old  schoolmate  I ' 
This  Latin  version,  containing  that  innooent  but 

'  Th*  arror  haa  lM«n  f  arthorad  b;  the  abbreriation  vo»lra  Mag, 
i.*."jma  Uagnifioeiiae,"  tba  proper  form  of  addiea  for  tb« 
ohUf  magiatesta  of  IHoreiica.  It  baa  baeo  miaread  "  joor  Ms- 
jeal7,"  a  propei  form  of  addnaa  for  Ben4,  who  wai  titular  Einy 
of  Sidlj  and  Jginaalam.  Now  that  we  know  bow  it  haplMMdi 
it  ia  onrlooa  to  aa«  Humboldt  ttrnfnE'l*  *itl>  the  mbjeot  in  hit 
Examn  critiqne,  torn.  It.  pp.  106,  IIS,  166. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MVNDUS  NOVUS.  186 

baneful  blunder  of  Parias  instead  of  Laridbt  the 
source  of  bo  mqch  misniiderstandmg  and  bo  much 
unjust  aspersion,  was  appended  to 
Waldseemiiller's  little  treatise,  alone  graputi<dr*- 
with  some  veraes  by  Kingmann  in  praise 
of  the  great  Florentine  navigator.  The  book,  en- 
titled "Cosmographie  Introductio,"  was  £rat  pub- 
lished at  Saint-Di^  on  the  25th  of  April,  150T. 
The  only  eapy  of  this  edition  known  to  exist  at 
present  was  picked  up  for  a  franc  on  one  of  the 
Paris  quays  by  the  geographer  Jean  Baptiste 
Eyries ;  npon  his  death  in  1846,  it  was  bought  at 
auction  for  160  francs  by  Nicolas  Y^m^niz,  of 
Lyons;  upon  the  death  of  Y^m^niz  in  1867,  it  was 
bought  for  2,000  francs;  and  it  may  now  be  seen 
in  the  Lenox  Library  at  New  York.^  Three  other 
editions  were  published  in  1507,  concerning  which 
there  is  no  need  of  entering  into  partimilars.'  The 
copy  in  the  library  of  Harvard  University,  which 
I  have  now  before  me,  was  published  August  29, 
1507,  —  a  little  quarto  of  fifty-two  leaves.'  Mr. 
Winsor  menttons  eighteen  or  twenty  copies  of  it  as 
still  in  existence,  but  in  1867  a  copy  was  sold  for 
2,000  francs,  the  same  price  paid  that  year  for  the 
first  edition ;  in  1884  a  copy  in  Munich  was  held 
at  8,000  marks,  equivalent  to  750  dollars. 

In  this  rare  book  occurs  the  first  suggestion  of 
the  name  Ahebica.     After  having  treated  of  the 
division  of  the  earth's  inhabited  surface  into  three 
>  WIumt,  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hla.,  iL  lao. 

*  Tba;  4N  dMcribed  in  Avaiao,  Jfarfin  WaUum.-iUer,  pp.  28- 
09;  HaiTuu,  Bihl.  Ai»rr.  FcfMi.,  pp.  89-96;  AddUiont,  pp.  20- 
S4 ;  wkd  mora  liiiaflj  mautdoned  in  Winun,  lix.  at, 

*  It  i>  No.  46  in  Huiuh,  BiU.  Anttr.  VttiuL 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


186  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMBBICA. 

parts — Europe,  Asia,  and  Africa — WaldseemiiUer 
speaks  of  the  discovery  of  a  Fourth  Fart,  and  the 
passage  is  of  so  much  historic  interest  that  instead 
of  a  mere  transcription  the  reader  will  doubtless 
prefer  to  see  a  photograph  of  that  part  of  the  page 
in  our  Harvard  copy. '    It  is  as  follows :  — 

NimcTcro&Iic;pai«afiii)tIat&uJiifliatae/& 
llu  qnampais.per  Amcndi  V<c^ucnini(  vt  iiiic# 
tpeatSsaa  audienn^nnitagftujrinon'video  cat 
qatsluRTetetabAmcricoiDiiattotc  farads  jiige 
nqvnoAninfgeaquafii\maid.tenam/fiucAnie 
xicainduaidam:cumSc£utopa&A(taaniiiUaJ# 
builJiaibititafintnomiiULEiusfituSf  gentismo# 
wtx  exbis1>iiiis.Aineridnau]guuinibusqu{  ftqiiS 
iurliqiiideintdl^danir. 

Or,  in  English:  —  "But  now  these  parts  have 
been  more  extensively  explored  and  another  fourth 
Tin  mmn-  P***  ^•^^  he^iy  discovered  by  Americas 
SS^^w.  Vespueius  (as  will  appear  in  what  fol- 
auS!?i5«r-  lows):  wheFcfore  I  do  not  see  what  is 
'^  rightly   to   hinder   us   from   calling   it 

Amerige  or  America,  i.  e.  the  land  of  Americus, 
after  its  discoverer  Americus,  a  man  of  sagacious 
mind,  since  both  Europe  and  Asia  have  got  their 
names  from  women.'    Its  situation  and  the  man- 

'  Itti  KRnawluttttdQeed  to  fit  mTnanower  crown  octaTD  pigs. 
Ths  Ixiok  contains  iDothar  paasaira  in  which  AmsriaK  is  man- 
Uonad  ■■  put  of  Mela'*  antipodal  world. 

*  I  inppoM  Waldieemiiller  was  thinking  of  the  pas8a|^  whers 
Hcrodatni  (It.  45]  ipealu  of  Eorope,  Asia,  and  Lib^a  (i.  s.  tha 
littla  known  to  him)  ■■  all  one  luid,  and  cannot  inu^ns  wh; 
thrtt  namaa,  a»if  irooicn'f  nama  ttpedally,  ihonld  hare  been  i»- 
•(a»«d  npMi  it.    In  thia  MMmectioo  Herodotna  calli  Ana  tb« 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


6uNDU8  Norxja.  187 

nera  and  customs  of  its  people  will  be  clearly  nn- 
darstood  from  the  twice  two  Toyages  of  Americas 
which  follow." 

vife  rf  Prometheiu.  Henod  iTlaog.,  359)  nukM  her  »  dkngiktar 
of  Ooe>niia  and  Tathyi.  OeogTsphicall;  the  nmiie  secnu  to  IwTe 
had  ui  e>p«ci&l  lefereiuw  to  a  dubII  district  Bboat  the  Cayster 
in  Ljdia  (.^Khylii*,  PromOhaa,  4U  i  Pindw.  Otyntp.,  vii,  33). 
Id  its  moat  common  Greek  itugB  it  meant  Aaia  Hioor,  but  by 
the  tim«  of  Herodotus  it  had  atready  bvgnn  to  b«  extended  into 
the  dim  Tastness  of  conUnent  behind  (hat  peninanla. 

Uneh  better  knovn  than  the  mythic  penoaality  of  th«  female 
Asia  is  that  of  Enropa,  daughter  of  Agenor  (Hegenppoa,  Fragjn., 
6),  or  of  TitjoB  (Kndar,  Py£*.,  iv.),  or  of  Pboronons  (see  PreUer, 
QrieddK-ht  Mi/thetogii,  iL  37).  Thia  greater  celebrity  is  dne  to 
btr  escapade  with  Zens,  alwnt  which  so  many  TaraM  hare  been 
written.  Every  reader  rerDembeia  the  eiqnisita  picture  ia  Ten- 
nyson'* Paiaee  of  Art.  Less  generally  known  ore  the  charming 
hiMS  of  Reynolds  :  — 

^  W«  gttberfld  wood  flowv,  —  lonH  Uu  u  thfl  Tain 

O'ei  Hera'i  lyaUd  itedliig,  and  khui  u  white, 

la  tha  cliutoriDg  grau,  u  rich  Europa^a  hand 

Heated  amid  the  curia  on  Juplter'i  fan)Lead, 

Vbkt  Uma  ha  matclied  bar  through  the  eUrtled  wiraL" 

Oardcn  ij  Flormct,  LoudoD,  1821. 

As  for  this  Enropa.  Herodotna  ia  sura  that  «he  never  set  toot  in 
Europe ;  and  as  for  Libya  he  knows  nothing  except  that  she  waa 
a  "native"  wamtu.  "However,"  he  wisely  eopclades,  "let  na 
qoit  thaae  matters.  We  shall  onnelves  continue  to  nso  the  nKoea 
which  enstom  saoctione"  (Rawlinson's  Ermdotiu,  voL  iiL  p.  33). 
There  was  really  nothing  like  uniformity  of  tradition  in  th* 
mythical  interpretations  of  these  geographical  namoe.  Nor  were 
thay  always  feminina,  f  or  in  Eustathius  (Comm.  t'n  Dionjt*.  Prrieg., 
170)  we  read  of  Enropus,  Asiua.  and  Libyna.  Of  conrse  all  these 
explanations  got  the  cart  before  the  borss  ;  the  continenta  were  not 
named  after  the  persons,  but  the  pemons  were  eponymons  myths 
invented  to  explain  the  names  of  the  continenls.  Professor  Raw- 
linson's opinion  is  highly  probable,  that  both  Enropo  and  Asia  are 
Semitic  words  which  passed  to  the  Greeks  from  the  PhcBnicians. 
Surcpt  seems  to  be  the  Hebrew  37^,  Anyrian  trdi,  Arabic 
piari  (whanoe  Arab),  msaning  "the  setting"  and  "the  west" 
(ef .  Latin  ocddetu,  Italian  potienU) ;  while  Aiia  seems  to  be  ft , 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


188  THF  DISCOVERT  OF  AMEBICA. 

Snch  were  the  winged  words  but  (or  whioh,  as 
M.  Harrisse  reminds  as,  the  western  liemispliflre 
miglit  have  come  to  be  known  as  Atlantis,  or  Hes- 

peridds,  or  Santa  Cruz,  or  New  India,  or 
•raleBi-  perbaps  Columbia.  Tbere  was  not 
laata  tsta     uucb  Ukellbood,  bowever,  of  its  getting 

named  after  Columbus,  because  long 
before  tlie  distinct  and  separate  existence  of  the 
western  hemisphere  was  so  much  as  suspected,  the 
names  had  taken  root  in  its  soil,  and  before  that 
time  it  would  not  have  occurred  to  anybody  to 
name  it  after  Columbus,  for  the  sufBcient  reason 
that  it  had  two  good  names  already,  viz,  "Asia" 
and  "the  Indies."  Separate  islands  and  stretches 
of  coast  received  their  local  names,  as  Hispaniola 
or  Veragua,  but  no  one  thought  of  proposing  a 
new  namo  for  the  whole  western  world. 

paitieipial  form  of  Hebrav  HS^i  Aujmn  Aai,  maaning  "  tba 
rinoK"  and  "  tlia  eoit"  (cf.  Lntin  nnVni,  Italian  levante).  In 
the  daya  when  Pfaiecicia  ruled  the  vave,  tha  uilon  of  Tjn  and 
KdoD  probabl;  called  the  oppooits  coaats  of  the  .£geMi  ata 
Evrept  and  Aiia=-icttl  and  eati,  and  (he  Greeka  acqaired  the 
hmbit  of  wiiiig  theae  uamea.  joit  ai  the;  acqnirad  «o  man;  othet 
worda  tod  Ideaa  from  the  Phceniciana.  Tb»  «eema  to  me  down- 
tight  eonuDOQ  aeosa.  —  A*  for  tha  name  Libya,  it  atrmigly  in^- 
ireM>  Afif  (lipi)  or  \l0a  (Uha),  the  aonthneBt  wind  (Ariatotla, 
Man)n>l.,ii.6,'l ;  cf .  Theocritna,  ii.  II),  which  the  Romang  called 
AJriciu  {Seneca,  Qaait.  Nat.,  t.  1(1 ;  Hont,  Epod.,  iri.  £2),  and 
whieh  TtnlUn  Kulors  >ti11  call  Affrita.  The  Greeka  called  it  Xf^ 
(ef.  A<fA()  becanae  it  hrong-ht  ihowera.  According  to  this  viev 
Ubja  «M  limplj  "  the  aouthwest  countr;."  The  meBoing  of  the 
Dtnw  Afrira  ia  Tery  ohacare.  A  conjectnre,  as  planaible  ai  an;, 
eocmeds  it  with  Hebrew  K^^  and  anppoapa  it  to  haTs  been 
applied  bj  the  aettlera  of  Carthagn  to  the  nonaJii;  or  barbaroiu 
tribes  In  Hia  neighboarhood  (Miivera,  Bit  PhBnizicr,  iL  402). 
Originally  oonfined  to  the  region  abont  Carthage,  the  name  Africa 
gntdull;  npeiasded  Libya  na  a  name  for  that  e 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


itnsDua  N0VU8.  189 

Why,  than,  it  may  be  asked,  did  Waldseemiiller 
propwe  America  as  a  new  name  for  the  whole? 
The  reply  is,  d>at  he  did  nothing  of  the  sort.  We 
shall  never  understand  what  he  had  in  n .« not  uw 
mind  until  we  follow  Mr.  Freeman's  ad- 
vice and  free  onrselves  from  the  bonda^  \ 
of  the  modem  map.  Let  us  pursue  for  ^'""^^ 
a  moment  the  further  fortunes  of  the  work  in 
which  our  friends  of  Saint  Di4  were  engaged. 
Upon  the  death  of  Duke  Ken^  in  1508  the  little 
coterie  was  broken  up.  Lud  seema  in  some  way 
to  have  become  dissociated  from  the  enterprise; 
Ringmann  in  that  year  became  professor  of  cos- 
mc^raphy  at  Basel,^  and  his  untimely  death  oc- 
eoned  in  1511.  Waldssemiiller  was  thus  left 
comparatively  alone.  The  next  edition  of  the  Coa- 
mographicB  Introductio  was  published  at  Stras- 
burg  in  1509,  the  work  upon  the  Ptolemy  was  kept 
np,  or  resumed,  with  the  aid  of  two  _ 
.     .  ,    ,         .        Till  1   "^^  "•"  ^'o'- 

jurists  of  that  city,  Jacob  Aeszler  and  r^'|<^ 

Georg  Uebelin,  and  the  book  was  at  ffT^*"^' 
last  published  there  in  1513.  Among 
the  twenty  new  maps  in  this  folio  volume  is  one  to 
which  we  have  had  frequent  occasion  to  refer,  the 
Tabula  Terre  Ifove,  made  for  this  edition  of  Ptol- 
emy at  the  expense  of  Duke  Rene  and  under  the 
supervision  of  Waldseemiiller,  if  not  by  his  own 
hands,  and  engraved  before  1508.'  We  must  there- 
fore regard  this  map  and  the  text  of  the  Cosmo- 
grapkuB  Introductio  as  expresBiona  of  opinion  prao- 
tic^y  contemporaneous  and  emanating  from  the 

>  Atbbo,  Martin  WaUtntiiUtr,  p.  106. 
)  Sm  abore  p.  77. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


140  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMEBICA. 

same  man  (or  men,  i.  e.  Waldseemiiller  and  Bing- 
mann).  Now  what  do  we  find  on  this  map  ?  The 
Brazilian  coast  is  marked  with  local  names  derived 
from  the  third  voyage  of  Vespucius,  but  instead  of 
the  general  name  America,  or  even  Mundos  Kovus, 
Theii-erip-  'f*  ^^^  Simply  TcrTE  IncognitE;  and 
^12,^^01.  over  to  the  left,  apparently  referrii^  to 
iat'imp.  ^|jg  Pearl  Coast  and  perhaps  also  to 
Honduras,  we  read  the  inscription :  —  "  This  land 
with  the  adjacent  islands  was  discovered  by  Colum- 
bus of  Genoa  by  order  of  the  King  of  Castile."* 
The  appearance  of  incompatibility  between  this 
statement  and  the  assertion  that  Vespucius  discov- 
eied  the  Fourth  Part  has  puzzled  many  learned 
geographers.*  But  I  venture  to  think  that  this  in- 
compatibility is  only  apparent,  not  real.  Suppose 
we  could  resuscitate  those  bright  young  men,  Wald- 
seemiiller and  Ringmann,  and  interrogate  them ! 
I  presume  they  would  say :  — "  Bless  you,  dear 
modem  schoUrs,  you  know  many  things  that  we 
did  not,  but  you  have  clean  forgotten  some  things 
that  to  us  were  quite  obvious.  When  we  let  fall 
that  little  suggestion  about  naming  the  Fourth 
Part  after  Americus,  perhaps  we  were  not  so 
fiercely  in  earnest  as  you  seem  to  think.  We  were 
not  bom  of  Hyrcanian  tigers,  but  sometimes  enliv- 
ened our  dry  disquisitions  with  a  wholesome  laugh, 
and  so  neat  a  chance  for  quizzing  Europa  and  the 
fair  sex  was  not   lost  upon  us.     Seriously,  how- 

'  "  Heo  terra  onm  adiacsntib<  inaulu  tnueDte  tat  per  ColambH 
Itsneiueni  ex  mandBto  Regis  CutelUs." 

*  As  for  inituKe  Uomboldt,  Ezamax  eritiqiu,  tarn.  it.  pp.  118-. 
ISO ;  Avsiae,  Martin  WaltnmSlUr,  p.  154 ;  Major,  Prinet  Btnrj 
(b  Navigator,  p.  3S6. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


MUNDUS  Novua.  141 

ever,  what  did  we  do  that  was  inconBistent  or  un- 
fair?   Did  we  not  gire  Columbua  the 
credit  for  discoverinE'  exactly  what  he  mumud*' 

^  "^  TTiil  I lit 


did  discover,  the  Pearl  and  Honduras  larrmuy 
coasts  and  the  adjacent  islands?  And 
did  we  not  say  of  Americus  that  he  had  found  the 
Fourth  Fart,  or  Mundua  Novus,  beyond  the  equa- 
tor, concerning  which  the  ancients  had  no  know- 
ledge, but  the  existence  of  which  was  plainly  indi- 
cated, in  their  different  ways,  by  Ptolemy  and 
Mela?  But  yon  go  on  to  ask  was  it  not  Columbus 
that  first  showed  the  way  to  the  Indies?  To  be 
sure  it  was;  we  never  denied  it!  Again  you  ask 
if  the  Pearl  Coast  and  the  Mundus  N^ovus  were  not 
alike  parts  of  South  America.  Our  answer  is  that 
when  we  were  living  on  the  earth  nobody  had 
framed  a  conception  of  the  distinct  and  integral 
whole  which  you  now  call  South  America.  We 
knew  that  long  stretches  of  strange  coast  had  been 
discovered  here  and  there ;  and  some  of  them  inter- 
ested us  for  one  reason  and  some  for  another.  It 
was  doubtless  a  thing  more  divine  than  human  for 
the  Admiral  Columbus  to  sail  by  the  west  to  Asia 
along  the  circumference  of  the  CEcumene,  but  he 
never  supposed  that  he  had  thus  found  a  new  part 
of  the  earth,  nor  did  we.  To  sail  across  the  torrid 
zone  and  explore  a  new  antipodal  world  that  formed 
no  part  of  the  CEcumene  was  a  very  different 
thing,  and  it  was  this  deed  for  which  we  properly 
gave  the  credit  to  Americus ;  for  did  not  the  learned 
and  accurate  Master  Ruysch  testify  that  voyagers 
upon  this  antarctic  coast  had  beheld  the  southern 
pole  more  than  50°  above  the  horizon,  and  yet  had 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


142  TBB  DISCOVEBT  OF  AKEBIOA. 

seen  no  end  to  tihat  country?  We  therefore  acted 
according  to  our  beat  lighta,  empliasiziiig,  as  we 
admit,  that  which  appealed  to  us  moat  forcibly. 
If  we  could  hare  studied  your  Dineteentb  century 
globes  we  should  have  learned  to  express  ourselves 
differently;  but,  bless  you  ^ain,  dear  modem 
scholars,  may  not  some  of  your  own  expressions 
run  risk  of  being  misunderstood  after  an  equal 
lapse  of  time?  " 

If  along  with  our  two  editors  of  Ptolemy  we 
could  also  call  back  for  a  moment  from  the  Undis- 
Bigi^floDCii-  covered  Country  that  learned  geogra- 
^d(^!^  idler,  accomplished  scholar,  and  devoted 
•**  son,  Ferdinand  Columbus,  and  let  him 

bear  their  explanation,  I  feel  sure  that  he  would 
promptly  and  heartily  recognize  its  substantial 
correctness.  Upon  the  point  in  question  we  already 
have  Ferdinand's  testimony,  clothed  in  a  silence 
more  eloquent  than  any  conceivable  words.  I  have 
already  remarked  upon  Ferdinand's  superb  library, 
of  which  the  remnant  of  four  or  five  thousand  vol- 
lunea  is  still  preserved,  —  the  Biblioteca  Colom- 
bina  at  Seville.  It  will  be  remembered  that  he 
had  a  habit  of  marking  and  annotating  his  books 
in  a  way  that  is  sometimes  quite  helpful  to  the  his- 
torian. Now  the  number  1773  of  Ferdinand's 
library  is  a  copy  of  the^  CoamographUe  Introduct'io 
in  tbe  edition  published  at  Strasburg  in  1509. 
His  autograph  note  informs  us  that  he  bought  it 
at  Venice  in  July,  1521,  for  five  euddoa.^  As 
his  death  occurred  in  1539,  he  had  this  book  in  bis 
possession  for  e^hteen  years,  and  during  a  part 
■  HwrriMe,  CAm^pic  Cotomb,  torn,  ii  p.  870. 


3,a,l,zc.bv  Google 


KUNDUS  N0YU8.  148 

of  this  time  he  was  engaged  in  pi«paring  the 
biography  of  his  father.  He  was  natoraUy  very 
sensitive  about  everything  tliat  in  any  way  great 
or  small  concerned  his  father's  fame,  and  if  any 
writer  happened  to  make  statements  in  the  slight- 
est degree  derogatory  to  his  father's  importance 
or  originality,  Ferdinand  would  pause  in  his 
narrative  and  demolish  the  offender  if  it  took  a 
whole  chapter  to  do  it.'  But  his  book  makes  no 
aUnsion  whatever  to  Waldseemtiller  or  hia  sugges- 
tion of  the  name  America  or  his  allusion  to  Vespn- 
cius  as  the  discoverer  of  Quarta  Pars.  Not  so 
much  as  a  word  had  Ferdinand  Columbus  to  say 
on  this  subject  I  Still  more,  the  book  of  Waldsee- 
miiller  did  not  sleep  on  the  shelf  during  those 
eighteen  years.  Ferdinand  read  and  annotated  it 
vith  fulness  and  care,  but  made  no  comment  upon 
the  passage  in  question!  This  silence  is  absolutely 
decisive.  Here  was  the  son  of  Columbus  and  for 
some  years  the  fellow- townsman  of  Americus  at 
Seville,  the  familiar  friend  of  the  younger  Yeapu- 
cius  who  had  gone  with  his  uncle  on  most  if  not 
all  his  voyages,  —  can  we  for  a  moment  suppose 
that  he  did  not  know  aJl  that  had  been  going  on 
among  these  people  since  his  boyhood?  Of  course 
he  understood  what  voyages  had  been  made  and 
where,  and  interpreted  them  according  to  the  best 

'  Sm,  for  aiminpl*,  big  rsfatatiDn  of  Qiostdiuaiu'a  "  thirta«ii 
liei"  in  Vita  ddl'  Ammiragiio,  cap.  ii. ;  and  Mi  attaeki  npon 
Hartin  Pinion  and  Oriedo,  cap.  i.,  ivi.,  ili  Aa  M.  BarruM  ob- 
•anaa,  "  Loraqu'il  rannoDtre  sor  son  chemin  on  riTal  da  Chria- 
topha  Colomb,  on  an  jorivaindont  Isridt  aembla  dev<ar  duninnar 
fimportanoa  da  navigatear  ginda  daTant  la  posteriU,  il  le  lili* 
panda  aani  pitU."    Ftrnand  Ceioiab,  p.  141. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


144  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMSRICA. 

light  of  an  age  in  which  he  waa  one  of  the  fore- 
most geographers.  His  annotations  show  him  to 
have  been  eminently  clear-headed,  accurate,  and 
precise.  It  would  be  impossible  to  find  a  contem- 
porary witness  more  intelligent  or  more  certain  to 
utter  a  sharp  and  ringing  protest  against  any  at> 
tempt  to  glorify  Americus  at  the  expense  of  his 
father.  Yet  against  WaldseemuUer's  suggestion 
Ferdinand  Columbus  uttered  no  protest.  He  saw 
nothing  strange  in  the  statement  that  it  was  Amer- 
icus who  discovered  the  Quarta  Para,  or  in  the  sug- 
gestion that  it  should  bear  his  name.  Under  the 
circumstances  there  is  but  one  possible  explanation 
of  this.  It  proves  that  Ferdinand  shared  Wald- 
seemuUer's opinion,  and  that  to  the  former  as  to 
;  the  latter  this  Fourth  Part  meant  something  very 
different  from  what  we  mean  when  we  apeak  of 
America  or  of  the  New  World.' 

'  M.  Harriwe  (in  his  Fenutnd  Colomb,  Paris,  1872,  pp.  141-145) 
una  the  ulence  of  the  Vita  deW  Amtniraglio,  ai  u  ug:i]iiieDt  in 
(Dpport  of  bis  crotcbet  that  the  book  was  not  written  bj  FsnU- 
naod  (see  above,  toL  i.  p.  340).  His  argnmeDt  suffers  seTerely 
from  "  bondaj^e  to  tha  mndem  map,"  Keferring  to  Waldsee- 
mttUer,  he  says :  — "  On  diclare  d'abord  que  c'eit  Vespnoe,  tt  nan 
CSrittyihe  Coiomb  [! !  the  italiciiiag  is  miue :  Walda«emiiller 
■ays  nothing  of  ths  sort],  qni  a  ddcoareit  le  Nonreaa  Monds; 
ensuite  on  proniet  de  te  pronver  '  nt  id  seqnentibiu  audietnr,'  en 
publiaot  la  relation  de  ses  qnatre  voyages;  enfin,  pour  I'en 
rfcompsnser,  I'antenr  proposs  da  donoer  et  donne  en  sffet  d'ona 
maniire  inddUbile  k  ces  pays  noDveaux  le  Dom  d'Amjrique." 
It  ahonld  be  added  that  H.  Hanisse,  while  calling  Walitseemtil- 
ler's  book  "  ce  m^chaDt  petit  IItm,"  does  full  jasties  to  the  in- 
tegtity  of  Veapurins.  In  the  aitrmnent  JDst  oited  the  reader  will 
now  be  able  to  see  that  all  its  force  is  lost  by  its  failure  to  seize 
the  historical  perspective  ;  it  uses  the  phnae  Ncaoeau  Monde  in 
its  nineteenth  century  sense.  As  regards  Ferdinand  Colnmboa, 
its  force  is  destroyed  by  the  fact  that  his  silenee  extends  to  his 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUS  SOWS.  146 

What  that  Fourth  Part  reaJIy  meant  I  believe  I 
have  now  sufficiently  explained.  It  is  agun  de- 
fined for  us  most  clearly  and  explicitly  n,,  pumr 
in  the  revised  edition  of  Waldseemlil-  "'^^^ 
ler's  Ptolemy  published  at  Strasburg  in  1522,  three 
years  after  his  death.  This  edition  was  completed 
by  Lorenz  Fries,  and  is  usually  known  by  his 
name.  It  uses  the  three  names  Amerip^  Mundna 
IWos,  and  Quarta  Pars  as  synonymous  and  inter- 
changeable ;  anc[  in  its  nmp  corresponding  to  the 
Tabvla  Terre  Nom,  but  variously  amended,  it  sub- 
stitutes America  for  Terra  Incognita  about  where 
the  ntana  ^gyT.il  would  come  on  a  modem  map; 
while  at  the  same  time  in  the  Venezuelan  region 
it  repeats  the  inscription  stating  that  this  coast 
and  the  neighbouring  islands  were  discovered  by 


It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  all  map-makers  at 
that  day  took  just  the  same  view  of  this  or  of  any 
other  obscure  subject.  Some  thought  DUhrnt  «■. 
the  Mundas  Novus  deserved  its  name  mSmKo- 
because  it  was  Ptolemy's  unknown  land  "* 
beyond  Cattigara,  as  the  Orontius  globe  proves ; 
some  because  it  was  of  indefinite  extent  and 
reminded  them  of  Mela's  antipodal  world,  as  we 

copy  of  Wkldteemttller'a  book.  But  indeed  Laa  Cmu,  u  will 
praNnttj  be  ■bown,  expreasly  dedaren  thkt  FerdiiuDd's  book 
M7>  Dotbing  kboDt  tbe  nunlng  of  Ameriea  {Hittoria  de  la* 
India*,  inm.  a.  p.  SB6).  —  Among  other  boolu  belonging  to  Fer- 
dinand, in  Thiob  tbe  nune  America  was  adopted,  or  Vespno^iu 
BWDtianed  aa  disoorerer  ot  Mnndna  NoTna,  were  Walter  Lod'a 
SpeaduM,  the  I51S  edition  of  PomponinB  Mela,  tbe  works  of 
Jobann  SohlkiBr,  and  the  Coimogri^icta  Liber  of  Apiaoa*  (Har- 
riae,  op,  nil.  p.  144).     There  is  nathlng-  lo  show  that  anytluBg  in 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


146  THE  DtSCOVESY  OF  AMBBXCA. 

may  gather  from  Ruysch's  map;^  some  simply 
beoaase  it  was  an  enormous  mass  of  land  in  an  on- 
expected  quarter,^  When  carefully  placed,  with 
strict  reference  to  its  origin,  the  name  Mundus 
Novns,  or  its  alternative  America,  is  always  equiv- 
alent to  Brazil ;  but  sometimes  where  the  southern 
continent  appears  as  a  great,lsland  its  position  is 
so  commanding  as  to  make  it  practically  the  name 
of  that  island.  This  is  the  case  with  the  earliest 
known  map  upon  which  the  name  America  appears. 
This  map  was  diBcovered  about  thirty  years  ago  in 
nwmuiu-  Qneen  Victoria's  library  at  Windsor 
JJJj^J^Jj,  Castle,  in  a  volume  of  MS.  notes  and 
Jjfj'f'  **'■  drawings  by  Leonardo  da  Vinci.  There 
is  much  reason  for  regarding  the  map  an 
the  work  of  Leonardo,  but  this  has  been  doubted.' 

>  "  Ten*  etum  ■)■»&  .  .  .  ■  Vetpntia  nupw  inrenta,  quam  ob 
mi  mag^tDdinem  Mundani  nocum  appellaot,  ultra  squaUimii 
plna  35  gndibui,  Veapntii  obMrratiaai  protendi  cognits  eat,  et 
neatumjimt  inBeniai,"  Alberto  PIghi  CampanBn  in  1520,  apud 
Bamboldt,  Sxamen  eriiique,  torn.  iv.  p.  145.  Compare  tha  in- 
BoriptioiB  K  and  Q  on  Knyvch's  map. 

*  "Sio  ai  ad  aaatmm  apectes,  mag^  pan  tema  nnetra  tein- 
peatate  explorHta  est,  ant  aalte  oircomnaTigstA,  qnam  Ptolemniu 
nt  inoo^tsra  reliqait ;  ab  Hiapanis  uero  qaura  in  orientem 
naiugio  oontendnnt,  obtunbnlatnr  &  turcuitnr,  at  panlo  poit  dis- 
asralDiis.  Quid  &  in  ooeaiio  occidentali  fare  nouiu  orlua  ndatnria 
tSporibna  ab  Alberico  Veapntio  &  Cbriatopboro  Colnmbo,  multiaqne 
aliia  inugniboa  airia  innentiueat,  qui  non  aba  re  qnarta  orbii  para 
nmiinipari  potest,  etiam  terra  pon  aiC  tripartita,  aed  qoadripartita, 
qamn  ha  Indtane  inaals  aoa  nu^;nitadine  Europam  eioadant. 
preBertini  ea  qnl  ab  Araeriea  primo  innentore  Ani«rieam  aocat." 
Sabaadan  Mflnater,  Tahalce  eotmograpliiax.,  apnd  Oiyiueaa,  Novtu 
Orbii,  Paria,  1&12. 

'  Tba  anbjeot  ii  elaborately  diacnaaed  by  Major,  "  Heni<nr  im  a 
Happemonde  by  Leonardo  da  Vinoi,  being-  the  earliest  Map 
hithaito  known  contauiing  the  oama  of  Anuiioa,"  Are^aeiegia. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDVS  NOVVa. 


147 


It  represents  the  oceanic  theory  in  its  extreme 
form  and  has  some  points  of  likeness  to  the  Lenox 
glohe.  The  northern  continent  is  represented  by 
the  islands  of  Bacalar  and  Terra  Florida,  and  the 


latter  name  proves  the  date  of  the  map  to  be  sub- 
sequent to  Ponce  de  Leou'a  discovery  on  Easter 
Sunday,  1513.  Cipango,  here  spelled  Zipugna, 
atiU  hovers  in  the  neighbourhood.     The  western 

Loudon,  1866,  toI.  iI.  pp.  1-40.  The  eketch  hero  ^Ten  is  rednoed 
fnmi  Wiaaor  (ii.  126),  who  taksi  it  from  Wi«Mi'»  MagaihSa- 
Btnutt. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


148  TSE  DISCOVEJtY  OF  AMEBICA. 

coast  of  the  southern  continent  is  drawn  at  ran- 
dom ;  and  the  antarctic  land,  the  inevitable  remi- 
niscence of  Ptolemy  and  Mela,  protmdes  as  far  as 
the  parallel  of  60°  S. 

In  1515  Johann  Schoner,  professor  of  mathe- 
maticB  at  Nurembei^,  made  a  globe  upon  which 
America  is  drawn  very  much  as  upon 
SaTb^  Leonardo's  map,  with  an  inscription 
stating  that  the  western  coast  is  un- 
known; above,  corresponding  to  Mexico,  is  "Fa- 
rias "  in  the  true  position  of  Yespucius's  Lariab, 
and  thia  is  joined  to  the  Florida  (with  no  name) 
taken  from  Cantino  and  ending  with  a  scroll,  as 
in  Buysch,  saying  that  what  is  beyond  is  unknown. 
Leonardo's  antarctic  land  here  comes  up  so  as 
almost  to  touch  America,  and  it  bears  the  name 
"Brazilie  Regio,"  reminding  us  of  Oronuus. 

In  1520  Schoner  made  a  second  globe,  which  is 
still  preserved  at  Nurembei^.  Here  the  unnamed 
udoDhb  Florida  has  taken  the  name  "Terra  de 
*^  Cuba,"  though  both  globes  also  give  the 
island.  "Faria"  still  denotes  Mexico,  while 
"Terra  Parius  "  appears  for  the  true  Paria  on  the 
Pearl  Coast.  America  is  expressly  identified  with 
the  land  discovered  by  Cabral;  the  legend  be- 
tween latitudes  10°  and  20°  S.  is  "America  or 
Brasilia  or  Land  of  Paroquets."  The  (uitarctic 
land  has  here  become  *' Brasilia  Inferior." ' 

On  the  important  map  made  by  Baptista  Agnese 
at  Venice  in  1536,  the  name  America  does  not  ap- 
pear, but  Mundus  Novus  and  Brazil  are  placed 
n  in  Winaor, 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUS  NOrUS.  149 

dose  together  and  south  of  the  equator.^     And  on 
the  map  made  by  SebaMian  Miinster  for  „ 
the  1540  Ptolemy,  we  read,  a  little  below 
the  equator,   *'Novus   Orbia,  the  Atlantic  island 
whioh  they  call  Brazil  and  America."     Below,  to 
the  west  of  the  river  La  Plata,  we  read  "Die  Niiw 
Welt."'    These  are  some  of  the  exam-  ^hs  "Vtw      I 
pies  which  show  that  it  was  an  essential  ^Sttii'JSt. 
part  of  the   conception  of  the  "New  ^i^S^ 
World,"  in  the  minda  of  the  men  who  ""^^ 
first  used  the  expression,  that  it  was  a  vxyrid  lying 
south  of  the   equator.     The   opposition   between  \ 
OU  World  and  New  World  was  not,  as  now,  be-  I 
tween  the  eastern  and  western   hemispheres;  the 
opposition  was  between  the  northern  hemisphere 
and  the   southern;   and    as   Columbus    had    not 
crossed  the  equator  in  the  course  of  his  four  voy- 
B^a,  he  had  never  entered  or  seen  what  Waldsee- 
miiUer  and  geographers  generally  during  the  first 
half   of    the   eixteeutb    century   called    the  New 
World. 

Bat  the  course  of  time  and  the  progress  of  dis- 
covery wrought  queer  changes  in  men's  conception 
of  Mundus  Novus  and -in  the  applica-  xitmiiDD<tf 
tion  of  the  name  America.  It  was  not  >>'Ai«'ris" 
very  difficult  for  such  a  euphonious  &SSi^lSr-*° 
name  to  supplant  its  unwieldy  syno-  ""^ 
nyms,  Land  of  Paroquets  and  Land  of  the  Holy 
Cross.  Nor  did  it  require  much  extension  for  it 
to  cover  the  whole  southern  continent  soon  after 

•  TTiU  map  u  giTon  belon,  p.  i96. 

*  Thii  iQftp,  upon  vhiok  ve  loe  also  Cnttigara,  Is  pveo  below, 
pp.  406,  490. 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


160  THE  DISCOTEST  OF  AUSBICA. 

tbe  idea  of  that  continent  ae  an  integral  whole  dis- 
tiuct  from  other  wholes  had  once  been  concaved. 
The  names  of  Paria  and  the  Pearl  Coast,  Vene- 
zuela and  Darien  have  remained  upon  the  map  to 
this  d!ayj  but  Term  Firma,  the  cimibrous  name 
which  covered  the  four,  waa  easily  awallowed  up 
by  America.  Thus  the  name  of  the  Florentine 
navigator  came  to  Be  synonymous  with  what  we 
call  South  America;  and  this  wider  meaning  be- 
came all  the  more  firmly  established  as  its  nar- 
rower meaning  was  usurped  by  the  name  Brazil. 
Three  centuries  before  the  time  of  Columbus  the 
red  dye-wood  called  brazil-wood  was  an  article  of 
commerce,  under  that  same  name,  in  Italy  and 
Spain. ^  It  was  one  of  the  valuable  things  that 
were  brought  from  the  Eait,  and  when  the  Por- 
tuguese found  the  same  dye-wood  abundant  in 
those  tropical  forests  that  had  seemed  so  beautiful 
to  Vespucius,  the  name  Brazil  soon  became  fast- 
ened upon  the  country  ^  and  helped  to  set  free  the 
name  America  from  its  local  associations. 

'  MoTAtaii,  AniiduUt  ilaliane,  tom.  ii.  pp.  8M-890 ;  CapBuaj, 
llenioTiai  $oiirt  la  atUigua  manna  di  Baredoivi,  torn.  tL  pp.  4,  17, 
20;  Humboldt,  £'zani«ia-i>i>iw,  tom.  216-226.  Thii  name  of  Uia 
fabulous  uUnd  Bratil  or  BntyUe  in  the  aeeaii  vest  of  Iielaikd 
•Mm*  to  be  &  oiiae  of  acoidentBl  reeembluoe.  It  ii  probabi;  the 
Gaelic  n&me  of  an  island  in  Irish  folk-lora.  See  Winsor,  JVorr. 
and  Cnt.  Hiit.,  i.  6U. 

'  The  PortD^eu  historian  Bairos  declares  that  the  auhatitn- 
tion  of  aach  a  name  as  Brazil  for  anah  a  name  aa  HcJy  Cron  mnM 
hare  beeo  tiie  work  of  some  demon,  for  of  what  acooiuit  ia  this 
missTable  vood  that  Aje»  cloth  red  as  Dompared  vith  tlie  1>lood 
shed  foi  onr  eternal  salratiou !  —  "  Pordm  conio  o  demonio  per  o 
final  da  Gmt  perdeo  o  dominio  qns  tinha  aobre  ntSe,  msdiante  A 
PSuao  de  Christo  Jesub  oonsDmmada  nella ;  tanto  qns  daqnella 
terra  oomegon  da  vir  o  jfia  vermelho  Dhamado  Biaiil,  tiabalhon 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUa  NOVVS.  151 

By  .1540  South  America  }iad  been  completely 
drcnmnavig&ted,  and  it  was  possible  to  draw  an 
ontline  map  of  its  coast  with  a  fair  approach  to  ao- 
onracy.  It  was  thus  beginning  to  be  known  aa  a 
distinct  whole,  and  the  name  America  had  gone 
far  toward  taking  exclusive  possession  of  it.  That 
continent  was  by  far  the  most  imposing  rrault  of 
discovery  in  the  western  waters,  and  the  next  step 
was  for  its  name  to  spread  beyond  its  natural  lim- 
its so  as  to  cover  adjacent  and  less  known  regions.^ 
Now  by  1540  men  were  just  b^inning  to  grasp  the 
fact  that  the  regions  called  New  Spain,  Terra 
Florida,  and  Baccalaos  were  different  parts  of  one 
continent  that  was  distinct  from  Asia.  There  was 
as  yet  no  steadiness  of  thought  on  the  subject. 
The  wet  theory,  as  shown  in  Leonardo  da  Vinci's 
map,  had  long  since  separated  North  America  from 
Asia,  but  only  by  reducing  it  to  a  few  islands. 
The  dry  theory,  as  shown  in  the  Orontius  globe, 
made  it  continental,  but  only  by  attaching  it  to 

que  eate  nome  Gcasse  na  boca  do  povo,  «  qae  w  perdMM  o  d* 
SaneU  Cruz,  oomo  qne  importaTs  mail  o  noma  de  hum  pdo  que 
tiii(^  pBDDOB,  qoe  dnqnelle  pio  qae  dso  tintara  a  todolos  Soon- 
mentoa  per  que  BamoB  salvoe,  por  o  lai^ue  de  Chriato  Jesm,  que 
Delle  f oi  denamada,"  ate.    Bamw,  Decadaida  Aiia,  Xisbon,  ITT^. 

b>m.  i.  p-  Sei. 

I  Peter  Bienewiti  {nailed  Apianiu),  in  hia  celebrated  book  pub- 
lished In  1524,  dearlj  diatiii|^ishes  Caba,  Hispaiiiola,  ate.,  from 
America.  Tbey  are  ialanda  lying  near  America,  and  their  in- 
habitants haie  customi  and  ceremonies  like  those  of  the  people  of 
America:  — "Habet  aiitem  America  inmlu  adiaoentea  jad^- 
oentee]  i^  plarimas  Tt  Parian!  Insnlam,  Iiabellam  quo  Cuba 
dicitnr  [aio]  SpagnoUam  .  ■  .  Accolie  vero  Spagnolln  inanln  looo 
panii  TBicmitar  aerpentibiu  maiirais  et  ladioiboa.  Ritne  et  onltna 
istanim  circnmiacentinm  Insularoro  par  est  America  accolamm 
vnltni."      Coinographirui  Libtr,  Landshut,  1524,  fol.  09. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


152  THE  mSCOVEBT  OF  AMEBICA. 

Asia.  A  combination  of  vet  and  dry  theoriziiig 
vas  needed  to  bring  out  the  truth.  This  combi- 
nation was  for  a  moment  realized  in  1641  by  a  man 
who  in  such  matters  was  in  advance  of  his  age. 
Gerard  Kaufmann,  better  known  by  his  latinized 
name  Mercator,  was  a  native  of  £ast  Flanders, 
bom  in  1512,  the  year  in  which  Yespucius  died. 
Mercator  was  an  able  geographer  and 
"jUdhIo"  mathematiGian.  He  is  now  remembered 
to  uit  wHten  chiefly  for  the  important  method  of  map 
oenmiiiai^  projection  Called  by  his  name,  and  for 
'  certain  rules  of  navigation   associated 

therewith  and  known  as  "Mercator's  sailing." 
But  he  should  also  be  remembered  as  the  first 
person  who  indicated  upon  a  map  the  eziBteno«  of 
a  distinct  and  integral  western  hemisphere  and 
called  the  whole  by  the  name  America.  Upon 
the  gores  for  a  globe  which  he  made  in  1541, 
Mercator  represented  the  northern  continent  as 
distinct  from  Asia,  and  arranged  the  name  Amer- 
ica in  large  letters  so  as  to  cover  both  northern  and 
southern  continents,  putting  AME  about  on  what 
we  should  call  the  site  of  the  Great  Lakes  and 
EICA  just  west  of  the  river  La  Plata. ^  This  was 
a  stride,  nay  a  leap  beyond  what  had  gone  before. 
We  have  only  to  contrast  Mercator,  1541,  with 
Agnese,  1536,  and  with  Gastaldi,  1548,  to  realize 
what  a  startling  innovation  it  was.'  It  was  some 
time  yet  before  Mercator's  ideas  prevailed,  but  his 
map  enables  us  to  see  how  the  rec(^itiou  of  a 

'  Tba  iketch  b  radnoed  from  Wimor,  Narr.  mtd  Crit.  Hill.,  iL 

177. 

'  These  two  maps  are  givan  belov,  pp.  496,  497. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


IRICAI 


Sketch  of  (feroM  Meroatot's  map,  1541. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


164  THE  DI8C0VBBY  OF  AMERICA. 

western  henuBphere  emerged  and  during  the  latter 
half  (^  the  sixteenth  centniy  became  more  and 
iTK>re  distinct.'  As  this  process  went  on  and  the 
ideafi  of  the  ancient  get^raphers  lapsed  into  obliv- 
ion, the  old  contrast  between  north  and  south  be- 
came superseded  by  the  new  contrast 
m^Ev^uw  between  east  and  west.  Thus  the  names 
w^^^Md  America  and  New  World  came  to 
awaJien  associations  of  ideas  utterly 
different  from  those  amid  which  they  originated. 
If  Waldseemuller  had  been  told  that  a  time  would 
arrive  when  such  places  as  Baccalaos  and  his  Cape- 
of-the-end-of< April  would  be  said  to  be  in  the  Kew 
World,  be  would  have  ashed,  in  great  amazement, 
how  could  places  in  Asia  and  wholly  within  the 
bounds  of  the  ancient  CEcumene  have  anything 
whatever  to  do  with  the  Quarta  Pars  !  That  time, 
however,  did  arrive,  and  when  it  came  the  name 
of  America  began  to  looh  like  a  standing  denial  of 
the  just  rights  of  Columbus.  It  looked  as  if  at 
some  time  a  question  had  arisen  as  to  whose  name 
should  be  given  to  the  western  hemisphere,  imd  as 
if  for  some  reason  Americus  was  preferred  to  Co- 
lumbus. When  such  a  notion  had  got  into  men's 
heads  Americus  was  sure  to  be  attacked.  Mo 
cbaif^  is  easier  to  make  tlian  that  of  falsehood. 
The  sin  of  lying  is  common  enough,  and  gec^raphy 
is  not  the  simjdest  of  subjects.  Hence  most  great 
travellers,  from  Herodotus  down,  have  for  one  rea^ 
son  or  another  been  ignorantly  accused  of  lying. 

1  Sw  John  Dee's  map,  l.V<0,  below,  p.B2T:  bni  Mitrhiel  Lok' 
map,  l.'iRS,  gliowB  io  tliu  recpeot  a  leu  advanced  sb^a  of  develop- 
inept  than  Marcator'a.    See  below,  pp-  -''^4,  Ti2^, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MVSDVS  SOWS.  156 

Never  wa«  saoh  an  accoaatioii  more  ccnnpletely  the 
(^spring  of  ignorance  than  in  the  case  of  Vespu- 
rins. 

It  was  that  preciona  blunder  of  "Farias"  for 
"Lariab"  that  started  the  business,  and  it  was 
aided  by  a  slipshod  expression  of  the  Nuremberg 
inrofessor,  Johann  Schoner.  In  a  little  tract  pub- 
lished in  1515,  probably  as  an  aocompaniment  to 
his  globe  made  in  that  year,  Schoner  alludes  to 
"America,  a  new  world  and  fourth  part  of  the 
globe,  named  after  its  discoverer,  Americus  Ves- 
pucius,  a  man  of  sagacions  mind,  who  found  it  in 
the  year  1497." '  This  confusing  the  first  voyage 
with  the  third  was  not  ignorance,  but  downright 
carelessness,  for  inasmuch  aa  on  his  globes  Schoner 
placed  "Farias"  in  Mexico  and  identi-  gobSaw'i 
fied  America  with  Brazil,  he  knew  well  •"•"""^ 
enoi^h  that  it  was  not  in  1497,  but  in  1501  that 
Vespucins  visited  the  Fourth  Part,  Eighteen 
years  afterward  Schoner  made  another  bad  slip 
when  he  said,  though  here  again  be  knew  better, 
that  "Americus  appointed  a  part  cf  Upper  India, 
which  he  supposed  to  be  an  island,  to  be  called 
by  his  name."'    There  is  nothing  in  the  remark 

'  "America  dne  Ameiigan  nooiia  mniuliu:  A  qnarta  ocbb 
PAIS ;  diote  >b  ein*  innStore  Americo  Veapatio  vim  stipKna  iu- 
Kenii;  qui  cam  repent  Anno  domim.  1497.  In  ea  >Dat  homine* 
brutalca,"  eto.  Schomr,  Lucu/cntuiima  quada  terra  teliu$  dt^ 
uriptio,  'Sartiohtag,  1515.  Fur  an  account  of  tlii*  very  i«re  book 
■aa  Bairiau,  BiU.  Amer.  VttuMt.,  No.  60. 

'  "  Americoa  Veapatina  maritinia  loca  India  BoperiorU  ei  Hia- 
fiaiuii  narigio  ad  oocidentem  perlusttana,  cam  partem  qua  capa- 
rioiia  India  est,  oredidit  eiae  Inaulain  qnam  a  mo  nomine  vocari 
institiiit."  SchSner,  OpaKviuin  geographieuia,  Nuremberg,  1588. 
Inaamnoli   *a  Schoner    knew    the   Conaograpkia    iMrodaclH)  lu 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


166  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AXMBICA.. 

which  implies  censure,^  but  it  was  probably  this 
that  led  laa  Caeaa,  after  1552,  to  say  that  Amer- 
icnB  had  beeo  accused  of  putting  his  name  on  the 
map,  "thus  sinfully  failing  toward  the  Admiral." 
Ijas  Casas  had  finally  come  back  from 
2"nSSSS2^  America  in  1547,  and  by  1552  had  set- 
S^Si"  tied  down  quietly  at  Valladolid  to  work 
^^^'  upon  his  great  history.     He  was  rezed 

at  seeing  the  name  America  so  commonly  used,' 
knew  tlut  it  «u  Wal{U««ni611er  and  not  Vmpnaiiu  «ho  "  in- 
■titnit,"  etc.    But  he  vu  eTidentl?  &  uimd  of  doreiilj  apeaish. 

1  It  ii  commonl;  ipokso  of  bb  >  "  cliug:e  "  agaiiut  Veipm^ra. 
Huriwe  mUs  it "  the  fint  attempt  to  tunish  the  reputatioii  of 
the  FlorentiiM  coanu^rapher"  (Bi'il.  Amer,  Fefiul., p, OS).  Hera 
■gain  eomee  the  fallao;  of  resdius  onr  modern  ideas  into  the  old 
tezla.  There  ii  nothing  whateTsr  in  SchSner'a  context  to  uag- 
geat  tliat  he  attached  an;  blame  to  Veepacina  or  saw  anj  im- 
propriety in  the  aatue.  Indeed  he  had  hima«lf  put  it  on  bii 
globes  in  1615  and  1520,  and  done  as  mnoh  aa  anjbod;  to  give  it 
aunenny. 

'  The  snggestion  of  WaldseemSUer  aa  to  the  namg  America 
■eema  to  liave  bean  first  adopted  in  the  anonjmons  GliAtu  Mvndi, 
Stiasbnrg,  1509.  The  name  waa  used  bj  Joachim  Watt  (called 
Vadianns)  in  hia  letter  to  Bndolphns  Agricola,  Vienna,  1616,  im- 
printed in  bis  editJon  of  Mela,  Vienna,  1618,  I  haxe  already 
•llnded  la  ila  adoption  by  Letmaido  da  Vinci  and  SchSnai  and 
FUea.  Petei  Bienewilz  (called  Apiauua)  pat  the  name  America 
on  his  map  published  in  1620  (given  in  Winsor,  ii.  163)  and 
adopted  it  in  hia  Coimograpliiau  Liber,  Landahut,  1524;  an 
abridgment  of  this  book  vas  pabliahed  by  Oemma  Friains  at 
Ingoldatadt,  1529.  Heinrieh  Loritz  (called  Glareaniu)  nied  the 
name  in  his  i)«  geogivpUa  libtr  unni,  Basel,  1527:  Sebastian 
Hilnster  gave  it  forther  correnay  in  hia  eesay  in  QrynMos,  Nmnu 
Orbii,  Paris,  1532;  and  so  again  did  Hontei  in  his  i?(«ftiR«i(a 
Comogri^ica,  Zurich,  1 542.  All  these  vere  very  popnlar  boolii 
and  irere  many  times  reprinted ;  being  in  Latin  they  reached 
educated  people  ererywliere,  and  soma  of  them  were  translated 
into  Spanish,  Italian,  German,  Bohemian,  English,  French,  ete. 
Sir  Thomas  More  in  his  Uti^ia  speaks  of  the  voyagea  of  Vespn- 
doa  aa  "nowe  in  prints  aod  abrode  in  enery  manna*  handeii." 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


KUNDU8  NOVUS.  16T 

smce  by  that  tune  it  had  come  to  cover  much 
ground  that  belonged  especially  to  Columbus.  In- 
deed there  can  be  no  doubt  that  by  1550  the  greater 
exploit  of  having  sailed  west  in  order  to  get  to  the 
east  was  somewhat  overshadowed  by  the  lesser  ex- 
ploit of  having  revealed  the  continental  dimensions 
of  a  mass  of  antipodal  land  unknown  to  the  an- 
cients. Vespucius  was  more  talked  about  than  Co- 
lumbus. This  aroused  the  generous  indignation  of 
Las  Casas.  A  wnmg  seemed  to  have  been  done, 
and  somebody  must  have  been  to  blame.  ^*^  "V" 
Ias  Casas  TtaA.  the  I^atin  version  of  the  ^  **'^^Sl 
letter  to  Soderini,  appended  to  Wald-  k™  •^  "Jj^ 
seemiiller's  book,  and  could  not  im-  i*^" 
a^ne  why  Americus  should  write  such  a  letter  to 
Duke  Ben^  or  why  he  should  address  him  as  an 
old  friend  uid  schoolmate.  But  when  he  came 
to  the  place  where  Vespucius  seemed  to  be  speak- 
ing of  Paria  his  wrath  was  kindled.  Las  Casas 
quotes  the  guilty  sentence,-  and  exclums,  "Amer- 
icnis  tella  us  that  he  went  to  Faria  on  his  fast  voy- 
age, saying:  And  that  province  is  called  by  the 
people  themtelvei  Parias;  and  then  he  made  his 
second  voyage  with  Ojeda,"  also  to  Paria.'  Hie 
clause  which  I  have  italicized  is  the  very  clause 
in  which  the  Latin  version  ignorantly  substitntes 

S«fl  Eairine,  Bi'U.  Amtr.  Vetutt.,  ander  tlis  diSeraot  yean; 
Wiiaor,  Narr.  and  Oil.  Hitt..  ii.  180-180 ;  VanihageD,  Noaneiiet 
rttierdiet,  pp.  19-24. 

1  "  De  haber  llegado  i  Pirik  el  Am64co  en  eate  ra  piimar 
Tiaje,  i1  mlnno  lo  oonfieeB  en  m  primerm  naTsgwHon,  dioieiido : 
H  pravincia  ipta  Pariai  ab  iptU  nuncupota  oL  Deipnea  hii4> 
tambieo  eon  el  minno  Hojeda  U  ee^nda  naTSgacion, "  eta.'  Lm 
CmtM,  Hiitona  dt  la*  Luiiat,  torn.  ii.  p.  273. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


168  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMEBIOA. 

PariaK  iot  the  Lariab  of  the  original  text;  and 
ihe  passage  in  which  Las  Casas  quotes  it  is  Uie 
dommentarj'  evidence  upon  which  I  am  content  to 
rest  the  statement  with  which  I  opened  this  long 
discussion,  that  it  was  this  miserable  alteration 
that  made  all  the  trouble.  It  at  once  riveted  the 
attention  of  Las  Casas  upon  the  Pearl  Coast,  in 
spite  of  the  explicit  statement,  on  the  same  page 
and  only  nine  lines  above  the  name  "Farias,"  that 
it  was  ."under  the  tropic  of  Cancer,  in  latitude  23° 
N."  Las  Casas  understood  Vespucius  to  say  that 
he  had  been  at  Faria  in  1497,  and  found  no  diffi- 
culty in  proving  that  this  could  not  be  true.  Could 
it  be  that  Americus  intended  to  usurp  honours 
which  he  knew  to  belong  to  the  Admiral?  If  so, 
it  was  a  great  piece  of  wickedness,  says  Las  Casas; 
still  he  admits  that  the  fault  may  lie  with  the  per- 
sons who  printed  the  account  of  the  four  voy^es.  < 
For  a  while  his  strong  love  of  fairness  restrains 
the  pen  of  Las  Casas,  but  when  at  length  he  loses 
all  patience  with  "these  foreigners"  who  make 
maps  and  put  the  nune  America  where  they  ought 
to  put  "Columba"  [«ic],  he  hastily  includes  Ves- 
pucius in  his  condemnation,  and  adds  that  he  can- 
not conceive  why  Ferdinand  Columbus,  whom  he 
knowt  to  have  had  the  book  of  the  Vespucius  voy- 
ages in  his  possession,  did  not  take  notice  of  this 
"theft  and  usurpation  "  by  Americus  of  what  be- 

'  "  T  M  tnm  aqai  de  ooDaidenr  la  Injuadoia  y  agrsTio  que 
■qnal  AmririiMi  Vespncio  pu«ce  tuber  heolia  al  jUmiruite,  6  los 
qofl  impiin>ieroii  >ns  aaatro  nareiisoiDiiea,  atribnyetxlo  i  g(  d  ao 
Dombiiuda  uno  ^  si  iulo,  el  dewmbiimiinto  delta  tterra  fimw," 
•ic.    Qp.  c{l.  torn.  Ji.  p.  268. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


UUNDV3  mows.  159 

longed  to  hie  iUaatrious  father.'  If  Las  Caaas 
bad  closely  watched  the  gradnal  development  of 
the  affair  he  would  have  understood  Ferdinand's 
silence,  hut  as  for  half  a  century  he  had  been 
mostly  in  America,  absorbed  in  very  different 
matters,  the  exaltation  of  Yespoeius  took  him  by 
surprise  and  he  was  unable  to  comprehend  it. 

As  the  history  of  I^as  Casas  remained  in  manu- 
script,  it  produced  no  immediate  effect  upon  the 
public  mind.  There  were  people  still  Hwnn't 
livingbetweenl562andl561,asforex-  '^^"^ 
ample  Ramusio  and  Benzoni,^  who  were  '^'■ 
probably  competent  to  set  Las  Ca«a8  right.  But 
in  1601  all  such  people  had  passed  away,  and  then 
the  cha^e  against  Vespooius  was  for  the  first 
time  published  by  Herrera,  the  historiographer  of 

'  "  Y  mtiraTflloiite  ;a  da  D.  Hemando  ColoD,  hijo  del  miaDUl 
Almirante,  que  liendo  pen(Mia  de  mnj  bnen  in^nio  y  prndanoim, 
J  temendo  en  sn  poder  laa  misnias  nsDegiKnoiiei  de  An^rioo, 
aODM  la  ni  JO,  no  adiirtiii  en  eate  hurto  7  niarpaeiai)  que  Amjrim 
VetpDcio  luzo  ii  n  mny  ilnstie  padre."  Op.  cit.  torn.  ii.  p.  896. 
Thu  refereooa  to  Fetdinaod's  book  BBeme  to  piore  tliat  the  le- 
muki  oEI^a  Caus  abmit  AioeiienB  ven  written  u  late  aa  1&52, 
or  later.  Lbb  Cbku  leema  to  hare  be^n  work  on  hia  history  at 
dw  Domiidoan  mouutery  in  San  Domii^o,  Bomewhere  between 
tke  datea  1522  and  15.^0.  He  took  it  up  a{;ain  at  Valladolid  in 
1552  and  worked  on  it  until  ISei.  Hn  allnucm  to  Ferdintwd 
Colambua  waa  oleariy  made  after  the  death  of  the  latter  in  1539, 
M  that  thw  part  ol  the  book  was  daubtlew  written  Bomewhere 
between  1552  and  1501, 

>  At  the  end  of  the  fit}h  chi4>ter  of  hia  Hiitoria  del  Hondo 
Nnooo,  Venioe,  1605,  Benzoni  enameratea  vaiioos  meD  for  whom 
olaiui  had  been  made  that  conflicted  with  the  prioiity  of  Colani- 
fana  in  his  diaoovery ;  he  doea  not  inolade  Veapnciaa  ia  Uie  nnm- 
bar.  See  the  excellent  remark*  at  Uninboldt  oo  Bemoiu  and 
Ramoaio,  in  hia  Exaaea  critiqiie,  torn.  iv.  pp.  140-152. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


160  THE  DISCOVBBY  OF  AMEBIC  A. 

Spain,  wlio  had  used  the  manuscript  of  Laa  Casas.' 
Herrera  flatly  aoouseil  VeBpucins  of  purposely  an- 
tedating his  voyage  of  1409  with  Ojeda  to  Faria, 
in  order  to  make  it  appear  that  he  had  found  Terra 
flrma  before  Columbus.  Then  Herrera  assumed 
dtat  Vespucius  again  accompanied  Ojeda  to  Paria 
on  the  second  voyage  of  that  cavalier,  which  began 
in  January,  1502.  This  assumption  displaced  the 
third  voyage  of  Vespucios,  who,  it  will  be  remem- 
bered, was  in  the  harbour  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  on 
that  New  Year's  day.  A  doubt  was  thus  raised 
as  to  whether  the  third  voyage  was  not  a  lie,  and 
so  the  tangle  went  on  until  one  might  well  wonder 
whetlier  any  of  these  voyages  ever  were  made  at 
all  I  Surely  no  poor  fellow  was  ever  so  victimized 
l^  editors  and  commentators  as  this  honest  Flor- 
entine sailor  !  From  the  dire  confusion  into  which 
He.i'era  contrived  to  throw  the  subject  it  was  no 
easy  task  for  scholars  to  emerge.  Where  was  the 
Ariadne  who  could  furnish  a  clae  to  such  a  laby- 
rinth? For  two  centuries  and  a  half  ^e  assertion 
that  Vespncius  had  somehow  contrived  to  cheat 
people  into  the  belief  that  he  was  the  discoverer 
of  the  western  hemisphere  was  repeated  by  his- 
torians, proclaimed  in  cyclopgedias, 
Hwnn  g*n  preached  about  by  moralists,  and  taught 
perHiiu'  to  children  in  their  school-books.     In 

ABHriciu        the  queer  lumber-garret  of  half-formed 
•nppiut  Co-     notions  which  for  the  majority  of  man- 
kind does  duty  as  histoiy  this  particu- 
lar misty   notion  was,  and  is  still,  pretty  sure  to 

>  Benen,  HiHoria  de  lot  Ittdicu  Oaidtnlalei.  Hftdrid,  1601, 
torn.  L  pp.  125-128,  131,  148,  224,  230. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUB  NOVnS.  161 

be  found.  Until  the  nineteenth  century  Bcarcely 
anybody  had  a  good  word  for  the  great  navigator 
except  Bandini,  Canovai,  and  other  Florentine 
writers.  But  inaamuch  as  most  of  these  defenders 
simply  stood  by  their  fellow-countryman  from  the 
same  kind  of  so-called  "patriotic"  motives  that 
impel  Scandinarian  writers  to  attack  Columbua, 
their  arguments  produced  little  impresBtoc;  and 
being  quite  as  much  in  the  dark  as  their  adversa- 
ries, they  were  apt  to  overdo  the  business  and  hurt 
their  case  by  trying  to  prove  too  much.  Until  the 
middle  of  the  present  century  the  renewal  of  as- 
saults upon  Vespucius  used  to  come  in  periodic 
spasms,  like  the  cholera  or  the  fashion  of  poke 
bonnets.*  Early  in  this  centmy  the  publication 
1  The  I&test  aixl  fiercest  of  chase  ■s*nlCa  ve>  the  Uttle  book 
of  die  Viwoant  de  Saiit»rem,  BecherfAa  Mstoriquet,  frltiqiui,  el 
bibliograpAiqua  tar  Amhie  Vtspucs  a  ta  voyaga,  Pnig,  1843. 
For  peireree  in|r*uaitj  in  creatiag  difficulties  where  nana  exirt, 
thia  book  ia  •  onriovty  in  the  literature  ot  morbid  paycholo^. 
From  loag  staring  into  mare's  neeta  the  author  had  aoqniisd  a 
chronic  twiat  in  bia  viajon.  What  elae  oao  be  aud  of  a  man  wbo 
wastes  four  pagm  (pp.  63-56)  in  proTinf;  that  Vespncins  eooU 
;iat  have  been  a  schoolmate  of  the  Jlr«i  Renj  of  LorrniDa,  who 
was  bom  in  1410  ?  and  who  is,  or  affects  to  be.  ao  giomlj  iput- 
rant  of  Fiorentina  history  aa  to  find  it  strangfe  (p.  83)  that  Veipn- 
eina  aboald  have  beau  an  fiiendly  terms  at  once  with  Soderinl 
and  with  a  Medici  of  the  yoon^er  branch  ?  M.  d«  Ssntarem'a 
methods  would  hare  been  highly  valned  by  inch  sharp  pmctitioii- 
an  aa  Ueaaim.  Dodaan  and  Fogg :  —  "  Chops  !  Qracioos  heaTesa  I 
and  tomato  aanoe  I !  Geutlamen,  ia  the  happinesa  of  a  aendtive 
and  conBding  female  to  be  triSed  away  by  ancb  shallow  artificM 
H  thaae  f  "  With  argnraeota  of  this  character  M.  de  Santarem 
oontrivad  to  nbolish  all  the  voyages  of  Vespacina  except  the  one 
with  Ojsda.  The  only  intereat  that  can  be  felt  to-day  in  tUa 
worthless  book  Ilea  in  the  fact  that  an  Ei^Iish  tianalatson  of  it 
was  published  in  Boston  in  1850,  and  ia  to  be  held  responsible 
lot  tbs  following  ootbont,  at  which  no  on*  would  hsTe  been  m 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


162  TBB  DISCOVERY  OF  AMESICA. 

of  many  original  documents  seemed  at  first  only  to 
enliance  the  conf  uBion,  for  it  took  time  and  patient 
■faooksd  M  the  illDitrioDi  kutlior,  it  b«  Lad  bean  properlj'  ia- 
f ormed  ;  —  "  Strange  tLat  brood  Americft  lauat  wear  tbe  name 
of  a  thief.  AmeriifD  Veapncci,  tfae  picUe-dealer  at  Senile,  who 
vent  out  in  1499,  a  nibaltem  vitb  Bojeda,  and  whan  bigheat 
naial  rank  irai  boatovain'a  mate  in  an  eipedidoti  that  nerer 
tailed,  maiiaged  in  thia  lying  woiid  to  supplant  Colnmboi  and 
baptiza  baU  the  earth  with  hia  oitd  diahooeat  Dams."  EmeiMD, 
Engluh  Traiu,  Boaton,  18S6  (p.  148  of  the  RireiaidB  edilioD, 
1883). 

Qaaely  couneoted  vith  theaa  reonnent  aaaanlta  hare  been  mote 
nr  leaa  eerioiu  pnpoaaU  from  time  to  time  to  change  the  name  of 
America,  or  of  North  America,  or  of  the  United  Statea.  In  point 
of  enphon;  the  namea  snggeated  voold  hardl;  be  an  improre- 
meat,  and  they  have  often  been  of  dabiona  hiatorical  propriaty ; 
e.  g.  Cabalia!  di  even  S^aitiana,  which  woold  be  bononring' 
the  eon  at  the  ezpenae  of  the  father;  or  AlUghania,  bat  why 
ahonld  the  Tallefpri  monopoliie  it  ?  I  lappoae  Mr.  Lewig  Hor- 
gaa  might  hare  approved  of  GanoKania,  or  pertiapa  Hodtna- 
aatono,  "  oonntry  of  the  Long  Honae."  Early  in  the  HTSnteantb 
eentsry  Fiiarro  ;  Otellana  ( Vartma  iltatret  dtl  Nvtvo  Maado, 
Uadrid,  1630,  p.  61)  eipreaaed  hia  diagoat  at  the  name  of  Amer- 
ioa,  not  becsnae  it  «*•  an  injnatice  to  Colombiia,  bnt  becanae  it 
waa  not  ariatomatic  enongh;  the  New  World  onght  not  to  be 
named  after  anybody  lower  than  royalty,  and  eo  be  propoaed  to 
Mil  it  Fer-Iiabetica !  That  vonld  luTe  been  a  nice  name  I 
Gentle  reader,  how  woold  yon  like  to  be  a  Fei^Iaabelioan  7  An- 
odwr  «g<*  Spaniard  would  have  euhrined  the  memory  of  Charlea 
T.  in  Boob  an  epithet  aa  Orbit  Caroiima.  See  Soldnano  Pereyra, 
De  IndiaruM  Jure,  Leyden,  1072,  lib.  i.  cap.  2.  Late  in  the 
dzteenth  century  a  learned  Portngneee  writer  characterized  the 
New  World  aa  Oolden  India,  while  he  diatingniohed  the  eaatem 
poaseamona  of  hia  nation  aa  Aiomatio  ludia.  See  Gaapar  Ftno- 
tooao,  Savdada  da  Terra,  Liabon,  1590. 

3peakin(r  of  AiUgliania  reminda  me  of  the  dmil  conoeit  of 
Profeaaor  Jalea  Harcon  that  the  name  America  after  all  waa  not 
taken  from  Veapncina,  bnt  from  a  rooontain  range  in  Nicangna, 
the  Indian  name  of  whiiA  waa  Aiiternqtit  or  Americ,  and  which 
be  imaginea  (without  a  morael  of  documentary  eTidence)  that 
Colnmbna  mnat  have  heard  on  hia  fonitb  TOyiKs  !  (See  Atlaniie 
JbnliUf,  Mareh,  187G,  toL  zzzt.  pp.  291-2116.)     According  to 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUSDVB  tfOVUS.  188 

thinking  to  get  bo  many  new  &cts  into  the  right 
oonnectiona. 

At  length  the  gigantic  learning  of  Alexander 
von  Humboldt  was  brought  to  bear  on 
the  subject,  and  enough  was  accom-  pvtiT^KM 
plished  to  vindicate  forever  the  charac-  luiir  ^ 
ter  of  Amerious.  But  owing  to  inad- 
equate textual  criticism,  much  still  remained  to 
be  cleared  np.  Proceeding  from  the  Latin  text 
of  1507,  and  accepting  the  Bandini  letter  as  gen- 
oine,  Humboldt  naturally  failed  to  unravel  the 
snarl  of  the  first  two  voyages.  Then  came  Vam- 
hagen,  who  for  the  first  time  began  at  the  very  be- 
^nning  by  establishing  the  primitive  and  genuine 
texts  from  which  to  work.  This  at  oaoe  carried 
the  first  voyage  £ar  away  from  Faria,  and  then 
everything  b^an  to  become  intelligible.  Though 
scholars  are  not  as  yet  agreed  as  to  all  of  Yam- 
hagen's  conclusions,  yet  no  shade  of  doubt  is  left 
iipon  the  int^^ity  of  Yespucius.^  So  truth  is 
stroi^  and  prevails  at  last. 

dds  itmej,  tlie  luune  Amerioa  sboald  hme  bean  fint  applied  to 
Nlouagom,  whenas  it  wu  nail;  fint  applied  to  Brazil  and  had 
bMD  naed  for  many  a  year  before  it  extended  acnm  the  isthmu 
of  Darien.  Speculation  d  prion'  a  of  tittle  me  in  history,  and  a 
great  man;  things  that  mnat  have  happened  noTer  did  happen. 
If  I  «ete  not  afmid  of  atartiDg  off  (ams  veatiueMime  ipirit  on  ■ 
fredi  wildgooie-ohue,  I  wonld  —  well,  I  will  take  the  risk  and 
manldon  the  alfish  oMncidenoe  that,  trhereaa  Brazil,  the  ori^nal 
Amerioa,  reoeived  ita  name  from  its  dje-irood  like  that  of  the 
Eut  Indies,  there  iras  a  kind  of  this  branl-»ood  in  Sumatra 
vbish  the  fonitMnth  cenlnry  traTeller  PegoloUi  calls  Amku, 
and  alcmg  vith  it  anotber  and  sonawhat  better  kind  which  be 
aalia  Golohbimo  I  [  [    See  Yule'i  Jforco  Polo,  vol.  ii.  p.  315. 

'  No  oompetent  leholar  anywhere  will  now  be  foond  to  diasent 
from  the-  itrnphati"  atatament  of  M.  Hairiue :  —  "  After  a  dill- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


184  THE  DISCOVSBT  OF  AMESICA. 

One  thing  more  was  needed,  and  that  vaa  to 
make  a  comprehensive  statement  of  the  case  en- 
tirely freed  from  '^bondage  to  the  modem  map," 
—  a  statement  interpreting  the  facta  aa  thej  ap- 
peared in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  to 
students  of  Ptolemy  and  Mela,  and  rigorously 
avoiding  the  error  of  projecting  our  modem  know- 
ledge into  the  past.  I  sincerely  hope  that  in  the 
present  chapter  I  have  kept  clear  of  that  error. 

It  has  not  been  merely  through  a  desire  to  do 
justioe  to  the  memory  of  a  great  navigator  and 
worthy  man  that  I  have  devoted  so  much  space  to 
this  subject  and  made  such  large  demands  upon 
the  reader's  patience.  It  will  at  once  be  recog- 
nized, I  think,  that  through  such  a  discussion, 
nu)re  than  through  any  mere  narrative,  are  we 
made  to  realize  what  a  gradual  process  of  evolution 
the  Discovery  of  America  really  was.  "We  have 
now  to  follow  that  process  into  its  next  stage  of 
advancement,  and  see  how  men  came  to  the  know- 
ledge of  a  vast  ocean  to  the  west  of  Mundus  Novus. 
We  have  here  fortunately  arrived  at  a  region  where 
the  BIT  is  comparatively  clear  of  controversial 
mists,  and  although  we  have  to  describe  the  crown- 
ing achievement  in  the  records  of  maritime  disoov- 
ery,  the  story  need  not  long  detain  us. 

We  may  properly  start  by  indicating  the  pnr- 


g«nt  itndy  of  all  ths  ongiiul  doenments,  we  feel  oomlniDed  to 
Mj  that  then  ii  not  a  particle  of  CTideDoe,  direct  or  indiieot,  Im- 
plicating Ameiiciia  Veapnciiu  in  on  attatupt  to  foi*t  hii  name  on 
tlu*  oantjiniit."     Biblielhtea  Americana  VelaitUiiMa,  New  York, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MVNDUa  HOWS.  185 

pose  of  the  foortli  voyage  of  Amerions ;  and  here 
we  shall  be  helped  hy  a  tabular  view 
showing  its  poaitioD  in  the  group  of  qomH^T 
TC^ages  to  which  it  belonged.  The  third  t^t!^  <a 
voyage  of  Columbua,  in  which  he  skirted  tint  of  m*- 
the  Pearl  Coaet  for  a  short  dietance,  had 
revealed  land  which  he  had  correctly  interpreted 
as  continental,  and  it  was  land  in  an  unexpected 
porition.  His  letter  describing  this  voyage  did  not 
obtain  a  wide  circnlation,  and  there  is  no  reason 
tot  supposing  that  it  would  have  aroused  pnblio 
attention  to  any  great  extent  if  it  had.  People's 
ideas  as  to  "continents"  and  "islands"  in  these 
remote  parts  were,  as  we  have  seen,  very  hazy; 
and  there  was  nothing  in  this  new  land  north  of 
the  equator  to  si^^gest  the  idea  of  Quarta  Pars  or 
Mundus  I^ovua.  But  this  voyage  was  followed  up 
next  year  by  that  of  Ojeda  with  La  Cosa  and  Ves- 
pueins,  and  it  was  proved  that  the  Pearl  Coast 
opposed  quite  a  long  barrier  to  voyages  in  this 
direction  into  the  Indian  ocean.  The  triumphant 
retom  of  Gama  from  Hindustan  in  midsummer 
of  1499  turned  all  eyes  toward  that  country. 
Cathay  and  Cipango  suffered  temporary  eclipse. 
The  problem  for  Spain  was  to  find  a  route  into  the 
Indian  ocean,  either  to  the  west  or  to  the  east  of 
ihe  Pearl  Coast.  Thus  she  might  hope  to  find 
riches  in  the  same  quarter  of  the  globe  where  Por- 
tugal had  found  them.  As  the  Spanish  search 
went  on,  it  became  in  a  new  and  unexpected  way 
complicated  with  Portuguese  interests  through  the 
discovery  of  a  stretch  of  Brazilian  coast  lying  east 
fA  tlie  papal  meridian.     Bearing  these  points  in 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


166  THE  DISCOVEBY  OF  AMERICA. 

miad,  the  reader  will  be  helped  by  the  foUowing 
diagram  in  which  some  of  the  voyages  already  dis- 
cnaaed  are  grouped  with  those  which  we  are  now 
about  to  consider.  The  numbers  refer  back  to 
tha  numbers  in  my  fuller  table  of  voyages  on  pages 
62,  63  above,  and  here  as  there  the  Portuguese 
voyages  are  distinguished  by  italics. 


6.    CoLDKBCB  in. 
0.    OjedA,  Lk  Coh,  Tstpnofau 


-     I 


1.  fitaaa. 
6.  L«i>«. 

6.     Cabral. 
11.     VevwcTui 

13.  Vtipmivt 

14.  Jaqatt, 
18.  Pinran,  SoUa. 

28.  Ma<ielijut. 


Trent  Of  Pearl  Cout.  Eaat  of  Pearl  CuasU 

While  the  voyages  of  Bastidaa  and  Columbus 
between  tbe  Pearl  Coast  and  Cape  Honduras  re- 
^  vealed  no  pass^e  into  the  Indian  ocean, 

coriho  ud  the  voyages  of  Finzon,  Lepe,  and  Ves- 
pucius  proved  that  from  Paria  to  Cape 
San  Roque,  and  thence  southerly  and  southwesterly 
there  extended  a  continuous  coast  as  far  as  tbe  lat- 
itude of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  If  this  was  Cat- 
tigara  land,  or  part  of  Ptolemy's  southern  Terra 
Incf^ita,  might  it  be  possible  to  sail  around  it 
and  enter  the  Indian  ocean?  Or  might  some  paa- 
sage  be  found  oonneoting  the  waters  on  its  <^)po- 
site  sides?    If  such  a  passage  should  be  foapd,  of 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUB  NOVUS.  167 

oonise  much  intereBt  would  attach  to  its  position, 
whfither  east  or  west  of  tbe  papal  meridian.  It 
WBA  to  determine  sacb  points  aa  these  that  two  ex- 
peditions sailed  from  Portugal  in  1503,  the  one 
commanded  hy  Oon<;alo  Coelho,  the  other  by 
Christorto  Jaqnes.'  Coelho's  fleet  consisted  of 
six  ships,  one  of  which  was  conmianded  by  Yespn- 
cina.  From  Uindustan  had  come  reports  of  the 
great  wealth  and  conmianding  situation  of  the  city 
of  Malacca,  a  most  important  gateway  and  ware- 
bouse  for  the  Ghmgetic  sea,  and  mnc^  farther  east 
and  south  than  Calcutta.  The  purpose  of  Coelho 
and  Jaques  was  to  investigate  die  relations  of  the 
Brazilian  coast  to  this  rich  gateway  of  the  East. 
Of  Jaques's  voyage  we  know  little  except  that  he 
seems  to  have  skirted  the  coast  of  Fat^onia  aa 
&r  as  ^2°  S.,  and  may  have  caught  a  glimpse  of 
the  opening  which  M3.gellaji  afterward  (by  sailing 
throngh  it)  proved  to  be  a  strait.  Wby  he  should 
have  turned  and  gone  home,  without  verifying  this 
point,  is  a  question  which  will  naturally  occur  to 
the  reader  who  allows  himself  for  a  moment  to  for- 
get the  terrible  hardships  that  were  apt  to  beset 
these  msj^iners  and  frustrate  their  plans.  We 
shall  have  no  difficulty  in  understanding  it  when 
we  come  to  see  how  the  crews  of  Magellan  felt 
about  entering  this  strait. 

'  TIm  data  1S03  for  the  Jaqnes  rojage  luu  bees  dtnibtad  (Vun- 
lugen,  Frimeirat  ntgociaSa  diplomdliau  reiptetiBOt  ao  Braiil, 
Rio  Janeiro,  IS43).  I  here  follov  the  mora  ^nenll;  raceWad 
O^niim.  Far  the  Fianch  royage  of  QooneTille  in  ISM  on  the 
Bimnlikn  coaat  aa  for  aa  26°  S.,  aee  Aveiao,  "Campagne  dn 
narlia  I'EipoiF  da  Honflenr,"  in  AnnaleM  da  vOj/aga,  jnin  et 
inillet,  1809 ;  Gaffanl,  Hiteirt  du  BrUit  Franfai*  om  mtiimt 
nidf,  Paria,  1ST8. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


168  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

Aa  for  Coelho's  expedition,  atarting  from  Lis- 
bon Jane  10,  1503,  its  first  atop  was  at  the  Cape 
Verde  ialanda,  for  a  fresh  supply  of  water  and 
roiuthTiniaB  *>^^^  proviaions.  From  thia  point  Yea- 
-^(^  pucius  wished  to  take  a  direct  course 
1".  1W8.  Jqj.  Brazil,  but  Coelho  iusiated  upon 
keeping  on  southerly  to  Sierra  Lfeoae,  for  no 
earthly  reaaon,  aays  Americus  rather  tartly,  "un- 


ship* at  tbe  timg  of  VeipDoiiu.' 

leaa  to  exhibit  himself  as  the  captain  of  six  ships ; "  * 
but  I  suapect  that  while  the  scientific  Italian  would 
have   steered   boldly   across    the   trackless   waste 

'  From  the  ori^nBl  edition  of  the  letter  to  Soderini,  Flonnee, 
1506-06,  photographed  from  Varnhacen's  facdmila  reproduction. 

*  "  Bt  some  elnoatro  opitkno  maggiore  fnna  hnomo  p,  nimp- 
tnoK)  A  molto  o&uezuto  |i.  e,  Portuguese  cabrpido,  "  headitrong  "], 
nolle  •ndare  a  iJconoaoeTg  la  Serrft  liana,  .  .  .  (onia  tenere  ne- 
eeariti  alcana,  le  do'  p,  fani  nedere,  oh'  era  oapituio  di  aei  nani," 
•to.    Ltltera,  etc.,  foL  c  iii  Terso. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


liUffDUS  SOWS.  169 

straiglit  at  his  goal,  the  Portuguese  oommander 
preferred  tlie  old-fasHoned  and  more  timid  couree 
of  following  two  sides  of  a  triangle  and  was  not 
going  to  take  advice  from  aaj  of  your  confounded 
foreigners.  But  as  several  of  the  captains  and 
pilots  sustiuned  Americus,  the  oouise  actually 
followed,  without  much  rhyme  or  reason,  looks 
like  the  resultant  of  a  conflict  of  opinions.  Early 
in  August,  after  much  rough  weather,  they  dis- 
covered a  small  uninhabited  island  near  the  Bra- 
zilian coast  in  latitude  8°  S.,  since  known  as  the 
island  of  Fernando  Noronha;  and  there  one  of 
the  ships,  a  carrack  of  300  tons  burthen,  in  which 
were  most  of  the  stores,  staved  in  her  bows  against 
a  rockand  "notbingwas  saved  but  thecrew."  By 
the  chief  captain's  orders  Americus  with  his  own 
ship  sought  a  harbour  on  this  island  and  found  an 
excellent  one  about  four  leagues  distant.  His  boat 
had  been  retained  for  general  service  by  Coelho, 
who  promised  to  send  it  after  him  with  further 
instructions.  We  are  not  informed  as  to  the 
weather,  but  it  was  probably  bad,  for  after  wait- 
ing a  week  in  the  harbour,  Amerious  descried  one 
of  the  ships  on  her  way  to  him.  She  brought 
nlbws  that  Coelho's  ship  had  gone  with  him  to  the 
bottom  and  the  other  two  had  disappeared.  So 
now  the  two  ships  of  Vespucius  and  his  consort, 
with  one  boat  between  them,  were  left  alone  at  this 
little  island.  "It  had  plenty  of  fresh  water," 
says  Americus,  "and  a  dense  growth  of  trees  filled 
with  innumerable  birds,  which  were  so  simple  that 
they  allowed  us  to  catch  them  with  our  hands. 
We  took  so  many  that  we  loaded  the  boat  with 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


170  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMBBICA. 

them."^  After  thas  providing  gainst  famine, 
they  saQed  to  the  Bay  of  AH  Saints,  which  had 
been  designated  as  a  rendezvous  in  case  of  acci- 
dents, and  there  they  faithfully  waited  two  months 
in  the  vain  hope  of  being  overtaken  by  their 
comrades.  Then  giving  up  this  hope,  they 
weighed  anchor  again  and  followed  the  coast  south- 
ward to  Cape  Frio,  just  under  the  tropic  of  Cap- 
ricorn. Finding  there  a  great  quantity  of  brazil- 
wood, they  decided  to  establish  a  colony  there,  and 
what  follows  we  may  let  Vespucius  tell  in  his  own 
words:  —  "In  this  port  we  staid  five  months,  build- 
ing a  block-house  and  loading  our  ships  with  dye* 
wood.  We  could  go  no  farther,  for  want  of  men 
and  equipments.  So  after  finishing  this  work  we 
decided  to  return  to  Forti^al,  leaving 
twenty-four  men  in  the  fortress,  with 
twelve  pieces  of  cannon,  a  good  outfit  of 
small  arms,  and  provisions  for  six  months.^  We 
made  peace  with  all  the  natives  in  the  neighbour* 
hood,  whom  I  have  not  mentioned  in  this  voyage, 
but  not  because  we  did  not  see  and  have  dealings 
with  great  nnmbers  of  them.  As  many  as  thirty 
ctf  ns  went  forty  leagues  inland,  where  we  saw  so 
'  Tbaa  ii  anotber  nt  the  littls  obBerratioiiB  which  keep  imprew- 
ing  Ds  with  the  aocniacT  and  fidelitj  of  Vespacios  In  hit  deaorip- 
tiooa.  Modem  iMtoraliitta  are  familiar  with  the  fact  that  on 
deiolate  ialauda,  where  the;  hare  liied  for  many  generatioDS  nn- 
midoeted,  birds  heoome  lo  taroe  that  thev  can  be  caag:lit  by  hand, 
and  even  the  catching  of  a  multitude  of  them  will  not  frigfaten 
the  othen.  For  many  instances  of  this,  and  the  explanation,  lee 
Danrin'a  Vr'yugt  ef  da  Bmgle.  new  ed.,  London,  1870,  p.  3Q8; 
%>encer*a  Ettagt,  Sd  eeriea,  London,  1304,  p.  134. 

*  This  little  colony  or  factory  at  Cape  Frio  was  itUl  kept  np  in 
1611  and  after.  See  VamhageD,  Hitioin  gln'raU  du  Briiil 
tan.  i.  p.  427. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


UUNDUa  N0VV3.  171 

many  things  that  I  omit  to  relate  them,  reserring 
them  for  my  book,  the  Four  Jbvmet/s.  .  .  .  The 
bearer  of  this  letter,  Benvenuto  di  Domenico  Ben- 
venitti,  will  tell  your  Magnificence  of  .  .  .  aach 
things  as  have  been  omitted  to  avoid  prolixity.  .  .  . 
I  have  made  the  letter  as  short  aa  possible,  and 
retained  from  mentioning  many  things  very  nat- 
ural to  he  told,  throughjear  of  seeming  tedious." 

This  passage,  and  especially  the  last  sentence 
which  I  have  italicized,  affords  abundant  explana- 
tion of  that  reticence  of  Yespucius  about  many 
things  which  we  should  like  to  know;  a  reticence 
which  the  bata  and  moles  of  historical  criticism, 
with  &ese  plain  words  staring  them  in  the  face, 
profess  to  regard  aa  unaccountable  I 

When  Americus  arrived  at  Lisbon,  June  18, 
1504,  the  missing  ships  had  not  yet  arrived,  and 
were  given  up  for  lost,  but  after  some  time  they  re- 
turned, having  extended  their  explorations  perhaps 
as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  river  La  Flata.^ 

'  Tbis  ia  tlie  opimon  of  VamfaageD,  irho  believei  tlut  Jnan  de 
Solu  wu  then  in  the  PoitD^esa  service  and  in  this  fleet,  and  on 
thia  oocasioo  made  his  first  Boqnaintiuice  with  Che  riTer  La  Plata, 
«hiah  mmld  almost  Borelj  be  mistaken  for  a  strut.  If  thii 
opiDion  as  to  Soils  be  sustained,  one  can  see  a  oonunon  faatore  in 
the  shifting;  of  two  soeh  captains  aa  Vespaoin*  and  Solis  f ram 
Sp^B  to  Portugal  and  back,  conpled  with  the  sabsequeDt  trans- 
fer of  Magellan  from  the  Fortogneae  terrioa.  The  discoverj  of 
Bnuil  seemed  to  opao  an  BTeone  for  Portngneae  enterprise  in 
western  waters,  and  so  began  to  draw  orar  navigators  fram 
^>^ ;  bnt  by  1504  it  began  to  appear  that  the  limit  of  aehieve- 
Ment  under  the  Portngneaa  flag  in  that  direction  had  been  reached, 
and  so  the  tide  of  interest  set  back  toward  Spun.  If  Soils  saw 
La  Rata  in  1504  and  beUeved  it  to  be  ft  strut,  be  most  haM 
known  that  It  was  on  the  Spanish  side  of  the  line  of  di 
nat  of  Cape  San  Roqne. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


172  THE  DJSCOVEMY  OF  AMEBICA. 

For  some  reason  unknown  Vespuciua  left  the 
service  of  Portugal  by  the  end  of  that  year  1504, 
or  somewhat  earlier.  This  step  may  have  been 
i,„rtiiu.n-  connected  with  his  marriage,  which 
tmuuspitii,  gggmg  to  hare  occurred  early  in  1505; 
it  may  have  been  because  he  had  become  suffi- 
ciently impressed  with  the  southwesterly  trend  of 
the  Brazilian  coast-Une  to  realize  that  further  dis- 
coveries in  that  direction  would  best  be  conducted 
under  the  Spanish  flag ;  or  it  may  have  been  simply 
because  King  Ferdinand  outbid  King  Fmannel, 
whose  policy  was  too  often  pennywise.  At  any 
rate,  Americus  made  his  way  bach  to  Spain.  In 
February,  1505,  just  before  starting  from  Seville 
on  his  journey  to  court,  he  called  on  his  sick  and 
harassed  friend  Columbus,  to  see  what  kind  service 
he  could  render  him.  The  letter  which  Vespncius 
carried  from  Columbus  to  his  son  Di^o  is  very 
ud  Tiiita  Co-  interesting.^  The  Admiral  speaks  of 
'°°°'™"  Vespucius  in  terms  of  high  respect,  as 

a  thoroughly  good  and  honourable  man,  to  whom 
Fortune  had  not  rendered  such  rewards  as  his  la- 
bours deserved ;  a  staunch  friend  who  had  always 
done  his  best  to  serve  him  and  was  now  going  to 
court  with  the  determination  to  set  his  affairs  right 
if  possible.  There  is  something  very  pleasant  in 
the  relations  thus  disclosed  between  the  persecuted 
Discoverer,  then  almost  on  his  death-bed,  and  the 
younger  navigator,  to  whom  yet  grosser  injustice 
was  to  be  done  by  a  stupid  and  heedless  world. ^ 

'  Ths  original  is  pnserred  in  Uie  tunilj  uohiTei  of  tk*  Dak* 
of  Teragnaa.  and  a  copy  ia  printed  in  NaTkmto,  torn.  i.  p.  SSL 
'  "  If  not  anioiv  tbe  Braatsit  of  the  irorld'i  gmat  meD,  be  it 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUS  NOTUB.  178 

Tlie  transactioas  of  Yespuoiue  at  court,  and  the 
nature  of  the  maritime  enterprises  that  were  set  on 
foot  OT  carried  to  completion  during  the  next  few 
years,  are  to  be  gathered  chiefly  from  naPbuon 
old  account-books,  contracts,  and  other  ^f^^^™*" 
business  documents  unearthed  by  the  in-  Jjjj?^^ 
def  atigable  Navarrete,  and  printed  in  his  '*™*'  •*■ 
great  collection.  Tbe  four  chief  persont^^  in  the 
Spanish  marine  at  that  time,  the  experts  to  whom 
all  difBcult  questions  were  referred  and  all  arduous 
enterprises  entrusted,  were  Veepucius  and  La  Cosa, 
Pinzon  and  Solis.  Unfortunately  account-boohs 
and  legal  documents,  having  been  written  for  other 
purposes  than  the  gratification  of  the  historian, 
are  —  like  the  "geological  record"  —  imperfect. 
Too  many  links  are  missing  to  enable  us  to  deter- 
mine with  certainty  just  how  the  work  was  shared 
among  these  mariners,  or  just  bow  many  voyages 
■were  undertaken.  But  it  is  clear  that  the  first 
enterprise  contemplated  was  a  voyage  by  Pinzon,  in 
company  with  either  Solis  or  Vespucins  or  both, 
in  the  direction  of  the  river  La  Plata,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  finding  an  end  to  the  continent  or  a  pas- 
sage into  the  Indian  ocean.  What  Vespucins  had 
failed  to  do  in  his  last  voyage  for  Portugal,  he 
now  proposed  to  do  in  a  voyage  for  Spain.  It  was 
this  expedition,  planned  for  1506,  but  never  car- 
ried out,  that  Herrera  a  century  later  mistook  for 
that  voyage  of  Pinzon  and  Solis  to  Honduras  and 

■tnongf  the  h^pieot  of  thowi  on  vlioin  ftxxid  fortnnv  hu  1i««tawed 
nDOTm."  S-  H.  Gay,  apad  ^OHir,  JVurr,  and  Crit,  Hiit.,  ii.  1S2. 
b  it,  tlND,  BDch  a  happy  fortnuB  to  be  unjnitly  itigmstiiail  u  ■ 
Hit  by  ten  KmMtMioM  of  men  ? 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


174  TBE  DI8COVEBT  OF  AMERICA, 

the  gnlf  of  Mexico  which  the  contemporarj  Oriedo 
(supported  by  Martyr  and  confinned  by  Gomara) 
positively  declares  to  have  been  made  before  1499. 
As  I  have  already  ehown,  Finzon  did  not  leave 
Spain  for  any  long  voyage  in  1506.^  The  remon- 
Btrances  of  Portugal  put  a  stop  to  the  enterpriae, 
and  the  ships  were  used  for  other  purposes. 

Meanwhile  the  search  for  a  passage  west  of  the 
Pearl  Coast  was  conducted  by  La  Cosa  and  Ves- 

pucius.  In  tlus  voyage,  from  May  to 
iiich  TDjM  December,  1505,  they  visited  the  gulf  of 
— w^i*"^    Darien  and  ascended  the  Atrato  river 

for  some  200  miles.  Of  late  years  it  has 
been  proposed  to  make  an  interoceanic  canal  by  con- 
necting this  river  with  the  San  Juan,  which  flows 
into  the  Pacific.  To  Yespucius  and  La  Cosa  it 
turned  out  not  to  be  the  strait  of  which  at  first  its 
general  aspect  had  given  promise,  but  in  its  shal- 
low upper  stretches  they  found  its  sandy  bottom 
gleaming  and  glistening  with  particles  of  gold.  For 
three  months  Uiey  explored  the  neighbouring  conn- 
try,  and  found  plenty  of  gold  in  the  wild  mountiun 
streams.  On  the  way  home  they  seemed  to  have 
stopped  on  the  Pearl  Coast  and  gathered  a  goodly 
store  of  pearls,  llie  immediate  profit  of  the  voy- 
age was  80  great  that  it  was  repeated  two  years 
later.  During  the  year  1506  Vespucius  was  busy 
in  Spain  preparing  the  armament  for  Pinzon,  and 
when,  in  March,  1507,  that  expedition  was  aban- 
doned, Vespucius  and  La  Cosa  started  at  once  for 
the  gulf  of  Darien,  and  returned  in  November, 
heavily  freighted  with  gold.  This,  of  course,  was 
'  See  sboTs,  p.  68- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUS  ITOVUB.  176 

purely  a  commercial  vay&ge.  But  during  the  suni- 
mer  the  way  for  further  diacovery  had  been  pre- 
pared, and  in  some  way  or  other  the  Portuguese 
difficulty  had  been  surmounted,  for  soon  after  New 
Year's,  1508,  Americas  told  the  Venetian  ambas- 
sador at  the  court  of  Spain  that  a  way  to  the  lands 
of  spice  was  to  be  sought,  and  that  the  ships  would 
start  in  March  without  fail.^ 

They  did  not  start,  however,  until  June  29.  In 
the  interval  La  Cosa  was  appointed  alguaxU  mayor, 
or  high  constable  of  the  province  about  to  be  or- 
ganized at  the  gulf  of  Darien,  and  afterwards  called 
Golden  Castile  (^Costilla  dd  Ord),  so  that,  as  we 
shall  by  and  by  see,  these  two  voyages  which  be 
made  with  Vespncius   were  the  first  links  in  the 

'  Vj  brief  meotioii  of  the  drangg  of  VMpniiiiiB,  Hnzon.  Sv^M, 
and  Ia  Co8»,  betveen  1604  and  1509,  'a  uued  npon  the  origioal 
doonments  ralMlii|r  U>  these  foni  uaiiffaton  icattered  throogh  tho 
third  Tolnrae  of  Navurete's  C'oltccien,  as  iUaminated  by  two 
preoioos  bits  of  infomiBtion  aeut  to  tlie  Venetiiui  Mntte  b;  ita 
diplomatio  ageDti  id  Spain.  The  letter  of  Qiiolamo  Yianello 
ftom  Bu^oa.  Deoamber  23,  1505  (dated  1506,  aooordiitg  to  an  old 
Spaniab  VEtgt  which  bt^;aii  the  Ne*  Year  at  Chriitmaa  and  aome- 
timaa  ereu  aa  earl;  ■«  the  fint  of  Deoember),  establishes  the  (aot 
of  the  fifth  Tojage  of  VsapaciiiB  in  1605.  Tfaia  Utter  waa  fotutd 
in  Yenioe  b;  the  gnat  hiatoriao  Banks,  and  a  few  linaa  of  it 
oopied  b;  him  for  Hnmboldt,  who  pnbUahed  the  acrap  in  hil 
Exaatti  critique,  Una.  t.  p.  137,  but  waa  pnnled  by  the  date,  be- 
sanae  Americns  waa  indiipotably  in  Spain  thtongh  1500  (and 
Hnmboldt  snppooed  throngh  1506  also,  bat  a  more  attentiTe 
scmtlii;  of  the  docnmenta  shows  him  to  hare  been  midAken). 
VamhageD,  delving  in  the  Biblioteca  di  San  Marco  at  Venice, 
agun  fonnd  (he  letter,  and  a  copy  of  the  whole  is  printed,  witli 
Taloable  notes,  in  bis  Noavdiet  TtchertAa,  pp.  12-17-  In  1667 
Mr.  RawdoD  Brown  diBCorered  in  Venice  the  two  brief  letters  of 
the  ambaaaadar  Francesco  Comaro,  which  hare  eetablisbsd  the 
nKth  yajagB  of  Vespndus,  in  1507.  The;  are  printed  in  Harriasa, 
Bitl.  Amer.  V^utt.,  AddilionM,  Paria,  1872,  p.  xxtH. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


176  TSB  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

ehain  of  events  that  ended  in  the  conquest  of  Fern. 
In  March  Vespucius  received  his  ftppointment  as 
pilot  major,  which  liept  him  in  SpaJn,  and  his  place 
y  j^Pi^  in  the  voyage  with  Pinzon  was  taken 
wnimd Boui,   ty  SoUb,  who  had  probably  visited  the 

mouth  of  La  Plata  with  Coelho  in  1504. 
Pinzon  and  Solis  sailed  June  29,  followed  the 
Brazilian  coast,  passed  the  wide  mouth  of  that 
river  widiout  finding  it,  and  kept  on,  according  to 
Herrera,  as  far  as  the  river  Colorado,  in  latitude 
40°  S.  There  was  disagreement  between  the  two 
captains,  and  they  returned  home,  probably  some- 
what peevish  with  disappointment,  in  October, 
1509.  Nothing  more  was  done  in  this  direction 
for  six  years.  After  the  death  of  Vespucius  in 
1513,  he  was  succeeded  by  Solis  as  pilot  major  of 
Spain.  Pinzon  here  disappears  from  our  narra- 
tive, except  as  a  witness  in  the  Prohamas.     He 

seems  to  have  gone  on  no  more  voy- 

■Bd  d«Eh  of  ages.  He  was  ennobled  in  1519.'  Solis 
SaUi,lSie-16.    ^^         ,  ,  ,     ,        ,         . 

started  on  another  search  for  the  nveir 

La  Plata  in  October,  1515.  He  entered  that 
"fresh-water  aea"  (jnaT  dvlce)  the  following  Jan- 
uary, and  while  he  was  exploring  its  coast  in  a 
boat  with  eight  companions  the  Indians  suddenly 
swarmed  upon  the  scene.  Solis  and  his  men  were 
instantly  captured,  and  their  horrified  comrades  on 
shipboard,  unable  to  save  them,  could  only  look  on 
while  they  were  deliberately  roasted  and  devoured 
by  the  screaming  and  dancing  demons.^ 

'  See  the  documeDt  in  NaTarrete,  torn.  iii.  p.  145. 
'  Tbe  irorda  of  Peter  Martjr  in  a  different  eonneotioii  ini^t 
well  be  ^>plied  here :  —  "  the;  came  nnningv  owteof  the  wooddei 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUS  N0VU8.  177 

During  these  years  events  were  gradually  pre- 
paring the  way  for  the  emergence  of  the  idea  of  a 
s^arate  New  World,  a  weetem  hemisphere  form- 
ing no  part  of  the  ancient  CEcumene.  XBi«r«Bceoi 
There  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  any  J^t^hmi- 
such  idea  was  ever  conceived  by  Ves-  SJ^'n^Js^ 
pucioB.  Its  emei^nce  was  bd  gradual  ""^ 
and  80  indefinite  that  it  is  not  easy  to  trace  it  in 
literary  documents  or  in  maps.  A  hypothetical 
indication  of  an  ocean  corresponding  in  position  to 
what  we  know  as  the  Pacific  may  be  seen  upon  the 
rude  map  of  the  Polish  geographer  Jan  Stobnicza, 
published  at  Cracow  in  1512,  in  an  Introduction 
to  Ptolemy.  Like  the  Tahvla  Terre  N^ove,  it  is 
derived  from  a  common  original  with  the  Cantino 
map.  At  the  north  is  shown  the  land  discovered 
by  the  Cabots.  The  name  Isabella  is  transferred 
from  Cuba  to  Florida,  and  the  l^end  above  seems 
to  referto  the  "C.  de  bonauentnra"  of  the  Tabula 
Terre  Nove.  Cape  San  Koque  in  Brazil  is  called 
"Caput  S.  Crucis."  The  rude  indication  of  the 
gulf  of  Mexico  is  repeated  from  the  Tahvla  Terre 
Notx  or  its  prototype.  But  the  new  and  striking 
feature  in  this  Stobnicza  map  is  the  combination  of 
the  northern  and  southern  continents  with  an  ocean 
behind  them  open  aU  the  way  from  north  to  south. 
As  the  existence  of  the  Pacific  was  still  unknown 
in  1512,  this  ocean  was  purely  hypothetical,  and 
so  was  the  western  coast-line  of  America,  if  it  is 

with  *  terrible  crye  and  moiit  horrible  upect,  moch  lyke  rnto  tbe 
people  cauled  PicH  Agathyrsi  of  vhom  the  po«te  Tu^file  apeak- 
eth.  ...  A  man  woM  thinks  them  to  bee  denyllee  incKmste 
mwl?  broke  owie  of  hell,  they  are  boo  lyke  mto  helhoundea. " 
1,  1553,  deo.  L  bk.  »lt 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  DI8V0VBBY  OF  AMEBICA. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUSDua  Novns. 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


180  THE  DISCOrSBY  OF  AMBBICA. 

proper  to  call  coast-line  this  mere  cnt-off  drawn  m 
straight  lines  with  a  ruler.  The  interest  (A  this 
cmde  map  lies  chiefly  in  its  suggestion  that  in  the 
maimer's  mind  the  whole  transatlantic  coast  already 
trisit&i  (except  the  Cabot  portion)  was  conceived 
not  as  part  of  Ami,  but  as  a  barrier  in  the  vjay 
of  reaching  Ama.  The  vague  adumbration  of  the 
truth  appears  in  the  position  of  the  great  island 
Cipango  (^Zypangu  insula')  in  the  ocean  behind 
Mexico  and  aonLe  600  miles  distant.  Before  Stob- 
nicza  such  maps  as  Bnysch's,  vhich  took  full  ac- 
count of  South  America  as  a  barrier,  detached  it 
from  what  little  was  known  of  North  Ametica, 
which  was  stUl  reckon^  .as  Asia.  The  pecidiar 
combinations  of  land  and  water  in  Stobnicza's  map 
I  make  it  dimly  prefigure  the  result  attained  nearly 
)  thirty  years  afterward  by  Mercator.  The  sugges- 
tion was  in  advance  of  the  knowled^  of 
tiM  Fadflc  ^  the  tune,  and  the  map  does  not  seem  to 
have  exerted  any  commanding  influence ; 
but  in  the  next  year  after  it  was  published  an  event 
occurred  which,  it  correctly  understood,  would 
have  seemed  to  justify  it.  In  1513  the  Terra 
Fii-ma  was  crossed  at  its  narrowest  place,  and 
Vasco  Nufiez  de  Balboa,  from  the  summit  of  a 
peak  in  Darien,  gazed  upon  an  expanse  of  waters, 
which,  as  we  have  since  learned,  made  part  of  tht 
greatest  ocean  upon  the  globe.  ^ 

'  Colonel  Hig^iuon  will  pardon  me  far  calling  attention  to  an 
iuadiertence  of  the  kind  which  I  hare  already  bo  often  chaiscter. 
izad  u  projectdng  onr  modern  knowledge  into  the  put :  — "  Co- 
Inmbaa  discovered  what  he  tliong'ht  wu  Ind:!  [i.  e.  Ana],  bnt 
BalboB  proved  that  half  the  width  of  the  globe  still  eepanted 
him  from  Indi»."     Larger  WHory  of  the  United  Stale*,  p.  7a    If 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


KUNBU3  NOVUS.  18i 

It  was  not  BO  mnoh,  however,  the  brief  glimpse 
of  Balboa  as  the  steady  eastward  progress  of  the 
Portugaese  that  b^;aii  to  reveal  to  prac-  EHtnrd  pn- 
tical  navigators  the  character  and  extent  f^n^^to 
of  the  waters  wwt  of  Mundus  Novus.  m"!!J»S?*** 
The  arrival  of  Portuguese  traders  in  the  "**-"■ 
Indian  ocean  was  the  signal  for  a  tremendous  strug- 
gle for  commercial  supremacy.  In  every  seaport 
they  found  Arabs,  or,  as  they  called  them,  "Moors, " 
their  hereditary  enemies.  Arabs  held  nearly  all 
the  points  of  entrance  and  exit  in  that  ocean,  and 
the  Portuguese  at  onee  perceived  the  necessity  of 
seizing  these  points.  Blows  were  exchanged  from 
'  the  start,  and  the  enaoing  warfare  forms  one  of  the 
most  romantic  chapters  in  history.     It  would  not 

Balboa  oonlJ  prore  tbia  bj  stu>diiig  on  a  momitaiD  in  Darieo  and 
lookiiig  at  the  water  before  faim,  he  miut  have  had  a  trolj  nur- 
velloiu  pair  of  ayea  I  Snnlj  ha  had  do  poutiTe  means  of  knov- 
ii^  that  tbia  water  stretcbed  away  for  more  than  a  bandred  milet. 
Here  viaion  aoarcelj  carried  hia  discover;  ant  into  the  open  cmaui 
bSTOnd  tke  pHt  of  Panama,  thoogh,  in  accordanoe  with  infor- 
matlm  leenred  fram  the  luiUana,  he  rightly  intotpretod  it  as 
a  "Sontb  Sea"  npon  which  one  might  hng  the  coast  to  the 
"  Qoiaen  Eingdoni,"  «oon  to  be  known  as  Pern.  The  fint  dia- 
oorerer  who  proved  the  width  of  the  Pacifle  was  UBgellau,  who 
tailed  aoTOM  it.  —  Snob  littl«  alipaaa  thoone  bare  critioiaed  are 
eaa;  to  make,  and  one  cannot  feel  snie  that  one  does  not  anwit- 
tingly  do  it  oneaelf.  The  old  poets  were  flagrant  ainnen  in  tbia 
reaped  Lope  de  Vega,  in  a  famoua  drama,  makea  Colnmbna 
know  of  "  the  New  World  "  eren  before  1402.  Why  is  it,  asks 
Cbristopher  in  a  talk  with  hia  brother  Bartbolomew,  why  ia  it 
that  t,  a  poor  pilot,  a  man  with  broken  f  ortnnea,  yearn  to  add  to 
thia  world  another,  and  mob  a  remote  one  ?  — 


K  Mtutv  XmdB  DaatUerie,  Jon.  L 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


182         THE  DISCOrSBT  OF  AMERICA. 

be  easy  to  point  out  two  conunanders  more  swift 
in  iDtelligeace,  mor«  fertile  in  resource,  more  un- 
conquerable in  action,  tlian  Franciaco  de  Almeida 
and  Alfonso  de  Albuquerque.  The  result  of  their 
work  was  the  downfall  of  Arab  power  in  the  In- 
dies, and  the  founding  of  that  great  commercial 
empire  which  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Portu- 
guese until  it  was  taken  from  them  by  the  Dutch.' 
On  the  African  coast,  from  Sofala  to  the  strait  of 
Bab-el-Handeb,  the  Portuguese  held  all  the  im- 
portant trading  stations.  They  seized  the  island 
of  Socotra,  established  thenwelves  in  force  along 
the  coasts  of  Onnm  and  Makran,  and  capturing  the 
wealthy  Hormuz  they  gained  secore  control  of  the 
outlet  to  the  valley  of  the  Euphrates.  They  held 
the  whole  western  coast  of  Hindustan  from  above 
Bombay  down  to  Cape  Comorin,  while  on  the  Coto- 
mandel  coast  they  had  stations  at  Mylapur  and 
Negapatam.  In  1506  Almeida  first  visited  Ceylon, 
which  was  afterward  annexed  to  the  Portuguese 
empire.  In  1508  Sequeira  advanced  as  far  as 
Sumatra,  and  in  1511  the  fajnous  Malacca,  the 
Gateway  of  the  East,  was  conquered  by  Albu- 
querque. The  way  to  the  "lands  where  the  spices 
grow  "  was  thus  at  last  laid  open,  and  Albuquerque 

>  Ttw  story  of  the  Portoi^eM  ta\An  in  the  East  ImUw  la  told 
by  Bamn.  Decadai  da  Aiia,  Luboa,  1778-88,  vidi  the  eondniu- 
tion  by  Conto,  in  all  24  -vols.  ;  Bru  Affonso  ds  Albnqnerqng, 
Conmentariot  do  grande  Afotuo  Daiboqaerque,  Lisbon,  1T74,  in 
4  Tol*.  I  (fiTe  the  date*  of  nay  own  copies,  which  are,  I  think, 
the  beat  editioui.  The  great  work  of  Barroe  began  to  he  pab- 
liahed  in  1552 ;  that  of  Albnqnerqne,  Bon  of  the  conqneror,  wM 
published  in  15-')7.  Sea  also  Faria  j  Soma,  Atia  Farttiguaa, 
lisbon,  1G66,  is  3  Tola. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


JtUNDUS  Norus.  188 

had  no  sootier  riveted  his  cluteh  upon  Malacca  titan 
lie  sent  Antonio  d'Abreu  and  Fnineisco  Serrano, 
with  three  galleons,  to  make  a  friendly  Tiait  to  the 
Spice  Islands  par  excellence,  the  Moluccas.  Sail- 
ing  down  by  Java,  and  between  Celebes  and  Flores, 
this  little  fleet  visited  Amboina  and  Banda,  and 
brought  away  as  heavy  a  load  of  nutmegs  and 
cloves  as  it  was  safe  to  carty.^  Six  years  after- 
ward, in  1517,  Femam  de  Andrade  conducted  the 
first  European  ship  that  ever  sailed  to  China.  He 
reached  Canton  and  entered  into  friendly  commer- 
cial relations  with  that  city. 

Thus  data  were  beginning  to  accumulate  in  evi- 
dence that  the  continent  of  Asia  did  not  extend 
nearly  so  far  to  the  east  as  Toscanelli  and  Colum- 
bus had  supposed.     A  comparison  of  longitudes, 
moreover,  between  the  Moluccas  and  the  Brazilian  , 
coast  could  hardly  fail  to  bring  out  the         nrfimm. 
fact  of  a  great  distance  between  them.  \yj  coni»p- 
Still  theory  did  not  advance  bo  surely  ^l^^^'J^^ 
and  definitely  as  it  might  seem  to  us  with  J™  •»* 
the  modem  map   in  our  minds.     The 
multitude  of  unfamiliar  facts  was  bewildering,  and  \, 
the  breadth  of  the  Pacific  ocean  was  too  much  for  Ji 
the  mind  to  take  in  except  by  actual  experience.   |i 
We  have  now,  in  concluding  this   long  chapter, 
to  consider  the  heroic  career  of  the  man  who  fin- 
ished what  Columbus  had  begun,  and  fumijhed 
jttoof^- though  even  this  was  notJnmie<liately  up- 
dfiTstood  —  that  the  j^gious  discovered  by  tlie  Ad- 
miral  belonged  to  a  separate  world  from  Asia. 

I  For  some  account  of  the  Spica  Iglands  and  their  farther  his- 
tca7,  we  Aigenaola,  Conqvitta  de  lot  iiiai  Moluciu,  Madrid,  1609) 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


184  TBB  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMEBICA. 

Ferdinand  M ^ellan,  aa  we  call  him  in  KngUsh*' 
was  a  Portuguese  nobleman  of  the  fonrth  grade, 
but  of  family  as  old  and  blood  as  blue  as  any  in 
Ferdbmud  the  peninsula.  He  was  bom  at  Sabrosa, 
""•"""^  near  Chaves,"  in  one  of  the  wildest  and 
gloomiest  nooks  of  Traa-os-Montea,  in  of  about  the 
year  1480.  The  people  of  that  province  have  al- 
ways been  distii^uisbed  for  a  rugged  fidelity,  com- 
bined with  unconquerable  toughness  of  fibre,  that 
reminds  one  of  the  Scotch;  and  from  those  lonely 
mountains  there  never  came  forth  a  sturdier  char- 
acter than  Ferdinand  Magellan.  Difficulty  and 
danger  fit  to  bafBe  the  keenest  mind  and  daunt  Qm 
strongest  heart  only  incited  this  man  to  efforts  well- 
nigh  superhuman.  In  bis  portrait,  as  given  in 
Navarrete,'  wiUi  the  great  arching  brows,  the  fiery 

>  The  Portngneu  name  ia  Fendo  da  MajfalliBM ;  in  Spaniali  it 
beeomea  Femaado  de  Magsllsjieg.  prononnoed  Mah-gah^j/ihtiayt. 
In  Eut^lish  ona  often,  perhapa  cammool;,  hean  it  aa  Ma-jel'-Um. 
One  doea  not  like  to  be  padantiD  in  nch  trifleo,  and  I  don't  mind 
alanghtering  a.  aouaoaant  or  two  vhen  necessary,  bnt  to  ahift  the 
Mtcent  of  a  vord  seems  to  destroy  its  identity,  so  that  MajeUan', 
which  we  sometimea  hear,  aeema  preferable. 

The  doemnentuy  sonroes  of  the  life  of  Magellan  are  ehieflj  to 
be  fonnd  in  the  fourth  volnme  of  Navairete's  Coleedon  de  niagei. 
Tbe  early  aeooDlitB  of  bia  loyage  have  been  collected  and  tiaiia- 
lated  bj  the  lata  Lord  Staoley  of  Alderle;,  The  Firtt  Voyage 
Bound  tie  tViirld,  London,  1874  (Haklnyt  Society).  A  Eood 
biofc^aphy,  almoat  the  Gnt  in  any  lan^agv,  haa  lately  appeared 
ID  E^jlieh  :  GniUemard,  The  Life  of  Ferdinand  Magelian  aad  the 
Firtt  CirainindDigaliDn  o/the  Globe,  Londoii,  I8i)0. 

*  Varimu  writers  bave  fciren  Lisbon,  or  Oporto,  or  some  Tillag;e 
id  EitremsdnTS  as  his  birthplace  ;  but  Sabroaa  aeems  dearly  es- 
tablished.   See  the  reference  to  his  first  vil],  in  OniUeniard,  p.  2S, 

*  Coleccian  de  viajes.  torn.  W,  p.  xxiv. ;  it  is  reprodnced  in  Lord 
Stanley's  Tolnmo ;  in  Winaor,  Narr.  and  Crit.  HUt.,  iL  6113 ;  and 
elsewhere  ;  but  one  e^Is  the  efEect  meat  oompletely  in  NaTairete. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDU8  N0VV8.  186 

black  eyes,  the  firm-Bet  lips,  and  mastiff  jaw,  cov- 
ered but  not  concealed  by  the  shaggy  beard,  the 
HtTength  is  almost  appalling.  Yet  in  all  this  powar 
ihere  was  nothing  cruel,  Magellan  was  kind- 
hearted  and  unselfish,  and  on  more  than  one  ooea- 
sion  we  see  him  risking  hia  life  in  behalf  of  others 
with  generosity  worthy  of  a  paladin. 

Nothing  is  known  of  his  childhood  and  youth 
except  that  at  an  early  age  he  went  to  Losbon  and 
was  brought  up  in  the  royal  household.  In  1505 
he  embarked  as  a  volunteer  in  the  armada  which 
the  brilliant  and  high-souled  Almeida,  first  Por- 
tuguese viceroy  of  India,  was  taking  to  the  East. 
There  followed  seven  years  of  service  under  this 
conunander  and  his  successor  Albuquerque.  Seven 
years  of  anxious  sailing  over  strange  waters,  check- 
ered with  wUd  fights  against  Arabs  and  Malays, 
trained  Magellan  for  the  supreme  work  that  was 
to  come.  He  was  in  Sequeira's  expe-  Bsoneini  ax- 
dition  to  Malacca,  in  1508-09,  the  first  Clt^ 
time  that  European  ships  had  ventured  ^*' 
east  of  Ceylon.  While  they  were  preparing  to 
take  in  a  cai^  of  pepper  and  ginger,  the  astute 
Malay  king  was  plotting  their  destruction.  His 
friendly  overtures  deceived  the  frank  and  somewhat 
too  unsuspicious  Sequeira.  Malay  sailors  and  trad- 
ers were  allowed  to  come  on  board  the  four  ships, 
and  all  but  one  of  the  boats  were  sent  to  the  beach, 
under  command  of  Francisco  Serrano,  to  hasten 
the  bringing  of  the  cargo.  Upon  the  quarter-deck 
of  his  fiagship  Sequeira  sat  absorbed  in  a  game  of 
chess,  with  half-a-dozeu  dark  faces  intently  watch- 
ing him,  their  deadly  purpose  veiled  with  polite 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


186  TEX  DISCOVESr  OF  AMEBJCA. 

words  and  smiles.  Ashore  the  houBes  rose  terrace- 
like  upon  the  biUBide,  while  in  the  foregroim3  the 
tall  tower  of  the  citadel  —  square  with  pyramidal 
apex,  like  an  Italian  hell-tower  —  glistened  in  the 
September  sunshine.  The  parties  of  Malays  on 
the  ships,  and  down  on  the  hustling  beach,  oast 
furtive  glances  at  this  summit,  from  which  a  puff 
of  smoke  waa  presently  to  announce  the  fatal  mo- 
ment. The  captains  and  principal  officers  on  sliip- 
board  were  at  once  to  be  stabbed  and  their  vessels 
seized,  while  the  white  men  ashore  were  to  be  mas- 
sacred. But  a  Persian  woman  in  love 
s«ni»_mi    with  one  of  the  officers  had  inven  tardy 

bj  M.^ii...  ,     »  1        ... 

warning,  bo  that  juet  before  the  filing 
of  the  signal  the  Portuguese  sailors  began  chasing 
the  squads  of  Malays  from  their  decks,  while 
Magellan,  in  the  only  boat,  rowed  for  the  flag- 
ship, and  his  stentorian  shout  of  "Treason!  "  came 
just  in  time  to  save  Sequeira.  Then  in  wild  con- 
fusion, as  wreaths  of  white  smoke  curled  about 
the  fatal  tower,  Serrano  and  a  few  of  his  party 
sprang  upon  their  boats  and  pushed  out  to  sea. 
Most  of  their  comrades,  less  fortunate,  were  sur- 
rounded and  slaughtered  on  the  beach.  Nimble 
Malay  skiffs  pursued  and  engaged  Serrano,  and 
while  he  was  stru^ling  against  overwhelming 
odds,  Magellan  rowed  up  and  joined  battle  with 
such  desperate  fury  that  Serrano  was  saved.  No 
sooner  were  all  the  surviving  Portuguese  brought 
together  on  shipboard  than  the  Malays  attacked 
in  full  force,  but  European  guns  were  too  much 
for  them,  and  after  several  of  their  craft  had  been 
sent  to  the  bottom  they  withdrew. 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


mjiTDVB  irovus.  187 

This  affur  was  the  beginning  of  a  devoted 
friendship  between  Magellan  and  Serrano,  sealed 
by  many  touching  and  rranantic  incidents,  like  the 
friendship  between  Gerard  and  Denys 
in  *'The  Cloister  and  the  Hearth; "  and  iiiiDimck, 
'  it  was  out  of  this  friendship  that  in  great  ^  uh  k^b- 
I  measnre  grew  the  most  wonderful  voy-  °**' 
,  age  recorded  in  history.  After  Albuquerque  had 
'  taken  Malacca  in  1511,  Serrano  commanded  one 
of  the  ships  that  made  the  first  voyage  to  the 
Moluccas.  On  its  return  course  his  vessel,  loaded 
with  spices,  was  wrecked  upon  a  lonely  island 
which  had  long  served  as  a  lair  for  pirates.  Frag- 
ments of  wreckage  strewn  upon  the  beach  lured 
ashore  a  passing  gai^  of  such  rufBans,  and  while 
they  were  intent  upon  delving  and  searching,  Ser- 
rano's men,  who  had  hidden  among  the  rocks, 
crept  forth  and  seized  the  pirate  ship.  The  near- 
est place  of  retreat  was  the  island  of  Amboina, 
and  this  accident  led  Serrano  back  to  the  Moluc- 
cas, where  he  established  himself  as  an  ally  or 
quasi -protector  of  the  king  of  Tematoi  and  re- 
mained for  the  rest  of  bis  short  life.  Letters  from 
Serrano  aroused  in  Magellan  a  strong  desire  to 
follow  his  friend  to  that  "new  world  "  in  the  In- 
dian waves,  the  goal  so  long  dreamed  of,  ao  eagerly 
sought,  by  Columbus  and  many  another,  but  now 
for  the  first  tame  actually  reached  and  grasped. 
But  circnmstanoes  came  in  to  modify  Ttamtipodd 
most  curiously  this  um  of  Magellan's.  SSS^uiSSh.. 
He  had  come  to  learn  sometbing  about  J^S^i^S^ 
the  great  ocean  intervening  between  the  i"™  ""'•^ 
Malay  seas  and  Mundus  Movus,  but  failed  to  form 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


188  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

\  any  oonception  of  its  width  at  all  approadimg  the 
reality.  It  therefore  seemed  to  him  that  the  line 
of  demarcatioa  antipodal  to  Borgia's  meridian 
must  fall  to  the  west  of  the  Molacca£,  and  that 
his  friend  Serrano  had  ventured  into  a  region 
which  must  ultimately  he  resigned  to  Spain.  In 
this  opinion  he  was  wrong,  for  the  meridian  which 
onts  through  the  site  of  Adelaide  in  Australia 
wonld  have  come  near  the  line  that  on  that  side 
of  the  ^obe  marked  the  end  of  the  Portuguese 
half  and  the  beginning  of  the  Spanish  half ;  hot 
the  mistake  was  easy  to  make  and  hard  to  correct. 
About  this  time  some  cause  unknown  took  Mar 
gellan  back  to  Lisbon,  where  we  find  him  in  the 
midBummer  of  1512.  Hia  hope  of  a  speedy  return 
to  India  was  'disappointed.  Whether  on  account 
of  a  slight  disagreement  he  had  once  had  with  Al- 
buquerque, or  for  some  other  reason,  he  found  him- 
self out  of  favour  with  the  king.  A  year  or  more 
of  service  in  Morocco  followed,  in  the  course  of 
which  a  Moorish  lance  wounded  Magellan  in  the 
knee  and  lamed  him  for  life.  After  his  return  to 
Portugal  in  1514,  it  became  evident  that  King 
Emanuel  had  no  further  employment  for  him.  He 
became  absorbed  in  the  study  of  navigation  and 
eosm(^raphy,  in  which  he  bad  always  felt  an  inter- 
est. It  would  have  been  strange  if  an  inquiring 
mind,  trained  in  the  court  of  Lisbon  in 
ntuni  to  those  days,  had  not  been  stirred  by  the 
bIkbh  tm  fascination  of  such  studies.  How  early 
wvd  u  tiH  in  life  Magellan  had  begun  to  breathe 
in  the  art  of  seamanship  with  the  salt 
breezes  from  the  Atlantic  we  do  not  know;  but 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUiTDUS  aovva.  189 

at  some  tune  the  results  of  scientiflc  stody  were 
combined  with  his  long  exped^iifie  in  Bast  Indian 
waters  to  malce  him  a  oonsmnmate  master.     He 
conceived  the  vast  scheme  of  cirotunnaTigating  the 
globe.     Somewhere  upon  that  long  coast  of  Mun-  \ 
dua  Novus,  explored  by  Vespucius  and  Coelho,  \ 
Jaques  and  Solis,  there  was  doubtless  a  passage  ' 
through  which  he  could  sail  westward  and  greet  \ 
his  friend  Serrano  in  the  Moluccas  I 

Upon  both  of  Schiiner's  globes,  of  1515  and 
1520,  such  a  strut  is  depicted,  connecting  the 
southern  Atlantic  with  an  ocean  to  the  west  of  Mun- 
duB  NoYus.  This  has  raised  the  question  whether 
any  one  had  ever  discovered  it  b^ore  Magellan.' 
That  there  was  in  many  minds  a  belief  in  the  exist- 
ence of  such  a  pass^e  seems  certain ;  whether  be- 
eaose  the  wish  was  father  to  the  thought, 
or  because  the  mouth  of  La  Plata  had  B<:ii«Btt'>  ™ 
been  reported  as  the  mouth  of  a  strut,  or 
because  Jaques  had  perhaps  looked  into  the  strait 
of  Magellan,  is  by  no  m«ui8  clear.  Bat  without 
threading  that  bUnd  and  tortuous  labyrinth,  as 
Magellan  did,  for  more  than  300  geographical 
miles,  socoessfuUy  avoiding  its  treacherous  bays 
and  channels  wiUi  no  outlet,  no  one  could  prove 
that  there  was  a  practicable  passage  there;  and 
there  is  no  good  reason  for  supposing  that  any  one 
had  accomplished  such  a  feat  of  navigation  before  . 
M^ellau. 

■  9ee  the  dJacnastou  in  Wieier,  Maga3hlla-3tratse  uad  Auttral- 
Continad  atf  dm  Global  da  Johanna  SdJSntr,  Inubrniik,  1881 ; 
Kohl,  GadudOt  dor  EntdeeiamgiTtiMen  uad  Sduff-faJuttn  Hr 
Magdlaiu-atnute,  Berlin,  1877 ;  Winur,  Harr.  and  Crit.  BiiL, 
TiU.  376-S87 ;  OaiUenuid'i  MagiUm,  pp.  IS^-IOS. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


190  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

Tbe  Bcheme  of  thus  reaching  the  Moluccas  by 
the  westward  voyage  was  first  submitted  to  Eing 
Emanuel.  To  him  was  offered  the  first  opporttmity 
for  ascertaining  whether  these  islands  lay  within 
his  half  of  the  heathen  world  or  not.  He  did  not 
smile  upon  the  scheme,  though  he  may  have  laughed 
at  it.  The  papal  bulls  and  the  treaty  of  Tordesil- 
^^^,  las  prohibited  the  Spsnif^ds  from  sailing 
pnpoHi*  ■»  to  the  Indies  by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Oood 
g^uof  a  Hope ;  and  unless  ijiey  could  get  through 
the  barrier  of  Mundus  Norus  there  was 
no  danger  of  their  coming  by  a  westerly  route. 
Why  not  let  well  enough  alone?  Apparendy 
Emanuel  did  not  put  much  faith  in  the  strait.  We 
are  told  by  Oaspar  Correa  that  Magellan  then 
asked  the  royal  permission  to  go  and  offer  his  ser* 
vices  to  some  other  master.  "The  King  said  he 
might  do  what  he  pleased.  Upon  this  Magellan 
desired  to  kiss  his  hand  at  parting,  but  the  King 
would  not  offer  it." ' 

The  alternative  was  thus  offered  to  Magellan  of 
abandoning  his  scheme  of  discovery  or  entering  the 
■Ddaodard.  sorvice  of  Spain,  and  he  chose  the  lat- 
jjrtf'»  ter  course.    For  this  he  has  been  roundly 

•"^f"  "^  abused,  not  only  by  Portuguese  writers 
from  that  day  to  this,  but  by  others 
who  seem  to  forget  that  a  man  has  as  clear  a  right 
to  change  his  country  and  his  aU^iance  as  to 
move  his  home  from  one  town  to  another.  In  the 
relations  between  stato  and  individual  the  duty  is 
not  all  on  one  side.  As  Faria  y  Sousa,  more  sen- 
sible than  many  of  his  countrymen,  observes,  the 

I  OniUamaid,  p.  88. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUS  NOVU3.  191 

great  navigator  did  all  that  hoDOur  demanded 
when  by  a  special  clause  in  his  agreement  with 
Spain  he  pledged  himself  to  do  nothing  prejudicial 
to  the  interests  of  Portugal.^ 

It  was  in  October,  1517,  that  Magellan  arrived  in 
Seville  and  became  the  guest  of  Diego  Barbosa, 
alcaide  of  the  arsenal  there,  a  Portuguese  gentle- 
man who  had  for  several  years  been  in  the  Spanish 
service.  Before  Christmas  of  that  year  Kvaiiu'i 
he  was  married  to  his  host's  daughter  "■»"'«•■ 
Beatriz  de  Barbosa,  who  accompanied  him  to  the 
court.  M^ellan  found  favour  in  the  eyes  of  the 
b<y  king,  Charles  V.,  and  even  obtained  active 
Biq>port  from  Bishop  Fonseca,  in  spite  of  that  pre- 
late's ingrained  hostility  to  noble  schemes  and  hon- 
ourable men.  It  was  decided  to  fit  out  an  expe- 
dition to  pursue  the  search  in  which  Solis  had 
lately  lost  his  life.  More  than  a  year  was  con- 
sumed in  the  needful  preparations,  and  it  was  not 
until  September  20,  1519,  that  the  little  fleet 
cleared  the  mouth  of  the  Guadalquivir  and  stood 
out  to  sea. 

There  were  five  small  ships,  commanded  as  fol- 
lows :  — 

1.  Trinidad,  110  tons,  captain-general  Perdi- 
nand  Magellan,  pilot,  Estevan  Gomez; 

2.  San~  Antonio,  120  tons,  captain  Juan  de 
Cartagena; 

8.  Concepcion,  90  tons,  captain  Gaspar  Qae- 
sada; 

'  Fatia  ;  Sonss,  ComtatarioM  d  la  Lutiada  de  Cam8e$,  s.  140i 
OnillemAiil,  p.  85.  Cf.  Lord  Stanley  of  Alderley,  Firt  Veyagi 
Bound  lit  World,  pp.  ii.-xv. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


192  THE  DISCOVESr  OF  AMERICA. 

4.  Victoria,  85  tocB,  captain  Liiis  de  Mendtrnk; 

5.  Santiago,  76  tons,  captain  Juan  Serrano. 

It  is  a  striking  illustration  of  the  shiftlesanesa 
with  wUob  things  were  apt  to  be  done  by  the  gov- 
ernment, and  the  difBculties  under  which  great  uav- 
Bhipi  ud  igators  accomplished  their  arduous  work, 
^«^di.  *^*  these  five  ships  were  all  old  and  de- 
""^  cidedlj  Uie  worse  for  wear.    All  seem  to 

have  been  decked,  with  castles  at  the  stem  and  fore. 
About  280  men  were  on  board,  a  motley  crew  of 
Spaniards  and  Portuguese,  Grenoese  and  Sicilians, 
Flenungs  and  French,  Germans  and  Greeks,  with 
one  Englishman  from  Bristol,  and  a  few  negroes 
and  Malays.  Of  Portuguese  there  were  at  least 
seven-and-thirty,  for  the  most  part  men  attached 
to  Magellan  and  who  had  left  their  counti-y  with 
him.  It  was  fortunate  that  be  had  so  many  such, 
for  the  wiles  of  King  Emanuel  had  pursued  him 
into  Spain  and  out  upon  the  ocean.  When  that 
sovereign  learned  that  the  voyage  waa  really  to  be 
made,  he  determined  that  it  must  not  be  allowed 
to  succeed.  Hired  ruffians  lurked  about  street 
comers  in  Seville,  waiting  for  a  chance  that  never 
came  for  rushing  forth  and  stabbing  the  wary  nav- 
igator; orders  were  sent  to  captains  in  the  East 
Indies — among  them  the  gallant  Sequeira  whom 
Magellan  had  saved  —  to  intercept  and  arrest  the 
fleet  if  it  should  ever  reach  those  waters;  and, 
worst  of  all,  the  seeds  of  mutiny  were  busily  and 
but  too  successfully  sown  in  Magellan's  own  ships. 
xniunin  Of  the  fouT  Subordinate  captains  only 
"■"'^  one  was  faithful.  Upon  Juan  Serrano, 
the  brother  of  his  dearest  friend,  Magellan  could 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUHDUB  SOWS.  198 

absolutely  rely.  The  others,  Cart^ena,  Men- 
doza,  and  Quesada,  sailed  out  from  port  with 
treason  in  their  hearts.  A  few  days  after  their 
start  a  small  caravel  overtook  the  Trinidad,  with 
an  anxions  message  to  M^ellan  from  his  wife's 
father,  Barboaa,  be^;iiig  him  to  be  watchful,  *' since 
it  had  come  to  his  knowledge  that  his  oapttuns  had 
told  their  friends  and  relations  that  if  they  had 
any  trouble  with  him  they  woold  hill  him."  For 
reply  the  commaoder  coimselled  Barbosa  to  be  of 
good  cheer,  for  be  they  true  men  or  false  he  feared 
them  not,  and  would  do  his  appointed  work  all 
the  same.^  For  Beatriz,  left  with  her  little  son, 
Rodrigo,  six  months  old,  the  outlook  must  have 
been  anxious  enough. 

Our  chief  source  of  information  for  the  events 
of  the  voy^e  is  tlie  journal  kept  by  a  gentleman 
from  Vieenza,  the  Chevalier  Antonio  Pigafetta, 
who  obtained  permission  to  accompany  ,,_„„,., 
the  expedition,  "for  to  see  the  nu^vels  if"^ 
of  the  ocean."^     After  leavingthe  Canaries  on  the 
3d  of  October  the  armada  ran  down  toward  Si- 
erra Lieone  and  was  becalmed,  making  only  three 
leagues  in  three  weeks.     Then  "the  upper  sax 
burst  into  life"  and  the  &ail  ships  were  driven 
along  under  bare    poles,  now  and  then   dipping 
their  yard^anns.     During  a  month  of  c™,iintiiB 
this   dreadful  weather,    the   food    and  ^ttutio. 
water  grew  scarce,  and  the  rations  were  dimin- 

'  Conea,  Ltndai  da  India,  torn.  ii.  p.  627  ;  GoillemBrd,  p.  149. 

*  I^gafctU's  journal  it  eontalned,  with  other  daomiieiita,  in  the 
booh  of  Loid  Stanley  of  Alderlej,  sItuuIt  dted.  There  ia  alio 
a  Fnnah  edition  by  Amoretti,  Prentier  Voj/agt  autmr  du  Itondt, 
PMiB,1600. 


^oiizccb,  Google 


194  THB  DI8C0VXST  OF  AMESICA. 

ished.  The  spirit  of  mutiny  hegeai  to  ehovr  itself. 
The  Spanish  captains  whispered  among  the  crews 
that  this  man  from  Portugal  had  not  their  interests 
at  heart  and  was  not  loyal  to  the  Emperor.  To- 
ward the  captain  -  general  their  demeanour  grew 
more  and  more  insubordinate,  and  Cartagena  one 
day,  having  come  on  board  the  flagship,  faced  him 
with  threats  and  insults.  To  his  astonishment  Ma- 
gellan promptly  collared  him,  and  sent  him,  a  pris- 
oner in  irons,  on  board  the  Victoria  (whose  captain 
was  unfortunately  also  one  of  the  traitors),  while 
the  command  of  the  San  Antonio  was  given  to  an- 
other officer.  This  example  made  things  quiet  for 
the  moment. 

On  the  29th  of  November  they  reached  the  Bra- 
zilian coast  near  Pemambuco,  and  on  the  11th  of 
January  they  arrived  at  the  mouth  of 
Unit  Port      La  Plata,  which  Uiev  investiEfated  suffi- 

St-Jullu.  .        ,  .  -,  ,  <>     . 

cienUy  to  convmce  them  that  it  was  a 
river's  mouth  and  not  a  strait.  Three  weeks  were 
consumed  in  this  work.  Their  course  through 
February  and  March  along  the  coast  of  Patagonia 
was  marked  by  incessant  and  violent  storms,  uid 
the  cold  became  so  intense  that,  finding  a  sheltered 
harbour,  with  plenty  of  fish,  at  Port  St.  Julian, 
they  chose  it  for  winter  quarters  and  anchored 
there  on  the  last  day  of  March.  On  the  next 
day,  which  was  Easter  Sunday,  the  mutiny  that 
BO  long  had  smouldered  broke  out  in  all  its  fury. 

The  hardships  of  the  voyage  had  thus  far  been 
what  staunch  seamen  called  unusually  severe,  wid 
it  was  felt  that  they  had  done  enough.  No  one 
except  Vespucius  and  Jaques  had  ever  approached 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MuyDus  irovuB.  196 

ao  near  to  the  aoath  pole,  and  if  th^  had  not  yet 
fonnd  a  strait,  it  was  doubtless  because  there  waa 
none  to  find.  The  ratious  of  bread  and  wine  were 
becoming  very  short,  and  common  pru-  Beuoo.  tor 
dence  demanded  that  they  should  re-  b(»^™'lSit- 
tum  to  Spain.  If  their  voy^e  was  K^"*™" 
practically  a  failure  it  was  not  their 
fault;  there  was  ample  excuse  in  the  frightful 
storms  they  had  suffered  and  the  dangerous  strains 
that  had  been  put  upon  their  worn-out  ships. 
Such  was  the  general  feeling,  but  when  expressed 
to  Magellan  it  fell  upon  deaf  ears.  No  excuses, 
nothing  but  performance,  would  serve  his  turn; 
for  hint  bardahips  were  made  only  to  be  despised 
and  dangers  to  be  laughed  at;  and,  in  short,  go 
on  they  must,  until  a  strait  was  found  or  the  end 
of  that  continent  reached.  Then  they  would  doubt- 
less find  an  open  way  to  the  Moluccas,  and  while 
he  held  out  hopes  of  rich  rewards  for  all,  be  ap- 
pealed to  their  pride  as  Castilians.  For  the  in- 
flexible determination  of  this  man  was  not  em- 
bittered by  harshness,  and  he  could  wield  as  well 
as  any  one  the  language  that  soothes  and  persuades. 
So  long  as  all  were  busy  in  the  fight  against 
wind  and  wave,  the  captain-general's  ai^;umentB 
were  of  avail.  But  the  deliberate  halt  to  face  the 
hardships  of  an  antarctic  winter,  with  no  prospect 
of  stirring  until  toward  September,  was  too  much. 
Patience  under  enforced  inactivity  was  a  virtue 
higher  than  these  sailors  had  yet  been  called  upon 
to  exhibit.  The  treacherous  captains  had  found 
their  opportunity  and  sowed  distrust  broadcast  by 
hinting  that  a  Portuguese  commander  could. not 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


196  TBS  DISCOVERT  OF  AUBSICA. 

bettor  serve  hia  king  than  by  leading  a  Spanish  tuv 
macU  to  destnictioD.  They  had  evident^  secured 
Ti»  matter  ^^"  '°^"  ""*^  prepared  their  hlowbe- 
fJS2^S^  fore  the  fleet  came  to  anchor.  Thering- 
'•  '**'■  leaders  of  the  mutiny  were  the  captains 

Quesada,  of  the  Concepcion,  and  Mendoza,  of  the 
Victoria,  with  Juan  de  Cartagena,  the  deposed 
captfun  of  the  San  Antonio,  which  was  now  com- 
manded by  MageUan'a  cousin,  Alvaro  de  Mesquita. 
On  the  night  of  Easter  Sunday,  Cartagena  and 
Quesada,  with  thirty  men,  boarded  the  San  An- 
tonio, seized  Mesquita  and  pat  him  in  irons ;  in  the 
brief  affray  the  mate  of  the  San  Antonio  ma  mor- 
tally wounded.  One  of  the  mutineers,  Sebastian 
Elcano,  was  put  in  command  of  the  ship,  such  of 
the  surprised  and  bewildered  crew  as  were  likely  to 
be  loyal  were  disarmed,  and  food  and  wine  were 
handed  about  in  token  of  the  more  generous  policy 
now  to  be  adopted.  All  was  done  so  quickly  and 
quietly  that  no  suspicion  of  it  reached  the  captain- 
general  or  anybody  on  board  the  Trinidad. 

On  Monday  morning  the  traitor  captains  felt 
themselves  masters  of  the  situation.  Three  of  the 
'  five  ships  were  in  their  hands,  and  if  they  chose  to 
go  back  to  Spain,  who  could  stop  them?  If  they 
should  decide  to  capture  the  flagship  and  murder 
their  commander,  they  had  a  fair  chance  of  suo- 
eesB,  for  the  faithful  Serrano  in  his  little  ship 
Santiago  was  no  match  for  any  one  of  the  three. 
Defiance  seemed  quite  safe,  and  in  the 
forenoon,  when  a  boat  from  the  flagship 
happened  to  approach  the  San  Antonio 
she  was  insolently  told  to  keep  sway,  since  Ma- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


UUKDUB  NOrVS.  197 

gellan  no  longer  had  oommand  over  that  ship. 
Whe&  this  challenga  waa  carried  to  Magellan  he 
sent  the  boat  from  ahip  to  ship  as  a  test,  and  soon 
learned  that  only  the  Santi^o  lemained  loyal. 
Presently  Qaesada  sent  a  message  to  the  Trinidad 
requesting  a  conference  between  the  chief  com- 
mander and  the  revolted  captains.  Very  well,  said 
Magellan,  only  the  conference  must  of  conrse  be 
held  on  board  the  Trinidad;  but  for  Quesada  and 
his  accomplices  thus  to  venture  in  the  lion's  jaws 
was  out  of  the  question,  and  they  impudently  in- 
sisted that  the  captain  -  general  should  come  on 
board  the  San  Autonio. 

Little  did  they  realize  with  what  a  man  they 
were  dealing.  Magellan  knew  how  to  make  them 
come  to  him.  He  had  reason  to  be-  HUbou 
lieve  that  the  crew  of  the  Victoria  was  '''°**" 
less  disloyal  than  the  others  and  selected  that  ship 
for  the  scene  of  his  first  coup  dt  main.  While  he 
kept  a  boat  in  readiness,  widi  a  score  of  trusty  men 
armed  to  the  teeth  and  led  by  his  wife's  brother, 
Barbosa,  he  sent  another  boat  ahead  to  the  Victo- 
ria, with  his  alguazil,  or  constable,  Espinosa,  and 
five  other  men.  Luis  de  Mendoza,  captain  of  the 
Victoria,  suffered  this  small  party  to  come  on 
board.  Espinosa  then  served  on  Mendoza  a  for- 
mal summons  to  come  to  the  flagship,  and  upon  his 
refusal  quick  as  lightning  sprang  upon  him  and 
plunged  a  dt^^r  into  his  throat.  As  the  corpse 
of  the  rebellious  captain  dropped  upon  the  deck, 
Barbosa's  party  rushed  over  the  ship's  side  with 
drawn  cotUsses,  the  dazed  crew  at  once  surren- 
dered, and  Barbosa  took  command. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


198  THE  DISCOTSBT  OF  AMEBICA. 

The  tables  were  now  turned,  and  with  three 
ships  in  loyal  hands  Magellan  blockaded  the  other 
two  in  the  harboor.  At  night  he  opened  fire  upon 
the  San  Antonio,  and  strong  parties  from  the 
The  DnrtJnj  THnidfld  and  the  Victoria  boarding  her 
uppMHiL  ^^  j^j,]j  gj^gg  ^j  once,  Quesada  and 
hia  accomplices  were  captured.  The  Concepcion 
thereupon,  overawed  and  crestfallen,  lost  no  time 
in  surrendering ;  and  so  the  formidable  mutiny  was 
completely  quelled  in  less  than  four-and-twen^ 
hours.  Quesada  was  beheaded,  Cartagena  and  a 
guilty  priest,  Pero  Sanchez,  were  kept  in  irons 
until  the  fleet  sailed,  when  they  were  set  ashore  and 
left  to  their  fate;  all  the  rest  were  pardoned,  sjid 
open  defiance  of  the  captain-general  was  no  more 
dreamed  of.  In  the  course  of  the  winter  the  Sant- 
iago was  wrecked  while  on  a  reconnoissance,  hut 
her  men  were  rescued  after  dreadful  sufferings, 
and  Serrano  was  placed  in  coomiand  of  the  Con- 
cepcion. 

At  length  on  the  24tb  of  August,  wiUi  the  ear- 
liest symptoms  of  spring  weather,  the  ships,  which 
DUomiTirf  kad  l)een  carefully  overhauled  and  re- 
^^"^  paired,  proceeded  on  their  way.'  Vio- 
lent storms  harassed  them,  and  it  was  not  until  the 

>  While  they  were  itayinfr  at  Port  St.  Jnlisn  ths  flXpliirH* 
miAe  tJie  Kqauntuica  o!  many  PatigoiiiBiii,  —  K^aota,  M  tbtj 
DSlled  them.  "Their  heig-ht  appears  greatei  than  it  rekllj  !•, 
from  their  lai^  i^aiuco  mutlro,  their  loug  fltnrii^  Lair,  and 
general  t^gnre  :  on  an  averagn  tbair  height  is  aboat  lix  feet,  iritii 
•MO*  iQsn  taller  and  0DI7  a  few  ihorter ;  and  the  women  are  aleo 
talL"  Duwin,  Veyagt  of  the  Btagk,  London,  1870,  p.  £32. 
"Hmm  PatagMnaoa  inToked  a  deity  of  thein  (or  u  Pigafatta  pnti 
it,  "  tha  chief  of  their  devil*  ")  by  the  name  of  Setabo&  Shake- 
V«ue  naakei  Caliban  om  thi«  tuune  twio*  in  the  Tempat,  Mt  L 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


XUNDUS  NOVUB.  199 

2l8t  of  October  (St.  Ursula's  day)  that  they 
reached  the  headland  still  known  as  Cape  Virgins. 
Passing  beyond  Dungeuesa  tb^  entered  a  lai^ 
open  bay,  which  some  hailed  as  the  long-sought 
strait,  while  others  averred  that  no  passage  would 
be  found  there.  It  was,  says  Figafetta,  in  Eden's 
version,  "the  straight  now  cauled  the  Btraight  of 
Magellanus,  beinge  in  sum  place.  C.  x.  leaquea  in 
length :  and  in  breadth  sumwhere  very  la^  and 
in  other  places  lyttle  more  than  halfe  a  leaque  in 
bredth.  On  both  the  ajdes  of  this  strayght  are 
great  and  hygh  mountaynes  couered  with  snowe, 
beyonde  the  whicbe  is  the  enteraunce  into  the  sea 
of  Sur.  .  .  .  Here  one  of  the  shyppes  stole  away 
prinilie  and  returned  into  Spayne."  More  than 
five  weeks  were  consumed  in  passipg  through  the 
strait,  and  among  its  labyrinthine  twists  and  half- 
hidden  bays  there  was  ample  opportunity  for  deser- 
tion. As  advanced  reconnoissanoes  kept  reporting 
the  water  as  deep  and  salt,  the  conviction  grew 
that  the  strait  was  found,  and  then  the  question 
once  mora  arose  whether  it  would  not  be  best  to  go 
back  to  Spain,  satisfied  with  this  dis-  cgartioaei 
fiovery,  since  with  all  these  wretched  de-  ^j^^  ^ 
lays  the  provisions  were  t^in  .running  ""^ 
short.  Magellan's  answer,  uttered  in  measured 
and  quiet  tones,  was  simply  that  he  would  go  on 
and  do  bis  work  "if  he  had  to  eat  the  leather  off 
the  ship's  yards."     Upon  the  San  Antomo  there 

■WD*  2,  mad  act  t.  aeene  1 ;  b  all  pnibabititj  hs  bad  boea  raad- 
ing  Edeo's  truulation  of  Pigofatta,  pablished  in  LondoD  in  1S66. 
Robart  Brovmng  baa  elaboratelj  dareloped  Sbakeapaara'a  tag- 
(•atiiHii  in  bia  Caliban  on  Stt^oi. 


Lliailizc^bv  Google 


200  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

bad  always  been  a  large  proportion  of  lihe  malcou- 
tenta,  and  the  chief  pilot,  Estevaa  Gomez,  having 
been  detailed  for  duty  on  that  ship,  lent  himself  to 
their  purposes.  The  captiun  Meaquita  was  again 
seized  and  put  in  irons,  a  new  captain  was  chosen 
by  the  mutineers,  and  Cromez  piloted  the  ship  back 
to  Spain,  where  they  arrived  after  a  voyage  of  six 
months,  and  screened  themselves  for  a  while  by 
iying  about  Magellan. 

As  for  that  commander,  in  Richard  Even's 
words,  "when  the  oapitayne  Magalianes  was  past 
the  stray^t  and  sawe  the  way  open  to  the  other 
mayne  sea,  he  was  so  gladde  therof  that  for  ioy  the 
2^,^  f^  teares  fell  from  his  eyes,  and  named  the 
^"''''  poynt  of  the  lande  from  whense  he  fyrst 

sawe  that  sea  Capo  Desiderata.  Supposing  that 
the  shyp  which  stole  away  had  byn  loste,  they 
erected  a  crosse  uppon  the  top  of  a  hyghe  hyll  to 
direct  their  course  in  the  straight  yf  it  were  theyr 
chaunce  to  coome  that  way."  The  broad  expanse 
of  waters  before  him  seemed  so  pleasant  to  Magel- 
lan, after  the  heavy  storms  through  which  he  had 
passed,  that  he  called  it  by  the  name  it  still  bears. 
Pacific.  But  the  worst  hardships  were  still  before 
him.  Once  more  a  Sea  of  Darkness  must  be 
crossed  by  brave  hearts  sickening  with  hope  de- 
ferred. II  the  mid-Atlantic  waters  had  been 
strange  to  Columbus  and  his  men,  here  before  Ma- 
geUao's  people  all  was  thrice  unknown. 

"  Thay  were  Uie  fint  th&t  grer  bant 
Into  thftt  iQeDt  ie> ;  " 

and  as  they  sailed  month  after  month  over  the 
waste  of  waters,  the  huge  size  of  our  planet  began 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


Uiailizc^bvCoOgli: 


202  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

to  make  itself  felt.  Until  after  the  middle  oi  De- 
oember  they  kept  a  northward  course,  near  the 
coast  of  the  continent,  nmning  away  from  the  ant- 
arctic cold.  Then  northwesterly  and  westerly 
courses  were  taken,  and  on  the  24th  of  January, 
1521,  a  small  wooded  islet  was  found  in  water 
where  the  longest  plummet-lines  failed  to  reach 
bottom.  Already  the  voyage  since  issuing  from 
the  strait  was  nearly  twice  aa  long  as  that  of  Co- 
lumbus in  1492  from  the  Canaries  to  Guanahani. 
From  the  useless  island,  which  they  called  San 
Pablo,  a  further  run  of  eleven  days  brought  them 
to  another  uninhabited  rock,  which  they  called 
Tiburones,  from  the  quantity  of  sharks  observed 
,i.„j„.^  in  the  neighbourhood.  There  was 
"■'^-  neither  food  nor  water  to  be  had  there, 

and  a  voyage  of  unknown  duration,  in  reality  not 
less  tban  6,000  English  miles,  was  yet  to  be  accom- 
plished before  a  trace  of  land  was  again  to  greet 
their  yearning  gaze.  Their  sufferings  may  best  be 
told  in  the  quwnt  and  touching  words  in  which 
Shakespeare  read  them:  —  "And  hauynge  in  this 
tyvae  consumed  all  theyr  bysket  and  other  vyttayles, 
they  fell  into  such  necessitie  that  they  were  in- 
forced  to  eate  the  pouder  that  r^nayned  therof  be- 
inge  now  full  of  woormes.  .  .  .  Theyre  freshe 
water  was  also  putrifyed  and  become  yelow.  They 
dyd  eato^skynnes  and  pieces  of  lether  which  were 
foulded  abowt  oertoyne  great  ropes  of  the  shyps. 
[Thus  did  the  captain-general's  words  come  true.] 
But  these  skynnes  being  made  veiye  harde  by  rea- 
son of  the  soonne,  rayne,  and  wynde,  they  hunge 
them  by  a  corde  in  the  sea  for  the  space  of  foure 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


MVSDVa  N0VU8.  208 

or  fine  dayse  to  moUifie  them,  and  sodde  Quaa,  and 
eate  them.  By  reason  of  this  famen  and  Tnclene 
feedynge,  Bimune  of  theyr  gummes  grewe  so  ouer 
theyr  teethe  [a  ^mptom  of  scurry],  that  they  dyed 
miserably  for  hunger.  And  by  this  occasion  dyed. 
zix.  men,  and  .  .  b^yde  tiiese  HaA  dyed,  xxt. 
or.  XXX.  were  so  sicks  that  they  were  Dot  able  to 
dec  any  seruice  with  theyr  handea  or  arms  for  fee- 
blenesee :  So  that  was  in  maner  none  without  sum 
disease.  In  three  monethes  and.  zx.  dayes,  they 
sayled  foure  thousande  leaques  in  one  goulfe  by 
the  sayde  sea  cauled  Facificum  (that  is)  peaceable, 
whiche  may  well  bee  so  cauled  foraamuch  as  in  all 
this  tyme  hanyng  no  syght  of  any  lande,  they  had 
no  misfortune  of  wynde  or  any  other  tempest.  .  .  . 
So  that  in  fine,  if  god  of  his  mercy  had  not  gyuen 
them  good  wether,  it  was  necessary  that  in  tlds  soo 
greate  a  sea  th^  shuld  all  haue  dyed  for  hanger. 
Whiche  neuertheless  they  escaped  soo  hardely,  that 
it  may  bee  doubted  whether  euer  the  like  viage 
may  be  attempted  vnOt  so  goode  sucoesse."  ^ 

One  would  gladly  know  —  albeit  Pigafetta's 
joomal  and  the  still  more  laconic  pilot's  log-book 
leave  us  in  the  dark  on  this  point  —  how  the  igno- 
rant and  suffering  crews  interpreted  this  ererlsAt- 
ing  stretch  of  sea,  vaster,  said  Maximil-  „^^,^ 
ian  Tiransylvajius,  '*  than  the  human  jnxi  ooDoap- 
mind  could  conceive."  To  them  it  may 
well  have  seemed  that  the  theory-  of  a  round  and 
limited  earth  was  wrong  after  all,  and  that  their 
infatuated  commander  was  leading  them  out  into 
the  fathomless  abysses  of  space,  with  no  wedcom- 
1  3S<  Fint  Thret  BnglM  Books  on  America,  p.  253. 


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204  THE  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMEBICA. 

ing  ahore  beyond.  Bat  that  heart  of  triple 
bronze,'  we  may  be  snre,  did  not  flinch.  The  sit- 
oation  had  got  beyond  the  point  where  mutiny 
could  be  suggested  as  a  remedy.  The  very  des- 
perateness  of  it  was  all  in  Magellan's  favour;  for 
80  far  away  had  they  come  from  the  known  world 
that  retreat  meant  certain  death.  The  only 
chance  of  escape  lay  in  pressing  forward.  At 
last,  on  the  6th  of  March,  they  came  npon  islands 
ihB  Ladnna  inhabited  by  savages  ignorant  of  the  bow 
"■"**  and  arrow,  but  expert  in  handling  their 

peculiar  light  boats.  Here  the  dreadful  Buffer- 
ings were  ended,  for  they  found  plen^  of  fruit 
and  fresh  vegetables,  besides  meat.  Tlie  people 
were  such  eager  and  pertinacious  thieves  that  their 
islands  received  the  name  by  which  they  are  still 
known,  the  Islas  de  Ladrones,  or  isles  of  robbers.     , 

On  the  16th  of  March  the  three  ships  arrived 
at  the  islands  which  some  years  afterward  were 
named  Philippines,  after  Fhtlip  II.  of  Spain. 
Though  these  were  ishrnds  unvisited  by  Euro- 
Tbamiip-  peoQs,  yet  Astatic  traders  from  Siam 
^"^  and  Sumatra,  as  well  as  from  China, 

were  to  be  met  there,  and  it  was  thus  not  long 
before  Magellan  became  aware  of  the  greatness  of 
his  triumph.  He  had  passed  the  meridian  of  the 
Moluccas,  and  knew  that  these  islands  lay  to  the 
southward  within  an  easy  sail.  He  had  accom- 
plished the  circumnavigation  of  the  earth  through 
its   unknown  portion,  and  the  remainder  of  his 

'  Bli  Tolmr  at  am  triplsx 
Ciica  pectoB  erat,  etc. 
Hunt,  Carm.,  i.3;  at.  jEwhjlw,  Promtli^  242. 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUS  NOVUB.  206 

route  la;  through  seas  already  traveiaed.  An 
erroneouB  calculatioii  of  longitudes  confirmed  him 
in  the  belief  that  the  Moluccas,  as  well  as  the 
Philippines,  properly  belonged  to  Spain.  Mean- 
while in  these  Philippines  of  themselves  he  had 
diBOovered  a  r^on  of  no  small  commercial  im- 
portance. But  his  brief  tarry  in  these  interest- 
ing islands  had  fatal  results,  and  in  the  very  hour 
of  Tictory  the  conqueror  perisbed,  slain  in  a  fight 
with  the  natives,  the  reason  of  which  we  can  un- 
derstand only  by  considering  the  close  complica- 
tion of  commercial  and  political  interests  with  re- 
ligious notions  so  conmton  in  that  ^e. 

As  the  typical  Spaniard  or  Portuguese  was  then 
a  persecutor  of  heresy  at  home,  so  he  xj„ni«dtaT»i 
was  always  mrore  or  less  of  a  missionary  ''^^ 
abroad,  and  the  misBignary  spirit  was  in  his  case 
intimately  allied  with  the  crusading  spirit.  If  the 
heathen  resisted  the  gospel,  it  was  quite  right  to 
slay  and  despoil  them.  Magellan's  nature  was 
devoutly  religious,  and  exhibited  itself  in  the 
points  of  strength  and  weakness  most  characteris- 
tic of  his  age.  After  he  had  made  a  treaty  of 
alliance  with  the  king  of  the  island  of  Sebu,  in 
which,  among  other  things,  the  exclusive  privilege 
of  trading  there  was  reserved  to  the  Spaniards, 
MageUan  made  the  unexpected  discovery  that  the 
king  and  his  people  were  ready  and  even  eager  to 
embrace  Christianity!  They  had  con-  (joii«r*iooi 
ceived  an  exalted  idea  of  the  powers  ^^*'^'* 
and  accomplishments  of  these  white 
strangers,  and  apparently  wished  to  imitate  them 
in  all  things.     So  in  less  than  a  week's  time  a 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


206  THE  niBCOVEBT  OF  AMSBICA. 

huge  bonfire  had  been  made  of  the  idols,  a  otosB 
was  set  up  in  the  market,  and  all  the  people  on 
the  isliuid  were  baptized  I  Now  the  king  of  Sebu 
claimed  allegiance  &om  chieftuns  on  neighbour- 
ing isltmds  who  were  slow  to  render  it ;  and  hav- 
ing adopted  tbe  white  man's  "  medicine  "  he  natu- 
rally wished  to  test  its  efficacy.  What  was 
Christianity  good  for  if  not  to  help  you  to  humble 
your  vassab  ?  So  the  Christian  Idng  of  Sebu  de- 
manded homage  from  the  pagan  king  of  Matan, 
and  when  the  latter  potentate  soomfully  refused, 
there  was  a  clear  case  for  a  crusade  I  The  stead- 
fast commander,  the  ally  and  protector  of  his  new 
couTert,  the  peerless  navigator,  the  knight  without 
fear  and  without  reproach,  now  turned  crusader 
as  quickly  as  he  had  turned  missionary.  Indeed 
there  was  no  turning.  These  various  aspects  of 
life's  work  were  all  one  to  bJm  ;  fae  would  have 
summed  up  the  whole  thing  as  "  serving  Giod  and 
doing  his  duty."  So  Magellan  crossed  over  to 
the  island  of  Matan,  on  the  27th  of  April,  1521, 
imd  was  encountered  by  the  natives  in  overwhelm- 
ing force.  After  a  desperate  fi^t  the  Spaniards 
were  obliged  to  retreat  to  their  boats,  and  their 
commander,  who  years  before  had  been  the  last 
man  to  leave  a  sinking  ship,  now  lingered  on  the 
dhui  of  lb-  brink  of  danger,  screening  his  men,  till 
«""^  his   helmet  was   knocked   ofiE   and   his 

right  arm  disabled  by  a  spear  thrust.  A  sud- 
den blow  brought  him  to  tbe  ground,  and  then, 
says  the  Chevalier  Pigafetta,  "  the  Indians  threw 
themselves  upon  him  with  iron-point«l  bamboo 
spears  and  scimitars,  and  eveiy  weapon  they  had, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUtrDUS  N0VU3.  207 

and  ran  him  thtough  —  our  mirror,  our  li^t,  our 
comforter,  onr  troe  guide  —  notil  they  killed  Mm." ' 
In  these  scenes,  as  bo  often  in  life,  the  grotesque 
and  the  tragic  were  strangely  mixed.  The  defeat 
of  the  white  men  convinced  the  king  of  Sebu  that 
he  had  overestimated  the  bleseingB  of  Christianity, 
and  80,  by  way  of  atonranest  for  the  slight  he  had 
cast  upon  the  gods  of  his  fathers,  he  invited  some 

thirty  of   the   leading   Spaniards  to  a   ti^ 

banqnet,  and  massacred  them.  Anumg  **  ^*^ 
the  men  thus  cnielly  slain  were  the  faithful  oap- 
tuns,  Barbosa  and  Serrano.  As  the  ships  sailed 
hastily  away  the  natives  were  seen  chopping  down 
the  cross  and  conducting  ceremonies  in  expiation  of 
their  brief  apostasy.  The  blow  was  a  sad  one.  Of 
the  280  men  who  had  sailed  out  from  the  Gruadal- 
quirir  only  115  remained.  At  the  same  time 
the  Concepcion,  being  adjudged  no  longer  sea- 
worthy, was  dismantled  and  burned  .to  the  wat^^i_ 
edge.  The  constable  Espinosa  was  elected  oapt^n 
of  the  Victoria,  and  the  pilot  Carvalho  was  made 
captiungeneral,  but  proving  inccnnpe-  AniY«i.tih« 
tent,  was  presently  superseded  by  that  "^'''™* 
Sebastian  Eleano  who  had  been  one  of  the  muti- 
neers at  Port  St.  Julian.  When  the  Trinidad  and 
Victoria,  after  visiting  Borneo,  reached  the  Moluc- 
cas they  found  that  Francisco  Semmo  had  been 
miu^ered  by  order  of  the  king  of  Tidor  at  about 
the  same  time  that  his  friend  Magellan  had  fallen 
at  Matan.  The  Spaniards  spent  some  time  in 
these  islands,  trading.  When  they  were  ready  to 
start,  on  ^e  18th  of  December,  the  Trinidad 
1  QnilUmwd'a  MagtUan,  p.  2S2. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


208  TBE  DISCOVEBY  OF  AMERICA. 

s^ui^a  leak.  It  was  therenpon  decided  that  the 
Vietoria  Bfaoold  make  for  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope 
without  delay,  in  order  not  to  lose  the  favooraUe 
east  monsoon.  The  Trimdad  was  to  be  thoroughly 
repaired,  and  then  take  advantage  of  the  leversal 
of  monsoon  to  siul  for  Panama.'  Apparently  it 
wae  thought  that  the  easterfy  breeze  which  had 
wafted  them  bo  steadily  across  the  Pacific  was  a 
monsoon  and  would  change  like  the  Indian  winds, 
—  a  moBt  disastrous  error.  Of  the  101  men  still 
surviTing,  54  were  assigned  to  the  Trinidad  and 
47  to  &e  Victoria.  The  former  ship  was  oom- 
manded  by  T^pinosa,  the  latter  l^  £lcano. 

When  the  Trinidad  set  sail,  April  6, 1522,  she 
ritaoftks  ^'^  ^^  westerly  monsoon  in  her  favour, 
'^'''''*^  but  as  she  worked  up  into  the  northern 
Pacific  she  encountered  the  northeast  trade-wind, 
and  in  trying  to  escape  it  groped  her  way  up  to 
the  fortieth  parallel  and  beyond.  By  that  time, 
overcome  with  famine  and  scurvy,  she  &ced  about 
and  ran  back  to  the  Moluccas.  When  she  arrived, 
it  was  without  her  mainmast.  Of  her  54  men  all 
but  19  had  found  a  watery  grave ;  and  now  the 
survivors  were  seized  hj  a  party  of  Portuguese, 
and  a  new  chapter  of  misery  was  begun.  Only 
the  captdn  Espinosa  and  three  of  the  crew  lived 
to  see  Spain  agun. 

Meanwhile  on  the  16th  of  May  the  little  Yifi- 
toria,  with  starvation  and  scurvy  already  thinning 
'  Thg  dnminatuicea  of  tka  (cnuidiiig  of  Puum&  will  be  men- 
tioiwd  balow  in  ohapter  x.  In  older  to  complete  in  a  single  pio- 
tare  die  acconnt  of  Mnndiu  Nonu,  I  tell  the  atorr  of  Magellan 
ID  die  preaeot  chapter,  lomewlut  in  advance  of  its  ohronoltigioal 
pontioo. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


MUNDUS  Norus.  209 

the  nuLka,  with  foretopmast  gone  hj  the  board 
and  foreyard  badly  spruiig,  cleared  the  sttam  m  uw 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and  thence  was  '1=''"'* 
borne  on  the  strong  and  friendly  current  up  to  the 
equator,  which  she  crossed  on  the  8th  of  June. 
Ouly  fifty  years  since  Santarem  and  Escobar,  first 
of  Europeans,  had  crept  down  that  coast  and 
crossed  it !  Into  that  glorious  half-century  what 
a  world  of  suffering  and  achievement  had  been 
crowded  1  Dire  necessity  compelled  Uie  Victoria  to 
stop  at  the  Cape  Verde  islands.  Her  people  sought 
safety  in  deceiving  the  Portuguese  with  the  story 
that  they  were  returning  from  a  voyage  in  Atlan- 
tic waters  only,  and  thus  they  succeeded  in  buying 
food.  But  while  this  was  going  on,  as  a  boat-load 
of  thirteen  men  had  been  sent  ashore  for  rice,  some 
silly  tongue,  loosened  by  wine  in  the  head  of  a 
sailor  who  had  cloves  to  sell,  babbled  the  perilous 
secret  of  Magellan  and  the  Moluccas.  The  thir- 
teen were  at  once  arrested  and  a  boat  c&Ued  upon 
the  Victoria,  with  direful  threats,  to  surrender ; 
but  she  quickly  stretched  every  inch  of  her  can- 
vas and  got  away.  This  was  on  the  13th  of  July, 
and  eight  weehs  of  ocean  remained.  At  last,  on 
the  6th  of   September  ^  —  the   thirtieth   anniver- 

'  Tbey  vara  BnrpriBsd  to  hear  thaii  fiienda  at  home  tsaUing  it 
the  lib :  —  "  Aiid  amongv  othsr  notable  diyngM  .  .  ■  inytteD 
u  tonohynge  that  vyage,  this  ii  one,  that  the  fipsnTardea  haningB 
Mjled  abowt  thne  jearea  and  one  moneth,  and  tlie  moat  of  them 
notjnge  the  d(iy«a,  dtiy  by  day  (aa  i«  the  maner  of  all  them  that 
■ayla  by  dte  <io«aa),  they  fomide  when  they  vere  Tetnmad  to 
Spayne  that  they  had  1obI«  one  days.  So  that  at  theyr  arrynall 
at  the  porte  of  Sinile,  beiof^  the  eenenth  daye  of  September,  tbb 
by  theyr  acoompt  but  the  oxth  day.  And  where  as  Don  Peter 
Martyr  declared  the  sban^  effeote  of  thia  thynge  to  b  oerteyne 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


210  THE  DISCOrSBt  OP  AMEBIOA. 

Stay  of  the  day  wheo  Columbus  weighed  anchor 
for  Cipango  —  the  Victoria_saUed  into  the  Gua^  ' 
dalquivir,  with  eighteen  gaunt  and  haggard  BUiv 
-vivon  to  tell  the  proud  story  of  the  first  circom- 
navigation  of  the  earth.' 

The  voyage  thus  ended  was  doubtless  the  great- 
est feat  of  navigation  that  has  ever  been  per^ 
formed,  and  nothing  can  be  imagined  that  would 
surpass  it  except  a  journey  to  some  other  planet 
AauDw.  It  has  not  the  unique  historic  position 
""'■*  of  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus,  whii^ 
brought  together  two  streams  of  human  life  that 
had  been  disjoined  since  the  Glacial  Period.  But 
as  an  achievement  in  ocean  navigation  that  voyage 
of  Columbus  sinks  into  insignificance  by  the  side 
of  it,  and  when  the  earth  was  a  second  time  en- 
compassed l^  the  greatest  Engli^  sailor  of  his 
1^,  the  advance  in  knowledge,  as  well  as  the  dif- 
ferent route  chosen,  had  mnch  reduced  the  dif- 
ficult of  the  performance.  When  we  consider 
the  frailness  of  the  ships,  the  immeasurable  extent 
of  the  unknown,  the  mutinies  that  were  prevented 
or  quelled,  and  the  hardships  that  were  endured, 
we  can  have  no  hesitation  in  speaking  of  Magellan 
as  the  prince  of  navigators.  Nor  can  we  ever  fail 
to  admire  the  simplicity  and  purity  of  that  devoted 

•iMlIeDte  man,  wbo,  for  iaa  angalaz  lemyn^,  nat  greatalj  ad- 
naooed  to  hononra  in  hb  common  velthe  and  mode  Tbemperonr's 
ambuMdoun,  tfaii  vorth;  gentalmou,  vho  tria  alao  »■  greate 
PliiloKipher  and  AsttoDoiner,  umraTed  that  it  nmlde  not  oIliBr- 
W7M  ohannce  nnto  thsm,  baoTiigfl  Mjled  diree  yeans  ooudii- 
11BU7,  ener  folowriige  the  (ooniis  towaide  the  Weat"  lU  FirtI 
Tknx  EnglM  Boaki  on  America,  p.  246. 
'  Thair  namea  an  giren  below  in  Appendix  D. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


XUNDV8  SOWS.  211 

life  in  which  there  is  nothing  that  seeks  to  be 
hidden  or  exphtined  sway. 

It  woaU   have  been  fitting  that  the  proudest 
crest  ever  granted  by  a  sovereign  —  a 
terrestriid  globe  belted  with  the  legend  ""** 

Primus  circumdediati  me  (Thou  first  encompassed 
me)  —  should  have  beep  bestowed  upon  the  son 
and  representative  of  the  hero ;  but  when  the  Vic 
toria  returned  there  was  none  to  receive  such 
recognition.  In  September,  1521,  Magellan's  son, 
tiie  little  Rodrigo,  died,  and  by  March,  1522,  the 
gentle  mother  Beatriz  had  heard,  by  way  of  the 
Portuguese  Indies,  of  the  fate  of  her  husband  and 
her  brother.^  In  that  same  month  —  '*  grievously 
sorrowing,"  as  we  are  told  —  she  died.  The  coat- 
of-arms  with  the  crest  just  mentioned,  along  with 
a  pension  of  500  ducats,  was  granted  to  Eh^no,  a 
weak  man  who  had  ill  deserved  such  honour.  Es- 
pinosa  was  also,  with  more  justice,  pensioned  and 
ennobled. 

One  nugbt  at  first  suppose  that  the  revelation 
of  such  an  immensity  of  water  west  of  Mondus 
Kovus  would  soon  have  residted  in  the  evolution 
of  the  conception  of  a  distinct  western  g^  ^^^^ 
hemisphere.  This  efFect  was,  however,  \ 
very  slowly  wrought  in  men's  minds. 
The  ftuA  was  too  great  and  too  strange  to  be  easily 
taken  in  and  assimilated  with  the  mass  of  mingled 
fact  and  theory  already  existing.  It  was  not  until 
1577-80  that  die  Pacific  was  crossed,  for  the  second 
time,  by  Sir  Francis  Drake.  How  imperfectly  its 
dimensions  were  compr^ended  may  be  seen  from 

1  Quilleniard,  p.  00. 


D,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


bau£r 


212  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

the  globe  of  Orontius  Fiiueus,  1581,  of  which  * 
sketch  has  already  been  given.  In  his  Opuacu- 
7um  Geographicum,  published  in  1533,  Schoner 
placed  Newfoundland  and  Florida  in  Asia  and 
identified  the  city  of  Mexico  with  Maroo  Polo's 
Quinsay.  To  bring  oat  the  correct  outline  and 
huge  continental  mass  of,  North  America,  und  to 
indicate  with  entire  precision  its  relations  to 
Tb*  work  of  Asia,  was  the  Work  of  Two  Centiuies, 
tn  oantiiriH.  ^  fcrjef  skcteh  of  wUch  will  be  given 
hereafter.  But  before  we  can  properly  come  to 
that  final  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  Discovery 
of  America,  there  are  other  points  which  demand 
attention.  Something  must  be  said  concerning 
the  earliest  contact  between  the  civilization  of 
Europe  just  emerging  from  the  Middle  Ages  and 
the  semi-civilizations  of  the  archaic  world  of  Amer- 
ica, similar  in  many  respects  to  those  that  had 
wixtnnt  flourished  in  the  eastern  hemisphere 
""""^  "■  before  the  times  of  Abraham  and  Aga- 
memnon. No  scenes  in  history  are  more  remark- 
able than  those  which  attended  this  earliest  con- 
tact. It  would  be  hard  to  point  to  a  year  more 
fraught  with  thrilling  interest  than  1519,  when  in 
the  month  of  November,  at  the  very  time  that 
Magellan  was  breasting  the  storms  of  the  southern 
Atlantic,  on  the  way  to  his  long-sought  strait, 
Hernando  Cortes  was  anziously  inspecting  the 
terraced  roofs  and  pictiu-esque  drawbridges  of  the 
strange  city  to  which  Montezuma  had  just  ad- 
mitted him.  We  have  now  to  deal  briefly  with 
that  episode  in  the  Discovery  of  America  known 
«8  the  Conquest  of  Mexico. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


CHAPTER  Vm. 

THE  CONQUEST  OV  MEXICO. 

If  we  were  engaged  upon  a  philosophical  his- 
tory of  the  human  mind,  the  career  of  maritime 
discovery  in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries 
would  have  great  interest  for  us,  with  „,^  ^  ^^ 
regard  to  its  influence  upon  men's  hab-  ^S^t^^ 
its  of  thought.  In  the  long  run,  the  ef-  K^^JlStk 
feet  dE  increased  knowledge  of  the  earth  *''^*- 
is  to  dispel  mythological  mystery  and  the  kind 
of  romance  that  goes  with  it,  and  to  strengthen 
men's  belief  in  the  constancy  of  nature.  As  long 
as  nothing  was  known  of  the  lands  beyond  the 
equator,  it  was  easy  enough  to  people  them  with 
gnomes  and  grifEns.  There  was  no  intrinsio  im- 
probability in  the  existence  of  a  "  land  east  of  the 
son  and  west  of  the  moon,"  or  any  of  the  other 
r^ons  subject  to  the  Queen  of  the  Fairies,  —  any 
more  than  in  the  existence  of  Cipango  or  Cathay, 
or  any  other  real  country  which  was  indefinitely 
remote  and  had  but  rarely  been  visited.  As  long 
as  men's  fancy  had  free  sweep,  beyond  the  narrow 
limits  of  "  the  world  as  known  to  the  ancients," 
there  was  plenty  of  room  for  fairyland.  But  in 
these  prosaic  days  our  knowledge  of  the  earth's 
surface  has  become  so  nearly  complete  as  to  crowd 
out  all  thought  ctf  enchanted  ground.     Beyond 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


214  TBB  DiaCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

the  dark  and  perilous  sea  we  no  longer  look  for 
El  Dorado,  since  maps  and  gazetteers  have  taught 
us  to  eicpect  nothing  better  than  the  beautiful  but 
cruel,  the  romantic  but  humdrum,  world  with 
which  daily  experience  has  already  made  us  so 
well  acquainted.  In  this  respect  the  present  age, 
compared  with  the  Bixteenth  century,  is  like  ma- 
ture manhood  compared  with  youih.  The  bright 
visions  have  fled,  but  the  sober  reaUtieB  of  life 
remun.  The  most  ardent  adventurer  of  our  time 
has  probably  never  indulged  in  such  wild  fancies 
as  must  have  flitted  through  the  mind  of  young 
Louis  de  Hennepin  when  he  used  to  hide  behind 
tavern  doors  while  the  sailors  were  telling  of  their 
voyages.  "The  tobacco  smoke,"  he  says,  "  used  to 
make  me  very  sick;  but,  notwithstanding,  I  lis- 
tened attentively  to  all  that  was  smd  about  their 
adventures  at  sea  and  their  travels  in  distant 
countries.  I  could  have  passed  whole  days  and 
nights  in  this  way  without  eating." ' 

The  first  effect  of  the  voyages  of  Columbus  and 
his  successors  wafi  to  arouse  this  spirit  of  roman- 
tic curiosity  to  fever  heat.  Before  the  newly-found 
lands  had  been  explored,  there  was  no  tellii^  what 
they  might  not  contain.  Upon  o^e  point,  however, 
moat  of  the  early  adventurers  were  thoroughly 
Komutk  agreed.  The  newly-foimd  coasts  must 
fcSSh  M^  he  near  Cipango  and  Cathay,  or  at  any 
^*'^'*-  rate  somewhere  within  the  territories  of 

the  "  Grand  Khan ; "  and  the  reports  of  Marco 
Polo,   doubtless  bravely   embellished  in    passing 

1  EeniMpiQ,  Voyagi  Caritux  (1104),  12,  cited  in  PukBUo't 
la  SaiU,  p.  120. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  216 

from  montli  to  month,  whetted  the  greed  for  gc^ 
and  inBamed  the  crusAding  zeal  of  the  stuidy  meD 
who  had  jost  driven  Qie  Moor  from  Granada  and 
were  impatiently  longing  for  "fresh  woodB  and 
[ostures  new."  It  was  taken  for  granted  that  the 
countries  beyond  the  Sea  of  Darkness  abounded  in 
rich  treasure  which  might  be  won  without  labour 
more  prosaic  than  fighting ;  for  ae  heathen  treasure 
it  was  of  course  the  legitimate  prey  of  these  sol- 
diers of  the  Cross.  Their  minds  were  in  a  state 
like  that  of  the  heroes  of  the  Arabian  Nights  vrho, 
if  they  only  wander  far  enough  through  the  dark 
forest  or  across  the  burning  desert,  are  sure  at 
length  to  come  upon  some  enchanted  palace  whereof 
they  may  fairly  hope,  with  the  aid  of  some  gracious 
Jinni,  to  become  masters.  But  with  all  their  un- 
checked freedom  of  fancy,  it  is  not  likely  that 
tihe  Spaniards  who  first  set  foot  upon  the  soil  of 
Mexico  had  ever  im^ined  anything  stranger  than 
the  sights  they  saw  there ;  nor  did  ever  a  slave  of 
the  lamp  prepare  for  man  a  triumph  so  astounding 
ae  that  of  which  the  elements  were  in  readiness 
awaiting  the  masterful  touch  of  Hernando  Cortes 
in  the  year  1519. 

I  have  already  described,  in  its  most  general 
outlines,  the  structure  of  society  in  ancient  Mex- 
ico.i  A  glance  at  its  history  is  now  necessary, 
if  we  would  understand  the  circumstances  of  its 
sudden  overthrow.  A  very  brief  sketch  is  aU  that 
is  here  practicable,  and  it  is  all  that  my  purpose 
requires. 

1  Se«  above,  toI.  L  pp.  100-131. 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


216  THE  BISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

The  earliest  date  vlu<!h  we  can  regard  as  clearly 
p,.,,^,,,^  established  in  the  history  of  Mexico  is 
"•^'^  1325  A.  D,,  the  year  in  which  the  great 

Aztec  pueblo  was  founded.  Per  whatever  happened 
before  that  tune  we  have  to  grope  our  way  in  the 
uncertain  light  of  vague  or  conflicting  traditions 
and  tempting  but  treacherous  philolc^cal  specula- 
tions. It  is  somewhat  as  in  the  history  of  Greece 
before  the  first  Olympiad.  Sundry  movements  of 
peoples  and  a  few  striking  incidents  loom  up 
through  the  fog  of  oblivion,  and  there  is  room  for 
surmises  that  things  may  have  happened  in  this 
way  or  in  that  way,  but  whether  we  succeed  in 
putting  events  into  their  true  order,  or  get  them 
within  a  century  or  so  of  their  real  dates,  remains 
very  doubtful.  According  to  Mr.  Hubert  Ban- 
croft, the  cool  Mexican  table-land,  since  often 
known  as  An^huac,'  or  "  lake  country,"  was  oc- 
cupied during  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries  of 
the  Christiui  era  by  tribes  of  various  degrees 
of  barbarism  belon^ng  to  the  group  ever  since 
known  as  Nahuas.  In  the  fertile  valleys  horticul- 
ture l)ecame  developed,  population  increased,  arts 
of  construction  throve,  and  in  course  of  time  a 
kind  of  supremacy  over  the  whole  r^on  east  and 
south  of  the  lakes  is  said  to  have  been  secured  by 
Th*  "Toi-  certain  confederated  tribes  called  Tol- 
'™-"  tecs,  a  name  which  has  been  explained 

as  meaning  "  artificers  "   or  "  builders."     It  has 

'  Then  wax  no  mch  dung  u  an  "  emplra  of  Andhiuo,"  noc  wia 
tlie  DAms  pecnlUr  to  ths  Mexican  Ubie-lanil ;  it  wu  piva  to  an; 
oonntiy  near  a  largs  body  of  vatar,  wbether  lake  or  aea.  Sm 
BiMMor  de  Bourbonrg,  Svines  de  I'aienqui,  p.  32. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THS  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  217 

been  supposed  that  the  name  may  have  been  loosely 
applied  to  pueblo-builderB  by  other  people  who 
did  not  erect  such  structures.  Among  the  princi- 
pal seats  of  Toltec  supremacy  we  bear  much  of 
the  city  or  pueblo  of  Tollan,  on  tihe  site  of  the 
modem  village  of  Tula,  some  forty  miles  to  the 
northwest  of  the  city  of  Mexico.  It  is  well  to  be- 
ware, however,  about  meddling  much  with  these 
Tolteca.  In  some  respects  they  remind  one  of  the 
Pelasgi.  Whatever  seemed  strange  or  inexplica- 
ble in  the  early  history  of  Greece,  the  old  his- 
torians used  to  dispose  of  by  calling  in  that  mys- 
terious people,  the  Felasgi.  Crreek  history  had 
its  Pelasgic  dark  cupboaird  into  which  it  used  to 
throw  its  nondescript  rubbish  of  speculation ;  and 
I  suspect  that  the  Toltecs  have  fomiBbed  a  similar 
dark  cupboard  to  the  historians  of  Mexico.  There 
was  doubtless,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  a  tribe  of 
Toltecs  which  dwelt  for  a  time  at  Tollan,  and  it 
was  the  misfortune  of  this  people  to  have  its 
name  become  the  vehicle  of  divers  solar  myths 
associated  wi^  the  fair  god  Quetzalcoatl.  The 
name  Tollan,  which  means  "  place  of  the  sun,"  oc- 
curs in  other  parts  of  Mexico ;  it  was  quite  com- 
monly applied  to  Cholola,  the  pueblo  especially 
sacred  to  Quetzalcoatl.'  Wherever  legends  came 
to  be  located  in  which  the  Fair  God  figured,  his 
followers  the  Toltecs  naturally  figured  likewise. 
"  AU  arts  and  sciences,  all  knowledge  and  culture, 
were  ascribed  to  this  wonderful  mythical  people  ; 
and  wherever  the  natives  were  asked  concerning 
the  origin  of  ancient  and  unknown  structures, 
1  Bandelier,  Archiiological  Tour  in  3itxia>,  p.  104. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


218  THE  DlSCOVESr  OF  AMERICA. 

they  would  reply:  'Tlie  Toltecs  built  them.'"' 
In  this  way  seems  to  have  been  generated  that 
notion  of  a  "  Toltec  empire  "  which  has  bewildered 
and  isiBled  bo  many  writers. 

In  opposition  to  the  Toltecs  we  find  frequent 
Th«  "  cuoiii-  mention  of  the  Chiclumecs,  whose  name 
"°*'  is   said  to   mean  "  barbaiianfl."     Such 

an  epithet  would  indicate  that  their  enemies  held 
them  in  scorn,  but  does  not  otherwise  give  us 
much  information.  At  the  time  of  the  Discovery 
it  was  applied  in  two  very  different  senses ;  1.  in 
general,  to  the  roaming  savage  tribes  far  to  the 
north  of  Anahuac,  and  2.  in  particular,  to  the 
"  line  of  kings  "  (i  e.  clan  out  of  which  the  head 
war-chiefs  were  chosen)  at  Tezcuco.'  This  may 
iudioate  that  at  some  time  the  great  pueblo-town 
of  Tezcnco  was  seized  and  appropriated  by  a  peo- 
ple somewhat  inferior  in  culture ;  or  that  neigh- 
bouring pueblos  applied  to  the  Tezcucans  an  op- 
probrious epithet  which  stuck ;  or,  perhaps,  that 
at  some  time  the  Tezcucans  may  have  repelled  an 
invasion  of   lower  peoples,  so   that   their  chiefs 

'  Se«  Brinton,  "  The  Tolteoa  muA  thsir  Fabnioiu  Empire,"  b 
hi*  Ei$ayt  of  an  AmericaniU,  pp.  83-100,  an  admirable  treatment 
of  the  inbjeot.  Ths  notion  of  tlia  Toltec  empire  pervodm  M.  de 
Chaniftj'a  Atiaeat  Citia  of  the  Ntm  World,  and  detraota  from 
the  Talne  of  th&t  able  book.  H.  de  Chama;'!  archeoUfncB^ 
work  n  Ter;  good,  but  hia  butoiioal  apeonlatioiu  vill  bear  eon- 
nderable  rariaion  and  eioiaton. 

"  Their  bietor;  haa  been  vritten  b;  thur  deacendant  Fernando 
de  Iitlilioflhitl  (bom  in  1570),  Hiitoirt  da  Chidiimiqva,  tt  da 
ancUoM  roit  dt  Teicuco,  Paria,  1S40,  2  Tola.  This  work  oontaiD* 
many  Taloable  facts,  bnt  its  anthorit;  ia  gravely  impaired  by  tlie 
fact  that  Ixtliliocbitl  "  wrote  tor  an  inlereMsd  object,  and  with 
the  view  of  anatjuning'  tribal  claims  in  tbe  syea  of  die  Spaniilh 
govemmeDt "    Sm  BandelieT,  ArAaidogical  Tour,  p.  192. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  COyqUXST  OF  MEXICO.  219 

were  called  Cbichimecs  by  way  of  compliment,  as 
Roman  warriors  were  called  GermanicuB  or  Afri- 
canus.  Ingenuity  may  amuse  itself  with  suimiBeB, 
bat  the  true  explanation  ib  often  something  that 
nobody  would  have  thought  of.  It  Ib  not  even 
certain  that  the  name  means  barbarian,  or  any- 
thing of  the  sort.^  The  ChichimecB  are  no  more 
than  the  Toltecs  s  safe  subject  for  speculation.^ 

It  may  have  been  anywhere  from  the  nin&  to  the 
eleventh  century  that  a  number  of  Nahua  tribes, 
coming  from  some  undetermined  north-  j^  n^v,, 
erly  region  which  they  called  Azdan,^  in-  '^'™' 
vaded  the  territory  of  Anahuao,  and  planted  them- 

'  Mr.  Biuidelier,  improving  npon  a  hint  at  the  lemwd  VsTtis 
{Hi^oria  anliyua  d^  Mfjico,  op.,  xii  p.  143),  raggatXa  Uist  die 
vord  Chichimeo*  ma;  mean  "Iriu  of  i«d  men."  Peabody  Jtutotm 
B^mrti,  u.  393. 

'  The  learned  BAmi  Smjon,  in  bii  introdnctioD  to  the  Annaia 
de  ChimalptUdH  Qacathtidaiaiatxin,  Paris,  1880,  hai  not  quite  mo- 
ee«ded  in  avoiding  the  iHtfalls  vbiali  buttoiiimI  tbii  inbjeot ;  e.  g. 
"  Cm  trots  grandn  penplex,  lea  Tolt^neii,  lea  MaiicBUia,  et  lea 
Cbichimiqaea,  svaient  done  chacnn  lenr  oarsctiie  p«rtJonligT. 
Lea  Talttqaea  jtiuent  ertiKUM,  lei  Heiie^ne  gnarrieia  et  com- 
merqants,  Ua  Cbichim^nea  agricultenn,"  etc,  p.  zzxri  Thii 
Mat  of  generalizatjoti  doea  not  help  na  miioh. 

*  The  dtoation  of  Aztlan,  and  the  meaning  of  the  name,  have 
fnmiBhed  themes  for  mnoh  specnlation.  Mr.  MorgsJi.  folloving 
Acosta  and  Clavigero,  interpieted  Azllau  as  "  place  of  cranes," 
and  inferred  that  it  must  have  been  in  New  Mexico,  where 
cranes  abound  (JJomta  and  Home-Life,  p.  195).  Dnmn  trans- 
lated it  "  place  ot  whitenera  "  {Eistoria  de  Jfutva  EtpaXa,  U  IS)  i 
but,  as  Dr.  Brintou  observM,  it  may  mean  "  place  bysalt  water" 
(Ettagt  of  an  Americaniii,  p.  88).  Father  Dorsn  thonght  that 
Aitlaa  was  ntnated  within  the  region  of  onr  Qulf  States ;  of. 
Brasaanr,  Biit,  deinalions  ciiiilii/ea  de  PAmerique  ceTOrale,  a.  292. 
Some  writers  have  snpposed  it  was  the  home  of  the  "mound- 
bnildats  "  in  the  Miuiuippi,  and  in  recent  times  a  groop  irf 
earthworks  in  Wisoonan   has  bean  named   Artlan   or  .4ztalan. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


220  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

selves  at  various  commanding  points.  It  is  prob- 
able tliat  there  was  a  series  of  waves  of  invasion 
by  peoples  essentially  the  same  in  blood  and  speech. 
As  Dr.  Brinton  has  ably  pointed  out,  the  story  of 
Tollan  and  its  people  as  we  find  it  in  three  of  the 
most  unimpeachable  authorities  —  Father  Duran, 
Tezozomoc,  and  the  Codex  Ramirez  —  virtually 
identifies  Toltecs  with  Aztecs.  The  situation  of 
Toummdow  that  Tollan  which  is  now  called  Tula 
strpent  Hill.  ^^  ^^  ^^^  ^£  jj^g  principal  ancient 
trails  from  the .  north  into  the  elevated  Valley  of 
Mexico.  It  was  a  natural  pass  or  gateway,  and 
had  the  importance  which  belongs  to  such  places. 
The  ruins  of  the  ancient  town  are  upon  a  small 
bill,  known  as  Coatepetl,  or  Serpent  Hill,  which 
figures  largely  in  the  legends  about  the  Toltecs. 
The  town  consisted  of  large  edifices  built  of  rub- 
ble-atone nungled  with  adobe-brick,  with  flat  and 
terraced  roofs,  somewhat  after  the  fashion,  per- 
haps, of  the  pueblos  in  New  Mexico.  Mural  punt- 
ing and  figure-carving  were  practised  by  its  in- 
habitants. According  to  the  authorities  just  cited, 
there  was  a  division  among  the  Nahua  tribes 
migrating  from  Aztlan.  Some  passed  on  into  the 
Valley  of  Mexico,  while  others  fortified  them- 
selves on  the  Serpent  Hill  and  built  a  temple  to 
the  war-god  Huitzilopochtli.  The  city  of  Tollan 
thi^  founded  lasted  for  some  generations,  until  its 
people,  hard   pressed   by  hostile   neighbours,   re- 

Maob  more  probable  are  the  views  of  Uendieta  {Hiatoria  Ectie- 
n'lultca,  p.  144),  vho  place*  it  in  the  province  of  Xaliaoo ;  or  of 
Otouso  y  Bena  {Hiitoria  aiitiffua  rfe  Mfxico,  torn.  iii.  cap.  4),  vbo 
placea  it  in  Michoacan.  AlbeK  Oallatin  expresaed  a  aimilaT  view 
ID  Tram.  Amer.  Etknolog.  Soc.,  ii.  202. 


boiizccb,  Google 


THt:  COXQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  221 

treated  into  the  VaJley  of  Mexico,  and  afterward 

built  the   city  which  has  become  famous  under 

that  name.^ 

In  Qaa  story  the  founders  of  Mexico  are  virtu- 

aJly  identified  with  thoBe  of   Tollan.      Following 

this  hint,  we  may  suppose  the  "  Tolt«c  period  "  in 

Mexican  traditioa  to  have  been  simply  the  period 

when  the  pneblo-town  of  Tollan  was  flourishing, 

and  domineered  most  likely   over  neighbouring 

pueblos.     One  might  thus  speak  of  it 

, ,  ,       ,      ,  m.    .  '^  fibokm 

as  one  would  speak  of  the  "  Ineban  "tormwb- 
period  "  in  Greek  history.  After  the 
'*  Toltec  period,"  with  perhaps  an  intervening 
"  Chichimec  period  "  of  confusion,  came  the  "  Az- 
tec period ; "  or  in  other  words,  some  time  after 
ToUan  lost  its  importance,  the  city  of  Mexico 
came  to  the  front.  Such,  I  suspect,  is  the  slen- 
der historical  residuum  underlying  the  legend  of  a 
"  Toltec  empire."  ^ 

The  Codex  Ramirez  assigns  the  year  1168  as 
the  date  of  the  abandonment  of  the  Serpent  Hill 
by  the  people  of  Tollan.  We  begin  to  leave  this 
twilight  of  legend  when  we  meet  the  ThoAitesi, 
Aztecs  already  encamped  in  the  Valley  teiol^aitT 
of  Mexico.  Finding  tie  most  obviously  "* 
eligible  sites  preoccupied,  they  were  sagacious 
enough  to  detect  the  advantages  of  a  certain  marshy 
spot  through  which  the  outlets  of  l^es  Chalco  and 
Xochimilco,  besides  sundry  rivulets,  flowed  north- 
ward and  eastward  into  Lake  Tezcnco.     Here  in 

'  Dman,  Hitloria  dt  lai  Indlcu  de  Nwxia  EtpaSa,  cap.  lii.; 
I,  Cmmca  Mtxieana,  cap.  ii. ;   Codex  Bamirei,  p.  24 
8m  Brinton,  op.  cit.  p.  89. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


222  THE  mSCOVEBY  OF  AMERICA. 

the  year  1325  they  began  to  build  their  pueblo, 
vhidi  they  called  Tenochtitlaii,  —  a  name  whereby 
hangs  a  tale.  When  the  Azteea,  hard  pressed  by 
foes,  took  refuge  among  these  marshes,  they  came 
upon  a  sacrificial  stone  which  they  recognised  as 
one  upon  which  some  years  before  one  of  their 
priests  had  immolated  a  captive  chief.  From  a 
crevice  in  this  stone,  where  a  little  earth  was  im- 
bedded, there  grew  a  cactus,  upon  which  sat  an 
eagle  holding  in  its  beak  a  serpent.  A  priest  in- 
geniously interpreted  tliis  symbolism  as  a,  prophecy 
of  signal  and  loi^-continued  victory,  and  forthwith 
diving  into  the  lake  he  had  an  interview  with 
Tlaloc,  the  god  of  waters,  who  told  him  that  upon 
that  very  spot  the  people  were  to  build  their  town. 
The  place  was  therefore  called  Tenochtitlan,  or 
"  p^.Hce  of  the  cactus-rock,"  but  the  name  under 
which  it  afterward  came  to  be  best  known  was 
taken  from  Mexitl,  one  of  the  names  of  the  war- 
god  Huitzilopochtli.  The  device  of  the  rock  and 
cactus,  with  the  eagle  and  serpent,  formed  a  tribal 
totem  for  the  Aztecs,  and  has  been  adopted  as  the 
coat.of-anns  of  the  present  Kepuhlic  of  Mexico. 
The  pueblo  of  Tenochtitlan  was  surrounded  by 
gait  marshes,  which  by  dint  of  dikes  and  cause- 
ways  the  Aztecs  gradually  converted  into  a  latge 
artificial  lake,  and  thus  made  their  pueblo  by  far 
the  most  defensible  stronghold  in  An&huac,  —  im- 
pregnable, indeed,  so  far  as  Indian  modes  of  attack 
were  concerned.^ 

■  Ao«Orduig  t«  He.  BandaliBF  tha  only  Indian  pomtion  oompftr- 
■blQ  vitb  it  for  gtrangth  was  that  of  Atitlan,  in  GoktemAlA.  Pia- 
iecfjr  Miuevm  Bqiorti,  vol.  iL  p.  07- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TEE  CONQUEST  OF  AMERICA.  228 

The  adTantages  of  this  commanding  position 
were  slowly  but  sorely  realized.  A  dangeroos 
neighbonr  npon  the  vestem  shore  of  the  lake  was 
the  tribe  of  Tecpanectu,  whose  principal  pneblo 
was  Azcaputzalco.  The  Aztecs  succeeded  in  mak- 
ing an  alliance  with  tiiese  Tecpanecas,  but  it  was 
upon  uofaTonrable  terms  and  involved  the  paym^t 
of  tribute  to  Azcaputzaloo.  It  gave  the  Aztecs, 
however,  some  time  to  develop  their  strength. 
Their  military  organization  was  gradually  pei^ 
fected,  and  in  1375  they  elected  their  first  tlacate- 
cuhUi,  or  "  chief-of-men,"  whom  European  writers, 
in  the  loose  phraseology  formerly  current,  called. 
"  founder  of  the  Mexican  empire."  The  name  of 
this  official  was  Acamapichtli,  or  "Handful-of- 
Reeds."  During  the  eight-and-twenty  years  of  his 
<^eftaincy  the  pueblo  houses  in  Tenoch- 
titlan  began  to  be  built  very  solidly  of  ^ua"aM- 
stone,  and  the  irregular  water-courses 
flowing  between  them  were  improved  into  canals. 
Some  months  after  his  death  in  1403  hia  son  Hui- 
tzilihuitl,  or  "  Humming-bird,"  was  chosen  to  suc- 
ceed him.  This  Huitzilihuitl  was  succeeded  in 
1414  by  his  brother  Chimalpopoca,  or  "  Smoking 
Shield,"  under  whom  temporary  calamity  visited 
the  Aztec  town.  The  alliance  with  Azcaputzalco 
was  broken,  and  that  pueblo  joined  its  forces  to 
those  of  Tezcuco  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  lake. 
United  they  attacked  the  Aztecs,  defeated  them, 
and  captured  their  chief-of-men,  who  died  a  pris- 
oner in  1427.  He  was  succeeded  by  Izcoatzin,  or 
"  Obsidian  Snake,"  an  aged  chieftain  who  died  in 
1486. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


224  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

During  these  nine  yeaia  a  complete  change  came 
over  the  scene.  Quarrels  arose  between  Ajscapu- 
tzalco  and  Tezcnco ;  the  latter  pueblo  entered  into 
alliance  with  Tenochtitlan,  and  ti^ether  they  over- 
DcKtractJoB  of  whelmed  and  destroyed  Azcaputzalco, 
Aiapiitnioo.  ^jj  tutchcrcd  most  of  its  people. 
What  was  left  of  the  conquered  pueblo  was  made 
a  slave  mart  for  the  Aztecs,  and  the  remnant  of 
the  people  were  removed  to  the  Deighbooring 
pueblo  of  TIaoopan,  which  was  made  tributaiy  to 
Mexico.  By  this  great  victory  the  Aztecs  also 
acquired  secure  control  of  the  springs  upon  Cbe- 
pultepec,  or  *'  Grasshopper  Hill,"  which  furnished 
a  steady  supply  of  fresh  water  to  their  island 
pueblo. 

The  next  step  waa  the  formation  of  a  partner* 
ship  between  the  three  pueblo  towns,  Tenochtitlan, 
Tezouco,  and  Tlacopan,  for  the  organized  and  sys- 
tematic plunder  of  other  pueblos.  All  the  tribute 
or  spoils  extorted  was  to  be  divided  into  five  parts, 
of  which  two  parts  each  were  for  Tezcueo  and  Te- 
nochtitlan, and  one  part  for  Tlacopan.  The  Aztec 
chief-of-men  became  military  commander  of  tihe 
ThB  Haiku  Confederacy,  which  now  began  to  extend 
CimftiKuj.  operations  to  a  distance.  The  next  four 
chiefs-of-men  were  Montezuma,  or  "  Angry  Chief," 
the  First,  from  1436  to  1464 ;  Axayacatl,  or  "  Face- 
in  -  the -Water,"  from  1464  to  1477  ;  Tizoo,  or 
"  Wounded  Leg,"  from  1477  to  1486 ;  and  Ahui- 
zotl,  or  "  Water-Rat,"  from  1486  to  1602.  Un- 
der these  chiefs  the  great  temple  of  Mexico  was 
completed,  and  the  aqueduct  from  Chepultepec  waa 
increased  in  capacity  imtil  it  not  only  supplied 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO. 


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3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


226  THE  DiaCOV£B¥  OP  AMEBIC  A. 

water  for  ordinary  uses,  but  could  also  be  made  to 
maintain  the  level  of  the  canals  and  the  lake. 
In  the  driest  seasons,  therefore,  Tenochtitlan  re- 
mained safe  from  attack.  Forth  from  this  well- 
protected  lair  the  Aztec  warriors  went  on  their 
errands  of  blood.  Thirty  or  more  pueblo  towns, 
mostly  between  Tenochtitlan  and  the  Gulf  coast, 
scattered  over  an  area  about  the  size  of  Massachu- 
setts, were  made  tributary  to  the  Confederacy; 
and  as  all  these  communities  spoke  the  Nahua  lan- 
guage, this  process  of  conquest,  if  it  had  not  been 
cut  short  by  the  Spaniards,  might  in  coarse  of 
time  have  ended  in  the  formation  of  a  primitive 
kind  of  state.  This  tributary  area  formed  but  a 
very  small  portion  of  the  country  which  we  call 
Mexico.  If  the  reader  will  just  look  at  a  map  of 
the  Hepublic  of  Mexico  in  a  modem  atlas,  and 
observe  that  the  states  of  Queretaro,  Guanaxuato, 
Michoacan,  Guerrero,  and  a  good  part  of  La 
Puebla,  lie  outside  the  region  sometimes  absurdly 
styled  "  Montezuma's  Empire,"  and  snrronnd  three 
sides  of  it,  he  will  begin  to  put  himself  into  the 
proper  state  of  mind  for  appreciating  the  history 
of  Cortes  and  his  companions.  Into  the  outlying 
region  just  mentioned,  occupied  by  tribes  for  the 
most  part  akin  to  the  Kahuas  in  blood  and  speech, 
the  warriors  of  the  Confederacy  sometimes  ven- 
tured, with  varying  fortunes.  They  levied  occa- 
sional tribute  among  the  pueblos  in  these  regions, 
but  hardly  made  any  of  them  regularly  tributaty. 
The  longest  range  of  their  anns  seems  to  have 
been  to  the  eastward,  where  they  sent  their  tax- 
gatherers  along  the  coast  into  the  isthmus  of  Te- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


TBS  COXQVXST  OF  MEXICO.  227 

hnantepeo,  and  came  into  conflict  with  the  warlike 
Mayas  and  Quiches.  On  the  other  hand,  as  ah:«ady 
observed,  the  Confederate  did  not  effect  any  true 
military  occnpation  of  the  country  near  at  hand, 
and  within  twenty  or  thirty  leagnes  of  Tenochti- 
tian  such  pueblo  towns  ae  Cholula  and  Tlasoala, 
with  populations  of  about  30,000  persons,  retuned 
their  independence.  The  Tlascalans,  Tbaiu«tue 
indeed,  were  a  perpetual  thorn  in  the  ^^"'•'■^ 
side  of  the  Confederacy,  Occupying  a  strong  de- 
fensive position,  they  beat  back  repeatedly  the 
forces  of  the  chief-of-men  and  aided  and  abetted 
recalcitrant  pneblos  in  refusing  tribute.  The  state 
of  feeling  between  Tlascalans  and  Aztecs  was  like 
that  between  Romans  and  Carthaginians,  or  Turks 
and  Montenegrins. 

Such  was,  in  general  outline,  what  we  may  call 
the  political  situation  in  the  time  of  the  son  of 
Axayacatl,  the  second  Montezuma,  who  was  elected 
chief-of-men  in  1502,  being  then  thirty-  TbewBODd 
four  years  of  age.  One  of  the  first  '*™'*""™- 
expeditions  led  by  this  Montezuma,  in  1503,  was 
directed  against  the  TIascalans  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  captives  for  sacrifice ;  it  met  with  disas- 
trous defeat,  and  furnished  victims  for  the  Tlasca- 
lan  altars.  A  raid  of  Montezuma's  into  Michoa- 
can  was  also  repulsed,  but  upon  the  eastern  coast 
he  was  more  successful  in  wringing  tribute  from 
the  pueblo  towns,  and  in  arousing  in  their  inhab- 
itants a  desperate  rage,  ready  to  welcome  any 
chance  of  delivery  from  the  oppressor.  Many 
towns  refused  tribute  and  were  savagely  punished ; 
and  as  always  happens  upon  the  eve  of  a  crisis  in 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


228  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

history,  we  hear  wild  rumours  of  supematuzaL  por- 
tents. There  was  the  usual  taJe  of  comet  and 
eclipse,  and  the  volcanic  craters  in.  the  Cordillera 
were  thought  to  be  uawontedly  aotire.^  At  length, 
in  the  coarse  of  the  year  1518,  came  the  hand- 
writing on  the  wall.  A  certain  Indian  named 
Pinotl  was  Montezuma's  tax-gatherer  (calpheca) 
and  spy  at  the  pueblo  of  Cuetlachtlan,  some  thirty 
miles  inland  from  the  Gulf  coast  and  about  as  far  to 
the  southward  from  San  Juan  de  Ulloa.  To  this 
officer  there  came  one  day  an  Indian  from  the  neigh- 
An  MBktiDg  bouring  pueblo  of  Mictlan-Quauhtla  on 
^°^'  the  coast,  with  a  story  the  like  of  which 

no  man  in  all  tiiat  country  had  ever  heard.  He 
had  seen  a  great  tower,  with  wings,  moving  hither 
and  thither  upon  the  sea.  Other  Indians,  sent  to 
verify  the  rumour,  saw  two  such  towers,  and  from 
one  of  them  a  canoe  was  let  down  and  darted 
about  on  the  water,  and  in  it  were  a  kind  of  men 
with  white  faces  and  heavy  beards,  and  they  were 
clad  in  a  strange  and  shining  raiment.^  At  Uiis 
news  the  tax-gatherer  Pinotl,  with  a  body  of  at- 
tendants, hastened  down  to  the  shore  and  met  the 
Spanish  squadron  of  Juan  de  Grijalva.  Pinotl 
went  on  board  one  of  these  marvellous 

Pinotl  Tidta  .  1      ■!.  ■  1 

tht  in7*«i-     wmged  towers,  and  exchanged  gifts  with 

its  commander,  who  was  pleased  to  hear 

about  the  wealth  and  power  of  Pinotl's  master, 

1  B«jioroft,  Binary  ofMtxico,  L  113. 

°  TeHRonioc,  ii.  232;  Dnrui,  ii.  3r>9-37T:  Banoroft.  lac.  at. 
Teioiomoc  asyB  tliat  this  iDdian'a  ears,  thambs,  and  big  toes  wen 
mutilated;  conceruing  tlie  purport  of  vbioh  n  qiier;  will  piea- 
ently  be  made. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  229 

and  promised  some  day  before  long  to  come  and 
pay  him  a  visit  in  his  great  city  among  the  monu- 
tains.  When  die  dioad  strangers  had  gone  on 
their  way,  the  tax-gatherer's  party  took  the  short- 
est trail  to  Tenochtitlan,  and  hurrying  to  the  tec- 
pAn,  or  conncil-houae,  informed  Montezuma  that 
they  bad  seen  and  talked  with  gods.  On  strips  of 
maguey  p&per  they  had  made  sketches  of  the 
Spaniards  and  their  ships  and  arms,  along  with 
abundant  hieroglyphic  comments ;  and  when  all 
this  was  presently  laid  before  the  tribal  council  for 
ooDsideration,  we  may  dimly  imagine  the  wild  and 
f^tated  aiffument  that  must  have  ensued. 

No  doubt  the  drift  of  the  argument  would  be 
quite  undecipherable  for  us  were  it  not  for  the 
clue  that  is  famished  by  the  ancient  Mexican 
beliefs  concerning  the  sl<y-god  and  culture-hero, 
Quetzalcoatl.  This  persoo^e  was  an  ob- 
ject of  reverence  and  a  theme  of  myth- 
ical tales  among  all  the  Nahua  and  Maya  peoples.^ 
Like  Zeus  and  Woden  he  has  been  supposed  to 
have  been  at  some  time  a  terrestrial  hero  who  be- 
came deified  after  Ma  death,  but  it  is  not  likely 
that  he  ever  had  a  real  existence,  any  more  than 
Zens  or  Woden.  In  his  attributes  Quetzalcoatl  re- 
sembled both  the  Greek  and  the  Scandinavian  deity. 
He  was  cloud  gatherer,  wielder  of  the  thunderbolt, 
and  ruler  of  the  winds.  As  lord  of  the  clouds  he 
was  represented  as  a  bird ;  as  lord  of  the  lightning 
he  was  represented  as  a  serpent ;  ^  and  his  name 

1  The  Ma^Bi  called  bim  Cnknlcan. 

^  I  have  taOj  eiplAined  this  Bymbolism  in  Mj/Am  and  My{h- 
MaJurt,  oh^.  iL,  "  The  Dewent  of  SiM." 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


282  TEE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMEBICA. 

Quetzal-Coatl  means  "Bird-Serpent."'  In  this 
character  of  elemental  deity  he  waa  conmionly  asso- 
ciated with  TIaloo,  the  god  of  rain,  of  waters,  and  of 
spring  verdure.^  This  association  is  depicted  upon 
the  two  famous  ehAtB  discoTered  by  Mr.  Stephens 
in  1840  in  the  course  of  his  researches  at  Palenque. 
The  slabs  were  formerly  inlaid  in  the  pillars  that 
supported  the  altar  in  the  building  known  as  the 
"  Temple  of  the  Cross,  No.  1."  Th^  are  about 
six  feet  in  length  by  three  in  width.  On  the  left- 
hand  slab  Tlaloc  appears  as  a  "  young  man  magni- 
fLcendy  arrayed;  he  wears  a  richly  embroidered 
cape,  a  collar  and  medallion  around  his  neck, 
a  beautiful  ^rdle  to  his  waist;  the  ends  of  the 
maztli'    are  han^ng  down  front  and   back,  co- 


I  Or  "Feathered  Serpent."  Hr.  Bandeliei  (Ardutol.  Tour,  p. 
170)  mggesti  that  the  vord  qvetttdii  "onl;  appliea  to  feathers  in 
the  seiBe  of  indicatdns  their  bright  hues,' '  and  that  the  name 
therefore  meam  "  Shining  Serpent-"  Bnt  in  the  Mexioao  [no- 
tnre-writing  the  rebni  for  Qnetzalcootl  ii  commonly  a  feather 
ta  tome  other  part  of  a  bird  in  eonnecttmi  with  a  make ;  and 
the  Bo-oalled  "  tablet  of  the  crow"  at  Palenqne  repieeenU  the 
0108a,  or  sjlnlwl  of  the  four  irind*,  "  mrmoanted  by  a  bird  and 
■nppraiad  by  the  head  of  a  aeipent  "  (Brinton,  Uj/thi  of  the  Nae 
World,  p.  118).  Here  the  ajmbolisin  ii  eomptete  and  nnmia- 
takable.  The  craai  is  the  ijmbol  of  Tlaloc,  the  nin-god,  vho 
ii  nsnally  aaaodated  irith  Qoetzalcoatl. 

Two  ver7  learned  and  brilliant  accoonta  of  QaetuJooad  are 
thoee  of  Bandelier  {Archael.  Tour,  pp.  168-216),  and  Brintoo 
iAmerican  Bero-Msllu,  pp.  63-142).  It  wenu  to  me  that  the 
former  anffer*  aomewhat  from  ita  Enhemeriam,  and  that  Dr. 
Brinton,  ti«aliiig  the  mbject  from  the  etaitdpolot  of  oompaiatiTe 
>i>ythal(^j,  giree  a  truer  picture.  Mr.  Baudelier'a  acconnt,  how- 
•Ter,  contMiu  much  that  is  inTaJoable. 

*  Sahagun,  Hiti-  de  lot  coiai  de  la  Nuroa  E^toHa,  lib.  iL  cap.  1. 

'  "  Maztlati,  bi«ga»,  o  oow  samejaDte,"  Holina,  Vocabolario. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  288 

thumi  cover  his  feet  and  legs  up  to  the  knee.  On 
the  upper  end  of  his  head-dress  is  the  , 
head  of  a  stork,  ha^ig  a  fish  in  his  hill,  ' 
whilst  other  fishes  are  raided  below  it."  ^  The 
rightjiand  slab  represents  Quetzalcoatl  as  an  old 
man,  clad  in  the  skin  of  an  ocelot,  or  Mexican 
"  tiger,"  and  blowing  puffs  of  air  through  a  tube. 
The  bird's  brilliant  feathers  and  diarp  beak  are 
seen  in  his  head-dress,  and  about  his  waist  is  the 
serpent  twisting  and  curling  before  and  behind. 

The  building  at  Falenque  in  which  these  sculp- 
tured slabs  onoe  adorned  the  altar  ap-  SHauui^Dn 
pears  to  have  been  a  temple  consecrated  .le^^** 
to  Quetzalcoatl  and  TIaloc.  The  con-  *^''- 
nection  between  the  two  deities  was  so  dose  that 
their  festivals  "were  celebrated  t'other  on  the 
same  day,  which  was  the  first  of  the  first  month  of 
the  Aztec  calendar,  in  Februaiy."  ^  There  was 
nothing  like  equality  between  the  two,  however. 
TIaloc  remained  specialized  as  the  god  of  rains  and 
giver  of  harvests ;  he  was  attached  as  a  subordinate 
appendage  to  the  mighty  Blower  of  Winds  and 
Wielder  of  Lightning,  and  his  Bymbolism  served 
to  commemorate  the  elemental  character  of  the 
latter.  On  the  other  hand  Quetzalcoatl,  without 
losing  his  attributes  as  an  elemental  deity,  acquired 
many  other  attributes.  As  has  frequently  hap- 
pened to  sky-^;od8  and  solar  heroes,  am.«ii«ii«i 
he  became  generalized  until  almost  all  ^^'^^. 
kinds  of  activities  and  interests  were  '™*'>«™ 
ascribed  to  him.     As  god  of  the  seasons,  he  was 

>  Cbanuj,  Aaaenl  Citia  of  the  Nm  World,  p-  218. 
*  BriutoD,  American  Hero-MgtAt,  p.  120. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


284  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

aaid  to  have  invented  the  Aztec  calendar.  He 
tau^t  men  how  to  cut  and  polish  stones ;  he  was 
patron  of  traders,  and  to  him  in  many  a  pneblo 
ingenious  thieves  prayed  for  success,  as  Greek 
thieves  prayed  to  Hermes.  It  was  he  tihat  pro- 
moted fertility  among  men,  as  well  as  in  the  vege- 
table world  ;  sterile  wives  addressed  to  him  their 
vows.  Yet  at  the  same  time  Quetzalcoatl  held 
celibacy  in  honour,  and  in  many  pueblos  houses  of 
nuns  were  consecrated  to  him.  Other  features  of 
asceticism  occurred  in  his  service ;  his  priests  were 
accustomed  to  mutUate  their  tongues,  ears,  and 
other  parts  of  the  body  by  piercing  them  with 
cactus  thorns. 

As  ZeuB  had  his  local  habitation  upon  Mount 
Olympus  and  was  closely  associated  with  the  island 
of  Crete,  BO  Quetzalcoatl  bad  his  favourite  spots. 
Cholula  was  one  of  them ;  another  was  ToUan, 
but,  as  already  observed,  this  place  was  something 
more  than  the  town  which  commauded  t^  trail 
from  Mexico  into  the  north  country.  Like  Cad- 
mus and  Apollo,  this  New  World  culture-deity 
had  his  borne  in  the  far  east ;  there  was  bis  Tol- 
lan,  or  "  place  of  the  sun."  And  here  we  come  to 
the  most  interesting  part  of  the  story,  the  conflict 
between  Light  and  Darkness,  which  in  all  aborigi- 
nal American  folk-lore  appears  in  such  transpar- 
ent fuid  unmistakable  garb.^      One  of  the  most 

'  In  tbu  aspect  of  the  power  of  MgiA  conteDding  agaiDEt  the 
pmrsT  of  daxkiuwi,  Qaetzalcoatl  i>  the  oonuterput  of  the  AlgoD- 
qmn  Mitihabo,  the  ItoquoU  loakeha,  and  the  PeraTian  Yirncoeha, 
to  vhom  we  ahall  hy  and  by  have  oocagion  to  refer.  9ee  Brintou, 
Mfihi  tff  the  New  World,  chap,  vi 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  235 

important  figures  in  the  Mexican  pantheon  was 
Tezcatlipoca,  the  dread  lord  of  night  nudukTs*- 
and  darkness,  the  jealous  power  that  "•"'p*^ 
visited  mankind  with  famine  and  pestilence,  the 
ravenous  demon  whose  food  was  human  hearts. 
No  deity  was  more  sedulously  worshipped  than 
Tezcatlipoca,  douhtless  on  the  theory,  common 
among  harbarous  people,  that  it  is  by  all  means 
deslrahle  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  the  evil 
powers.  Between  Qnetzalcoatl  a»d  Tezcatlipoca 
there  was  everlasting  hostility.  The  latter  deity 
had  once  been  the  sun,  but  Quetzalcoatl  had 
knocked  him  out  of  the  sl^  with  a  big  club,  and 
jomping  into  his  place  had  become  the  sun  instead 
of  him.  Tezcatlipoca,  after  tumbling  into  the  sea, 
rose  agun  in  the  night  slqr  as  the  Great  Bear ; 
and  so  things  went  on  for  awhile,  until  suddenly 
the  Evil  One  transformed  himself  into  a  tiger,  and 
with  a  blow  of  his  paw  struck  Qnetzalcoatl  from 
the  sky.  Amid  endless  droll  and  uncouth  inci- 
dents the  stm^le  continued,  and  the  combatants 
changed  their  shapes  as  often  as  in  the  Korse  tale 
of  Farmer  Weathershy.*  The  contest  formed  the 
theme  of  a  whole  cycle  of  Mexican  legends,  some 
grave,  some  humorous,  many  of  them  qnite  pretty.^ 
In  some  of  these  legends  the  adversaries  figured, 
not  as  elementary  giants,  but  as  astute  and  potent 
men.     The  general  burden  of  the  tale,  the  conclu- 

'  See  al«o  tba  delioiouB  ttoTj  of  the  Gmagach  of  Tricks,  in 
Cnrtiii'H  MgtAt  and  Folt-Lort  of  Ireland,  pp.  139-156. 

'  Quito  a  niunber  were  tahen  down  1>j  Father  Sahag;iin  (about 
1540)  fmn  the  lipa  of  the  natives,  in  the  original  Nahnatl,  and 
are  given  in  hia  Hill,  de  las  cotat  de  Nueira  Eipiaia,  hh,  iii,,.and 
in  Brinton'l  Amerkan  Eero-Mydu,  pp.  106-110. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


286  THE  DISCOVSBY  OF  AMERICA. 

sion  most  fixmlf  riveted  in  the  Mezioao  mind,  was 
that  QuetzalcoatI  had  been  at  last  outwitted  by 
his  dark  aneimy  and  obliged  to  forsake  the  land.' 
XKii*of4<ie-  Accompanied  by  a  few  youthful  wop- 
'■■'""'■  shippers  he  fared  forth  from  Cholula, 
and  when  he  had  reached  the  eastern  shore,  some- 
where in  the  Coatzacualoo  country,  between  Cue- 
tlachtlan  and  Tabasco,  he  bade  farewell  to  his 
young  companions,  saying  that  he  must  go  farther, 
but  at  some  futare  time  he  should  return  from  the 
east  with  men  as  fair-skinned  as  himself  and  take 
possession  of  the  country.  As  to  whither  he  had 
gone,  there  was  a  difference  of  opinion.  Some 
held  that  he  had  floated  out  to  sea  on  a  raft  of 
serpent  skins  ;  others  believed  that  his  body  had 
been  consumed  with  fire  on  the  beach,  and  that  his 
soul  had  been  taken  np  into  the  morning  star. 
But  in  whatever  way  he  had  gone,  all  were  agreed 
that  in  the  fulness  of  time  QuetzalcoatI  would 
return  from  the  eastern  ocean,  with  white-faced 
companions,  and  renew  his  beneficent  rule  over 
the  Mexican  people.* 

His  return,  it  would  seem,  must  needs  involve 
the  dethronement  of  the  black  Tezoatlipoca.  Ac- 
cording to  one  group  of  legends  the  fair  cultnre- 

'  Wliat  a,  patlioa  there  U  in  these  qasint  stoiiea  I  Tleae  poor 
IndUng  dinil;  saw  what  we  aee,  that  the  EtU  One  ia  hard  to  kiU 
and  often  leenia  tiiampliaiit.  When  things  aeem  to  haie  aniTed 
at  such  a  para,  the  untutored  human  mind  comforts  itwlf  wilb 
Mevrianic  hopes,  often  deetined  to  be  mdel;  ahooked,  but  baaed 
no  doubt  upon  a  sound  and  wholesome  inadtict,  and  one  that  the 
tntnre  career  of  mankind  will  justify.  It  is  interesting  to  watch 
th«  nidimental  gUmmerings  of  snoh  a  hope  in  such  a  people  aa 
the  aninent  Mexicans- 

>  BTiDtoI^  op.  ril.  pp.  in,  133. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  237 

hero  condemned  the  sacrifice  of  human  beings,  and 
held  that  the  perfume  of  flowers  and  in-  cip^tuion 
cense  was  sufficient  without  the  shed-  '>'ni»™toni. 
ding  of  blood ;  in  similar  wise  he  was  said  to  look 
with  disapproval  upon  wars  and  violence  of  what- 
ever sort.  If  the  theory  which  found  expression 
in  these  legends  should  prove  correct,  the  advent 
of  Quetzalcoatl  would  overturn  the  worship  of 
Tezcatlipoca,  who  demanded  human  victims,  and 
likewise  that  of  his  grewsome  ally  Huitzilopoehtli, 
the  war-god  who  presided  over  the  direful  contests 
in  which  such  victims  were  obt^ed.  In  short,  it 
would  revolutionize  the  whole  system  upon  which 
the  political  and  social  life  of  the  Nahua  peoples 
had  from  time  immemorial  been  conducted.  One 
is  naturally  curious  to  know  how  far  such  a  theory 
could  have  expressed  a  popular  wish  and  not 
merely  a  vague  speculative  notion,  but  upon  this 
point  our  information  is  lamentably  meagre.  It 
does  not  appear  that  there  was  any  general  long- 
ing for  the  reign  of  Quetzalcoatl,  like  that  of  the 
Jews  for  their  Messianic  Kingdom.  But  the  no- 
tion that  such  a  kingdom  was  to  come  was  cer- 
tunly  a  common  one  in  ancient  Mexico,  and  even 
in  that  fierce  society  there  may  well  have  been  per- 
sons to  whom  the  prevalence  of  wholesale  slaugh- 
ter did  not  conunend  itself,  and  who  were  ready  to 
welcome  the  hope  of  a  change. 

When  the  Spanish  ships  arrived  upon  the  Mexi-  i 
can  coast  in  1518,  the  existence  of  this  general 
belief  was  certainly  a  capital  fact,  and  probably 
the  supreme  fact,  in  the  political  and  military  situ- ' 
ation.    It  effectually  paralyzed  the  opposition  to ' 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


288  THE  DISCOVEBY  OF  AMERICA. 

their  entmnce  into  tlie  country.  Surely  auch  a 
Fiiuimmt  of  g>^<ipiDg  <>'  f  ortonate  coincidences  was 
^S^ij"'  never  known  save  in  fairy  tales.  As  the 
Spanish  ships  came  sailing  past  Tabasco, 
they  were  just  reversing  the  route  by  which  Que- 
tzalcoatl  had  gone  out  into  the  ocean ;  as  he  had 
gone,  so  they  were  coining  in  strict  fulfilment 
of  prophecy  I  Mictlan-Quauhtla  was  evidently  a 
point  from  which  the  returning  deity  was  likely  to 
be  seen  ;  and  when  we  read  that  the  Indian  who 
ran  with  the  news  to  Cuetlachtlan  had  his  ears, 
thumbs,  and  toes  mutilated,  how  can  we  help  re- 
membering that  this  particular  kind  of  self-torture 
was  deemed  a  fit  method  of  ingratiating  oneself 
into  the  favour  of  Quetzalcoatl  ?  When  Pinotl 
went  on  board  ship  he  found  the  mysterious  vis- 
itors answering  in  outward  aspect  to  the  require- 
ments of  the  legend.  In  moat  mythologies  the 
solar  heroes  axe  depicted  with  abundant  hair. 
Quetzalcoatl  was  sometimes,  though  not  always, 
represented  with  a  beard  longer  and  thicker  than 
one  would  have  been  likely  to  see  in  ancient 
America.  The  bearded  Spaniards  were,  there- 
fore, at  once  recognized  as  his  companions.  There 
were  sure  to  be  some  blonde  Visigoth  complexionB 
among  them,^  and  their  general  hue  was  somewhat 
fairer  than  that  of  the  red  men.  Nothing  more 
was  needed  to  convince  the  startled  Aztecs  that 
the  fulfilment  of  the  prophet^  was  at  hand.    Moa 

'  Indeed,  ire  kmnr  of  at  lewt  mie  inch  blonde  od  thia  fleet, 
Pedro  d«  AlvBrado,  nhoni  the  Meiiciina  called  Tonatiah,  "  auo- 
farod,"  OD  BOGonDt  of  hu  ibaggy  jeUow  hait  and  mddy  gobi- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THJf  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  289 

tezuma  could  hardly  fail  thus  to  underataod  the 
case,  and  it  filled  Tiim  with  misgivings.  We  may 
he  sore  that  to  the  anxious  council  in  the  tecpan 
every  shooting-star,  every  puff  from  the  crater  of 
Popocatepetl,  and  whatever  omen  of  good  or  evil 
could  be  gathered  from  any  quarter,  came  up  for 
fresh  interpretation  in  the  light  of  this  strange  in- 
telligence. Let  us  leave  them  pondering  the  situa- 
tion, while  we  turn  our  attention  to  the  Spaniards, 
and  observe  by  what  stages  they  had  approached 
t^  Mexican  coast. 

From  the  island  of  Hispauiola  as  a  centre,  the 
work  of  discovery  spread  in  all  direc- 
tioQs,  imd  not  slowly,  when  one  con-  u»w«koi 
siders  the  difBculties  involved  in  it.  fromHiip^ 
With  the  arrival  of  Diego  Colimibus, 
as  admiral  and  governor  of  the  Indies,  in  1509, 
there  was  increased  activity.  In  1511  he  sent 
Velasquez  to  conquer  Cuba,  and  two  years  later 
Juan  Ponce  de  Leon,  governor  of  Porto  Rico, 
landed  upon  ihe  coast  of  Florida.  In  the  autumn 
of  1509  the  ill-fated  expeditions  of  Ojeda  and  Ni- 
cuesa  began  their  work  upon  the  coast  of  Darien ; 
and  in  1513  Balboa  crossed  that  isthmus  and  dis- 
covered the  Pacific  ocean.  Rumours  of  the  distant 
kingdom  of  the  Incas  reached  his  ears,  and  in  1517 
he  was  ahout  starting  on  a  voyage  to  the  south, 
when  he  was  arrested  on  a  charge  of  premeditating 
treason  and  desertion,  and  was  put  to  death  by  Pe- 
dxarias,  governor  of  Darieu.  This  melancholy 
story  wiU  claim  our  attention  in  a  future  chapter. 
It  is  merely  mentioned  here,  in  its  chronological 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


240  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

order,  as  having  a  kind  of  saggeBtiTenesa  in  con- 
nection with  the  conduct  of  Cortes. 

After  the  fall  of  Balboa  the  Spaniards  for  some 
time  made  little  or  no  progress  to  the  southward, 
but  their  attention  was  mainly  directed  to  the  west- 
ward. In  1516  food  was  scarce  in  Darien,  and  to 
relieve  the  situation  about  a  hundred  of  the  colo- 
nists were  sent  over  to  Cuba;  among  them  was 
CAcdon'iH-  the  soldier  of  fortune,  Bemal  Diaz  de 
phuii«i,i8]i.  Castillo,  afterward  one  of  the  most  fa- 
mous of  chroniclers.  These  men  had  plenty  of 
Indian  gold,  with  which  they  fitted  up  a  couple  of 
ships  to  go  slaTc-catching  in  the  bay  of  Honduras. 
The  goremor,  Velasquez,  added  a  ship  of  his  own 
to  the  expedition,  and  the  chief  command  was 
given  to  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordova,  a  man 
*'  very  prudent  and  courageous,  and  strongly  dis- 
posed to  kill  and  kidnap  Indians." '  The  chief 
pilot  vras  Antonio  de  Alaminos,  who  had  been 
with  Columbu&  on  his  fourth  voyage,  and  there 
were  in  all  more  than  a  hundred  soldiers.  From 
Santiago  they  B^ed,  in  Febmaiy,  1517,  through 
the  Windward  Passage  around  to  Puerto  Pnncipe 
to  take  in  sundiy  supplies.  While  they  vrere  wwt- 
ing  there  the  pilot,  recalling  to  mind  some  things 
that  Columbus  had  told  him,  was  seized  with  the 
idea  that  a  rich  country  might  be  discovered  within 
a  short  distance  by  sailing  to  the  west.  Cordova 
was  persuaded  by  his  arguments,  and  loyally  sent 

'  Lu  Cmm,  HUloria  de  la$  It.dia*,  torn.  iv.  p.  369.  Thii  sort 
of  eipeditioo  «U  illegal,  and  so  iC  was  publicly  HnncniDced  that 
tba  eipftdition  waa  fitted  out  for  pnrpoHea  of  dUcovery.  See  Ban- 
cioft'i  Jteiito,  vol.  i.  p.  6. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  241 

word  to  Velasquez,  asking  if  he  might  be  allowed 
to  act  as  governor's  lieutenant  in  any  new  lands  he 
might  discover.'  AsBent  having  been  given,  the 
little  fleet  finally  sailed  from  the  lately-founded  town 
of  Havana,  and  presently  reached  the  northeastern 
comer  of  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan.  Here  the 
Spaniards  for  the  first  time  saw  signs  of  that  Ori- 
ental civilization  for  which  they  had  so  long  been 
looking  in  vain.  Strauge-lookmg  towers  or  pyra- 
mids, ascended  by  stone  steps,  greeted  their  eyes, 
and  the  people,  who  came  out  in  canoes  to  watch 
the  ships,  -vere  clad  in  quilted  cotton  doublets,  and 
wore  cloaks  and  brilliant  plumes.  These  Mayas 
were  bitterly  hostile.  Apparently  they 
had  heard  of  the  Spaniards.  It  would  mauxmat 
have  been  strange  indeed  if,  in  the  six 
j&aa  since  Velasquez  had  invaded  Cuba,  not  a 
whisper  of  all  the  slaughter  and  enslavement  in 

>  This  is  graphically  told  by  Lu  CuaB:-~"T  eitando  alU, 
dijo  el  pDoto  Almmiaog  al  napitiui  FnuoiBco  Henuutdei  qna  la 
pBrecia  que  por  aqii«ll>  m&i  del  FomeuM,  ab)^  da  ]a  didu  ilia 
ds  Cnha,  le  daba  el  ooraioa  qae  habia  ds  haber  tieira  mny  rioa, 
potqne  coando  andsba  con  el  AlmiraDte  viejo,  neodo  il  mnchBolio, 
via  que  el  AlmJrante  se  iDclinsba  mucho  b  uaTegar  hacia  aqnella 
parte,  con  eaperanut  giande  que  tenia  que  hsbia  de  ballar  tiem 
,  mn7  pobkda  j  may  md«  i4oa  qae  haata  allf,  4  que  aaf  lo  afirmaba, 
y  poiqoe  le  faltaron  Iw  oarloa  do  proaigoiit  aqnel  caminD,  y  tomd, 
deode  el  cabo  qna  puao  nombre  de  Oraciaa  i  Dios,  atraa  i  la 
proriiuna  de  Veragna.     Dicho  Mo,  el  Fmutiaco  Heraaudei,  que 


palabrai,  detarmind  de  enviar  por  licencia  A  Dkgo  Velaaqnei," 
etc.  Op.  cit.  p.  350.  Alaminos  bad  avidaotly  confiwed  in  hia 
memory  the  fonrth  Toytge  of  Colambn*  with  the  aecoiid.  It  ma 
in  the  Becond  that  Columbus  felt  oblig;ed  to  taro  back,  and  it  it 
olsar  that  in  tbe  fourth  he  had  no  intention  of  going  neat  ot  Cape 
Jlondnru, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


242  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

iliat  islaiid  had  found  its  way  acrofls  the  one  hun- 
dred miles  of  salt  water  between  Cape  San  Anto- 
nio and  Cape  Catoche.  At  several  places  along 
the  shore  the  natives  are  sud  to  have  shouted 
"  Castilians  I  Castilians !  "  At  Catoche  their  de- 
meanour was  at  first  friendly,  but  after  the  Span- 
iards had  come  ashore  they  drew  them  into  an 
ambush  and  attacked  them,  killing  two  and  wound- 
ing several.  The  Spaniards  then  reembarked, 
taking  with  them  a  couple  of  young  captives  whom 
they  truned  as  interpreters.  After  a  fortnight's 
sail  along  the  coast  they  arrived  at  Campeohe. 
Here  the  Maya  natives  invited  them  into  the  town, 
and  showed  them  their  huge  pueblo  fortresses  and 
their  stone  temples,  on  the  walls  of  which  were 
sculptured  enormous  serpents,  while  the  altars 
dripped  fresh  blood.  "  We  were  amazed,"  says 
Bemal  Diaz,  "  at  the  sight  of  things  so  strange, 
as  we  watched  numbers  of  natives,  men  and  women, 
come  in  to  get  a  sight  of  us  with  smiling  and  care- 
less countenances."  ^  Presently,  however,  priests 
approaching  with  fn^rant  censers  requested  the 
visitors  to  quit  the  country ;  and  they  deemed  it 
prudent  to  comply,  and  retired  to  their  ships.  Pro- 
eeading  as  far  as  Champoten,  the  Spaniards  were 
obliged  to  go  ashore  for  water  to  diinh.    Then  the 

Indians  set  upon  them  in  overwhehning 
spuiHrdiit     numbers   and   wofully   defeated   them, 

slaying  more  than  half  their  number, 

and  wounding  nearly  all  the  rest.     The  wretehed 

survivors  lost  no  time  in  getting  back  to  Cuba, 

where  Cordova  soon  died  of  his  wounds.     Worse 

'  Diaz,  Hittaria  verdadtra,  cap.  iii. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  243 

luck  they  could  tardlj  have  had,  but  they  brought 
back  a  little  gold  and  Bome  carved  images  stolen 
from  a  temple,  and  their  story  incited  YeUsquez 
to  prepare  a  new  expedition. 

Four  caraveU  were  accordingly  made  ready  and 
manned  with  250  stout  soldiers.  The  chief  com- 
mand was  given  to  the  governor's  arii>iyi>i  u 
nephew,  Juan  de  Grijalva,  and  the  cap-  p""'*™.""^ 
tains  of  two  of  the  ships  were  Pedro  de  Alvarado 
and  Francisco  de  Montejo.  Sailing  from  Santiago 
early  in  April,  1518,  they  landed  first  at  the 
iBland  of  Cozumel,  and  then  followed  the  Yucatan 
coast  till  they  reached  Champoton,  where  they 
came  to  blows  with  the  natives,  and  being  fully 
prepared  for  such  an  emergency  defeated  them. 
In  June  they  came  to  a  country  which  they  called 
Tabasco,  after  the  name  of  a  chiefs  with  whom 
they  had  some  friendly  interviews  and  exchanged 
gifts.  It  was  a  few  days  later,  at  the  little  bay 
near  the  shore  of  which  stood  the  pueblo  of  Mic- 
tlan-Quauhtla,  that  they  were  boarded  by  the  tax- 
gatherer  Pinotl  who  carried  such  startling  intelli- 
gence of  them  to  Montezuma.  The  demeanour  of 
the  Nahua  people  in  this  neighbourhood  was  quite 
friendly ;  but  the  Spaniards  were  more  and  more 
struck  with  horror  at  the  ghastly  sights  they  saw  of 
human  heads  raised  aloft  ou  poles,  human  bodies 
disembowelled,  and  grinning  idols  dripping  blood 
from  their  jaws.  On  St.  John's  day  they  stopped 
at  an  island,  the  name  of  which  they  understood 

'  The  SpsmardB  ofMu  mistook  the  name  of  lome  chief  for  a 
territflTial  name,  as  for  example  Quaieqna,  Poooroaa,  Bird,  eto.. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


244  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

to  be  Ulua,^  and  bo  thej  gave  it  the  name  now 
commonly  written  San  Juan  de  Ulloa.  Hero  Al- 
rarado  waa  sent  back  to  Cuba  with  fifty  or  more 
sick  men,  to  report  what  had  been  done  and  get 
reinforcementa  with  which  to  found  a  colony.  Gri- 
jalva  kept  on  with  the  other  three  ships,  as  far, 
perhaps,  as  the  rirer  P&nuco,  beyond  the  region 
of  pueblos  tributary  to  the  Aztecs.  By  this  time 
their  shipB  were  getting  the  worse  for  wear,  and 
they  began  once  more  to  encounter  fierce  and  hos- 
tile Indians.  Accordingly  they  turned  back,  and 
retracing  their  course  arrived  in  Cuba  early  in 
November, 

The  efEect  of  this  eq>editioQ  was  very  stimulat. 
ing.  A  quarter  of  a  century  had  elapsed  since  Co- 
lumbus's first  voyage,  and  the  Spaniards  had  been 
,  active  enough  in  many  directions,  but 
until  lately  they  had  seen  no  indications 
of  that  Oriental  civilization  and  magnificence  which 
they  had  expected  to  find.  They  had  been  tossed 
on  weather-beaten  coasts,  and  had  wandered  mile 
after  mile  half-starved  through  tropical  forests,  for 
the  most  part  without  finding  anything  but  rude 
and  squalid  villages  inhabited  by  half-naked  bar- 
barians. Still  hope  had  not  deserted  them ;  they 
were  as  confident  as  ever  that,  inasmuch  as  they 
were  in  Asia,  it  conld  not  be  so  very  far  to  the 
dominions  of  the  Great  Khan.  Now  Grijalva's 
tidings  seemed  to  justify  their  lingering  hope. 
Pinott  and  other  Indians  had  told  him  that  far  up 
in  that  country  dwelt  their  mighty  king  who  ruled 
over  many  cities  and  had  no  end  of  gold.  Of 
>  An  imptrfKit  hesrioK  of  Colhua,  a,  mmm  oommon  in  Herioo- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  COSQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  245 

cooTBe  thiB  must  be  the  Grreat  Khan,  and  the  goal 
which  Columbua  had  hoped  to  attain  muBt  now  be 
within  leach  I  The  youthful  Grijalva  was  flushed 
with  anticipations  of  coming  glory. 

Xo  sooner  had  he  arriTed  in  Cuba,  however,  than 
he  was  taught  the  lesson  that  there  ia  many  a  slip 
betwixt  the  cup  and  the  lip.  He  had  found  occa- 
sion to  censure  Alvarado,  and  that  captain,  nurs- 
ing his  spite  and  getting  home  some  time  before 
his  young  commander,  had  contrived  to  poison  the 
mind  of  his  uncle  the  governor.  So  Grijalva 
was  set  aside,  all  bis  fine  hopes  tamed  sick  with 
chagrin.  The  prize  was  not  for  him,  but  for  an- 
other young  man,  a  native  of  Estremadura,  who 
in  1504  had  come  over  to  the  Indies.  The  name 
of  this  knight-errant,  now  in  his  thirty-fourth  year, 
bold  and  devout,  fertile  in  devices  and  unscrupu- 
lous, yet  perhaps  no  more  so  than  many  a  soldier 
whose  name  is  respected,  an  Achilles  for  bravery, 
an  Odysseus  for  craft  and  endurance,  Hanaodo 
was  Hernando  Cortes.  In  1511  he  had  *^<"^ 
served  with  distinction  under  Velasquez  in  the 
expedition  which  conquered  Cuba,  and  he  was  at 
this  time  alcalde  (chief  judge)  of  the  newly  founded 
town  of  Santiago  on  that  island.  He  now  per- 
suaded Velasquez  to  appoint  him  to  command  the 
important  expedition  fitted  out  in  the  autumn  of 
1518  for  operations  on  the  Mexican  mainland. 

Before  Cortes  started,  Velasquez  began  to  worry 
lest  he  might  prove  too  independent  a  spirit,  and 
he  twice  sent  messengers  after  him  to  recall  him 
and  put  another  in  his  place.  Cortes  politely  dis- 
regarded the  messages,  thus  verifying  the  govem- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


246  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AUEEICA. 

or'a  fears.  Early  in  March,  1619,  he  laiided  at 
Tabasco,  found  the  natives  unfriendly,  defeated 
biwdiuaD  of  ^em  in  a  sharp  skimuBh,  seized  a  fresh 
'^°"^"'"'  stock  of  providons,  and  proceeded  to 
San  Joan  de  Ulloa,  whence  he  sent  messengers  to 
Montezuma  vith  gifts  and  messages  ae  from  his 
sovereign  Charles  V.  Presently  he  ascertiuned 
that  the  yoke  of  the  Aztec  confederacy  was  borne 
unwillingly  by  many  tributary  towns  and  districts, 
and  this  was  one  of  the  main  facta  that  enabled 
hira  to  Gonqaer  the  country.  At  first  Cortes  con- 
trived to  play  a  double  game,  encouraging  the 
tributary  towns  to  arrest  Montezmna's  tax-gath- 
erers, and  then  currying  favour  with  these  officials 
by  quiedy  releasing  them  and  sending  them  with 
soft  words  to  Montezuma. 

It  was  now  desirable  to  make  a  quick,  bold 
stroke  and  enlist  all  his  followers  irrevocably  in 
the  enterprise.  Cortes  laid  the  foundations  of  the 
town  of  Vera  Cruz  (a  little  to  the  north  of  its 
TbeHiittunc  present  site),  and  a  municipal  govern- 
or ti*  Mp^  mg„t  y^g^  ^gQ  ^j, J  tjjgj.g  framed.  Cor- 
tes  then  resigned  his  commission  from  Velasquez, 
and  was  at  once  reelected  captain-general  by  his 
municipality.  He  was  doing  pretty  much  the  same 
thing  that  Balboa  had  been  wrongly  accused  of 
doing,  and  he  knew  well  that  the  alternative  before 
him  was  victory  or  the  headsman's  block.  He 
sent  his  flagship  to  Spain,  with  Montejo  and  a 
few  other  influential  and  devoted  friends,  to  gain 
the  ear  of  the  grave  young  king  who,  while  these 
things  were  going  on,  had  been  elected  to  the 
imperial  throne  of  Charlemagne  and  the  Othos. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBB  C0NQVS8T  OF  UEZICO.  247 

Then,  with  a  strange  mixture  of  pennusion  and 
stealth,  he  had  his  ships  one  after  another  scut- 
tled and  Bunk.^  Kothing  was  left  but  to  march 
on  Mexico-Tenoehtitlan. 

>  It  ii  often  oarelasl;  nid  tlimt  CtntM  bnmed  hi*  *hipa.  Tlma 
M  four  were  at  Gnt  uorettj  acnttled,  and  there  wu  more  or  Ioh 
diaeiuneii  u  tu  whether  the  einking  wu  done  by  womii.  Then 
the  marinen  who  were  in  tha  aeeret  reported  other  (hip*  mau- 
•orthj.  Cortes'e  first  U|;ament  was  that  it  woold  not  b«  worth 
while  t«  waste  time  in  tr;inK  to  repair  inch  exteMire  damage*  i 
than  he  advaueed  to  the  portion  that  pertiap*  it  wonld  be  wiu  to 
nnk  all  that  were  left,  w  ae  to  be  able  to  take  the  hu1i»*  along 
on  the  march  into  the  country.  AU  were  then  lonttled  bnt  one- 
Presently  aome  of  the  maloontenta  in  the  ounp  dieoorered  how 
the  acnttling  had  been  done,  and  loadljr  upbraided  Cortea.  He 
then  boldly  faced  them,  and  aslced  for  whom  bat  oowardi  were 
meana  of  retreat  neCBesary !  There  wu  one  ahip  left ;  i'  tliate 
were  any  eravea-heartad  enough  to  wiih  to  abandon  the  enter- 
pri*e,  in  Chid's  name  let  them  go  at  onoe  and  in  that  ahip.  Coite* 
well  knew  what  ohocd  to  toach  in  a  soldier'*  heart  Ab  the  oom- 
plainb  were  drowned  in  aheeca,  he  went  on  and  Biigge*ted  that 
inaamneh  a*  that  laat  ahip  was  of  no  nae  it  might  aa  well  be  ennk 
likewiaa  ;  which  wa*  forthwith  done.  9«e  Bemal  Diaz,  Biibiritt 
vcrdadera,  asp.  zxz.-zl. 

It  wa*  the  Sicilian  general  Agathokles  who  bwned  hia  ahip* 
when  he  invaded  the  territory  of  Carthage  in  310  B.  o.,  and  it  ia 
interesting  to  compare  the  graphio  description  of  Diodom*  KodIdi 
(lib.  zz.  cap.  7)  with  that  of  Bemal  Diaz.  The  oharacteriitics  of 
the  two  commander*  and  the  two  different  ages  are  worth  noting. 
After  orossing  the  Mediterranean,  despite  some  real  danger  from 
Carthaginian  ornieere  of  mperior  strength  and  much  faneied 
danger  from  a  total  eolipaa  of  the  sun,  AgathoUea  determined  to 
destroy  hia  ahipe,  einoa  gnarding  them  wonld  det^n  a  part  of  hi* 
force,  while  in  the  erent  of  hU  defeat  they  wonld  not  avail  to 
*ava  him  from  the  Carthaginian  fleet  So  he  gathered  U*  anny 
together  and  performed  the  cnitomary  sacriGoes  to  the  patron 
goddeassa,  Demeter  and  Peisephime.  The  aiupiees  tamed  oat  to 
be  taTonrable.  Then  ha  told  the  aiJdier*  that  in  an  aoxioa*  mo- 
ment npon  the  water  he  had  vowed,  if  these  goddesH*  thonld 
eondnat  him  safely  to  the  African  ehrae,  to  make  a  bntnt-offei- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


248  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMEBICA. 

A  wonderful  march !  At  one  point  (Iztacmix- 
titlui)  they  came  upon  a  valley  where  "  for  four 
saoce«8tve  leagues  there  was  a  continuous  line  of 
houses,  and  the  Lord  of  the  valley,"  we  are  told, 
"  lived  in  a  fortress  such  as  was  not  to  be  found  in 
the  half  of  Spain,  surrounded  by  walls  and  bar- 
bicims  and  moate."  What  was  the  force  with 
Th.  Epuiih  wluch  our  knight-errant  ventured  into 
"'^  such  a  country?    It  consisted  of  450 

Spaniards,  many  of  them  clad  in  mail,  half-a-dozen 
small  cannon,  and  fifteen  horses.  It  was  not 
enon^  tiiat  the  Spanish  soldier  of  that  day  was 
a  buU-dog  for  strength  and  courage,  or  that  his 
armonr  was  proof  against  stone  arrows  and  lances, 
or  that  he  wielded  a  Toledo  blade  that  could  cut 
through  silken  cushions,  or  that  hie  arquebus  and 
cannon  were  not  only  death-dealing  weapons  but 
objects  of  superstitious  awe.  More  potent  than 
all  else  together  were  those  frightful  monsters,  the 
horses.  Before  these  animals  men,  women,  and 
children  fled  like  sheep,  or  skulked  and  peeped 
from  behind  their  walls  in  an  ecstasy  of  terror. 
It  was  that  paralyzing,  blood-curdling  fear  of  the 
supernatural,  against  which  no  amount  of  physical 
hraveiy,  nothing  in  tne  world  but  modem  know- 
ledge, is  of  the  slightest  avail.  Perhaps  Sir  Arthur 
Helps  is  right  in  saying  that  it  was  the  horse  that 
overthrew  the  kingdoms  of  the  Aztecs  and  the 

in;  of  bh  fleet  in  hononr  of  thsm.  The  peremptoir  obligktion 
WH  at  mux  reoognind  hj  the  trmj.  AgBthokln  with  a  torch 
tet  Are  to  hie  flagehip,  and  at  the  ume  moment  all  the  other 
ihips  -were  eet  bladnp  by  their  aim  captaina.  amid  the  mnnnaied 
pisyen  of  the  eoldiere  and  the  eolemn  notes  of  the  tmmpet.  The 
■rent,  on  the  vholv,  jnatifieil  the  daring  policy  of  Agathoklee. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  249 

Incas.^  But  besides  all  this,  there  was  the  l^^d 
of  the  bright  Quetzalcoatl  coming  to  win  back 
his  ancient  kingdom  from  the  dark  Tezcatlipoca. 
And  strongly  cooperating  with  all  other  circum- 
stances was  the  readiness  of  the  hounded  and  crest- 
fallen tributary  pueblos  to  welcome  any  chance 
that  might  humble  the  Triple  Tyrant  of  the  Lake  I 
Surely,  if  ever  the  stars  in  their  courses  fought 
for  mortal  man,  that  man  was  Hernando  Cortes. 
This  luck,  however,  should  not  lessen  our  esti- 
mate of  his  genius,  for  never  was  man  more 
swift  and  sure  in  seizing  opportunities.  To  offer 
chances  to  a  dull-witted  man  b  like  casting  pearls 
before  swine. 

Ab  the  little  army  advanced,  its  progress  was 
heralded  by  awe-struck  couriers  who  made  pictures 
of  the  bearded  strangers  and  their  hoofed  mon- 
sters, and  sent  tliem,  with  queer  hieroglyphic  notes 
and  comments,  to  the  Great  Pueblo  on  the  lake. 
Cortes  soon  divined  the  situation,  albeit  imper- 
fectlv,  and  displayed  an  audacity  the  like 
of  which  was  perhaps  never  seen  before  coitwucvD- 
in  the  world.  At  the  town  of  Cempo^ 
he  had  already  set  free  the  victims  held  for  sacri- 
fice, and  hurled  the  misshapen  idols  from  the  tem- 
ple. But  his  boldness  was  wedded  to  prudence, 
and  while  he  did  this  he  seized  the  persons  of  the 
principal  chiefs.  It  had  been  observed  in  Cuba 
and  other  islands  that  if  the  cacique  were  taken 
prisoner  the  Indians  seemed  unable  to  fight.  "  Un- 
der Indian  customs  the  prisoner  was  put  to  death, 

'  See  th«  lUildiv  puug;«  in  hu  ^ainA  Can^nat,  toL  iii. 
p.  547. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


250  TBE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

and,  ii  a  principal  cliief ,  the  ofBce  reverted  to  the 
tribe  and  vaa  at  once  filled."  But  when  the 
Spaniards  took  the  principal  chief  and  held  him 
captive,  he  "  remained  alive  and  in  possession  of 
his  office,  so  that  it  conld  not  be  filled.  The  ac- 
tion of  the  people  was  paralyzed  by  novel  circum- 
stances."^ Cortes  put  the  Cempoalans  in  this 
position,  and  learned  a  lesson  from  which  he  was 
soon  to  profit  on  a  tremendous  scale.  The  Cem- 
poalans  were  overawed,  and  looked  on  in  silence 
while  their  temples  were  pttrified  and  crosses  set 
up.  By  one  of  the  many  strange  coincidences  in 
this  meeting  of  two  grades  of  culture  so  widely 
sundered,  t^e  cross  was  not  only  a  Christian  but 
also  a  Mexican  symbol.  It  was  one  of  the  em- 
blems of  Quetzalcoatl,  as  lord  of  the  four  cardinal 
points  and  the  four  winds  that  blow  therefrom. 
Doubtless,  therefore,  many  of  the  Cempoalans 
must  have  reasoned  that  the  overthrow  of  the 
idols  was  no  more  than  Tezcatlipoca  had  a  right 
to  expect  from  his  great  adversary.  Others  doubt- 
less fumed  with  rage,  but  when  it  came  to  venting 
their  wrath  in  some  kind  of  tmited  action  they 
knew  not  how  to  act  without  their  chiefs. 

It  was  on  the  16th  of  August,  1519,  that  Cortes 
started  from  Cempoala  on  bis  march  toward  the 
city  of  Mexico.  Hia  route  lay  past  Xicochimalco 
and  Teoxihuaean  to  Texotla,  and  thence  to  Xooo- 
tlan,'  a  town  described  as  having  thirteen  pyramid- 
temples,  whence  we  may  perhaps  infer  that  the 
people  were  grouped  in  diirteen  clans.     The  Span- 

'  Morgan,  AnmerJ  Sodttg,  p.  211,  uote. 

*  The  lont*  ii  well  described  ia  Bamroft'i  Mexico,  «hap.  ziL 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


252  THE  mSCOVEST  OF  AMERICA. 

iardB  had  now  climbed  to  the  plateau  of  Anabuac, 
The  spuduiu  D""^  than  7,000  feet  above  the  level  of 
^^zoco-  ^^  ***-  ^'  Xocotlan  fifty  men  were 
*'*^  sacrificed  to  them  as  to  deities,  and  cakes 

dipped  in  the  blood  of  the  victims  were  offered 
them  to  eat.^  From  this  horrible  place  they  passed 
on  to  Iztacmixtitlan,  whence  after  a  halt  of  three 
days  they  marched  upon  Tlascala.  This  powerful 
pueblo,  as  we  have  seen,  had  succeasfully  withstood 
all  attempts  of  the  Aztecs  to  extort  tribute  from 
it.  When  the  fierce  Tlascalans  learned  that  the 
strangers  were  approaching  their  town,  they  had 
an  interesting  discussion  in  their  tribal  council 
which  reveals  to  us  the  opposing  views  that  were 
probably  entertained  in  every  pueblo  in  the  land. 
One  chieftain,  Maxixcatzio,  ai^ed  that  the  Span- 
iards were  probably  gods  whom  it  was  idle  to 
tliink  of  resisting.  Another  chieftain,  Xicotenoatl,^ 
thought  that  this  view  was  at  least  doubtful  enough 
to  be  worth  testing ;  the  strangers  asamned  odious 
airs  of  authority,  but  they  were  a  mere  handful 
in  number,  and  the  men  of  Tlascala  were  invin- 
cible ;  by  way  of  experiment,  at  all  events,  it  was 
worth  while  to  fight.  After  much  debate  this  coun- 
sel prevailed,  and  the  tawny  warriors  went  forth 
against  the  Spaniards.  Bemal  Diaz  says  there 
* 

1  Qomu«.6S;  Dnraii, u.  401-408 ;  SaluKon.U;  Ai3(i«U,61S( 
Torqnemada.  i.  417;  cited  in  Bancroft,  up.  cit.  i.  196.  S«e  alrc 
Clnng^TO,  Storia  antica  del  Mtttieo,  ii.  59 ;  Miillci,  Oadiidde  d^ 
Amerikaniidun  UrrtiigioaeH,  p.  631. 

'  Mr.  Bandelier  re^farda  Maiiicatain  and  Xicoteucstl  tM  ■bur' 
iug  tbe  ofGce  of  head  var-cliief,  an  instance  of  dnal  ezeontive 
quite  CDnuDon  in  uicieDt  America.    Peabods  JtfuKun  Rq/ortt,  iL 

eao. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  C0SQUE8T  OF  MEXICO.  253 

were  50,000  of  them  in  the  field,  and  later  writers 
liave  swelled  the  number  to  150,000.  In  study- 
ing the  conquest  of  Mexico  one  soon  geta  used  to 
this  sort  of  thing.  Too  many  of  its  historiuis  be- 
long to  a  school  of  which  Falstaff,  with  ^Mit  bs- 
hia  men  in  buckram,  was  the  founder,  ^dfur" 
Bemal  Diaz  was  an  eye-witness ;  he  took  ^^•""'•^ 
part  in  the  battle,  and,  if  we  strike  off  about  one 
cipher  from  his  figure  and  make  it  5,000,  we  shall 
get  somewhere  within  the  bounds  of  credibility, 
and  the  odds  will  remain  suiBciently  great  to  attest 
the  valour  of  the  Spaniards.  The  Tlascalan  army 
was  apparently  marshalled  in  phratries,  one  of 
them  from  the  allied  pueblo  of  Huexotzinco.  They 
were  distinguished  by  the  colours  of  their  war- 
paint. They  wore  c|uilt«d  cotton  doublets,  and 
carried  leather  shields  stretched  upon  a  framework 
of  bamboo  and  decorated  with  feathers.  Upon 
their  heads  they  wore  helmets  of  stout  leader 
fashioned  and  trimmed  witli  feather-work  so  as  to 
look  like  heads  of  snakes  or  jaguars,  and  the 
diiefs  were  distinguished  by  gorgeous  plumes. 
Their  weapons  were  long  bows,  arrows  tipped  with 
obsidian,  copper-pointed  lances,  slings,  jarelins, 
and  heavy  wooden  swords  with  sharp  blades  of 
obsidian  inserted  in  both  edges.^  With  this  bar- 
baric host  the  Spaniards  had  two  days  of  desultory' 
fighting.  By  the  end  of  that  time  a  great  many 
Tlascalans  had  been  killed ;  a  few  Spaniards  had 
been  wounded,  and  one  or  two  had  been  killed,*  but 

1  Bancroft,  Native  Bacei  of  the  Pacific  Stala,  vol.  n.  pp.  408- 
410. 
'  The  hignuned  Heiioati  ctwtom  of  trying  to  captnre  tli«ir 


Li,a,i,zc.bv  Google 


254  THE  DISCOVEBY  OF  AMERICA. 

they  were  so  carefully  buried  by  their  comrades 
that  the  enemy  did  not  learn  the  fact,  and  it  was 
Bagely  concluded  that  the  white  men  most  be  more 
than  mortaL 

The  sturdy  Xicotencatl,  however,  was  not  will- 
ing to  give  up  the  caae  without  one  more  triaL 
He  took  counsel  with  soothsayers,  and  the  opinion 
was  su^ested  that  the  strangers,  as  solar  deities, 
were  very  probably  dependent  for  their  strength, 
and  perhaps  for  their  invulnerability,  upon  direct 
contact  with  the  solar  radiance.  Possibly  in  the 
night-time  they  might  turn  out  to  be 
Tiuntbui  mortal.  At  all  events  it  was  worth  try- 
ing, and  Xicotencatl  made  up  his  mind 
to  act  on  his  own  accoimt  that  very  night.  In 
making  his  preparations  for  an  attack  he  sent  a 
small  party  of  spies  to  the  Spanish  camp  with 
presents  and  soft  words.  They  were  to  watch 
things  keenly,  and  bring  back  such  information  as 
might  prove  useful.  Some  were  to  stay  in  the 
camp  and  at  an  appointed  signal  set  fire  to  it. 
Cortes  received  these  Indians  graciously,  but  pres- 
ently their  behaviour  eycited  suspicion,  and  to 
their  utter  terror  and  confusion  they  suddenly 
found  themselves  arrested  and  charged  with  treach 
ery  I  There  was  no  use  in  lying  to  superhuman 
beings  who  clearly  possessed  tlie  godlike  power  of 

enemies  foi  saorifiee,  instead  of  elayii^  them  on  the  field,  u  oit«d 
by  Bandelier  aa  a  leaflon  vh;  mora  Spaniarda  did  not  get  killed 
in  these  stra^ling  AgbtM.  "  Thoa,  for  the  nke  of  captoring  a 
iiDgle  horseman,  they  recklesd;  sacrificed  numbers  of  their  ovn, 
irhea  they  thonght  to  be  able  to  lorronnd  him,  sod  cot  him  off 
from  his  oorps  or  detaohment.  The  eoBtom  iraa  gfeneral  among 
the  NahDatlao  tribes."    Ptabodg  liuteam  BeporU,  a.  128. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  COyQUSST  OF  MEXICO.  265 

reading  ihe  secret  thoughts  of  men ;  so  the  spies, 
or  some  of  them,  made  confession.    Thus  informed 
of  the  sitoation,  Cortes  waited  till  nightfall,  and 
then  cut  off  the  thumbs  of  the  spies  and  sent  them 
to  tell  Xicotencatl  that  he  would  find  Uie  white 
man  as  invincible  by  night  as  by  day.' 
Cortes  followed  the   messengers  at  no  tAumpbat 
great  distance  with  a  party  of  horsemen ; 
aiid  while  the  Tlascalan  warriors  were  limp  with 
amazement  at  this  penetration  of  their  design,  the 
party  charged  in  among  them  at  full  gallop,  scat- 
tering them  in  wildest   panic   and  cutting  them 
down  hy  the  score.^ 

It  was  clear  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained 
hy  opposing  these  children  of  the  sun,  ahiuim  b*- 
The  unfortunate  soothsayers  who  had  SSTiS'*™" 
advised  the  night  attack  were  disem-  ^t™""** 
bowelled,  stewed  vrith  chile  pepper,  and  served  in 
a  r^out ;  and  the  Tlascalan  tribal  council,  taught 
vrisdom  by  adversity,  decided  to  improve  the  situa- 
tion by  making  an  alliance  with  the  wielders  of 
thunder  and  lightning,  and  enlisting,  if  possible, 
their  resistless  strength  in  the  work  of  humbling 
Tlascala's  ancient  enemy.  Upon  the  people  of  the 
Aztec  Confederacy  these  events  made  a  most  pro- 
found impression.  They  freely  acknowledged  that 
beings  who  could  so  easily  defeat  the  Tlascalans 
must  be   more   than   human.     But  when   it  was 

'  "  T  loB  embid  pars  qne  dizesMn  a  XiootScatl  in  CBpitan- 
geiMTa],  qna  lo  miima  huu  de  qokntBa  eapiu  pndieaae  aoer,  ; 
qiM  (iWMa  oS  snexeieito,  potqne  nempre  oonocaria  que  loa  Cas- 
tsllutoa  ersn  iDnencibles  de  dim  y  de  noche."    Herrera,  dsoad.  ii. 

ub.  Ti  Mp-  a 

-  IHu.  HutonV)  verdadtra,  oap.  zItU.-I. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


256  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

learaed  that  tbese  dreaded  strangera  had  entered 
into  frieodly  aUiance  with  the  "  republic  "  of  Tlas- 
cala,'  and  were  now  leading  an  army  of  its  war- 
riots  toward  Tenochtitlan,  we  can  well  imagine  the 
consternation  that  must  have  pervaded  the  streets 
of  that  great  pueblo. 

From  this  time  the  commonity  of  interests  kept 
the  Tlaacalans  faithful  to  the  white  men  even  after 
the  illusion  as  to  their  supernatural  qualities  hsd 
died  away.  If  we  would  fonn  a  true  conception  of 
the  conquest  of  Mexico  by  a  handful  of  Spaniards, 
we  must  remember  that  Tlascala,  with  its  few 
allied  pueblos,  bad  shown  itself  nearly  a  match  for 
the  Aztec  Confederacy  ;  and  the  advantage  of  this 
alliance  was  now  added  to  the  peculiar  comhuia- 
tion  of  circumstances  that  made  the  Spaniards  ho 
formidable. 

Affairs  having  didy  been  arranged  at  Tlascala, 
Tnubnr  lU  *^®  little  army,  now  followed  by  a  fonni- 
S^iSd'br'^  dable  body  of  dus^  allies,  approached 
Dofl.  H«U.  Choiula,  a  strong  pueblo  aUied  with  the 
Confederacy  and  especially  identified  with  the 
worship  of  Quetzalcoatl."  The  town  was  not  only 
one  of  the  principal  markets  in  Mexico,  but  it  was 
held  in  much  reverence  for  its  religious  aasoeia- 

'  It  ii  cnrioOB  to  BM  TlMcda  enmmonly  mentioned  as  a  "  le- 
pnblic  "  and  the  Aatee  Confederaoy  aa  an  "  empire,"  ruled  by  an 
abaolate  monarch,  vheu  in  reality  the  aupreme  power  in  both 
via  vested  in  the  tribal  comunle.  This  indioatea  that  the  Azteo 
tlaealecaiilli  had  acquired  higher  diguit;  than  that  merslj  of  head 
VBT-chief.  He  had  joined  ts  this  the  dignity  of  chief  priaat,  aa 
va  shall  see. 

'  There  ia  an  eicelleut  acoount  of  Cholola  in  Baodelier'l 
ArdauloglaU  Tour,  pp.  70-202. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  257 

lione.  With  the  aid  aod  approval  of  emisBaries 
from  Tenochtitkn,  the  chiefs  of  Cholula  prepared 
an  ambuscade  for  the  Spaniards,  who  were  politely 
and  cordially  admitted  into  the  town  with  the  in- 
dention of  entrapping  them.  But  with  Cortes 
there  was  a  handsome  young  Indian  woman  from 
Tabasco,  who  had  fallen  in  love  with  bim  there 
and  remained  his  faithful  companion  through  all 
the  trials  of  the  conquest.  Her  aid  was  invaluable, 
since  to  a  thorough  familiarity  with  the  Nahuatl 
and  Maya  languages  she  soon  added  a  knowledge 
of  Spanish,  and  for  quick  wit  and  fertility  o£  re- 
source she  was  like  Morgiana  in  the  story  of  the 
Forty  Thieves.  The  name  given  to  this  young 
woman  on  the  occasion  of  her  conversion  and 
baptism  was  Marina,  which  in  Nahuatl  mouths 
became  Malina,  and  oddly  enough  the  most  com- 
mon epithet  applied  to  Cortes,  by  Montezuma  and 
others,  was  Malintzin  or  Malinche,  "  lord  of  Ma- 
rina." It  was  through  her  keenness  that  the  ph>t 
of  the  Cholultec  chiefs  was  discovered  and  frus- 
trated. Having  ascertained  the  full  extent  of  their 
plans,  Cortes  summoned  the  principal  chiefs  of 
Cholula  to  a  conference,  announced  his  intention 
of  starting  on  the  morrow  for  Tenochtitlan,  and 
with  an  air  of  innocent  trust  in  them,  he  asked 
them  to  furnish  him  with  an  additional  supply  of 
food  and  with  an  auxiliary  force  of  Cholulans.  In 
childish  glee  at  this  presumed  simplicity,  and  con- 
fident that  for  once  the  white  stranger  was  not 
omniscient,  the  chiefs  readily  promised  .^^  ^^  ^^ 
the  men  and  provisions.  Several  three-  i™™""- 
yearK>hl  babes  ha^l  been  sacrifice<l  that  day,  and 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


268  THE  DISCOVSRT  OF  AXBRICA. 

the  auspices  were  favourable.  So  the  chiefs  spent 
the  night  in  arranging  their  coup  de  main  for  the 
next  morning,  while  Cortes  saw  that  his  cannon 
were  placed  in  suitable  positions  for  raking  the 
streets.  In  the  morning  a  throng  of  Cholultec 
warriors  crowded  into  the  square  where  the  Span- 
iards were  quartered,  and  the  chiefs  felt  bo  sure  of 
dieir  game  that  to  the  number  of  thirty  or  more 
they  accepted  an  invitation  to  meet  "  Malinche  " 
in  private  and  receive  his  parting  blessing.  When 
they  were  assembled,  and  with  them  the  Azteo 
emissaries,  whom  Cortes  took  care  to  have  at 
hand,  they  heard  such  words  as  froze  them  with 
terror.  It  seems  that,  here  as  well  as  at  Tlascala, 
there  were  two  parties,  one  counselling  submission, 
the  other  resistance,  only  here  the  resistance  had 
assumed  the  form  of  treachery.  Having  been 
primed  by  Marina  with  full  and  accurate  informa- 
tion, Cortes  conveyed  to  the  astounded  chiefs  the 
secret  history  of  their  little  scheme,  and  informed 
them  that  they  were  his  prisoners,  but  he  knew 
how  to  separate  sheep  from  goats  and  only  the 
guilty  should  be  punished.  As  for  Montezuma, 
though  it  was  said  that  he  was  privy  to  the  Cho- 
lulan  plot,  Cortes  declared  himself  unwilling  to 
uuBcn  «t  beheve  such  a  slander  against  one  whom 
he  had  always  understood  to  be  a  worthy 
prince.  It  was  hia  pc^cy  for  the  moment  to  soothe 
the  emissaries  f nmi  Tenochtitlan  while  he  exhibited 
his  ileud-like  power.  We  can  dimly  imagine  the 
paralyzing  amazement  and  terror  as  the  chiefs  who 
had  counselled  submission  were  picked  out  and 
taken  aside.     At  this  momeut  the  thunder  of  ar- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  JiBXlCO.  259 

tillety,  never  heard  before  in  Cholula,  burst  upon 
the  ear.  Bloody  lanes  were  ploughed  through  the 
mass  of  dushy  warriors  La  the  square,  hippocen- 
taurs  clad  in  shining  brass  charged  in  among  them, 
aad  the  Tlascaltec  warriors,  who  had  been  en- 
camped outside,  now  rushed  into  the  town  and 
began  a  general  massacre.  Several  hundred,  per- 
haps some  thousands,  were  slain,  including  the 
head  war-chief.  Of  the  captured  chiefs  a  few  were 
burned  at  the  stake,  doubtless  as  a  warning  exam- 
ple for  Montezuma.  Cortes  then  released  all  the 
caged  victims  fattening  for  sacrifice,  and  resumed 
his  march. 

From  Cholula  the  little  army  proceeded  to  Hue- 
xotzinco  and  thence  to  Amaquemecan,  where  they 
were  met  by  chiefs  from  Tlahnanalco,  inveighing 
against  the  tyranny  of  the  Aztecs  and  beting  for 
deliverance.  Passing  Tlalmanalco  and  Iztapala- 
tzinco,  the  Spaniards  went  on  to  Cuitlahuac,  situ- 
ated upon  the  causeway  leading  across  the  lake  of 
Chalco.  This  was  one  of  the  many  towns  in  the 
lately-found  Indies  which  reminded  the  Spaniards 
of  Venice ;  i.  e.  it  waa  built  over  the  water,  with 
ciuials  for  streets.  Its  floating  gardens  and  its 
houses  glistening  in  their  stucco  of  white  gypsum 
delighted  the  eyes  of  the  Spaniarda.  Crossing  the 
causeway  they  marched  on  to  Iztapalapan,  where 
they  arrived  on  the  7th  of  November,  nrtt^htof 
1519,  and  saw  before  them  the  Queen  t™"^*^ 
of  Pueblos.  "And when  we  beheld,"  says  Bemal 
Diaz,  "  so  many  cities  and  towns  rising  up  from 
the  water,  and  other  populous  places  situated  on 
the  terra  firma,  and  that  causeway,  straight  as  a 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


aeO  THE  DISCOVEBY  OF  AMERICA. 

level,  which  went  into  Mexico,  we  remained  aa- 
tomehecl,  and  said  to  one  another  that  it  appeared 
like  the  enchanted  castles  which  they  tell  of  in  the 
book  o£  Amadis,  by  reason  of  the  great  towers, 
temples,   and   edifices  which    there   were   in   the 


water,  and  all  of  them  work  of  masonry.  Some 
of  our  soldiers  asked  if  this  that  they  saw  was  not 
a  thing  in  a  dream."  ^ 

It  may  well  be  called  the  most  romantic  moment 
in  all  history,  this  moment  when  European  eyes 
'  Diaz,  SJiftoria  verdadrra,  cap.  IxxxviL 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THS  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  261 

first  rested  upon  that  city  of  wonders,  tKe  chiel 
onuuuent  of  a  st^^  of  aocial  evolution 
two  full  ethnical  periods  behind  their  ™oc^ 
own.  To  say  that  it  waa  like  stepping 
back  across  the  centuries  to  visit  the  Nineveh  of 
Sennacherib  or  hundred-gated  Thehea  ia  but  in- 
adequately to  depict  the  situation,  for  it  waa  & 
longer  step  than  that.  Such  chances  do  not  come 
twice  to  mankind,  for  when  two  grades  of  culture 
so  widely  severed  are  brought  into  contact,  the 
sbx)nger  is  apt  to  blight  and  crush  the  weaker 
where  it  does  not  amend  and  transform  it.  In 
spite  of  its  foul  abominations,  one  sometimes  feela 
that  one  would  like  to  recall  that  extinct  Btat« 
of  society  in  order  to  study  it.  The  devoted  lover 
of  history,  who  ransacks  all  sciences  for  aid  to- 
ward understanding  the  course  of  human  events, 
who  knows  in  what  unexpected  waye  one  stage  of 
progress  often  illustrates  other  stages,  will  some- 
times wish  it  were  possible  to  resuscitate,  even 
tor  one  brief  year,  the  vanished  City  of  the  Cac- 
tus Rock.  Could  such  a  work  of  enchantment 
be  performed,  however,  our  first  feeling  would 
doubtless  be  one  of  ineffable  horror  and  disgust, 
like  that  of  the  knight  in  the  old  English  bal- 
lad, who  folding  in  his  arms  a  damsel  of  radiant 
beauty  finds  himself  in  the  embrace  of  a  loathsome 
fiend. 

But  inasmuch  as  the  days  of  magic  are  long 
since  past,  and  the  ointment  of  the  wise  dervise, 
that  enabled  one  to  see  so  many  rich  and  buried 
secrets,  has  forever  lost  its  virtues,  the  task  for 
ihe  modem  student  ia  aimply  the  prosaic  one  of 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


282  TBE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

settang  down  such  few  details  as  can  be  gathered 
from  the  Spanish  narratiTes '  and  sifted  in  view  of 
what  little  we  know  about  such  points  as  the  Span- 
iards were  liable  to  mimiterpret.  A  few  such 
details  will  help  us  to  understand  the  way  in  which 
tJiis  archaic  phase  of  human  development  was  so 
abruptly  cut  short. 

The  city  of  Mexico  stood  in  a  salt  lake,  and  was 
approached  by  three  causeways  of  solid  masonry, 
each,  as  the  Spanish  soldiers  said,  two  lances  in 
breadth,  which  might  mean  from  twenty  to  thirty 
feet.  Being  from  four  to  five  miles  in  length,  and 
assailable  on  both  sides  by  the  canoes  of  the  city's 
defenders,  they  were  very  dangerous  avenues  for 
an  enemy,  whether  adviaiotng  or  retreating.  Near 
TiM<<M»-  *^^  "'^y  these  causeways  were  inter- 
'"^  rupt«d  by  wooden  drawbridges.     Then 

they  were  continued  into  the  city  as  main  thorough- 
fares, and  met  in  the  great  square  where  the  tem- 
ple stood.     The  city  was  also  connected  with  the 

'  M;  mthotttJw  for  Um  dea«>iption  at  Tenoolititlso  are  Ctntes, 
CarUu  n  rdaciontt  ai  tvqiaador  Carlai  V.,  Paris,  1S08 ;  Bemal 
Dias,  HitUria  va-dadtra,  Madrid,  1632 ;  Icwbaloeta,  CoUocion  dt 
doaimmlot,  etc.,  HeiiDo,  1358-M  ;  Seiatione  fatla  pa  un  gentiP 
kuomo  dd  Signor  Fernando  Cortat,  apnd  Raranaio,  Navigationi  tt 
Viaggi,  Veuioe,  1556 ;  Tezozomoo,  Hiitaire  de  ISexiqM,  Faiu, 
1853;  IxUilxoohitl,  Bdcxionet,  apod  Kingitboroiigb'i  Maican 
Antiqaititi,  London,  1831-48,  vol.  ii. ;  Sahagnn,  Sittaria  gtnaai 
de  lot  cotat  de  Naeoa  E^iaHa,  Mexico,  1S29 ;  Tonjaemsda, 
Jlfonorgufa  I'mfi'tina,  Uidrid,  172.3;  CUTig;eTO,  Storia  aniica  del 
Meisim,  Cesena,  ITSOi  Oriedo,  Biitona  gma-al  y  natural  dt  lot 
Indiai,  Madrid,  IfWl-SS ;  Oomaitt.  Uittoria  de  Mrxlca,  Antweip, 
1 554 ;  Hemr«,  Hiitona  general  dt  lot  hedtot  dt  lot  CatteUanot, 
etc,  Madrid,  IGOl  ;  Veytia,  Hiitoria  ajitigaa  de  Mtjico,  Mexico 
1836  i  VeUuMBTt,  Team  nAncaito,  Mexico,  1870. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  263 

mainland  by  an  aqueduct  in  solid  masonry  leading 
down  from  Chepnltepec.  The  streets  might  have 
reminded  one  of  Venice,  in  so  far  as  some  were 
canals  alive  with  canoes,  while  others  were  dry 
footpaths  paved  with  hard  cement,  and  the  foot- 
ways often  crossed  the  canals  on  bridges.  These 
paths  and  canals  rao  between  immense  houses  of 
red  stone,  many  of  them  coated  with  a  hard  white 
stucco.  The  houses  enclosed  great  court- 
yards,  and  vast  as  were  the  spaces 
covered  by  them  there  was  seldom  a  third  story. 
The  low  flat  roofs,  often  covered  with  flower-gar- 
deoa,  were  protected  by  stone  parapets  with  small 
towers  at  intervals,  so  that  every  house  was  a  for- 
tress. The  effect  must  have  been  extremely  pic- 
turesque. Military  precautions  were  everywhere 
visible.  The  bridges  across  the  can^  could  be 
drawn  up  at  a  moment's  notice.  The  windo\ra 
were  mere  loop-holes,  and  they  as  well  as  the  door- 
ways were  open.  The  entrance  to  the  house  could 
be  barricaded,  but  doors  had  not  been  invented. 
Sometimes  a  kind  of  bamboo  screen  was  hung  in 
the  doorway  and  secured  by  a  cross-bar;  some- 
times, especially  in  interior  doorways,  there  were 
hangings  of  cotton  or  feather-work.^ 

'  The  poititre  is  much  mora  ancient  th&u  the  door,  bdcI  goes 
baok  ftt  least  aa  far  aa  tbe  lower  period  of  barbarum  ;  as  e.  jr.  the 
Handan  bnffahi  robe  above  mentioned,  vol.  i.  p.  6].  The  Onehs 
in  the  appei  period  oE  barbs:  Um  had  tnie  doors  witb  hinges  and 
latobaa.  One  of  the  easiest  faotora  in  the  delieions  Odyssey  is 
that  of  the  old  nnrse  Enrykleia  sboiring'  Tslemachna  to  hii  oham- 
ber,  when  leaTinp  him  tnoked  nnder  the  woollen  m^  she  gon  out, 
and  oloeee  the  door  with  its  rilTcr  ring  and  faatana  the  latoh  with 
a  thong;:  - 


D,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


264  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

The  nnmber  of  the  housee  and  of  their  oo«u- 
pants  has  been  the  subject  of  curioas  misappre- 
hensions. The  Licentiate  Zuazo,  a  scholarly  and 
careful  man  whom  Cortes  left  in  charge  of  the 
city  in  1524,  and  who  ought  to  be  good  anthority, 
said  that  there  were  60,000  vectnos.^  As  I  have 
before  observed,^  this  Spanish  word  may  mean 
either  "  inhabitants  "  or  "  householders."  The  lat- 
ter interpretation  was  given  to  it  by  Gomara  and 
Peter  Martyr,^  and  has  been  generally  adopted; 
but  08  nobody  has  given  the  circumference  of  the 
city  as  more  than  four  leagues,  and  as  it  was  in 
all  probability  less  than  that,^  there  would  not  have 
begun  to  be  room  enough  for  60,000  of  these 
nwpomiib  huge  houses,  along  with  the  space  oc- 
*'™'  cupied  by  canals  and  open  squares,  tem- 

ples with   their   pyramids,  and  gardens  between 
the  houses.^     The  book  of  one  of  Cortes's  oom- 

jmI  tW  i^ir  ypaiift  «vir^iqd^  t^fia^t  X*P*^- 

OdfHey,  I.  136. 
M.  Cliuiuy,  in  his  invMtigMdoaa  at  Uim&l,  found  "  fonr  rings  or 
stone  hoolu  ininde  tlie  doorwaya  near  the  top,  from  vhiob  it  u 
eaaj  to  DDDJeotam  that  a  wooden  board  was  placed  inude  against 
die  opening,  and  kept  in  place  b;  two  tnuBvenuU  Iwn  entering 
die  «tone  hooka."     Ajident  Cttiia  of  lilt  Itew  World,  p.  388. 

'  Carta  da  Liix7\ciado  Zuozo,  MS.,  qnid  Praaoott,  Conquttt  rf 
Jftrico,  bt  iy.  ahap.  i. 

^  See  above,  vol.  L  p.  S5. 

■  Qomam,  Crimea  da  la  Nuem  EgxAa,  SuagoaM,  1664,  c^p> 
IxxriiL  ;  UartyT,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  t.  cap.  ilL 

*  Boudelier,  AreluEolagical  Tour,  p.  50. 

*  '*  Nearly  all  the  old  aathora  deaoribe  die  pnblto  building!  ■■ 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TEE  COITQUSBT  OF  MSZICO.  265 

pasionB,  known  as  the  Asonymoiu  Conqaeror, 
snurrives  onl;  in  an  Italian  translation,  and  this 
has  60,000  haintatori,  which  can  mean  no^ng 

nunnmded  I17  pleMaTS-gTonndi  or  omsiiMDlal  ^ardmia.  It  b 
■vtTj  itriking  that,  ths  pneblo  harinK  been  fonnded  in  182iS,  and 
nearly  a  eeDtoi;  haTing  been  ipert  in  adding  mfBcient  artifietal 
■od  to  the  origiiull;  Bmoll  lolid  eipan«a  Mttled,  tha  Heiioaoi 
oonld  have  been  ready  ki  w>on  to  eitabliih  partly  dacontiTa 
paika  vitllin  an  ana,  every  ioeli  of  vliiab  vas  valnabla  to  them 
for  nibainenoe  alone  1  "  Baodelier,  in  Peabodjf  Muttun  RiporU, 
ToL  iL  p.  4S2.  Tbat  the  eoni-gnnren  of  Tenocbtitlan  war* 
oramped  for  room  is  plain  from  the  fact  that  tbey  aonatmeted 
"  floatmg  gardeu,"  or  lafU  DOTored  with  black  loam  which  war* 
moored  at  Tariooi  points  in  tli<)  ihallaw  lake.  Theie  artifioial 
garden*  (db'noiniMit)  were  niaally  Teetuignlar  in  abape  and  from 
thirty  to  fifty  yards  in  length  ;  maiie.  beana.  toniatoei,  and  odiar 
vegetablM  -vara  nuwd  in  them.  See  Torqneinada,  Mmarqiiht 
iadiiXTUi,  torn.  &.  p.  48:1 ;  Acoata,  Hitloria  dt  lot  India*,  p.  472 ; 
Clavigaro,  Sloria  di  Meaica,  torn.  ii.  p.  1S2.  This  practice  indl- 
oate*  tbat  Ihere  waa  no  anperflnone  apaoe  in  the  city.  Never- 
tbelea*  the  tcatimony  of  "nearly  all  the  old  authon,"  that  ex-< 
tsnuTc  flower  gardena  ware  to  be  seen,  is  not  to  be  lightly 
raJHTted.  Flowera  were  need  in  many  of  the  religions  featirala, 
and  there  is  abnndant  evidence,  moreOTer,  that  tba  Maiieana 
wen  vary  fond  of  them.  This  is  illustrated  in  Che  perpetual 
TefereDoe  to  flowera  in  old  Mexican  poama :  —  "  They  lad  n* 
vithin  a  valley  to  a  fertila  apot,  a  flowery  spot,  where  the  dev 
spread  ont  in  glittering  iplendonr,  wbare  I  aaw  varions  lovely 
flagrant  flowen,  lovely  ndorons  flowers,  clothed  witl^  the  dew, 
•eattered  aronnd  in  rainbow  glory;  there  they  said  to  me,'  Pluck 
the  flowats,  vbicbevcr  thon  wiaheit,  mayest  thou  the  silver  ba 
glad,  and  give  tfaeni  to  tb;  friends,  to  tha  ehiefa,  that  the;  may 
rejeioe  on  the  earth.'  So  I  gathered  in  the  folds  of  my  garment 
the  varioiu  fragrant  Sowara,  delicate  scented,  delicdoiis,"  etc 
Brinton,  Ancient  NoKaati  Poetrg,  p.  67.  Of  tba  twanty-eaTon 
ancient  Mexican  songs  in  this  interesting  oollectiun,  there  is 
soaronly  one  that  does  not  abonnd  with  eestatio  allnaions  to  flow- 
K*:  — "The  delicions  braath  of  the  dewy  flowers  is  in  onrhomM 
in  Chiapas ; "  ''  my  ami  was  dmnken  with  the  flowers ; "  *'  lat 
ma  gather  tb*  intoxioating  flowan,  inaay  oolonred,  vaziad  la 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


266  TBB  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMBBtCA. 

but  iiilubitantB.1  Taking  60,000  as  the  popula- 
tion, which  seems  a  reasonable  figure,  the  nnmbet 
of  oommunal  hoosea  can  han^ly  have  exceeded 
800,  as  the  number  of  persons  in  a  house  can 
hardly  have  averaged  less  than  200.  We  hs,ve 
already,  in  the  first  ch&pter  of  this  work,  seen 
how  the  organization  of  the  Aztec  tribe  in  four 
j^fy„  phratries  divided  the  city  into  four 
^"^  quarten,  each  with  its  corial  temple 

and  peculiar  ceremonies.  It  reminds  one  of  the 
threefold  division  of  Rome  by  tribes  at  the  time 
when  the  Ramnes  occupied  the  Palatine  hill,  while 
the  Titles  lived  on  the  Quirinal,  and  the  Luoerea 
on  the  Esquiline.'  The  communal  houses,  as 
Biohard  Eden  has  it,  were  "palaices  of  maruel- 
ons  bygnes,  and  curiously  buylded  with  many 
pleasaunt  diuiees."  Upon  the  front  of  each  was 
sculptured  the  totem  or  beast-sjmbol  of  the  clan 
to  which  it  belonged,  that  upon  the  one  in  which 
Montezuma  received  the  strangers  being  an  eagle 
with  a  wildcat  (pcelotl')  grasped  in  its  beak.  It 
was  customary  to  carve  upon  the  jambs,  on  either 
ade  of  the  doorway,  enormous  serpents  with  g^ 
ing  mouths. 

The  dress  of  the  people  was  of  cotton,  the  men 
>  Bdatienv  fetta  per  wn  genHT  haama  dti  Signer  rernande 
Carteit,  apnd  Ramniio,  yavigatiom  et  Viaggi,  Venioe,  1550,  torn. 
liLfoL  309.  Mr.  Matgan  lAndail  Society,  p.  IBS)  thinks  ths 
nnmbcr  of  InliabiUnbi  conld  not  have  exceeded  SO.'KO,  but  I  >M 
m  Teuon  for  doubting  the  itatamenti  oF  ZiULio  and  tha  Adodj> 
mona  ConqneroT. 

'  Tlat«lnlco  conatitiited  a  fltth  qaarter,  for  tiin  TIatalnloaiH, 
who  had  been  oonqnend  in  1473,  depriTed  of  tribal  right*,  and 
paitiall J  m  adnptnil ;  bq  iiit«rBHtiiiff  oaaa,  for  irhiah  laa  Bandv- 
Hw,  Fiatadf  Mumim  BtporU,  0.  693. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TEB  CONQUEST  OF  MEZICO.  267 

wearing  loose  cloaks  and  ample  fringed  sashes,  and 
the  women  long  robe3  reaching  to  the  ^^ 
ground.  These  cotton  garments  were 
often  elaborately  embroidered  and  dyed  with  the 
rich  scarlet  of  the  cochineaL  Capes  of  fur  or 
doublets  of  feather-work  were  worn  in  cold  weather. 
The  feet  were  protected  by  a  kind  of  sandal,  and 
the  head  by  a  white  cotton  hood.  The  hair  was 
ordinarily  worn  long,  and  a  deep  violet  hair-dye 
was  used  by  the  women.  Faces  were  sometimes 
smeared  with  red  or  yellow  ointment,  and  the  teeth 
stuned  with  cochineal.  Gold  and  silrer  bracelets 
and  anklets  and  rings  for  fingers,  ears,  and  noee 
were  worn  by  men  and  women. 

In  the  interior  of  the  houses  cedar  and  other 
fine  woods  were  used  for  partitions  and 
ceilings.      The   chief  decorations  were 
the  mural  tapestries  woven  of  the  gorgeous  plum- 
age (rf  parrots,  pheasants,  cardinals,  and  humming- 
birds, and  one  purpose  of  the  many  aviaries  was 
to  famish  such  feathers.     Except  a  few  small 
tables  and  stools,  there  was  not  much  furniture. 
Palm-leaf  mats  piled  on  the  hard  cemented  floor 
served  as  beds,  and  sometimes  there  were  coverlets 
of  cotton  or  feather-work.     Besinous  torches  were 
used  for  lights.     The  principal  meal  of  the  day 
was  Berred  on  low  tables,  lie  people  sitting  on 
mats  or  cushions  in  long  rows  around  the  sides  of 
the  room,  with  their  backs  against  the  wall.     A 
lighted  brarier  stood  in  the  middle,  and  before 
tasting  the  food  each  person  threw  a  q,^^ 
morsel  into  the  brazier  as  aa  offering 
to  the  fir»^od.     The  commonest   meat  was  the 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


268         THX  DisoovEsr  of  amsbica. 

tarke;,  a  bird  as  diaracteristic  of  Mexico  as  Ha 
cactus^.  The  name  of  tliis  fowl  preserves  a 
ouriona  illustration  of  the  miztore  of  traih  and 
error  which  had  led  to  the  discovery  of  Aiaerica. 
When  it  waa  first  introduced  into  European  barn* 
yards  in  1530,  people  named  it  on  t^  theory  that 
it  vas  an  Asiatic  fowL  The  Germans  for  a  while 
called  it  C<decutische  hahn  or  Calcutta  cock;  the 
French  stall  call  it  dinde,  which  at  first  was  poulet 
^Inde  or  India  fowl;  and  the  English  called  it 
the  Turkey  fowl ;  but  the  Oriental  country  which 
it  came  from  was  really  Mexico,  many  thousand 
miles  east  of  Asia. 

CookeTy  had  made  some  progress  among  the 
Aztecs.  Indian  meal  beaten  up  with  e^s  was 
baked  in  loaves,  and  there  were  cakes  resembling 
the  modem  tortilla.  Then  there  was  the  tamale, 
a  kind  of  pie  of  meat  and  v^etables  with  a  cover- 
ing of  Indian  meal.  Fresh  fish  were  abundant. 
There  were  various  ragouts  intensely  hot  with 
^^  tabasco  and  chile  sauce.     Bemat  IKaz 

coonted  thirty  such  dishes  upon  Mon- 
tezuma's table.  One  favourite  mess  was  frog 
spawn  and  stewed  ants  peppered  with  chile;  an- 
other was  human  flesh  cooked  in  like  maimer. 
To  the  cannibalism  almost  universal  among  Ameri- 
can aborigines  the  people  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America  added  this  epicure's  touch.^ 

'  Th«  fint  dUh  mendoDsd  by  Berual  Diai  leemfld  to  Hr.  Fiaa- 
ootC  bath  atartling  and  apocrypbal,  and  eyen  tbe  old  (oldiar  Um- 
Mif,  In  spiM  at  tbs  oadaibalura  he  had  witDaaaed,  vaa  iloir  to 
admit  tha  troth  of  nbat  he  naa  totd.  It  vaa  a  frioanee  of  Tar; 
joang  aliildreii :  —  "  B  como  par  paautiempa  ai  dear,  que  la 
■oliao  poiaar  oamei  da  mnohaohoa  de  poca  edad,"  *to.  (Hutaria 
vtrdadrra,  cap.  xcL)     When  we  bear  in  mind,  hmrerei,  that  in 


Uiailizc^bv  Cookie 


TBE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  S89 

^ese  viaods  ware  kept  hot  \sy  means  of  chafing 
dishes  and  were  served  on  earthenware  bowls  or 

lime*  of  pablio  eicoitameiit  aod  peril  it  «u  cutonurj  to  obtain 
tTs  aivoicei  hj  Hutrificing  jomtg  ohildren,  aud  that  dia  fleih  of 
the  hnman  viedm  Menu  infariabl;  to  h&Te'  been  eaten,  theio  is 
noUiing  at  ali  improbabl*  in  wbat  waa  told  to  Diaz. 
Sir  Henry  Yale,  in  one  of  his  learned  notes  to  Maroo  Polo, 

itm  and  nindry  folk-lore  notiotie ;  e.  g.  "  after  an  eieontion  at 
Peking  certain  laige  pith  balk  are  steeped  in  the  blood,  and  nnder 
IIm  name  of  Uood-brtad  an  sold  ai  a  mediaine  for  conenmption. 
It  ii  only  to  the  blood  of  decapiteted  crimtuala  that  an;  auah 
healini;  power  ia  attributed."  There  ia  eiidence  l^t  this  rem- 
nant of  canniballam  ia  not  yet  ezHnet  in  China.  Among  dnlized 
people!  in  modem  times  instances  of  oannibaliam  have  bean  for 
the  moat  part  oonSned  to  shipwrecked  crews  in  the  last  stages  of 
famine.  Among  savages  and  barbarians  of  low  type,  famine  and 
folk-lore  probably  combine  to  anpport  the  onstam.  When  the 
life  of  the  Jesuit  ptiest  Bidbenf  bad  gone  oat  amid  diabolical 
torments,  during  which  ha  bad  uttered  neither  dry  nor  groan,  an 
Iroqaoii  chief  tore  ont  bis  heart  and  devonred  it  for  the  Tcry 
practical  pnrpose  of  acqoiring  all  that  conrage ;  on  the  other 
hand,  whan  one  of  Mr.  Darwin's  part;  asked  some  Fnegiant  why 
Ihey  did  not  eat  theii  dogs  instead  of  their  grantiniotheTB,  they 
replied,  probably  in  some  amosement  at  his  igDomnce  of  sound 
eeoDomical  principles,  "Doggies  catch  otters;  old  women  no  I  " 
Id  medinTal  Europe  instaDcee  of  cannibalism  can  be  traced  to 
■earcity  of  food,  and  among  the  Turks  there  seem  to  have  been 
cases  qnite  sufficient  to  eipltun  the  fabulous  picture  of  King 
Bicbard,  in  the  presence  of  Saladin's  ambasaadois,  dinii^  on  a 
carried  Buaeen'a  bead 

With  powdfii  and  with  ipjiory. 

And  witb  uffroo  erf  food  colour." 
Id  the  tnterior  of  northern  Sumatra  dwell  a  people  called  Battaa, 
dviliied  enongh  to  use  a  phonetic  alphabet.  Their  aneieat  eaa- 
mbalinn  is  now  restricted  by  law.  Three  classes  of  peraona  ai« 
condemned  to  be  eaten ;  1.  a  commoner  guilt;  of  adultery  with  a 
Rajah's  wife )  2.  enemies  taken  in  battle  outside  their  own  Til- 
lage ;  8.  traitors  and  spies,  in  default  of  a  ransom  eqniTalent  to 
60  dollars  a  head,  bee  Tule's  Xca-a>  Pelo,  toI.  i.  pp.  275-277  i 
ToLiLp.231i  VaxkmMi,  Jetuitt  in  Norlh  America,  f.2iSd;  Dai- 
win,  Foyojie  ^llie  Bias/U,  London,  1870,  p.  214. 


D,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


270  THE  DISCOVEST  Of  AUERICA. 

plates,  for  the  makir^  of  whicli  Chdlula  was  e8pe> 
cially  noted.  Chocolate,  flavoored  with 
vanilla,  was  the  ordinary  beverage. 
Food  was  handled  with  the  fingers,  but  bowls  of 
water  and  towels  were  brought  in  at  the  end  of  the 
meal,  and  the  next  thin^  in  order  was  to  smoke 
tobacco  and  get  dnmk  with  pul^e,  the  fermented 
juice  of  the  centoiy  plant.^ 

The  trade  implied  by  this  sort  of  life  was  not 
done  in  shops.  There  were  no  shops  in  this  Azteo 
pueblo,  but  two  spacious  market-places,  with  fun 
every  fifth  day.  There  were  dis^yed 
foods,  cloths,  and  ornaments;  faxds, 
weapons,  and  buildii^g  materials ;  mats  and  stoob, 
dye-0tnffs  and  pottery.  Traffic  was  chiefly  barter, 
bnt  there  were  such  rudimentary  attempts  at  ouiv 
reni^  as  quills  packed  with  gold-dust,  bags  of 
cocoa  seed,  and  queer  little  bits  of  copper  and  tin 
shaped  like  the  letter  T.  There  were  no  coins  w 
scales,  and  selling  by  weight  was  unknown.  Id 
most  of  the  pueblos  traders  came  in  f  rran  the  oonn- 
try,  or  from  other  towns,  with  their  wares  borne 
on  litters,  the  only  kind  of  wagon  or  carriage  in 
use ;  but  in  Mexico  such  conveyance  was  done 
chiefly  by  canoes.  In  the  market-place  there  were 
booths  where  criminals  were  tried  and  sentenced. 

'  Tbo  nug^j,  or  Agave  americana,  gomaUniBB  called  Anmi- 
oui  aloe.  One  of  these  plsoto  in  a  fj^eo  tab  Btood  on  either  dda 
of  the  st^ps  leading  np  to  the  front  door  of  Oeor^  Nnpkina,  Esq., 
magistrate,  in  Ipswich  {Pickmck  Pf7xr«,  ohap.  xiT.}.  Fori  good 
account  of  the  man;  and  great  uies  of  the  oentury-plant,  iss 
Bandelier,  Archaological  Tour,  p.  217 ;  OaroiU«o,  ComtMariaa 
Ttakt,  pt.  i.  lib.  viii.  cap.  13.    From  the  pulque,  ■  kind  of  sbmic 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  COtfQUEBT  OF  MEXICO.  271 

Crime  was  frequent,  and  punialmieiit  swift  and 
cmel.'  Another  feature  of  the  market-place  would 
seem  in  itself  to  epitomize  all  the  incongmoiu- 
ness  of  this  strange  Aztec  world.  A  barber's  shop 
seems  to  surest  civilization  as  vividly  as  a  stone 
knife  su^ests  barbansm.  In  the  Mexican  market 
there  were  booths  where  the  scanty  beards  of  the 
dusky  warriors  were  shaved  with  razors  of  obsid- 
ianl^ 

Close  by  the  principal  market  and  in  the  centre 
of  the  pueblo  was  the  great  enclosure  of  the  tem- 
ple, surrounded  by  stone  walls  eight  feet 
in  height,  and  entered  by  four  gatewajre,  ••»>"■ 
one  from  each  of  the  wards  or  quarters  above 
described.  Within  were  not  less  than  twenty  teo- 
calHs,  or  bnmcated  pyramids,  the  tallest  of  which 
was  the  one  dedicated  to  the  war-god.  It  was 
ascended  by  stone  stairs  on  the  outside,  and  as  the 
Spaniards  counted  114  stairs  it  was  probably  not 
fax  from  100  feet  in  height.  This  height  was 
divided  into  five  st^;es,  in  such  vrise  that  a  man, 
after  ascending  Uie  first  flight  of  stairs,  would  walk 
on  a  flat  terrace  or  ledge  around  to  the  opposite 
nde  of  the  pyramid,  and  there  mount  the  second 
flight  Thus  the  religious  processions  on  their  way 
to  the  summit  would  wind  four  times  about  the 
pyramid,  greatly  enhancing  the  spectacular  efFect. 
This  may  or  may  not  have  been  the  purpose  of 
the  arrangement;  it  was  at  any  rate  one  of  its 

I  'Rie  nibjeat  of  orimes  and  prniuhiiNnla  in  uieUiit  Heilw  it 
wen  (nininkHMd  b;  Bandeliei,  Ptabodg  JTukudi  B^oiu,  toL  iL 
pp.  62.V683. 

*  PreMOtt.  Con^ufrt  ef  Mexiee.  Vk.  tr.  ebip.  IL ;  tm  *"*»'■"' 
-       -  -  -  -    ^^^ 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


272         TEX  DISCOVERT  OP  AllXBICA. 

results.  On  the  snnmiit  was  a  dreadful  block  of 
jasper,  coavex  at  the  top,  so  that  when  the  human 
HmiH  not-  ^ctiiu  was  laid  upon  Ms  back  and  held 
'"**'  down,  the  breast  was  pushed  upward, 

ready  for  the  priest  to  make  one  deep  slashing  cut 
and.  snat«b  out  the  heart.  Near  the  sacrificial 
blcxtk  were  the  altars  and  sanctuaries  of  the  gods 
Tczcatlipoca,  Huitzilopochtli,  and  others,  with 
id<^  as  hideous  as  their  names.'  On  these  altars 
smoked  fresh  human  hearts,  of  which  the  gods 
were  fond,  while  otlier  parts  of  the  bodies  were 
made  ready  for  the  kitchens  of  the  communal 
houses  below.  The  gods  were  voracious  as  wolves, 
and  the  victims  were  ntimerous.^     In  some  cases 

1  See  tlie  photagn^h  of  ui  idol,  probabi;  of  BaltzUopnchtli, 
dng  Dp  tn  1700  near  the  cathedral,  vliich  atanda  on  the  uta  of 
the  heathen  temple,  in  Bandslier,  AnAaalogical  Tour,  p.  59. 

*  A  natiTe  Mexican  aathor,  boni  in  1579,  aaji  that  at  the 
dedication  of  the  new  temple  to  Hnitailopochtli,  in  1187,  the 
BDmber  of  Tictimi  waa  60,6U0  (Chimalpahin  Qnaahtlehaanitiio, 
Bizame  et  Sepliim  Belationt,  ed.  Simeon,  Faris,  18S9,  p.  I5S).  I 
Tatber  think  that,  eien  for  each  a  grand  occaaion,  we  Hunt  at 
least  eat  off  a  cipher.  There  can  be  little  doubt,  hoireTer,  that 
within  thie  vhole  make- worshipping  vorld  of  Mexico  and  Celt' 
tisl  America  there  were  maiij  thooaaDd  liotinis  yearly,  — men, 
vomen,  and  children.  A  very  complete  view,  «i(h  man;  of  the 
bideona  datalle,  ia  giien  in  Bancroft'B  Native  Baca  of  the  Paajk 
BtattM,  lol.  ii.  pp.  3U2-;U1,  0S7-714  ;  eae  ahw  Fergnuon,  Tm  tnd 
Berpmt  Worship,  p.  40 ;  Stepheu,  Central  America,  toL  ti.  p.  185. 
For  a  human  aaorifloa  among-  the  Pavneee,  aonieirhat  aimilat  to 
the  Mexican  onitom,  we  Brinton,  TTie  AlaericaB  Bace,  p.  97.  For 
aome  referenoea  to  human  nacidficee  among^  the  ancient  Oermana 
and  Hum.  aae  Gibbon,  chap,  xxx.,  xixiv. ;  Leo,  PorltMungtn  Sber 
die  Getchidile  dtt  DealicAai  Voltes,  Halle,  1S54,  bd.  L  p.  06 ; 
Mane,  Geschidite  det  Hetdenlhami,  Leipeio,  1822,  ii  20, 136 :  Mil- 
nan,  Xofin  Chridiataty,  vol.  i-  p.  tM\  amon[{  the  Eaioua,  £ido- 
nina  Apollinaria,  lib.  viii.  epist.  6 ;  among 
Grate,  History  of  Greece,  toL  xii.  p.  500. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBB  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  278 

the  hesat  was  thrust  into  the  mouth  of  tbe  idol 
with  a  golden  spooa,  in  others  its  lips  were  simply 
daubed  with  blood.  In  the  temple  a  great  quan- 
tity of  rattlesnakes,  kept  as  sacred  object^  were 
fed  with  the  entrails  of  the  victims.  OtLer  parts 
of  the  body  were  given  to  the  menagerie  beasts, 
which  were  probably  also  kept  for  purposes  of 
leli^ous  symbolism.  Blood  was  also  rubbed  in 
the  mouths  of  the  carved  serpents  upon  the  jambs 
and  lintels  of  the  houses.  The  walls  and  floor  of 
the  great  temple  were  clotted  with  blood  and 
shreds  of  human  flesh,  and  the  smell  was  like  that 
of  a  slaughter-house.  Just  outside  the  temple,  in 
front  of  the  bioad  street  that  led  across  the  cause- 
way to  Tlacopan,  stood  the  tzompantli,  which  was 
''an  oblong  sloping  parallelogram  of  earth  and 
masonry,  one  hundred  and  flfty-four  feet  [long] 
at  the  base,  ascended  by  thirty  steps,  on  each  of 
which  were  skulls.  Round  Uie  summit  napiacauf 
were  upwards  of  seventy  raised  poles  '^"'^ 
about  four  feet  apart,  connected  by  numerous 
rows  of  cross-poleg  passed  through  holes  in  the 
masts,  on  each  of  which  five  skulls  vere  filed,  the 
sticks  being  passed  through  Uie  temples.  In  the 
centre  stood  two  towers,  or  columns,  made  of 
skulls  and  hme,  the  face  of  each  skull  being 
turned  outwards,  and  giving  a  horrible  appear- 
ance to  the  whole.  This  effect  was  heightened  by 
leaving  the  heads  of  distingubhed  captives  in  their 
natural  state,  with  hair  aci  skin  on.  As  the  skulb 
decayed,  or  fell  from  the  towers  or  poles,  they 
were  replaced  by  others,  so  that  no  vacant  place 
was  left." '  If  Lucretius  could  have  visit«d  such  a 
^  Buoroft,  Natitx  Bcuxm,  ato.,  toL  iL  p.  686. 

Uiailizc^bvCoOglc 


2T4  TBB  DISCOrSST  OF  AMSSWA. 

txompantli  he  would  have  found  a  fit  text  for  his 
sermoa  on  the  evila  of  religion. 

It  waa  into  this  strange  city  that  on  the  8th  of 
Novembor,  1519,  Montezuma,  making  the  beat  of 
bitter  necessity,  welcomed  his  long-bearded  visitors 
btirof  ^'^  timorous  politeness,  and  assigned 
g"^^^  them  a  great  house  near  the  temple  fra: 
•"■^  their  lodgings.     This  house  is  supposed 

to  have  been  a  tecpan  or  tribal  council-house  built 
in  the  time  of  Axayacatl,  biit  for  some  reason 
superseded  in  general  use  by  another  teq>an  since 
built  in  the  same  neighbourhood.  It  was  large 
enough  to  afford  ample  accommodation  for  the  450 
Spaniards  with  their  1,000  or  more  Tlascalan  allies, 
and  Cortes  forthwith  proceeded  quietly  to  Btation 
his  sentinels  along  the  parapet  and  to  place  his 
cannon  where  they  could  do  the  most  good.  After 
a  few  days  spent  in  accepting  the  hospitalitiea 
proffered  by  Montezuma  and  in  studying  the  city 
and  its  people,  the  Spanish  commander  went  to 
work  with  that  keen  and  deadly  sagacity  which 
never  failed  him.  Safety  required  that  some  step 
should  be  taken.  From  what  had  occurred  at 
TlaBcala  and  Cholula,  it  ia  fair  to  suppose  that  in 
Tenochtitlan  also  there  were  two  parties,  the  one 
inclined  to  submit  to  tlte  strangers  as  representa- 
tives of  Quetzalcoatl,  the  other  disposed  to  resist 
them  as  interlopers.  With  time  the  tatter  counsels 
were  almost  cert^n  to  prevaiL  Familiarity  with 
the  sight  of  the  strangers  about  the  streets  would 
deaden  the  v&gue  terror  which  their  presence  at 
first  inspired.    Ceasing  to  be  dreaded  as  gods  Hiej 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  COIfQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  275 

would  not  cease  to  be  regarded  as  foreigoere,  and 
to  tlie  warrior  of  Tenochtitlan  a  foreigner  was  in- 
teresting chiefly  aa  meat,  —  for  his  idols,  his  rat- 
tlesnakes, and  himself.  Whether  as  strangers  or 
aa  enuBaaries  of  Qaetzalcoatt,  the  Spaniai^  had 
already  incurred  the  deadly  hatred  of  those  obscene 
carrion-birda,  the  priests  of  the  black  Tezcatlipoca 
and  his  ally  Huitzilopochtli.  And  then  had  they  not 
brought  into  the  city  a  host  of  its  eternal  enemies 
the  Tlascalans  ?  How  would  the  Bomans  of  Han- 
nibal's time  have  felt  and  acted  toward  anybody 
who  should  insolently  have  brought  into  Rome  a 
force  of  Carthaginians  7  It  was  clear  enough  to 
Cortes  and  his  men  that  their  situation  ^  i^rma, 
•9/M  exceaaively  dangerous.  Sooner  or  '"^"™- 
later  an  outbreak  was  to  be  expected,  and  when  it 
should  come  the  danger  was  immeasurably  greater 
than  before  Tlascala  or  in  Cbolula ;  for  if  the 
people  should  simply  decide  to  blockade  and  starve 
the  Spaniards,  there  would  be  no  eacape  save  by 
a  desperate  fight  through  the  streets  and  along 
those  interminable  causeways.  Truly  no  hero  of 
fairyland  astray  in  an  ogre's  castle  was  ever  in 
worse  predicament  than  Cortes  and  his  little  army 
cooped  in  this  stronghold  of  cannibals  I  There 
was  no  ground  for  surprise  if  they  should  one 
and  all  get  dragged  to  the  top  of  tlie  great  pyra- 
mid on  their  way  to  the  kettles  of  the  conununal 
kitchens. 

It  was  therefore  necessary  to  act  decisively  and 
at  <Hice,  while  all  the  glamour  of  strangeness  still 
enveloped  tliem.  Cortes  acted  upon  the  principle 
that  the  boldest  oouise  was  the  safest     A  blow 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


278  TBK  DISCOVBBY  OF  AMMStCA. 

nuut  be  struck  00  prmnptly  and  decisivdj'  as  to 
gg^  ^  forestiill  and  fatally  cripple  resistanioe, 
J2f5^  and  here  Cortes  was  aided  by  hia  expfe- 
'^'^  rieoce  at  Cempoala.     One  can  hardly 

&Q  to  see  that  on  that  occasion,  as  at  present,  hia 
own  extraordinary  sagacity  mnst  have  derived  no 
litde  aid  from  Buch  facts  about  the  ideas  and  hab- 
its of  the  people  as  his  keenly  obserrant  and  de- 
voted Marina  conld  tell  him.  We  have  seen  that 
at  Cempoala  the  capture  of  a  few  chiefs  quite  para- 
lyzed the  people,  so  that  erea  if  the  party  opposed 
to  the  Spaniuds  had  prevailed  in  the  council  it 
would  probably  have  been  for  a  time  incapacitated 
for  aett<ai.  It  seems  to  me  that  this  incapacity 
arose  from  the  paramount  necessity  of  performing 
sacrifices  and  taking  the  auspices  before  fighting, 
and  that  nobody  but  the  head  war-chief  —  or,  in 
the  case  of  a  dual  executive,  perhaps  one  of  the  two 
head  war-chiefs  —  was  properly  qualified  to  per- 
form these  ceremonies.  Early  Greek  and  Roman 
history  afford  abundant  illustrations  of  a  stage  <tf 
culture  in  which  people  did  not  dare  to  precipitate 
hostilities  without  the  needful  preliminary  rites ; 
since  to  do  so  would  simply  enrage  the  tutelar  dei- 
ties and  invite  destruction.  If  we  would  under- 
stand the  conduct  of  ancient  men  we  must  not 
forget  how  completely  their  nrinds  were  steeped  in 
folk-lore. 

Now  we  have  already  had  occasion  to  observe 
that  the  people  of  the  Aztec  Confederacy  had 
joined  the  pi-iestly  to  the  military  function  in  their 
tlacatecvhtli,  or  "  chief- of- men, "  thus  taking  a 
step  toward  developing  the  office  to  the  point  at- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBM  CONQUEST  OF  MEZIOO.  277 

tained  bjr  the  Gh«ek  haaileus,  or  loDg,  of  the  Ho- 
merio  period.^  We  learn  from  Siih&-  . 
gnu  that  in  ancient  Mexico  there  were  '« 
two  high-priests,  and  the  first  of  these 
was  called  Quetzalcoatl  and  sumamed  Totec,  "■  oar 
Lord."'  Now  one  of  Montezuma's  titles,  as  shown 
by  hia  picture  in  the  Codex  Vaticanua,  was  Que- 
tzaleoaU  Totec  tlamazqui  (i.  e.  Quetzalcoatl  our 
Lord  Priest)  of  Hnitzilopochtli.  As  snpreme  inil^ 
itary  otnnmander,  Montezuma's  title  was  Tlaeoch- 
tecuhtli  m  Tlacochcalcatl.  For  the  generalissimo 
to  become  chief  priest  of  the  war-god  is  a  devel- 
opment BO  natural  and  so  practical  that  we  find  it 
repeated  in  every  society  where  we  have  data  for 
tracing  back  the  kingship  to  its  origins.  In  Mexi- 
oan  mythol(^y  the  primitive  Totec  was  a  comrade 
of  the  fur  god  Quetzalcoatl ;  this  cheerful  creature 
used  to  go  about  clad  in  a  garment  of  human 
skins,  and  Torquemada  tells  us  of  a  certain  great 
festival  at  which  Montezuma  performed  a  religious 
dance  clothed  in  such  a  garment.  Torquemada 
adds  that  to  the  beat  of  his  knowledge  and  belief 
this  was  not  a  freak  of  Montezuma's,  but  an  ances- 
tral oufltooL'  Clearly  it  waa  a  aymbolio  identifica- 
tion of  Montezuma  with  Toteo.  At  the  ceremony 
of  investiture  with  the  office  of  tiacatecuhtli,  Monte- 
zuma was  solemnly  invested  with  the  garments  of 
the  war'^od,  a  bine  breechcloth  and  blue  sandals, 
a  cloak  of  blue  network,  and  a  necklace  and  dia- 
dem of  turquoises.    His  fan-shaped  head-dress  was 

1  8m  A<m,  ToL  1.  p.  114. 

*  Sitiagiiii,  Hiiloria,  lib.  iii.  op.  ii. 

*  Iteqmnmda,  JfoMrgM'a  iitdiana,  lib.  yO.  atf,  zk 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


278  THE  DISCOVBBT  OF  AMERICA. 

made  chiefly  of  ilie  brilliant  golden-green  fBathen 
of  the  quetzal,  or  paradise-trogon,  relieved  with  a 
bit  of  bright  red  from  the  tiauquechol,  or  roseate 
spoonbilL  Attached  to  this  head-dress,  over  the 
forehead,  wsa  a  clasp  of  bumisbed  gold  in  the 
likeness  of  a  humming-bird's  beak  ;  and  this  em> 
blem  denoted  that  Montezuma  was  the  living  rep- 
resentative of  Huitzilopochtli.'  None  but  him 
oonld  without  sacrilege  assume  this  emblem.  This 
group  of  facts  seema  to  prove  that  Montezuma 
bad  acquired  the  functions  of  supreme  pontiff  in 
addition  to  those  of  supreme  war-chief.  Indeed  in 
his  blue  rument,  with  the  gold  beak  over  his  fore- 
head, he  was  attired  in  the  paraphernalia  of  a 
"  god-king,"  and  to  that  dignity  and  authority  his 
office  would  probably  in  course  of  time  have  de- 
veloped if  things  had  been  allowed  to  take  their 
natural  course.'  Montezuma  was  not  the  first 
"  chief-of-men  "  at  Tenochtitlan  in  whom  the  func- 
tions of  high  priest  and  head  war-chief  were  com- 
bined. That  stage  of  developmcDt  had  already 
been  reached  in  his  immediate  predecessors  Ahni* 
zotl,  Tizoc,  and  Axayacatl,  if  not  earlier. 

Just  how  far  Cortes  understood  the  natural 
effect  of  capturing  such  a  personage  and  holding 
him  in  durance,  one  can  hardly  say.    Incredibly 

1  For  the  facts  mentioDed  in  this  paragTaph  I  am  indebted  to 
the  learned  monograph  ot  Mis.  ZeliaNuttall,  "  Standard  or  Head- 
dieaaf  an  Hiitoiical  Essay  on  a  Relic  of  Ancient  Ke^ioo,"  in 
Peabodj  MuBeam,  Ardumiogical  and  EtSnologiaU  Paper;  •ol.  i. 
No.  I,  Cambridge,  1S88.  Tbid  eaaa;  ahon  tlut  Mn.  Nnttall  haa 
made  notable  progrcm  in  Hie  difficult  work  of  deoipbexing  (Im 
andeiit  Meiiciui  hien^ljpbio  wiitiiw. 

'  S««  below,  p.  UT. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  279 

aodaoiooB  as  the  plan  must  hare  seemed,  it  was 
probably  the  only  thing  that  could  have  saved  the 
Spaniards,  and  Cortes  (aa  he  wrote  to  Charles  V.) 
had  been  in  the  city  only  six  days  when  his  deci- 
sion waa  made.  Events  had  latdy  come  .ju,  ^ 
to  his  knowledge  which  furnished  a  ^ 
pretext.  A  small  band  of  Spaniards  had  been  left 
at  Vera  Cruz,  and  Quauhpopoca — an  Aztec  chief, 
probably  one  of  Montezuma's  tax-gatherars  sent  to 
ooUect  tribute  from  the  pueblo  of  Nautla  —  had 
picked  a  quarrel  with  these  Spaniards,  and  there 
had  been  a  fight  in  which  the  white  men  were  vic- 
torious, but  not  without  losing  half-a-dozen  of  their 
number.  The  fact  was  thus  revealed  that  the 
strangers  were  mortal.  Cortes  decided  to  make 
this  a£^  the  occasion  for  taking  posses''ioD  of 
Montezuma's  person.  After  a  night  spen  with 
his  captains  and  priests  in  earnest  prayer,^  he 
visited  the  "  chief -of -men,"  in  company  wilb  the 
big  blonde  **  sun-faced  "  Alvarado  and  other  mail- 
clad  warriors,  and  taking,  as  uanal,  hia  trusty  Ma- 
rina as  interpreter.  Cortes  told  Montezuma  that 
charges  had  been  broi^ht  i^ainst  him  of  having 
instigated  the  conduct  of  Quauhpopoca ;  not  that 
Cortos  bdieved  these  chaises,  O  dear,  no  I  he  had 
too  much  respect  for  the  noble  tlacatecuhtli  to  be- 
lieve  them,  but  still  it  was  his  duty  to  investigate 
the  facts  of  tho  case.  Monteznma  promptly  de- 
spatched a  messenger  to  bring  home  the  unlucky 

^  ^'  £  ooma  teniemoe  acordado  el  dia  ftDtoa  de  prender  a1  Mon- 
teQiinis,  toda  la  notshe  estnnuDoa  en  oraoion  cod  el  Podra  do  la 
HeTced,  rog;aDdo  i  Dioa,  que  faesw  da  tal  modo,  que  cednndaase 
p«m  ta  Baoto  wrriria"     VAkl,  Hittoria  verdadera,  oap.  xot.  fol. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


S80  TBE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMXEWA. 

Qnanlipopoca.  Veiy  good,  pursued  Cortes  witli 
mndi  sasmtj,  but  until  the  inquiry  Bhould  be 
brought  to  some  satisfactory  temUDation,  of  course 
bis  august  frieud  could  not  entertun  tbe  slightest 
objection  to  coming  and  making  his  quarters  in 
the  teqMn  occupied  by  tbe  white  men.  It  ap- 
peared, however,  that  Montezuma  did  entertain 
most  decided  objections  to  any  such  surrender  of 
g,,^,^^  himself.  But  his  aiguments  and  en- 
MaiMnm^  treaties  were  of  no  avail  agunst  the 
mixture  of  soft  persuasion  with  ominous  threats  in 
which  Cortes  knew  so  well  bow  to  deaL  So  when 
the  Spanish  captains  returned  to  their  fortress 
they  took  Montezuma  with  them,  paying  him  every 
outward  mark  of  respect.  It  was  a  very  subtle 
aobeme.  The  tlacatecuhtli  was  simply  transferred 
from  one  tecpan  to  another ;  the  tribal  countnl 
could  meet  and  public  business  be  transacted  in 
the  one  place  as  well  as  in  the  other.  That  the 
fact  of  Montezuma's  virtual  imprisonment  might 
not  become  too  glaring,  Cortes  sometimes  let  him 
go  to  the  temple,  but  on  such  occasions  not  less 
than  a  hundred  Spaniards,  armed  to  tbe  teeth, 
served  as  an  escort.  Cortes  was  now  acting  gov- 
ernor of  Tenochtitlan  and  of  the  Confederacy, 
widi  Montezuma  as  bis  mouthpiece  and  the  (lato- 
can,  or  tribal  council,  holding  its  meetings  under 
his  own  roof  1 

When  Quauhpopoca  arrived,  a  couple  of  weeks 
after  the  seizure  of  Montezuma,  Cortes  had  him 
tried  for  treason,  and  condemned  him,  with  several 
of  bis  friends,  to  be  burned  alive  in  the  square  in 
front  of  his  tecpan ;   and  with   a  refinement    of 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TSE  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  281 

pradence  and  of  audacity  at  which  one  cannot 
Bofficieatly  marvel,  he  Bent  his  men  around  to  the 
dart-housea  and  collected  a  vast  quan-  ,„„i„j  ^ 
tJtj  of  arrowB  and  javelins  which  he  '*'*»^v«p«^ 
caused  to  be  piled  up  about  the  stakes  to  whieh 
the  victims  were  chained,  so  that  weapons  and 
waniore  were  consumed  in  the  stune  blaze.  A 
conspiracy  for  the  release  of  Montezuma,  in  which 
his  brother  Cuitlahuatzin  and  the  tribal  chiefs  of 
Tezcooo  and  Tlacopan  were  implicated,  was  duly 
discovered,  and  it  was  not  long  before  Cortes  had 
these  three  dignitaries  safely  confined  in  his  teo- 
pan  and  in  irons,  while  he  contrived,  through  Mon- 
tezuma, to  dictate  to  tlie  tribal  oouncils  at  Tezcuoo 
and  Tlacopan  the  summary  deposition  of  the  old 
chiefs  and  the  election  of  such  new  ones  as  he 
deemed  likely  to  be  interested  on  their  own  ao- 
connt  in  hio  safety.  He  does  not  seem  to  have 
realized  the  full  importance  of  his  capture  of  Cui- 
tlahuatzin, who  stood  next  to  Montezuma  in  the 
customary  line  of  soooession.  In  Tenochtitlan 
Cortes  began  an  imag&-breaking  crusade.  The 
cruel  custom  of  human  sacrifices  greatly  shocked 
him,  as  men  are  wont  to  be  shocked  by  any  kind 
of  wickedness  with  which  they  are  imfamiliar ; 
and  devil-worship  was  something  that  his  notions 
(A  Otrietian  duty  required  him  to  suppress.  His 
.  action  in  thi^  direction  nught  have  been  over  rash 
but  for  the  spacious  counsel  of  his  spiritual  ad- 
viser, Father  Ohnedo,  who  warned  him  p,^^^  ^ 
not  to  go  too  fast.  So  at  first  he  con-  oMofth* 
tented  himself  with  taking  possession  of 
one  of  the  pyramids,  where   he  threw  down    the 


Ll,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


282  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMESICA. 

idols,  cleansed  the  reeking  altar  and  sprinkled  it 
witL  lioly  water,  set  up  the  crucifix  and  an  image 
of  the  Virgin,  and  bad  the  maes  performed  there, 
while  the  heathen  multitude  in  the  square  helow 
looked  on  and  saw  it  all.  If  we  did  not  under- 
stand the  possible  interpretation  of  these  acts  as 
Banctioned  by  QuetuilcoatI,  and  also  the  super- 
stitioos  incapacity  of  the  people  to  act  without 
their  prie8t^»mmandep,  it  would  be  utterly  in- 
comprehensible that  the  fires  of  Aztec  wrath  should 
have  smouldered  so  long.  The  long  winter  passed 
Arrini  of  ui  sulleii  quiet,  and  April  flowers  were 
saiTMii.  bloomii^,  when  picture-writing,  sent  up 
from  the  coast,  was  fraught  with  sudden  intelli- 
gence alarming  to  Cortes.  Pinfilo  de  Narvaez, 
with  18  ships  and  not  less  than  1,200  soldiers,  had 
anchored  at  San  Juan  de  Ulloa,  sent  from  Cuba 
by  Velasquez,  with  orders  to  pursue  the  diso- 
bedient knight«rrant  and  arrest  him. 

Cortes  was  not  the  man  to  waste  precious  mo- 
ments in  wondering  what  he  had  better  do.  He 
left  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  with  about  150  men,  to 
take  charge  of  Montezuma  and  Mexico.  With  the 
remaining  300  he  hastened  to  the  coast, 
Nunei.  came  down  upon  Narvaez  unawares  bke 
a  thief  in  the  night,  defeated  and  captured  him, 
entranced  his  troops  with  tales  of  the  great  Mexi- 
can pueblo,  whetted  their  greed  with  hopes  of 
plunder,  kindled  the  misaionary  zeal  of  the  priests, 
and  ended  by  enlisting  every  man  of  them  under 
his  own  banner.  Thus  with  more  than  quadrupled 
force  he  marched  back  to  Mexico.  There  evil 
news  awaited  him.     Alvarado's  cast  of  mind  was 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBS  COlfQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  288 

of  far  lower  grade  than  that  of  Cortes.  He  had 
in  him  less  of  Geynard  and  more  of  Isegrim.  Not 
fathoming  the  reasons  of  the  Aztecs  for  forbear- 
ance, he  made  the  grave  mistake  of  despising  them 
as  spiritless  cowards.  There  were  some  gromids 
for  a  suspicion  that  the  chiefs  of  the  dans  were 
meditating  an  attack  npon  the  Spaniards  in  the 
city,  and  Alvarado,  in  this  imminent  peril,  with 
nerves  intensely  strained,  made  up  his  mind  to  be 
beforehand.  There  was  in  the  Aztec  city  a  great 
spring  festival,  the  gladdest  of  the  year,  the  May 
day  of  rejoicing  over  the  return  of  verdure  and 
flowers.  Every  year  at  this  season  a  young  man, 
especially  chosen  for  manly  beauty  and  prowess, 
was  presented  with  four  brides  and  feasted  sump- 
tuously during  a  honeymoon  of  twenty  r—am  «i 
days.  On  the  twenty-first  day  all  mUi-  '^■''•'''i*™- 
tary  deeds  and  plans  were  held  in  abeyance,  and 
the  city  was  given  up  to  festivities,  while  a  solemn 
procession  of  youths  and  maidens,  clad  in  dainty 
white  cotton  and  crowned  with  garlands  of  roasted 
maize,  escorted  the  chosen  young  man  to  the  sum- 
mit of  the  great  pyramid.  There  they  knelt  and 
adored  him  as  an  incarnation  of  the  god  Tezcatli- 
poca.  Then  he  was  sacrificed  in  the  usnal  man- 
ner, and  morsels  of  his  flesh  were  sent  about  to 
the  clan  chiefs  to  be  stewed  and  eaten  with  devout 
hymns  and  dances.' 

^  Tla  uorifiee  of  « tta-geoi,  by  Kime  of  the  bwhariaDa  In  Ow 
army  of  Allxnn,  King  of  tlie  Lombardi,  afforded  Qibbon  to  op. 
portnutj  for  one  of  hU  ingenions  little  thmata  at  the  enirurt 
theology  of  Ua  dm*.  "  Qttgorj  tlie  Rraaan  {Dialog.,  iiL  27)  nip- 
poam  tlmt  tlior  likawbe  adored  this  ihe-goat.  I  knoirof  but  ooa 
Nligim  invhiah  thegodaadthe  TkttmanUwwm*"  0)    Da- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


284  TBS  DISCOrXBT  OF  AMIRICA. 

It  was  ttuB  day  of  barbaric  festivity  in  the  year 
1520  that  the  impradent  Alvarado  selected  for 
delivering  his  blow.  In  the  midst  of  the  oeremo- 
niee  the  little  band  of  Spaniards  fell  upon  the 
Ainndo^  people  and  massacred  about  600,  iuclnd- 
'''**™°*'  ing  many  chiefs  of  clans.  Thus  Alvaf 
rado  brought  on  the  sudden  calamity  which  he 
had  hoped  to  avert.  The  Aztecs  were  no  cowards, 
and  had  not  the  Spaniards  still  possessed  the 
priest-commander  Montezuma  it  would  have  gone 
hard  with  them.  Aa  it  was  they  soon  deemed  it 
best  to  retreat  to  their  fortress,  where  they  were 
surrounded  and  besieged  by  a  host  of  Indians  who 
began  trying  in  places  to  undermine  the  walls.  By 
threats  Alvarado  compelled  Montezuma  to  go  out 
upon  the  roof  and  quiet  the  outbreak.  Things 
went  on  for  some  weeks  without  active  ^htong, 
but  the  Indians  burned  the  brigantinea  on  the 
lake  which  Cortes  had  built  during  the  winter  as 
a  means  of  retreat  in  case  of  disaster.  The  Span- 
iards by  good  lock  found  a  spring  in  their  courts 
yard  and  their  store  of  com  was  ample,  so  that 
thirst  and  hunger  did  not  yet  assail  them. 

When  Cortea  entered  the  city  on  the  24tli  of 
June,  he  found  the  streets  deserted,  the  markets 
dosed,  and  many  of  the  drawbridges  raised.     A 

dine  and  Faii,  ohap.  xIt.  ,  note  1 4.  Aodsnt  Mazioo  ironld  hAve 
f  umislied  ths  loariMd  hiitoriaii  with  uiother  example,  and  a  mora 
eitanUTB  itadj  of  barbaniiB  raoM  would  have  ahown  him  that 
the  cam  of  ChriiCianity  ii  by  no  roeana  exceptional.  Indeed  the 
whole  dootrine  ot  vioarioiu  aacridoe,  hy  which  Chriatiaiiity  waa 
for  ■  time  helped,  but  haa  now  long  been  eDcnmbereil,  ia  a  nir- 
TiTal  from  the  groM  thaonaa  ohaiaoteriatao  id  the  '"''*'<<«  period 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  COWQUSST  OF  MKZICO.  38fi 

few  Ttii^ihtih  from  tJieir  doorways  scowled  at  the 
passing  troops.  When  Cortes  met  Alvarado  he  told 
fi-im  that  he  had  behaved  like  a  madman,  bat  it 
was  now  the  tum  <^  Cortes  liiirnmlf  to  jf^^^  ^ 
make  a  mistake.  He  could  not  be  ex-  ^'°'***- 
peoted  to  know  tkat  in  that  commimity  there  was 
an  ulterior  power  behind  the  throne.  That  ulterior 
power  was  the  tlatocan,  or  tribal  coimcil,  which 
elected  the  priest^oomifiander  from  the  members  of 
a  particular  family,  in  accordance  with  certain 
cuatomary  rules  of  succession.  In  a  great  emer- 
gency the  council  which  thus  elected  the  ruler 
could  depose  him  and  elect  another.  Now  Cortes 
had  in  hia  fortress  Montezuma's  brother  Cuitla- 
hnatmi,  who  stood  next  in  the  regular  line  of  suc- 
cession, and  he  evidently  did  not  understand  the 
danger  in  letting  him  out.  The  increase  of  num- 
bers was  fast  telling  upon  the  stock  of  food,  and 
Cortes  sent  out  Cuitlahuatzin  with  orders  to  hare 
the  markets  opened.  This  at  once  brought  mat^ 
ters  to  a  terrible  crisis.  Cuitlahuatzin  convened  the 
^(Oocan,  which  instantly  deposed  Mon-  i,,„„^„rt 
teznma  and  elected  him  in  hb  place,  x-xx"™^ 
Early  next  momii^  came  the  outbreak.  A  hoarse 
sonnd  arose,  like  die  murmur  of  distant  waters, 
and  soon  the  imprisoned  Spaniards  from  their 
parapet  saw  pyramids,  streets,  and  house-tops 
black  with  raging  warriors.  Thej  attacked  with 
arrows,  slings,  and  javelins,  and  many  Spaniards 
were  killed  or  wounded.  The  Spanish  caimon 
swept  the  streets  with  terrible  effect  and  the  canals 
near  by  ran  red  with  blood,  but  the  Indians  pressed 
on,  and  shot  burning  arrows  through  the  ombra- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


286  THB  DiaCOTEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

snrea  until  the  interior  woodwork  began  to  take 
flie. 

At  Cortes'B  direction  Montezunm  presented  him- 
self <m  the  terraced  roo£  and  sought  to  assuage  the 
wrath  of  the  people,  but  now  he  found  that  his 
authority  was  ended.  Another  now  wore  the 
golden  beak  of  the  warded.  He  was  no  longer 
general,  no  longer  priest,  and  his  person  had  lost 
its  sacred  character.  Stones  and  darts  were  hurled 
in.4aath.  *'  ^'"^ '  ^  '^'^  struck  down  by  a  heavy 
stone,  and  died  a  few  days  afterward, 
whether  from  the  wound,  or  from  chagrin,  or  both. 
Before  his  death  the  Spaniards  made  a  sortie,  and 
after  terrific  hand  to  hand  fighting  Btormdd  the 
great  temple  which  overlooked  and  conunuided 
their  own  quarters  and  had  sadly  annoyed  them. 
They  flung  down  the  idols  among  the  people  and 
burned  the  accursed  shrinee.  It  was  on  the  last 
day  of  Jime  that  Montezuma  died,  and  on  the 
evening  of  the  next  day,  fearing  lest  his  army 
should  be  blockaded  and  starved,  Cortes  evacuated 
the  city.  The  troops  marched  through  quiet  and 
deserted  streets  till  they  reached  the  great  cause- 
way leading  to  Tlacopan.  Its  three  drawbridges 
had  all  been  destroyed.  The  Spaniards  carried  a 
pontoon,  but  while  they  were  passing  over  the  first 
bridgeway  the  Indians  fell  upon  them  in  vast 
numbers,  their  light  canoes  swarming  on  both  sides 
of  the  narrow  road.  The  terrible  night  that  en- 
rh*  ut\Mo-  ^^^^  l**"  ^^^i"  since  been  known  in  his- 
ohoi.  Night,  iq^  ^  i^  ^Qp^g  trixte.  Cortes  started 
in  the  evening  with  1,250  Spaniards,  6,000  Tlasca- 
lana,  and  80  horses.   Next  morning,  after  reaching 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THX  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  287 

terra  finna  he  had  500  Spaniards,  2,000  Tlasoalans, 
and  20  horsea.  All  hia  uamion  were  Bunk  in  the 
lake ;  and  40  Spaniards  were  in  Aztec  clutches  to 
be  offered  up  to  the  war-god.  Then  Cortes  sat  down 
upon  a  rock,  and  buried  his  face  in  his  hands  and 
wept. 

Not  for  one  moment,  howeyer,  did  he  flinch  in 
his  purpose  of  taking  Mexico.  In  a  few  days  the 
Indians  from  that  and  other  neighbouring  pueblos 
attacked  him  in  overwhelming  force  in  the  valley 
of  Otnmba,  hoping  to  complete  his  destruction, 
but  he  won  such  a  decieive  and  murderous  victory 
as  to  reestablish  his  shaken  prestige.  It  wu 
well,  for  Mexico  had  sent  an  embassy  to  Tlasc&la, 
and  in  that  pueblo  the  council  of  clan  chiefs  were 
having  an  earnest  debate  much  like 
those  that  one  reads  in  Thucydides  or  otumbauHi 
Xenophon.  There  were  speakers  who 
feared  that  success  for  the  Spaniards  would  ulti- 
mately mean  servitude  for  Tlaacala,  and  the  Aztec 
envoys  played  upon  this  fear.  Nothing  oould 
have  happened  at  this  time  so  likely  to  ensure  the 
destmction  of  Cortes  as  the  defection  of  the  Tlas- 
calans.  fiat  his  victory  at  Otumba  determined 
them  to  keep  up  their  alliance  with  him.  During 
the  autnnui  Cortes  occupied  himself  with  opera- 
tions, military  and  diplomatic,  among  the  smaller 
pueblos,  defeating  any  that  ventured  to  resist  him 
and  making  alliances  with  such  as  were  eager  to 
wreak  their  vengeance  upon  the  hated  Tenochti- 
tlan.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  all  this  work  was 
done  with  characteristic  skill.  Cortes  now  found 
ships  luefuL    Taking  some  of  those  that  had  come 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


288  THE  DtSCOVEBY  OF  AMEBICA. 

with  Narvaez,  he  sent  them  to  Hispaniola  for  horses, 
oaanoD,  and  soldiers ;  and  by  Christmas  £re  he 
f  otmd  himaelf  at  the  head  of  a  thoroughly  equipped 
army  of  700  infantry  armed  with  pikes  and  cross- 
bowB,  118  arqnebuBierfl,  86  cavalry,  a  dozen  can- 
non, and  several  thousand  IndUn  allies.  Though 
the  belief  that  white  men  could  not  be  killed  had 
been  quite  overthrown,  yet  the  prestige  of  Cortes 
aa  a  resistless  warrior  was  now  restored,  and  the 
prospect  of  humbling  the  Aztecs  kindled  a  fierce 
enthusiasm  in  the  men  of  Quauquechollan,  Hue- 
xotrinoo,  Chalco,  and  other  pueblos  now  ranked 
among  his  allies. 

Starting  at  Christmas  on  his  final  march  against 
the  mighty  pneblo,  Cortes  first  proceeded  to  Tez- 
cuco.  In  that  community  there  was  disaffection 
toward  its  partner  on  the  lake,  resulting  from  re- 
cent quarrels  between  the  chiefs,  and  now  Iztlil- 
zochitl,  the  new  war-chief  of  the  Tezoocans,  gave 
Q.^g^^  in  his  adherence  to  Cortes,  admitted 
'-'■°''«*-  him  into  the  town,  and  entertained  him 
hospitably  in  the  tecpan.  This  move  broke  up 
the  Aztec  Confederacy,  placed  all  the  warriors  of 
Tezcuoo  at  the  disposal  of  Cortes,  and  enabled  him 
without  opposition  to  launch  s  new  flotilla  of  hrig- 
antines  on  the  lake  and  support  them  with  swarms 
of  aj^le  Tezcucan  canoes.  Thus  the  toils  were 
olosii^  in  upon  doomed  Tenochtitliin.  Meanwhile 
small-pox  had  carried  off  Cuitlahuatadn,  and  his 
nephew  Guatemotrin  was  now  "  chief-of-men,"  —  a 
brave  warrior  whom  Mexicans  to  this  day  regard 
with  affectionate  admiration  for  his  gallant  defence 
of  their  dty.     For  ferocious   courage   the  Aztecs 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBS  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  289 

were  not  surpassed  by  any  other  Indians  on  the 
continent,  and  when  Cortes  at  length  began  the 
siege  of  Mexico,  April  28, 1521,'  the  fighting  that 
ensued  was  incessant  and  terrible.  The  fresh 
water  supply  was  soon  cut  off,  and  then  slowly 
but  surely  the  besiegers  upon  the  three  causeways 
and  in  the  brigantines  closed  in  upon  their  prey. 
Points  of  advantage  were  sometimes  ^i^gf 
lost  by  the  Aztecs  through  their  exces-  *'"^- 
wve  anxiety  to  capture  Spaniards  alive.  Occaeiou- 
ftlly  they  succeeded,  and  then  frf»n  the  top  of  the 
great  pyramid  wo'ild  resound  the  awful  tones  of 
the  sacrificial  drum  made  of  serpent  skins,  a  sound 
that  could  be  heard  in  every  quarter  of  this  honri- 
Ue  cily ;  and  the  souls  of  the  soldiers  sickened  as 
they  saw  their  wretched  comrades  draped  up  the 
long  staircase,  to  be  offered  as  sacrifices  to  Satan. 
Every  inch  of  ground  was  contested  by  the  Aztecs 
with  a  fury  that  reminds  one  of  the  resistance  of 
Jerusalem  to  the  soldiers  of  Tltua.  At  last,  on 
the  13th  of  August,  the  resistance  came  to  an  end. 
Canals  and  footways  were  choked  with  corpses, 
and  a  great  part  of  the  city  lay  in  mins.  The 
first  work  of  the  conquerors  was  to  cleanse  and 
rebuild.  The  ancient  religion  soon  passed  away, 
the  ancient  society  was  gradually  metamorphosed, 
and  Mexico  assumed  the  aspect  of  a  Spanish 
town.  On  the  site  of  the  heathen  temple  a  Gothio 
church  was  erected,  which  in  1573  was  replaced 
by  the  cathedral  that  still  stands  there. 

The  capture  of  Tenochtitlan  was  by  no  means 
^  Tlie  deKth  of  Hagellui,  at  Hdtui,  oocnmd  tlia  da;  before, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


290        THX  DiscovEsr  or  ajoswa. 

equinleiit  to  the  conquest  of  tbe  vast  territot; 
that  now  goes  under  the  name  of  MexicoL  Hach 
woHc  was  yet  to  be  done  in  all  directions,  hot  it  is 
not  necessary  for  the  pnrposea  of  this  hock  that  I 
should  give  an  account  of  it  I  am  ooncerned 
here  with  the  Conquest  of  Mexico  only  in  bo  far 
as  it  is  an  episode  in  ^  Discoreiy  of  America, 
only  in  so  &r  as  it  illostrates  a  phase  of  Ute  earli- 
est c<mtaet  between  the  two  henuspheres,  each 
hitherto  ignorant  of  the  other,  each  so  cnrionsly 
affected  by  its  first  experience  of  the  other ;  and 
for  my  purpose  the  story  here  given  will  suffice. 
Nor  is  it  necessary  to  recount  the  vicissitudes  of 
the  later  years  of  Cortes,  who  had  to  contend 
agtuDst  the  enmity  of  Bishop  Fonaeca  and  a  series 
of  untoward  circumstances  connect«d  therewith. 
His  discovery  of  the  peninsula  of  California  will 
be  mentioned  in  a  future  chapter.  He  returned 
finally  to  Spain  in  1540,  and  served  with  great 
P„^  ^  merit  in  the  expedition  agiunst  Algiers 
*'*''**^  in   the    following  year;    but   he  was 

neglected  by  the  emperor,  and  passed  the  rest  of 
his  life  in  seclusion  at  Seville.  He  died  at  a 
small  village  near  that  city  on  the  2d  of  Decem- 
ber, 1547. 

A  great  deal  of  sentimental  ink  has  been  sheet 
HowtiaaiiMf  '^^  ^^  wickedness  of  the  Spaniards 
{^^l^^j^  in  crossing  the  ocean  and  attacking 
'*'***■  people  who  had  never  done  them  any 

harm,  overturning  and  obliterating  a  "  splendid 
civilization,"  and  more  to  the  same  effect.  It  is 
undeniable  that  unprovoked  aggression  is  an  ex- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBI  CONQUEST  OF  MEXICO.  291 

tremely  liatefal  thing,  and  many  of  the  oiroum- 
stances  attendant  upon  tlie  Spaniah  conquest  in 
America  were  not  only  heinous  in  their  atrocity, 
but  were  emphatically  oondemned,  as  we  shall 
presently  see,  by  the  best  moral  standards  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  Yet  if  we  are  to  be  ^ded 
l^  strict  logic,  it  would  be  difGcnlt  to  condemn 
the  Spaniards  for  the  mere  act  of  oonqnering 
Mexico  without  involving  in  the  same  condemnation 
onr  own  forefathers  who  crossed  the  ocean  and 
overran  the  territory  of  the  United  States  with 
small  regard  for  the  proprietary  rights  of  Algon- 
quins,  or  Iroquois,  or  red  men  of  any  sort.  Our  fore- 
fathers, if  called  upon  to  justify  themselves,  would 
have  replied  that  they  were  founding  Christian 
states  and  diffusing  the  blessings  of  a  higher  civ- 
ilization ;  and  such,  in  spite  of  much  alloy  in  tlw 
motives  and  imperfection  in  the  performance,  waa 
certainly  the  case.  Now  if  we  would  not  lose  or 
distort  the  historical  perspective,  we  must  bear  in 
mind  that  the  Spanish  conquerors  would  have  re- 
tnmed  exactly  the  same  answer.  If  Cortes  were 
to  return  to  this  world  and  pick  up  some  Ustoiy 
book  in  which  he  is  described  as  a  mere  pic- 
tnresque  adventurer,  he  would  feel  himself  very 
unjustly  treated.  He  would  say  that  he  had 
higher  aims  than  those  of  a  mere  fighter  and  gold- 
hunter  ;  and  so  doubtless  he  had.  In  the  com- 
plex tangle  of  motives  that  actuated  the  medieval 
Spaniard  —  and  in  his  peninsula  we  may  apply 
the  term  mediaeval  to  later  dates  than  would  be 
proper  in  France  or  Italy  —  the  desire  of  extend- 
ing the  d<munioii  at  the  Church  was  a  very  real  and 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


292  TSS  DlSCOVESr  OF  AMXniCA. 

powerful  incentive  to  action.  The  strength  of  the 
missionary  and  crusading  spirit  in  Cortes  is  seen 
in  the  fact  that  where  it  was  concerned,  and  there 
only,  was  he  liable  to  let  zeal  overcome  prudence. 

Ihere  can  be  no  doubt  that,  after  Tm^lripg  all 
allowances,  the  Spaniards  did  introdace  a  better 
state  of  society  into  Mexico  than  they  found  there. 
It  was  high  time  that  an  end  should  be  put  to 
those  hecatombs  of  human  victims,  slashed,  torn 

open,  and  devoured  on  all  the  little  oc- 
tb^ji'aT         casions  of  life.     It  sounds  quite  pithy 

to  say  that  the  Inquisition,  as  conducted 
in  Mexico,  was  as  great  an  evil  as  the  human 
sacrifices  and  the  cannibalism ;  but  it  is  not  true.' 
Compared  with  the  ferocious  barbarism  of  an- 
cient Mexico  the  contemporary  Spanish  modes  of 
life  were  mild,  and  this,  I  think,  helps  further 
to  explain  the  ease  with  which  the  country  vas 
conquered.  In  a  certain  sense  the  prophecy  of 
Quetzalcoatl  was  fulfilled,  and  the  coming  of  the 
Spaniards  did  mean  the  final  dethronement  of  the 
ravening  Tezcatlipoca.  The  work  of  the  noble 
Franciscan  and  Dominican  monks  who  followed 
closely  upon  Cortes,  and  devoted  their  Uves  to  the 
spiritual  welfare  of  the  Mexicans,  is  a  more  attrac- 
tive subject  than  any  picture  of  military  conquest. 
To  this  point  I  shall  return  hereafter,  when  we 
come  to  consider  the  sublime  career  of  Las  Caaaa. 
For  tlie  present  we  may  conclude  in  the  spirit  of 
one  of  the  noblest  of  Spanish  faistorianB,  Pedro  de 

1  Ai  Lloranla,  tha  luitmian  of  the  Inqniiitioa  who  bis  full; 
Mt  forth  iti  enormitiM,  once  wittily  obaerred,  "  0  ae  faat  pM 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBX  COITQVSST  OF  MEXICO.  298 

Cteza  de  Leon,  and  praise  God  that  the  idok  are 
oast  down.' 


The  conqaest  of  Mexico  was  followed  at  iuteis 
vals  by  the  reductioD  of  Guatemala,  Hoaduraa, 
and  Yucatan ;  and  while  this  work  was  going  on, 
captains  from  Darien  OTeiran  Nicaragua,  so  that 
what  we  may  caJl  the  northern  and  southern 
streams  of  Spanish  conquest  —  the  stream  which 
started  from  Hispaniola  by  way  of  Cuba,  and  that 
which  started  from  Hispaniola  by  way  of  Darien 
—  at  length  came  t<^;ether  again,  llie  southern 
stream  of  Spanish  conquest,  thus  stopped  in  one 
direotioD  at  Nicaragua,  kept  on  its  course  soatb- 
ward  along  the  Pacific  coast  of  South  America 
until  it  encountered  a  kind  of  semi-civilization 
different  from  anything  elae  that  was  to  be  seen 
in  the  western  hemisphere.  We  are  now  pre- 
pared for  the  sketch,  hitherto  postponed,  of  An- 
cient Peru. 

>  Ortmea  dd  Pvu,  pt.  i  gap.  hSL 


Diailizc^bv  Google 


CHAPTER  IX. 

ANCIENT  PEBU. 

From  the  elevated  table-lands  of  New  Mexico 
and  Arizona  to  the  southward  as  far  as  the  moon- 
tain  fastnesses  of  Bolivia,  the  region  of  the  Coi^ 
dilleras  was  the  seat  of  culture  in  various  degrees 
more  advanced  than  that  of  any  other  parte  of  the 
New  World.  Starting  from  Central  America,  we 
find  in  the  tombs  of  the  little  provinoe 
^^•"^  of  Chiriqui,  between  Costa  Rica  and 
Veragua,  a  wealth  of  artistio  remains  that  serve  in 
some  respects  to  connect  the  culture  of  Central 
America  with  that  of  the  semi-civilized  peoples 
beyond  the  isthmus  of  Darien.'  Of  these  peoples 
the  first  were  the  Mttysoas,  or  Chibchas,  whose 
principal  towns  were  near  the  site  of  Bc^t&. 
There  were  many  tribes  of  Chibchas,  speaking  as 
many  distinct  dialects  of  a  common  stock  lan- 
guage. They  had  no  wridng  except  rude  picto- 
graphs  and  no  means  of  recording  events.  Their 
family  was  in  a  rudimentary  state  of  development, 

and   kinship  was  traced   only  through 

Tin OUtcta*.    ,.       ,        ,  ^,.  m,  ^  ■    » 

the  female  line,     rbere  was   a  priests 

hood,  and  the  head  war-chief,  whose  ofGee  was  elec- 

'  See  Holnai,  "  Aneiant  Art  of  the  Prorinoa  of  Chirtqni," 
BtporU  ijftkt  Bwtaii  »f  Etknnlogg,  Tol -n.  p]>.  IS-lBl ;  BoUiwrt, 
Antigwiriaii  StMearcMtt  in  Naa  Oranada,  LoftdoB,  1800. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


AScmNT  pssu.  296 

tive,  had  begun  to  exercise  the  highest  priestly 
functions.  They  were  idolaters,  with  human  aao- 
rifices,  but  seem  to  ha.Te  abandoned  cannibalism. 
Their  funeral  customs  deserve  mention.  We  have 
observed  that  the  Mexicans  practised  cremation. 
In  some  parts  of  Central  America  the  dead  were 
buried,  in  others  burnt.  But  in  coming  down  to 
the  isthmus  of  Darien  we  hegai  to  Bnd  mommies. 
Among  the  people  of  the  Andes  in  the  middle 
status  of  barbarism,  it  was  customary  to  embalm 
the  bodies  of  chiefs  and  other  important  person- 
ages, and  to  wrap  them  closely  in  fine  mantles 
adorned  with  emeralds.  The  mummy  was  then 
buried,  and  food,  weapons,  and  living  concubines 
were  buried  with  it.  Such  was  the  practice  among 
the  Chibchas. 

Th»  houses  of  these  people  were  very  large,  and 
shaped  either  like  the  frustum  of  a  cone  or  like 
that  of  a  pyramid.  The  walls  were  built  of  stout 
timbeiB  fastened  with  wedges  and  cemented  with 
adobe  clay.  Maize  and  cotton  were  cultivated, 
and  cotton  cloth  of  various  coloured  designs  was 
made.  The  rafts  and  rope  bridges  resembled 
those  of  the  Peruvians  hereafter  to  be  mentioned. 
Chiefs  and  priests  were  carried  on  wooden  litters. 
In  every  town  there  were  fairs  at  stated  intervals. 
Goods  were  sold  by  measure,  but  not  by  weight. 
Bound  tiles  of  gold,  without  stamp  or  marking  of 
any  sort,  served  as  a  currency,  and  when  there 
was  not  enough  of  it  salt  was  used  as  a  medium 
of  exchange.  Trade,  however,  was  chiefly  barter. 
The  Chibchas  had  same  slight  intercourse  with  the 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


296  TBE  DISCOrSBY  OF  AMBBICA. 

people  at  Qnito  and  aame  knowledge  of  the  Inoa 
kingdom  beyond.* 

This  Chibchii  cnltore,  in  many  respects  lower, 
bnt  in  some  respects  higher,  than  that  of  the  Mex- 
icans, was  probably  typical  of  the  whole  Andes 
region  for  unknown  centuries  before  its  Tarious 
peoples  were  brought  under  the  comparatively  cW- 
ilizing  sway  of  the  Incas.  On  the  eastern  slopes  of 
die  giant  mountains  this  semi-civilization  miun- 
tuned  itself  precariously  against  the  surging  waves 
of  lower  barbarism  and  savagery.  The  ethnology 
of  South  America  has  been  much  less  thoroughly 
studied  than  that  of  North  America,  and  our  sub* 
ject  does  not  require  us  to  attempt  to  enumerate 
or  characterize  these  lower  peoples.  They  have 
been  arranged  provisionally  in  four  groups,  al- 
ti)oi]gh  it  is  pretty  clear  that  instances  of  non- 
related  tribes  occur  in  some  if  not  in  all  the  groups. 
At  the  time  of  the  Discovery  the  ferocious  Ca- 
ribs  inhabited  the  forests  of  Venezuela 
and  Guiana,  and  had  established  them- 
selves upon  many  of    the  West  India  islands. 

'  The  prinolpil  ■ooreM  of  informatJon  abont  the  Chibohai  are 
PlednJiita.  Hiitoria  dd  Nutvo  Btgno  dt  Granada,  Antwerp, 
leSJ  ;  Simon,  Tereera  (y  aiarta)  noticia  dt  la  Kgiauta  parte  dt  lot 
Jfeliciai  Hiitoriaiti  de  tat  ConqvUlai  de  Tieira  Firae  ft  tl  yaevo 
Htj/no  de  Granada,  lOH  (in  Kingmboroagh'a  Mexican  AiUiquilieit, 
ToL  Tiii.) ;  Heirera,  Sitloria  Genera!  de  lot  hedtoi  dt  lot  Cattet- 
lanot,  eta.,  Madrid,  I6JI  (especially  the  fifth  book) ;  Joaqain 
AcoMa,  Con^iendio  Hiitorico  del  Detcubrimitnto  j>  Colomtacion  dt 
la  !fiuva  Oranada,  Paris,  1^48;  Cassani.  Historia  de  la  Cqia- 
pagni'a  dt  Jetut  del  Nueno  Beino  de  Granada,  Madrid,  1741 ; 
Uricoeofaea,  Jftmoria  tabrt  lot  Antiffuedadet  Nee-Graaadinet, 
Berlin,  1854.  The  nbjeot  ii  weU  tabulated  in  Spenoer'i  Deterip. 
tim  BadeUgt,  No.  iL 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCIENT  PEBtr.  297 

Thei/  name,  first  written  in  Latin  form  "Cari- 
bsles "  by  Colnmbus  in  1498,  was  presently  coiv 
rupted  into  "  Canibales,"  and  has  thus  furnished 
European  langoagea  with  an  epithet  since  applied 
to  all  eaters  of  human  flesh.  Adjacent  to  the 
Caribs,  but  distinct  from  them,  were  the  May- 
pures,  whose  tribes  ranged  from  the  headwaters  of 
the  Orinoco  southward  into  Bohvia.  The  Caribs 
and  Maypures  make  up  what  is  geographically 
rather  than  ethnologically  known  as  the  Orinoco 
group  of  Indiana.  A  second  group,  called  Ama- 
zonians,  includes  a  great  number  of  Tuionawt- 
tribes,  mostly  in  the  upper  status  of  "e"*™^ 
savagery,  langiog  along  the  banks  of  the  Amazon 
and  its  tributaries ;  about  their  ethnology  very  lit- 
tle is  known.  Much  better  defined  is  tiie  third  or 
Tupi-Guarani  group,  extending  over  the  vast  coun^ 
tiy  southward  from  the  Amazon  to  La  Plata.  This 
family  of  tribes,  speaking  a  common  stock  language, 
is  more  widely  diffused  than  any  other  in  South 
America;  and  it  is  certiun  that  within  the  area 
which  it  occupies  there  are  other  tribes  not  related 
to  it  and  not  yet  classified.  The  fourth  group  is 
merely  geographical,  and  includes  families  so  dif- 
ferent as  the  Pampas  IndiauH  of  the  Argentine 
Eepublic,  the  inhabitants  of  Patagonia  and  Tierra 
del  Fuego,  and  the  brave  Araucaniana  of  Chili. ^ 

All  the  peoples  here  mentioned  were,  when  dis- 
covered, either  in  the  upper  status  of  savagery  or 
the  lower  status   of   barbarism,  and  to  many  of 

'  See  Keans's  easa;  on  the  "Ethnography  and  Philolog7  of 
Amerioa,"  appended  to  Batea's  Central  and  South  America,  2d  ed. 
LoDdoD,  1S82,  pp.  443-S61. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


298  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMEBICA. 

them  the  same  description  wonld  still  be  applieable. 
Lowest  of  all  were  the  Fuegians  and  some  of  the 
tribes  on  the  Amazon;  highest  of  all  were  the 
Arancanians,  with  their  habitat  on  the  western 
slope  of  the  Andes. 

The  whole  of  this  Pacific  slope,  from  the  coun- 
try of  the  Araucanians  northward  to  that  of  our 
friends  the  Chibchas,  was  occupied  by  the  fam- 
ily of  Quichua-Aymara  tribes,  since  commonly 
Q,j<j,^4^,  known  as  Pemvians.  These  tribes  were 
nmtribM.  probably  the  first  in  all  America  to 
emerge  from  the  lower  status  of  barbarism,  and 
at  the  time  of  the  Discovery  they  had  approadied 
much  nearer  to  the  formation  of  a  true  nationality 
than  any  others.  In  some  important  respects  they 
were  much  more  civilized  than  the  people  of  Mex- 
ico and  Central  America,  but  they  had  not  attained 
to  the  beginnings  of  true  civilizatioQ,  inasmuch  as 
they  had  neither  an  alphabet  nor  any  ^tem  of 
hieroglyphic  writing.  In  preserving  traditions 
the  Peruviim  amautag,  or  "  wise  men,"  were  aided 
by  a  qneer  system  of  mnemonics  worked  out  by 
tying  complicated  knots  in  cords  of  divers  colours.' 

'  Mr.  TjIot'b  descriptioD  of  the  quiptu  Is  bo  good  that  I  cao- 
not  do  better  than  insert  It  here  in  full :  — "  Whan  a  f uner'i 
daag'htei  ties  a  knot  in  her  tuudkerabief  to  remember  a  oommia- 
■ioD  at  market  bj,  she  makes  a  mdimentaTj  quipu.  Dsriua 
mads  one  when  be  took  a  thong:  «ad  tied  dxtr  kiiat>  In  it,  and 
gare  it  to  the  chief!  of  the  loniam,  that  they  mig:ht  untie  a  knot 
aaeh  day,  (all,  if  the  knots  vers  all  undone  and  he  had  not  !•- 
tnned,  the;  might  go  back  to  their  own  land.  (Herodotna,  iv. 
98.)  .  .  .  This  ia  so  umple  a  device  that  it  mnj  Iibts  been  ili- 
venlMl  »gtia  and  again.  ...  It  has  been  found  in  Asia  (Brmas'a 
Bibtria,  L  492),  in  Africa   (EUmm'a  CuUurgadikklt,  I  3),  in 


3,a,i,zc.bv  Google 


ANCIENT  FBBU.  299 

These  knotted  cords,  or  ^ipua,  were  also  used  in 
keeping  aocoimts,  and  in  some  ways  they  were  curi- 

.  Ibzieo,  among  the  Nortb  Ameiion  iDdiaat  (CharleTCHZ,  tL  ISl); 
but  its  greatest  development  «a>  in  South  America."  The  Pe- 
rariau  qaipu  eonsista  "  of  n  thick  main  oord,  vitb  Uuiubt  nordi 
taad  OD  to  it  at  certain  dirtuioe*,  in  vUah  the  koota  an  tied.  .  .  . 
The  cords  are  often  of  vaiioiu  ooloim,  each  with  ita  ovn  proper 

.  meaning ;  red  for  soldiers,  yellov  for  gold,  vhite  for  uItbi,  green 
for  com,  and  so  on.  This  iLOot-writing  va«  espeeiallj  suited  for 
reekonings  and  etatistical  tables;  a  single  knot  meant  tan,  a 
donble  one  a  bandied,  a  triple  ana  a  tbooaand,  two  singles  side 
b;  nde  tventy,  two  donbles  two  bandred.  The  diataooes  of  the 
knots  from  llie  mun  oord  were  of  great  importanoe,  as  ms  the 
■eqaence  of  the  branches,  for  the  priiMnpal  objects  were  phused 
Ml  tb«  fint  bisnobes  and  neaz  the  trunk,  and  so  in  deerUMng 
<wder.  This  art  of  reckoning  is  still  in  use  among  the  herdsmen 
<d  the  Puna  (the  high  moantun  pUtean  at  Peru),"  and  tbej  ei- 
plwned  it  to  the  Swiss  naturalist  Tschndi  "so  that  with  a  little 
tronble  he  could  read  any  of  their  eptipug.  On  tbe  firat  branch 
thej  usually  register  the  bnlla,  on  the  second  tbe  cows,  these 
again  they  divide  into  milch  cows  and  those  tiiM  are  dry ;  the 
nett  branches  contain  the  cal*«a,  according  t«  age  and  >ei,  then 
the  sheep  in  sereral  snbdivisionB,  the  nnmber  of  foxes  killed,  the 
qoaotity  of  salt  used,  and  lastly  the  partienlais  of  the  cattle 
that  have  died.  On  other  quipia  is  set  down  tbe  prodnoe  of  the 
herd  in  milk,  eheeee,  wool,  etc.  Each  beading  is  tndioated  by  a 
■peoial  odoBT  or  a  differently  twined  knot.  It  was  in  the  same 
way  that  in  old  times  the  army  registers  were  kept;  on  one 
oofd  the  slingers  were  set  down,  on  another  the  spearmen,  on  a 
tUrd  thoee  with  olnb*,  etc.,  with  their  officers;  and  thns  also  the 
aoeoouts  at  battles  were  drawn  np.  In  each  town  were  special 
fnnotionaries  whcee  doty  was  to  tie  and  interpret  the  ^i^iiu; 
tltey  were  ctlled  ^jiucainayiKuiui.  or 'knot-ofSceis.'  .  .  .  They 
wen  seldom  able  to  read  a  quipu  without  the  aid  of  an  oral  aom- 
mentary  ;  when  one  oome  from  a  distant  province,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  give  notice  with  it  whether  it  refarmd  to  census,  tribute, 
war,  eto.  .  .  .  They  carefully  kept  the  quiptu  in  their  proper  de- 
partments, so  *e  not,  tor  iostanoe.  to  mistake  a  tribute-cord  (or 
one  relating  to  the  census.  ...  In  modem  times  all  the  attenpta 
made  to  read  the  ancient  qiapiu  hsTe  been  in  vtun.  Tbe  diffi- 
sul^  in  ded^wriiy  them  ia  Tory  great,  since  every  knot  indi- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


300  THS  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

Dusly  analogous  on  the  one  hand  to  Indian  warn- 
pmn  belts  and  on  the  other  hand  to  the  tally-sticks 
used  in  old  times  by  officers  of  the  exchequer  in 
France  and  England.  Learned  Spaniards  were 
aBtonished  at  seeing  how  many  things  the  Femvi- 
anB  could  record  with  their  quipus.  Nevertheless, 
as  compared  with  bierc^lypHca  even  as  rude  as 
those  of  Mexico,  these  knotted  cords  were  very 
inefficient  instniments  for  recording  knowledge. 
For  this  reason  the  historic  period  of  the  Pem- 
vian  people  goes  but  a  short  distance  back  of  the 
Discovery.  All  lists  of  the  Incas  agree  in  begin- 
ning with  Manco  Capac ;  *  and  there  is  practical 
cstue  tat  idea,  >uid  a  unmbtr  of  intennedimte  nodoni  sr«  Igft  ont. 
Bat  the  primoipal  impedimeDt  ia  the  vtwt  of  the  oral  infontutioii 
aa  to  thsir  mbjeot-lDsttcT,  vhi«h  «ai  needfol  even  lo  the  moat 
learned  decipheren."  As  to  the  ancient  lue  of  the  guipu  in 
Mexico,  "  Botnrioi  placed  the  faat  beyond  doubt  b;  not  onlj 
finding;  Bome  Epeeimeni  in  Tlaaoala,  but  also  recording  t^Mir 
Heiiean  name,  nepohmdixUxin,  a  word  derived  from  the  Tsrb 
llopohaa,  '  to  coonf  (Botniini,  Idea  de  una  nueva  Hittoria,  eto., 
Madrid,  1T4G,  p.  85).  .  .  ,  Quiput  are  found  in  the  Eutara 
Aichipelago  and  in  Pol;nesis  proper,  and  tbej  irere  in  use  in 
Hawaii  fortj  jean  ii£ti,  in  a  form  aeemingly  not  inferior  to  the 
moat  elaborate  PeruTiau  ezamplea.  .  .  .  Ilie  fate  of  tlie  qaipa 
has  been  ereiTirheTe  to  be  inperHded,  more  or  leas  andiel;,  by 
tba  art  of  miting.  .  ■  .  When,  therefore,  the  Chineae  tell  na 
(Gognet,  Origine  dtt  Lois,  etc,  torn,  iil  p.'l}22  r  Hailla,  Hist,  gf- 
n&aie  dt  la  Chine,  Paria,  1TT7,  torn.  i.  p.  4)  that  thej  onoe  npon  a 
time  naed  this  cautriTanoe,  and  that  the  art  of  writing  auperaeded 
it,  the  analiq?  of  what  haa  taken  place  in  other  coontriea  makea 
it  eitretnel;  probable  that  die  tradition  ia  a  true  one."  Tjloi, 
Raearc&et  into  the  Earig  History  of  Maniind,  London,  1866,  pp. 
154-158.  See  also  GaroilaaBO,  Camtnlarivi  rrala,  lib.  ii.  eap.  IS ; 
lib.  vi  oap.  8,  9. 

*  The  pronnnciation  of  thia  name  ia  more  correctly  indioatad 
by  writing  it  Ccopoe.  The  tint  e  ia  "  a  guttural  far  baok  in  the 
throat  1  the  second  on  the  roof  of  the  mouth."  Markham'a 
QuicAiki  Oranmar,  p.  IT.    The  reanlt  mnat  be  a  kind  o(  gnttnial 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


AJiCIXNT  PEBU. 


801 


jumily  as  to  the  tuunea  and  order  of  Bocoes- 
Bion  of  the  IncsB.  But  when  we  come  to  dates 
for  the  earlier  names,  all  is  indefinite. 
Manco  has  been  VHriously  placed  from 
the  eleventh  to  the  thirteenth  centuiy,  the  later 
date  being  fur  more  probable  than  the  earlier  if 
we  li»Te  regard  for  the  ordinary  rules  of  human 
longevity.  The  first  Inoa  whose  career  may  be 
ocmsidered  strictly  historical  is  Viraoocha,  whose 
reign  probably  began  somewhere  about  a.  d.  1380, 
or  a  century  and  a  half  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards  in  Pem.^  Moreover  throughout  the 
fifteenth  century,  while  the  general  succession  of 

'  Tba  followii^  list  of  the  Inou  will  be  useful  for  ref ersmw :  — 

1.  Hmm)o  Capu  .        dr.  1250? 

2.  KsohiBooea     . 

3.  Lloqwi  Yapaoqni 

4.  MKjtai  Capao     . 
6.  Capso  Tapanqni 

6.  Idok  Boook 

7.  Yalknat-hiuooac 

8.  Vincooha 

9.  Imstt  IJroo 

10,  Paebaontoo  Inca  TnFAnqiu 

11,  Tnpao  Tnpanqni 

12,  Hnayna  Cspao  . 


13.  ] 


oSr.  188a 
di.  1400. 

dr.  i4oa 

111.1480. 
di.  147&. 

1523. 

1532. 

1633. 

1544. 


14.  Atahnalpa  (umjier)  . 

15.  HaDOo  Cspao  Yupanqni 
le.  Sajri  Tupac 
17.  Cud  Titn  Yapuiqiu 
IS.  Topao  Anuni  ....  IGTl. 

The  ladi  Inoa  teigmcd  only  a  fev  months  and  vas  Irahaaded  in 
1671.  TUs  Ikt  in  thi  main  foUaws  that  of  Mr.  Markham  (Win- 
■or,  Narr.  and  Cril.  Hiit,,  L  232),  hat  on  the  irsiglity  anthorit; 
of  Cieza  de  Leon  and  others  leas  veig-hty  I  insert  the  uune  of 
the  Inca  TJmo,  vhoH  evil  forttme,  presently  to  be  mentianed, 
o  for  omittiDg  hi*  name  f mm  th«  nU. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


302  THE  DIBCOVSST  OF  AMEBICA. 

eventB  is  qnite  clear,  the  dates  are  much  less  pre- 
cise than  in  Mexico,  where  hieroglyphic  records 
were  kept. 

But  although  the  historic  period  for  Peru  dates 
no  farther  hack  than  for  Mexico,  there  are  some 
reasons  for  supposing  that  if  the  whole  story  of 
the  semi-civilization  of  the  Incas  were  accessible, 
it  would  carry  us  much  farther  into  the  past  than 
auything  to  be  found  in  Mexico,  even  if  we  were 
to  accept  a  good  deal  of  what  has  been  imagined 
about  the  Toltecs  and  their  deeds,  and  other  pre- 
historic circumstances  in  the  land  of  the  Nahuas. 
_  The  country  about  Lake  Titicaca,  the 

traditioual  cradle  (rf  Peruvian  culture, 
is  in  some  respects  the  most  remarkable  spot  in 
the  New  World.  In  that  elevated  region,  of  wluch 
the  general  altitude  nearly  answers  to  that  of  such 
Alpine  sunuuits  as  the  peak  of  the  Jungfrau,  but 
which  is  still  a  valley,  dominated  by  those  stupen- 
dous mountains,  Sorata  and  lUimani,  inferior 
only  to  the  highest  of  the  Himalayas,  there  are 
to  be  seen  remnants  of  cydopean  architecture  at 
which  all  beholders,  from  the  days  of  the  first 
Spanbh  visitors  down  to  our  own,  have  marreiled. 
These  works,  to  judge  from  the  rude  carvings  upon 
them,  are  purely  American,  and  afford  no  ground 
for  the  notion  that  they  might  have  been  con- 
structed by  others  than  the  aboriginal  inhabitants 
of  the  New  World ;  but  they  certainly  imply  a 
greater  command  of  labour  than  is  to  be  inferred 
troai  au  inspection  of  any  other  buildings  in  Amer- 
ica. These  cyclopean  structures,  containing  mon- 
oliths which,  in  the  absence  of  beasts  of  burden, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCIENT  PERU.  808 

moat  biiTe  required  large  compames  of  tnea  to 
move,  are  found  at  Tiahaanacu,  hard  by  Lake  Titi- 
caca ;  and  it  would  appear  that  to  this  Thibet  of  the 
New  World  we  miiBt  assign  the  first  development 
of  the  kind  of  semi-civilization  that  the  Spaniards 
found  in  Peru.  According  to  one  of  the  foremost 
aut^rities,  Mr.  ClementB  Markham,  an  extensive 
and  more  or  less  consolidated  empire  vas  at  one 
time  governed  from  Tiahuanaon.  Peruvian  tra- 
dition banded  over  to  the  Spanish  historians  the 
names  of  sixty-five  kings  belonging  to  a  dynasty- 
known  as  the  Piruas.  Allowing  an  av-  j^  ^^^^ 
erage  of  twenty  years  for  a  reign,  which  P>»™^rn»«^- 
is  a  fair  estimate,  these  sixty-five  kings  would 
cover  just  thirteen  centuries.^  As  there  was  a 
further  tradition  of  a  period  of  disintegration  and 
confusion  intervening  between  the  end  of  the  Pi- 
rua  dynasty  and  the  time  of  Manco  Capac,  Mr. 
Markham  allows  for  this  interval  about  four  cen- 
turies. Then  the  series  of  sixty-five  Firua  kings, 
ending  about  the  ninth  century  of  our  era,  would 
have  begun  in  the  fifth  century  before  Christ. 

In  such  calculations,  however,  where  we  are 
dealing  with  mere  lists  of  personal  names,  un- 
checked by  constant  or  frequent  reference  to  his- 
toric events  connected  with  the  persons,  the  chances 
'  The  60  Eo^lUb  soTeraigna,  from  Egbert  to  Williun  IV.  in- 
alnnve  (onutting  the  CromwellB  as  coTering  put  of  the  ■am« 
tiine  as  Charlia  U.,  &ud  conntiug:  WilUam  uid  Mary  u  one) 
mrigDed  1,009  yasn  ;  almost  exactly  an  average  of  20  yean.  Ths 
44  Fnmkiah  and  French  kin^  from  Fapin  to  Louis  XVI.  id- 
dndre  (omitttng  Endea  aa  eOTerios  time  otherwin  corend) 
reigned  1,042  jeara  ;  ui  avera^  of  oeaily  24  7eu>,  isised  by  the 
two  eiMptdonally  long  reigna  of  Louia  XIT.  and  Lonl*  XT., 
whioh  ooTSTed  131  yeaia. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


804  THE  DISCOVERY  OP  AJUEBICA. 

of  error  are  so  Dumerous  as  to  leave  little  room 
for  confideDce  in  the  oonelusioQ.  One  is  much  in- 
clined to  doubt  whether  anything  can  properly  be 
said  to  be  known  about  the  so-called  Pima  dynasty 
or  its  works.  It  is  customary  to  ascribe  the  so- 
called  fortress  on  the  Sacsahuaman  hill 
SuMh^mu  overlooking  Cuzco  to  the  same  people 
and  the  same  period  as  the  ruins  of 
Tiahuanacu ;  but  according  to  Cieza  de  Leon,  the 
most  careful  and  critical  of  the  early  Spanish 
writers  ou  Peru,^  this  great  building  was  begun  in 

'  "The  work  of  Pedro  de  Cieu  de  Leon,"  eaya  Mr.  HaiUuua, 
"  is,  in  roan;  reipecta,  one  of  the  rooit  cemKrluble  litorarj  pio- 
^nctioua  of  the  age  of  Spaiuah  oonqaest  in  Amerioa.  WritMn  by 
a  man  who  had  paend  his  life  in  the  camp  from  early  boyhood, 
it  is  oonoMved  on  a  plan  whioh  would  have  done  oredit  to  the 
most  thong^htfnl  eoholai,  and  ii  aieoated  with  can,  judgment^ 
and  fidelity." 

Cieza  de  Leon  was  probably  bom  in  Seville  about  1519,  and 
died  about  1560.  At  the  Hf[«  of  fourteen  he  cams  to  the  New 
World,  and  remained  until  1550,  and  in  the  oonrae  of  these  seven- 
teen  yeara  of  very  aotiTe  lerTiae  he  nvted  almoBt  every  hiBtorio 
pcont  in  weetein  South  America  from  Darien  to  PoCod.  In  1541 
he  began  keeping  a  jounial,  which  formed  the  baais  of  hia 
"Chronicle,"  of  which  the  flrat  part  was  pabliabed  at  SoTille  in 
1563,  and  dedicated  to  the  prinoe  aft«rwuda  Philip  IL  In  the 
dedication  Cien  aaya,  "  The  attempt  laTonn  of  temerity  in  bo  un- 
learned a  nian,  but  othen  of  more  leuninK  are  too  much  occn- 
ined  in  the  wars  to  write.  Ofteutimee,  when  the  other  aoldien 
were  repoaing,  I  was  tiring  myself  by  writiiig.  Nuther  fatigue 
nor  the  mggedneai  of  the  country,  nor  the  mountaine  and  riven, 
nor  intolenble  hanger  and  suffering,  have  ever  been  auAeient  to 
obetruot  my  two  dntdes,  namely,  writing  and  following  my  flag 
and  mj  oaptun  without  fault.  .  .  .  Much  that  I  have  written  I 
saw  with  my  own  eyes,  and  I  teavelled  over  many  oountriei  in 
order  to  leam  more  concerning  them.  Hose  things  which  I  did 
not  see,  I  took  great  pains  to  inform  myself  of,  from  peisons  of 
good  repute,  both  Christiana  and  Indians."  There  can  be  no 
doubt  tiiat  be  took  great  puns.    For  mbutenesa  of  observataaa 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCIENT  PEBV.  805 

tlie  time  of  Pacbacuteo,  and  continued  under  his 
BocceBsoTs,  Tupac,  Huayna,  and  Huascar,  bo  that 
and  aooimej  of  ttatemant  hii  book  i*  eztnordinarj.  WhenTU 
h«  weot  be  wm  rarefol  to  dasoribe  the  topo^Taph;  of  the  aauBlOj, 
ita  roadi  and  rallied  buildings,  tbe  climate,  veg^tBtira,  »"if"^l- 
tame  and  wild,  ths  mannen  and  ooonpationa  at  the  paopla,  aad 
their  beli«fa  and  tnditiona.  Along-  with  the  inatincta  of  a  modem 
naturalist  he  bad  the  oritioal  facnlty  and  lifted  hii  aathnitiea  in 
a  way  that  waa  nnnaiul  in  bi«  time.  He  had  alao  an  eje  for  the 
^orioni  baanty  of  tbe  landicape.  Ha  waa  •miiiMitl]'  boDonrsbIa 
and  bmnane,  and  atronglT  oondemaad  the  atroaitiaa  ao  often  com- 
mitted by  the  Spaniaida.  While  hia  book  ia  thna  in  many  re- 
Bpeola  modara  in  apirit  and  method,  it  ii  fnll  of  tbe  oldttma 
qnaintueM.  Where  a  modem  writer,  for  example,  in  order  to 
explain  nmilaiiliaa  in  the  mythi  and  heathen  cnatoma  of  difForent 
parte  of  the  world,  wonld  have  moanrae  in  aome  eaaaa  to  the 
bypotheaia  of  a  oommnnity  of  traditiau  and  in  other  aaaoa  to  tbe 
ganeral  dmilarity  of  the  working*  of  tba  human  mind  nnder  aim- 
ilai  oonditjona,  Cieia,  on  tbe  other  hand,  ia  at  once  ready  with  an 
nnimpeaobable  explanation ;  tba  nmilarity  aimply  abowa  that 
"  the  Denl  man^ea  to  deceive  one  aet  of  people  in  the  aame  way 
aa  he  doe*  another."  At  <Hie  time  Cieia  lerred  in  New  Granada 
nadei  a  certain  Robledo,  who  wae  ihockingly  amel  to  tbe  nstirea 
and  Dwiaed  many  to  be  tran  in  piecea  by  bloodhonnda ;  af  terwarda, 
in  riaiting  the  aoene  of  aome  of  hia  wotat  actiona,  Robledo  was 
arreated  for  insnbordinata  eondnct,  and  hang«d,  and  hia  body 
waa  oooked  and  eaten  by  the  natives.  Wherefore,  aaya  Ciexa, 
after  telling  of  his  evil  deeds,  "  Ood  permitted  that  he  abonld  be 
aentenoed  to  death  in  tbe  same  place,  and  have  for  hia  tomb  the 
belliiH  of  Indians." 

The  plan  of  Cieza'a  grttt  work,  ae  announced  in  hia  prologoe, 
WM  a  noble  one :  — 

"  Pabt  I.  The  diviuona  and  deaeription  of  tbe  prOTinoea  of 
Pern. 
Faxt  IL  The  government,  great  deeda,  origin,  polioyi  bnild- 

inga,  and  roads  of  the  Inoaa. 
Pabt  nL  Diaoovery  and  conqneat  of  Pern  by  Piauro,  and 

rebellion  of  the  Indians. 
Pabt  IV.  Bool  i.  War  between  I^zano  and  Almagro. 
Book  Ii.  War  of  the  young  Almogra 
Book  iii.  Tbe  civil  war  of  Quito. 
Buok  iv.  War  of  Huarina. 
Book  V.  War  of  Xaquixagnana. 


D,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


806  THE  DIBCOVESY  OF  AMEBJCA. 

the  work  was  appareotly  still  going  on  when  the 
SpaamrdB  arrived.  Precisely  the  same  aocoont  of 
the  matter  ia  ^ven  by  Garcilaaso  de  la  Vega,  who 
most  be  regarded  as  an  authority  scarcely  less  im- 
portant than  Cieza  de  Leon.     GarcilaaBo  says  that 

Coeuuntarg  I.  Breute  from  Uie  fonndiuK  of  tha  Audisnoa  to 
tha  depuinre  of  the  PreaideDt. 

Commmtarg  U.  Events  to  die  urivkl  of  the  Vioflro;  Mendon." 
nie  fint  of  then  parts,  u  ilteadj  obeerred,  wu  pnbliahad  mt 
Slrille  in  1568;  it  bai  been  reprinted  Mvenl  times  and  tnua- 
latod  into  other  luig;nBg«s.  Part  11.  remained  in  mnnniwript 
until  1873 ;  it  vaa  dedicated  to  Dr.  Joan  Sarmieoto,  *ba  ms  for 
a  short  lime  Preodeut  of  th*  CouQcil  of  the  Indies,  bat  wM  never 
in  AuMiiM.  At  the  beginning  of  his  maunsoript  Cien  says  it  ia 
Ear  {para)  Dr.  SarmieiibL  Bj  one  of  those  onrions  slipavhieb 
die  visnt  are  liable  to  make,  Mr.  Presoott,  who  naed  this  mana- 
•eript,  tnuMlated  para  as  if  it  were  por  (by),  and  aasamed  that 
Sarmisnto  was  the  writer.  Mr.  Presoott  hardly  knew  whieh 
author  most  to  admire,  Sanniento  or  Cieza  I  bnt  we  now  know 
that  his  pruae,  bestowed  npon  both,  belongs  wholly  to  ^e  latter. 
Fart  IIL  and  the  first  two  books  of  Part  IV.  ara  not  yet  to  be  ob- 
buned.  We  are  aonred  by  Don  Ximemz  de  Eapada  that  he 
knows  where  the  mannseript  is,  though  he  has  not  seen  it.  The 
mannaeript  ol  the  third  book  of  Fart  IT.  is  in  the  Royal  Library 
at  Madrid  {  a  copy  of  it  found  its  way  in  184S  into  the  hands  c/t 
the  late  Mr.  James  Lenoi,  of  New  Tork,  who  p^d  (3,000  for  it. 
It  was  ftt  length  edited  by  E^iada,  and  pnblished  at  Madrid  in 
167T.  The  fourth  and  fifth  books  of  Part  IV.  and  the  two  com- 
mentaries were  completed  by  Geia  de  Leon  before  hia  death,  but 
whether  they  are  in  eiiBtence  or  not  is  not  known.  Perhaps  we 
may  yet  be  so  fortunate  na  to  moovar  the  whole  of  this  magnifioent 
work,  which  ranks  indisputably  f  oienitst  among  the  sources  of  in- 
formation sonceming  anoient  Pern.  The  firrt  twoparts  have  been 
translated  into  English,  and  edited,  with  learned  notes  and  in- 
trodnollous,  by  Hr.  Clements  Markham,  to  whom  I  ani  indebted 
for  this  sketch  of  the  strauge  Tiois^tndea  of  the  book.  See  Mai^- 
luuD,  7^  Trautts  of  Citza  de  Leon,  conlained  in  tie  Fint  Part  ^ 
kU  CTroniWe  of  P*™,  London,  1834 ;  The  fieamd  Pari  of  the 
ChronUlt  of  Pen,  London,  1683  (both  published  by  the  Haklnyt 
Society). 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCIENT  PEBU.  807 

the  fortress  vas  fifty  years  in  bnilding  and  vas  not 
finished  until  the  reign  of  Hiiayna  Ca- 
pac,  i£  indeed  it  could  properly  be  said  ctn^^ 
to  have  been  finished  at  alL     "  These 
■works,"    says    Gareilasso,    "  with    many    others 
throughout  the  empire,  were  cut  short  by  the  civil 
Vars  which  hroke  out  soon  afterwards  between  the 
two  brothera  Huascar  Inca  and  Atahoalpa,  in  whose 
time  the  Spaniards  arrired  and  destroyed  every- 
thing ;  and  so  all  the  unfiniBhed  works  remain  un- 
finished to  this  day."  ^     It  has  become  fashionable 

'  Cmup&ra  O&ruilaBHi,  Royal  Commentariet,  ed.  Harkham, 
vol.  ii.  p.  SIS,  with  Hnrkham's  Cieza  de  Leon,  toL  ii.  p.  163.  The 
fftther  of  the  historian  OarcUasBO  luca  de  la  Ve|^  belonged  to 
one  of  tlis  most  distin^niflhed  f  amiliea  of  Spain.  In  1581 ,  bmag 
then  twentf-Eva  yean  old,  be  went  to  Gnatenula  uid  eerred 
under  Pedro  de  Alvarado  as  a  captun  of  infantry.  When  A1t»- 
ndo  inyaded  Pern  in  1G34,  bat  coDwnted  to  retire  and  left  a 
gnat  part  of  bia  force  behind  him  (aee  below,  p.  406),  the  Mp- 
taJD  GardUwo  wM  one  of  tlioae  that  were  left.  For  emimnt 
nililAr;  lervicea  he  leeeiTed  from  Rzairo  a  fine  bonae  in  Cnnra 
and  otbet  apoila.  Id  1538  be  was  married  to  Chimpa  Oollo,  bi^- 
tized  as  DoAs  Isabel,  a  gnoddaT^ter  of  the  great  Inca  Tnpaa 
Tnpanqni.  Mr.  M«>.fcham  informs  na  that  "  a  contemporary  pie- 
tore  of  this  piincsss  still  exists  at  Cnico  —  a  delicate  looking  giii 
with  lai^  gentle  eyes  and  slightly  aqoiliue  nose,  long  bla«k 
fa'nsMB  banging  over  ber  sbonlders,  and  a  ricbly  omunented 
woollen  mantle  seonred  in  front  by  a  large  gold  pin."  He  ln«a 
Qannlasao  de  la  Vega,  son  of  this  marriage,  was  bom  in  Cnioo 
in  li}40.  He  was  carefully  educated  by  an  excellent  Spamah 
prie^,  and  became  a  good  scboUr.  Hia  father,  one  of  the  most 
hoDoorable  and  hi{^-minded  of  the  Spanish  oaTalieta,  waa  made 
go-reraor  of  Cnico,  and  his  home  was  a  place  where  Spaniards 
umI  luoas  were  hospitably  entertained.  From  infancy  Ota  yonng 
QardlaBso  spoke  both  Spanish  and  Qniohna,  and  while  be  was 
learning  Latin  and  studying  Earopean  history,  bis  mother  and 
her  friends  were  steeping  him  in  Pemvian  traditiona.  At  abont 
the  age  of  twelve  he  lost  this  gentle  mother,  and  in  1560  bis  gal- 
lant father  also  died.    Qaroilaaso  then  went  to  Spain  and  served 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


808  THB  DISCOVSBY  OF  AMERICA. 

in  recent  times  to  discredit  this  testimony  of  Garci- 
lasBo  and  Cieza,  on  the  ground  of  their  want  of 
extensive  arclueologioal  biowledge ;  but  it  seems 
to  me  that  in  this  case  scepticism  is  carried  Tather 
too  far.  Garcilasso  was  great-great-grandson  of 
the  Inca  Fachacuteo  under  whom  the  work  at 
Saesahuaman  is  said  to  have  begun,  and  his  state- 
ments as  to  the  progress  of  that  work  which  went 
on  until  it  was  stopped  by  the  civil  war  between 
his  mother's  cousins  Huascar  and  Atafaualpa  are 
too  nearly  contemporaneons  to  be  lightly  set  arade, 
especially  when    independently   confirmed  by  so 

for  lome  yem  in  the  army.  After  ratiriag  from  the  aerrioe, 
■omewhere  from  15T0  to  1576,  he  Battled  in  Coidora  and  dsroted 
himwlf  to  literary  pnreniti  nntil  hii  death  in  1610.  Hii  tomb  is 
in  the  cmthedral  »t  CordoTa.  Bendes  Dther  booki  Oimilaua  Inoa 
irrote  Tht  Soycd  Canrneaiaria  of  the  Incat,  in  two  puts,  the 
fliat  of  whi(^,  treating  of  the  hiitor;  and  antiqnitiet  of  Pern 
before  the  arrival  of  the  SpaniHrdB,  «a«  pnbliihed  at  Lubon  in 
1609  \  the  lecond  part,  treating  of  the  oonqueat  of  Pern  and  the 
dvil  irars  of  the  conqnerora,  wae  pnbliahed  at  Cordova  in  1616. 
Ihtm  have  bees  BeTsnl  editioas  and  tnuialatioDs  in  Tariona 
laognagei.  An  Eogliih  tranilatiaa  of  th«  fint  part,  bj  Ur. 
Clementa  Mark  ham,  has  been  pnbliihed  by  the  Hakluyt  Society, 
London,  I86Q,  2  role.  Garcilaaeo's  unriTalled  opportaniliei  for 
gathering  informatioD,  and  hia  eioellent  nae  of  them,  give  to  hii 
book  an  authority  Bnperior  to  all  others  eioept  that  of  Ciaza  d« 
Leon,  and  OaroilaBHo  was  better  able  than  the  latter  to  nndsntand 
the  Pera-rian  view  of  the  sitnadon.  He  often  qootea  from  Cleia, 
and  always  with  high  reapeot.  His  book  ii  at  once  learned  and 
oharmln^ ;  its  tone  is  kimfly  and  courteoiu,  like  the  talk  of  a 
tiioronghbted  gentleman.  One  cannot  read  it  vithont  a  strong 
feeling  of  aflectioD  for  the  writer. 

Throughont  thia  chapter  —  eicapt  in  a  few  eaaea,  where  it 
■eema  desirable  to  gife  the  Spanish  —  I  cite  from  Mr.  Mark- 
ham's  vermon  of  Garcilano  and  Cieia;  but,  aa  I  cite  by  book  and 
chapter,  instead  of  lolnme  and  page,  the  refeieuoes  an  eqnaUy 
it  for  any  edition  or  Tenion. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ASCIENT  PEBU.  809 

careful  an  inquirer  as  Cieza.  This  testimony  is 
poeitiTe  that  tlie  cydopean  aTcbitectnre  at  Sacsa- 
haaman  was  tiie  work  of  recent  Incae.  With  Tia- 
huanacu  the  case  may  be  quite  different.  Garci- 
lasBo,  indeed,  in  giving  the  names  of  the  four 
chief  architects  who  were  BUceeBsively  employed 
at  SacBahuaman,  lets  drop  the  remarkable  state- 
ment, "  The  tliird  was  AcahtULna  Inca,  to  whom 
is  also  attributed  a  great  part  of  the  edifices  at 
Tiahuanaou."  ^  But  in  another  place  Garcilaeso 
quotes  without  dissent  the  statement  of  Cieza  that 
contemporary  Peruvians  believed  the  buildings  at 
Tiabuanacu  to  be  much  older  than  the  Sacsahua- 
man  fortress,  and  indeed  that  the  recent  Incas 
built  tbe  latter  work  in  emulation  of  the  fonuer.' 
So,  perhaps,  in  his  remark  about  the  architect 
Acahuana  having  superintended  the  works  at  lia- 
huanacu,  Garcilasso's  memory,  usually  so  stroi^ 
and  precise,'  may  for  once  have  tripped.  It  might 
fail  to  serve  him  about  works  at  distant  Lake  Titi- 
caca,  but  such  a  slip,  if  it  be  one,  should  not  dis- 
credit his  testimony  as  to  the  great  edifice  near 
Cnzco,  about  the  stones  of  which  be  had  often 
played  with  his  Spanish  and  Peruvian  schoolfel- 
lows, regarding  them  as  the  work  of  his  mother's 
immediate  ancestors. 

Assuming  as   correct  the   statement  in  which 
GarcilasBo  and  CHeza  ^ree,  that  the  Incas  of  the 

1  Garoiluio,  lib.  yii.  oap.  zilx. 
'  CiciA,  pt.  i'  eap.  ot.  ;  QaicUuio,  lib.  iii.  e».p.  L 
*  He  oft^n  obserres,  with  viamiig  modeaty,  that  it  is  so  long 
does  he  left  Pern  that  hii  roeiuory  nm;  daaeive  him  ;  but  in 
■nob  oases,  vheneier  va  can  bring  othei  eTidence  to  bear,  the 
dMtt  old  f  ellov  torna  oat  alaost  iunuiab^  to  ba  omeot 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


810  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

fifteenth  century  built  the  Sacsahuaman  fortresa 
in  emulation  of  the  ancient  structures  at  Tiahua- 
nacn,  in  order  to  show  that  they  could  equal  or 
gurpass  the  mighty  works  of  by-gone  ages,  it  must 
be  acknowledged  that  they  were  successful.  Sac- 
sahuaman  is,  according  to  Mr.  Markham,  "  with^ 
ont  comparison  the  grandest  monument  of  an 
ancient  civilization  in  the  Xew  World.  Like  the 
Pyramids  and  the  Coliseum,  it  is  imperishable."  ' 
If  this  colossal  building  could  have  been  erected 
under  the  later  Incas,  it  is  clearly  unnecessary  to 
suppose  for  the  works  at  Tiahuanacu  any  intru- 
sive i^;ency  from  the  Old  World,  or  any  condition 
of  society  essentially  diEFerent  from  that  into  which 
the  mother  of  the  historian  Garcilasso  Inca  was 
bom.  This  style  of  building  will  presently  furnish 
us  with  an  instniotiTe  clue  to  the  state  of  Peruvian 
society  in  the  century  preceding  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards.  Meanwhile  there  is  no  occasion  for 
supposing  any  serious  break  in  the  continuity  of 
events  in  prehistoric  Peru.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
suppose  that  the  semi-civilization  of  the  Incas  was 
preceded  by  some  other  semi-civilization  distinct 
from  it  in  character.  As  for  the  Pirua  dynasty  of 
sizty^ve  kings,  covering  a  period  of  thirteen  cen- 
turies, it  does  not  seem  likely  that  the  "  wise  men  " 
of  Cieza's  time,  with  their  knotted  strings,  could 

1  ^DBor,  Narr.  and  Cril.  HUt.,  toI.  i.  p.  221.  Cf.  Sqoier'i  re- 
markB,  in  liis  Pent ;  Incident!  of  Ttavd  and  Exploratioa  in  lie 
Land  a/  Oc  Inctu,  New  York,  1877,  p.  470 :  —  "  Tha  he»Ti««t 
woAs  of  tbe  fortren  .  .  .  nmaiu  BQbatuidall;  p«rfeot,  and  will 
nmuD  so  ...  M  long  aa  tlis  Pfnunida  iball  last,  or  Stonehenge 
and  tha  Colonenm  shall  endure,  for  it  ii  onlf  with  those  vorka 
that  tha  IToi  Ihim  of  tha  SMaahnaman  oan  be  pioperi;  eomparaiii'' 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCIENT  PERU.  811 

have  preserved  any  trustwortl^  testimoay  aa  to 
auoh  a  period. 

Witliout  aasuming,  however,  any  hiatorical  know' 
ledge  of  the  times  that  preceded  the  rule  of  the 
Inoas,  ve  have  other  grounds  for  believing  that 
the  Feruviui  culture  was  much  older  than  that  of 
ihe  Mexicans  and  Mayas.  In  other  words,  the 
Peruvians  had  probably  attained  to  the  middle 
status  of  barbarbm  at  a  much  earlier  date  than  the 
Mexicans  and  Mayas,  and  had  in  many  striking 
features  approached  nearer  to  civilization  than  the 
latter.  First,  we  may  note  that  the  Peruvians 
were  the  only  American  aborigines  that  pomaMoMad 
ever  domesticated  any  other  ■"limal  than  ■"'"'■'^ 
the  dog.  The  llama,  developed  from  the  same 
stock  with  the  wild  kuanaau,  is  a  very  useful 
beast  of  burden,  yielding  also  a  coarse  wool ;  and 
the  alpaca,  developed  from  the  ancestral  stock  of 
the  wild  vicuna,  is  of  great  v»lue  for  its  fine  soft 
fleece.^  While  the  huanacu  and  vicuSa  are  to-day 
as  wild  as  chamois,  the  llama  is  as  thoroughly 
domesticated  as  cows  or  sheep,  while  the  alpaca 
has  actually  become  unable  to  live  without  the 
care  of  man;  and  Mr.  Markham  argues,  with 
much  force,  that  such  great  variation  in  these  ani- 
mals implies  the  lapse  of  many  centuries  since 
men  first  began  to  tame  them.  A  similar  infer- 
ence is  drawn  from  the  facts  that  while  the  ancient 
Peruvians  produced  several  highly  cultivated  varie- 
ties of  maize,  that  cereal  in  a  wild  state  is  nn- 

'  Darwin,  Variaiion  of  AnimaU  and  PlaMM  under  Domatiea- 
tuM,  London,  186S,  Tol.  ii.  p.  208.  Tbese  four  ipeoiea  belong  to 
the  BMMW  OMcAeiua  of  the  tunily  camera. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC  I 


312  THE  DI3V0VEBY  OF  AMEBICA. 

known  in  their  country  ;  "  tlie  PeruviaQ  species  of 
the  cotton  plant  also  is  known  only  under  cultiva- 
_  _  tion.  The  potato  is  found  wild  in  Cliili, 
and  probably  m  Peru,  as  a  very  insignif- 
icant tuber.  But  the  Peruvians,  after  cultivating 
it  for  centuries,  increased  its  size  and  produced  a 
great  number  of  edible  varieties."  ^  Now  the  wild 
potato  seems  to  be  a  refractory  vegetable.  There 
is  a  variety  in  Mexico,  no  bigger  than  a  nut,  and 
sedulous  efiortB,  kept  up  during  many  years,  to  in- 
crease its  size  and  improve  ite  quality,  have  proved 
futUe ;  from  which  Mr.  Markham  reasonably  infers 
that  the  high  state  of  perfection  to  which  the  Pe* 
ruvians  brought  the  potato  indicates  a  very  con- 
siderable b^se  of  time  since  they  began  to  work 
upon  its  wild  ancestral  form.^ 

1  MBikIiBin,"ThaIiiMCiTilizktioiiinPera,"  in^ViiMor,  Vmr. 
and  Oril.  Hilt.,  L  213.  As  for  maia,  Mr.  Darwin  foond  esn  <rf 
it,  along  irith  nmdry  Bpedes  of  leceot  sea-ahella,  on  die  ooaat  <d 
Pern,  "  embedded  in  a  beach  whioh  bad  been  Dpcaiwd  at  leaat 
ug^tj-fira  feet  abora  the  leTsl  of  the  aea."  Darwin,  Qtological 
C^ntrvatiom  m  Smth  America,  London,  ISM,  p.  49. 

*  Cieia  de  Leon  (pt.  L  oap.  zL)  describes  the  potato  aa  "  a  hind 
of  earth  nnt,  which,  after  it  has  been  boiled,  is  aa  tender  aa  a 
cooked  obeMuat,  bnt  it  haa  no  more  Bkio  than  a  fmffle,  and  it 
growl  nader  the  eaith  in  the  aaine  way.  This  root  prodDces  a 
plant  like  a  poppy.' '  Humboldt  says,  "  La  ptmme  de  tern  n'«st 
pas  indigina  au  Pitoa  ' '  (fuai  lur  ia  Novvelie  Espagne,  Faria, 
1811,  8vo,  tom.  iiL  p.  113) ;  but  Cnvier  declares,  "  il  est  impos- 
uble  de  dontei  qu'elle  ne  soit  origioaire  de  Pdron  "  {Histoire  de$ 
idences  naturella,  Paris,  1S31,  p.  185).  Farther  research  seems 
to  sustain  Cnvier'a  liev.  The  legitimate  coDclnsion  from  Htun- 
boldt'a  facts,  howefer,  does  not  carry  the  original  home  of  the 
potato  very  far  from  Pera,  bnt  points  to  the  Chilian  or  Balirian 
Andes,  whence  its  cnltiTation  seems  to  hare  spread  northward, 
until  at  the  time  of  the  DiacoTery  it  was  f  imtid  aiaoog  the  people 
of  Quito  and  uaiaag  the  Chibcbas.    The  potato  waa  not  onltiTated 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCIENT  FEBV.  818 

In  cultivating   such  vegetables   the   Peruviana 
practised  irrigation  on  an  extensive  scale,  and  had 

MtywhsN  DOTth  ot  the  iBthmni  of  DarieD.  The  thipa  of  Baleigh'a 
ezpeditiiiii,  Tetmning  from  Albamarle  saaad  in  1&B6,  carried  th« 
fint  potabwa  to  Inlaiid  (Backmwiiii  OrundtStxt  da-  testidien 
Latidvtirtiucluift,  ISOe,  p.  289),  and  in  Q«rarde'«  Herbatt,  pnb- 
liah«d  in  1507,  these  T^etablea  were  called  "  Virginia  potatnee  ;  " 
whence  it  is  nnmntimnn  said  tb»t  Raleigh's  people  "  found  pota- 
toes in.  Virginia."  But  that  is  hig-hl;  improbable.  At  Hnm- 
boldt  MJB,  potatoes  were  common  all  oxer  the  West  Indies  before 
1580,  and  had  eren  fonnd  their  vay  into  the  gajdena  of  Spain  and 
Italy.  In  1580  Iaub's  party  of  Raleigh's  people,  a  hundred  at 
more  in  Doinbei,  had  been  staying  for  a  year  npon  Bnanoke 
island,  when  they  had  hoped  to  fonnd  s  colony.  They  were 
terribly  short  of  food,  when  all  at  ouoe  Sir  Fiaads  Drake  anived 
from  tile  West  Indies  and  bronght  tbem  a  supply  of  proTijuons, 
with  which  they  pradently  decided  to  go  home  to  England.  Evi- 
dently their  potatoes,  which  were  planted  on  an  estate  of  Raleigh's 
in  Ireland,  did  not  come  from  "  Virginia,"  bnt  from  the  West 
Indies.  The  potato  was  very  slow  in  coming  into  general  nse  in 
Eniope.  It  was  not  raised  on  an  eztennve  scale  in  Lancashiie 
nutU  about  1684  i  it  was  first  intnidncediDteSBsonyin  lTlT,uito 
Scotland  in  1728,  into  Prusua  in  1738  (cf.  Humboldt,  op.  at.  torn. 
iiL  p.  120).  It  has  been  said  that  potatoes  were  first  made  known 
in  fVaoce  about  1000  by  the  celebrated  botanist  Charles  de  U- 
clnse  (hegmii  d'Anssy,  Bitt.  de  la  vie  privte  da  FraniaU, 
tom.  L  p.  143) ;  but  they  certainly  did  not  begin  to  oome  into 
general  nse  amoi%  the  people  till  jnst  before  the  Revolution.  A 
very  graphic  account  oE  their  introduction  into  Alsace  from  Han- 
orer  is  given  in  that  sharming  story  of  Erck  mann-Cbatrian,  Hi'*- 
Idrt  <run  payian,  torn.  i.  pp.  54-S3.  They  were  at  first  received 
with  cries  of  "  il  bas  les  racines  da  Hanovie  !  "  and  a  report  was 
spread  that  penons  had  been  seized  with  leprosy  after  eating 
them ;  so  for  a  while  people  kept  aloof  from  them  nntil  it  was 
learned  that  the  king  had  them  on  his  toble ;  "  alors  tont  le 
tDonde  voolnt  en  avoir."  This  aoconnt  of  the  matter  is  strictly 
Donect.  9ee  the  works  of  Parmentter,  Examen  chimique  dei 
pommtt  de  terre,  Paris,  1773;  Recherchet  sur  la  v{g(taux  noorrw- 
tanU,  Paris,  1781 ;  Trails  sur  la  ctilture  des  pommel  de  terre,  Paris, 
1789.  Pannentjer  was  largely  instrameutal  in  introdncing  the 
potato.    Accurate  statistics  ate  given  In  Arthur  Young's  Travdt 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


814  TKS  D18C0VEMY  OF  AMERICA. 

from  time  immemorial  been  accustomed  to  use 
guano  as  manure.'  By  ri^t  of  bucL  careful  and 
methodical  agriculture,  as  well  as  by  right  of  hav- 
ing domesticated  animals  for  other  purposes  than 
huntii^,  the  ancient  Peruviana  had  entered  upon 
the  middle  period  of  barbarism,  and  evidently  at  a 
much  earlier  date  than  any  other  known  people 
of  aboriginal  America.  At  the  time  of  the  Di»- 
oovery  an  unknown  number  of  eenturies  had 
elapsed  since  the  general  condition  of  these  people 
had  begun  to  be  that  which  characterized  the 
middle  period  of  barbarism  in  North  America. 
The  interval  was  no  doubt  long  enough  for  very 
remarkable  social  changes  to  have  taken  place, 
and  in  point  of  fact  such  changes  had  taken  place. 
Yet,  ae  already  observed,  true  civilization,  in  the 
sense  in  which  we  have  agreed  with  Mr.  Morgan 
to  understand  it,  had  not  been  attained  by  people 
who  could  record  events  only  by  quijms.  Nor 
had  Peruvian  society  acquired  the  characteristic 
features  which  in  the  Old  World  marked  the  upper 
period  of  barbarism,  the  stage  reached  by  the  He- 
brew patriarchs  and  the  conquerors  of  Troy. 
Though  iron  mines  were  at  hand,  the  Peruvians 
did  not  know  how  to  work  the  ore.^  Their  axes, 
in  Fraitet,  2d  ed.,  Bur;  St  Edimmda,  17M,  2  toU  4Ui,  voL  i. 
p.T7. 

For  futlier  meotiaD  of  the  PeronaD  potato,  see  UUoo,  Vor/agi 
U)  Saitth  America,  London,  1772.  vol.  i.  p.  287;  Tschndi,  TraveU 
la  Peru.  London,  1M7,  pp.  178,  ftOS,  886.  The  importuwe  of  th« 
■tad;  of  colUTBted  plants  In  connection  witb  the  early  hiMor;  of 
mankind  receiTea  soma  illoatnLtion  in  Homboldt'e  Ettai  iv  la 
giogrofhU  daptanta^  Paiia,  1805. 

'  Cieia,  pt.  i.  cap.  Ixzr. ;  GanMlasso,  lib.  t.  cop.  iii. 

'  Oaroilaaao,  lib.  iL  cap.  xxviii 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCIENT  psau.  815 

gimlets,  duBela,  and  kuives  were  of  bronze  ; '  they 

had  no  tongs  or  bellows,  and  no  nails, 

in  lieu  of  which  they  fastened  pieces  of 

wood  together  with  thongs.*      Their  ploughs  were 

made  of  a  hard  wood,  and  were  commonly  pulled 

through  the  ground  by  men,  though  now  and  then 

llamas  may  have  been  employed.' 

In  imother  respect  the  FeniTians  laohed  the 
advantages  which  in  the  Old  World  gave  to  ' 
the  upper  period  of  barbarism  some  of  its  most 
profoundly  important  characteristics.  We  have 
seen  that  in  the  eastern  hemisphere  the  middle 
period  was  the  time  when  horses  were  tamed  to 
men's  uses  and  great  herds  of  kine  were  kept. 
This  was  not  only  a  vast  enlai^ement  of  men's 
metms  of  subsistence,  affording  a  st«ady  diet  of 
meat  and  milk ;  it  not  only  added  greatly  to  men's 
control  of  mechanical  forces  by  enlisting  the  giant 
muscular  strength  of  horses  and  oxen  iBftngBoa  at 
in  their  service ;  but  its  political  and  t£  »oiutioB 
social  consequences  were  far-reaching,  "*  "**'■ 
In  the  absence  of  a  pastoral  life,  the  only  possible 
advance  out  of  a  hunting  stage,  with  incipient 
horticulture,  into  any  higher  stage,  was  along  the 
line  of  village  communities  like  those  of  Iroquois 
or  Mandans  into  pueblo-houses  and  pueblo-towns 
like  tiiose  of  ZuBis  and  Aztecs.  The  clan  must 
remain  the  permanent  unit  of  organization,  because 
the  inchoate  family  could  not  acquire  strength 
enough  to  maintain  a  partial  independence.      It 

'  Harkham's  Cieza,  p.  xxriii 

'  GarciUuo,  bb.  tI.  oap.  it. 

*  GwinliaBo,  lib.  t.  sap.  iL  ;  Mt  abo  ftbore,  toL  i.  p.  62. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


316  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

could  not  release  itself  from  the  compact  conmiu- 
nal  oTganizatdon  without  perishing  from  lack  of 
the  means  of  subeistence  aud  defence.  But  in  a 
pastoral  society  the  needs  of  pasturage  extended 
the  peaceful  occupations  of  the  clan  over  a  consid- 
erable territory ;  and  the  inchoate  family,  with  its 
male  chief,  his  underling  warrior  herdsmen  and 
his  horses  and  cattle,  could  maintain  itself  in  a 
partial  isolation  which  would  have  been  impossi- 
ble in  a  society  of  mere  hunters,  or  of  hunters  and 
primitive  corn-growers,  with  no  helping  animal 
but  the  dog.  Life  came  to  be  more  successfully 
conducted  in  scattered  tents  than  in  the  communal 
household.  Thus  there  grew  up  a  tendency  to 
relax  or  break  down  the  compact  communal  organ- 
ization ;  the  primeval  clan,  based  upon  the  tie  of  a 
conunon  maternal  descent,  declined  in  authority, 
and  the  family  of  patriarchal  type  became  the 
most  important  unit  of  society.  In  coarse  of 
time  a  metamorphosis  was  wrought  in  the  stntcture 
of  the  clan ;  it  came  to  be  a  ^roup  of  closely- 
related  patriarchal  families,  and  such  is  the  sort  of 
clan  we  find  in  Old  World  history,  for  the  moat 
part,  from  the  days  of  Esau  to  those  of  Bob  Boy. 
One  phase  of  the  growing  independence  of  cow- 
keeping  patriarchal  families,  and  of  the  loosening  of 
the  primitive  communal  clan  organizations,'  was  the 
rapid  and  masterful  development  of  the  notion  of 
private  proper^.    The  earliest  instance  of  property 

'  As  ft  general  mle  social  pn^THM  ha*  been  aohieved  throngb 
■nccessiTe  tiglitenings  aod  loOKeuliiffs  of  Buudry  fontu  of  social  oi 
polidcal  ocganizatioii,  the  proper  canditian  of  dsTelopmsat  beii^ 
ueitlker  aiiarchy  nor  deapolic  rigidity^  but  plaatic  mobility.  See 
my  CMmic  PAiJoMpAy,  part  IL  cb^.  xx. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


ANCIENT  PBRU.  817 

on  a  large  scale,  which  was  not  the  common  pos- 
sesion of  a  clan,  but  the  private  poasea-  ^, 
sion  of  a  family  represented  by  its  patn-  ^j*™™- 
archal  head,  was  property  in  cattle.  Of 
very  little  save  his  blanhet  and  feathers,  his  toma- 
hawk and  bis  string  of  scalps,  could  the  proudest 
Tnd'a"  sachem  say  "  it  is  mine ; "  of  nothing  that 
was  part  of  tbe  permanent  stock  of  food  could  he 
say  as  much,  for  it  all  belonged  to  the  clan  ;  and 
his  own  ofBcial  importance  was  simply  that  of  a 
member  of  the  clan  council.  But  the  Arab  sheikh, 
ae  head  of  a  patriarchal  group,  could  say  *'  this 
family  is  mine,  and  these  are  my  cattle."  This 
early  preeminence  of  the  cow  as .  privat«  property 
has  been  commem(n»ted  in  the  numerous  Aryan 
words  for  money  and  wealth  derived  from  die 
name  of  that  animal.^ 

*  For  euunple,  in  L«tii),peai(U  "bafd,"]>«eunii>ii  "  money,  •■ 
ptculium  is  "priTBte  property,"  vlienoe  ws  Iutb  pecvliariti/,  or 
' '  that  vLioh  espoQially  portAim  to  Au  indindiu]/ '  Sir  Hsnry 
Ifaiae  nei  no  leuon  for  donbtiDg  the  ator;  "  thaX  the  eulimt 
ooined  money  known  at  Kome  vu  fltanipfld  witli  the  Gf^re  of  ftn 
oz  "  (Early  HiKorg  of  InttitiUioiu,  London,  18TS,  p.  49).  Gatkic 
faihu  —  Old  Engliet  ftoh  =  modem  German  Vlth  is  "  cow  ;  "  in 
modem  English  (he  same  word  /et  is  "  peoamary  reward."  In 
QaeliD,  boiluag  is  "herd  of  coitb,"  and  boduaiged  is  "richer." 
Wlien  yon  ^  to  a  taveni  to  dine  yon  pay  your  shol  or  icet  twfore 
leATii^ ;  or  perfaapQ  joD  get  into  a  tiokliah  sitnation^  bnt  escape 
KOt-frtt.  In  Xing'  Alfred's  Englisli  >«al  was  "money,"  and  the 
loalaudio  Aalir  and  Gothic  liotfi  had  the  same  meaning ;  while  tbe 
same  word  in  Gaelic,  itof.'i,  means  "  herd,"  and  in  Old  Bulgarian, 
■«  statu,  it  means  "oow."  So  b  Sanakrit,  rvpa  ia"aow,"  and 
Tupj/a  ia  "  money,"  whence  we  haTe  tbe  modern  ntpee  of  BengaL 
The  great  importance  of  the  oow  in  early  Aryan  tboaght  is  shown 
not  only  by  the  multitude  of  synonyms  tm  the  creature,  bat  atill 
mote  strikingly  by  the  freqaeocy  of  similes,  metaphon,  and 
myths  in  the  Vedaa  in  whioh  the  oow  plays  a  leading  part. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


818  rSS  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

Kow  in  ancient  Peru  the  llama  and  alpaoa 
played  an  imfmrtant  part,^  but  in  no 
iJute  li""  wise  comparable  to  that  taken  by  cattle 
"^  in  tKe  eastern  hemisphere.  Camels  and 
sheep,  the  nearest  Old  World  equivalents  to  the 
llama  and  alpaca,  would  be  far  &om  adequate  to 
die  functions  that  have  been  performed  by  horses 
and  cows.  The  contrast,  moreover,  was  not  merely 
in  the  animals,  but  in  the  geographical  conditions. 
The  valleys  and  platforms  of  the  Andes  did  not 
favour  the  development  of  true  pastoral  life  like 
the  vast  steppes  of  Scythia  or  the  pWns  of  lower 
Asia.  Hie  domestication  of  animals  in  ancient 
Pern  was  a  powerful  help  to  the  development  of 
a  stable  agricnltural  community,  but  no  really  pas- 
toral stage  of  society  was  reached  there.     The 

'  Aoeordinir  to  Qaicilano  tlie  Undm  gave  no  more  milk  &»a 
wia  reqnirad  for  their  ovn  ;oung,  uid  vers  therefore  not  avul- 
able  for  dairy  pnrpoaea  (lib.  viii.  cap.  ivi.).  Qanalamo  has  nuaj 
ammit^  reminiiaenaei  coonected  with  the  introdnction  of  EnrO' 
pean  aninial«  and  plants  into  Pern,  —  how  he  came  npon  a  litter 
of  pig>  in  the  iqaars  at  Cnioo,  haw  Iiia  father  bought  the  £nt 
donkej  in  Cnzoo  in  1557,  how  he  was  aeut  aroand  to  his  fatheT** 
neighbootB  with  dishes  of  tbe  firat  grape*  that  came  to  Cuzco  and 
helped  binueif  on  the  way,  how  be  oaw  hii  father  regaling  hia 
friends  with  aaparagng  and  oarroti  bat  got  none  himself  (lib.  Ix. 
eaps.  zriiJ.,  ili.,  ucr.,  xxx.},  and  how  he  played  tromnt  to  see  the 
first  bnllocha  at  work,  yoked  to  an  iron  plough  :  —  "A  wbtde 
army  of  Indians  took  me  to  see  them,  wbo  came  from  all  parte, 
aatoniahed  at  a  eight  so  wonderfnl  and  naval  for  them  and  for 
tne.  They  said  that  the  S|>aiuaids  were  too  idle  to  work,  and 
tbat  tbey  forced  those  great  animab  to  do  their  work  for  them. 
I  remember  all  thto  very  well,  becaoae  my  holiday  with  the  bnl' 
locks  Doit  me  a  flogging  oonaining  of  two  doien  stripes :  one 
dozen  administered  by  my  father,  becaoae  I  was  not  at  scbool ; 
and  the  otber  dozen  by  the  schoolmaster,  because  I  had  only  had 
one  down  "  (lib.  ii.  cap.  zriL^ 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCIENT  PERU.  819 

llomaB  were  kept  in  lar^  flocks  on  pastures  main- 
tained by  aedulons  irrigation,  jiist  as  the  maize 
and  potato  crops  were  made  to  thrive.'  It  was  an 
a^coltural  scene.  There  was  nothing  in  it  like 
the  old  patriarchal  life  on  the  plain  of  Mamre  or 
by  the  waters  of  the  Punjab.  Here  we  get  a  due 
to  a  feature  of  Peruvian  society  unlike  anything 
else  in  the  world.  That  society  may  be  said  to 
have  constituted  a  nation.  It  was,  indeed,  a  na- 
tion of  rery  rudimentary  ^rpe,  but  still  in  a  cer- 
tiun  sense  a  nation.  It  was  the  only 
instance  in  ancient  America  in  which  a  trfn 
people  att^ed  to  nationality  in  any  notioaatiiit. 
sense ;  and  so  far  as  history  knows,  it 
was  the  only  instance  in  the  world  in  which  tibe 
formation  of  nationality,  with  the  erolntion  of  a 
distinct  governing  class,  took  place  before  there 
had  been  any  considerable  development  of  the  idea 
of  private  property.  The  result,  as  we  shall  see 
toward  the  dose  of  this  chapter,  was  a  state  organ- 
ized upon  the  principle  of  communistio  despotism. 
Let  ns  first,  however,  observe  some  of  the  steps 
by  which  this  rudimentary  nationality  n„foar 
was  formed.  The  four  tribes  in  which  '^'"^ 
we  can  first  catch  sight  of  the  process  were  the 
Quiobuas,  situated  about  the  headwaters  of  the 
river  Apnrimac,  the  Incas  of  the  upper  Yucay  val- 

'  It  miut  be  bome  in  mind  that  the  Tapom-Ikden  trade  vinds 
from  tfaa  AtUntio  ocean  axe  robbed  of  tbeir  nunstnre  by  the  oold 
p«akl  of  the  Aiidei,  k>  that,  vhile  Braal  h>a  a  runfall  and  ooo- 
■eqnsDt  InziiTianoe  of  Tegetadon  qnita  unequalled,  on  the  other 
haod  Pen  la  drjr,  in  man?  places  parehed,  and  reqniies  much 
iirigatioo.  In  this  lospMt  the  aonditioiii  wen  not  unlike  thoaa 
In  om  Boekj  mountain  regioD. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


320  THE  DISCOVEbY  OF  AXEBICA. 

ley,  imd  the  Canas  and  Cauchia  of  the  monntuns 
hetween  the  site  of  Cuzco  and  Lake  Titicaca.  The 
first  of  dieae  tribes  gave  the  name  Quichua  to  the 
common  lajignage  of  the  Peruvian  empire,  the 
second  gave  the  name  Incae  to  the  conquering 
race  or  upper  caste  in  Peruvian  Bocietj,  while  the 
names  of  the  other  two  tribes  lapsed  into  obscur- 
ity. These  four  tribes  fonned  the  nucleus  of  the 
Peruvian  nationality.  They  were  a  race  of  moun- 
tdneers,  short  in  stature,  but  strongly  and  lithely 
built,  with  features  aquiline  and  refined,  very  soft 
skin,  cinnamon  complexion,  fine  black  hair,  and 
little  or  no  beard.  In  the  time  of  Manco  Capac 
these  tribes  appear  to  have  been  made  up  of  clans 
called  ayllus  or  "  lineages."  His  tribe,  the  Incas, 
established  themselves  in  the  elevated  valley  of 
Cuzco,  and  from  that  point  began  to  subdue  the 
neighbouring  kindred  tribes.  They  did  not  confine 
themselves,  like  the  Aztecs,  to  extorting  tribute 
from  the  conquered  people,  but  they  effected  a 
military  occupation  of  the  country,  a  thing  which 
the  Aztecs  never  did.  Manco's  three  successors 
confined  their  attention  chiefly  to  building  Cuzco 
(cir.  1280-1300)  and  taking  measures  to  consoli- 
date their  government.  We  may  perhaps  refer  to 
this  period  the  beginnings  of  that  very  remarkable 
military  organization  of  society  presently  to  be 
described.  By  this  time  the  Canas  and  Cauchis 
had  been  brought  entirely  under  Inca  rule,  and 
the  fifth  king,  Capac  Yupanqui,  completed  the  sub- 
jugation of  the  Quichuas.  The  two  following 
reigns  seem  to  have  been  spent  in  work  of  internal 
organization ;   and  then  under  the   eighth   Inca, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


AlfCLSlfT  PESU.  821 

Viracocha,  the  work  of  imperial  expansion  fairly 
began.  It  is  now  tliat,  aa  already  observed,  we 
come  out  into  the  daylight  of  history. 

This  eighth  Inca  had  a  somewhat  notable  name. 
The  title  of  Inca,  applied  alike  to  all  ^^^^^^  ^  ^^ 
the  BOTereigOB,  was  simply  the  old  tribal  ^«^ 
name,  and  continued  to  be  applied  to  the  descend- 
ants of  the  origioal  tribe,  who  came  to  form  a  kind 
of  patrician  caste.  The  king  was  simply  The  Inca 
par  excdlence,  very  much  as  the  chief  of  an  Irish 
tribe  was  called  The  O'NeiL  Of  the  epitbets 
attached  to  this  title,  some,  such  as  Maoco  and 
Hoeca,  may  perhaps  be  true  proper  names,  with 
the  meaning  lost,  such  as  we  do  not  find  among 
any  other  people  in  ancient  America ;  ^  others,  snch 
as  Lloque,  "  left-handed,"  are  nicknames  of  a  sort 
&imiliar  in  European  history;  the  most  common 
ones  are  laudatory  epithets,  as  Tupac,  "  splendid," 
Ynpanqui,  "  illustrious,"  Capac,  "  rich."  The 
eighth  Inca  alone  has  a  name  identifying  him  with 
deity.  Viracocha  was  the  name  of  the  sun-^^od  or 
sky^od.  It  was  very  much  as  if  the  Romans, 
instead  of  calling  th^  emperor  Divus  Augustus, 
had  called  him  Jupiter  outright 

The  Inca  Viracocha  conquered  and  annexed  the 
extensive  country  about  Lake  Titicaca,  conquHtoi 
-  inhabited  by  a  kindred  people  usually  »'"^r°°™*; 
called  Aymaras,  whose  forefathers,  perhaps,  had 
built  the  Cyclopean  walls  at  Tiahuanaca.  Vira- 
^  Martham,  in  Winsoi's  Narr.  and  Crit.  Eist. ,  L  231.  It  ma? 
hvj  however,  Uiat  ^ey  are  aimply  archuc  worda  to  irliich  we  haTQ 
lost  the  cloe,  —  vliioh  is  a  Ter;  different  thing.  It  is  quite 
dnabtf nl,  therefore,  whether  tliia  abonld  be  cit«d  as  B  a^bt  ex- 
oeptioD  to  mj  fomier  itat^meut,  toL  L  p.  09. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


822  TEE  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

cocba's  son  and  successor,  Urco,  met  villi  misfop- 
tunes.  North  of  the  Quichna  conntry  were  two 
powerful  groups  of  Idiidred  tribes,  the  Chancas 
and  Huancas,  extending  nearly  to  the  equator,  and 
beyond  them  were  the  Quitus,  whose  country 
reached  to  the  confines  of  the  Chibchas.  While 
Yiracocha  was  engaged  in  bis  conquests  at  the 
south,  the  Chancas  overran  the  Quichua  country, 
and  shortly  after  Urco's  accesBum  they  marched  to 
the  very  gates  of  Cuzco ;  hut  in  a  decisive  battle, 
fought  just  outside  the  town,  the  invaders  were 
totally  defeated  by  Urco's  brother,  Yupanqni. 
Then  Urco  was  deposed  and  his  brother 
ohuuH  ud  was  elected  to  succeed  him.  Presently 
"""^  the  Quiohua  country  was  won  back, 
with  the  aid  of  its  own  people,  who  preferred  the 
Inca  rule  to  that  of  the  Chancas.  After  a  while 
this  masterful  Inca  Yupanqui  had  conquered  the 
whole  Chanca  country  and  that  of  the  Huancas  to 
boot.  Next  he  turned  his  arma  against  the 
Chimns,  a  people  of  alien  blood  and  speech,  who 
occupied  the  Pacific  coast  from  near  the  site  of 
Lima  northward  to  that  of  Tumbez. 

These  Chimus,  whose  name  Humboldt  thinks 
may  have  survived  in  that  of  the  giant  moimtain 
ChimboTazo,^  were  an  interesting  people,  with  a 
semi-civilization  of  their  own,  apparently  quite  dif- 
ferent from  that  of  the  Incas.  From  Mr.  Squier's 
arclueological  investigations^  I  am  inclined  to  sns- 

'  HamlKildt,  Antidden  der  Nahtr,  ii.  48. 

•  See  Sqaiei'l  Peru :  Incidenli  of  Travd  and  ExploralioB  in 
the  Land  of  the  Incai,  Nair  York,  1817,  pp.  135-192 ;  bm  «1m 
Harkham's  TklnabU  noM  in  Winsor,  Narr.  and  Crit.  Eilt.,  i.  275- 
278  :  not  often  do  we  find  mor«  food  for  the  hutoriaii  pkoked 
into  three  pag«s. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG06gIC 


AITCISNT  PEBU.  828 

pect  ihst  it  m&y  bare  been  a  semi-cmlization  of 
the  PueUo  type,  with  huge  commimal  conquHtof 
houses.  However  this  may  have  been,  ""  '''°™' 
the  Inca  Tupanqui  conquered  the  Chimus.  At 
his  death  the  Inca  sway  extended  from  the  bEiain 
of  I^ake  Titieaca  to  the  equator,  and  from  the 
Andes  to  the  coast ;  and  nhen  we  compare  the  end 
of  his  reign  with  its  beginning,  it  is  clear  that  he 
fairly  earned  the  epithet  by  which  he  was  distin- 
guished among  the  members  of  the  Inca  dynasty. 
He  was  Ae  great  hero  of  Peruviaji  history;  and 
the  name  given  him  was  Pachaoutec,  or  "  he  who 
changes  the  world."  The  historian  Grarcilasso  de 
la  Vega  was  his  grandson's  grandson. 

Under  Tupac  Yupanqid,  son  and  successor  of 
Pachacutec,  the  career  of  conquest  was  coaauHti« 
further  extended.  It  was  first  neces-  *'"*^'™' 
sary  to  suppress  a  rebellion  of  the  Aymaras.  Then 
Tupac  completed  the  conquest  of  the  Quitus.  So 
great  a  stretch  of  territory  had  been  brought  into 
subjection  that  it  now  seemed  necessary  to  have  a 
second  imperial  city  from  which  to  govern  its 
northern  portions.  Accordingly  Tupac  founded 
the  oify  of  Quito,  saying:  "Cuzco  must  be  the 
capital  of  one  part  of  my  empire  and  Quito  of  the 
other."  ^  Then,  returning  southward,  he  brought 
aU  the  coast  valleys  imder  his  sway,  including  the 
valley  of  Pachacamac,  "where  was  the  very  an- 
cient and  sacred  temple  of  the  Yuncas,  which  he 
wished  very  much  to  see.  .  .  .  Many  Indians 
say  that  the  Inca  himself  spoke  with  the  Devil 
who  was  in  the  idol  of  Pachacamac,  and  that  he 
'  Cieza,  pt.  ii.  e^  M, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


824  TBB  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

heard  bovthe  idol  was  the  creator  of  the  world, 
and  other  nonsense,  which  I  do  not  put  down, 
because  it  is  not  worth  while."  '  The  Inca,  says 
Cieza,  did  not  molest  this  temple,  but  built  a  house 
of  the  Sun  in  the  neighbourhood.  After 
retummg  to  Cuzco,  he  Bubjected  some 
more  barbarous  tribes  in  the  Charcas  country 
southeast  from  Lake  Titicaca,  and  then  invaded 
Chili  and  penetrated  as  far  as  the  river  Maule,  in 
almost  34°  sonth  latitude. 

The  conquest  of  Chili  as  far  as  this  point  was 

completed  by  Tupac's  son,  Huayna  Capac,  who 

was  then  called  to  the  northward  by  a  rebellion  of 

the  tribes  about  Quito.     The  absorption  of  Inca 

stren^b  in  conquest  at  one  end  of  this 

RabalUDBU       ,  .  ~ 

Quito  np-  lot^  temtory  was  apt  to  offer  opportu- 
nities for  insurrection  at  the  other  end. 
In  an  obstinate  battle  near  Quito  the  rebels  were 
defeated  with  great  slaughter.  Many  hundreds 
of  prisoners  were  taken.  "  Very  few  were  able  to 
hide  themselves.  Kear  the  banks  of  a  lake  the 
Inca  ordered  them  all  to  be  beheaded  in  his  pres- 
ence, and  their  bodies  to  be  thrown  into  the  water. 
The  blood  of  those  who  were  killed  was  in  such 
quantity  that  the  water  lost  its  colour,  and  nothing 
could  be  seen  but  a  thick  mass  of  blood.  Having 
perpetrated  this  cruelty,  .  .  .  Huayna  Capac  or- 
dered the  sons  of  the  dead  men  to  be  brought 
before  him,  and,  looking  at  them,  he  said,  Campa 
manan  pucula  tucuy  hiiomhracujia,  which  means, 
*  You  will  not  make  war  upon  me,  for  you  are  aJ] 
boys  now.'  From  that  time  the  conquered  people 
'  Cieia,  pt.  ii.  cmp.  iTiii 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCissT  psan.  325 

were  called '  Huatnbracuna '  to  this  day,  and  they 
were  very  Taliant.  The  lake  received  the  name  it 
still  bears,  which  is  Yahuarcocka,  or  '  the  lake  of 
blood.' " '  The  last  years  of  Huayna'a  long  reign 
were  spent  in  Quito.  Upon  his  death  in  1523  his 
eldest  le^timate  son,  Huascar,  succeeded  him,  and 
presently  there  broke  out  the  civil  war  between 
Huascar  and  his  bastard  brother,  the  usurper  Ata- 
hualpa,  which  lasted  until  the  Spaniards  arrived 
upon  the  scene. 

The  territory  subject  to  Huayna  Capac  in  1523 
extended  from  near  Fopayan,  north  of  DimBodou  at 
the  equator,  to  the  river  Manle  in  Chili,  "*""pt»- 
a  distance  of  nearly  2,700  miles.  If  the  Spaniards 
had  not  interfered,  the  next  enemies  would  have 
been  the  Chlbchas  on  the  north  and  the  invincible 
AraucaniaoB  on  the  south.  The  avera^  breadth  of 
this  Peruvian  empire  was  from  300  to  350  miles, 
so  that  the  area  was  more  than  800,000  square 
miles,  about  equal  to  the  united  areas  of  Austria- 
Hungary,  the  German  Empire,  France,  and  Spain, 
or  to  the  area  of  that  part  of  the  United  States 
comprised  between  the  Atlantic  ocean  and  the 
Mississippi  river.  If  we  contrast  with  this  vast 
territory  the  extent  of  Montezuma's  so-called 
empire,  about  equivalent  to  the  state  of  Massa^ 
chusetts  or  the  kingdom  of  Wnrtemherg,  we  can- 
not but  be  struck  with  the  difference.  The  con- 
trast is   enh^iced  when  we   remember   that   the 

'  Cieik,  pt.  iL  olqi.  Ixvii  One  ia  reminded  of  Baiaiet'i  irhole- 
■ale  mBSBBcre  of  French  piisonsre  after  the  battle  of  Nicopolis  in 
1390,  of  which  there  U  a  graphic  desoriptioii  in  Barsnt«,  Siitoirt 
da  duct  dt  Bottrgegne  de  la  maiton  de  VahU,  ^'  ii.,  Patii,  1854, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


826  THE  BISCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

Aztec  confederacy  did  not  effect  a  military  oocn- 
pation  of  the  country  over  whicli  its  operationa 
extended,  nor  did  it  undertake  to  administer  the 
gOTemment  of  conquered  pueblo  towns ;  it  simply 
extorted  tribute,  ^ow  tbe  conquests  of  the  Incas 
went  mncb  farther  than  this  ;  they  undertook,  and 
to  some  extent  effected,  a  military  occupation  and 
a  centralized  administration  of  the  whole  country. 
In  this  work  tketr  snccess  was  naturally  most  com- 
plete among  tlie  four  original  tribes  about  Cuzco ; 
probably  leas  complete  among  the  Aytnaras,  still 
less  among  the  Chimua  and  other  coast  tribes,  and 
least  at  the  two  extremities  in  Quito  and  Chili. 

"  The  grand  aim  and  glory  of  the  Incas,"  says 
-.j^  Garcilasso,  "was  to  reduce  new  tribes 
■m^to  u-  and  to  teach  them  the  laws  and  customs 
qimd  pao-  of  the  children  of  the  Sun."  ^  The 
Incas  imposed  their  language  upon  each 
conquered  tribe,^  until  it  came  to  be  spoken  in  all 
parts  of  t^eir  territory,  often  side  by  side  with 
the  local  tongues,  somewhat  as  Hindustani  is 
spoken  throug&ont  the  greater  part  of  British 
India,  side  by  side  with  Bengali,  Guzerati,  Pun- 
jabi, etc.  The  Incas,  moreover,  to  the  best  of 
their  ability  abolished  cannibalism  and  other  sav- 
age customs  wherever  they  found  them,  and  intro- 
duced their  own  religions  ceremonies  and  festi- 
vals.^ They  appointed  governors  (curacas)  for 
all  places.^     They  established  garrisons  at  various 

'  GuciUsao,  lib.  vii.  mp.  xviii. 

'  Id.,  lib.  tii.  eap.  i ;  Ciezs,  pt.  ii  o>p.  uxi. 

*  Oaicilawo,   lib.  ri.  cap.  zrlL ;  lib.  liii.  cap*.  iiL,  nL ;   and 

*  Jd.,  lib.  T.  oap.  xlii 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCIENT  PERU.  327 

points  in  order  to  secure  their  conquests ; '  and 
they  built  military  roads,  with  storehouses  at  suit- 
able intervals  where  provisions  and  arms  could 
be  kept'  In  connection  with  these  stations  were 
barracks  where  the  troops  could  find  shelter. 
These  roads,  which  radiated  from  Cuzoo  to  many 
parts  of  the  Tnca's  dominions,  were  about  twenty- 
five  feet  in  width,  and  almost  as  level  as  railroads, 
which  in  that  rugged  country  involved  much  cut- 
ting through  rocks  and  much  filling  of  goiges. 
The  central  highway  from  Quito  to  Tbemiutu; 
Cuzco,  which  was  finished  by  Huayna  "*^ 
Capac,  and  was  connected  with  a  similar  road  ex- 
tending from  Cuzco  southward,  is  described  with 
enthusiasm  by  Cieza  de  Leon,  whose  accuracy 
caaaot  lightly  be  questioned.  "The  great  road 
from  Quito  to  Cuzco,  which  is  a  greater  distance 
than  from  Seville  to  Rome,  was  as  much  used  as 
the  road  from  Seville  to  Triana,  and  I  cannot  say 
more.*  ...  I  believe  that  since  the  history  of 
man  has  been  recorded,  there  has  been  no  account 
of  such  grandeur  as  is  to  be  seen  in  this  road, 
which  passes  over  deep  valleys  and  lofty  moun- 
tains, by  snowy  heights,  over  (alls  of  water,  through 
live  rocks,  and  along  the  edges  of  furious  torrents. 
In  all  these  places  it  is  level  and  paved,  along 
mountain  slopes  well  excavated,  by  tke  mountains 
well  terraced,  through  the  living  rock  cut,  along 
the  river  banks  supported  by  walls,  in  the  snowy 
heights  with  steps  and  resting  places,  in  all  parts 

>  G>mluK>,  lib.  Ti  c«p.  xW. ;  Ciew,  pi  ii.  cap*,  iz.,  xxU. 

*  G«ToibMo,  lib.  T.  op.  Tiii. ;  (Hen,  pt  i.  oap.  Ix. 

*  CSn«,  pt.  a.  oqi.  ItIL 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


328  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

clean  swept,  olear  of  stones,  with  post-  and  store- 
houses  and  temples  of  the  Sun  at  intervals.  Ob ! 
what  greater  things  can  he  said  of  Alexander,  or 
of  any  of  the  powerful  kings  who  have  ruled  in 
the  world,  than  that  they  had  made  such  a  road 
as  this,  and  conceived  the  works  which  were  re- 
quired for  it  I  The  roads  oonstracted  by  the  Ro- 
mans in  Spain  .  .  .  are  not  to  be  compared  with 
it."  ^  These  roads  facilitated  the  transmission  of 
political  and  military  intelligence.  At  intervals 
of  a  league  and  a  half,  says  Polo  de  Ondegardo, 
^^  there  stood  smidl  relay  houses,  each 
"adapted  to  bold  two  Indians,  who 
served  as  postmen,  and  were  relieved  once  a 
month,  and  they  were  there  night  and  day.  Their 
duty  was  to  pass  on  the  messages  of  the  Inoa 
from  Cuzco  to  any  other  point,  and  to  bring  back 
those  of  the  governors,  so  that  all  the  transactions 
and  events  of  the  empire  were  known.  When 
the  Itiea  wished  to  send  anything  to  a  governor, 
he  said  it  to  the  first  chasqui  [courier],  who  ran 
at  full  speed  for  a  league  and  a  half,  and  passed 
the  message  to  the  next  as  soon  as  he  was  within 
hearing,  so  that  when  he  reached  the  post  the 
other  man  had  already  started."  ^  The  Spaniards 
made  use  of  this  system  of  oouners,  and  were 

'  Ciez^  pt.  iL  oap.  IziiL 

'  "  Report  by  Pdo  de  Oade^&rdo,"  in  MfttUuun'i  NarraUva 
of  the  RittM  and  Laaso/lke  Yncai,  London,  18T3,  p.  100  (HaUajt 
•jocietj).  The  origiaal  MS.  is  in  tlie  Nadonal  Library  at  Madrid, 
and  has,  I  believe,  not  yet  been  pobliahed.  Oodeganlo  wu  a 
leaned  lawyer  vbo  came  to  Peru  in  1547  with  Os«ca,  aad  was 
af  lerwarda  "  corregidor ' '  or  chlaf  magistcate  of  Cnioo.  Hie  brief 
doDDnwnt  ii  ot  much  Tain*. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


A2TCIBNT  PSBU.  829 

thus  able  to  convey  letters  from  Cnzco  to  Lima, 
a  distance  of  nearly  four  hundred  milef,  in  three 
daya.'  Such  a  er^tem  for  written  despatches 
would  of  course  do  very  veil ;  but  one  is  inclined 
to  wonder  how  a  verbal  mesBage,  transmitted 
through  a  dozen  or  fifty  mouths,  should  have  re- 
tained enough  of  its  original  shape  to  be  recog- 
nizable.  For  aU  except  the  very  eimpleet  mes- 
sages the  quipuB  must  have  been  indispensable. 

Remarkable  as  were  these  roads,  and  the  a^ 
raogements  connected  with  them,  the  limitations 
under  which  the  Peruvians  worked  might  be  seen 
as  soon  as  there  was  a  river  or  a  broad  and  deep 
ravine  to  be  croesed.  Here  the  difference  between 
civilization  and  middle-barbarism  comes  out  for- 
cibly. The  Incas  ooold  command  enough  human 
brawn  and  muscle  to  build  cyclopean  masonry; 
but  as  they  did  not  understand  the  principle  of 
the  arch,^  they  could  not  build  stone  bridges,  nor 
had  they  sufficiei^t  knowledge  of  carpentry  and  en- 

^  Ondegirdo  addi  thkt  thoM  oonrien  wore  used  to  bring  np 
frail  fiih  from  tlw  aM  to  Cnioo.  A  ilmil&r  bat  ruder  ijitem 
of  Mmrigi*  wta  DMd  in  Haiico  {BsodelJer,  in  Featodn  MuMtum 
B^artt,  ToL  li.  p.  696).  Somothiug  •imilw  ailtted  in  unisnt 
Psni»  (HerodotiUi  tiii.  98),  onlj  there  they  lued  honei,  ai  well 
■■  Bwift  dromedkriea  (Strabo,  xr.  p.  724;  Oiodoroa.  xvii.  fO; 
Qainta*  Cortiaa,  nL  2,  11~1S).  Mareo  Polo  {Lib.  ii.  cap.  20)  de- 
■oribee  the  relsji  of  mounted  conrien  in  CIiii»  in  the  thirteenth 
aentnrj.  The  oerrying  of  dtuutiea  for  the  t&ble  from  the  coeit 
to  Cnioo  waa  notbiog  to  what  waa  done  for  the  Fatimite  caliph 
Adi,  in  tbe  tenth  century,  according  to  Hakriii,  it.  11)4,  qnoEed 
by  Colonel  Ynle.  Ai  tbe  caliph  crated  a  diih  of  Baalbeo  oher- 
riea,  hia  finer  "  canied  600  pigeooa  to  Im  deapatebed  from  Baal- 
b«o  to  Cairo,  each  of  which  carried  attached  to  either  leg  a  intall 
nlk  bag  oontaining  a  cherry !  "  Yale's  Mano  Faio,  voL  i.  p.  802, 
*.  etif.  mL ;  lib.  TiL  cap.  zzix. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


830  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AME&ICA. 

gineering  to  make  bridges  of  wood.    Tlieir  ingenu- 
itv  was  therefore  driren  to  assert  itself 

K«p«  bildgia.         *' 

by  Btratching  huge  osier  ropes  across 
from  side  to  side  of  the  river  or  chasm,  and  lay- 
ing upon  tlie  ropes  a  flooring  of  transrerse  planks. 
The  ^es  of  these  swaying  bridges  were  protected 
by  a  slight  rope  railing.  T.lamna  with  their  bur- 
dens could  be  driven  across  such  bridges,  as  mules 
can  be  driven  across  them  to-day ;  but  they  are 
not  comfortable  places  for  people  with  unsteady 
nerves,  and  in  a  high  wind  they  at«  anaafe.' 

This  extensive  system  of  roads  would  of  itself 
mdieate  a  military  empire  that  had  passed  bej'ond 
tbe  mere  stage  of  tribal  confederation.  A  similar 
indication  is  furnished  by  the  remarkable  system 
of  military  colonies  (mitimaes)  established  by  the 
great  luca  Pacbacutec,^  or  perhaps  by  his  father 
mutaiT  solo-  Viracocha,  Inca.  It  was  a  custom  pe- 
"^  ouliarly  incident  to  the  imperfect  rudi- 

mentary development  of  nationality,  and  reminds 

>  The  piutDTS  of  the  ropa  bridge  over  the  Aparinua  riTer,  itdll 
in  nae,  vhioh  ma;  be  (aen  in  Sqniec't  Peru,  p.  545,  is  enoagli  to 
givs  one  »  torn  of  vertigo.  For  ft  deacription  of  thi>  And  other 
bridges  in  the  Inoa  period,  ite  Qkroilano,  lib.  iii.  cap.  viL 

*  "  Althongh  Knne  Indians  saj  that  the  mitimaa  vare  planted 
from  the  time  of  Viiacaeha  lno»,  thorn  nut;  believe  it  who  pleasa 
to  do  so.  Foi  mj  part  1  took  snoh  piins  to  aacert«n  Iba  fMla, 
that  1  da  nut  haaitAte  to  affirm  the  colonizing  system  to  have  been 
instituted  by  [Fachaouteo]  Inca  Yupaiiqui."  Ciezn  ds  Leon,  ed. 
Harkhim,  pL  ii.  oap.  iiii.  The  Bystem  is  more  likelj  to  baTS 
groirn  np  gradnilly  than  to  have  been  invented  all  at  ones.  Ur. 
Bandalier  snggests  that  possiblj  there  may  have  been  a  mde 
germ  of  it  in  Uexico,  in  the  oiNiaiiDnal  repeopling  of  an  aban- 
doned pneblo  b;  oolanista  of  Noboatl  race,  as  in  the  CMC  of  Al>- 
hnitilui,  lelated  b;  Father  Dntan  (cap.  iIt.)  and  TeMsomoe 
(cap.  liiiv.).  —  Ptahodg  Miueun  BtparU,  vol.  ii.  p.  14(X 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


AXCIEST  PEBU.  881 

one  strongly  of  what  was  formerly  to  be  aeen  in 
Aasyria.  Tlie  ancient  kings  of  Babylon  and  Nine- 
veh used  to  transfer  a  considerable  part  of  a  con- 
quered population  from  their  old  homes  to  a  new 
habitat  in  some  distant  part  of  the  empire,  in  or- 
der to  break  up  local  patriotism  and  diminish  the 
tendency  to  revoltB.  Somettmes  such  a  population 
was  transferred  in  block,  and  some  other  popula- 
tion put  in  its  place ;  but  more  often  it  was  broken 
into  small  bodies  and  scattered.  It  was  thus  that 
Tiglath-Fileser  and  Sargon  of  Nineveh  carried  off 
the  ten  tribes  of  Israel,'  and  that  a  part  of  the 
people  of  Jndah  were  kept  in  exile  by  the  waters 
of  Babylon  until  the  great  Cyrus  released  them.' 
Now  this  same  eastern  of  deportation  was  exten- 
sively practised  by  the  Incas,  and  for  the  same 
reason.  For  example,  Tupac  Yupanqui  removed 
from  the  islands  of  Lake  Titicaca  their  entire 
population,  and  scattered  it  in  different  places ; 
he  replaced  it  on  the  islands  by  people  taken  from 
forty-two  tribes  in  various  parts  of  his  domln- 
ioDs.'  When  the  same  Inca  founded  the  city  of 
Quito  he  peopled  it  with  mitimaes,  largely  itom 
the  r^ons  near  Cuzco  and  likely  to  be  loyaL 
Huayna  Capac  did  the  same  sort  of  thing  in  Chili. 
In  many  cases  chiefs  and  other  impoi-tant  men 
among  these  transported  populations  received  es- 
pecial marks  of  favour  from  the  Inca  and  were 

'  Ravlloion'i  Aneiait  JienarcAUt,  2d  ed.,  London,  1871,  vol.  iL 
p.  152 ;  2  Kinga  xriiL  C-11.  Similar  thing*  vera  now  and  Umb 
doMbr  tlis  Romnnti  ••«  No  Caadot,  Ut.  11  j  Floras,  i«.  12. 

*  Binld'a  Hitterf  of  brad,  toL  It.  pp.  263,  274 ;  Bawlinmn, 
op.  ett.  ToL  iU.  p.  S85. 

*  QawflMnP,  lib.  tUL  e^  iL 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


382  THE  DISGOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

taught  to  regard  tlieir  fortunes  as  dependent  upon 
him.  Strangers  from  all  qnarteis,  moreover,  were 
brought  to  Cuzoo  and  assigned  their  seveial  quar- 
ters there,  bo  that  the  oily  was  a  kind  of  epitome 
of  the  Inoa's  dominions.' 

How  the  features  of  Feruvian  polity  thus  far 
enumerated — die  imposing  of  a  new  language 
and  religion  npoo  conquered  tribes,  the  appoint- 
ment of  goTemora  (usually  if  not  always  of  the 
Inca  blood},  the  maintenance  of  garrisons,  the 
system  of  military  roads,  and  tlie  wholesale  de> 
portation  of  peoples  —  are  all  features  attendant 
iHipisirtD*-  upon  the  inoipieut  development  oi  ua- 
""■"*'■  tionality  through  oonqnest  and  fusion 
of  tribes  and  tibe  breaking  down  of  primitiTe 
tribal  institutions.  There  were  points  of  genuine 
analogy  between  this  development  in  Peru  and  in 
Assyria.  This  kind  of  incipient  nationality  is  of 
very  low  ^pe.  It  is  held  together  not  by  a  na- 
tional spirit  of  patriotism,  but  by  the  systematio 
coercion  exercised  by  the  ruling  tribe,  which  has 
been  developed  into  what  is  practically  a  ruling 
caste.  Oriental  history  affords  plenty  of  exampleH 
of  the  ease  with  which  countries  under  audi  oondi- 
tioDS  are  sometimes  conquered.  It  is  only  neces- 
sary for  tlie  invader  to  strike  down  the  sovereign 
and  get  control  of  the  machinery  of  government, 
and  the  thing  is  done ;  the  subject  tribes  simply 
exchange  one  mast«r  for  another,  or  if  here  aud 
there  a  tribe  rebels,  it  is  rather  to  regain  its  origi- 
nal  independence   than  to  restore   the    state  of 


*  InstrnotiTg  notioM  ot  tke  mtimaa  niay  bi  fonad  in  Ckn, 
pt.  L  o^.  xoiii. ;  pt.  ii.  ea^t.  xiii.,  zzii.,  UL,  Ivi.,  Izii. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ASCISNT  FEBU.  86t 

tini^  immediatBly  preceding  the  catastrophe. 
Sometimea  H  sncceeds  in  its  attempt,  but  often 
the  new  master,  wielding  the  same  resonroes  u 
the  old  one,  or  even  greater,  reduces  it  again  to 
submission. 

In  this  mdimentary  form  of  nationality,  where 
anything  like  the  application  of  representative  gor- 
enunent  to  nation-making  is  utterly  above  and  be- 
yond the  ntnge  of  men's  thought,  the  only  shape 
which  government  can  asstune  is  military  despot- 
ism, exercised  either  by  a  royal  family  or  by  a 
caste.  The  despotic  government  of  ancient  Pern 
seems  to  have  partaken  of  both  these  characters  ; 
it  was  exercised  by  a  caste  in  which  a  particular 
famfly  was  preeminently  sovereign.  The  j^,  ^„ 
Incas,  as  already  observed,  were  oii^-  ""* 
nally  a  conquering  tribe ; '  and  they  remained 
snperimposed  upon  the  con(}uered  peoples  as  an 
upper  caate.  Garcilasso  tells  na  that  '*  the  Ineas 
were  free  from  the  temptations  which  naually  lead 
to  crime,  such  as  passion  for  women,  envy  and 
covetonsnese,  or  the  thirst  for  vengeance ;  because 
if  they  desired  beautiful  women,  it  was  lawful  for 
them  to  hare  as  many  as  they  liked ;  and  any 
pretty  girl  they  might  take  a  fancy  to,  not  only 
was  never  denied  to  them,  but  was  given  up  by 
her  father  with  expressions  of  extreme  thankful- 
ness that  an  Inca  should  have  condescended  to 
take  her  as  his  servant.  The  same  thing  might 
be  said  of  their  property  ;  for  as  they  never  could 
feel  the  want  of  anything,  they  had  no  reason  to 
covet  the  goods  of  others ;  while  as  governors  they 
had  conmoand  over  all  tlie  proper^  of  the  Son 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


t$i  TBS  DIBCOrXBT  OF  AMXBICA. 

aad  at  &e  Inca ;  and  those  who  were  in  dhaige 
were  bound  to  give  them  all  that  they  required, 
as  children  of  the  Son,  and  brethren  of  the  Inca. 
They  lihewise  had  no  temptation  to  kill  or  wound 
any  one  either  for  revenge  or  in  passion ;  for  no 
one  ever  offended  them.  On  the  contrary,  they 
received  adoration  only  recond  to  that  offertd  to 
the  n^al  persoh ;  and  if  any  one,  how  high  so- 
ever his  rank,  had  enraged  any  Inca,  it  would 
have  been  looked  upon  as  sacrilege  and  very 
severely  pniusbed."  Of  course  some  allowances 
mnat  be  made  in  accepting  these  statements  ;  such 
sweeping  generalizatiDnB  always  require  more  or 
less  qualiSoatioQ ;  and  it  is  not  likely  that  there 
ever  existed  a-  society  of  which  this  description  of 
Garcilasso's  would  have  been  literally  accurate. 
But  after  making  due  allowances,  it  remains  quite 
clear  that  hia  lucas  constituted  a  distinct  caste, 
and  were  r^;arded  by  the  maea  of  people  as  beings 
of  a  superior  order.  They  were  not  only  an  upper 
caste,  bat  they  were  a  ruling  caate,  and  furnished 
for  every  part  of  the  empire  governors  allied  to 
one  another  by  a  keen  sense  of  kinship. 

The  chief  of  this  Inca  caate,  called  par  excel- 
lence The  Inca,  was  no  doubt  the  descendant  and 
representative  of  the  ancient  chiefs  of   the  Inca 
tribe.     Just  how  far  the   different  attributes  tA 
royalty  were  onited  in  his  person  aod 
■njgn  ukd       office,  it  18  uot  easy  to  say.     With  re- 
gard to  the  highest  legislative  and  judi- 
ciary powers,  our  authorities  do  not  make  it  per- 
fectly dear  how  far  they  were  exercised  by  the 
)  GuoUmm,  lib.  H.  «a)p.  >v. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


AirCIBST  PXBU.  8t5 

Inoa  BcJely,  or  by  tbe  tnca  in  oonneotion  with  a 
oonnciL  That  there  waa  a  conncil  is  unquestiona- 
ble, and  that  it  was  a  derelopment  from  the  coon- 
cil  of  tbe  primitive  Inca  tribe  is  in  a  high  degree 
probable ;  but  we  are  insufficiently  informed  aa  to 
tbe  extent  of  its  powers.  From  sundry  statements, 
however,  it  may  be  inferred  tbat  these  powers 
were  considerable,  and  that  tbe  Inoa  was  perhaps 
not  quite  bo  full-blown  a  despot  as  some  of  Mr. 
Prescott's  autbontiea  declared  him  to  be.  The 
statement  that,  if  he  had  taken  it  into  bis  head  to 
pat  to  death  a  hundred  thousand  Indians,  bis  de- 
cree would  have  been  executed  without  a  murmur, 
has  a  strong  smacb  of  hyperbole.'  On  the  other 
hand,  we  are  told  tbat  before  deciding  upon  any 
measore  of  importance,  the  council  was  always 
consulted;  upon  this  point,  says  Cieza  de  Leon, 
all  his  informants  were  agreed.^  As  to  the  crucial 
question,  however,  bow  far  the  Inca's  authority 
was  efFectively  limited  by  tbe  coudcU,  Cieza  leaves 
us  in  tbe  dark.  Garcilaaso  refers  to  "  Tupac  Yu- 
panqni  and  all  his  council"  ordaining  that  two  of 
tbe  royal  concubines  should  be  legitimized  and  re- 
garded as  true  queens,  in  order  to  provide  against 
a  possible  failure  in  tbe  saccession,  because  the 
heir  apparent,  Huayna  Capac,  bad  no  children  by 
his  first  and  legitimate  queen.'     Here  the  consent 

I  "  Sa  paUbra  an  l«j,  i  nadie  oaaba  b  ooirtnt  la  pal»bn  ni 
Toltmttd :  BDDque  obieae  de  matar  oient  mill  Indio*.  no  haTia 
ntDgnaoen  m  reino  qua  le  oaaie  (tecirqne  no  lo  hicieae."  Cm- 
qaiua  i  poUaa'm  dd  Peru,  M&,  apnd  Pre«oott,  Conq.  <if  Ftr%, 
book  L  obap.  i. 

*  Geia,  pt.  ii-  rap.  xxri. 

D.  lib.  fiii.  c^.  Tlii 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


886  TBS  DISCOVERT  OF  AMBBICA. 

of  the  oonnoil,  in  a  measure  of  prime  importanoe, 
is  evidently  assumed  to  be  essentiaL  Still  more 
ugnificant  is  tlie  brief  mention  made  by  Cieza  of 
,  the  deposition  of  the  Inca  Uroo.^  This 
ruler's  niiiitary  conduct  had  been  dis- 
astrous. The  invading  Chancas  had,  in  spite  of 
him,  arrived  within  sight  of  Cuzoo,  when  the; 
were  defeated  with-  prodi^ous  slaughter  by  his 
brother,  afterward  famous  as  Fachacutec  Yu- 
panquL  After  the  victory  there  was  earnest  dis- 
eossioD  within  the  city.  Cieza  does  not  mention 
Hie  council  by  name,  bui  except  the  council  there 
was  no  authoritative  body  in  which  such  a  discus- 
sion covdd  take  place.  Cieza's  description  through- 
out implies  that  the  proceedings  were  regular,  and 
tliat  the  decision  was  at  once  accepted  as  final.  It 
was  decided  that  the  unworthy  Urco  should  not 
be  allowed  to  enter  the  city,  and  that  the  fringed 
and  feathered  crimson  cap,  or  borla,  which  served 
as  the  Inca  diadem,  should  be  taken  from  him  and 
bestowed  upon  his  victorious  brother.  In  spite  of 
Urco's  protests  this  was  done.  It  is  further  said 
that  Urco's  lawful  queen,  who  had  borne  him  no 
children,  forthwith  abandoned  him,  and,  coming 
into  Cuzco,  became  the  lawful  qneen  of  Pachaca- 
tee.'     All  lihese  proceedings  seem  to  me  consistent 

*  CisiSi  pt  ii.  cap.  iM. 

*  Ciaia  dosi  not  tall  in  wtwit  beeame  of  Uie  depoasd  mnd  for- 
mkeo  king.  "  I  ny  no  mor«  oonoMiiiiv  Ii>ob  Uroo,  baraiaa  the 
Inditm  only  refer  to  hii  hiitor;  aa  k  thin^  to  laugli  at." 

Qarciluao  talla  a  lUffennit  atorj.  He  plaoea  the  ioTsaioii  at 
the  Cbancaa  two  g^nentiDiu  earUsr,  id  the  reign  of  Uroo'i  gnnd- 
fathsr,  Tahnar-hneooM.  That  Inca,  iayi  QarcilHao,  fled  frMH 
CiucOi'aiid  hk  aoa  Viooooha  Inca  defaatad  the  iuTaden,  whar*. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCIENT  PERU.  S87 

and  probable,  and  they  clearly  indicate  tliat  die 
power  of  deposiag  and  degrading  the  king,  and 
filling  his  place  by  the  prince  next  in  tihe  cus- 
tomary order  of  Bucoeseion,  was  retained  by  the 
Inca  council  at  Cuzco,  an  it  was  retained  by  the 
tiatocan  at  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  could  be  ex- 
erted in  cases  of  emergency. 

On  the  whole,  I  am  inclined  to  the  opinion  that 
the  reigning  Inca  had  practically  acquired  control 
of  judicial,  administrative,  and  legislatiTe  afi^rs 
through  hia  paramount  influence  in  the  council ; 
and  that  this  is  one  reason  Why  such  meagre  infor- 
mation about  the  council  has  come  down  to  us. 
The  Inca  was,  in  all  probability,  much  more  a  king 
than  Agamemnon,  —  more  like  Bameses  the  Grreat. 

Oue  is  the  more  inclined  to  this  opinion  because 
of  the  excessive  development  of  sacerdotal  suprem- 
acy in  the  Inca.  As  alteady  observed,  in  the 
order  of  historic  evolution  the  king  is  primarily 
the  military  chief ;  next  he  becomes  chief  priest, 
and  in  virtue  of  this  oombination  of  exalted  func- 
tions, he  acquires  so  much  influence  as  to  appro- 
priate to  himself  by  degrees  the  other  functdons  of 
government,  judicial,  administrative,  and  legislo' 

upon  the  son  dethroned  the  father,  bnt  atlorsd  him  to  lire  in  a 
oomforUible  palsee  in  the  pleasant  Yucay  vallej  (lib.  t.  cap. 
xriii.-xi.).  Bnt  in  thia  rtory  alao,  the  act  vhioh  dethTDnii*  the 
father  and  enthrones  the  tun  is  the  not  of  "  the  contt,  wbioh  itm 
tha  head  of  the  kingdom,  to  avwd  scandala  and  civil  warB,  and 
above  all  because  there  vas  no  aae  in  reaisting,  so  that  all  that 
the  prinee  desired  iraB  agreed  to."  Nothing  oould  be  more  ng- 
nifioanl  The  Tiotorions  piinoe  is  all-poirerfnl  in  the  ooandl,  but 
■tall  the  action,  to  be  lawfnl,  must  be  the  action  of  tha  coanoiL 
Thia  preeerree  the  remimacence  of  deapotiam  in  tha  making,  at 
a  time  vhen  despotijuu  wai  practioallj  oompleted. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


888  Tax  DISCOVSSY  OF  AMERICA. 

tive.'  Now  the  Inca,  originally  the  head  war-chief 
nwianmi  ^^  ^'^  Inoa  tribe,  came  naturally  to  be 
■  "■od-uiig.''  military  head  of  the  Inca  empire.  As 
to  his  sacerdotal  functions  he  came  to  be  some- 
thing  more  thin  chief  priest ;  his  position  was  that 
of  vice-deity,  analogous  to  what  Herbert  Spencer 
calls  a  god-bdng.  To  illustrate  this  properly  a  few 
words  must  be  devoted  to  ao  account  of  the  Inca 
reli^ott. 

This  religion  was  a  comparatively  high  form  of 
polytheism,  in  which  ancestor-worship  coexisted 
with  worship  of  the  Son ;  and  now  and  then  some 
idea  omdely  suggestive  of  monotheism  found  ex- 
pression, as  in  the  remark  attributed  by  Father 
Bias  Valera  to  the  Inca  Tupac  Yupanqui,  that 
the  Sim,  who  goes  on  his  unvarying  round  like  a 
tethered  beast,  must  be  obeying  the  mandates  of  an 
unseen  power.^  In  the'  mind  of  the  Inca  this  un- 
seen power  was  probably  Pachacamac,  whose  name 
means  "  Creator  of  the  World."  "  All 
the  theology  of  the  Inoas,"  says  Ghrci- 
lasso,  "was  included  in  the  word  PatikacaTrtac" 
They  believed  that  things  must  have  been  made 
somehow  by  somebody,  but  beyond  that  point  they 
did  not  cany  their  speculations,  for  they  had  little 
science  and  still  less  theology,  and  "  knew  not  how 
to  raise  their  minds  to  invisible  things."  "  In  all 
Pern  there  was  but  one  temple  consecrated  to  Fa- 
chacwnac.    It  was  on  the  coast,  some  distance  south 

*  Sea  BboTB,  vol.  i.  p.  IIS. 

*  The  Mme  remu-k  wai  attribnted  bj  Fatber  Acoita  to  TnpM'a 
MD,  Hnayna  Capao.  Sea  Oarcilasao,  lib.  viii.  cap.  nU. ;  lib.  ix 
oap.  z.    Cf.  MgA*  and  Mgllinaken,  pp.  18^171. 

"  ~      "      >,  lib.  it  <iap.  HT. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCISNT  PERU.  889 

of  the  site  of  Lima.  It  was  a  veiy  old  temple, 
Btanding  on  tlie  top  of  a  small  hill  and  built  of 
adobe  brick.  The  interior  walls  were  covered  with 
spires  of  wild  beasts.  Within  waa  an  idol  endowed 
with  oracular  powers,  and  its  priests,  when  con- 
stdted,  went  off  into  paroiysnui  like  the  Cumsean 
SibyL'  To  the  valley  of  Pachacamao  came  pil- 
grims with  their  offerings  from  all  quarters  to 
consult  the  oracle.  It  seems  to  have  been  a  relic 
of  Uie  old  idolatrous  religion  of  the  coast  people, 
which  the  sagacious  Tupac  Yupanqni,  instead  of 
destroying  it,  converted  to  the  uses  of  a  more 
spiritual  religion,  somewhat  as  early  Roman  mis- 
sionaries cleansed  pagan  temples  and  turned  them 
into  Christian  churches.*  The  general  policy  of 
tlie  Incae,  however,  was  to  suppress  idolatry  among 
the  peoples  annexed  to  their  dominicns.'     Garci- 

^  At  Phmbi  noDdam  pBtieiu,  immuuB  In  aotro 
BBOohatoT  Tatei,  magnum  >i  pectore  poant 
Bmiuausa  I><iiiiil    Tauto  mi^  llle  fatiftat 
Oi  rabidnm,  fera  oorda  domaos,  fingitqae  premendo. 
OsUa  jamqae  damoB  pataere  ingenlu  oeotDm 
^HiDta  ma,  TatiBque  ferant  responaa  per  anTaa. 

Virg.,  Mn.,  »i.  T7. 

*  Cieak'a  Tamarka  are  entertwiiiiig.  He  aajs  tLat  "  the  deTil 
hobaoamao "  waa  much  pleased  «<tli  du  anai%ement,  and 
"thoviid  great  latdafaotioD  in  his  repliea,  aeeing  tbat  hia  snda 
were  aerred  both  b;  tlie  one  part;  and  the  other,  while  the  sonla 
of  die  nnf  Drtanate  mmpletooa  Kmuued  in  his  power.  Some  In- 
diana say  that  this  accoraed  demon  Pachacamac  atill  talka  with 
the  aged  people.  Aa  he  sees  that  hia  anthorit;  uid  credit  are 
gone,  and  that  many  of  those  »ho  onoe  served  him  have  ddw 
fanned  a  oontrftry  opinion,  he  deolaree  that  he  and  the  God  of 
whom  the  ChriatJaiiB  preaoh  are  one,  and  thoa  with  other  false 
and  deceitful  words  indaces  some  to  i«fnie  the  water  of  bap- 
tiam  "  (pt.  1.  oap  lizii.).  There  w«*  nothing  of  the  oompaiative 
mythologist  about  Cieza  I 

*  Qaroilaaao,  lih.  Ti.  cap.  x. ;  lib.  viiL  oap.  iii. 


D,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


840  THS  DISCOrSSY  OF  AMERICA. 

lasao  declares  moat  positdvely  that  the  Inca  people 
"worshipped  no  other  gods  but  the  Sim,  altitoii^ 
there  are  not  wanting  persona  who  state  the  con- 
trary." '  The  reverence  for  tutelar  domestic  deities, 
the  spirits  of  deceased  ancestors,  Garcilaaso  would 
probably  not  have  regarded  as  a  real  ezceptioD  to 
his  general  statement,  any  more  than,  as  a  Cath- 
olic, be  would  hare  rec^nized  the  reverence  for 
patron  saints  as  an  evanescent  phase  of  polythe- 
ism. The  public  worship  was  Sun-wor- 
ship. Some  roverence  was  paid  to  the 
moon,  the  three  brightest  planets,  and  the  Pleiades, 
but  this  was  but  accessory  to  the  adoration  of  the 
orb  of  day.  This  worship  was  celebrated  chiefly 
at  four  great  festivals  at  the  solstices  and  equi- 
noxes of  each  year.'  At  these  festivals  there  were 
sacrifices  of  "  sheep,"  i.  e.  llamas  or  alpacas,  and 
dieix  lambs ;  of  rabl  its  and  birds  used  (or  food  \ 
of  maize  and  other  vegetables,  of  the  strength-sus- 
taining herb  coca?  of  the  exhiUratii^  cAicAo,  or 
maize  beer,*  and   of   fine  cloths.     "  They  burnt 

'  Qareilawo,  lib.  iii.  cup.  n. 

*  For  ^g  method  in  which  the  Pemriaiii  meamred  the  jeai 
and  determined  the  (oliidoe*  and  eqainDiw  by  meani  of  the 
■hmdovi  cost  by  towen,  eee  Qarciluao,  iib.  ii.  cap.  xxii.  They 
napd  the  ta\ax  year,  and  intercalated  a  period  at  the  end  of  the 
Innar  year  to  hiing-  it  up  to  tbe  solar.  Thii  period  they  called 
"  flniehed  moon."  See  Harkham'e  note,  to  Qarcitaau,  i>ol.  i. 
p-lTO. 

■  The  dietetia  and  medidaal  mea  of  thie  valaable  nanotlo, 
•tpedally  oiefnl  to  maDDtaineera,  are  deaeribed  In  OarcilaMO, 
lib.  Till.  cap.  XT. ;  and  Cieza,  pt.  i  cap.  xovi, ;  cf.  Johnaton,  Chet^ 
ittry  of  Conmm  Ufe,  vol.  ii.  pp.  llS-135,'  Bibra,  Dit  Narta- 
litchen  Oenunmittd  und  dtr  Mensci.  pp.  151-174. 

*  The  maiie  beer  ia  described  b  Qaroilaaao,  lib.  viiL  o^>.  im. 
The  PaEUTiaDa  weie  atuidy  tipplaia ;  the  qmuitity  of  bMr  tbs^ 


^oiizccb,  Google 


ASCIEST  PEBU.  841 

these  things  as  a  thank-offering  to  the  Sun  for 
havii^  created  them  for  the  support  of  man."  ^ 
As  for  human  Baerifices,  GarcQasso  asBnres  ua,  and 
with  evident  knowledge  of  the  subject,  h^  h„„„ 
that  there  was  nothing  of  the  sort' under  '■'''*'''^ 
the  Ineas.  In  the  times  before  the  Inca  supremaoy, 
and  among  many  of  the  peoples  whom  ibe  Incaa 
conquered,  there  were  human  sacrifioeB  accom- 
panied by  cannibalism ; '  but  both  these  practices 
were  stemly  suppressed  by  the  Incas.  Their  abo- 
lition he  would  date  as  far  back  as  the  time  of 
Manco  Capac,'  which  was  equivalent  to  "  a  time 
whereof  the  memory  of  man  runneth  not  to  the 
oontraiy."  If  some  Spanish  writers  assert  that 
there  were  human  sacrifices  in  Peru,  it  shows  that 
ihey  do  not  exercise  proper  discrimination.  Within 
the  vast  limits  of  the  Inca  dominion  there  were 
included  a  number  of  peoples  with  whom  such 
sacrifices  had  long  been  customary,  and  it  might 
well  be  that  the  Incas  had  not  completely  suc- 
ceeded everywhere  in  stamping  out  the  abomina- 
tion. Garcilasso  mentions  a  writer  who  described 
human  sacrifices  "  in  Peru ; "  but  it  was  in  a  place 
more  llian  twelve  hundred  miles  north  of  Cuzco, 
i.  e.  in  a  re^on  recently  conquered  and  imperfectly 


unMomed,  tay*  om  author  (lib.  vi.  cap.  liL),  "  U  ft  tUng  >liiu)M 
incredible."  After  the  Spaniard!  introdnoed  harlej,  tfae  native* 
made  beer  from  it  (Cieia,  pt.  i.  nap.  il.) ;  but  the  chieha  ia  rtill  in 
sommoD  DM..   See  Sqaier'a  Pen,  p.  126  ttpaasim. 

*  GsTcilasBO,  lib.  ii.  cap.  Tiii. 

'  Compare  Dr.  Han^'e  nmaika  on  the  preTalettoe  of  hnauo 
lacrificea  in  Vedic  tdmea  and  their  abandonment  hj  the  Brah- 
mana,  in  Mnir'a  SantJcril  TtxU,  vol.  i.  p.  II. 
>,  lib.  i.  cap.  IX. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


342  THE  DISCOrSST  OF  AXXBIOA. 

reorganized.  "  I  am  a  vitness,"  says  the  good 
GarcilassD,  "  to  having  heard  my  £^^r  and  his 
contemporanes  frequently  compare  the  atateg  of 
Mexico  and  Feni ;  and  in  speaking  of  these  sacri- 
flcea  of  men,  and  of  the  praotiee  of  eating  human 
flesh,  they  praised  the  Incas  of  Fern  because  they 
neither  practised  nor  permitted  Buoh  acts,  while 
they  execrated  the  Mexicans  for  doing  both  the 
one  and  the  other  in  the  city  in  so  diabolical  a 
&tshion."  ^  Little  if  any  doubt  is  now  left  that 
Garcilasso  was  quite  right,  and  that  among  the 
burnt-offerings  to  the  Suu  on  his  great  festal  days 
there  were  no  human  creatures. 

The  duties  and  ceremonies  of  this  Sun-worship 
were  in  cbai^  of  quite  a  hierarchy  of  ministering 
priests  and  confessors,  sacrificers,  hermits,  and 
iba  piiMt-  soothsayers,  at  the  head  of  all  the  Villao 
•"^  Umu,  "  chief  soothBayer  "  or  high  priest, 

and  above  him  the  Inca.^  The  soothsayers,  like 
the  Rinnan  augurs,  divined  by  the  flight  of  birds 
or  by  inspecting  the  entrails  of  animals  sacrificed. 
The  ministering  priests  received  confessions  and 

'  OmroilMBo,  lib.  u.  cap.  -riii.  lb.  PiMOott  (Conq¥al  ^P«1t, 
book  1.  «hj^  ili.)  «u  inoliaed  to  admit  dut  human  urarifioM  w«n 
parformsd,  thoDgb  tgtj  rarely,  nnder  di*  Inoas,  and  qnirtsd  fivs 
emitempoTBry  aathoritiM  (inolndin^  Citna)  af^tint  QainiUi). 
Bat  Hi.  UarUiam  has  shown  that  Cieza  and  others  «Br«  misled 
by  SDpposing  that  tba  words  jFVjiac  and  haalaia  agm&ad  "  men  " 
and  "ohildreu,"  whereaa,  u  applied  to  tho  Tietims  of  sacrifioe, 
theae  words ugnifled  "adnltbeaata"  and  "lambs."  Ur.  UarMiam 
also  qaoten  seven  other  important  eontemporary  aathoritiea  (not 
mentioned  by  Mr.  Pmoott)  in  inppoit  of  Qaroilasso ;  so  that  the 
qneation  appean  to  be  settled  in  his  favour.  See  ^insor,  Narr. 
and  Crit.  Hit.,  i.  237,  238. 

*  Hie  priesthood  is  deecribed  by  Hr.  Markhami  in  fnnt(i4 
Narr.  and  Crit.  Hut.,  L  240. 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCIENT  PEBV.  848 

lerved  as  the  mouthpieces  of  oraolea.  The  hermiti 
dwelt  in  solitaiy  places,  and  were,  in  some  in- 
stances if  not  always,  organized  into  a  kind  of 
celibate  monastio  brotherhood  with  a  chief  hermit 
at  the  head.  To  these  remarkable  coincidencea 
vith  various  customs  in  the  Old  World  may  be 
added  the  special  coincidence  with  ancient  Egypt 
in  mortuary  customs.  In  Peru  as  in  Egypt  the 
bodies  of  the  dead,  swathed  and  wrapped  in  com- 
plicated fashion,  were  preserved  as  mummies,  and 
sundry  treasures  and  utensils  were  buried  with 

Not  the  least  interesting  of  these  coincidences 
was  the  keeping  of  the  sacred  fire.  Elach  year  at 
the  aotamnaJ  equinox  a  "new  fire  was  kindled  by 
collectii^  the  sun's  rays  on  a  burnished  ^^  ^^ai 
mirror,  and  this  6re  was  kept  alive  ''°°*' 
through  the  year  by  consecrated  maidens  (adla- 
ettna)  analt^us  to  the  Roman  vestal  nuns.  These 
*  CompHre  Cisza  da  Leon,  pt.  i.  cap.  liiii.  nith  Haipera'i  Eggp- 
twin  Ardaolegj/,  ottp,  iil.  "  Manj  of  tbeu  csremomM, "  wj* 
CSeis.  "  «je  now  giTen  np,  becsoM  these  people  an  learning'  that 
it  safBcea  to  inter  the  bodie*  in  oommon  gravel,  aa  Chriitiaiii  an 
interred,  withoat  taking  anythii^  vith  th«m  other  than  good 
work*.  In  tmth,  all  other  things  hat  serrs  to  please  the  DeTil, 
and  to  send  the  wml  down  to  hell  the  more  hearilj  weighted." 
In  Mreral  passages  Cieza  speaks  of  the  CDStom  of  burying  widows 
alire  with  their  hnsband'a  mainniy  aa  if  it  wer«  a  common  ons- 
tom  in  Pern.  It  was  nndonbtedlj  cnmmop  among  many  of  the 
peoples  conqneted  bj  the  Ineaa.  bnt  it  was  not  an  Inca  cnstom, 
and  thej  did  what  thej  coold  to  suppress  it.  A  very  high  oon- 
temporary  authority,  known  as  "  the  anunymons  Jesnit,"  declares 
that  "in  nm*  of  the  bnrial-plaoes  opened  by  the  Spamards  in 
■•aroh  of  treaanre  were  any  hnman  bones  found,  except  thcae  of 
the  bnried  lord  himself."  Markham,  in  Wiinor,  Narr.  and  Oril. 
Hitt.,  t.  237.  Specimen*  of  the  mnnuniee  may  be  seen  at  the 
Peabody  Mnaenm  in  Cambridge. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


844  TEE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMJSBICA. 

vestals  lired  in  convents  presided  over  by  matrou 
(mama-ama).  If  the  fire  happened  to  go  oat  it 
was  an  evil  omen.  If  a  nun  broke  her  vow  of  chas- 
tity she  was  buried  alive,^  just  as  in  Rome.  But 
as  compared  with  the  Peruvian  system  of  vestals, 
the  Boman  ayetem  seeme  either  like  a  dwindled 
survival  of  something  similar,  or  perhaps  a  parallel 
case  of  develofunent  arrested  at  an  earlier  stage. 
It  was  a  much  more  extensive  affair  in  Peru  than 
in  Kome,  and  its  meaning  is  in  many  respects  more 
obvious.  In  Rome  there  were  six  priestesses  <rf 
Vesta,  who  were  treated  with  most  signal  defer- 
ence.^ In  Peru  an  ac/^a-c»na  was  treated  with  mnoh 
deference,  as  a  kind  of  superior  being,  but  the 
number  of  them  was  very  lai^.  There  were  about 
1^00  of  these  vestals  in  the  aclla-kuasi,  or  '*  nuns'- 
house  "  at  Cuzco,  and  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom 
a  temple  of  the  Sun  generally  had  such  a  convent 
attached  to  it.  Their  vow  of  perpetual  celibacy 
meant  that  they  were  the  Sun's  wives  ;  whence  it 
was  quite  natural  that  the  punishment  for  infidelity 
should  be  burial  in  the  dark  grave  out  of  the 
o£Fended  husband's  sight.  As  wives  of  the  Sun, 
they  had  certain  household  duties.  They  baked 
cakes  and  brewed  beer  for  the  great  sacrificial  fes- 
tivals of  the  winter  solstice  and  the  vernal  equinox. 

'  Gircilsno,  lib.  it.  cap.  iii.  Acootding  to  Zanta  {Coaqauta 
dd  Peru,  ii.  7).  UiB  womao'i  psTsiDoni  wu  bmned  aliTa. 

*  "  Their  ware  emaocipatod  from  tbe  patria  pMttUu  and  be- 
eams  tai  jarii ;  .  .  .  a,  liotor  cleared  tha  way  before  lliem ;  a  aeat 
of  hoDoor  WW  nmrred  for  them  at  the  pablio  abow* ;  the  faacM 
of  a  pmtor  or  comul  were  lowered  to  tlieiii ;  and  if  tlief  met  * 
criminal  on  hii  way  to  execatioa  he  was  repiieved."  Ranwaj, 
Boman  Antt^ilia,  p.  1C3. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ASCIENT  PEBU.  84S 

They  also  wove  oloth  of  fine  cotton  aDd  vicnSa 
wool,  and  made  clotfaea  for  their  husband  the  Sun ; 
but  as  the  celestial  spouse,  so  abundantly  cai«d 
for,  oonld  not  come  down  from  the  sky  to  tote  these 
clothes,  the  Inos  took  and  wore  them.  We  are 
thus  prepared  for  the  information  that  the  Inca, 
as  representative  of  the  Sun,  was  hus- 
band  of  all  these  consecrated  women,  ^co^miot 
The  convents  were  not  equivalent  to 
Eastern  harems,  for  the  Inca  did  not  visit  them. 
Bat  he  sent  and  took  from  them  as  many  concur 
bines  as  be  wished ;  those  who  were  not  thus  taken 
remained  virgins.'  It  was  absolutdy  required  that 
the  nuns  at  Cuzco  should  be  of  pure  Inoa  blood ; 
and  as  every  reigning  Inca  had  two  or  three  hun- 
dred euumerated  children,^  the  race  seemed  to  be 
in  no  danger  of  dying  oat. 

The  theory  of  the  Inca's  person,  npon  which 
these  customs  were  based,  regarded  Urn  as  the 
human  representatiTe  or  incarnation  of  the  solar 
deity.  He  was  the  Sun,  made  flesh  and  dwelling 
among  men.  Such  dignity  was  greater  than  that 
of  mediseval  Pope  or  Emperor ;  it  was  even  greater 
than  that  of  the  Caliph,  who  was  a  Mussulman 
pope  and  emperor  combined ;  and  this  is  in  har- 

^  Many  mterMtinp  datwls  oonoenuiig  then  vMtali  tie  ^twi 
in  Oucilawo,  lib.  it.  capa.  i.-rii. 

3  Haw  aumj  more  lie  m&y  have  IumI  cuiDot  b«  nakoned.  Ap- 
puentli  Baj  vomui  in  the  loca'i  dominiona  might  at  any  time 
be  inmmoaed  to  be  hie  cononbine,  and  felt  honoured  and  exalted 
by  the  ntmmonK.  AooordiDg  to  Gaicilamo,  hii  great-grandfather 
Tnpao  Tapanqoi  bad  200  children  in  hie  family  (lib.  viii.  cap. 
TilL) ;  and  hii  great-onole  Hnayua  Capac  bad  fimn  200  to  800 
(lib.  ii.  Mtp.  XT.). 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


846  THE  DISCOVESY  OF  AMERICA. 

mony  intli  tbe  view  that  the  Inca's  rule  was  piBO- 
tically  absolute.  As  for  inatances  of  monaroha 
with  power  etriotlf  unlimited,  like  the  kdug  ia  a 
&iry-tale,  they  are  not  easy  to  find  anywhere  in 
history. 

Great  pains  were  taken  to  keep  the  lineage  of 
this  august  person  as  narrowly  definite  as  possible. 
TIM  iDca'i  Is-  The  luca  could  have  but  one  legitimate 
*'''™"*  "^''  wife,  and  it  was  imperatively  required 
that  she  should  be  his  full  sister,  —  the  child  of 
the  same  father  by  the  same  mother.^  The  chil- 
dren of  the  Inca  by  this  incestuous  marriage  were 
thus  as  comjdetely  and  narrowly  royal  in  blood  as 
possible,  and  the  eldest  son  was  the  legitimate  beir 
to  the  kingdom.^  If  the  Inca  had  no  children  1^ 
his  eldest  sister,  he  married  the  second,  and  the 
third,  and  so  on,  until  a  legitimate  heir  was  bom 
to  him.  Only  such  an  beir  could  be  le^timate. 
The  Inca's  two  or  three  hundred  children  by  the 
vestals,  of  pure  Inca  blood,  were  counted  as  legiti- 
mate, but  could  not  inherit  the  kdngship.  His 
children  by  ordinary  women  were  mere  bastards, 
and  counted  for  nothing,  although  they  were  re- 
spected as  nobler  than  common  people. 

Such  notions  of  caste,  of  distinction  between 
noble  and  ignoble  blood,  such  extreme  deification 
of  the  military  head  of  the  community,  would 
have  been  inconceivable  in  any  part  of  aboriginal 

'  This  one  Iqptimatfi  irifs  wu  called  Cvt/a,  gqiUT&leDt  to 
qoMu.    Sae  G&Tciluso.  lib.  it.  wp.  ii. ;  Cieia,  pt  il  tup.  liiz. 

'  la  iti  origin  tfaia  role  *aa  prohablj  n  devioe  for  keeptoff  tha 
"  roy^  saoc«vioTi  in  tha  mala  lina,  vhare  otJiarwiM  anoceBUon 
throng  femalea  prevailed."  See  Spenoar,  Princ^jle*  of  So- 
eialegi),  toI.  ii.  p.  346. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


AlfCISNT  PSSU.  847 

America  except  Peru.  In  purely  tribal  society 
Uiere  is  no  such  thing  as  caste,  no  sucli 
thing  as  monarchy.  Caste  and  mon-  oDdBrgoua 
arohy  are  results  of  the  partial  fusion  ^1^"° 
of  tribal  societies  through  conquest,  ^Mhmin 
The  OHiquering  tribe  becomes  the  rul- 
ing caste,  its  head  war-chief  becomes  the  semi- 
divine  monarch,  \owhere  except  in  Fern  hod 
there  been  enough  conquest  and  fusion  to  produce 
any  such  results.  The  Mexican  tlacatecuhUi  af- 
forded an  instance  of  primitive  kingship  developed 
almost  as  far  as  was  possible  in  a  purely  tribal 
society ;  he  was  a  priest-commander,  almost  but 
not  quite  equivalent  to  the  early  Greek  hasihua, 
or  priest -judge -commander.  If  the  conquering 
career  of  the  Aztec  confedera>cy  had  gone  on  un- 
checked until  the  present  time,  it  would  probably 
have  effected  a  military  occupation  of  the  whole 
Mexican  territory,  with  garrisons  in  the  principal 
pueblo-towns;  the  calpixqui,  or  tax-gatherers, 
wonid  probably  have  developed  into  permanent 
satraps  or  governors,  like  the  Peruvian  curacaa ; 
the  Aztec  tribe  might  very  likely  have  developed 
into  a  ruling  caste,  supported  entirely  by  the 
labonr  of  the  subjected  peoples ;  and  the  Aztec 
**  chief-of-men  "  might  well  have  become  exalted 
into  a  despot  like  Xerxes  or  Tupac  Yupanqui ;  while 
the  Aztec  tribal  council  would  have  come  to  be  an 
evanescent  affair  seldom  mentioned  by  historians, 
like  the  cooncil  at  Cuzco. 

Thus  the  governmental  development  in  ancient 
Fern  was  auch  as  to  indicate  that  socie^  must,  at 
least  iu  some  respects,  hare  passed  beyond  the 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


848  THE  DISCOVEST  OF  AifERICA. 

tritnl  Btago  as  exeinpli6ed  elsewhere  thron^mH 
aboriginal  America.  We  have  other  indicatiam 
of  a  aimilar  kind.     There  are  reasonfi  for  believ^ 

ing  that  the  primitiTe  elan  systent  ifss 
o/uibSb       to  a  very  ooasiderable  extent  broken  up. 

Upon  such  points,  indeed,  our  informa- 
tion is  meagre  and  nnsatisfactory.  The  ethuolo- 
gifit  and  the  arehieologiBt  have  not  done  so  much  ior 
na  in  Pern  as  Hiey  have  done  in  North  America. 
There  is  much  need  in  this  field  fen*  work  like  that 
of  Moi^an,  Gushing,  and  Banddier.  It  would  be 
interesting  to  know,  for  example,  how  tax  Ute 
great  communal  house  or  fortress,  of  the  pueblo 
type,  may  have  been  oommon  in  Peru.  One 
would  gladly  see  the  remarkable  ruins  at  Caxar- 
marquilla  ^  and  at  Chimu,^  near  Truxillo,  explored 
with  especial  reference  to  this  question.  If  it 
should  turn  out,  however,  that  these  and  other 
structures  in  the  coast  region  are  the  remains  of 
ancient  pueblos,  it  would  still  be  unsafe  to  infer 
too  hastily  that  the  state  of  society  implied  by 
them  was  like  that  which  prevailed  nearer  to 
CuzGo.  It  is  probable  that  before  the  Inca  con- 
quests the  entire  coast  region,  from  the  isthmus  of 
Darien  to  Chili,  was  the  seat  of  a  semi-civilization 
in  many  respects  like  that  of  Mexico  and  Central 
America,  in  some  respects  cruder.  These  coast 
peoples  were  skilful  irrigators  and  built  huge 
structures  of  adobe  brick ;  they  were  cannibals, 
they  sacrificed  human  beings  to  dog-headed  idols, 
and  they  buried  widows  alive  with  their  dead  hus- 
bands. All  such  heathenish  practices  the  conqner- 
1  Sqnkc'a  Ptm,  p.  98.  >  Id.,  pp.  148-104. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ASCIXST  PKBU.  849 

JDg  Inoas,  to  tlie  best  of  their  abilitj,  Buppieaaed. 
If  we  were  to  infer,  from  the  cannibalisni  piao- 
tised  by  these  peoples,  tiat  the  Incas  were  like- 
wise cannibals,  we  should  make  a  grave  mistake. 
It  would  clearly,  therefore,  be  nnsafe  to  infer, 
from  any  vestiges  of  oommnoal  living  in  this 
r^on,  that  the  same  sort  of  communal  living 
formed  any  part  of  the  Inca  phase  of  aodety. 

In  this  cotmectioQ  a  certain  passage  in  Qarci- 
lasso  de  la  Vega  is  very  suggestive.  Eastward  of 
the  Andes,  in  a  part  of  what  is  now  Bolivia,  lived 
a  fierce  race  of  barbarians  called  Chin-  j^  f,^^ 
huanas,  —  such  cannibals  that  "  if  they  >™»^ 
come  upon  shepherds  watching  sheep  [alpacas], 
they  prefer  one  shepherd  to  a  whole  fiock  of 
sheep."  In  1572  (i.  e.  in  Garcilasso's  own  time, 
when  he  was  thirty-two  years  old),  the  viceroy 
D<m  FrancisoD  de  Toledo  imdertook  to  invade  the 
country  of  the  Chirihuanaa  and  chastise  them  into 
good  behaviour.  Bat  their  country,  situated  on 
the  rainy  side  of  the  giant  mountains,  was  a  fright- 
ful maze  of  swampy  forests,  and  Don  Francisco 
was  baffled,  as  in  earlier  days  the  great  Inoa  Pacha- 
cntec  had  been  baffled  in  the  same  enterprise. 
"  The  viceroy  came  back  as  a  fugitive,  having  left 
behind  all  he  had  taken  with  him,  that  the  Indians 
might  be  satisfied  with  their  captures  and  leave 
him  to  escape.  He  came  out  by  bo  bad  a  road 
that,  as  the  beasts  were  unable  to  drag  the  litter 
in  which  he  travelled,  the  Spaniards  and  Indians 
had  to  carry  him  on  their  shoulders.  The  Chiri- 
huanas  followed  behind,  with  derisive  shouts,  and 
oried  out  to  the  bearers  to  throw  that  old  woman 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


860  THE  DISCOVSar  OF  AMERWA, 

[his  higlmess,  the  viceroy  I]  ont  of  the  basket,  thai 
tlt^  might  eat  her  alive." 

Now  of  Uiese  Chirihuanas  Graroilasso  goes  on  to 
say  that  Uiey  learned  from  the  Incas  how  to  make 
dwellingB,  in  which  they  lived  in  oommon.  Iliere 
TiMir  oon-  ^  ^  possible  ambiguity  about  this  sen- 
■iiuwi  iioiusL  tg^gg  ^  ;t  jg  carelessly  read.  From  Ae 
context  I  understand  it  to  mean,  not  that  tbe  Incas 
taught  them  their  communal  s^le  of  living,  in 
which  they  resembled  savages  and  low  barbarians 
generally ;  but  that  they  copied  from  neighbouring 
peoples  under  Inoa  sway  certain  building  arts 
which  they  applied  to  their  own  purposes.  Fer^ 
haps  Garoilasito  is  mistaken  in  supposing  that  they 
learned  their  art  of  building  from  the  Incas ;  for 
on  that  point  he  speaks  as  an  antiquary.  In  the 
next  sentence  he  speaks  as  s  contemporary.  A 
Chirihuana  dwelling,  be  says,  is  a  very  large  house, 
divided  into  as  many  apartments  as  there  are  fam- 
ilies; these  apartments,  though  small,  are  quite 
sufficient  for  people  without  much  encumbrance  in 
the  shape  of  clothes  or  household  furniture ;  and 
each  great  house  may  be  called  a  village  (^puddo). 
Upon  such  a  state  of  things  Garoilasso  looks  with 
some  disgust.  '*  This  is  enough  to  say  about  the 
brutal  condition  and  manner  of  life  of  the  Chiri- 
huanas, and  it  will  be  a  great  marvel  if  w«  ara 
able  to  draw  them  out  of  it."  ' 

I  "  Tambien  q»«Ddieran  1(m  Ciiirihiunu  de  loi  Insu  li  Iumi 
MM*  pwa  m  morada,  do  pmrtiralana,  lino  m  oomnD:  porqiM 
haun  nn  g*1pOD  snodiannio,  7  dmtro  tantoa  ■.ptrtadijoa  qokutM 
■on  toe  TeiiDoa.  7  tan  peqnaSoi  que  do  eabeo  mu  de  1a>  peraonu 
J  !«■  butt  pOTqaa  no  tieneD  axonr  ni  rapa  de  vertir,  qna  undaii 
Ml  euarg*.    Y  dsita  maiiBra  la  podra  Uamar  pneblo  oada  galpou 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCtBNT  PXBU.  861 

This  is  Dot  the  way  in  wliicti  die  Inca  historian 
would  have  mentioned  pueblo-houses  if  he  had 
been  fa-Tnilit^T  with  them  from  boyhood.  He  tells 
OS,  moreover,  that  the  Femvians  of  whom  he  had 
personal  knowledge,  in  Cuzoo  and  other  cities,  did 
not  join  their  booses  together,  but  each  one  stood 
by  itself ;  on  one  aide  was  usually  s  large  Uring 
room,  on  the  other  were  small  chambers  and 
vlosetsJ  The  inferenoe,  that  the  normal  Peruvian 
household  was  a  family  and  not  a  clan,  is  supported 
^3iy  the  fact  that  in  the  remarkably  symmetrical 
and  artificial  organization  of  society,  about  to  be 
described,  the  unit  of  composition  was  not  the 
clan,  but  the  family  averaging  five  or  six  persons. 

It  is  quite  in  harmony  with  sach  a  stage  of  family 
development  that  marriage  was  ordinarily  indissot- 
nble ; '  that  most  men  had  but  one  wife, 
though  in  certain  cases  polygamy  was 
permissible ;  ^  and  that  prostitutes  were  treated 

da  kqaelloa.  Esto  m  lo  qiw  ftj  que  dezir  aeaioK  da  Is  bmts  ood- 
^oion  7  vida  da  Iob  CMrUmanai,  qua  sera  i^nui  maianiUa  poderloa 
noai  dalla."  O&rcilano,  lib.  tU.  cap.  xvii.  (Lubon,  laOB).  In 
Ilia  tranalatkin  of  tliia  paaiage  Hr.  Maridiam  is  evidentlj  wrong 
a*  to  the  meanii^  of  that  tncksonlJ  word  ncn'ncu  ;  hen  it  olearlir 
means  famlUea,  not  indiTidnah.  Gatcilavo  nualj  did  not  mean 
to  desmbe  the  hanaa  aa  "  divided  into  aa  many  partitions  aa  there 
an  inhabitanla." 

'  "  Advertiina*  que  Ion  IndioB  del  Pern  ...  do  traoanaD  inas 
piegai  con  otraa,  nao  que  todaa  las  haman  meltas  cada  ma  de 
porai :  qnando  mooho  de  Tiia  mny  gno  aela  o  quadra  «aMn»n  a 
tn  lado,  7  a  otro  landoii  apoaeutoa  peqneHot  qns  wmian  de  le- 

*  Report  by  Crintoral  de  Holina,  in  MarUiam'B  Bitei  and  Lata 
t^tJie  rncof,  London,  IST3  (HakliiTt  Soo.),  p.  54. 

'  "  Whan  any  man  had  reoeiTed  a  voman  aa  hit  lefritimate  wife 
ormanuincAii,  heoould  not  take  anothar  except  throuf^  thefaToor 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


362  THE  DISCOVBBY  OF  AMEBICA. 

as  outside  the  pale  of  society.  The;  were  obliged 
to  live  in  huts  in  the  fields,  outside  of  dte  towns, 
and  were  called  pampayruna,  or  "  women  of  the 
fields."  They  were  treated  by  men  "with  extreme 
ootttampt  Women  eould  not  speak  to  them,  on 
pain  of  receiving  the  same  name,  being  shorn  in 
public,  declared  as  infamous,  and  repudiated  by 
their  husbands  if  married."  ' 

Such  a  development  of  the  family  indicates  a 
Tb«  indnNriai  groat  advancfi  from  the  primitive  type 
*"''  of  clan  otganization.     But  the  extent  to 

which  the  clan  system  had  been  broken  up  and 
superseded  by  a  very  peculiar  and  artificial  sys- 
tem is  illustrated  in  the  industrial  organization  of 
the  Peruvian  people  in  their  village  communities. 
There  everything  was  arranged  as  symmetrically 
as  in  the  administration  of  departments,  arrondisae- 
menta,  cantons,  and  communes  in  modem  France  ; 
and  such  aymmetiy  of  arrangement  is  explicable 
only  as  the  result  of  the  action  of  a  more  or  leas 

of  the  Inok,  which  vu  ■hown  for  varioiu  reasoiu,  either  to  ane 
who  had  (pedal  >kiU  id  any  ait,  or  to  ona  who  had  shown  valani 
in  war,  or  Iiad  pleaaed  the  Inca  in  any  other  «aj."  Report  by 
Polo  de  Ondeganlo,  in  Markhun,  ^  at.  p.  160. 

'  Qardlaaio,  lib.  iv.  oap.  liv.  There  i>  a  dai^e  tnttndn  in  ths 
wotd  pantpai/Tvna ;  inaunocb  as  panipa  roeaiu  not  only  a  field, 
hnt  is  aim  somrtiiDe*  used  to  dasignBta  a  publis  square,  open  to 
all  oomeiB,  ao  panpoyruna  conToys  the  meamnf;  of  a  publio 
woman  or  itnuupat  They  were  nevei  sailed  by  their  name*, 
layi  Oardlano,  but  only  by  this  scornful  epithet ;  L  e.  they  lost 
penonaUty  and  were  no  longer  entitled  to  peiaonal  oaniaa,  but 
only  to  a  common  noun.  The  Incas  preserred  the  tradition  of  a 
former  state  of  oomparative  promiecaity,  and  with  this  fanner 
state,  as  well  ai  with  the  looaa  leiaal  lelatious  among  neigbbonr- 
ing  peoples,  they  contrasted  the  higher  derelopment  of  the  family 
Id.,  Ub.  L  caps.  liv.,  X*. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ANCIENT  FBBU.  8m 

tboroughly  centralized  govemment.  This  indos- 
trial  oi^anization  in  ancient  Pern  was  really  a 
militaiy  oiganization  applied  to  industrial  pur- 
poses; it  was  a  system  of  army  govemment 
extended  through  the  whole  fnunework  of  society. 
Families  and  villages  were  oi^anized  apon  a  deci- 
mal system,  like  companies  and  regiments.  The 
average  monogamous  family  of  five  persons  was  the 
ouit.  Ten  such  families  made  a  chunca,  ten  cAun- 
caa  made  one  pachaca,  ten  pachacaa  one  hvaranca, 
and  ten  huarancaa  one  Airnu,  so  that  a  hunu  was 
a  distiiot  with  a  popttlatioD  of  about  50,000  pei^ 
sons.^  £ach  of  these  decimal  subdivisions  had  its 
presiding  officer,  who  was  responsible  directly  to 
his  immediate  superior  and  ultimately  to  the  Inoa. 
"  The  decurion  was  obliged  to  perform  two  duties 
in  relation  to  the  men  composing  his  division. 
One  was  to  act  as  their  caterer,  to  assist  them 
with  his  diligence  and  care  on  all  occasions  when 
they  required  help,  reporting  their  necessities  to 
the  governor  or  other  officer,  whose  duty  it  was  to 
supply  seeds  when  they  were  required  for  sowing ; 
or  cloth  for  maMng  clothes  ;  or  to  help  to  rebuild 
a  house  if  it  fell  or  was  burnt  down ;  or  whatever 
other  need  tbey  had,  great  or  smalL  The  other 
du^  was  to  act  as  a  crown  officer,  reporting  every 
offence,  how  slight  soever  it  might  be,  committed 
by  his  people,  to  Bis  superior,  who  either  pro* 
nonnced  the  punishment  or  referred  it  to  another 
officer  of  still  higher  rank."  ' 

1  Ondegsido,  in  Markham,  op.  cil.  p.  15C ;  OuotlMto,  Ub.  ii 

*  QbioUuio,  lib.  ii.  oap.  zii 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ft54  THE  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMXBICA. 

The  land  was  divided  into  little  areas  called 
tupuB,  one  tupu  being  enough  to  support  a  niait 
.«.^  .  .  and  his  wife.  Aa  fast  aa  children  were 
ij*Jj»j^  born,  "  another  tvpu  was  granted  for 
each  boy,  and  half  a  tupu  for  each 
girL"  ^  This  land  did  not  belong  to  the  family  or 
its  head,  but  to  the  ckunca  or  village  community ; 
and  as  tlie  chvnca  was  originally  reckoned  the 
equivalent  of  an  ayllu,  or  "  lineage,"  we  have  here 
a  connecting  link  between  this  elaborate  system 
and  the  earlier  system  of  clan  ownership  which  pre- 
ceded it.^  The  ayllu,  or  figment  of  an  overgrown 
and  disintegrated  olan,  was  trimmed  into  a  definite 
size,  and  thus  survived  as  the  chunca  in  the  new 
decimal  system.  The  chvnca  owned  the  land  in  the 
sense  of  occupying  it,  and  at  intervals  of  time  there 
was  a  redistribution  of  it,  in  order  to  maintain 
equality,  as  among  the  ancient  Germans  and  the 
modem  Russians.^  The  produce  of  the  land  was 
divided  into  three  shares,  one  for  the  Inca,  one  for 
the  priesthood,  one  for  the  people.  Every  man 
who  had  been  present  at  the  sowing  had  his  equal 
share  of  the  people's  third ;  if  he  had  not  been  pres- 
ent at  the  sowing,  it  was  because  he  was  absent 
in  the  Inea's  service  (as,  for  example,  on  a  cam- 
paign), and  ^ns  he  had  his  share  in  the  Inea's 


*  Sm  BBudelier'i  ranutlu  od  PeraTiaii  Iuid-t«Diii«,  in  PeoAodj 
Jfiunin  Reporit,  toI.  ii.  p.  423. 

■  Hmina,  Viliagt  Commanitla,  Loudon,  1871 ;  NaMe,  Th  Agri- 
euUvral  Community  m  lA«  MiddU  Agt4.  Iiondon,  1872  {  Fimi,  Tit 
Aryan  ViUage  in  India  and  Ceglon,  London,  1880;  Hsckemie 
WallaM'i  Buttia,  London,  1877 ;  Lsieler*,  Primitivr  Pnjitrty. 
Londm,  1878. 


„i,zc.bvGoogIc 


AJTCISITT  PEBU.  856 

third ;  or  else  he  had  been  employed  id  work  about 
the  temples,  and  accordingly  took  hia  share  from 
the  priesthood's  third.  There  was  no  room  for 
idlers  or  for  nullionaireH.  There  were  special  censna 
officers,  statistics  were  strictly  kept  on  the  qvipus, 
and  allotments  made  accordingly.  Irrigation  and 
tillage  were  directed  by  the  decurion,  or  village 
overseer.  If  a  village  suffered  from  war,  or  pesti- 
lence, or  earthquake,  asaessmenta  were  made  upon 
more  fortunate  villages  for  repairing  the  damage. 
On  the  whole  it  was  the  most  complete  illustration 
of  government  socialism  that  the  historian  can  dis- 
oover  by  looking  backward. 

One  is  quite  prepared  to  learn  that  in  such  a 
society  as  this  there  was  very  little  di- 
vision of  labour.  "  They  had  no  special  di'Uimof 
tradesmen,  as  we  have,  such  as  tailors, 
shoemakers,  or  weavers ;  but  each  man  learnt  all, 
BO  that  he  could  himself  make  all  that  he  -required. 
All  men  knew  how  to  weave  and  make  clothes ;  bo 
that  when  the  Inca  gave  them  wool,  it  was  aa  good 
as  giving  them  clothes.  All  could  till  and  mannre 
the  land  without  hiring  labourers.  All  knew  how 
to  build  houses.  And  the  women  knew  all  these 
arts  also,  practising  them  with  great  diligence  and 
helping  their  husbands."  '  A  society  in  which 
division  of  labour  had  been  considerably  developed 
would  not  have  lent  itself  so  readily  to  such  a  mo- 
notonous and  spiritless  regimentation  as  that  of  the 
Incas.  As  already  observed,  this  system,  which 
seems  to  have  been  fully  developed  by  the  time 
tliat  the  extensive  conquests  began  under  Yin^ 
'  Qarmlano,  lib.  t.  op.  Ix. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


856  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AXEBtCA. 

cocha  Inca,  and  which  was  impoeed  suoceanTel; 
upon  one  conquered  people  after  another,  was 
really  an  application  of  military  organization  to 
indoatrial  purposes,  and  was  incompatible  with 
advanced  progress  in  indnatrial  art.  As  Herb^ 
Spencer  observes,  in  considering  what  constitutes 
a  tme  industrial  society,  we  are  concerned,  "not 
with  the  quantity  of  labour  but  with  the  mode  of 
organization  of  the  labourers.  A  regiment  of  sol- 
diers can  be  set  to  constantot  earthworks ;  another 
to  cut  down  wood ;  another  to  bring  in  water ;  but 
they  are  not  thereby  reduced  for  the  time  being 
to  an  industrial  society.  The  united  individuals 
do  these  things  under  command ;  and,  having  no 
private  claims  to  the  products,  are,  though  indus- 
trially occupied,  not  industrially  organized." ' 

We  are  here  brought  back  to  the  statement, 
made  some  time  since,^  tliat  in  Peru  the  formatioa 
of  nationality,  with  the  evolution  of  a  distinct 
governing  class,  took  place  before  Utere  had  been 
any  considerable  devdopment  of  the  idea  of  pri- 
vate property ;  so  that  the  result  was  a  state  or^ 
ganized  upon  the  principle  of  communistic  despot- 
ism.    It  was  a  kind  of  industrial  army. 

If  we  recur  now  to  the  tripartite  division  of  the 
produce  of  tlie  land,  we  observe  that  it  was  an 
army  in  which  the  lion's  share  of  this  produce  was 
consumed  in  the  support  of  the  administration. 
One  third  of  the  crop  was  evenly  divided  among 
the  cultivators ;  two  thirds  really  went  to  the  gov- 

'  SpcDoai,  Principlei  of  Sodalogy,  mL  iL  f.  6M,  vhers  fta  oiM 
<tf  Fsrn  u  aitsd  in  poinL 
■  Sm  abora,  p.  810. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ASOIXST  PXBU.  867 

eminent  in  the  sliape  of  tazfls.  Members  of  thB 
Inea  oololity  aad  the  prieBthood,  aa  noa-prodooen, 
flontribnted  oothiiig  to  these  taxes,  but  were  sup- 
ported out  of  that  portion  of  them  vhich  re- 
mained after  military  and  other  administrative 
ouUays  had  been  made.  The  taxes  were  paid  in 
crops,  woollen  or  cotton  cloth,  shoes,  weapons,  coca, 
or  in  cables  for  moving  great  stones.' 

With  this  military  organization  of  labour  it 
becomes  possible  to  understand  how  such  buildings 
as  the  Sacsabuaman  fortress  could  have  been  reared 
by  people  but  slightly  acquiunted  with  the  art  of 
engineering.  The  mai-rellous  and  impressive  fea- 
ture in  this  Cyclopean  architecture  is  o^topHs 
simply  its  massiveneBs.  We  do  not  ^'^ 
admire  it  as  an  expression  of  intellectmil  quaU- 
ties,  as  we  praise  a  Greek  temple  for  its  beauty,  or 
a  Gothic  church  for  its  sublimity.  Not  even  as 
fine  mason-work,  in  the  modem  sense  of  the  term, 
does  it  appeal  to  us.  It  simply  amazes  us  with  its 
herculean  exhibition  of  bmte  force.  The  Sacsa- 
huaman  fortress  was  built  of  unhewn  stones,  often 
quite  irregular  in  shape  and  very  unequal  in  size, 
so  chosen  as  to  fit  together  without  mortar.  The 
marvel  of  it  is  simply  how  the  huge  stones  could 
have  been  dragged  to  the  spot  and  hoisted  into 
place.  A  certain  Spanish  priest  asked  Garcilasso 
^  whether  it  was  possible  to  put  them  in  their  po- 
sitionB  without  tlw  wd  of  the  Devil"'     But  the 

>  OanOano,  lib.  t.  eap.  vi, ;  Cieu  de  Leon,  pt  ii  cap.  iriii. 

'  GarcilaMa,  lib.  rii.  cap.  xxrllL  Mr.  Harkham,  [n>m  hii  own 
in«Miirem«nte,  gim  wudb  of  the  liiea  of  atoneii  in  the  outer  vbH 
a«  fonrtMH  fast  bj  eiglit,  fanitean  by  twalTs,  lixtMii  feet  iix 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


858  TBE  DISCOVSST  OF  AKSBICA. 

amautaa  doubtless  told  the  truth  wlien  they  said 
it  vaB  all  done  by  an  enormouB  expenditure  of  hu- 
man brawn  and  sinew.  Of  one  huge  monolith, 
famous  as  the  "  tired  stone  "  because  '*  it  became 
tired  and  could  not  reach  its  place,"  the  amautaa 
said  that  more  tJian  20,000  Indians  were  employed 
in  dragging  it  with  stout  cables.  The  conditions 
of  the  case  were  not  so  very  unlike  those  under 
which  the  pyramids  of  Egypt  were  erected,  though 
the  architecture  and  mason-work  of  the  latter  are 
of  far  higher  type  and  show  much  more  range  of 
thought  than  any  ancient  structures  in  the  New 
oommmiiKio  World.^  So  far  SB  mere  command  of 
*"*°''"'  human  labour  went,  the  commnnistio 
despotism  of  Peru  could  do  things  similar  in  kind, 
though  lesser  in  degree,  to  the  despotism  of  the 
Pharaohs. 

This  industrial  army  succeeded,  as  we  hare  seen, 
in  carrying  ^^cnlture  to  a  considerable  degree  of 
perfection.  The  ext«nt  to  which  every  available 
spot  of  ground  was  utilized  indicates  a  somewhat 
dense  population,  though  it  must  be  remembered 
that  much  of  the  area  included  within  the  bca*s 
dominions  was  wild  land  unsuitable  for 
ooldvation.  Gardens  were  carried  up 
the  mountain-aides  on  terraces,  aa  in  modem  Italy. 

'  S««  Ravlinson'i  S!itorg  of  Egvpt,  ml.  i.  pp.  1)^211.  Ao- 
tordin^  to  Herodotai  {a.  124,125)  tiu  Oraat  Pyrsniid  eonramed 
the  labour  of  100,000  men  for  tliirty  yun.  Snoh  numtwn  iniut 
b«  QDHeratood  with  mndh  latitniJo.  The  Epyptiwa  haA  oian,  uid, 
MeOTding-  to  Herodotne,  mute  on  of  indineil  plana*  in  workinj; 
upon  tlie  pTTunidi.  Foadbly  tlie  PamTiau  may  hiTs  been  able 
here  and  thara  to  ntiliia  the  prinoiple  ol  the  iDclimd  plane.  Foi 
■ome  remaib  an  earl;  Phcmisiui  hdildioK,  *«•  Bmwn'a  Pdmu/m, 
pp.  21,  21. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ASCIENT  PSBU.  869 

Mr.  Markham  aays  that  the  finest  Sea  Island  cotton 
of  oar  day  is  not  superior  to  th^  best  crops  raised 
under  the  Incas.  The  potato  an3  maize  crops  were 
also  vety  fine.  If  Thorfinn  Karlsefni  and  his  men 
had  seen  Femvian  maize-fields,  they  would  not 
have  fanded  that  sneh  com  ^w  wild.  As  for 
the  Peruvian  wools,  we  ara  beginning  to  leam  that 
in  comparison  with  the  vicaSa  all  other  material 
for  clothing  seems  both  cumbrous  and  ooaise.' 

The  vicufia  and  the  huanacn  were  the  wild  ani- 
mals hunted  by  the  Peruvians,  but  a  veiy  tame 
affair  was  this  hunting  as  compared  with  gallop- 
ing after  the  hounds  in  England.  There  was  no 
ohance  for  sport;  everything  in  this  industrial 
army  must  be  done  to  order.  Nobody  was  allowed 
to  hill  one  of  these  animals,  except  at  the  period- 
ical government  hunts,  in  which  whole  , 
villages,  led  by  their  overseers,  took  '""' 
part.  Hie  people  surrounded  their  game  and  dosed 
in  on  it,  and  then  it  was  methodically  disposed  of, 
—  some  of  the  beasts  released  till  next  time,  some 
shorn  and  then  released,  some  killed  for  the  table. 
A  strict  record  of  all  this  was  kept  on  the  qtiiput 
by  the  census  officer,  —  a  thing,  says  Polo  de  Oode- 
gardo,  "  which  it  would  be  difBcult  for  me  to  be- 
lieve if  I  had  not  seen  it."  ^     The  huanaca  wool 

^  The  Spauiudi  wen  net  long'  io  InmnDg  the  merits  of  the 
TJonBa'i  fliHws.  BUnhete  mada  of  it  were  sent  to  >^'pKiii  for  the 
bed  of  Philip  n. ;  see  Gnrdlawo,  lib.  vi.  cap.  i. 

*  tkrkhsni'B  Rittt  and  Lam  of  I/a  Ynrat.  p.  IfSi.  Mr.  Dar- 
win bae  pomted  oat  haw  the  aelection  ot  eertain  of  then  fcTi»m«.l» 
(or  (barter  and  othen  for  release  and  further  breeding  wa«  to 
managad  as  to  improve  the  Ttm.  Variatim  qf  Ammalt  and 
PUmU  »»dtr  DomtHUaiion,  toL  iL  p.  206. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


860  TBS  DISUOVEBT  OF  AltSRWA. 

was  divided  among   the   people,  but  tlie  vioidia 
wool  was  reserved  for  those  of  Inoa  blood. 

Of  tliese  wools,'  as  well  as  of  the  cottons,  fine 
cloth  was  woven  and  dyed  of  various  hues,^  and 
ornamental  tapestries  were  wrought  and  embroi- 
dered.  Groid  was  obtained  with  ease 
and  in  great  quantity  by  washing  the 
sands  of  the  rivers  in  the  province  of  Caravaya. 
Blast  fumaoes  were  used  for  smelting  silver.  Gold 
and  silver  were  valued  for  their  beauty,  and  re- 
served for  the  Inca  or  for  use  in  the  temples,  and 
dishes,  vases,  and  trinkets  innumerable  were  made 
of  them.  But  there  was  no  currency  or  money  of 
any  hind.'  Ail  trade  was  simple  barter,  but  in 
using  Boalea  and  estimating  certain  goods  by  weight, 
the  Peruvians  were  more  advanced  than  the  people 
of  Mexico.  In  their  imf^ments  of  war  and  hus- 
bandry, which  were  fashioned  in  bronze,  they  were 
far  superior  to  the  Aztecs.  In  the  pottery,  which 
was  made  in  great  abundance,  the  superiority  was 
perhaps  less  marked.  In  certain  arts  and  inven- 
tions they  bad  not  advanced  so  far  as  the  people 
of  Mexico;  their  balsas,  or  rafts,^  for  example, 
were  rude  oontrivanoes  eompared  to  the  nimble 
Mexican  canoes. 

If  we  compare  the  culture  of  ancient  Pern,  as 
a  whoU,  with  that  of  the  Mexicans  and  Mayas, 
we  cannot  f^  to  be  struck  with  the  contrast  In 
some  points  it  was  further  removed  from  savagery 

'  Fur  ths  ■loellent  fut  vegetable  djsi,  we  GaroilMM,  toL  I. 
p.  319,  Markh&m'a  note. 

*  Q*niilaa«o,  lib.  T.  cap.  viL  ;  lib.  ri.  oape.  i.,  iL 

'  QannlBMO,  lib.  iii.  osp.  irt 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


AyCIENT  PEBU.  SCI 

by  neiffly  the  full  length  of  an  ethnical  period. 
The  cardmal  points  of  superiority  were  the  fur- 
ther development  of  the  monogamous  family,  the 
advance  from  tribal  confederation  to-  G«nmi«uM. 
ward  rudimentary  nationality,  the  pro-  "■^' . 
gre&s  into  a  more  spiritual  form  of  polytheism 
with  the  abandoning  of  human  sacrifices  and  can- 
nibalism, the  domestication  of  animals  and  fur- 
ther development  of  agriculture,  the  improvement 
in  roads,  and  the  prevailing  use  of  bronze  for 
weapons  and  tools.  This  further  progress  from 
savagery  was,  however,  attended  with  some  disad- 
vantf^s.  In  becoming  nationalized,  the  Inoa 
government  had  stiffened  into  despotism,'  as  was 
sure  to  be  the  case  with  all  nations  formed  before 
the  comparatively  modem  development  of  the 
ideas  of  legal  contract  and  political  representa- 
tion ;  and,  as  we  have  seen,  the  peculiar  form  of 
this  despotism  was  communistic  because  it  grew 
up  among  a  people  whose  ideas  of  private  property 
were  still  very  imperfectly  developed. 

In  point  of  humaneness  and  refinement  the 
people  of  Peru  were  unquestionably  superior  to 
the  Mayas  and  Mexicans.      Their  criminal  code 

'  Aa  contraated  with  die  Perayians,  the  tribes  of  Meiiiio  tud 
Central  Amerioa  thus  poweased  aa  advuitsge  somewhat  Bnalof^oiu 
to  that  of  the  Q«TiiuuiB  whom  TacituB  knew  over  the  Romaiu  of  his 
own  time  with  whom  he  »  anm^eidvely  compared  them.  Thej 
letuned  plAstioity,  wherew  the  wolety  goremed  by  the  Inou  had 
become  rigid,  llie  gieateit  of  all  the  inherited  adTantages  whioh 
Engliah-epeaking  people  to-day  enjoy  a  the  fact  that  aor  aoeea- 
tial  Tentotiio  aociet;  retuned  ita  tribal  mobility  and  plasticity  of 
organiiation  to  ao  late  a  period  in  history  that  it  was  able  to  proflt 
to  the  fnlleat  extent  by  BoEoan  oirilizatian  without  being  swamped 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


j(62  THE  DIHCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

mu  serere,  and  now  and  tihen  we  read  of  whole- 
sale beheadings  for  treason,  or  of  pris- 
oners being  burned  alive ;  ^  but  in  civil- 
ized Europe  one  need  go  back  scarcely  a  century 
to  find  the  guillotine  buaj  in  Paris,  and  scarcely 
mora  than  a  century  to  witness  an  auto  de  fe  in 
Spain,  — not  of  criminals,  bat  of  useful  and  meri- 
torious free-thinkers.  On  the  whole,  for  a  society 
in  most  respects  within  the  middle  period  of  bar- 
barism, for  a  society  less  advanced  intellectually 
than  the  Egyptians  of  the  Old  Empire,  it  would 
appear  that  the  Inca  society  was  remarkable  for 
mildueBB  and  humanity.  It  was  not  cursed,  like 
Mexico,  with  the  daily  spectacle  of  men  and  wo- 
men torn  open  and  cat  into  pieces.  It  looked  upon 
such  people  a^  the  Chibchas  as  ferocious  barba- 
rians, and  it  would  have  justly  entertained  a  sim- 
ilar opinion  of  the  people  of  Uxmal  and  Tezcuco  if 
it  had  known  anything  about  them.  The  p^es  of 
Cieza  de  Leon  bear  frequent  testimony  to  the  clem- 
ency and  moderation  of  the  Incas  in  many  of  their 
dealings  with  vanquished  peoples  ;  and  one  point, 
upon  which  he  speaks  emphatically,  is  quite  star- 
tling in  its  unlikenesB  to  what  was  common  in  an- 
cient society.  Soldiers  were  forbidden  to  pillage, 
under  penalty  of  death,  and  this  rule  was  en- 
forced.* 

With  regard  to  intellectual  culture,  as  exhibited 
in  literary  production,  the  Peruvians  were  at  a 
disadvaat^e  compared  to  the  peoples  north  of  the 
isthmus  of  Darien.  The  data  for  a  comparison 
are  me^re  indeed.  There  was  some  written  lit- 
)  GhoUmw,  lib.  iiL  cap'  iv.  >  Cieia,  pt.  E  o^.  zxiii- 


Lliailizc^bv  Google 


ASCISNT  PERU.  868 

emture,  as  we  have  seen,  among  the  Mexican  and 
MayarQuioh£  peoples,  but  very  littie  of  inuuMtMi 
it  remains  in  a  decipherable  state.  Such  ""i*""- 
of  it  as  is  still  accessible  to  the  modem  reader  is, 
of  course,  rude  and  primitive  in  thought  and  sen- 
timent. The  Nahuatl  hymns  collected  by  Dr. 
Brinton,  in  his  "  Rig-Veda  Americanus,"  are  quite 
childlike  as  compared  to  the  hymns  of  the  great 
E.ig-Veda  of  the  Aryans.  Of  Peruvian  thought, 
as  expressed  in  poetry,  we  know  even  less  than  of 
Mexican.  The  Incas  had  bardic  recitals  and  the- 
atrical exhibitions ;  and  one  ancient  Inca  drama, 
entitled  "  Ollanta,"  has  come  down  to  ub.'  It  is 
a  love  story,  with  the  scene  laid  in  the  time  of  the 
great  Inca  Fachacutec ;  it  would  make '  a  pleasant 
scene  upon  the  stage,  and  is,  undeniably  a  pretty 
poem.  We  have  already  mentioned  the  special 
class  of  amautaa,  or  "wise  men,"  differentiated 
from  the  priesthood,  whose  business  it  was  to  pre- 
serve historic  traditions  and  literary  compositions. 
But  unfortunately  the  Pemvian  method  of  record- 
ing admitted  of  no  considerable  development  in 
such  sort  of  work.  It  led  nowhere.  Now  and 
then  we  see  animals,  such  as  starfishes,  which  have 
started  on  a  path  of  development  that  can  lead 
only  a  very  little  way.  In  that  queer  spiny  radi- 
ated structure  there  are  nothing  like  the  possibil- 
ities of  further  evolution  that  there  are  in  the  soft, 
loosely-segmented,  and  mobile  worm ;  and  so  the 
starfish  stays  where  he  is,  but  from  the  worm  come 

'  OUania :  an  Ancient  Tnca  Drama.  TmulBted  from  tHs 
original  Qoicliua  by  Clements  R.  MarkhuD,  Loudon,  1871 ;  later 
editiona  are  those  of  Zegaira  (Paris,  1878}  and  Middendorf 
(Leipaie,  ISUO)  i  th«  la«t  U  tha  moat « 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


364  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

insects  and  vertebrates.  So  witli  their  knotted  and 
twisted  cords  the  Peruvians  could  keep  rude  rec- 
ords for  a  time,  but  in  such  a  method  there  were 
no  future  poaeibilitiea.  One  might  sooner  expect 
to  see  systems  o£  higher  arithmetio  and  algebra 
developed  with  Koman  instead  of  Arabic  numerals,  ■ 
than  to  see  a  true  literature  developed  with  quipus 
instead  of  hieroglyphs.  Until  the  Incas  had  either 
devised  some  better  method  or  learned  it  (rom 
other  people,  their  literaiy  period  would  have  had 
to  wait.  But  the  Mexicans,  and  still  more  the 
Mayas,  with  their  hieroglyphics,  had  started  on 
the  road  that  leads  by  natuiaJ  stages  to  that  grand 
achievement  of  the  human  mind,  supreme  in  its 
endless  possibilities,  the  achievement  which  more 
than  any  other  marks  the  boundary-line  between 
bu-baiism  and  civilization,  between  the  twilight  of 
archeeology  and  the  daylight  of  history,  —  the  pho- 
netic alphabet,  the  ABC. 

Here  we  may  bring  to  a  close  this  brief  sketch 
of  the  Inca  society,  one  of  the  most  curious  and 
instructive  subjects  to  which  the  student  of  history 
can  direct  his  attention.  In  die  next  chapter  we 
shall  see  the  elements  of  weakness  in  that  primi- 
tive form  of  nationality,  characterized  by  conquest 
with  imperfect  fusion,  well  illustrated  by  the  eaqe 
with  which  a  handful  of  Spaniards  seized  and  kept 
control  over  the  dominions  of  the  Incas. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  OONQCBBT  OF  PEBU. 

The  chun  of  circumBtanttes  that  led  to  die  dis- 
covery and  conquest  of  Peru,  like  tlie  cli^  that 
led  to  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  had  its  origin  in 
the  islaDd  of  Hispaniola,  and  was  closely  con- 
nected vith  the  calainitous  work  of  colonizing  the 
isthmos  of  Darien.  In  July,  1609,  Diego  Colum- 
bus, bringing  with  him  his  Tice-queen  Maria  de 
Toledo,  came  out  to  San  Dominiro,  to 

^31        Bel.tlim.rf 

enter  upon  the  goremmcnt  and  colo-  tbaAdmini 
nimtion  of  such  countries  as  had  been  buutha 
discovered  by  his  father,  as  well  aa  of 
such  as  might  be  discovered  by  himself  or  hia 
appointed  captains.  Such  at  least  was  his  own 
theory  of  the  situation,  but  the  crown  took  a  dif- 
ferent view  of  it.  As  we  have  seen,  Di^;o  had 
already  set  on  foot  a  law-suit  against  the  crown 
to  determine  the  extent  of  his  rights  and  privi- 
leges, and  matters  were  to  come  to  such  a  pass 
that  in  four  years  an  attempt  was  to  be  made  to 
invalidate  his  father's  claim  to  the  discovery  of 
the  Pearl  Coast.  We  have  already  made  some 
mention  of  that  attempt  and  its  failure,  in  the 
great  judicial  inquiry  usually  known  in  this  con- 
nection as  the  Pfohataas.  The  result  of  that 
inquiry  was  entirely  favourable  to  Columbus,  but 


uiaiiizc^Dv  Google 


366  TUB  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

anything  like  practicid  control  over  the  affwrs  of 
Terra  ilrma  had  already  l)een  Tirtually  taken 
out  of  Diego's  hands.  We  have  seen  that  the 
immediate  result  of  the  third  Toy^;e  of  Columbus, 
in  which  the  rich  Pearl  Coast  was  discovered, 
was  the  sending  of  an  expedition  by  his  enemy 
Fonseca  to  the  same  region.  This  was  tlie  ex- 
pedition of  1499,  commanded  by  Alonso  de  Ojeda, 
and  from  that  lime  forth  Ojeda  was  closely  asso- 
ciated with  this  coast,  made  further  explorations 
there,  and  was  appointed  governor  of  the  small 
island  of  Coquibacoa.  La  Cosa  and  VespuciuB, 
also,  who  had  been  Ojeda's  pilots  in  1499,  did 
fartlier  work  in  this  neighbourhood.  We  have 
seen  these  two  great  navigators,  in  1505  and  1607, 
exploring  the  gulf  of  Darien  and  the  Atrato  river, 
where  they  had  hoped  to  find  a  passa^  to  the 
Moluccas.  Instead  of  such  a  passage  they  found 
gold  in  the  river-beds.  After  their  return  we 
have  seen  Vespucius  made  pilot  major  of  Sp^n, 
and  La  Cosa  made  "  alguazil  mayor,"  or  high  con- 
stable, of  a  colony  about  to  be  founded  at  Darien. 
Now  if  King  Ferdinand  had  been  well  disposed 
toward  Diego  Columbus  and  his  claims  he  would 
naturally  have  entrusted  this  important  enterprise 
to  his  uncle  Don  Bartholomew,  about 

Piorlnnaol  ,  .  .,.  i    ■  ■  i 

iteirtPinni.  whose  abihty  and  mtegnty  there  could 
ojeds  ud  HI-  be  no  question.  But  the  relations  of 
the  crown  to  the  Columbus  claims  made 
any  such  appointment  impossible,  and  the  gov- 
ernorship was  given  to  the  brave  but  incompetent 
Ojeda.  About  the  sajne  time  Diego  de  ^icuesa, 
another   court  favourite  like   Ojeda,   but  better 


_,  ,i,z<..t,GoogIf 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PBBU.  367 

educated  and  of  finer  mould,  applied  for  the  same 
position,  and  King  Ferdinand  arranged  the  matter 
by  creating  two  provinces,  one  for  eacli  foTourite. 
The  country  between  the  gulfs  of  Urabi  (Darien) 
and  Maracaibo  was  to  be  the  province  for  Ojeda, 
while  the  Vemgna  and  Honduras  coasts,  from  the 
goU  of  Urab&  to  Cape  Qracias  &  Dios,  were  as- 
signed to  Nicuesa.  The  former  province  did  not 
trench  npon  any  territory  discovered  by  Colum- 
bus, bat  the  latter  was  chiefly  made  up  of  coasts 
first  visited  by  him,  and  the  appointment  of  Ni- 
cuesa was  hardly  less  than  an  affront  to  the  Admi- 
,  ral  Diego. 

Thus  when  the  joint  expedition  was  getting 
ready  to  Btajct  from  Hispaniola,  in  the  autumn  of 
1509,  everything  had  been  arranged  as  ingeniously 
as  possible  to  hinder  cordial  cooperation.  To  the 
rivalry  between  the  two  governors  was  added  the 
dislike  felt  for  both  by  Diego  Columbus.  First, 
the  two  govemore  wrangled  over  the  boundaiy- 
line  between  their  provinces,  until  La  Cosa  per- 
suaded them  to  ^ree  upon  the  Atrato  BiMti»«f  »• 
river.  Then  came  the  more  important  «p*™™- 
question  of  supplies.  To  ensure  a  steady  supply 
of  food,  the  island  of  Jamaica  was  to  be  placed 
at  the  disposal  of  Ojeda  and  Nicuesa ;  but  as  that 
was  an  invasion  of  the  rights  of  Diego  Columbus, 
he  would  not  consent  to  it.  So  they  started  with- 
out any  established  base  of  supply,  trusting  them- 
selves to  luck.  A  sudden  arrest  for  debt  detained 
Nicuesa,  so  that  Ojeda  got  off  about  a  week  be- 
fore him.  Before  reaching  the  gulf  of  Urabfi,  at 
a  place  near  the  site  of  Cartagena,  the  rash  Ojeda 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


868  THE  DISCOVBBY  OF  AMERICA. 

made  up  his  mind  to  go  asbore  and  catch  a  few 
slaves  to  be  sent  over  to  Hiepaniola  in  payment 
for  food.  Against  the  advice  of  the  veteran  la 
Cosa  he  insisted  upon  going,  with  about  seventy 
men,  and  La  Cosa  went  with  him  to  screen  him 
from  the  effects  of  such  hardihood,  for  he  had 
found  out  that  the  Indians  in  that  region  used 
poisoned  arrows.  A  few  drops  of  poison  some- 
times quite  neutralized  the  advantages  of  armour 
and  cross-bows  and  gunpowder.  La  Cosa  and 
BttoiatiM  "^  ^^^  other  Spaniards  save  two  were 
■^•^  slain  ;  one  of  these  two  was  Ojeda,  who 

was  picked  up  four  or  five  days  later  and  carried 
aboard  ship  just  in  time  to  save  him  from  death 
by  starvation.  Niouesa  now  arrived  upon  the 
scene  with  his  ships,  and,  forgetting  past  quarrels, 
treated  his  imfortunate  rival  with  much  kindness 
and  courtesy.  After  he  had  passed  by,  Ojeda 
stopped  at  the  entrance  to  the  gulf  of  Urab4  and 
began  to  build  a  rude  town  there  which  he  called 
San  Sebastian.  The  proceedings  were 
soon  checked  by  famine,  and  as  a  pirat- 
ical fellow  named  Talavera  happened  to  come 
along  in  a  ship  which  he  had  stolen,  Ojeda  con- 
cluded to  embark  with  him  and  hurry  over  to 
Hispaniola  in  quest  of  supphes  and  reinforce- 
ments. His  party  kept  their  ships,  and  it  was 
agreed  that  if  Ojeda  should  not  return  within  fifty 
days  they  might  break  up  the  expedition  and  go 
wherever  they  Uked.  So  Ojeda  departed,  leaving 
in  temporary  conmumd  an  Estremaduran  named 
Francisco  Pizarro,  of  whom  we  shall  have  more  to 
say. 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  869 

The  unfortunate  conmumder  never  •returned. 
After  a  voyage  anything  but  agreeable  in  com- 
pany with  Talavera's  ruffians,  the  stolen  ship  was 
wrecked  on  the  coast  of  Cuba.  In  oonrse  of  time 
Ojeda,  sadly  the  woree  for  wear,  got  D^amt 
back  to  San  Domingo,  but  long  before  ****** 
that  tame  his  party  had  been  scattered,  and  lie  had 


no  means  c^  maihing  a  fresh  start.     He  died  at 
San  Domingo  in  abject  misery,  in  1515. 

While  the  shipwrecked  Ojeda  was  starving  on 
the  coast  of  Cuba,  a  couple  of  ships,  with  horses, 
food,  aJid  ammunition,  started  from  San  Domingo 
to  go  to  the  relief  of  San  Sebastian.  The  com- 
mander was  a  lawyer,  the  Bachelor  Eipeatimof 
Martin  Fernandez  de  Enciao,  after-  *'"^' 
ward^  distinguished  as  a  historian   and   geogia- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


870  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMEBICA. 

pher.'  He  waa  a  kind  of  partiLer  in  Ojeda's  enter- 
prise, having  invested  some  money  in  it.  He  waa 
in  many  respects  an  estimable  person,  but  hardly 
fitted  for  the  work  to  which  he  had  put  his  hand, 
for  he  was  made  of  red  t:^>e,  without  a  particle  of 
tact  about  him.  Among  the  barrels  in  Enciso'a 
ship  was  one  that  contained  neither  bread  nor 
gunpowder,  but  a  handsome  and  penniless  young 
cavalier  who  had  contrived  this  way  of  esoapii^ 
iffftxiBet  from  his  creditors.  This  was  Vasco 
"~"^  NuSez  de  Balboa,  who  in  spite  of  this 
imdignifled  introduction  is  by  far  the  most  attrac- 
tive figure  among  the  Spanish  adventurers  of  that 
time.  After  the  vessel  had  got  well  out  to  sea 
Balboa  showed  himself,  much  to  the  disgust  of 
Enciso,  who  could  not  abide  such  irregular  pro- 
ceedings. He  Bcolded  Vasco  IKuSez  roundly,  and 
was  with  some  difficulty  dissuaded  from  setting 
him  ashore  on  a  small  desert  island,  —  which  ap- 
parently would  not  have  been  in  the  eyes  of  our  ' 
man  of  red  tape  an  irregular  proceeding  \  Arriv- 
ing upon  the  site  of  Cartagena,  Enciso  met  H- 
zarro,  with  the  h^^gard  remnant  of  Ojeda's  party 
in  a  small  br^antiue.  What  business  had  these 
men  here  ?  thought  this  rigid  and  rigorous  Enciso  ; 
they  must  be  deserters  and  had  better  be  seized 
at  once  and  put  in  irons.  With  much  ado  they 
convinced  him  of  the  truth  of  their  story.  As 
the  fifty  days  had  expired  without  news  of  Ojeda, 
they  had  abandoned  the  enterprise.    But  now  they 

^  His  valuable  work  Smina  de  Gtograjta,  qat  irata  de  todai  lot 
partidat  f  propineiat  dti  miauie,tn  e^iecial  de  lot  ladi<u,*t  pah- 
Ibhed  at  SeviUa  in  1519.  Tbera  were  later  Adldoiu  in  loilO  aiii) 
1646.    It  ii  DOW  BicesgiTflly  rare. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TME  CONQUEST  OF  FEBU.  371 

were  ready  to  follow  Enciso,  and  all  thus  pro- 
ceeded amicably  together  to  the  gulf  of  UTab4. 
After  Bome  mishapB  Balboa,  who  had  formerly 
been  on  that  coast  with  Bastidas  and  La  Cosa, 
advised  the  party  to  choose  the  western  shore  of 
the  gulf  for  their  settlement,  inasmuch  as  the  In- 
dians on  that  side  did  not  use  poisoned  arrows. 
This  sound  advice  waa  adopted,  and  the  building 
of  the  town  of  Santa  Maria  del  Darien  was  begun. 
Encifio's  overbearing  temper  soon  proved 
too  much  for  his  followers  and  they  re-  pomi  by  us 
solved  to  depose  him,  but  oould  not 
t^ree  upon  a  successor.  By  crossing  the  gulf 
they  had  entered  Nicuesa's  province,  and  some 
thought  that  he  ought  therefore  to  become  their 
commander,  while  some  favoured  Balboa,  and  a 
few  remained  loyal  to  Enciso.  It  was  at  length 
decided  to  elect  Nicuesa,  and  until  he  should  come 
Balboa  remained  die  leading  spirit  of  the  little 
colony. 

It  was  now  December,  1510.  Nicuesa's  story 
had  been  an  appalling  record  of  famine  and  mu- 
tiny. Out  of  more  than  700  men  who  had  left  His- 
paniola  with  him  thirteen  months  before, 
not  more  than  70  remained  alive  at  the  ^oiNimm 
little  blockhouse  which  they  bad  built 
and  called  Nombre  de  Dies.  The  SpaniBh  adven- 
turers in  America  need  all  the  allowances  that 
chari^  can  make  for  them,  and  in  rehearsing  their 
deeds  one  is  sometimes  led  to  reflect  that  their 
prolonged  sufferings  in  the  wilderness  must  have 
tended  to  make  them  aa  savage  as  wolves.^  One 
1  "  The  more  a^erienee  and  lu^i^t  I  obteui  into  ImmaD  lu- 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


872         THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMESICA. 

sees  this  illustrated  in  the  melsncholj  fate  of  poor 
Nicaesa.  That  kind-hearted  gentleman  had  he- 
come  maddened  by  hardBhip  until  hia  TiftraTitiftiM 
began  to  alarm  Ms  men.  His  friend  Cohnenares, 
brin^g  food  from  Hispaniola  and  a  message  of 
invitation  from  the  men  atDarien,  found  him,  '*of 
all  lyuynge  men  most  infortunate,  in  maner  dryed 
vppe  with  extreeme  honger^fylthye  and  horrible 
to  beholde,  with  onely  three  score  men  .  .  .  lefte 
alyre  of  seven  hundretfa.  They  al  seemed  to  hym 
soo  miserable,  that  he  noo  less  lamented  th^r 
case  than  yf  he  had  founde  them  deade."  '  As 
soon  as  they  had  recovered  strength  enough  to 
Oraai  ti«t-  move  about,  they  started  in  two  caravels 
SSStaroT.  for  Darien.  Nicueaa's  nnwonted  harsh- 
mauDftiuiu.  Qggg  continued,  and  he  was  heard  to 
utter  a  threat  of  confiscating  the  gold  which  t^e 
men  of  Ptuien  had  found  within  his  territory. 
This  fooHsh  speech  sealed  his  fate.  The  other 
caravel,  reaching  Darien  before  his  own,  warned 
the  party  there  ag^nst  him,  and  when  be  arrived 
they  would  not  let  him  come  ashore.  With  seven- 
teen comrades  left  who  would  not  desert  him,  the 
unfortunate  Kicuesa  pat  out  to  sea  and  was  never 
heard  of  again. 

This  affair  left  Vaaco  NuBez  in  undisputed  com- 
tnie,  the  more  oonTinDed  do  I  beoome  tbst  the  greater  porlicn  of 
a  man  u  purely  uiiniBl.  Fnlly  and  ragnlarly  fed,  he  i«  •  baing 
Mpable  of  bein^  ooaied  or  ooeroed  to  ezeitioD  of  anj  kind,  lore 
and  fear  sway  him  eaaily,  he  is  not  BTerge  to  labour  howerer 
■evere  ;  but  when  starved  it  U  well  to  keep  in  mind  the  motto 
'  Care  Canem,'  for  a  starving  lion  over  a  raw  monwl  of  beet  ii 
not  K>  feiocioni  or  so  ready  to  take  offence."  Stanley,  In  Dark- 
al  Africa,  voL  i.  p.  270. 

■  Deeades  of  At  Saet  WorUt,  dec  ii.  lib.  liL 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  coif  QUEST  OF  PERU.  373 

mand  at  Darien,  and  as  lie  was  thus  tlie  most 
eonapicnoua  gainer  fiom  it,  there  waa  aa  opportu- 
ni^  for  his  enemies  to  cast  npon  him  the  blame 
for  the  cruel  treatment  of  Nicnesa.    On  ^^  ^ 

this  grave  charge,  however,  he  was  af-  °°^^^^ 
terward  tried  and  acquitted  by  an  un- 
friendly tribunal,  and  it  seems  clear  that  without 
opposing  the  decision  not  to  receive  Kicuesa  as 
commander  he  tried  his  best  to  save  him  from 
harm.  Bat  his  conduct  toward  the  Bachelor  En- 
CBO  was  the  very  he^ht  of  folly.  Doubtless  he 
found  that  martinet  unendurable,  bnt  what  could 
be  more  unwise  than  first  to  imprison  him  and 
then  to  set  him  free  on  condition  of  leaving  the 
colony  in  the  first  available  ship?  The  angiy 
Enciso  went  home  to  Spain  and  complained  at 
court.  Vaaco  NuHez  indeed  tried  to  provide 
against  sach  an  adverse  influence  by  sending  his 
friend  Zamudio  to  talk  with  King  Ferdinand ;  but 
the  trained  advocate  Enciso  proved  a  better  talker 
than  Zamudio. 

Balboa  forthwith  proceeded  to  «q>lore  the  isth- 
mus. He  made  an  alliance  with  the  chief  Careta, 
who  gave  him  his  daughter  in  marriage.  Then  he 
added  to  the  alliance  a  powerful  chief  named  Como- 
gre,  whose  town  he  visited  with  some  of  his  men. 
This,  it  will  be  observed,  was  in  1512,  before  any 
rumour  of  the  existence  of  Mexico  had  reached  the 
ears  of  the  Spaniards,  and  they  were  agreeably 
surprised  at  the  sight  of  the  house  in  which  Como- 
gre  received  them,  which  was  much  finer  than  any 
that  they  had  hitherto  beheld,  and  seemed  to  indi- 
cate ihat  at  length  they  were  approaching  the  cod* 


Ll,a,l,zc.bv  Google 


874  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AilEBICA. 

fines  of  Asiatic  civilizatioa.  It  was  150  paces  in 
length  by  80  feet  in  breadth,  with  finely  wrought 
floors  and  ceiling,  and,  besides  granaries,  cellars, 
and  living  nxtms,  contained  a  kind  of  chapel  where 
the  bodies  of  deceased  members  of  the  clan  were 
preserved  as  mummies.'  The  chief  gave  the  Span- 
iards a  huge  quantity  of  gold  uid  seventy  slaves. 
These  Indians  knew  nothing  of  gold  as  a  purchas- 
ing medium,  but  made  it  into  tnnkets,  and  they 
were  sorely  mystified  at  seeing  the  Spaniards  melt 
it  into  bars  or  ingots,  which  they  weighed  with 
scales.  A  dispute,  or,  as  Eden  calls  it,  a  "brab- 
bling," arose  among  the  Spaniards  as  they  were 
weighing  and  dividing  tins  gold.  Then  a  son  of 
spaach  of  Co-  Comogre  got  up  and  told  the  visitors 
■'"*"''  ""■  that  if  they  set  bo  much  value  on  this 
yellow  stuff  as  to  quarrel  about  it  they  had  better 
go  to  a  country  where  they  could  get  more  than 
enough  for  aJL  -  Over  across  the  sierras  there  was 
a  great  sea,  and  far  to  the  southward  on  the  shore 
t  of  this  sea  there  was  a  land  where  gold  was  so 
)  plentiful  that  people  used  it  instead  of  pottery  for 
itheir  bowls  and  cups.  This  was  the  first  distinct 
and  undoubted  mention  of  the  country  of  the 
Incas.  Yasco  NuSez  sent  news  of  this  speech  to 
the  Spanish  court,  accompanied  by  the  king's 
share  of  the  gold,  one  fifth  of  the  amount;  but 
unfortunately  the  vessel  was  wrecked  in  the  Carib- 
bean sea,  and  neither  message  nor  gold  found  its 
way  to  King  Ferdinand.  It  was  not  until  the 
next  spring  that  messengers  reached  the  Spanish 
court,  and  then  it  was  learned  that  Enciso  had  the 
1  Pat«r  Uartrr,  D*  Orbt  Stno,  AIimU,  1616,  dM.  tt.  Ub.  iU. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  375 

king's  ear,  and  legal  proceedings  against  Vaaoo 
Nuitez  were  about  to  be  b^nn. 

Soon  afterward,  our  adventurer  received  from 
the  government  in  Hispaniola  the  appointment  of 
captain  -  general  over  Daiien.  His  satisfaction, 
however,  was  sadly  clouded  by  the  news  from 
Spain,  and  he  determined  at  once  to  cross  the  ^ 
sierra,  in  the  hope  of  finding  the  great  sea  and  I 
thus  establishing  a  claim  to  favourable  treatment. 
There  was  no  use  in  waiting  for  reinforcements, 
for  the  same  ship  that  brought  fresh  troops  inight 
bring  an  order  tor  his  dismissal  and  arrest.  Early 
in  September,  1513,  accordingly,  Balboa  started 
across  the  isthmus  with  about  200  men  and  a  small 
pack  of  bloodhounds.  From  Careta's  territory  he 
entered  that  of  a  cacique  named  Quarequa,  who 
undertook  to  oppose  his  advance  through  that  dif- 
ficult country.  But  no  sooner  did  it  come  to  fight- 
ing than  the  Indians  fled  in  wild  terror  from 
enemies  who  wielded  thunder  and  lightning.  Cap- 
turing some  of  these  Indians  and  winning  their 
confidence  by  kind  treatment,  Balboa  used  them 
as  guides  through  the  mount^ns.  On  jhko—— of 
the  25th  of  September,  from  one  of  the  f»  ^^ 
boldest  summits  in  Quarequa's  country, 
Balboa  looked  down  upon  the  waste  of  waters 
which  was  afterwards  shown  to  be  the  greatest 
ocean  upon  the  globe.^ 

Four  more  days  of  arduous  toil  brought  the 
Spaniards  down  from  the  mountains  to  the  shore 
of   the  gulf   which,  because  they  reached   it  on 

>  Keats  in  hia  beantifal  pa«m  inxlTeTtently  put*  Cortes  in 
pi  nee  of  Balboa. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


376  TBE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMSBIGA. 

Michaelmaa,  ihef  named  San  Miguel.  After 
launching  out  upon  this  rotigh  sea  in  a  small  flo- 
^^  tilla  of  oanoeB,  and  narigating  a  portion 

<a  ttis  goid8B  of  it  at  the  inmiinent  risk  of  periBhing 
in  an  equinoctial  gale,  Vasco  NuQez 
effected  a  landing  upon  its  northern  shore  in  the 
.  country  of  the  chieftain  Tumaco,  whom  he  first 
defeated  and  then  by  kind  treatment  won  his 
friendship.  Tumaco  confirmed  the  story  of  a  rich 
empire  far  to  the  south,  and  produced  a  clay  figure 
of  a  llama  in  illustration  of  some  of  his  state- 
ments. 

It  was  now  high  time  to  return  to  Darien  with 
the  tidings  of  what  had  been  accomplished.  Vasco 
NuSez  arrived  there  early  in  January,  1514,  but  too 
late  for  his  achievement  to  effect  such  a  result  aa 
he  had  hoped  for.  He  might  not  unreasonably 
have  expected  to  be  confirmed  in  his  governorship 
o£  the  isthmus.  But  stories  of  the  golden  kingdom 
Aihin  In  mentioned  by  Comogre's  Bon  had  already 
**^  wrought  their  effect  in  Spain.    The  vic- 

tories of  the  French  in  Italy  under  the  brilliant 
Gaston  de  Foix  had  alarmed  King  Ferdinand ;  an 
army  for  Italy  had  been  collected  and  the  commaDd 
given  to  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova.  But  before  this 
expedition  started  news  came  of  the  retreat  of  the 
French,  and  the  king  ordered  Gonsalvo  to  disband 
his  men.^  Many  of  the  gay  cavaliers  who  had 
enlisted  with  fiery  enthasiaem  under  the  Great 
Captain  were  thus  thrown  out  of  occupation,  to 
their  intense  disgust ;  wheu  all  at  once  there  came 

'  Ckrmiai  dd  Qran  Ci^an,  lib.  iii  Mp.  7 ;  Wanma,  BittirU 
de  E^tMa,  lib.  xxx.  cap.  14. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  377 

to  Spain  the  report  of  an  unknown  sea  beyond 
the  Terra  iirma,  and  of  a  kingdom  abounding 
in  wealth.  There  enaaed  one  of  the  bursts  of  ex- 
citement so  common  in  that  age  of  toarvels,  tmd 
which  the  reading  of  Don  Quixote  enables  one  to 
appreciate.  On  the  word  of  an  unknown  Indian 
youth,  before  it  had  been  even  partially  confirmed 
by  Balboa's  diacovery  of  the  aea,  these  cavaliers 
were  at  once  ready  to  cross  the  Atlantic.  If  they 
were  not  to  go  to  Italy  they  would  seek  adventures 
in  the  Indies.  A  fleet  was  accordingly  fitted  out, 
with  acccnnmodations  for  1,200  men,  but  at  least 
1,600  contrived  to  embark.  The  admiral  of  the 
fleet  and  new  governor  of  Terra  Firma  p«i„ri„ 
was  a  man  over  seventy  years  of  ^e,  "^"^ 
named  Pedrarias  Davila,  one  of  those  two-l^^ed 
tigers  of  whom  Spain  had  so  many  at  that  time. 
He  was  a  favourite  at  court,  and  hia  wife  was  a 
niece  of  that  Marchioness  of  Moya  who  had  been 
the  friend  of  Queen  Isabella  and  of  Columbus. 
For  the  next  sixteen  years  Pedrarias  was  a  leading 
figure  in  the  Indies,  and  when  he  died  the  histo- 
rian Oviedo,  in  a  passage  of  surpassing  quaint- 
ness,  tried  to  compute  how  many  souls  of  his  mur- 
dered victims  he  would  be  called  upon  to  confront 
at  the  Day  of  Judgment.^  Oviedo  was  inclined 
to  put  the  figure  at  2,000,000.  If  we  wei«  to 
strike  off  a  couple  of  ciphers,  we  should  have  a 
figure  quite  within  the  limits  of  credibility,  and 

I  Orieda,  Hittoria  de  tai  Indiat,  ■aai.  34.  Thu  hiatonui 
oliemhad  a  pcisoiul  gradgs  apinat  Pedruiu ;  bnt  all  the  other 
but  Mithoiitiee  —  Peter  Martyr,  Lae  Caui,  Andaguja,  Beuoni, 
RemMal  —  are  in  •nbttautial  agreemeot  a<  to  hii  atmcioDi  ahar- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


378  TSE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMEBICA. 

aufiftciently  terrible.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add 
that  this  green-eyed,  pitiless,  perfidious  old  wretch 
was  an  especial  pet  of  Bishop  Fonseca. 

The  arrival  of  this  large  force  in  Darien  was 
the  be^nning  of  a  self-sastaining  colony.  The 
collection  of  rude  cabins  called  Santa  Maria  del 
Darien  was  made  a  "  cathedral  city,"  and  Juan  de 
Quevedo  was  appointed  bishop.  Oonsalvo  Hep. 
nandez  de  Oviedo,  afterwards  famous  as  a  histo- 
rian, came  out  as  inspector-general  of  the  new  col- 
ony. Caspar  de  £spinosa  was  chief  judge,  and 
Enciso  returned  to  the  scene  as  chief  constable. 
His  first  business  was  to  arrest  Vasco  NuSez,  who 
was  tried  on  various  chai^^  before  Espinosa,  but 
was  presently  acquitted  and  set  free.  The  news 
of  his  discovery  and  the  ai^nments  of  admiring 
friends  had  begun  to  win  favour  for  him  at  the 
Spanish  court  For  more  than  two  years  Vasco 
jHioon  ba-  Nuitez  coutrivcd  to  avoid  a  senous  quar- 
SUTmi  B^  r^  ^^  the  governor,  whose  jealousy  of 
him  was  intense,  and  made  aU  the  more 
so  by  the  comparisons  which  men  could  not  help 
drawing  between  the  two.  The  policy  of  Pedrarias 
toward  the  Indian  tribes  was  the  ordinary  one  of 
murder  and  plunder ;  in  a  few  instances  he  chose 
incompetent  lieutenants  who  were  badly  defeated 
by  the  Indians  ;  once  he  was  defeated  in  person ; 
and  such  results  could  not  but  be  contrasted  with 
those  which  had  attended  the  more  humane,  hon- 
est, and  sagacious  management  of  Balboa.  In 
October,  1515,  the  latter  wrote  to  the  king,  com- 
plaining of  the  governor's  cruel  conduct  and  its 
effect  in  needlessly  alienating  the  Indians ;  tuid  it  is 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PEBU.  aT9 

impossible  to  read  that  letter  to-day  ^  and  not  feel 
that  YaBco  NuSez,  with  all  his  faults,  was  &  wise 
and  true-hearted  man,  with  ample  wamuit  for 
every  word  that  he  said.  But  the  hjug  could  not 
very  well  read  such  a  letter  without  some  echoes 
of  it  finding  their  way  back  to  the  New  World. 
Matters  grew  so  stonny  that  Juan  de  Quevedo, 
the  Bishop  of  Darien,  who  was  friendly  to  Balboa, 
thought  it  necessary  to  negotiate  a  bind  of  treaty 
between  him  and  the  governor.  Balboa  was  to 
be  sent,  with  a  proper  force,  to  visit  the  golden 
kingdom  at  the  Soutii,  and  the  bishop  proposed  to 
cement  the  alliance  by  a  betrothal  between  Balboa 
and  the  daughter  of  Pedrai^.  DoubtlesB  the 
worthy  clergyman,  like  most  white  men  of  hia 
time,  thought  that  an  Indian  wife  counted  for  no- 
thing. Vasco  Xu&ez  did  not  think  so.  He  was 
devotedly  fond  of  the  Indian  girl  and  she  of  hint, 
but  as  the  other  young  lady  was  in  Spain  and  her 
father  in  no  great  haste  about  the  matter,  Vasco 
NuSez  assented  to  this  article  in  the 
treaty.  Then  he  went  oif  to  Ada,  a  newly  ("jMhS" 
founded  port  on  the  Atlantic  side  of  the  K!^^ 
isthmus,  to  engage  in  the  herculean  task 
of  taking  his  ships  piecemeal  across  the  sierra  to 
the  point  where  they  were  to  be  put  tc^ther  and 
launched  on  the  Pacific^     After  many  months  of 

1  B^boa,  Corto  dirigida  ai  Bey,  10  Octnbn,  lElE,  in  Navaireta, 
Coltccim  de  viages.  iii.  375. 

*  Bishop  Quevedo  ftfterranl  reported  to  the  Emperor  CbArlei 
V.  that  "  more  than  600  IndiauB  "  perished  under  the  liaidihipe 
of  tliu  terrible  nndartskiDf* ;  but  QneTodo's  eecietar?  told  Lmh 
Cuu  thkt  the  real  number  of  deaths  vu  not  leea  thui  2,000,  a 
Sgnf  which  the  bithop  refnined  froin  itatinc,  thrangh  (aai  ol 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


880  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMEBICA. 

toil  four  ships,  tlie  first  European  keels  to  plou^ 
the  great  "  Sea  of  the  Soath,"  were  ready  to  weigh 
anchor,  and  300  men  were  ready  to  embark.  No- 
thing was  wanted  bat  a  little  iron  and  pitch,  and 
the  delay  thfis  caused  was  to  bring  Bwift  ruin  upon 
Vasco  Nuffez. 

A  rumonr  had  just  arrived  that  the  king  had 
superseded  old  Fedrarias  and  appointed  a  new 
governor  for  the  Terra  Firma.  The  rumour  was 
not  so  much  false  as  premature,  for  the  oomfJaints 
against  Pedrarias  had  wrought  some  effect  at 
court,  and  the.  appointment  of  Lope  de  Sosa  was 
made  in  the  course  of  the  next  year.  This  prema- 
ture rumour  had  serious  consequences.  Kow  that 
things  bad  advanced  so  far,  Balboa  was  more  dis- 
turbed dian  pleased,  for  being  used  to  the  frying 
pan  he  preferred  it  to  the  fire ;  a  new  governor 
might  interfere  and  prevent  his  departure,  and  if 
it  were  not  for  that  iron  and  pitch  it  would  be 
prudent  to  sail  at  once.  But  since  these  articles 
were  much  wanted,  let  the  small  party  sent  back 
for  them  to  Acla  use  some  discretioa  and  begin  by 
ascertmning  how  much  or  how  little  truth  there 
might  be  in  the  rumours.  If  the  new  governor 
should  have  arrived,  perhaps  it  might  be  best  to 
return  as  quietly  and  qnickly  as  possible  ;  but  if 
Pedrarias  should  stall  be  in  power,  then  it  were 
best  to  go  in  boldly  and  ask  for  the  iron  and  pitch. 

bung'  BcooMd  of  eiag[g«tBtiDn.  See  Las  Caaas,  Siriorta  da  lot 
Indiat,  iv.  233,  At  the  sune  time,  wjs  Lu  Cuaa,  Balboft  ■»— 
M  men  il&Te-driTeT.  Whenever  tJie  hardest  work  na  to  be 
done  he  vu  f onmoat,  taking  hold  vitb  his  own  handa  and  every 
wham  aiding  aod  cheering. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  381 

Thus  Balboa  talked  with  two  frieods  one  summer 
evening  on  the  rude  veranda  of  a  cabin  which  lie 
had  used  for  headquarters  while  the  ai-  ^  ,,^  ,g^ 
duous  shipbuilding  had  been  going  on.  *•"•"»»■ 
So  far  as  Pediarias  was  concerned,  tJiere  does  not 
seem  to  have  been  a  word  of  treason  in  the  oon- 
versalion,  but  while  they  were  talking  in  an  undei^ 
tone  it  b^an  to  rain,  and  a  sentinel,  pacing  near 
headquarters,  came  up  under  the  eaves  for  shelter, 
and  listened.  From  the  fragments  which  reached 
his  ears  he  concluded  that  Balboa  was  intending 
to  throw  oS  hia  allegiance  to  Fedrarias  and  set  up 
a  new  government  for  himself ;  and  bo,  translating 
his  crude  inferences  into  facts,  thb  fellow  con- 
trived to  send  information  to  La  Puente,  the  treas- 
urer at  Acla,  a  man  with  whom  Vasco  Kufiez  had 
once  had  a  little  dispute  about  some  money. 

Now  it  happened  that  a  man  named  Andres 
Garavito,'  having  become  enamoured  of  Balboa's 
Indian  wife,  had  made  overtures  which  were  indig- 
nantly repulsed  by  the  woman,  and  called  forth 
stem  words  of  warning  from  Vasco  Nuiiez.  The 
wretched  Garavito  thereupon  set  out  to  compass 
Balboa's  death.  Having  been  sent  on  some  busi- 
ness to  Acla,  he  told  Fedrarias  that  Balboa  never 
meant  to  marry  his  daughter,  inasmuch  as  he 
cared  for  no  one  but  the  Indian  woman ;  more- 
over he  was  now  about  to  go  oif  in  his  ships  to  the 

1  The  lUHne  is  often  vritten  Oarabito.  The  habitual  confiuiou 
ot  these  two  labials  in  the  Spajuafa  langaage  long  ago  called  forth 
from  Julius  Scaliger  tha  epif^ram :  — 

Hwd  teuan  utlquu  VudobIs  tooh 
Onl  bIUI  (M  sllud  Tirsn  qium  bibgn. 

JM  CmtU  LOigtia  Latiim,  L 14. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


382  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

golden  kingdom  and  gain  wealth  in  his  own  behoof 
Q„^to'.  with  which  to  withstand  and  ruin  Pe- 
''™**^"  drarias.  While  the  old  man  was  curs- 
ing and  raving  over  this  story,  the  party  coming 
for  iron  and  pitch  halted  on  the  edge  of  the  forest, 
and  sent  one  of  their  number  into  the  town  after 
nightfall  to  make  inquiries.  It  was  this'  man's 
luck  to  be  arrested  as  a  spy,  hut  he  sent  word  to 
his  comrades,  and  they,  coming  into  town,  protested 
thrar  innocence  so  strongly  and  stated  the  true 
object  of  their  visit  so  clearly  that  the  angry  gov- 
ernor was  more  than  half  convinced,  when  all  at 
once  the  treasurer  La  Poente  came  to  see  him 
and  told  what  he  had  heard  from  the  sentinel. 
This  sealed  the  fate  of  Vaaco  NuSez.  The  gov- 
ernor sent  him  a  crafty  letter,  couched  in  terms  of 
friendship,  and  asking  him  to  return  to  Ada  he- 
fore  sailing,  as  there  were  business  matters  in 
which  he  needed  advice.  The  unsuspecting  Bal- 
boa set  forth  at  once  to  recross  the  sierra.  We 
are  told  that  his  horoscope  had  once  been  taken 
by  a  Venetian  astrologer,  who  said  that  if  he  were 
ever  to  behold  a  certain  planet  in  a  certain  quarter 
of  the  heavens  it  would  mean  that  he  was  in  sore 
peril,  but  if  he  should  escape  that  danger  he 
would  become  the  greatest  lord  in  all  the  Indies. 
And  there  is  a  legend  that  the  star  now  appeared 
one  evening  to  Vasco  Nufiez,  whereupon  he  told 
his  attendants  about  the  prophecy  and  mocked  at 
it.  But  as  he  drew  near  to  Ada  there  came  out  a 
company  of  soldiers  to  arrest  him,  and  the  captain 
of  this  company  was  Francisco  Pizarro,  one  of  his 
old  comrades  who  had  served  under  him  ever  since 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBX  CONQUEST  OF  PE&V.  383 

the  time  when  the  lavjer  Enoiso  was  deposed 
from  oommand.  "  How  is  thia,  Francisco  Ftzar- 
ro  ? "  said  Balboa,  "  it  ia  not  thus  that  thou  wert 
wont  to  come  forth  to  meet  me."  But  he  offered 
no  resiBtanoe,  and  when  put  upon  hie  trial  he  aim- 
plv  asked  why,  if  he  bad  really  been 
meditating  treason  and  desertion,  he  iiauhbjp» 
ahonld  have  come  back  so  promptly 
when  called.  A  guilty  man  would  have  staid 
away.  But  it  was  no  use  talking.'  The  governor 
had  made  up  his  mind,  and  before  the  sun  went 
down  Vasco  NuQez  and  four  of  hig  friends  had 
been  tried,  condemned,  and  beheaded.^ 

Thus  perished  in  the  forty-second  year  of  his 
age  the  man  who  but  for  that  trifle  of  iron  and 
pitch  would  probably  have  been  the  conqueror  of 
Peru.    It  was  a  pity  that  such  work  should  not 

'  **  Valboa  can  gtnisinento  neg^,  dioendo,  chs  inqiuwto  tocMos 
alia  informatione  oba  contra  lui  s'en  fatta  di  acJleiufgU  la  genla 
ohe  Vera  k  torto,  e  talBameote  acouBatc,  e  cha  ooniidarane  bena 
(LDello  ehe  faoeoa,  e  se  Ini  Iiavene  tal  com  tmtata,  noD  una 
Tsnnto  alia  prewntia  ana,  e  mmilmuite  del  resto,  ri  difeae  il 
m^lio  cIm  poote  ;  ma  doTe  legnano  le  tone,  poco  giona  defaa- 
d«^  eoB  la  lagiooe."  Bemoni,  HittoHa  dd  Hondo  Numo,  L  01, 
Vnuoe,  1672. 

'  In  tlie  aooonnla  of  the  OataTitatraaoheTyai  given  lyOriedo 
and  Herrera,  there  ii  some  confnrion,  Oriedo  repreientB  QaiaTito 
as  haTing  been  arreatod  bj  Pedrariaa  and  telling-  hia  bue  Itory 
in  order  to  torn  the  goremar'i  wrath  away  from  hinuelf .  Bat  a> 
Sir  Aithni  Helps  (Spaniih  Conquest,  toI.  i.  p.  432)  baa  pointed  out, 
the  diMrepanoy  (eemi  to  have  arisen  from  confounding  Andrs* 
Oaiarito  with  hia  brother  Franoiaoo,  who  wa>  one  of  the  company 
Mnt  for  the  iron  and  pitch  and  iraa  faithtiil  to  Vaaoo  Nnllex.  Tlw 
man  who  vaa  arreated  aa  a  ip;  aeema  to  bave  been  Lnia  Botello, 
one  of  the  tour  friends  who  were  ezecnted  with  Vaaoo  Nnflai. 
See  Paaenal  de  Andagoya,  Rdadm,  in  NaTairete,  CaUedm  dt 
viaget  y  detcabrimitMot,  iU.  406. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


884  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

nave  fallen  into  hia  liands,  for  when  at  length  it 
was  done,  it  was  by  men  far  inferior  to  him  in 
character  and  calibre.  One  caanot  but  vish  that 
he  might  have  gone  on  his  way  like  Cortes,  and 
worked  out  the  rest  of  his  contemplated  career  in 
accordance  with  the  genius  that  was  in  him.  That 
bright  attractive  figure  and  itB  sad  fate  can  never 
ful  to  arrest  the  attention  and  detain  the  steps  of 
the  historian  as  he  passes  by.  Quite  possibly  the 
romantic  character  of  the  story  may  have  thrown 
something  of  a  glamour  about  the  person  of  the 
victim,  so  that  unconsciouslj  we  tend  to  emphasize 
bis  merits  while  we  touch  lightly  upon  his  faults. 
But  after  all,  this  effect  is  no  more  tihan  that  which 
his  personality  wrought  upon  the  minds  of  con- 
temporary witnesses,  who  were  unanimous  in  their 
expressions  uf  esteem  for  Balboa  and  of  condem- 
nation for  the  manner  of  his  taJting  off. 

Seven  years  passed  before  the  work  of  discover- 
ing ihe  golden  kingdom  was  again  seriously  taken 
ap.  It  was  work  of  almost  insuperable  di£Bculty 
in  the  absence  of  a  base  of  operations  upon  the 
Pacific  coast  of  the  isthmus ;  and,  as  we  shall  see, 
men's  attention  was  distracted  by  the  question  as 
to  the  Molucca  islands.  During  this 
mterval  of  seven  years  the  conquest  of 
Mexico  was  begun  and  completed,  so  far  as  the 
towns  once  tributary  to  the  Aztec  Confederacy 
were  concerned.  By  1524  the  time  had  arrived 
when  the  laurels  of  Cortes  would  not  allow  other 
knights-errant  to  sleep,  and  then  Balboa's  entei^ 
prise  was  taken  up  by  his  old  comrade  Frantusco 
Pizarro. 


:!,a,i,zc.bvGoOgrC 


THE  CONfiUEST  OF  PMBU.  S85 

This  man,  like  Cortes  and  Balboa,  was  a  native 
of  the  province  of  Estremaduni.  He  was  an  ille- 
gitimate son  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  an  officer  of  good 
family,  who  had  served  in  Italy  under  the  Great 
Captain.  As  the  mother  of  Cortes  was  a  Pizarro, 
it  has  been  supposed  that  there  was  relationship  be- 
tween the  two  families.  Francisco  Pizarro,  whose 
mother  was  a  young  woman  of  humble  rmeiH) 
station,  was  bom  somewhere  between  "™™- 
1470  and  1478.  Unlike  Cortes,  who  had  some 
scant  allowance  of  oniversity  education,  Pizarro 
had  no  schooling  at  all,  and  never  learned  to  write 
his  own  name.  His  occupation  in  youth  seems  to 
have  been  that  of  a  swineherd,  though  he  may, 
according  to  one  doubtful  tradition,  have  accom- 
panied his  father  in  one  or  more  Italian  ciun- 
paigns.  His  first  distinct  appearance  in  history 
was  in  Ojeda's  expedition  in  1509,  when  he  wad 
left  in  command  of  the  starving  party  at  San 
Sebastian,  to  await  the  arrival  of  the'  succours 
brought  by  Enciso.  He  served  under  Balboa  for 
sevend  years,  was  with  that  commander  when  he 
first  saw  the  great  South  Sea,  and  happened  —  as 
we  have  seen  —  to  be  the  officer  sent  out  by 
Pedrarias  to  arrest  him. 

In  1616,  two  years  before  Balboa's  fall,  Pizarro 
took  part  in  an  expedition  under  Graapar  de  Mo- 
rales, sent  by  Pedrarias  to  explore  the  coasts  of 
the  gnlf  of  San  MigaeL  The  expedition,  as  us- 
ual, was  characterized  by  wonderful  endurance  of 
hardship  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards  and  by 
fiendish  cruelty  toward  the  Indians.  They  in- 
vaded the  territory  of  a  warlike  chief  named  Bird, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


886  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AUEBICA. 

on  the  Bouthem  shore  of  the  gulf,  and  met  with 
Buch  a  hot  reception  that,  although  Tictorioua,  the; 
did  not  care  to  rieh  a  second  fight,  but  retreated 
to  the  isthmus.  It  was  some  years  before  the 
Spaniards  got  30  far  south  ^ain,  and  when  they 
Qfi^  o)  u,,  had  occasion  to  refer  to  the  unvisited 
ii«m"P8ra."  territory  beyond  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel 
they  fell  into  a  habit  of  speaking  of  it  as  the  Birii 
or  Peru  country.  The  golden  kingdom,  about 
whidi  there  had  been  so  much  talk,  wa«  said  to 
be  somewhere  upon  tiiat  coast,  and  in  such  wise 
it  seems  to  have  received  its  modem  name.'  Not 
long  after  Balboa's  death  Pedrarias  learned  that 
Lope  de  Sosa  had  at  length  been  appointed  gov- 
ernor in  his  place.  It  was  unwelcome  news.  The 
old  man  had  good  reason  to  fear  the  result  of  an 
examination  into  his  conduct.  It  might  be  held 
Lop*  de  Bom  t'***  "*  executing  Balboa  without  allow- 
SjSSf '^  >°g  »n  appeal  to  the  crown  he  had  ex- 
'•^'"'^  ceeded  his  powers,  and  the  Spanish  court 
sometimes  showed  itself  quite  jealous  of  such  en- 
croachments upon  its  royal  prerogative  of  revision 
and  pardon.  There  were,  moreover,  numerous  in- 
stances of  judicial  robbery  and  murder  that  could 
easily  be  brought  home  to  their  perpetrator.  Ac- 
cordingly Pedrarias  thought  it  wise  to  put  the 
mountains  between  himself  and  the  Atlantic  coast, 
so  that  in  case  of  necessity  he  might  do  just  what 
he  had  beheaded  Vaaco  Nuilez  for  doing,  —  quit 
the  dangerous  neighbourhood  xnd  set  up  some- 
where for  himself. 

'  See  AndapiT^'a  H'arrative,  tcaiulated  lij  Markham,  London 
186e,  p,  42 ;  also  Winui,  Narr.  and  Crit.  But.,  iL  50!i. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBS  CONQUSST  OF  PBBU.  887 

TlaB  prudent  resolve  led  to  the  founding  of 
Panama  by  Pedrariaa  in  August,  1519.  Later  in 
the  same  ;ear  the  opposite  port  of  Nombre  de 
Dioe  was  founded,  and  a  rude  road  tlirough  the 
wilderness,  connecting  these  two  places,  was  begun. 
When  Lope  de  Sosa  arrived  at  Darien 
in  May,  1620,  witli  300  men,  Pedrariaa  of  Lopgd4 
happened  to  be  on  the  spot,  but  was 
favoured  with  one  of  those  inscrutable  providences 
that  are  so  apt  to  come  to  the  rescue  of  such 
creatures.  Before  setting  foot  on  shore  the  new 
governor  was  suddenly  taken  sick  and  died  in  his 
cabin.  This  left  Pedrarias  in  office.  The  newly- 
arrived  alcalde,  before  whom  his  examination  was 
to  take  place,  published  notices  and  summons  in 
due  form  for  thirty  days ;  but  no  man  was  hardy 
enough  to  enter  compbunt  against  him  so  long  as 
he  still  remained  invested  with  the  insignia  of 
power.  The  crafty  old  governor  could  thus  look 
on  smiling  while  a  certificate  that  no  one  accused 
him  was  despatched  on  its  way  to  Spain.  Then 
he  retired  to  Pauama,  which  forthwith  became  the 
base  for  operations  along  the  Pacific  coast. 

This  stroke  of  fortune  gave  Pedrarias  a  new 
lease  of  undisputed  power  for  nearly  seven  years. 
Meanwhile,  as  the  judge  Espinosa  was  involved 
along  with  him  in  the  risk  attendant 
upon  the  case  of  Balboa,  he  had  sent  voyJ^W 
that  pearl  of  m^strates  to  take  com- 
mand of  Balboa's  little  fleet  and  therein  seek 
safety  in  a  fresh  voyage  of  discovery.  As  Magel- 
lan's voyage  had  not  yet  been  made  and  tke  exist- 
ence of  a  broad  ocean  south  and  west  of  the 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


388  TBE  DtSCOVESr  OP  AMEBIC  A. 

iBthmns  of  Darien  was  otill  unknown,'  the  Span- 
iards npon  tlie  isthmus  etUl- supposed  themselves 
to  be  either  in  eastern  Asia  or  at  no  great  distance 
from  that  continent ;  and  accordingly  Espinosa,  in- 
stead of  sailing  southward  in  search  of  the  golden 
kingdom,  turned  his  prows  westward,  apparently 
in  the  hope  of  settling  the  vexed  question  as  to 
the  Spice  Islands.  This  would  have  requited  a 
voyage  of  nearly  11,000  English  miles.  After  ac- 
complishing some  500  miles,  as  far  as  Cape  Blanco, 
in  what  is  now  the  state  of  Costa  Kica,  Espinosa 
returned  to  the  isthmus  late  in  1519. 

JuBt  at  that  time  the  controversy  over  the  Mo- 
luccas was  occupying  a  foremost  place  in  the  pub- 
lic attention.  It  was  on  the  10th  of  August,  1519, 
that  Magellan  started  on  hia  epoch-making  voyage. 
ODOoiu]*!  Earlier  in  that  year  one  of  Balboa's 
"'"^  pilots,  Andres  NiiSo,  was  at  the  Spanish 

court,  urging  that  the  ships  of  his  late  commander 
might  be  sent  to  find  the  Spice  Islands.  On  the 
18th  of  June  a  royal  order  was  issued,  authoriz- 
ing such  an  expedition  and  entrusting  the  com- 
mand  of  it  to  Gil  Gonzalez  Davila,  a  man  of  high 
reputation  for  abili^  and  integrity. 

How  fortunate  it  was  for  Magellan  that  his 
theory  of  the  situation  led  him  far  away  to  the 
southward,  subject  indeed  to  trials  as  hard  as  ever 
man  encountered,  but  safe  from  the  wretched  in- 
trigues and  savage  confiicts  of  authority  that 
were  raging  in  Central  America !  Had  he  chosen 
the  route  of  Gil  Gonzalez  he  would  have  begun 
'  It  mnat  be  ramembeTed  that  Balboa  could  not  aee  acron  tlu 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  FEBU.  389 

by  encoimtoiiog  obstacles  more  vexatious,  if  not 
more  insuperable,  than  those  of  the  lonely  and  bar- 
ren sea.  When  Gil  Gonzalez  arnved  at  Ada  in 
the  spring  of  1620  and  demanded  die  ships  that 
had  been  Balboa's,  Pedrarias  refused  to  give  them 
up.  The  death  of  Lope  de  Sosa  confirmed  the 
old  man  in  this  contumacy ;  so  that  nothing  was 
left  for  Gil  Gonzalez  but  to  build  and  equip  ships 
for  himself.  A  flotilla,  constructed  with  incredi- 
ble toil,  was  destroyed  by  worms  and  weather. 
The  dauntless  Gil  Gonzalez  built  a  second,  con- 
sisting of  four  small  vessels,  and  early  in  1622 
he  set  sail  for  the  coveted  Moluccas.  After  eigh- 
teen months  he  returned  to  Panama,  loaded  with 
gold,  after  having  discovered  the  coast  of  Nicara- 
gua as  far  as  the  bay  of  Fonseca.  As  he  crossed 
the  isthmus,  Pedrarias,  in  a  frenzy  of  greed,  sent 
ofBcers  to  arrest  him,  but  he  eluded  xnnbiHof 
them  and  got  safely  to  Hispaniola.  o"*>™>^ 
There  he  was  authorized  to  return  and  take  pos- 
session of  Nicaragua.  This  time  he  approached  it 
from  the  north  by  way  of  the  Honduras  coast,  in 
order  to  avoid  the  isthmus  and  its  dangerous  gov- 
'  emor.  But  imiong  the  vices  of  Pedrarias  listless- 
ness  and  sloth  were  not  included.  He  laid  claim 
to  Nicaragua  by  reason  of  the  prior  voyage  of 
£spinosa,  and  had  already  despatched  Francisco 
Hernandez  de  C6rdova,^  with  a  considerable  force, 
to  occupy  that  coimtry.    Cordova's  second  in  com- 

1  H«  mnit  Dot  be  conf  onnded  vith  hu  Dsmesske  Tmuaaea 
Hemaiidei  de  CdrdoTO,  die  ditHsovenr  of  Tnoatan,  mentiaaed 
•bore,  p.  240.  The  latter,  it  will  be  remembered,  died  of  hia 
voundB  on  Tetamii^  (roui  bis  ill-abured  rojtga  in  1617. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


390  TEE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

maud  was  Fernando  de  Soto,  a  young  man  whom 
we  shall  meet  again  more  than  once  in  the  course 
of  our  story.  Gil  Gonzalez,  marching  down  from 
the  north,  encountered  Soto  and  defeated  him,  but 
was  afterwards  obliged  to  retire  before  C6rdoTa's 
superior  force.  Ketreating  into  Honduras,  Gil 
Gonzalez  was  captured  by  Cristdral  de  Olid,  whom 
Cortes  had  sent  from  Mexico  to  occupy  that  coun- 
try. A  wild  scramble  ensued,  —  every  man  for 
himself  and  the  devil  take  the  hindmost.  Cor- 
dova threw  off  his  allegiance  to  Fedrarias,  but  in 
an  incredibly  short  time  that  alert  octogenamn 
had  come  to  Nicaragua  and  the  sevei-ed  head  of 
the  insubordinate  lieutenant,  thrust  aloft  upon  a 
pole,  was  baking  in  the  sun.  Olid  threw  off  his 
aUegiance  to  Cortes,  and  was  presently  assassi- 
nated, probably  with  the  complicity  of  Gil  Gon- 
zalez, who  forthwith  tried  to  come  to  an  under- 
standing with  the  conqueror  of  Mexico  as  to  the 
Hiidstfa.  boundary  between  their  respective  prov- 
inces. At  this  juncture  Gil  Gonzalez 
was  seized  by  some  of  Olid's  friends  and  sent  to 
Spain  to  be  tried  for  murder.  Arriving  at  Seville 
in  1526,  the  strength  of  this  much-enduring  man  . 
suddenly  gave  way,  and  he  died  of  hardship  and 
grief. 
I  The  voyage  of  Magellan,  revealing  the  breadth 
/  of  the  ocean  between  America  and  Asia,  destroyed 
'  the  illusion  as  to  the  nearness  of  the  Moluccas ;  and 
AHmUon  ^^  discovepy  of  Nicaragua  convinced 
Stta^^w  ^^^  Spaniards  on  the  isthmus  of  Darien 
*'°*^™'  that  there  was  no  use  in  sending  expe- 
ditions to  the  westward,  inasmuch  as  the  way  waa 


^oiizccb,  Google 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  391 

closed  and  the  ground  preoccupied  by  the  con- 
querors of  Mexico,  Their  attention  was  thus 
turned  decisively  to  the  southward,  whence  fresh 
rumours  of  the  wealth  of  the  Incas  had  lately 
reached  their  ears.  In  1522  Pascual  de  Anda- 
g;oja  crossed  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel  and  gathered 
much  information  concerning  the  golden  kin^om. 
A  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  southward  was  pro- 
jected, and  as  Andagoya  was  completely  disabled 
by  an  attack  of  acute  rheumatism,  Fizarro  formed 
a  partnership  with  a  couple  of  his  friends,  Alma- 
gro  and  Luque,  and  Fedrarias  entrusted  to  them 
the  enterprise.  Diego  Almagro,  a  man  of  un- 
known parentage,  was  probably  not  less  than  fifty 
years  old.  Of  fiery  but  generous  disposition,  he 
had  the  gift  of  attaching  men  to  his  fort'.mes,  but 
there  is  little  to  be  said  in  praise  of  his  intelli- 
gence or  his  character.  As  comptu^d  with  Cortes 
and  Balboa,  or  with  the  humane  and  virtuous 
Andagoya,  both  Fizarro  and  Almagro  were  men 
of  low  type.  The  third  partner,  Fernando  de 
Luque,  a  clergyman,  at  Fanama,  was  associated  in 
the  enterprise  as  a  kind  of  financial  agent,  con- 
tributing funds  on  his  own  account  and  also  on 
that  of  the  judge  Espinosa. 

The  distance  to  the  land  of  the  Incas  was  much 
greater  than  Iiad  been  supposed,  and  the  first  ex- 
pedition, which  started  in  1524,  returned  in  a  very 
dilapidated  state,  having  proceeded  as 
far  as  the  mouth  of  the  river  San  Juan,  Aiougio  lUrt 
scarcely  one  third  of  the  way  to  Turn-  the  goiden 
bez.   On  the  second  expedition,  in  1526, 
Piziurro  landed  most  of  his  men  at  the  San  Juan, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


392  TBS  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

while  he  aeut  his  pilot  Bartholomew  Buiz  forward 
in  one  of  the  two  ships,  and  AJmagro  in  the  other 
went  back  to  Panama  for  reinforcements  and  pro- 
visions. Ruiz,  after  crossing  the  equator  ^  and 
coming  within  sight  of  the  snow-clad  summit  of 
Chimborazo,  returned  to  Pizarro  with  some  na- 
tive Peruvians  whom  he  had  captured  on  a  suling- 
raft.  The  story  of  the  grandeur  of  the  Inca  king- 
dom was  confirmed  afresh  by  these  men. 

These  things  were  going  on  while  Pedrarias 
was  wielding  his  headsman's  axe  in  Nicaragua. 
Q„^  gf  About  this  time  he  was  really  deposed 
F»di»ru.,  from  his  govemment  at  Panama,  but 
by  dint  of  skilful  chicanery  he  succeeded  in  keep- 
ing possession  of  Nicaragua  for  four  years  more, 
committing  cruelties  worthy  of  Nero,  until  his 
baleful  career  was  ended  by  a  natural  death  in 
1530. 

Having  obtained  from  the  new  governor,  Pedro 
de  los  Bios,  fresh  men  and  supplies,  Alm^ro 
returned  to  the  8an  Juan,  where  he  found  his 
comrades  nearly  dead  with  hunger.  Explorers 
and  military  men  will  all  agree  that  it  is  not  easy 
to  carry  on  operations  at  a  distance  of  a  thou- 
sand miles  from  one's  base.  In  those  dreary  ex- 
peditions each  step  in  advance  necessitated  a  step 
backward,  and  the  discouragement  must  have 
been  hard  to  endure.  On  the  third  start  the  ad- 
venturers coasted  nearly  down  to  ^  equator  and 
'  Id  Hr.  Haikhsm'i  chapter  od  tlie  Conqnest  of  Pern  in  VHn- 
sor'g  Narratiat  and  Critical  Hittory,  vol.  ii.  p.  G07,  Rati  ii  Mid  M 
tiBTe  been  "  tbe  £nt  Eoiopeaa  to  croea  the  eqnatoT  on  the  Facifio 
Ooean."  Magellftn  had  onwed  it  five  yean  before  from  toDth  to 
DOrtli.    Aiigiaaadi)  durmilai  bontu  Homtnu. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBX  CONQUEST  OF  PSBIT.  898 

were  pTTijipg  more  frequent  Bymptoms  of  cinlis^ 
tioQ  npon  Uie  sboree  they  passed,  when  at  lei^th 
it  became  necessaiy  to  send  back  again  to  Pamuna. 
Again  PizaiTo  halted,  this  time  npon  the  little 
island  of  Gallo,  until  his  partner  should  return. 
After  many  weeks  of  misery  spent  nnder  the 
drenching  tropical  rain,  the  starving  men  descried 
a  white  sul  in  the  ofBng ;  but  it  was  not  Almagro. 
The  governor,  disgusted  at  such  a  prolonged  wild- 
goose  chase,  had  detiuned  that  coinmaader,  and 
sent  a  ship  with  strict  orders  to  bring  back  Pi- 
zarro  and  all  his  men.  For  the  most  part  the 
weary  creatures  had  lost  heart  for  their  ^^  hw*  u 
work,  and  were  eager  to  go.  fiat  the  '^*^^ 
do^ed  Pizarro,  whose  resolution  had  kept  stiffeo- 
ing  with  each  breath  of  adversity,  refused  to  budge. 
Drawing  an  east-and-west  line  upon  the  sandy 
beach  with  the  point  of  his  long  sword,  he  briefly 
observed  that  to  the  south  of  that  line  lay  danger 
and  glory,  to  the  north  of  it  ease  and  safefy ;  and, 
calling  upon  his  men  to  choose  each  for  himself, 
he  stepped  across.  Sixteen  staunch  men  followed 
th^  commander;^  the  rest  embarked  and  went 

'  The  nsniea  ot  tli«  nztaen  hiiva  bsen  preaarrad,  and  ma;  be 
foond,  «itL  brief  biographioal  notiaea,  id  Wiuor,  op.  cit.  ii.  &10. 
Among'  tbam,  fartnn&telj.  was  tba  darii^  and  akilfnl  pilot  Knix, 
A  lecoDd  vai  the  Cretan  artiUsry  ofGDer,  Padro  de  Candia,  whoa* 
■on  vaa  aitarwarda,  at  Cuico,  a  ■choolmata  of  GaroilaMO  da  1> 
Vega,  the  hiatoriam.  Oarailaaso  nlatei  the  iooideot  with  mneli 
prvoiaioii  of  detail,  Sir  Arthnr  Halpa  is  inotined  to  dinrniM  it  !■ 
thaatrioal  and  improbable.  Perhapa  he  vonli  ra^rd  Pedro  d« 
Caodia'i  twtiiiioiiy  ai  wartblaaa  anpraj,  is  new  of  the  old  adaf* 
S^fr«i  i«l  ^fjarau  Sarionalj,  however,  the  avidanoa  {JDcladiuf 
that  of  PiwTo'a  aBOretarj  Xerea)  aaem*  to  be  Tery  good  Indswl, 
and  ■■  f or  th«  maloHramario  chanuitei  of  th«  story,  it  mart  b« 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


894  TSE  DISCOVERT  OP  AMERICA. 

on  tlietr  way.  After  tliey  had  gone  Pizarro  and 
his  comrades  made  a  raft  and  paddled  to  the  is- 
land of  Gorgona,  where  thej  lived  on  such  shell- 
fifih  as  they  could  find  upon  the  shore,  and  now 
and  then  shot  a  passing  bird. 

When  the  ship  arrived  at  Panama  without  them, 
Los  Rios  declared  that  he  would  leave  such  fool- 
hardy creatures  to  their  fate ;  but  he  was  presently 
persuaded  to  send  another  ship,  which  found  Fizarro 
maaarmj  <a  ^^'^  '^'^  P^^ty  after  they  had  staid  seven 
**^  months  upon  Gorgona.   The  skill  of  tiie 

pilot  Ruiz  now  came  into  play,  and  in  this  little 
ship  the  party  made  a  voyage  of  discovery,  landed 
at  Tumbez,  and  admired  the  arts  and  wealth  of  one 
of  the  most  important  of  the  Inca's  cities.  Thence 
they  continued  coasting  beyond  the  site  of  Tru- 
jUlo,  more  than  600  miles  south  of  the  equator, 
when,  having  seen  enough  to  convince  them  that 
they  had  actually  found  the  golden  kingdom,  they 
returned  to  Panama,  carrying  with  them  live 
llamas,  fine  garments  of  vicuBa  wool,  curiously 
wrought  vases  of  gold  and  silver,  and  two  or  three 
'  young  Peruvians  to  be  taught  to  speak  Spanish 
and  serve  as  interpreters. 

Enough  had  now  been  ascertained  to  make  it 
de»rable  for  Pizarro  to  go  to  Spain  and  put  the 

borne  in  mind  dutt  tliB  aiiteenth  i-Bntarj  wbb  s  tlie&triaal  ige, 
i.  «.  tlie  lober  realitiee  of  that  time  Km  theatrical  nutterial  tat 
our  own.  It  b  intenntiDg  and  curioas  to  see  how  differantlf  Hi. 
Prosoott  regard!  PiiaiTo's  act ;  —  "He  announced  hb  own  pUP- 
paw  in  a  laeonia  bnt'  deoided  maoDer,  choractemtie  ol  a  man 
mora  aocnatomed  to  act  than  to  talk,  and  well  calculated  to  make 
an  impreadon  on  liia  ion|^h  foUowera."  —  Conqual  of  P«nl, 
Bonk  11.  chap.  iv. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBB  COKQUEST  OF  PBBU.  395 

enterpnse  npoo  a  more  independent  footing.  On 
his  arrival  at  Seville  in  the  Rummer  of  1528,  it 
was  his  luck  to  encounter  the  lawyer  Snciso,  who 
Btraightway  clapped  him  into  jail  for  a  pinmi'i  Tiiit 
small  debt  which  dated  from  the  found-  '"^ 
ing  of  Darien  some  eighteen  yean  before.  But 
the  disooverer  of  Peru  was  now  in  high  favour  at 
court ;  BO  the  man  of  red  tape  was  snubbed,  and 
Fizarro  went  on  to  Toledo  to  pay  bis  respects  to 
the  anperor.  The  story  of  his  romantic  adven- 
tures made  him  tiie  hero  of  the  hour.  He  was 
ennobled  by  letters  patent,  and  so  were  the  com- 
rades who  had  crossed  the  line  with  him  at  Oallo. 
He  was  appointed  captain-general  and  adelantado 
of  Peru,  tides  which  he  was  to  make  good  by  con- 
quering that  country  for  thrifty  Charles  V. ;  and  so 
in  1530  he  returned  to  Panama,  taking  with  him 
his  four  brothers  and  a  small  party  of  enthusiastic 
followers. 

Of  all  the  brothers  Fernando  whs  the  eldest  and 
the  only  legitimate  son  of  his  father.  His  char- 
acter has  perhaps  suffered  somewhat  at  the  hands 
of  historians  through  the  sympathy  that  has  been 
generally  felt  for  the  misfortunes  of  his  enemy,  the 
"  under  dog,"  Almagro.  Fernando  Pizarro  was 
surely  the  ablest  and  most  intelligent  of  the  fam- 
ily. He  had  received  a  good  education.  To  say 
that  he  was  not  more  harsh  or  unscru-  ^he  pinm 
pulous  than  his  brethren  is  faint  com-  '■"«>-»■ 
mendation ;  but  there  were  times  when  he  showed 
ngnal  clemency.  Gonzalo  and  Juan  Pizarro  were 
full  brothers  of  Francisco,  but  much  younger ; 
Martinez  de  Alc&ntara  was  son  of  the  same  frail 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


896  TSS  DISCOTEBT  OF  AMXBKSA. 

mother  by  a  difFerent  father.  As  soldiers  all  vere 
conspcaotts  for  bull-dog  tenaoity  and  ninked  among 
the  bravest  of  the  brave. 

It  was  with  an  ill  grace  that  Almagro  saw  so 
many  of  his  partner's  £amily  coming  to  share  in 
g,g^^  the  anticipated  glory  and  booty.     He 

"""^  instantly  recognized    Femando's   com- 

manding influence  and  felt  himself  in  a  measure 
thrust  into  the  background.  Thos  the  seeds  of  a 
deadly  feud  vere  not  long  in  sowing  themselves. 

Id  December,  15S1,  the  Fizarros  started  in  ad- 
vance, with  about  200  men  and  &0  horses.  When 
they  arrived  at  Tumbez  in  the  following  spriDg, 
they  learned  that  a  civil  war  was  ra^g.  The 
conquering  luca,  Huayna  Capac,  had  died  in  1523 
and  was  succeeded  by  his  lawful  heir  Huascar,  son 
of  his  Coya,  or  only  legitimate  wife.  The  next 
in  saocession,  according  to  Peruvian  rules,  seems 
oitn  wmr  ta  *■*  ^™  heea  Manco,  o£  whom  we  shall 
SSJ^"™^  have  more  to  aay  presently.  But  the 
luhuitp^  late  Inca  had  a  sou  by  one  of  his  con- 
cubines, the  daughter  of  a  vanquished  chief  or 
tribal  king  of  the  Quitns ;  and  this  son  Atahualpa 
had  been  a  favourite  with  his  father.  When 
Huascar  came  to  the  throne,  Atahualpa  was  made 
mler  of  Quito,  apparently  in  accordance  with  his 
fat^r's  wishes.  Under  no  circumstances  was  Ata- 
hualpa eligible  for  the  position  of  reigning  Inca. 
He  was  neither  the  child  of  a  Coya  nor  of  a  wo- 
man of  pure  Inca  blood,  but  of  a  foreign  woman, 
and  was  therefore  an  out  and  out  bastard.  About 
three  years  before  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  how. 
ever,  Atahualpa,  with  the  aid  of  two  poweifnl  chie£ 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


898        Tax  DiBcorssr  of  amebic  a. 

tuns,  Qnizqtiiz  and  Chalcnchimft,  left  bis  own  ter 
ritoiy  and  marched  upon  Cuzco.  The  war  which 
ensued' was  characterized  by  wholesale  barbarity. 
At  length  Atahualpa's  cbieftama  defeated  and  cap- 
tured the  Inca,  and,  entering  Cuzco  in  triumph, 
maesacred  bis  family  and  friends  as  far  aa  they 
could  be  found.  But  the  Inca  Huascar  himwlf 
they  did  not  put  to  death,  for  they  realized  that  H 
might  be  necessary  to  use  him  as  an  instrument 
for  governing  the  country.^  Atahualpa  put  on  the 
tasB^ed  crimson  cap,  or  Inca  diadem,  and  pro- 
ceeding on  bis  way  to  Cuzco  had  arrived  at  Caxa- 
marca,  when  couriers  brought  him  news  of  the 
^  white  and  bearded  strangers  coming  np 
from  the  sea,  clad  in  shining  panoply, 
riding  upon  unearthly  monsters,  and  wielding 
deadly  thunderbolts-.  The  new-comers  were  every- 
where regarded  with  extreme  wonder  and  dread, 
but  their  demeanour  toward  the  natives  had  been  in 
the  main  friendly,  as  the  Fizarros  understood  the 
necessity  of  enforcing  strict  discipline. 

Plainly  it  was  worth  while  to  court  the  favour 
of  these  mysterious  beings,  and  Atahualpa  sent  as 
an  envoy  his  brother  Titu  Atauchi  with  presents 
and  words  of  welcome.  Pizarro  had  been  rein- 
forced by  Fernando  de  Soto  with  100  men  and  a 
fresh  supply  of  horses  ;  he  had  built  a  small  for- 
tress near  the  mouth  of  the  Piiura  river,  to  serve  as 
a  base  of  operations ;  and  late  in  September,  1532, 
he  had  started  on  Ms  march  into  the  interior,  with 
about  two  thirds  of  Ms  little  force.    Titu  found 

'  Somewhftt  as  CortM  lued  Montezama;  lee  QaiailaMO,  Co- 
■imtiBTw  rteia,  pb  i-  lib.  ix.  cap.  xxiri. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PEBU.  899 

bim  at  Zaxan,  a  village  among  the  foothills  of  the 
Andes.  When  Ghircilasso  ^  tells  us  that  the  enroj 
humbled  himself  before  Pizarro  and  addressed 
him  as  "  son  of  Viracocha,"  he  reTeals  .p^^  „^ 
the  theory  which  the  Peruvians  doubt-  ?i.^Ki; 
less  held  conoemiog  the  new-comers.  *»*^" 
Viracocha  was  the  counterpart  of  Zeua,  the  sky- 
god,  arising  from  the  sea-foam,  the  power  that 
gathers  the  douda  and  delights  in  thunder.  Like 
Apollo  and  other  Greek  solar  deities  he  was  con- 
ceived as  fair  in  complexion  with  bright  or  golden 
hair.  After  the  conquest  of  Peru  the  name  vira- 
cocha passed  into  a  common  nonn  meaning  "  white 
man,*'  and  it  is  still  used  in  this  sense  at  the  pres- 
ent day.'  For  the  red  man  to  call  Ihe  white  stran- 
ger a  child  of  Viracocha  might  under  some  cir- 
cumstances be  regarded  as  a  form  of  ceremonious 
politeness,  or  the  phrase  might  even  be  a  mere 
descriptive  epithet ;  but  under  the  circumstaneeB 
of  Titu's  visit  to  Pizarro  we  can  hardly  doubt  that 
the  new-comers  were  really  invested  with  super- 
natural terrors,  that  the  feeling  of  the  Peruvians 
was  like  that  which  had  led  the  Mexicans  at  first 
to  take  it  for  granted  that  their  visitors  must  be 
children  of  Quetzalcoatl.  Upon  any  other  sup- 
position it  does  not  seem  possible  to  understand  the 
events  that  followed. 

After  receiving  and  dismissing  the  envoy  with  a^ 
snrances  of  friendship,  Pizarro  pushed  on  through 
the  mountains  and  entered  Caxamarca  on  the  15th 
of  Kovember.    It  was  a  town  of  about  2,000  in- 

'  Comtntariat  realts,  pt.  li.  lib.  i.  eap.  xlx. 
'  Biintoo,  Mgiht  tf  the  Stw  World,  p.  18a 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


400  THS  DISCOrXSY-  OF  AUBBICA. 

habitants.*  The  houses  were  chiefly  of  adobe 
brick  with  thatched  roofa,  but  some  were  built  of 
hewn  stones  laid  together  without  ce- 
ment. Around  the  great  open  square, 
which  might  serve  as  market-place  or  mmtering 
ground,  were  what  the  Spaniards  called  capacious 
barracks.  Hard  by  was  a  temple  of  the  Sun,  with 
a  convent  of  vestals  chained  with  the  c&re  of  the 
sacred  fire.  The  town  was  overlooked  by  a  cir- 
cular tower  of  defence,  girt  with  a  rantpart  ascend- 
ing spirally,  somewhat,  I  fancy,  as  in  old  pictures 
of  the  tower  of  Babel.  On  a  rising  ground  some 
two  miles  distant  was  encamped  Atahualpa's  army, 
—  some  thousands  of  Indians  in  quilted  cotton 
doublets,  with  bucklers  of  stiff  hide,  long  bronze- 
pointed  lanoes  and  copper-beaded  clubs,  as  well  as 
bows,  slings,  and  lassos,  in  the  use  of  which  these 
warriors  were  expert.  Toward  nightfall  Fernando 
FizajTo  and  Fernando  de  Soto,  with  five-and-thirty 
horsemen,  went  to  visit  the  self-styled  Inca  in  his 
quarters,  and  found  him  surrounded  with  chieftains 
and  bedizened  female  slaves.  After  introducing 
themselves  and  inviting  Atahualpa  to  a  conference 
with  their  commander  next  day  in  the  market- 
place, the  cavaliers  withdrew.  On  both  sides  the 
extreme  of  ceremonious  politeness  had  been  ob- 
served.'   Surely  so  strauge  an  interview  was  never 

'  It  il  «<11  dcMribed  in  "  A  Tni»  Aocoont  ot  tli«  ProTime  of 
Cnico,"  bj  PtnuTo's  leoretar;,  PHnoIiw  de  Xei«*,  iii  Mwkham'i 
B^oru  en  the  Ditcovety  iff  Peru,  Londoo,  1872  (Haklajt  Society). 

■  Except  for  a  moment  when  Soto'*  atoed,  at  tha  malicioiu  and 
prudent  toneb  of  hii  ridei'i  spar,  pranced  and  cnnetted.  to  the 
tntenie  dismay  of  hslf-^oien  diuk;  wairion,  whom  Atahualpa, 
after  tlw  depaitnn  of  the  vuiton,  piomptl;  beheaded  i<x  (how. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PEBU.  401 

•een  save  when  MoDteznma  ushered  Corten  into 
the  tatj  of  Mexico.  Between  the  two  cases  there 
was  on  essential  likeness.  It  is  clear  that  Ata- 
boalpa  and  his  men  were  paralyzed  with  supersti- 
tious dread,  while  the  Spaniards  on  their  part  were 
well  awaie  tiiat  according  to  all  military  prin<»[)lea 
they  had  thrust  themselves  into  a  very  dangerous 
position.  As  they  looked  out  that  anxious  night 
upon  the  mountain-slope  b^ore  them,  gleaming 
with  innumerable  watch-fires,  we  are  told  that 
many  were  profoundly  dejected.  The  leaders  saw 
that  there  must  not  be  a  moment's  delay  in  taking 
advantage  of  the  superstitious  fears  of  the  In- 
dians. They  must  at  once  get  possession  of  this 
Inca's  person.  Here,  of  course,  the  Fizajros  took 
their  cue  from  Cortee.  In  repeating  the  experi< 
ment  they  showed  less  subtlety  and  more  brutality 
than  the  conqueror  of  Mextoo ;  and  while  some 
allowance  most  be  made  for  differences  in  the  sit- 
uation, one  feels  neverthelesB  that  the  native  wit 
of  Cortes  had  a  mach  keener  edge  than  that  of  his 
imitatoiB. 

Atahoalpa  most  hare  passed  the  night  in  quite 
as  much  uneasiness  as  the  Spaniards.  When  he 
came  next  day  strongly  escorted  into  the  market- 
place he  found  no  one  to  receive  him,  for  Fizano 
bad  skillfully  concealed  his  men  in  the  neighbour- 
ing houses.  Presently  a  solitary  white  man,  the 
priest  Valverde,  came  forth  to  greet  the  Inca,  and 
proceeded  —  through  one  of  the  interpreters  here- 
Ing  f  ri|;Iit  (Z«nrt«,  Cangwita  dd  Peru,  H.  4) ;  u  iutanstuiK  toooh 
of  hDman  nahira  I  Queilaioo  (pt.  i.  lib.  ix.  sap.  xri,)  giTW  ft  ririd 
Mooont  of  tha  UDOootToUable  agotuea  of  terror  vitli  which  liM 
Paranua  regarded  koiM*. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


402  THE  DiaCOVEBY  OF  AMERICA. 

tofore  mentioned  —  to  read  him  a  long-winded  dis- 
quisition on  dogmatic  theology  and  chnrcli  liistoiy, 
beginning  vith  the  creation  of  Adam  and  passing 
stage  by  stage  to  the  calling  of  St.  Pet«r,  and  bo 
on  to  the  boll  by  which  Alexander  VL  had  given 
the  kingdom  of  the  Incas  (along  with  other  realms 
too  numerous  to  mention)  to  the  Moat 
Catholic  King.  In  conclusion  Ata- 
hoalpa  was  summoned,  under  penalty  of  fire  and 
sword,  to  acknowledge  the  pa^  supremacy  and 
pay  tribute  to  Charles  V.^  Of  this  precious  rig- 
marole the  would-be  Inca  probably  fathomed  just 
enough  to  be  convinced  that  the  mysterious  stran- 
gers, instead  of  being  likely  to  lend  him  aid,  were 
an  obstacle  of  unknown  strength  to  be  reckoned 
with ;  and  in  a  fit  of  petulant  disappointment  he 
threw  apon  the  ground  the  Bible  which  the  priest 
had  handed  him.  As  soon  as  this  was  reported  to 
Pizarro  the  warory  "  Santiago  I "  resounded,  the 
ambushed  Spaniards  rushed  forUi  and  seized  Ata- 
hnalpa,  and  for  two  hours  a  butehery  went  on  in 
which  some  hundreds  of  his  bewildered  followers 
perished. 

The  success  of  this  blow  was  such  as  the  wildest 
imagination  could  not  have  foreseen.  Here  at  the 
crisis  of  the  war  the  superhuman  "  sons  of  Vira- 
cooha "  had  come  upon  the  scene  and  taken  mat- 
ters into  their  own  hands.  They  held  the  person 
of  the  sacrilegious  usurper  Atahualpa,  and  men 

1  There  ii  &  goad  alntTBct  of  thii  apeeeh,  with  lOTne  emlnontlT 
MXnd  critical  rBmarki,  in  Helpa'i  Spanith  Conquat,  ¥oL  iii.  pp. 
&3S-541.  Comp&ra  the  fomoiu  Stqatrimimta  of  Dr.  Palafioi 
Bohioa,  id.,  toL  i.  pp.  870-384. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  CONQUEST  OF  PESU.  408 

vho  had  rSAhly  come  too  near  them  bad  been  slain 
with  nnearthly  weapons,  struck  down  as  if  by 
lightning.  The  people  were  dumb  and  helpless. 
The  strangers  treated  Atahualpa  politely,  and  snch 
edicts  as  they  issued  through  him  were  obeyed 
in  some  parts  of  the  country. 

His  first  thought  was  naturally  for  his  liberation. 
Confined  in  a  room  twenty-two  feet  in  length  by 
seventeen  in  width,  he  made  a  mark  upon  the  wall 
as  high  as  he  could  reach  with  his  hand,  and  offered 
as  ransom  gold  enough  to  fill  the  room  up  to  that 
height.  Pizarro  accepted  the  offer,  and 
the  gold  began  to  be  collected,  largely  i»t«i  'w 
in  the  shape  of  vases  and  other  cma- 
ment«  of  temples.  But  it  came  in  more  slowly 
than  Atahualpa  bad  expected,  and  in  June,  15S3, 
the  stipolated  quantity  was  not  yet  complete.  In 
aoBOB  towns  the  priests  dismantled  the  sacred  edi- 
fices and  hid  their  treasures,  waiting  apparently 
for  the  crisis  to  pass.  The  utter  paralysis  of  the 
people  in  presence  of  the  whit«  men  was  scarcely 
matched  by  anything  in  the  story  of  Cortes.  While 
the  treasure  was  collecting,  Fernando  Fizarro,  with 
twenty  horsemen  and  half^a^ozen  arquebusiers, 
made  a  journey  of  four  hundred  miles  through  the 
heart  of  the  country  to  the  famous  temple  of  Pa- 
chacamac,  and  although  they  boldly  desecrated  the 
sacred  shrine  they  went  and  came  unmolested  I  ^ 
'  Tin  peopla  belieTod  that  no  onb  bnt  the  etmaaenied  priertB 
of  PasfaMsmae  eonld  enter  the  ihrine  of  the  vooden  idol  without 
inBtaDtlj  periahing'.  So  vhen  Fernando  Piiarro  coolly  waihed  in 
tmd  (nushsd  the  "  fp«TBn  imaife,"  and  had  thn  ahriue  deinoliahed, 
and  made  the  aifrn  of  thn  croiw  an  "  an  invincihle  weapon  afrainst 

the  D«t11,"  th«]r  ooMlnded  that  he  mnM  U  «  god  who  knaw 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


404  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMEBICA. 

Soon  after  Femando's  retum  to  Cazamaica,  in 
April,  Almagro  arrived  at  that  town,  with  bis 
pu^  of  160  BotdierB  and  84  horses.  In  June  the 
enormous  spoil  of  gold,  eqnivalent  to  more  &aa 
$15,000,000  in  modem  reckoning,  besides  a  vast 
amount  of  silver,  was  divided  among  the  children 
of  the  shy-god.  Almagro's  newly  arrived  men 
wished  to  abaae  equally  with  the  others,  and  as 
they  were  obliged  to  content  themselves  with  a 
mneh  smaller  portion,  Uiere  was  fresh  occasion  for 
ill-feeling  between  Almagro  and  the  Pizarros. 

Fernando  Pizarro  was  now  sent  to  Spun  with 
the  emperor's  share  of  the  plunder.  Atahualpa 
placed  more  trust  in  him  than  in  tite  others,  and 
gave  expression  to  a  fear  that  his  own  safety  was 
imperilled  by  his  departure.  The  atmosphere 
MunisT  at  seems  to  have  been  heavy  with  intrigue. 
^°^SL^  From  Cuzco  the  imprisoned  Inca  Huas- 
br  AuhuiiiM.  ^jg^  offered  the  Spaniards  a  treasure 
still  larger  than  they  had  as  yet  received,  on  con- 
dition that  they  would  set  him  free  and  support 
him  against  Atahualpa.  The  latter  heard  (^  this, 
and  soon  afterward  Huascar  was  secretly  mur- 
dered. At  the  same  time  the  Spaniards,  still  un- 
easy and  suspicious,  as  was  natural,  had  reason 
to  believe  that  Atahualpa  was  privately  send- 
ing forth  instructions  to  his  chieftains  to  arouse 
their  parte  ctf  the  country.  When  one  b  driven 
to  despair,  one  is  ready  to  fight  even  agunst 
sky-gods.     Pizarro  saw  that  it  would  not  do  for 

vhftt  IiB  ma  •boat,  uid  irith  vhom  it  vonld  bo  miufe  to  in- 
terfere.    See  Squier'i  Peru,  p.  Co ;  Mftrkliam,  Btpcrti  on  Ul*  Bit- 

cwtTji  lifFtrM,  London,  1S72,  p.  83. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THX  CONQVEST  OF  FBBU.  405 

a  moment  to  alloT  such  procaedings.  A  sav- 
age display  of  power  seemed  necessary ;  and  so 
Atahnalpa,  liaving  been  brouglit  to  trial  for  con- 
spiracy against  the  white  men,  for  the  murder  of 
Us  brother,  and  for  divers  other  crimes,  even  in- 
cluding idolatry  and  polygamy,  was  duly  convicted 
and  sentenced  to  be  burned  at  the  stake.  On  his 
consenting  to  accept  baptism  the  sen-  ^t^g^p, 
tence  was  commuted  for  a  milder  one,  K'tl^lt^ 
and  on  the  29th  of  August,  in  the  pub-  '•'^ 
lie  square  at  Caxamarca,  Atahualpa,  was  strangled 
with  a  bow-string.  At  this  time  Fernando  de 
Soto  was  absent ;  on  his  return  he  denounced  the 
execution  as  both  shameful  and  rash.  As  to  the 
shamefulness  of  the  transaction  modem  historians 
can  have  but  one  opinion.  Personal  sympathy,  of 
oouTse,  would  be  wasted  upon  such  a  bloodthirsty 
wretch  as  Atahualpa ;  but  as  for  the  Spaniards,  it 
would  seem  that  perfidy  could  no  farther  go  than 
to  acoept  an  enormous  ransom  from  a  captive 
and  then  put  him  to  death.  As  a  question  of  mili- 
tary policy,  divorced  from  considerations  of  moral- 
ity, the  case  is  not  so  clear.  The  Spaniards  were 
taking  possession  of  Peru  by  the  same  sort  of 
right  as  that  by  which  the  lion  springs  upon  his 
prey ;  there  was  nothing  that  was  moral  about  it, 
and  their  consciences  were  at  no  time  scrupulous 
as  to  keeping  faith  with  heretics  or  with  heathen. 
Hiey  were  guided  purely  by  considerations  of 
their  own  safety  and  success,  and  they  slew  Ata- 
hualpa in  the  same  spirit  that  Napoleon  murdered 
the  Duke  d'Enghien,  because  they  deemed  it  good 
policy  to  do  so.     In  this  Pizarpo  and  AJnwgro 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


406  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA, 

were  agreed ;  Soto  and  a  few  others  were  of  a  dif- 
ferent opinion,  and  it  ia  not  eajsy  now  to  tell  which 
side  conceived  the  military  situation*  moat  cor- 
rectly. 

In  order  to  control  the  conntiy  I^zarro  must 
control  the  person  of  the  Inca,  and  that  sovereign 
must  understand  that  to  conspire  against  the 
"sons  of  Viracocha"  was  simply  to  bring  down 
sore  and  swift  destruction  upon  himself.  There 
was  reason  for  believing  that  Atahualpa's  usurped 
authority  was  not  so  willingly  rec<^;nized  by  Uie 
country  as  that  of  the  genuine  Inca ;  and  Pizarro 
had  expressed  an  intention  of  bringing  Hnaaoar 
to  Caxamarca  and  deciding  between  his  dduos 
and  those  of  Atahualpa,  when  his  purpose  waa 
frustrated  by  the  assassination  of  the  former.  It 
thus  appears  that  there  was  a  valid  political  rea- 
son for  holding  Atahualpa  TespouBible  for  the 
murder. 

For  the  present  Pizarro  proclaimed  Toparoa, 
one  of  Atahualpa's  sons,  but  the  lad  fell  sick  and 
died  within  a  few  weeks.  Symptoms  of  anarchy 
were  here  and  there  manifested;  in  some  towns 
there  were  riots,  and  distant  chieftains  prepared 
to  throw  off  their  allegiance.  On  the  march  to 
Cuzco,  which  began  lato  in  September,  the  Span- 
iards, now  about  500  in  number,  were  for  the  first 
time  attacked.  The  assailants  were  6,000  Indians, 
led  by  Atahualpa's  brother,  Titu  Atauchi,  but 
the  Spaniards  beat  them  off  without  serious  loss. 
Fizarro  had  the  blame  of  this  attack  upon  the 
chief  t^n  CbaJcuchima,  whom  he  had  with  him,  and 
the  Indian  was  accordingly  burned  at  the  stake  fix 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TME  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  407 

aiL  example.  A  few  days  afterward,  Manco,  al- 
ready mentioned  as  next  to  Huaacar  in  th*  tma  lam, 
the  cmtomary  line  of  succession,  came  mSSIbSSbI 
to  the  Spanish  camp  and  made  his  sub-  ?^.^^^ 
mission  in  due  fonn.  It  was  a  great  '•J'^'**'"- 
and  decisive  triumph  for  Fizarrc  He  lost  no 
time  in  proclaiming  the  new  Inca  under  the  style 
of  Manco  Capac  Yupanqui,  and  on  the  15th  of 
November,  1533,  the  sovereign  and  his  supernat- 
ural guardians  made  a  solemn  entry  into  Cuzeo, 
where  the  usual  inaugural  ceremonies  and  festivi- 
ties took  place.  It  was  the  anniversary  of  Pizar^ 
ro's  entry  into  Caxamarca.  In  that  one  eventful 
year  he  had  overthrown  the  usai'per,  and  now,  as 
he  placed  the  crimson  cap  upon  the  head  of  the 
legitimate  Inca,  might  it  not  seem  that  he  had 
completed  the  conquest  of  the  golden  kingdom? 
Belying  upon  the  superstitious  awe  which  had 
helped  him  to  such  an  abounding  result,  he  ven- 
tured in  the  course  of  the  next  four  months  to  set 
up  a  Spanish  municipal  government  in  Cuzco,  to 
seize  upon  divers  houses  and  public  buildings  for 
his  followers,*  and  to  convert  the  Temple  of  the 
Sun  into  a  Dominican  monastery. 

The  chieftain  Quizquiz,  with  a  portion  of  Ata* 
hualpa's  forces,  held  out  ag^nst  the  new  Inca, 
whereupon  Almagro  in  a  brief  campaign  drove 
him  into  the  Quito  territory  and  overpowered  him. 
Meanwhile  the  news  of  all  these  wonderful  events 
had  reached  the  ears  of  Pedro  de  Alva-  rtana»un. 
rado  in  Guatemala,  and  not  yet  satiated  "^'■ 
with  adventure,  that  cavalier,  with  500  followers, 
Bfuled  for  the  South  American  coast,  landed  in 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


408  TSE  DISCOVERT  OF  AXBBICA. 

the  bay  of  Caraques,  and  after  a  terrible  march 
through  the  wUdemese,  in  which  one  fourtli  of  the 
nnmber  perished,  he  came  up  with  Abnagro  at 
Biobamba.  After  some  parley,  as  hie  men  showed 
c^mptoms  of  deserting  to  AJm^ro,  Alvarado  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  it  would  be  wiser  not  to 
interfere  in  this  part  of  the  world.  He  consented 
to  be  bought  off  for  a  good  round  sum,  and  went 
back  to  Guatemala,  leaving  most  of  his  men  to 
leoruit  the  Spanish  forces  in  Peru. 

The  arrival  of  Fernando  Pizarro  in  Spain,  with 
his  load  of  gold  and  his  tale  of  adventure,  aroused 
ntch  excitement  as  had  hardly  been  felt  since  the 
ntuni  o{  Columbns  from  his  first  voyage  across 
KffKtofUw  ^^  3^^  ^  Darkness.  Again  Span- 
»..  In  Bp^  ijj^g  begm  flocking  to  the  New  World, 
and  ships  plied  frequently  between  Panama  and 
the  shores  of  the  Inca's  country.  For  commercial 
purposes  a  seat  of  government  on  the  coast  was 
preferable  to  Cuzco,  and  accordingly  on  the  6th 
of  January,  1535,  Francisco  Pizarro  founded  the 
city  of  Lima.  While  he  was  busy  in  laying  oat 
streets  and  putting  up  houses  his 'brother  Fer^ 
nando  returned  from  Spain.  Francisco  bad  been 
created  a  marquis  and  the  territory  subject  to  his 
government  bad  been  described  in  the  royal  patent 
as  extending  southward  270  leagues  from  the 
river  Santiago,  in  latitude  1°  20'  north.  Provi- 
sion had  also  been  made  for  Alm^ro,  but  in  such 
wise  as  to  get  him  as  far  out  of  the  way  as  possi- 
ble. He  was  appointed  governor  of  the  country 
to  the  south  ctf  Pizarro's,  with  the  title  of  marshal 
Pizarro's  province  was  to  be  called  New  Castile; 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THX  C0SQUS8T  OF  FEBV.  409 

Almagro'a,  whidi  covered  Chili,  or  the  greater  part 
of  it,  was  to  be  called  New  Toleda 

Thus  with  fair  pliraaea  Almagro  web  Tirtnally 
set  aside ;  he  was  told  that  he  might  go  and  con- 
quer a  new  and  unknown  country  for  himself, 
while  the  rich  country  already  won  was 
to  be  monopolized  by  the  FizarroB.  nM^teti 
Theirs  was  the  bird  in  the  band,  bis 
the  bird  in  the  bnah ;  and  no  wonder  that  his 
wrath  waxed  hot  agunst  Fernando.  In  this  mood 
he  insisted  that  at  any  rate  the  city  of  Cuzco  fell 
•onth  of  the  boundary-line,  and  therefore  within 
his  jnrisdiction.  This  was  not  really  the  case, 
though  its  neamees  to  the  line  afforded  ground  tor 
doubt,  and  something  might  depend  upon  the  way 
in  which  the  distance  from  the  river  Sauti^o  was 
measured.  Almagro  was  a  weak  man,  apt  to  be 
swayed  by  the  kind  of  ailment  that  happened 
to  be  poured  into  his  ears  for  the  moment.  At 
first  he  was  persuaded  to  abandon  his  claim  to 
Cuzco,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1535  he  started  on 
his  march  for  Chili,  with  200  Spaniards  and  a 
large  force  of  Indians  led  by  the  Inca's  brother 
Faullu,  and  accompanied  by  the  high  priest  or 
Villac  Umu.  There  were  to  be  stirring  times  be- 
fore his  return. 

Three  years  had  now  elapsed  since  the  seizure  of 
AttJiiiatpa,  and  two  since  tlie  coronation  of  Manco, 
and  quiet  seems  to  hare  been  generally  main- 
tained. But  the  Inca's  opinion  as  to  the  char- 
acter and  business  of  the  white  strangers  must 
needs  have  been  modified  by  what  was  going  on. 
If  at  first  he  may  have  welcomed  their  aid   in 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


410  THE  DiaCOVEBT  OF  AMEBICA. 

orertbrowing  tlie  rival  party  and  helping  him  to 
his  throne,  he  could  now  see  unmistakable  signs 
fJiat  they  had  come  to  stay.  Spaniards  were 
arriving  by  the  ship -load;  they  were  building 
towns,  seizing  estates  and  eoBlaving  the  people, 
despoiling  temples,  and  otherwise  comporting  them- 
aelres  as  odious  masters.  Mere  familiarity  must 
have  done  something  toward  dispelling  the  gla- 
mour whieh  had  at  first  Burrooaded  and  protected 
them,  .^^p's  fox  nearly  died  of  fright  on  first 
seeing  a  lion,  but  by  and  by  made  bold  to  go  up 
to  him  and  ask  him  how  he  did.  In  an  emergency 
it  might  be  worth  while  to  test  the  power  of  the 
new  tyrants  and  see  if  they  were  really  the  sacred 
children  of  Viracocha.    The  departure  of  Almagro 

for  Chili  offered  a  favourable  moment 
uiuiuTso-     for  an   insurrection,   and  there   is   no 

doubt  that  the  plans  of  the  Inca  and 
his  friends  were  deliberately  concerted.  Almagro 
had  not  proceeded  many  days'  march  when  Paullu 
and  the  Villao  Umu  deserted  him  with  their  In- 
dians and  hurried  back  toward  Cozco,  while  at 
the  same  time  the  Inca  succeeded  in  escaping 
from  the  ci^.  Now  ensued  the  only  serious  war- 
fare between  Spaniard  and  Indian  which  the  con- 
quest of  Pern  involved.  With  astonishing  sud- 
denness and  vehemence  the  rebellion  broke  out  in 
many  parts  of  the  country,  so  that  the  communi- 
cation between  Cuzco  and  Lima  was  cut,  and  for 
some  months  the  Spaniards  in  the  one  town  did 
not  know  whether  their  friends  in  the  other  were 
alive  or  dead.  Francisco  Fizarro  at  Lima  was 
fain  to  call  for  succour  from  Panama,  Guatemala, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PEBV.  411 

tnd  Mexico.'  The  XncaoccujHed  the  great  Saoaa- 
Imi^Tpan  fortress  overlookiDg  Casco,  and  laid  ei^e 
to  the  city,  where  Fernando  waa  in  oom- 
numd,  with  his  brothers  Gonzalo  and  tMiuBviiB 
Joan.  For  ux  months,  from  Fehmaiy 
to  August,  1586,  the  siege  was  closely  pressed. 
There  were  frequent  and  vigorous  assaults,  and 
how  the  little  band  of  Spaniards  contrived  to  main- 
tain themselves  against  such  terriUe  odds  is  one 
of  the  marvels  of  history.  Th^  not  only  held 
tlieir  own  within  the  walls,  but  made  effective 
sorties.  Such  prodifj^  of  valour  have  rarely 
been  seen  except  in  those  books  of  chivalry  that 
turned  Don  Quixote's  brain.  Juan  Pizarro  was 
slain  in  an  assault  upon  the  fortress,  but  Fer^ 
nando  at  length  succeeded  in  taking  it  by  storm. 
After  a  while  the  Inca  b^an  to  find  it  difficult  to 
feed  so  many  mouths.  As  September  xowa«ft« 
approached,  it  was  necessary,  in  order  '>'«»»i™»- 
to  avoid  a  famine,  for  large  numbers  to  go  home 
and  attend  to  their  planting.  With  his  force 
thus  reduced  the  Inca  retired  into  the  valley  of 
Yucay,  where  he  encountered  Almagro  returning 
from  Chili.  A  battle  ensued,  and  Manco  was 
defeated  with  great  slaughter. 

Almagro's  men,  after  penetrating  more  than 
three  hundred  miles  into  Chili,  and  enduring  the 
extremes  of  cold  and  hunger,  without  finding 
wealthy  towns  or  such  occasions  for  pil-  j,„.^  ^ 
Ii^  as  they  expected,  had  at  length  be-  SltSlo^ 
gun  to  murmur,  mid  finally  they  per- 
suaded their  leader  to  letum  and  renew  his  claim 
to  Cnzco.    He  arrived  in  time  to  complete  the  dis- 


Doiizccb,  Google 


412  TBS  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA, 

oomfihue  of  the  Inc&,  and  then  appeared  before  that 
city.  He  was  refused  admisBion,  and  an  agree- 
ment was  made  by  which  he  pnnnised  to  remus 
encamped  outside  until  the  vexed  question  of  juria- 
dictioD  could  be  peaceably  determined.  Some 
months  of  inaction  passed,  but  at  length,  in  April, 
153T,  AlmagTo  was  led  to  believe,  perhaps  oor> 
rectly,  that  Fernando  Pizarro  was  secretly  strength- 
ening  the  works,  with  the  intention  of  holding  the 
city  against  him.  Almagro  thereupon  treated  the 
agreement  as  broken,  seized  the  city  by  surprise, 
and  took  Fernanda  and  Gh>nzalo  prisoners. 

This  act  was  the  be^nning  of  a  period  of  eleven 
years  of  civil  disturbance,  in  the  course  of  which 
all  the  principal  actors  were  swept  off  the  stage, 
as  in  some  cheap  blood-and-thunder  tragedy.  For 
our  purposes  it  ia  not  worth  while  to  recount  the 
petty  incidents  of  the  struggle,  —  how  Almagro 
was  at  one  moment  ready  to  submit  to  arbitration 
and  the  next  moment  refused  to  abide  by  the  de- 
cision ;  how  Fernando  was  set  at  liberty  and  Gron- 
zalo  escaped ;  how  Alm^ro's  able  lieutenant, 
Bodrigo  de  OrgoQez,  won  a  victory  over  Fizarro's 
men  at  Aban9ay,  but  was  totally  defeated  by  Fet^ 

nando  Pizarro  at  Las  Salinas  and  pei^ 
toiO^oi"'  ished  on  the  field ;  how  at  last  Fernando 
a^ieiiaiot  had   AlmagTo   tried  for    sedition   and 

summarily  executed.  On  \^ch  side 
was  the  more  violence  and  treachery  it  would  be 
hard  to  say.  Indeed,  as  Sir  Arthur  Helps  ob- 
serves, "  in  this  melancholy  story  it  is  difficult  to 
find  anybody  whom  the  reader  can  sympathize 
much  with."     So  far  as  oar  story  of  the  conquest 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  COlTQUSaT  Of  FBBXT.  418 

of  Pera  is  concerned,  we  m&y  obserre  th«  Span- 
iaids  once,  in  a  leisure  interval  among  their  own 
squabbles,  taming  tbeir  attention  to  itl  After 
his  victory  at  Aban^ay  in  July,  1537,  Oi^Bez 
completed  the  overthrow  of  the  Inca  Manoo,  scat- 
tered his  army,  and  drove  him  to  an  inaccessible 
fastness  in  the  mountains. 

Almagro'a  execution  was  in  July,  1538,  and  the 
next  year  Fernando  Pizarro  thought  it  prudent  to 
return  to  Castile,  with  an  enormous  quantiiy  of 
gold,  and  give  his  own  account  of  the  late  troubles. 
But,  as  already  observed,  the  Spanish  government 
was  liable  to  resent  too  siunmary  measures  on  the 
part  of  its  servants  in  the  Indies,  and  much  de- 
pended upon  the  kind  of  information  it  obtained 
in  the  first  place.  On  this  occasion  it  ^^  rtma- 
got  its  first  impressions  from  friends  of  J^i^J|^J^"" 
Almagro,  and  it  fared  ill  with  the  other  *»  ^^^ 
side.  Fernando  was  kept  under  surveillance  at 
Medina  del  Campo  for  more  than  twenty  years, 
and  waa  then  allowed  to  go  home  to  his  estate  in 
Estremadura,  where  he  died  in  1578,  at  the  age,  it 
is  said,  of  one  hundred  and  four  years. 

After  his  brother's  departure  the  Marquis  Pi- 
zarro had  some  further  trouble  with  the  Inca, 
who  from  time  to  time  renewed  a  desultory  war- 
fare among  the  mountains.  It  was  but  a  slight 
annoyance,  however.  Peru  was  really  conquered, 
and  Pizarro  waa  able  to  send  out  expeditions  to 
great  distances.  In  March,  1540,  Pedro  de  Val- 
divia  set  out  for  Chili  and  remained  there  seven 
years,  in  the  course  c^  which  he  founded  Valpa- 
raiso (September  3, 1544)  and  other  towns,  and 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


414  THE  DiaCOYEBT  OF  AMSBICA. 

iat  die  moment  seemed  to  have  conquered  the 
country.  Nevertbeleas  it  was  here  ^t 
ooKiaHtiif  the  Spaniards  encountered  more  formi- 
dable opponitiou  than  anywhere  else  in 
America.  On  Valdivia's  return  to  his  colony  in 
1549  its  very  existence  was  imperilled  by  the  as- 
saults of  the  Araucanians.  These  Taliant  Indians, 
led  by  their  illustrious  chieftains,  Caupolican  and 
Lautaio,  maintained  a  warfare  which  has  been 
celebrated  in  the  famous  epic  poem  of  Alonso  d« 
Eroilla,  who  was  one  of  the  Spanish  officers  en- 
gaged.' In  this  struggle  Valdivia  perished.  Other 
goremors  until  the  end  of  the  century  found  the 
Araucanians  unconquerable ;  and,  indeed,  even  to 
the  present  day  this  aboriginal  American  people 
may  boast,  with  the  Montenegrins  of  the  Balkan 
peninsula,  that  they  have  never  bent  their  necks  to 
the  yoke  of  the  foreigner. 

To  return  to  the  Marquis  Pi^uro :  in  1639  he 
pnt  his  brother  Oonzalo  in  command  over  the 
province  of  Quito,  which  had  been  conquered  by 
Benaloazar,  and  on  Christmas  of  that  year  Oon- 
zalo started  to  explore  the  cinnamon  forests  to  the 
eastward.  A  memorable  affair  it  was,  and  placed 
this  Pizarro  in  a  conspicuous  place  among  men 
of  incredible  endunmoe.  His  little  army  of  350 
Bipaditionot  Spaniards  (attended  at  the  outset  by 
■m*£-i[i^  4,000  Indimis)  crossed  the  Andes  and 
oixiDonda.  pionged  deeper  and  deeper  into  the 
wilderness,  nn^  food  grew  scarce.    Then,  lured 

<  EmilU,  Xa  AraieatuL,  Hxdriil,  17T3,  2  Tola.  12°.  Lopa  Je 
y^a  vrote  ■  plaj  on  the  uuoe  inbieot,  "  Aimoco  Domadi^''  in 
hi*  Comtiwt,  torn,  n.,  Mnlnil,  1620. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBS  CONQUEST  OF  PBBU.  416 

on  by  fitlse  reports  of  a  rich  and  {mitful  country 
ahead  (ntayhap,  aaodier  golden  kingdom  I  wUy 
not?)  they  pressed  onward,  with  great  exertion 
hnilt  a  small  vessel  capable  of  carrying  part  of 
their  company  and  their  ba^;age,  and  so,  partly 
on  water,  partly  on  land,  made  their  way  down 
the  Napo  river,  one  of  Uie  tribntaries  of  the  Ama- 
zon.  Hearing  now  that  the  rich  country  was  to 
be  found  at  the  confluence  of  the  Napo  with  the 
greater  river,  Gonzalo  sent  FranciBCO  de  Orellana 
ahead  with  fifty  men  in  the  brigantine  to  gather 
supplies,  and  retom.  When  Orellana  reached  the 
region  in  question  he  found  scant  suntenance  there, 
and  decided  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  force 
his  vessel  back  gainst  the  powerful  current.  It 
was  easier  to  keep  on  down  stream  and  see  if  some 
golden  kingdom  might  not  be  found 
upon  its  banks.  So  Orellana  basely  M«ot  ot  a» 
left  his  comrades  in  the  lurch,  and 
sailed  down  the  Amazon  4,000  miles  to  its  mouth, 
a  most  astounding  exploit  in  the  nairigation  of  an 
unknown  aud  very  dangerous  river.  Escaping  the 
perils  of  starvation,  shipwreck,  and  savages,  Orel- 
lana came  out  upon  the  ocean  and  mads  his  way 
to  the  island  of  Oubagua,  whence  he  went  soon 
afterward  to  Spain,  and  succeeded  in  raising  an 
expedition  to  return  and  make  conquests  in  the 
Amazon  country,'  but  Us  dsath  and  the  remgn- 
strances  of  Portugal  frustrated  this  attempt. 

'  "  The  name  of  river  of  the  Amaioiu  tu  fri*en  to  it  besanaa 
Oralluui  and  (lu  people  iMheld  the  vomen  on  ita  banks  fightiiig 
ai  TBliantl;  ai  the  men.  ...  It  is  not  that  there  are  Amaiona  on 
lliat  liver,  but  that  thej  tud  there  were,  b;  reason  of  the  tbIooi 
of  the  womnt."    GmoUm»  (Markham's  tianiL),  lib.  tiIL  oap. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


416  TBS  DI8C0VKBT  OF  AUEBICA. 

One  of  Orellana's  oompanions,  wlio  bad  boldly 
deDoanced  as  cowardly  and  treacherous  bia  isten- 
tioD  of  desertiiig  Pizarro,  was  left  bebiod  to  etarre 
in  tbe  forest,  but  contrived  to  keep  himself  alive 
till  Gonzalo  arrived  at  the  month  of  the  Napo,  and 
found  him,  a  mere  skeleton.  On  learning  his  story 
it  became  evident  that  there  was  nothing  to  do  but 
make  the  best  of  their  way  back  to  Quito.  After 
gig„„ig<t^  one  of  the  moat  terrible  marches  re- 
iiimtaqaua.  cotdcd  in  lustory,  a  march  in  which 
more  than  two  thirds  of  the  company  perished, 
GKtnzalo  brought  the  famished  survivors  into  Quito 
in  Jmie,  1542,  and  there  he  was  met  by  unwel- 
come news.  During  tbe  two  and  a  half  years  of 
his  absence  great  changes  bad  taken  place. 

For  a  time  everything  had  gone  prosperously 
with  Francisco  Pizarro.  The  rage  for  silver  and 
gold  had  brought  thousands  of  Spaniards  into  the 
country,  and  by  taking  advantage  of  the  system 
of  military  roads  and  posts  already  existing,  they 
were  soon  better  able  than  the  Incas  had  ever  been 
to  hold  all  that  territory  in  complete  subjection. 
Pizarro  was  fond  of  building  and  gardening,  and 
took  much  interest  in  introducing  European  cere- 
als and  other  vegetables  into  Peru.  While  he  was 
engaged  in  such  occupations  his  enemies  were  lay- 
TteHinnb  "'S  P^°^  H'^  brother  Fernando,  on 
Sr^^ti  Iwiving  Ae  country,  had  warned  him 
Chiu."  against  tbe  "men  of  Chili,"  as  Abna- 

gro's  partisans  were  called.  But  the  marquis  did 
not  profit  by  the  warning.  A  man  of  tact,  like 
Cortes,  would  have  won  over  these  malcontents  by 
extending  to  them  ju^cions  favours  and  making 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  COlfQUEST  OF  PERU.  41T 

them  feel  it  to  be  for  their  interest  to  come  to  bis 
support.  But  Pixarro  bad  neither  the  generouly 
nor  the  sagacity  to  adopt  such  a  ooaree,  nor  bad 
he  the  prudence  of  bia  brother  Fernando.  He 
treated  the  men  of  Chili  with  rudeness  and  severe 
ity,  and  still  was  careless  about  guarding  himself. 
To  such  straits,  it  is  said,  were  some  of  these  men 
reduced  tbrci^h  persecutions  that  could  be  traced 
to  Pizarro,  that  a  dozen  cavaliers,  who  happened 
to  have  their  quarters  in  the  same  bouse,  had  only 
one  cloak  among  them,  which  they  used  to  take 
their  turns  in  wearing,  the  cloaked  man  going  out 
while  the  others  staid  at  home.'  After  a  while 
some  of  these  ill-used  men  conspired  to  murder 
Pizarro,  and  oa  Sunday,  June  26,  1541,  nineteen 
of  them,  led  by  a  very  able  ofiBcer  named  Juan  de 
Kada,  boldly  made  their  way  into  the  governor's 
palace  at  lima  just  as  he  was  finishing  his  mid-day 
dinner,  and  in  a  desperate  assault,  in  which  several 
of  the  conspirators  fell  under  Fizarro's 
Bword,  they  succeeded  in  killing  the  ' 
sturdy  old  man,  along  with  his  half-brother  Alcan- 
tara and  other  friends.'  Almagro's  illegitimate 
half-breed  son,  commonly  called  "Almagrothelad," 
was  now  proclaimed  governor  of  Peru  by  the  con- 
spirators. But  his  day  was  a  short  one.  It  hap- 
pened that  Charles  V,  had  sent  out  a  teamed 
judge,  Vaca  de  Castro,  to  advise  with  Pizarro  con- 
cerning the  government  of  his  province,  and  with 
chai-acteristic  prudence  bad  authorized  him  in  case 

'  Hsirera,  dec.  ti.  lib.  tUi.  csp.  tL 

'  The  koene  w  mcnf  gT&ptilcoll;  daKiibed  bj  PrMOOlt,  In  hb 
CoitquM  ^Ptrii,  bk.  iv.  chap.  t. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


418  TBS  DiaCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

of  I^zarro's  death  to  assume  the  goTeniment  linh 
self.  Castro  had  just  arrived  at  Popayan  when 
he  was  met  there  by  the  news  of  the  aasassiuation. 
Pinding  himself  sure  of  the  allegiaaoe  of  some  of 
Pizarro's  principal  captains,  as  Benal- 
jdiiiuot    '    cazar  and  Alonso  de  Alvarado,  he  pro- 

'^  claimed  himself  goremor,   and   in  the 

battle  of  Chupas,  September  16,  1542,  he  defeated 
young  Almagro,  who  was  forthwith  tried  for  tiea* 
son  and  beheaded  in  the  great  square  at  Cuzco. 

Gonzalo  IHzarro  loyally  gave  in  his  allegtanoe 
to  the  new  governor,  and  retired  to  his  private 
estate  in  Charoaa,  south  of  Lake  Titicaca.  The 
troubles,  however,  were  not  yet  over.  In  the  next 
chapter  we  shall  see  how  Indian  slavery  grew  up 
in  the  New  World,  and  how  through 
i™,"^  the  devoted  labours  of  Las  Casas  meaa- 
^^|<>  ures  were  taken  for  its  abolition.      It 

wa«  in  1542  that  Las  Casaa,  after  a 
quarter  of  a  century  of  heroic  effort,  won  his 
dmisive  victory  in  the  promulgation  of  the  edicts 
known  as  the  *'  New  Laws."  These  edicts,  as  we 
shall  see,  resulted  in  the  gradual  abolition  of  In- 
dian slavery.  If  they  had  been  pat  into  operation 
according  to  their  first  intent  they  would  have 
worked  an  immediate  abolition,  and  the  act  of 
confiscation  would  have  applied  to  nearly  all  the 
Spaniards  in  Peru.  The  New  Laws  therefore 
aroused  furiooa  opposition,  and  the  matter  was 
made  still  worse  by  the  violent  temper  of  the  new 
viceroy,  Blaeco  Ni^ez  Vela,  who  arrived  in  Lima 
early  in  1544,  charged  with  the  duty  of  enforcing 
them.     From  arbitrary  imprisonment  Vela's  vio- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TEX  CONQUEST  OF  FSBU.  419 

letiee  extended  to  open  and  ahuneleas  murder,  un- 
til at  len^h  the  people  rose  in  rebellion,  and  Gon- 
salo  Fizarro  came  forth  from  his  retirement  to  lead 
them.  After  a  year  of  turbulence  a  battle  waa 
fought  near  Quito,  January  18,  1S46,  in  which 
poor,  half-crazed  Vela  was  defeated  and  slain,  and 
Gonzalo  became  master  of  Peru. 

But  his  triumph  iras  short-lived.  The  Spanish 
government  sent  out  a  wily  and  smooth-tongued 
ecclesiastic,  a  military  priest  and  member  of  the 
Council  of  the  Inquisition,  Pedro  de  la  psindau 
Gasca,  armed  with  extensive  powers  for 
settling  all  the  vexed  queations.  Gasca*s  most 
effective  weapon  was  the  repeal  of  those  clauses  of 
the  Kew  Laws  which  demanded  tiie  immediate 
abolition  of  slavery.  These  clauses  were  repealed, 
and  preparations  were  made  for  Uie  compromise 
hereafter  to  be  described.  But  for  these  prelimi- 
naries Gasca  would  probably  have  accomplished 
little.  As  it  was,  his  honeyed  tongue  found  no 
difficulty  in  winning  over  the  captains  of  Pizarro's 
fleet  at  Panama.  They  had  been  sent  there  to 
vratch  the  situation,  and,  if  necessary,  to  prevent 
Gasca  from  proceeding  farther,  .or  to  bribe  him  to 
joui  Pizarro,  or  perhaps  to  seize  him  uid  carry  him 
to  Peru  as  a  prisoner.  But  this  crafty  man,  "this 
Cortes  in  priestly  garments,"  as  Sir  Arthur  Helps 
calls  him,  talked  so  well  ^t  the  captains  pat  the 
fleet  at  hia  disposal  and  conveyed  him  to  Tambez, 
where  he  landed  June  18, 1547.  It  was  still  open 
to  Pizarro  to  miuntiun  that  he  had  not  taken  up 
arms  against  the  crown,  but  only  against  a  tyranni- 
cal viceroy  and  in  defence  of  the  emperors  loyal 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIl 


420  TEE  DI8C0VBBT  OF  AMSBWA. 

subjects.  It  was  rathnr  a  difGonlt  position,  but 
Vela's  conduct  had  been  sncb  as  to  lend  it  Btrong 
support,  and  had  Gonzalo  Fizarro  been  richer  in 
mental  Tesources  he  might  have  carried  it  off 
Buocessfullf.  As  it  was,  he  had  great  and  not  un- 
merited conSdeuee  in  his  own  military  ability,  and 
unwisely  decided  to  hold  out  against  Giasca. 

For  a  moment  events  seemed  to  favour  Pizarro. 
An  able  captain,  Diego  de  Centeno,  who  through 
all  these  vicissitudes  had  remiuned  loyal  to  the 
crown,  now  captured  Cnzco  for  Gasca ;  whereupon 
a  campaign  ensued  which  end'id  in  the  total  over- 
throw  of  Centeno  in  the  bloody  battle  of  Hoarins, 
near  Lake  Titicaca,  October  20, 1547.  This  gleam 
of  success  was  but  momentary.  Nowhere  was  the 
sword  to  be  found  that  could  prevail  against 
Gasca's  tongue.  Such  wholesale  defection  as  sud- 
denly ruined  Gonzalo  Pizarro  has  seldom  been 
Daiwttad  a^en.  When  be  encoimtered  Ghuoa  in 
Sm^oi^  person,  on  the  plain  of  Sacsahuana, 
mm.  April  9,  1548,  his  soldiers  b^an  de- 

serting by  scores.  As  one  company  after  another 
contrived  to  slip  away  and  flee  into  the  arms  of  the 
royalists,  Gonzalo'«  quaint  lieutenant,  Carvajal,  a 
weather-beaten  veteran  of  the  wars  in  Italy,  kept 
humming  with  grim  facetiousneBS  the  words  of  an 
old  Spanish  ditty :  — ■ 

Eatoa  mil  ombellos,  msdre, 
Dos  i  doi  me  loa  11m  el  «;i«.^ 

'  Ai  Htlpt  nndBTi  it,  "  Then  m;  hun,  motliar,  two  by  two 
tlie  breeie  c«mes  Uiem  iway."  SpaiUih  Canqveti,  voL  n  p.  258. 
The  belt  deacriptioD  of  Gouzalo's  lebellioD  u  the  one  givMi  hj 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TEB  COSqVEBT  OF  PERU.  421 

After  a  faint  pretence  of  fighting,  in  which  fifteen 
XBsa  were  hilled,  IMzarro,  finding  himaelf  without 
an  army,  quietly  rode  over  to  (rasca's  camp  and 
surrendered  himself.  On  the  following  day  he 
was  beheaded,  while  old  Carvajal,  in  his  eighty- 
fifth  year,  was  hanged  and  quartered,  and  this  was 
the  end  of  the  sway  of  the  Pizairos  in  the  land  of 
the  Incas.  All  except  Fernando  died  by  violence. 
The  victorious  Gasca  proved  himself  an  adept  in 
hanging  and  beheading,  but  accomplished  little 
else.  After  his  bloody  assizes  he  returned  to 
Spain  in  1550,  and  was  rewarded  with  a  bishopric. 
In  155S  there  was  a  brief  epilogue  of  rebellion  in 
Fern,  nnder  the  lead  of  Hernandez  Giron,  who 
waa  beheaded  in  1554. 

A  new  era  began  under  the  able  adminlstra- 
tioD  of  Andrea  Hurtado  de  Mendoza,  Marquis  of 
Ci^te,  who  came  out  in  1556.  The  con-  xntnitt 
quest  of  Peru  may  with  hie  viceroyalty  m™**™- 
be  pronounced  complete ;  in  other  words,  not  only 
had  the  Indiana  been  conquered,  but  their  unruly 
conquerors  were  at  last  overcome,  and  into  the 
country,  thus  reduced  to  order,  more  than  8,000 
Spaniards  had  come  to  stay. 

Considering  the  story  of  the  conquest  of  Peru 
as  a  whole,  we  cannot  bnt  be  struck  with  the 
•lightness  of  the  resistance  made  by  the  people. 
Except  for  the  spirited  siege  of  Cuzco  by  the  Inca 
Manco,  there  was  no  resistance  worthy  of  the  name. 
The  conquerors  turned  temples  into  churches  and 
raslaved  the  people,  and  yet  in  the  midst  of  thif 
la^e  population  a  handful  of  Spaniards  were  able 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


422  THE  DISCOVBBT  OF  AMERICA. 

to  squabble  among  themselves  and  k<ll  each  other 
with  as  little  concern  as  if  they  had  been 
whr  iba  can-  in  an  empty  country.  Evidently  this 
""j™™-  society  in  which  governmental  control 
had  been  so  far  developed  at  the  ex- 
pense of  individualism  was  a  society  where  it  did 
not  make  much  difference  to  the  people  what  master 
they  served.  To  conquer  such  a  country  it  was 
only  necessary  to  get  control  of  the  machinery  of 
administration.  I  think  it  may  have  been  a  per- 
ception of  this  state  of  things  that  encouraged 
Atahualpa  to  make  hia  attempt  to  overthrow  the 
le^timate  line  of  Incas.  He  doubtless  hoped, 
with  the  aid  of  the  men  of  Quito  and  other  imper- 
fectly conquered  provinces,  to  get  control  of  Cuzco 
and  i;he  system  of  military  posts  and  roads  radiat- 
ing  therefrom,  believing  that  thus  he  could  mun- 
tahi  himself  in  power  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  his 
birth  disqualified  him  for  the  position  of  supreme 
Inca.  His  success  would  have  been  a  revolution ; 
and  it  is  instructive  to  see  him  trying  to  provide 
against  the  opposition  of  the  Inca  caste  Irr  keep- 
ing the  genuine  Inca  a  captive  in  his  hands  in- 
stead of  putting  him  to  death.  By  thus  control- 
ling all  the  machinery  of  government,  the  captive 
Inca  included,  Atahualpa  evidently  had  no  occa- 
sion to  fear  anything  like  popular  insurrection. 
Whether  his  scheme  would  have  succeeded  must, 
of  oonree,  remiun  doubtful ;  but  it  is  extremely 
curious  to  see  the  Spaniards  at  the  critical  moment 
step  in  and  beat  him  at  his  own  game,  withont 
more  than  half  understanding  what  they  were  do- 
ing.   In  capturing  Atahualpa  there  is  do  donbt 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


mS  C0S<iVE8T  OF  PERV.  428 

that  Pizarro  took  hia  cue  from  CorteB,  but  between 
the  seizure  of  Atahualpa  and  that  of  Moatezuma 
the  points  of  difference  were  more  important  than 
the  points  of  likeness.  It  is  cnstomary  to  apeak 
of  Atahualpa  as  "  the  last  Inca,"  and  I  suppose 
the  fact  is  conunonly  for^ttea  that  he  was  really 
only  governor  of  Quito,  a  rictorious  usurper  who 
had  jnst  b^un  to  caU  himself  the  Inea,  but  bad 
not  been  formally  invested  with  that  supreme  dig- 
nity. Garcilasso  expressly  declares  that  the  peo- 
ple —  by  whom  be  means  the  members  of  bis  own 
Inoa  caste  and  their  loyal  dependents  —  were  grate- 
ful to  the  white  man  for  overthrpwing  the  usurper 
who  had  first  oaptnred  and  finally  murdered  their 
true  Inca  Huascar.  "  They  said  that  the  Span- 
iards  bad  put  the  tyrant  to  death  as  a  punishment 
and  to  avenge  the  Incas ;  and  that  the  god  Vira- 
cocha,  the  father  of  the  Spaniards,  bad  ordered 
them  to  do  it.  Tbia  ia  the  reason  tbey  called 
the  first  Spaniards  by  the  name  of  Viraoocha, 
and  believing  ^y  were  sons  of  their  god,  tbey  re- 
spected them  so  much  that  tbey  almost  worshipped 
them,  and  scarcely  made  any  resistance  to  the  con- 
quest." * 

This  explanation,  from  so  high  an  authority  as 
Garcilasao  Inca,  shows  ns  clearly  why  resiatanoe  to 
the  Spaniards  did  not  fairly  begin  until  three 
years  after  the  seizure  of  Atahualpa ;  and  then, 
when  the  legitimate  Inca  Manco  beaded  the  at- 
tack upon  the  Spaniarda,  not  only  had  their  num- 
bers greatly  increased,  but  tb^  bad  already  se- 
oored  control  of  a  great  part  of  the  governmental 

'  fl«rrilM«ff,  pL  i.  lib.  T.  cap.  zzi.,  UuUuun's  tramUlioo. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


424  THE  DI8C07ESr  OF  AMERICA. 

DUtobiDeiy,  and  to  the  mass  of  the  people  a  mere 
change  tA  masterB  was  not  a  matter  of  vital  im- 
portance. 

After  the  deciaive  defeat  of  Manco  Capao  \yf 
Orgo&ez  in  1537,  that  Inca  retired  to  an  almost 
inaccessible  fastnesB  in  the  great  fork  of  the  Andes 
where  the  river  Marion  takes  its  rise,  and  there 
he  kept  up  a  kind  of  court.  From  di^  point  be 
now  and  then  made  a  sudden  descent  and  attacked 
FMaofth*  t^  Spaniards,  but  accomplished  little 
Id«  Kudo.  ^^  nothing.  His  end  was  a  strange  one, 
with  a  touch  of  the  comical.  When  Juan  de 
Rada  and  his  party  were  crossing  the  great  square 
at  Lima,  on  their  way  to  assassinate  the  Marquis 
Pizarro,  one  of  the  company,  a  certain  Gomes 
Perez,  was  observed  to  step  out  of  the  way  to 
avoid  wetting  his  shoes  in  a  puddle.  "  What  I  " 
cried  the  fierce  Bada,  "here  are  we  about  to  wade 
up  to  our  knees  in  blood,  and  you  are  afraid  of  a 
pool  of  water  I  Go  home,  you  silly  fop,  you  are 
DO  fit  company  for  the  like  of  us  I "  After  the 
overthrow  of  young  Almagro  at  Chupas,  this 
Gomez  Perez,  with  others  of  that  faction,  took 
refuge  at  die  Inca's  little  court  in  the  moun- 
tains, where  they  were  hospitably  received.  On 
the  arrival  of  Blasco  NuBez  Vela  in  1544  there 
were  negotiations  between  that  viceroy  and  the 
Inca,  which  resulted  in  Manco's  giving  in  his  alle- 
giance to  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  Gomez  Perez 
served  as  the  Inca'a  messenger  in  these  negotiju 
tiona.  He  was  an  ill-mannered  fellow,  who  took 
no  pwia  to  veil  his  contempt  for  "  coloured  men," 
and  he  wa«  often  rude  to  the  Inca,  who  uBoally 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  PERU.  42S 

TOoeiTed  hie  coarse  words  witli  qniet  dignity.  Bnt 
one  day,  as  the  two  were  playing  at  uinepins  aome 
dispute  arose,  and  the  Spaniard  became  so  abusive 
that  Manco  gave  bim  a  push,  excluming,  ^'  Go 
away,  yon  forget  with  whom  you  are  speaking." 
Without  another  word  Gomez,  who  had  one  of 
the  big  balls  in  his  hand,  hurled  it  at  the  Inca's 
head  and  killed  him  on  the  spot.^  At  the  sight  of 
this  outrage  the  Indians  who  were  present,  watch- 
ing the  game,  fell  upon  Gomez  and  slew  him.  The 
other  Spaniards  fled  to  their  quarters,  but  the  en- 
raged Indiana  set  fire  to  the  building,  and  butch- 
ered them  all  as  fast  as  they  were  driven  out  by 
the  flames.  ThuB  iguominiously  perished  the 
wretched  remnant  of  the  Almagro  faction. 

Manco  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Sayri  Tupac, 
who  for  fourteen  years  continued  to  hold  hia  court 
among  the  mountains.  On  the  arrival  of  the  Mar- 
quis of  Ca3et«,  negotiations  were  opened  with  this 
Inca,  who  consented  to  become  a  pen-  koa  of  tin 
sioner  of  the  Spaniards.  The  valley  of  *"*  ar™*r- 
Yucay  was  ^ven  him,  and  there  he  lived  from 
1558  luitil  his  death  in  1560.  His  brother  and 
succeaaor,  Titu  Cusi  Yupanqui,  returned  to  Man- 
co's  mountun  lair,  and  held  court  there  for  eleven 
years,  resuming  his  practical  independence.  When 

'  Oardlaaao,  Comtniarloi  realei,  pt.  ii.  lib.  ir.  cap.  Tii.  Hr. 
Prascott's  Bocoant  of  this  affair  (Conqaesl  of  Ptra,  bk.  iv.  chap, 
iii.)  ia  sUghU;  mialeading.  Mr,  Markham  (in  Winsor,  Narr.  aiuf 
Cril.  Hi$l;  Tol.  ii.  p.  M6)  makea  a  Btrau^  tnlataks  in  the  date, 
and  tba  context  ihaws  that  it  ia  not  a.  niiapriat ;  he  my  tlut 
Haoco  "  met  bia  deatli  in  1553,  after  a  diaaatioDa  ieig;D  of  twenty 
yean."  Hanoo  «aa  crowned  in  I5:(;t,  and  hia  death  oooutmd  in 
1U4,  and  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his  reign. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


426  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMEBICA. 

the  viceroy  Francisco  de  Toledo  arrived,  in  1671, 
ha  determined  to  put  a  stop  to  this  sort  of  thing, 
and  events  soon  furnished  him  with  a  pretext  A 
missionary  friar  having  gone  to  visit  Titn  Ciiid  at 
his  court,  the  Inca  suddenly  fell  sick  and  died, 
whereupon  the  friar  was  seized  and  put  to  death 
for  sorcery.  Titu  Cuai  was  succeeded  by  his  bro- 
ther Tupac  Amaru,  a  mere  lad.  Now  the  vioen^ 
Toledo  sent  an  army  into  the  mountains,  which 
broke  up  the  Inca's  court,  slew  many  chieftains, 
and  captured  the  Inca  Tupac  Amaru.  The  unfor- 
tunate youth  was  taken  to  Cuzco,  and  beheaded  in 
revenge  for  the  friar's  deadi,  and  this  was  the  end 
of  the-Inoa  dynasty. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


CHAPTER  XL 

■LAS  CA8AB. 

It  is  curious  to  reflect  that  with  the  first  arrival 
of  civilized  Europeans  in  this  New  World  there 
should  have  come  that  pla^e  of  slavery  ,,^  p,,^^  ^ 
which  was  so  long  to  pollute  and  curse  "■"'»■ 
it,  and  from  the  complicated  effects  of  which  we 
shall  not  for  long  years  yet  succeed  in  fully  re- 
covering. Nor  is  it  less  carious  to  reflect  how  the 
fotes  of  the  continents  America  and  Africa,  with 
their  red  men  and  black  men,  became  linked  to- 
gether, from  the  early  time  when  Prince  Henry 
of  Portugal  was  making  those  exploring  expedi- 
tions that  prepared  the  way  for  the  great  discovery 
of  Columbus.  It  was  those  expeditions  upon  the 
African  coast  that  introduced  slavery  into  the 
world  in  what  we  may  distinguish  as  its  modem 
form.  For  in  the  history  of  slavery  there  have 
been  two  quite  distinct  periods.  The  ancient 
slave  was  the  prisoner  captured  in  war,  the  aij(fia' 
AtuTot,  in  the  picturesque  phrase  of  the  Greeks, 
which  has  been  somewhat  freely  rendered  as 
"  fruit  of  Uie  spear."  We  have  observed  that  in 
the  lower  stage  of  barbarism  captives  iaaiMtd*. 
are  tortured  to  death ;  in  the  middle  ™^' 
stage  they  are  sacrificed  to  the  gods,  but  as  agri- 
culture develops  and  society  be<K»me8  settled  they 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


428  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

are  more  and  more  tised  as  slaves ;  and  in  the 
upper  stage  of  barbarism  a  complete  system  of 
slave-labour  is  developed.  Doubtless  this  course 
of  things  was  attended  with  some  advantages  in 
its  day.  Ancient  slavery  was  a  help  in  the  coales> 
cence  of  tribes  into  nations,  and  to  enslave  the 
captive  was  not  quite  so  cruel  as  to  roast  him 
alive  or  cut  him  to  pieces.  With  the  advance  of 
civilization  ancient  slavery  slowly  grew  milder  in 
type.  The  slaves  of  a  Greek  or  a  Koman  were 
white  men  like  himself,  so  that  the  element  of  race 
antipathy  was  absent.  By  slow  degrees  European 
slaves  acquired  customary  rights  and  privileges 
and   often   became   freemen.^      In   general,  after 

'  For  a  brief  oharacteriiation  of  Roman  glsTerj  we  Qihhoo'a 
Dedint  antf  Fall,  ohsp.  ii.,  vith  Oaiiot'i  aDd  Human's  notes. 
The  cmeltitn  infiicted  apon  Blavea  in  the  days  of  the  Roman 
repatilia  wen  frightfnl,  but  in  the  genanl  and  Temarkable  im- 
piOTement  of  Roman  law  \a  point  of  hamanitj'  under  the  am. 
perora,  the  condition  of  the  alaTeB  was  notabl?  amelioiMed.  One 
among  countlena  teetimoniee  to  the  mildnav  of  alavery  in  the 
fifth  centnry  of  the  Chriitiaii  era  ii  furniahed  bj  an  interastinf; 
oonTsrsatio  i  which  took  place  in  the  year  448  between  the  Ro- 
man historian  Priscna  and  a  certain  vataatila  Greek  who  bad  b*. 
come  enamoored  of  wild  life  and  was  engaged  in  the  aenioe  of 
the  terrible  Attila.  Priuna  lajB  the  Romaiw  treat  their  ilavea 
mach  more  kindly  than  the  Huanisb  king  treats  the  free  war> 
riora  that  follow  his  banner  and  divide  the  iptols  of  war.  Tbey 
deal  with  them  a*  friends  or  blethers.  t«ach  them  the  Scriptona, 
nnrBe  them  tenderly  in  eicknea,  and  are  Dot  allowed  t4>  infliet 
npon  them  cruel  pnniahment;  moreover,  it  is  a  eonimon  and 
highly  esteemed  practice  to  give  them  freedom  either  by  laat  will 
and  testament,  or  by  deed  daring-  the  maater's  lifetime.  See 
Bnry'e  Later  Roman  Empire,  Tol.  i.  p.  219,  On  the  geneial  sab- 
jeot,  see  Wallon,  lliitoire  de  Vtadavage  dant  VanliguiU,  Paria, 
iet47,  3  Tola. ;  Denis,  HiHoire  da  thioriei  et  da  idfti  moraUt 
dant  I'antiquitf,  Paris,  ISiie,  torn.  ii.  pp.  55-218;  Friedlftnde^ 
Jfnnrri  roinaimi  dti  rignt  d'Aiigiate  &  la  Jin  da  Antmitu,  Vwa»i 


D,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


LAS  CABAS.  429 

makiDg  all  due  allowances,  the  face  of  the  Chris- 
tian Church  was  resolutely  set  against  slavery, 
ao  that  later  wars  and  conquests  created  only 
such  modified  forms  of  it  as  serfdom  and  villen- 
^e.  By  the  fifteenth  century  ancient  slavery  was 
dead  in  England,  and  moribund  on  the  contineat 
of  Europe,  when  all  at  once  and  most  unexpect- 
edly modem  slavery  came  into  exist-  Kodtmtu- 
euce.  In  this  modem  system  slavery  "^■ 
became  an  extensive  branch  of  commerce.  Men 
of  weaker  race,  despised  as  heathen  with  red  or 
black  skins,  were  hunted  and  cai^ht  by  thousands, 
and  sold  in  places  where  there  was  a  demand  for 
cheap  labour.  There  were  features  in  this  mod- 
em system  as  hideous  as  the  worst  features  of  the 
ancient  system.  And  curiously  enough,  just  as 
the  pn^ress  of  discovery  in  Africa  had  originated 
this  wholesale  traffic  in  men,  the  discovery  of 
America  opened  up  an  immense  field  where  there 
was  soon  to  be  a  great  and  growing  demcnd  for 
cheap  labour. 

In  1441  Prince  Henry's  master  of  the  robes, 
Antonio  Gonc^vez,  in  a  voyage  along  the  Morocco 
coast,  captured  a  few  Moors  aud  carried  them  to 
Portugal.^  The  next  year  these  Moors  ^^^^ 
begged  Gon<^vez  to  take  them  back  to 
Morocco,  and  offered  him  a  ransom  in  the  shape  of 
negro  slaves.  On  hearing  of  this,  Frince  Henry 
told  Gont^vez  by  all  means  to  exchange  the  Moors 
for  negroes,  because  the  fonner  were  obstinate 

1865,  torn.  i.  pp.  288-2fl2 ;  Ozanani,  HiXorj of  CivUitatim  in  du 
Fifth  Ctntvrg,  Lvnaon,  1808,  yoL  U.  pp.  30-43. 
'  Sm  abcTe,  »oL  L  p.  323. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


480  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

inMela  who  would  not  give  up  their  Mahometan 
faith,  whereas  the  hlack  men,  heing  simply  heathetk, 
might  more  easily  be  persuaded  to  espouse  Chris- 
tianity.'  Gon^alvez  accordingly  saUed,  Bet  free  his 
Moors,  and  returned  to  Portugal  with  a  small 
cargo  of  negro  slaves.  This  transaction,  in  the 
year  1442,  seems  to  have  been  the  begiimiug  of 
slavery  in  its  especially  modem  form.  After 
this  many  ship-loads  of  n^roes  were  brought  to 
Lisbon,  and  Prince  Henry,  in  receiving  his  royal 
fifth  of  the  proceeds  of  these  expeditions,  was 
known  to  take  slaves  along  with  bufFalo  hides  and 
gold  dust. 

A  graphic  description  of  the  arrival  of  a  com- 
pany of  these  poor  creatures,  brought  by  Lan- 
^arote  in  the  year  1444,  is  given  by  an  eye-mtness, 
the  kind-hearted  Portuguese  chronicler  Azorara. 
"  The  other  day,"  be  says,  "  which  was  the  eighth 
of  August,  very  early  in  the  morning  by  reason 
Annn'i  nar-  ^  ^^  heat,  the  manners  began  to  bring 
""'•'  to  their  vessels,  and  ...  to  draw  forth 

those  captives  .  .  .  :  whom,  placed  together  on 
that  plain,  it  was  a  nuu^ellous  sight  to  behold,  for 
amongst  them  there  were  some  of  a  reasonable 
degree  of  whiteness,  handsome  and  well  made ; 
others  less  white,  resembling  leopards  in  their 
colour ;  others  as  black  as  Ethiopians,  and  so  ill- 
formed,  as  well  in  their  faces  as  in  their  bodies, 
that  it  seemed  to  the  beholders  as  if  they  saw  the 
forms  of  a  lower  world.  But  what  heart  was  that, 
how  hard  soever,  which  was  not  pierced  with  sorrow, 

'  To  donbt  ths  unceril^  of  auob  an  arjrmneiit  ii  to  miiaiider- 
^tand  Prinoe  Henr;  and  the  Bga  in  wbioh  h«  lired. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAM  CASAS.  481 

aeeiiif  that  company :  for  some  had  eimken  cheekfi, 
and  their  faces  bathed  in  tears,  looking  at  eaoh 
other ;  others  were  groaning  very  dolorously,  look- 
ing at  the  heights  of  the  heavens  .  .  .  and  crying 
out  loudly,  as  if  asking  succour  from  the  Father 
of  nature  ;  o&ers  struck  their  faces  with  their 
hands,  throwing  themselves  on  the  earth  ;  others 
made  their  lamentations  in  songs,  according  to 
the  onstoms  of  their  country,  which,  although  we 
could  not  understand  their  language,  we  saw  corre- 
sponded well  to  the  height  of  their  sorrow.  But 
now  .  .  .  came  those  who  had  the  ehai^  of  the 
distribution,  and  they  began  to  put  them  apart 
one  from  the  other,  in  order  to  equalize  the  por- 
tions ;  wherefore  it  was  necessary  to  part  children 
and  parents,  husbands  and  wives,  and  brethren 
from  each  other.  Neither  in  the  partition  of 
friends  and  relations  was  any  law  kept,  only  each 
fell  where  the  lot  took  him.  .  .  .  And  while  they 
were  placing  in  one  part  the  children  that  saw 
their  parents  in  another,  the  children  sprang  np 
perseveringly  and  fled  unto  them ;  the  mothers 
enclosed  their  children  in  their  arms  and  threw 
themselves  with  them  upon  the  ground,  receiving 
wounds  with  little  [dty  for  their  own  fleeh,  so  that 
their  offspring  might  not  be  torn  from  them  I  And 
so,  with  labour  and  difficulty,  they  concluded  the 
partition,  for,  besides  the  trouble  they  had  with 
the  captives,  the  plain  was  full  of  people,  as  well 
of  the  town  as  of  the  villages  and  neighbourhood 
around,  who  on  that  day  gave  rest  to  their  hands 
the  mainstay  of  their  livelihood,  only  to  see  diis 
»<,velt,."> 

>  I  quote  from  the  veraioD  jfiveti  by  Sir  Arthni  Help*,  in  hii 


Uiailizc^bv  Cookie 


482  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

There  ve  have  the  infemal  picture,  very  modi 
as  it  was  to  be  seen  four  hundred  years  later  in 
our  own  country,  as  so  many  of  us  etai  still  re- 
member. But  for  the  discovery  of  America  thiR 
traffic  in  human  beings  would  doubtless  have  been 
greatly  limited  in  extent  and  duration.  The  con- 
ditions of  European  i^priculture  and  mining  were 
not  such  as  to  create  a  market  for  them.  Natural 
economic  laws  would  have  prevented  slavery  from 
thriving  in  Europe,  as  they  prevented  it  in  New 
England.  But  in  the  subtropical  re^ons  of  the 
New  World  slavery  grew  up  quickly  and  sturdily, 
as  foul  weeds  sprout  in  a  congenial  soil.  At  first 
it  was  a  slavery  of  red  men,  and  Columbus  him- 
self played  an  important  part  in  establishing  it. 
When  Columbus  came  to  Hispaniola  on  his  second 
voyage,  with  17  ships  and  1,500  followers,  he  found 
BMhioiBn  of  ^^  relations  between  red  men  and  white 
^Jj'oiiZ'?  "1*°  already  hostile,  Mid  in  order  to 
'™-  get  food  for  so  many  Spaniards,  forag- 

ing expeditions   were    undertaken,  which    made 

^aniih  Conquatt,  vol.  i.  pp.  37-30,  nnoe  it  would  be  impoimfals 
to  improTe  apon  it.  The  original  text  is  in  Amnus,  Ckrimiea 
do  deKobrimtnto  e  conquiiia  de  Gaini,  Parii,  1&41,  pp.  133-134. 
Thia  ohranicle  was  completed  in  1453.  Aiorsra  goes  on  to  give 
snother  side  to  the  [Hutiini,  for  being  mnoh  intereeled  in  tlie  poor 
GraatnTee  he  made  careful  iuqairies  and  found  that  in  general 
the;  were  treated  with  marked  kinduese.  The;  became  Cbria- 
tiana,  and  were  tanght  trades  or  engaged  in  domestia  service ; 
the;  were  also  allowed  to  acquire  property  and  were  often  set 
free.  This,  bowerer,  was  in  the  earl;  days  of  modem  slaver; 
and  in  the  period  of  Prince  Henr;  and  his  ideaa.  At  a  lalor  date, 
when  Portngnese  cmiseie  caught  negroes  by  the  hundred  and 
sold  them  at  Seville,  whence  the;  were  shipped  to  Hispaniola  to 
work  in  the  mines,  there  wae  Tcry  little  to  relieve  the  blaekneaa 
ottl 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAS  CASAa.  483 

matters  worse.  This  state  of  things  led  Colum- 
bus to  devise  a  DOtable  expedieBt.  In  some  of 
the  neighbouring  islands  lived  the  Toracioos  Ca^ 
ribs.  In  Seets  of  canoes  they  would  swoop  upon 
the  coasts  of  Hispaniola,  capture  men  and  women 
by  the  score,  and  carry  them  off  to  be  cooked 
and  eaten.  Now  Columbus  wished  to  win  the 
friendship  of  the  Indians  about  him  by  dread- 
ing them  against  these  enemies,  and  so  he  made 
Huds  against  the  Caribs,  took  some  of  them  cap- 
tive, and  sent  them  as  slaves  to  Spun,  to  be 
taught  Spanish  and  converted  to  Christianity,  so 
that  they  might  come  back  to  the  islands  as  in- 
terpreters, and  thus  be  useful  aids  in  missionary 
work.  It  was  really,  sud  Columbus,  a  kindness 
to  these  cannibals  to  enslave  them  and  send  them 
where  tiiey  could  be  baptized  and  rescued  from 
everlasting  perdition ;  and  then  again  tiiey  could 
be  received  in  payment  for  the  cargoes  of  cattle, 
seeds,  wine,  and  other  provisions  which  must  be 
sent  from  Spain  for  the  support  of  the  colony. 
Thus  quaintly  did  the  great  discoverer,  like  so 
many  other  good  men  before  and  sbce,  mingle 
considerations  of  religion  with  those  of  domestic 
economy.  It  is  apt  to  prove  an  unwholesome 
mixture.  Columbus  proposed  such  an  arrange- 
ment to  Ferdinand  imd  Isabella,  and  it  is  to  their 
credit  that,  straitened  as  they  were  for  money, 
they  for  some  time  refused  to  accept  it. 

Slavery,  however,  sprang  up  in  Hispaniola  be- 
fore any  one  could  have  fully  realized  the  mean- 
ing of  what  was  going  on.  As  the  Indians  were 
unfriendly  and  food  most  be  had,  while  foraging 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


434  TEE  mSCQVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

expeditionB  were  apt  to  end  in  plunder  and  blood- 
shed,  ColumbuB  tried  to  regulate  matters  by  pro- 
hibiting such  expeditions  and  in  Ueu  thereof  im- 
posing a  light  tribute  or  tax  upon  the 
entire  population  of  Hispaniola  above 
fourteen  years  of  age.  As  this  population  was 
dense,  a  little  from  each  person  meant  a  good 
deal  in  the  lump.  The  tribute  might  be  a  small 
piece  of  gold  or  of  cotton,  and  was  to  be  pud  four 
times  a  year.  Every  time  that  an  Indian  paid 
this  tax,  a  small  brass  token  duly  stamped  waa  to 
be  given  him  to  hang  about  his  neck  as  a  voucher. 
If  there  were  Indians  who  felt  unable  to  pay  the 
tribute,  they  might  as  an  alternative  render  a 
certain  amount  of  personal  service  in  helping  to 
j^ant  seeds  or  tend  cattle  for  the  Spaniards. 

No  doubt  these  regulations  were  well  meant,  and 
if  the  two  races  had  been  more  evenly  matched, 
perhaps  they  might  not  so  speedily  have  developed 
into  tyranny.  As  it  was,  they  were  like  ndes  for 
regulating  the  depredations  of  wolves  upon  eheep. 
Two  years  had  not  elapsed  before  the  alternative 
of  personal  service  was  demanded  from  whole  vil- 
lages of  Indians  at  once.  By  1499  the  island  had 
x^parti-  begun  to  be  divided  into  repartitnientOB, 
■lAntof.  (jp  shares.     One  or  more  villages  would 

be  ordered,  under  the  direction  of  their  native 
chiefs,  to  till  the  soil  for  the  benefit  of  some  speci- 
fied Spaniard  or  partnership  of  Spaniards;  and 
such  a  vill^e  or  villages  constituted  the  reparti- 
miento  of  the  person  or  persons  to  whom  it  was 
assigned.  This  arrangement  put  the  Indiims  into 
a  state  somewhat  resembling  that  of  feudal  villen- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAS  CABAS.  435 

age ;  and  tlua  was  as  far  as  things  had  gone  when 
the  administration  of  Columbus  came  abruptly  to 
an  end. 

It  will  be  remembei-ed  that  in  1502  the  Spanish 
sovereigns  sent  to  Hispaniola  a  governor  selected 
with  especial  citfe,  a  knight  of  the  reli- 
^ous  order  of  Alc&ntara,  named  Nico-  tnntnunt  oi 
las  de  Orando.  He  was  a  small,  fair- 
haired  man  of  mild  and  oourteoos  manners,  and 
had  an  excellent  reputation  for  ability  and  in- 
tegrity. "We  are  assured  on  the  most  unimpeach- 
able authority  that  he  was  a  good  governor  for 
white  men.  As  to  what  was  most  needed  in  that 
turbulent  colony,  he  was  a  strict  disciplinarian,  and 
had  his  own  summuy  way  of  dealing  with  insubor- 
dinate characters.  When  he  wished  to  dispose  of 
some  such  incipient  Roldan  lie  would  choose  a 
time  to  invite  liim  to  dinner,  and  then,  after  some 
polite  and  interested  talk,  whereby  the  guest  was 
apt  to  feel  highly  flattered,  Ovando  would  all  at 
once  point  down  to  Uie  harbour  and  blandly  in- 
quire, "  In  which  of  those  ships,  now  ready  to 
weigh  anchor,  would  you  like  to  go  back  to 
Spain  ?  "  Then  the  dumbf oundered  man  would 
stammer,  "  My  Lord,  my  Lord,"  and  would  per- 
haps plead  that  he  had  not  money  enough  to  pay 
Ids  passage.  "  Pray  do  not  let  that  trouble  you," 
Bud  this  well-bred  little  governor,  "  it  shall  be  my 
care  to  provide  for  that."  And  bd  without  furUier 
ceremony  the  guest  was  escorted  straight  from  din- 
ner-table to  ship.^ 

Bat  this  mild-spoken  Ovando  was  capable  of 

'  Lm  Caua,  Bittoria  dt  lot  Indiat,  ttmi.  iii.  p.  301. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


486  THB  DISCOVERY  OF  AltEBICA. 

strange  deeds,  and  the  seven  years  of  his  adniinis- 
taction  in  Hispaniola  were  so  full  of  horror  that  1 
never  can  read  his  name  without  a  ahudder.  His 
methods  with  Indians  may  be  illustrated  by  his 
treatment  ot  Anacaona,  wife  of  that  chieftain  Ca- 
onabo  who  had  been  sent  to  Spain.'  Ovando 
heard  that  the  tribe,  in  which  this  woman  exer- 
cised great  authority,  was  meditating  another  at- 
tack upon  the  Spaniards,  and  he  believed 
(THtmeat  of  that  an  ounce  of  prevention  was  worth 
a  pound  of  cure.  His  seat  of  govern- 
ment WHS  at  the  town  of  San  Domingo,  and  Anar 
caona's  territory  at  Xaragoa  was  200  miles  distant. 
Ovando  started  at  once  with  300  foot  soldiers  and 
70  horse.  On  reaching  Xaragua  he  was  received 
in  a  friendly  manner  by  the  Indians,  who  probably 
had  no  wish  to  offend  so  strong  a  force.  Games . 
were  played,  and  Ovando  proposed  to  show  the 
Indians  a  tournament,  at  which  they  were  much 
pleased,  as  their  intense  fear  of  the  horse  was  be- 
ginning to  wear  off.  All  the  chieftains  of  Uie 
neighbourhood  were  invited  to  assemble  in  a  large 
wooden  house,  while  Ovando  explained  to  them  the 
nature  of  the  tournament  that  was  about  to  take 
place.  Meanwhile  the  Spanish  soldiers  surrounded 
the  house.  Ovando  wore  upon  his  breast  the  badge 
of  his  order,  a  small  image  of  God  the  Father,^  and 
as  he  stood  talking  with  the  chiefs,  when  he  knew 
the  preparations  to  be  complete,  he  raised  his  hand 
and  touched  the  image.     At  this  concerted  signal 

'  See  abore,  vol.  i.  p.  482. 

^  "Ud  DioH  Padre  en  aliito  blaoni."    Marqnei,  Tttoro  aUittu 
de  Cavaiitria,  p.  24.  apnd  Heipe,  yol.  i.  p.  201. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LA3  CASAB.  437 

the  BoIdierB  rushed  in  and  seized  ^e  duefe,  and 
bound  them  hand  and  foot.  Then  they  went  out 
and  set  fire  to  the  house,  and  the  chiefs  were  all 
burnt  alive.  Anacaona  was  hanged  to  a  tree,  ser- 
eral  hundred  Indians  were  put  to  the  sword, 
and  their  country  was  laid  waste.  Ovando  then 
founded  a  town  in  Xaragua,  and  called  it  the  City 
of  Peace,  and  gave  it  a  seal  on  which  was  a  dove 
with  an  olive-branch.' 

But  this  was  nothing  to  what  happened  in 
Ovando'a  time.  There  were  auch  atrocities  as 
would  seem  incredible  were  they  not  recounted  by 
a  most  intelligent  and  faithful  witness  who  saw 
with  his  own  eyes  many  of  the  things  of  which  he 
tells  us.  Bartolom^  de  Las  Casas  was  bom  in 
Seville  in  1474.^     His  family,  one  of  the  noblest 

'  Ad  loisoimt  of  the  affiir  ia  given  in  Herrarft,  dec  i.  lib.  ti. 
•ap.  IT.,  mod  vith  ■  pictorinl  illiutrBtdoD  in  Lu  Casss,  Jm/iorun 
drvattatioiiu  el  txcidii  narratio,  Heidelberg,  1804,  p.  11.  H«ireta 
obaerrei  that  the  qnsen  did  not  approTs  of  Ovando's  proceedii^s, 
uid  nTpmwnrl  an  intentioii  of  ioresdptiiig  the  affair,  bat  the  iu- 
TeadptioD  «aa  never  made.  Ver;  Ukel;  Orando'*  patran  Fob- 
aeoa,  vho  OTnically  avoired  that  ha  oared  not  how  mao;  Indian* 
petilhed,  may  have  oontrived  to  pieTeut  it. 

*  The  life  of  Laa  Ca«»  b  beantifnll;  and  faitbfnll;  told  b;  Sir 
Arthur  Help*,  in  hia  Hilton/  of  Ihi  Spaniik  Cenquat  in  Amtriea, 
Loudon,  1855-81,  in  4  vols.,  a  book  whiok  it  doe*  one'a  sool  good 
to  Tead.  The  most  recent  and  elaboiste  biographj  ia  by  Don 
Antonio  Fabi^,  Vida  y  enrilai  de  Fraj/  Bartdomi  dt  Lai  Ccuai, 
Madrid,  1879,  in  2  tola.  See  alio  Llorente,  Vit  de  La*  Catat, 
pieBxed  to  his  (Envrei  de  Lai  Ciuai,  Paria,  1622,  torn.  L  pp.  iz.- 
ei.  i  Bemanl,  Hiiloria  de  Chj/apa  y  de  Guatemala,  Madrid,  1619. 
BaterODOe*  toajr  alao  be  fonnd  in  Oriedo,  Qomara,  Berrera,  Tor- 
qnemada,  and  other  hiatorians.  One  abonld  above  alt  read  the 
vorka  of  Id*  Ctaaa  himMslf ,  concerning'  which  mnch  mfotroation 
ma7  bo  obtained  from  Sabin's  Xi'al  of  the  Printed  Editiaiu  of  the 
Work*  qf  Fras  BartJulonU  de  Lai  Caiai,  Biihi^  of  Claafa,  New 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


488  TUE  DI8C0VEBY  OF  AHEBICA. 

in  Spain,  was  of  French  ongin,  deecended  from 
the  viscounts  of  Limoges.^    They  were  already 

in  Spain  before  the  thirteenth  centuiy, 
fusiir  oi  u*    and  played  a  distinguished  part  in  the 

conquest  of  Seville  from  the  Moors  by 
Ferdinand  III.  of  Castile,  in  1252.  From  that 
time  forward,  members  of  the  family  were  to  be 
found  in  positions  of  trust,  and  among  their  marked 
traito  of  character  were  invincible  courage  and 
spotless  integrity.  By  birth  and  training  Bar- 
tholomew was  an  aristocrat  to  the  very  tips  of  his 
fingers.  For  the  earlier  part  of  his  life  dates  can 
hardly  be  assigned,  but  the  news  of  the  triumphant 
return  of  Columbus  from  his  first  voyage  across 
the  Sea  of  Darkness  may  probably  have  found 
him  at  the  university  of  Salamanca,  where  for  sev- 
eral years  he  studied  philosophy,  theology,  and 
jurisprudence,  and  obtained  a  licentiate's  degree. 
His  &iber,  Don  Francisco  de  Las  Casas,  accom- 
panied Columbus  on  the  second  vc^rage,  and  re- 
York,  1870,  ThB  book  contains  slu  a  notice  of  tho  MS*  —The 
Life  o/LoM  Catat,  b;  Sir  Artbar  Help*,  LoDdon,  1866,  conaista  of 
pauBge*  eitnuted  {lom  his  Urger  work,  and  soffen  lerioiul; 
from  the  removal  of  the  context. 

'  Ai^oto,  NobUta dt  A«daluda,lo\.  210.  AocordingtoLlannta 
(Vie  di  Lot  C<aiu,  p.  lOTiii  )  a  braiKih  of  the  Senile  family  re- 
turned to  FraDce.  Don  Carlo*  de  Las  Caua  ma  one  of  the  girau- 
dees  vho  aecompanied  Blanche  of  Cwtile  when  she  vent  to 
France  in  the  year  1300,  to  mairj  tbe  prince,  aft«mard  Lonia 
Vlll.  From  this  nobleman  was  descended  >Iap<Jeon'e  fMthfnl 
chamberlain  the  Marquis  de  Las  Caiea.  Hie  migration  of  the 
Freneh  family  to  Spain  probablj  aotedsted  the  eiutom  of  p-nng 
mmamea.  which  wee  growinn;  up  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  oen- 
tnriet.  The  name  Ids  Cuss  waa  of  coana  acquired  in  Spain, 
and  afterward  the  branch  of  tbe  family  vbioh  had  retnmed  ta 
France  changed  the  spelling  to  Laa  Caaaa. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAS  CA8AJB.  489 

tumra  to  Seville  in  149T  with  a  yotmg  Indian 
slave  whom  Coltunbus  had  given  him.  It  was  on 
this  occasion  that  Isabella  asked,  with  some  in- 
dignation, "  Who  has  empowered  my  admiral  thus 
to  dispose  of  my  subjects  ?  "  The  elder  Las  Casas 
gave  the  Indian  to  his  son,  who  soon  became 
warmly  interested  in  him  and  in  his  race ;  and 
as  the  father  retained  an  estate  in  Hispaniola,  the 
son  came  out  with  Ovando  in  1502  and  settled  in 
that  island.'  He  was  then  twenty^eight  years  old. 
Little  is  known  of  his  first  occupations  there,  ex- 
cept that  he  seems  to  have  been  more  or  less  con- 
cerned in  money-making,  like  all  the  other  settlers. 
But  about  1510  he  was  ordained  as  a  priest  He 
seems  to  have  been  the  first  Christian  (dergyman 
orduned  in  the  New  World.  He  was  a  person  of 
such  immense  ability  and  strength  of  character 
that  in  whatever  d^  of  the  world  be  had  lived  he 
would  undoubtedly  have  been  one  of  its  foremost 
men.  As  a  man  of  business  he  had  rare  executive 
power ;  he  was  a  great  diplomatist  and  HiicnuKtar 
an  eloquent  preacher,  a  man  of  Titanic  ■"■'"'"=<»■ 
energy,  ardent  hut  self -controlled,  of  unconquerable 
tenacity,  warm-hearted  and  tender,  calm  in  his 
judgments,  shrewdly  humorous,  absolutely  fearless, 
and  absolutely  true.  He  made  many  and  bitter 
enemies,  and  some  of  them  were  unscrupulous 
enough ;  but  I  believe  no  one  has  ever  accused 
him  of  any  worse  sin   than  extreme   fervour  of 

'  Ascording'  to  Llonnto,  Ilia  elder  Las  Caaa*  aoconipanled  Co- 
Imobiu  on  )ii>  fint  Toyage  io  1492,  and  Bartfaolotnew  vaa  with 
him  on  hU  thiid  Toyagv  in  1496,  bnt  this  has  bMn  disproved.  Sae 
Hmnlioldt,  ExaiMti  eritiqut,  torn.  iii.  p.  286. 


^oiizccb,  Google 


440  THE  DtSCOVEBY  OF  AMERICA. 

temperament.  His  wrath  could  rise  to  a  white 
heat,  and  indeed  there  was  occasion  enough  for  it. 
He  was  also  very  apt  to  call  a  apade  a  apade  and  to 
proclaim  unpleasant  truths  with  pungent  emphasis. 
But  his  juBtice  is  conspicuoualjr  displayed  in  his 
voluminous  writings.  He  was  one  of  the  best  his- 
torians of  his  time,  and  wrote  a  most  attractive 
Spanish  style,  quaint,  pithy,  and  nervous,  —  a  style 
which  goes  straight  to  the  mark  and  rings  like 
true  metaL^  It  is  impossible  to  doubt  the  accuracy 
of  his  statements  about  the  matters  of  fact  which 
were  within  the  range  of  his  personal  knowledge. 
His  la^r  statistics,  as  to  the  numbers  of  the  In- 
dian populations  exterminated,  have  been  doubted 
with  good  reason  ;  statistics  are  a  complicated  af- 

'  I  da  not  mean  to  b«  iiiid»ntood  u  oaUinf  it  ft  titerarj/  atjls. 
It  li  not  fraMf al  like  that  of  great  mMten  of  azpreaBioo  taoh  m 
Faaaal  or  Volt«ra.  It  u  not  uldom  oninbrDDS  and  awkvaid, 
nnia]!;  tbioogh  tryiog  to  u;  too  much  at  once.  But  in  sinte  of 
tliii  it  ia  far  mora  attiactlTe  tban  manj  a  truly  artiitic  literary 
style.  Tbare  ia  a  g:reat  eharm  in  reading  what  oome*  from  a  man 
bcimfnl  of  knowledge  and  utterly  anaelfiab  and  hooeat  The 
oriip  ahiewdneM,  tlu  gteMoa  of  g«iitle  humour  and  ooeananal 
•harp  flaihea  of  wit,  and  the  fervid  aam«(tn««a  ia  the  books  of 
Lai  Caaa*,  eomUne  to  make  them  rarj  delightful.  It  wa«  the 
nnfailing  aenaa  of  homonr,  whieh  ia  ao  often  wantiiig  in  refoim- 
en,  tliat  kept  Laa  Caaaa  from  deTeloping  iuto  a  fanatio.  The 
jndidona  worda  of  Hnmboldt  in  another  connection  will  apply 
very  well  to  tbe  style  of  Laa  Caaaa :  —  in  apeaking  of  it,  "  il  ne 
■'agit  paa  da  diaoatet  ee  qn'on  appella  Taguement  la  m^te 
littiiwi*  d'on  JcriTain.  H  s'a^t  da  qaelque  choae  de  plna  grttve 
et  de  plua  hiatorique.  Nona  avona  conddM  le  style  oomme  ex- 
preinon  dn  oaraotira,  couune  reflat  de  I'int^rieur  de  I'homme. 
.  .  .  C'est  chei  lea  hommea  plua  diapoi^s  k  agir  qn'  k  wiigiier  leu 
diction,  cbei  ceux  qui  demenrenC  ^trangen  i,  tout  artifioe  propre 
k  prodnire  des  jmotiDoa  par  1b  oharme  da  langaga,  que  la  liaison 
n  long'tempa  aignal^  eutre  le  caraetire  et  la  style  ae  fait  atntil 
de  piJfJranoe."     Examtn  a-itiqve,  torn.  iii.  p.  240. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LdS  CASA3.  441 

fair,  in  which  it  ia  easy  to  let  feelings  make  havoc 
widi  figures.^  But  with  regard  to  particular  state- 
ments of  fact  one  cannot  help  belieying  Las  Casaa, 
because  his  perfect  sincerity  is  allied  with  a  judg- 
ment so  suie  and  a  charity  bo  broad  as  to  con- 
strun  onr  assent.  He  is  almost  always  ready  to 
make  allowances,  and  very  rarely  lets  his  hatred  of 
sin  blind  him  to  any  redeeming  qualities  there 
may  be  in  the  sinner.  It  was  he  that  sud,  in  his 
crisp  way,  ftf  Ovando,  that  he  was  a  good  governor, 
but  not  for  Indians.  What  Las  Oasas  witnessed 
under  Hie  administration  of  Ovando  and  other 
governors,  he  published  in  1652,  in  his  *'  Brief  Ke- 
lation  of  the  Destruction  of  the  Indies,"  a  book  of 
which  there  are  copies  in  several  languages,  all 
more  or  less  rare  now.'  It  is  one  of  the  most 
grewsome  books  ever  printed. 

We  have  seen  how  by  the  year  1499  communi- 
ties of  Indians  were  assigned  in  repartimiento  to 
sundry  Spaniards,  and  were  thus  reduced  to  a  kind 
of  villenage.  Queen  Isabella  had  disapproved  of 
this,  but  she  was  persuaded  to  sanction  ^^^  ^^ 
it,  and  presently  in  1503  she  and  Ferdi-  "*"<""><» 
nand  issued  a  most  disastrous  order.  They  gave 
discretionary  power  to  Ovando  to  compel  Indians 
to  work,  but  it  must  be  for  wages.     They  ordered 

'  The  arithmetio  of  Lu  Cbsbs  ii,  howarai,  no  wona  than  that 
of  [dl  tha  Spsnisli  UatoriBnB  of  lliat  age-  With  vnrj  one  o(  them 
the  nine  di^ta  •eem  to  have  gom  on  a  gloriona  ipiee. 

'  I  hare  neveT  aeen  my  of  tiie  BnglUb  venions.  Sftbin  meo- 
tiona  foor,  pafaliehed  in  London  in  1&S3,  1660,  1S8T,  and  1099. 
lAtt  of  tht  Printed  Edilioni,  etc.,  pp.  22-24.  The  edition  vhioh 
I  nu  ia  the  Latin  one  pabliihed  at  HeidelbetK,   1664,  amaU 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


442  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AXEBWA. 

him,  moreoTfir,  to  see  that  Indians  were  duly  in- 
Btructed  in  the  Christian  faith,  provided  that  they 
must  come  to  mass  "as  free  persons,  for  so  they 
are."  It  was  further  allowed  that  the  cannibal 
Caribs,  if  taken  in  actual  warfare,  might  be  sold 
into  slavery.  Little  did  the  sovereigns  know  what 
a  legion  of  devils  they  were  letting  loose.  Of 
course  the  doings  in  Hispauiola  always  went  the 
full  length  of  the  authority  granted  from  Spain, 
and  generally  went  far  beyond.  Of  course  the 
Indians  were  compelled  to  work,  and  it  was  not 
for  wages ;  and  of  course,  so  long  as  there  was  no 
legal  machinery  for  protecting  the  natives,  any 
Indian  might  be  called  a  cannibal  and  sold  into 
slavery.  The  way  in  which  Ovando  carried  out 
the  order  about  missionary  work  was  characteris- 
tic. As  a  member  of  a  religious  order  of  knights, 
he  was  familiar  with'  the  practice  of  encomienda, 
by  which  groups  of  novices  were  assigned  to  cer- 
-^^^1^  tain  preceptors  to  be  disciplined  and  in- 
structed in  the  mysteries  of  the  order. 
The  word  encomienda  means  "  commandety  "  or 
"  preceptory,"  and  so  it  came  to  be  a  nice  euphe- 
mism for  a  hateful  thing.  Ovando  distributed  In- 
dians among  the  Spaniards  in  lots  of  60  or  100  or 
500,  with  a  deed  worded  thus  :  "  To  you,  such  a 
cme,  is  given  an  encomienda  of  so  many  Indians, 
and  you  are  to  teach  them  the  things  of  our  holy 
Catholic  Faith."  In  practice  the  last  clause  was 
disregarded  as  a  mere  formality,  and  the  effect 
of  the  deed  was  simply  to  consign  a  parcel  of  In- 
dians to  t^e  tender  mercies  of  some  Spaniard  to 
do  as  he  pleased  with  them.      If  the  system  of 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


£.15  CASAS.  448 

r^artimientoB  was  in  effect  serfdom  or  villenage, 
ihe  systein  of  encomiendaa  was  unmitigated  sla- 
very. 

Sach  a  eruel  and  destructive  slavery  has  seldom, 
if  ever,  been  known.  Tlie  work  of  the  Indians 
was  at  first  la^^y  agricultural,  but  as  many  mines 
of  gold  were  soon  discovered  they  were  driven  in 
gangs  to  work  in  the  mines.  There  was  a  rush  of 
Spaniards  to  Hispaniola,  like  the  rush  of  all  sorts 
and  conditions  of  white  men  in  recent  times  to 
California  and  Australia,  and  we  know  well  what 
kind  of  a  population  is  gathered  together  imder 
such  oircnmstances.  For  a  graphic  description  of 
it  we  may  go  to  Charles  Beade's  "  Never  too  Late 
to  Mend."  And  here  we  must  take  care  not  to 
identify  too  indiscriminately  the  Spaniards,  as 
such,  with  the  horrors  perpetrated  in 
Hispaniola.  It  was  not  in  the  charac-  <ukotu7  -a 
ter  of  Spaniards  so  much  as  in  the  char- 
acter of  ruffians  that  the  perpetrators  behaved, 
and  there  have  been  ruffians  enough  among  peo- 
ple who  speak  English.  If  the  worst  of  these 
slave-drivers  was  a  Spaniard,  so  too  was  Las  Casas. 
Many  of  the  wretches  were  the  offscourings  of 
camps,  the  vile  refuse  of  European  wars ;  some  of 
them  were  criminals,  sent  out  here  to  disencumber 
Spanish  jails.  Of  course  tiiey  had  no  notion  of 
working  with  their  own  hands,  or  of  wielding  any 
implement  of  industry  except  the  hish.  With 
such  an  abundant  supply  of  cheap  labour  an  In- 
dian's life  was  counted  of  no  value.  It  was  cheaper 
to  work  an  Indian  to  death  and  get  another  than 
to  take  care  of  him,  and  accordingly  the  slaves 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


444  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

were  worked  to  death  without  mercy.  From  time 
to  time  the  Indians  rose  in  rebeUioo,  but  these 
attempts  were  savagely  suppressed,  and  a  policy  of 
tenor  was  adopted.  Indians  were  slaughtered  by 
the  hundred,  burned  alire,  impaled  <m  sharp  stakes, 
torn  to  pieces  by  blood-hounds.  In  retaliation  for 
the  murder  of  a  Spaniard  it  was  thought  proper 
to  call  up  fifty  or  sa!by  Indians  and  chop  off  their 
hands.  Little  children  were  flung  into  the  water 
to  drown,  with  leas  concern  than  if  they  had  been 
puppies.  In  the  mingling  of  sacred  ideas  widi 
the  sheerest  devilry  there  was  a  grotesqueness  fit 
for  the  pencil  of  Dor^.  Once,  "  in  honour  and  rev- 
erence of  Christ  and  his  twelve  Apostles,"  they 
hanged  thirteen  Indians  in  a  row  at  such  a  height 
that  their  toes  could  just  touch  the  ground,  and 
then  pricked  them  to  death  with  tilieir  sword-points, 
taking  care  not  to  kill  them  quickly.  At  another 
Hidaoui  cruel-  ti™^]  whcu  Bome  old  reprobate  was  broil- 
"**'  ing  half-a-dozen  Indians  in  a  kind  of  cra- 

dle suspended  over  a  slow  fire,  their  shrieks  awoke 
the  Spanish  captain  who  in  a  neighbouring  hut  was 
taking  his  afternoon  nap,  and  he  called  out  testily 
to  the  man  to  despatch  those  wretches  at  once,  and 
stop  their  noise.  But  this  demon,  determined  not 
to  be  baulked  of  his  enjoyment,  only  gagged  the 
poor  creatures.  Can  it  be,  says  Las  Casas,  that  I . 
really  saw  such  things,  or  are  they  hideous  dreams  ? 
Alas,  they  are  no  dreams ;  "  all  this  did  I  behold 
with  my  bodily  mortal  eyes."  ^ 

This  tyranny  went  on  until  the  effect  was  like 
ojoB  corporale*  n 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAS  CASAS.  445 

that  of  a  peBtileDCe.  Th«  native  population  rap- 
idly jiminiBhed  until  labonr  grew  scarce,  and  it  was 
found  necessary  in  Hispaniola  to  send  and  kidnap 
Indians  fioni  other  islands,  and  to  import  from 
Seville  negroes  that  had  been  caught  by  the  Pof- 
tugaese  in  Africa.  The  first  slave -hunten  that 
went  to  the  Lucayan  islands  beguiled  the  simple 
natives  with  pretty  stories  and  promises,  and  thus 
entioed  them  on  board  their  ships.  Some  thou- 
sands of  Lucayans  were  taken  to  Hispaniola,  and 
there  is  a  touching  story  of  one  of  these  poor  fel- 
lows, who  cut  down  and  hollowed  out  a  pithy  tree, 
and  lashed  to  it  smaller  stems  till  he  had  made  a 
good  staunch  raft.  He  stuffed  it  with  com  and 
calabashes  of  fresh  water,  and  then  with  two 
friends,  a  man  and  a  woman,  he  put  to  sea  one  dark 
night,  and  they  paddled  toward  the  north  star.' 
After  many  anxious  days  and  nights  they  had  gone 
more  than  200  miles  and  were  coming  near  to  their 
own  land,  when  all  at  once  their  hearts  were  sick- 
ened at  the  sight  of  a  Spanish  cruiser  iu  the  ofBng, 
and  presently  they  were  stowed  beneath  its  deck 
and  carried  back  in  black  despair  to  the  land  of 
bondage.  No  less  pathetic  is  the  story  of  the 
cacique  Hatuey  in  Cuba,  who  had  heard  that  the 
Spaniards  were  coming  over  from  Hispaniola  And 
hit  upon  an  ingenious  expedient  for  protecting  hi» 
people.     Taking  a  big  lump  of  gold  he  called  his 

>  Herren,  Mittoria  de  lot  Ind!as,  Madrid,  1801,  torn.  i.  p.  228. 
Ai  Sir  Arthnr  Helps  olwerTeB,  "  there  U  aomewhat  of  unmortalitr 
in  a  •tont-baartad  action,  and  tliong-h  long  past  it  Mem*  (till 
joang'  and  full  of  life  :  one  feels  quite  uiiioiiB  now,  as  if  thnaa 
Indiana  wen  yet  n|>OD  that  tea.  to  know  what  beoomsi  td  them." 
^>amtlk  Conqunt,  toI.  i.  p.  220. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


446  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMBBICA. 

clan-chiefs  together,  and  said :  —  Behold,  diis  is 
the  god  of  the  white  men  ;  wherefore  let  us  dance 
to  it  and  reverence  it,  that  if  peradventnre  they 
come  hither,  it  may  tell  them  to  do  na  no  harm  ; 
and  so  these  simple  barharians  adored  the  piece 
of  yellow  metal  and  danced  aronnd  it,  and  sought 
to  win  its  favour.^ 

In  1509  Orando  was  recalled,  and  went  home, 
a  poor  man,  leaving  as  his  last  act  the  larger  part 
of  his  property  to  found  a  hospital  for  needy  Span- 
iards. Under  his  successor,  Diego  Columbus,  there 
was  little  improvement.  The  case  had  become  a 
hard  one  to  deal  with.  There  were  now  what  are 
called  "  vested  rights,"  the  rights  of  property  in 
ij^,^^  slaves,  to   be  respected.     But  in  1510 

''°'"*''™'  there  came  a  dozen  Dominican  monks, 
and  they  soon  decided,  in  defiance  of  vested  rights, 
to  denounce  the  wickedness  they  saw  about  them. 
So  one  Simday  in  the  year  1511  Father  Antonio 
Montesioo  preached  a  great  seimon  in  the  church 
at  San  Domingo,  from  the  text,  "  I  am  the  voioe 
of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness."  His  words,  says 
the  chronicler,  were  "  very  piercing  and  terrible." 
He  told  his  dismayed  hearers  that  they  were  liv- 
ing in  mortal    sin,   and    their  greed   and  cruelty 

'  Berren,  cp,  eit.  torn. !.  p.  203.  This  propitiation  of  tlia  vliite 
nun'i  7ellov  god  did  not  UTail  to  wtb  the  nnf  ortniiate  oktique. 
SooD  mf*«i  their  arrival  in  Cuba  the  .Spauiaids  caught  him,  and 
he  *u  bnmed  aliva  at  Uie  stake.  As  he  was  vrithing  amid  the 
flamea,  ■  priest  held  up  a  craes  before  him  and  beggvd  him  to 
"  beoome  a  Chrigtian  "  iw  that  be  might  go  to  heaveiL  The  half- 
roasted  Indian  replied  that  if  thera  were  Christiana  in  hssTen  h« 
had  DO  denre  to  go  to  any  Buch  place.  See  Lac  Caua,  Indiamm 
dtvatlatiimii  rl  txddii  narralio,  p.  16. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAS  CASAS.  447 

were  saoh  that  for  any  cliance  thej  h&A  of  going 
to  heaven  they  might  as  well  be  Moors  or  Turks ! 

Startling  words,  indeed,  to  Spanish  ears,  —  to 
be  told  that  they  were  no  better  than  Mahome- 
tans !  The  town  was  in  an  aproar,  and  after  the 
noon  dinner  a  deputation  of  the  principal  citizens 
went  to  the  shed  which  served  temporarilj'  as  a 
monastery,  and  angrily  demanded  an  apology  from 
Father  Antonio.  The  prior's  quiet  reply  was  that 
Pather  Antonio's  sentiments  were  Uiose  of  the 
Dominican  community  and  would  on  no  aecount 
be  retracted.  The  infuriated  citizens  then  said 
that  unless  a  different  tone  was  taken  in  the  pul- 
pit next  Sunday  the  monks  bad  better  pack  up 
their  goods  for  a  sea  voyage.  That  would  be  easily 
done,  quoth  the  prior,  and  verily,  says  Las  Casas, 
widi  his  sly  humour,  it  was  so,  for  all  they  bad  on 
eardi  would  have  gone  into  two  small  trunks.^ 

Next  Sunday  the  church  was  thronged  with 
Spaniards  from  far  and  near,  for  the  excitement 
was  fierce.  Mass  was  performed,  and  then,  amid 
breathless  silence.  Father  Antonio  stepped  into  the 
pulpit  and  preached  a  still  more  terrible  sermon ; 
threatened  his  hearers  with  eternal  torments,  and 
declared  that  the  monks  would  refuse  confession 
to  any  man  who  should  maltreat  his  Indians  or 
eng^e  in  the  slave-trade.  Glorious  Antonio 
Montesino  I  first  of  preachers  on  American  soil  to 
declare  war  to  the  knife  against  this  gravest  of 
American  sins  t 

Loyalty  to  the   church  was   too   strong  among 

1  TheM  evwtK  am  related  with  full  details  b;  Las  Caus,  IIUi. 
it  h>  Indiai,  torn.  iii.  pp.  36.5-38(1 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


448  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

SpaniardB  for  any  violence  to  be  offered  to  these 
monke,  but  the  citizens  made  compUint  to  King 
Ferdinand.  His  wife  Isabella,  dying  blz  years 
before  theae  events,  had  left  to  him  in  her  will  one 
xh*  unf'i  li^  °^  ^^^  income  to  be  got  from  the 
'°^"-  Indies  during  his  lifetime.  After  Isa- 
bella'-s  death  the  crown  of  Castile  had  passed  to 
their  daughter  Joanna,  and  Ferdinand  for  a  while, 
restricted  to  his  own  kingdom  of  Aragon,  had 
little  to  do  with  American  affairs.  But  after  a 
couple  of  years,  Joanna  having  become  insane,  Fer- 
dinand had  become  regent  of  Castile,  and  waa  thus 
lord  over  America,  and  as  half  the  American  rev- 
enue, which  was  chiefly  gold  from  the  mines,  was 
to  come  to  him,  the  colonists  in  Hispaniola  looked 
to  him  to  defend  their  vested  interests.  The  citi- 
zens of  San  Domingo  got  hold  of  an  unworthy 
member  of  the  Franciscan  order,  and  sent  him  to 
Spain  to  complain  against  the  Dominicans ;  and 
Antonio  Montesino  went  over  himself  to  forestall 
the  Franciscan  monk.  Antonio  saw  the  king  and 
made  a  deep  impression  upon  him,  so  that  a  con- 
clave of  learned  priests  was  assembled,  and  vari- 
ous plans  of  relief  and  reform  were  discussed. 
Nothing  was  really  accomplished,  except  that  some 
seeds  of  reform  were  sown,  to  bear  fruit  at  a  later 
season. 

Meanwhile  the  good  Montesino  had  gained  an 
ally  upon  the  scene  of  action  worth  a  dozen  kings. 
Las  Casas  was  by  natural  endowment  a  many- 
sided  man,  who  looked  at  human  affairs  from  vari- 
ous points  of  view.  Under  other  circumstances 
he  need  not  necessarily  have  developed  into  a  phi< 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LA3  CASAS.  449 

lanthn^iat,  though  any  career  into  whicli  he  might 
have  been  drawn  could  not  hare  failed  to  he  hon- 
ourahle  and  nohle.  At  first  he  seems  to  have  been 
what  one  might  call  worldly-minded.  ,  „  _ 
But  the  most  interesting  thing  about  him  fln«*ii>n- 
we  shall  find  to  he  bis  steady  intellec- 
tual and  spiritual  development ;  from  year  to  year 
he  rose  to  higher  and  higher  planes  of  thougnt 
and  feeling.  He  was  at  first  a  slave-owner  like 
the  rest,  and  had  seen  no  harm  in  it.  But  from 
the  first  his  kindly  sympathetic  nature  asserted  it- 
self, and  his  treatment  of  his  slaves  was  such  that 
they  loved  him.  He  was  a  man  of  striking  and 
easily  distingnishahle  aspect,  and  the  Indians  in 
general,  who  fied  from  the  sight  of  white  men, 
came  soon  to  recognize  him  as  a  friend  who  could 
always  be  trusted.  At  the  same  time,  however, 
as  a  good  man  of  business  he  was  disposed  to 
make  money,  and,  as  he  tells  ub,  "  he  took  no  more 
heed  than  the  other  Spaniards  to  bethink  himself 
that  his  In^ana  were  unbelievers,  and  of  the  duty 
that  there  was  on  his  part  to  give  them  instruction, 
and  to  bring  them  to  the  bosom  of  the  Church  of 
Christ."  He  sympathized  with  much  that  was 
said  by  Montesino,  but  thought  at  first  that  in  his 
unqualified  condemnation  of  the  whole  system  of 
slavery  that  great  preacher  was  going  too  far.  "We 
must  not  be  wanting  in  charity  toward  slaveholders. 
It  is  hard  for  a  man  to  extricate  himself  from  the 
entanglements  of  ideas  and  situations  prepared  for 
him  before  he  was  bom.  The  heart  of  Las  Casas, 
however,  was  deeply  stirred  by  Montesino,  and  he 
pondered  much  upon  his  words. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


460  TH£  DISCOVERY  OF  AMXBICA. 

In  the  same  year  that  those  memorable  s 
were  preached,  Die^  Colmnbus  made  up  his  mind 
to  conquer  and  colonize  Cuba,  and  he  sent  Velas- 
quez for  that  pnrpoBe.  Las  Casas  presently  fol- 
lowed. The  usual  tale  of  horrors  had  begun,  but 
he  succeeded  in  doing  much  to  improve  the  situa- 
tion. For  the  time  he  was  the  only  prieet  on  the 
island.  The  tremendous  power  of  the  church  was 
personified  in  him,  and  he  used  it  unflinchingly  in 
defence  of  the  Indiana.  Wbeu  the  island  was  re- 
garded as  conquered,  Velasquez  proceeded  to  give 
encomiendoB  of  Indians  to  his  friends,  and  a  laige 
village  was  given  aa  an  encomienda  to  two  partners, 
coimnioii  at  <*i  whom  ouo  was  Las  Casas.  It  was 
lh  ohh.  ^jjg  daty  of  ij(ig  Casas  to  say  mass  and 
now  and  then  to  preach,  and  in  thinking  of  his 
sermon  for  Pentecost,  1514,  he  opened  his  BiUe, 
and  hie  eye  alighted  upon  these  verees  in  the  34th 
chapter  of  Ccelesiasticus :  — 

"  The  Most  High  is  not  pleased  with  the  offer- 
ings of  the  wicked :  neither  is  he  pacified  for  ein 
by  the  multitude  of  sacrifices. 

"  The  bread  of  the  needy  is  their  life ;  he  that 
defraudeth  him  thereof  is  a  man  of  blood. 

"  He  that  taketh  away  bis  neighbour's  living 
slayeth  him ;  and  he  that  defraudeth  the  labourer 
of  his  hire  is  a  shedder  of  blood." 

As  he  read  these  words  a  light  from  heaven 
seemed  to  shine  upon  Las  Casas.  The  scales  fell 
from  his  eyes.  He  saw  that  the  system  of  slavery 
was  wrong  in  principle.  The  question  whether 
you  treated  your  slaves  harshly  or  kindly  did  not 
go  to  the  root  of  the  matter.     As  soon  as  yon  took 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAS  CA8A8.  451 

from  the  labourer  Us  wages  tlie  deadly  sin  wai 
committed,  the  monetrous  eril  was  inaugurated. 
There  must  be  a  stop  put  to  this,  said  Las  Casas. 
We  have  started  wrong.  Here  are  Tast  countries 
which  Holy  Church  has  given  to  the  Spaniards  in 
trast,  that  the  heathen  may  be  civilized  and 
brought  into  the  fold  of  Christ ;  and  we  have  be- 
gun by  making  Hispaniola  a  hell.  This  thing 
must  not  be  suffered  to  grow  with  the  growth  of 
Spanish  conquest.  There  was  but  one  remedy. 
The  axe  must  be  put  to  the  root  of  the  tree. 
Slavery  must  be  abolished. 

Las  Casas  began  by  giving  up  his  own  slaves. 
He  had  leaaon  enough  to  know  that  others  might 
not  treat  them  so  well  as  he,  but  he  was  not  the 
man  to  preach  what  he  did  not  practise.  His 
partner,  Pedro  de  Renteria,  was  a  mao  of  noble 
nature  and  much  under  his  influence,  so  that  there 
was  no  difBculty  there.  Then  Las  Casas  went 
into  the  pulpit  and  preached  to  his  con-  Huflntiico- 
gregation  that  their  souls  were  in  dan-  ""^W* 
get  so  long  aB  they  continued  to  hold  their  encomi- 
endaa  of  Indians.  "All  were  amazed,"  he  says  ; 
"  some  were  struck  with  compunction ;  others  were 
as  much  surprised  to  hear  it  called  a  sin  to  make 
use  of  the  Indians,  as  if  they  had  been  told  it 
were  sinful  to  make  use  of  the  beasts  of  the 
field." 

Too  many  were  of  this  latter  mood,  and  finding 
his  people  incorrigible,  Las  Casas  sold  what  worldly 
goods  he  had  left,  and  went  to  Spain  to  lay  the 
case  before  King  Ferdinand.  First  he  visited 
Bishop  Fonseca,  as  the  most  important  member  of 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


462  THE  DISCOVSBY  OF  AMERICA. 

ihe  Cotutcil  for  the  Indies.  From  tlds  coarse  man, 
Hb  fM«iithiB  '^^  l^s  cynical  contempt  for  philanthro- 
bjFoiuaai  pjgta^  ]^  Casas  got  such  a  reception 
as  miglit  have  been  expected.  It  vill  be  remem- 
bered  that  Ovando  was  one  of  Foneeea's  creatures. 
When  Las  Casas  told  how  7,000  children  had 
cmeUy  perished  in  Hispaniola  within  three  months, 
he  doubtless  overstated  the  case,  and  clearly  Fon- 
seoa  did  not  believe  him.  He  answered  roughly, 
**  Look  here,  you  droll  fool,  what  is  all  this  to  me, 
and  what  is  it  to  the  king  ?  "  This  fairly  took  our 
poor  pnest's  breath  away.  He  only  exclaimed, 
"  O  great  and  eternal  Ood !  to  whom,  then,  is  it 
(rf  any  concern  ?  "  and  so  he  tamed  upon  hia  heel 
and  left  the  room. 

On  arriving  at  Seville,  he  learned  that  the  king 
had  just  died,  January  23,  1516.  Ferdinand's 
daughter  Joanna,  queen  of  Castile  and  heiress  to 
the  throne  of  Aragon,  was  still  insane,  and  both 
thrones  descended  practiGally  to  her  illustrioua 
son  Charles,  a  boy  of  sixteen,  who  was  then  in 
Flanders.  For  the  present  the  great  cardinal 
Ximenes  was  regent  of  Spun,  and  to  him  went 
Las  Casaa  with  his  tale  of  woe.  From  the  oardi- 
■nd  *it  c*idj-  ^^  ^^  obtained  ready  and  cordial  sym- 
ui  XimiuM.  pathy.  It  was  a  fortunate  circumstance 
that  at  this  juncture  brought  two  such  men  to- 
getber.  Las  Casas  knew  well  that  the  enslave- 
ment of  Indians  wa8  not  contemplated  in  the  royal 
orders  of  1503,  except  so  far  as  concerned  canni- 
bals taken  in  war ;  but  the  evil  bad  become  so 
firmly  cHtablished  that  at  first  he  hesitated  about 
the  policy  of  using  this  line  <^  argument.     He 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


LAS  CABAS,  458 

pmdeatlf  shaped  his  questioii  in  this  vise :  "  With 
what  justice  can  auch  things  be  done,  whether  the 
Indians  are  free  or  not?  "  Here,  to  his  joy,  the 
cardinal  caught  him  up  vehemently.  '*With  no 
justice  whatever :  what,  are  not  the  Indians  free  ? 
who  doubts  about  their  being  free?  "  This  was  a 
great  point  gained  at  the  start,  for  it  put  the  offi- 
cial theory  of  the  Spanish  government  on  the  side  of 
lias  Casas,  and  made  the  Spaniards  in  America 
appear  in  the  light  of  transgressors.  The  matter 
was  thoroughly  discussed  with  Ximenes  ^^^  rttmnpu 
and  that  amiable  Dutchman,  Cardinal  ■''^™- 
Adrian,  who  was  afterwards  pope.  A  commission 
of  Hieronyroite  friars  was  appointed  to  accompany 
Las  Casas  to  the  West  Indies,  with  minute  in- 
structions and  ample  powers  for  making  investiga- 
tions and  enforcing  the  laws.  Ximenes  appointed 
Las  Casas  Protector  of  the  Indians,  and  clothed 
him  with  authority  to  impeach  delinquent  judges 
or  other  public  officials.  The  new  regulations, 
could  they  have  been  carried  out,  would  have  done 
much  to  mitigate  the  sufferings  of  the  Indians. 
They  must  be  paid  wages,  they  must  he  humanely 
treated  and  taught  the  Christian  religion.  But 
as  the  Spanish  government  needed  revenue,  the 
provision  thai  Indians  might  be  compelled  to 
work  in  the  nunes  was  not  repealed.  The  Indians 
must  work,  and  the  Spaniards  must  pay  them. 
Las  Casas  argued  correctly  that  so  long  as  this 
provision  was  retained  the  work  of  reform  would 
go  but  little  way.  Somebody,  however,  must  work 
the  mines ;  and  so  the  talk  turned  to  the  question 
of  sending  out  white  labourers  or  negroes. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


454  THE  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

Here  we  oome  to  the  statement,  often  repeated, 
that  it  wag  Las  Casas  who  first  introduced  negro 
slavery  and  the  African  slave-trade  into  the  New 
World.  The  statement  is  a  good  specimen  of  the 
headlong,  helter-skelter  way  in  which  things  get 
said  and  believed  in  this  superficial  world.  As 
TiMpvpiiiu  ^^^  repeated,  there  was  probably  an 
i^ow^  agreeable  tinge  of  paradox  in  represent- 
"•■" ''»™'-  ing  the  greatest  of  philantfaropists  as  the 
founder  of  one  of  the  vilest  systems  of  bonda^ 
known  to  modem  times.  At  length  it  has  come 
to  pass  that  people  who  know  nothing  about  Las 
Casas,  and  have  absolutely  no  other  idea  associated 
with  his  name,  still  vaguely  think  of  him  as  the 
man  who  brought  negro  slaves  to  America  as  sub- 
stitutes for  Indians,  —  the  man  who  sacrificed  one 
race  of  his  fellow-creatures  to  another,  and  thus 
paid  Peter  by  robbing  Paid, 

There  could  not  be  a  grosser  historical  Uunder 
than  this  notion,  and  yet,  like  most  such  blunders, 
it  has  arisen  from  a  perversion  of  things  that  really 
were  said  if  not  done.  In  order  to  arrive  at  his- 
torical truth,  it  is  not  enough  to  obtain  correct 
items  of  fact ;  it  is  necessary  to  group  the  items 
in  their  causal  relations  and  to  estimate  the  pre- 
cise weight  that  must  be  accorded  to  each  in  the 
total  result.  To  do  this  is  often  so  difficult  that 
half-truths  are  very  commonly  offered  us  in  place 
of  whole  truths  ;  and  it  sometimes  happens  that  of 
all  forms  of  falsehood  none  is  so  misleading  as  the 
half-truth. 

The  statement  about  Las  Casas,  with  which  we 
are  here  concerned,  properly  divides  itself  into  a 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAS  CASA8.  456 

pair  <^  statements.  It  is  alle^,  in  the  first 
place,  that  it  was  Las  Casas  who  first  au^i^eted 
the  employment  of  negroes  as  substitatee  for  In- 
dians ;  and  in  the  second  place,  that  the  origin,  or 
au  any  rate  the  steady  development,  of  negro 
slavery  in  America  was  due  to  this  suggestion. 
These  are  two  different  propositions  and  call  for 
different  commentB. 

With  regard  to  the  first,  it  is  undoubtedly  true 
that  Las  Casas  at  one  time  expressed  the  opinion 
ihat  if  there  must  be  slave  labour,  the  enslave- 
ment of  blacks  might  perhaps  be  tolerated  as  Uie 
smaller  of  two  evils,  inasmuch  as  the  whuLu 
negroes  were  regarded  as  a  hardier  race  ^*"  "'*■ 
than  the  Indians  and  better  able  to  support  oou- 
tinuouB  labour.  At  one  time  the  leading  colonists 
of  Hispanida  had  told  L<as  Casas  that  if  they 
might  have  license  to  import  each  a  dor^n  negroes, 
they  would  cooperate  with  him  in  his  plans  for 
setting  free  the  Indians  and  improving  their  con- 
dition. When  Las  Casas  at  the  Spanish  court 
was  confronted  with  the  argument  that  there  must 
be  somebody  to  work  the  mines,  he  recalled  this 
snj^festion  of  the  colonists,  and  proposed  it  as 
perhaps  the  least  odious  way  out  of  the  difficulty. 
It  is  therefore  evident  that  at  that  period  in  his 
life  be  did  not  realize  Hib  wickedness  of  slavery 
BO  distinctly  in  the  case  of  black  men  as  in  the 
case  of  red  men.  In  other  words,  he  had  not  yet 
ou^;rown  that  medisval  habit  of  mind  which  re- 
garded the  right  to  '*  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit 
of  happiness,"  and  other  rights,  not  as  common  to 
all  mankind,  but  as  parcelled  out  among  groups 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


466  THE  DIBCOrEBT  OF  AifEBICA. 

and  classes  of  mea  in  a  complicated  way  lihat  to 
our  minds,  on  the  eve  of  tlie  twentieth  century, 
ibdimiHid  ^^^'^  become  wellnigli  nnintelligiblc.  It 
^^^°^  was  the  great  French  writers  of  the  eigh- 
'"'*'*  teenth  centory  who  first  gave  distinct 

expression  to  the  notion  of  "  unalienable  rights," 
with  which  maolcind  has  been  endowed  by  the 
Creator.  This  notion  has  become  so  familiar  to 
OUT  minds  that  we  sometimes  see  the  generaliza- 
tiona  of  Rousseau  and  Diderot,  or  whatever  remains 
sound  in  them,  derided  as  mere  platitudes,  as  if  it 
had  never  been  necesaary  to  preach  such  self-evi- 
dent truths.  But  these  "platitudes"  about  uni- 
versal rights  were  far  enough  from  being  self-evi- 
dent in  ijie  sixteenth  century.  On  the  oontrary, 
they  were  extremely  nnfomiliar  and  abstruse  con- 
ceptioQS,  toward  which  the  most  enlightened  minds 
could  only  grope  their  way  by  slow  degrees.^  In 
Las  Casaa  it  is  interesting  to  trace  such  a  develop- 
ment. He  had  gradually  risen  to  the 
opmentoiuw  perception  of  the  full  wickedness  of 
oeptkn  In  im  sluveiy  in  the  form  in  which  he  had  be- 
come familiar  with  it ;  but  he  had  not 
yet  extended  his  generalizations,  aa  a  modem 
thinker  would  do,  to  remote  cases,  and  in  order  to 
gain  a  point,  the  supreme  importance  of  which  he 
keenly  felt,  he  was  ready  to  make  concessions.  In 
later  years  he  blamed  himself  roundly  for  making 

'  As  Hr.  John  Horley  obaerre*,  "  the  doctrine  of  monl  oUigm- 
tdoQi  towafd  tlie  loirsr  raoea  bad  not  yet  taken  ila  place  in  En. 
rope."  Diderot  and  tie  Eneydl^xxdiiU,  London,  1880,  p.  SSft 
Mr.  Mori  ^y'a  remfirlu  on  tbe  influence  of  Raynal'i  famons  book, 
HU'iHTt  da  dnz  Indei  in  this  eonnaotion,  are  adiiiiiabl«. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAS  CASAS.  457 

any  Bndi  concessions.  Had  lie  "  sufficiently  oon- 
sidered  the  matter,"  he  would  not  for  all  the  world 
have  entertained  such  a  si^gestion  for  a  moment ; 
for,  said  he,  the  n^roes  "  had  heen  made  slaves 
unjustly  and  tyrannically,  and  the  same  reasoD 
holds  good  of  them  as  of  the  Indians."  ' 

With  regard  to  the  second  of  the  etateuLents  we 
are  considering,  the  question  arises  how  far  did 
this  snggestion,  for  which  Las  Casas  afterward  so 
freely  blamed  himself,  have  any  material 
effect  in  setting  on  foot  the  African  rrniinntioii 
slave-trade  or  in  enlai^ing  its  dimen-  us  eautiqKia 
sitms?  The  reply  is  that  it  had  no  "*"  "^" 
such  effect  whatever.  As  for  the  beginnings,  ne- 
groes had  been  carried  to  Hispaniola  in  small  nnni.. 
hers  as  early  as  1501 ;  and  in  the  royal  instructions 
drawn  up  at  that  time  for  Ovando,  he  was  for^ 
bidden  to  take  to  the  colony  Moors,  Jews,  new 
converts  from  Islam  or  Judaism,  monks  not  Span- 
ish, and  the  children  of  persons  burned  at  the 
stake  for  heresy,  but  he  might  take  negro  slaves.^ 
Official  documents  prove  that  at  various  times  be- 
tween 1500  and  1510  negroes  were  sent  over  to 
work  in  the  mines,  but  not  in  large  numbers.' 
As  for  the  extensive  development  of  negro  slavery 
in  the  West  Indies,  it  did  not  begin  for  many 
years  after  that  period  in  the  career  of  Las  Casas 
with  which  we  are  now  dealing,  and  there  is  no- 
thii^  to  show  that  his  su^estion  or  concession  was 
in  any  way  concerned  in  bringing  it  abont.     If,  on 

1  Lm  Caws,  Bin.  de  la*  Indiat,  torn.  ir.  p,  S80. 

*  NafuraU,  Cakeden  di  viagtt,  totn.  it  dm:.  ITB. 

*  Banen,  Hiit.  dt  Uu  IndioM,  torn.  i.  pp.  2T4-270. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


458  TEE  DISCOVERT  OF  AUSBICA. 

the  othw  hand,  instead  of  confining  our  attention 

to  this  single  incident  in  hia  life,  the  iicportanoe 

of  which  has  beeo  egregionsly  exaggerated,  we 

consider  the  general  effect  of  his  life-work,  that 

effect  was  clearly  adverse  to  the  development  of 

the  African  slave-trade.    For  if  the  depoptilati<m 

of  the  New  World  had  continued,  which  Las  Casas 

did  80  much  to  check,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 

the  importatioD  of  neeroea  to  Spanish 
Hl(  lllB-WOTk       .  .^  ,,  ,  ,  "      .  "^     ,, 

did  Bmah  to     Amenca  would  have  been  immeasurably 

dlmluiita  tM  ,  ,      ,  ,  m  .  r  • 

(tiuH  of  M-  greater  than  it  has  been.      The  Axn- 
u^tbaiptrit.  can   slave-trade   would    have   asBumed 


much  larger  proportiona  than  it  has  ever 
""^  known,  and  its  widely  ramifying  infln- 

eiice  for  evil,  its  poisonous  effects  upon  the  character 
of  KuTopean  society  in  the  New  World,  whether 
Spanish  or  Emglish,  would  probably  have  surpassed 
anything  that  we  can  now  realize.  When  the  work 
of  Las  Casas  is  deeply  considered,  we  cannot  make 
him  anything  else  but  an  antagonist  of  human 
slavery  in  all  its  forms,  and  the  mightiest  and  most 
effective  antagonist,  withal,  that  has  ever  lived. 
Subtract  his  glorious  life  from  the  history  of  the 
past,  and  we  might  still  he  waiting,  sick  with  hope 
deferred,  for  a  Wilberforce,  a  Garrison,  and  a  Lin- 
coln. 

In  all  the  work  at  the  Spanish  court  the  Bishop 
of  Burgos  tried  by  every  means  in  his  power  to 
impede  and  thwaii;  Las  Casas,  and  agents  of  the 
colonists  guned  the  ears  of  the  Hieronymite  friars, 
BO  tJiat  matters  were  very  imperfectly  mended,  and 
the  next  yeur,  after  a  stout  fight.  Las  Casas  te- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAB  CABAS.  450 

tamed  to  Spain  to  find  the  great  cardinal  on  his 
deatb'bed.  The  loss  of  this  powerful  ally  was  a 
serious  misfortane  for  Laa  Caaas.  He  was  not 
long,  however,  in  winning  the  esteem  of  cimrta.  v.  taa 
Charlea  V.  The  young  king  greatly  t-c™: 
liked  him,  and  his  grave  face  always  lighted  up 
with  pleasure  whenever  he  happened  to  meet  "  Mas- 
ter Bartholomew,"  as  he  used  to  call  him.  Las 
Casas  now  tried  to  enlist  white  emigrants  for  the 
West  Indies,  to  labour  there ;  but  the  task  of  get- 
ting Spaniards  to  work,  instead  of  mi^Vipg  slaves 
work  for  them,  was  not  an  encouraging  one.  At 
length,  however,  he  devised  a  scheme  whiuh  seemed 
likely  to  work.  He  undertook  to  select  fif  ^  Span- 
iards' for  whose  characters  he  could  vouch,  to  sub- 
scribe 200  ducats  each  and  go  with  him  to  found 
a  colony  upon  the  mainland.  That  the  Indians 
might  distinguish  between  these  men  and  any  other 
Spaniards  they  had  ever  seen,  they  were  to  wear 
apeculiar  uniform,  white  wilh  a  coloured  cross.  If 
their  work  should  prosper  he  intended  to  ask  the 
Pope  to  recc^nize  them  as  a  religious  ^  „i,ia 
fraternity,  like  those  of  the  Middle  "'™'- 
Ages,  which  had  been  of  such  inestimable  valae 
as  civilizing  agencies.  He  promised  to  make  it  an 
enterprise  which  should  justify  itself  by  paying  its 
own  way  and  yielding  a  steady  revenue  to  the 
crown.  If  he  could  not  cure  the  evils  in  the 
islands,  he  could  at  least  set  the  example  of  a 
new  colony  founded  on  sound  principles,  and  might 
hope  that  it  would  serve  as  a  centre  for  the  diffu- 
sion of  a  higher  civilization  in  the  New  World. 
In  pursuance  of  this  scheme  Las  Casas  obttuned 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


460  THE  DISCOVEBY  OF  AMBBICA. 

from  Charles  V.  a  ^rant  of  territory  about  Cn- 
man&  on  the  Pearl  Coast.  There  were  three  yean 
of  hard  work  in  these  preliminaries,  hindered  at 
every  step  by  the  malignant  intrigues  <tf  Bishop 
Fonseca.  At  length,  in  1520,  the  Protector  of 
the  Indians  returned  to  Hiapaniola,  and  in  1521 
he  was  ready  for  the  Pearl  Coast  Some  Do- 
minicanB  had  already  founded  a  small  mona3tei7 
there,  and  from  them  Las  Casas  could  always  look 
for  cordial  assistance.  But  Satan  had  not  beat 
asleep  while  these  things  were  going  on.  In  the 
neighbouring  island  of  Cubagua,  fishing  for  pearls, 
ThtndHiiiat  ^^  ^  yoxmg  man  named  Alonso  de 
mbjTd^v  Ojeda,'  concerning  whom  las  Casas 
*"  ^  says,  with   truth,  "  that  if  he  had  not 

been  bom,  tJie  world  would  have  lost  nothing." 
Ojeda  wanted  alaves,  and  thonght  it  a  bright  idea 
to  catch  a  few  on  the  mainland  and  pretend  they 
were  cannibals.  He  took  a  notary  with  his  party 
in  order  to  catechise  some  chiefs  and  hare  such 
answer))  taken  down  as  could  be  made  to  convict 
them  of  cannibalism.'  But  having  no  paper  aboat 
him  be  stopped  at  the  Dominican  monastery  and 
asked  for  a  sheet,  which  was  given  him.  Ojeda 
presently  changed  his  mind,  abandoned  his  cate- 


'  Ltorente  {(Evvra  dt  Lot  Catat,  toni.  i.  p.  139)  n 
with  the  AloDHo  de  OjeiU  whgu  oareer  we  have  already  tiaeed 
down  to  hii  death  in  1515,  fi-re  7ean  bafora  tha  time  of  the  ereiita 
we  are  now  nairsting.  Cnrioiulj  eDODgh,  on  another  page  of  tba 
■ame  Tolame  (p.  ilr.)  Lloreuto  warna  the  reader  not  to  oonfound 
tb*  two,  bat  thinks  that  tliii  joangor  aiaaM  ma;  perit^a  h*Ta 
boon  the  aoD  of  the  other.    I  aoapeist  thii  ii  a  mere  gaam. 

*  The  rrader  will  obeerre  that  some  alight  progran  «BMni  ta 
have  been  made,  liuoe  Che«e  legal  formalitiea  were  doemtd  ii» 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


LAS  CABAS.  401 

dusmg  project  aa  iincertam  and  tedious,  and 
adopted  stnae  other  deriee.  A  few  miles  down  the 
coast  he  fell  in  with  some  Indiana,  attacked  them 
under  circmustances  of  foulest  treachery,  slew  a 
great  many,  and  carried  off  the  rest  in  his  vessel. 
Now  the  Indians  were  always  deeply  impressed 
with  die  way  in  which  white  people  conununio&ted 
intdligence  to  one  another  by  means  of  mysterious 
bits  of  paper.  Some  Indians  had  seen  l]ie  innocent 
monk  ^ve  the  piece  of  paper  to  Ojeda,  and  so,  as 
the  news  of  his  evil  deeds  flew  along  tJie  coast,  they 
naturally  concluded  that  the  Dominicans  most  be 
his  accomplices.  So  they  not  only  contrived  to  kill 
the  worthless  Ojeda  the  next  time  he  touched  upon 
the  coast,  but  they  set  fire  to  the  monastery  and 
massacred  the  monks.  And  so  fiercely  was  their 
wrath  now  kindled  against  all  Spaniards  that  soon 
after  the  founding  of  the  colony  of  Las  Casaa  at 
Cumand,  on  an  occasion  when  —  fortunately  for 
him  —  some  business  had  called  him  _^^^,^ 
back  to  Hispaniola,  they  attacked  the  uwiuutoot- 
little  colony  in  overwhelming  numbera, 
and  destroyed  it.  Those  who  escaped  their  javelins 
were  fain  to  flee  to  the  neighbouring  islands  and 
thence  to  San  Domingo.  Their  incipient  village 
was  burned  to  the  ground,  and  not  a  white  man 
was  left  on  the  Pearl  Coast. 

Seven  years  had  now  elapsed  since  that  memora- 
ble Pentecost  of  1514,  seven  years  of  ceaseless  toil 
and  sore  perplexity,  and  now,  just  as  the  way  was 
beginning  to  seem  clear  toward  some  tangible  re- 
sult, everything  was  ruined  by  the  villainy  of  one 
scurvy  knave.     There  is  reason  to  suppose  that 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


462  TUS  mSCOVBBT  OF  AltSBICA. 

Las  Casas  may  have  Bomewhat  overtaxed  liu 
attength.  His  nerves  were  straioed  beyond  endur- 
oiisf  of  iMM  tmoSy  and  wlien  he  heard  the  news  of 
S^'.IS^  thU  terrible  blow,  he  fell,  for  the  first 
■''"'™'  '™*-  and  only  time  in  his  life,  into  a  fit  of 
profound  despondency.  Perhaps,  said  he,  in  pro- 
phetio  langu^e,  "  the  Spaniards  are  not  to  be 
saved  from  the  conunission  of  great  wickedness 
and  from  decay  of  their  power."  Perhaps  God 
had  for  some  inscrutable  pmrpose  decreed  that 
the  Indians  must  be  destroyed.  Perhaps  there 
waa  in  his  own  soul  some  lurking  sin  which  made 
him  unworthy  to  be  God's  instrument  for  righting 
these  grievous  wrongs.^  The  Dominican  monas- 
tery at  San  Domingo  was  no  longer  a  mere  shed. 
In  its  pleasant  garden  would  Las  Casas  sit  motion- 
less hour  after  hour,  absorbed  in  meditation  upon 
these  heart-rending  mysteries  of  the  Divine  Provi- 
dence. The  good  monks  improved  the  situation 
by  persuading  Las  Casas  to  join  their  order.  He 
became  a  Dominican  in  152*2,  and  remained  there 
at  the  monastery  for  eight  years,  leading  the  life  of 
a  dose  student,  acquiring  a  profound  knowledge 
of  patristic  and  mediteval  theok^,  beooming  ex- 
pert in  the  Hinuosities  of  scholastic  l(^c,  and 
writing  history  sndi  as  the  world  could  ill  afford  to 
spare. 

During  these  eight  years  the  Spanish  empire  in 

>  "  Tbe  di^ty  Bnd  gretitnna  nt  hii  mum  vera  K>  prndomluuit 
Id  the  mind  of  Lag  Cum  m  to  le&ve  no  room  tor  iuflnsooBB  menl  j 
panon&L  It  doe>  not  appear  that  be  ever  eipeotad  giBtitndg 
from  tbe  Indiana ;  dot  did  the  terrible  dimeter  which  he  aaffered 
•t  Cnmuii  leave,  appaientlr,  the  aliirhteat  laocoiiT  in  hit  mind." 
Helpo,  Spaniih  CoiigwM,  niL  iv.  p.  334 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAB  CAS  AS.  468 

America  was  rapidly  expanding.  When  Las  Casas 
eotered  the  monaatery,  Cortes  had  lately  captured 
the  great  Mexican  pneblo  and  overthrown  the 
Aztec  ctmfederacy.  Then  Pedro  de  Alverado 
conquered  Guatemala,  while  Pedrarias  fl_„i,heoij- 
aud  his  captains  devastated  Nicaragua  Ji"I|!:^^ 
like  a  typhoon  or  a  plague.  Now  in  ""**■ 
15S0  the  FizarroB  and  Almagro  were  just  starting 
on  their  final  and  decisive  expedition  for  the  con- 
quest of  Peru.  Old  Pedrarias  had  just  died  at 
somewhere  about  his  ninetieth  year.  The  horrors 
<A  Hispaniola  had  been  repeated  in  Nicaragua. 
We  may  suppose  that  this  had  much  to  do  with 
arousing  the  Dominicans  of  Hispaniola  to  renewed 
activity.  Las  Casas  tells  us  very  little  about 
himself  at  this  conjuncture.  Indeed,  his  history 
of  the  Indies  brings  us  down  no  farther  than  1522. 
But  we  learn  frcm  Antonio  de  Remesal  —  an  ex- 
celleot  authority  for  this  part  of  his  career  —  that 
be  emerged  from  his  seclusion  in  1530,  went  over 
to  Spain,  and  obtained  from  Charles  V.  a  decree 
prohibiting  the  enslavement  of  Indians  in  the 
oountries  which  Pizarro  and  Aknagro  were  ex- 
pected to  conquer.^  On  retunuog  to  Hiepanlcla, 
Las  Casas  was  sent  to  the  new  Dominican  monas- 
tery in  Mexico,  there  to  take  companions  and  pro- 
ceed to  Peru,  for  the  purpose  of  proclaiaung  the 
imperial  decree  and  founding  a  monastery  there. 
For  some  reason  the  latter  purpose  was  not  carried 
out  The  decree  was  proclaimed,  but  it  proved 
impossible  to  enforce  it.  For  three  or  four  years 
Las  Casas  was  kept  busy  in  Nicaragua,  putting  a 
<  Remeul,  Hutoria  <U  C^opo.  Madiid,  leiB,  p.  103. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


464  THE  DISCOrSBT  OF  AMERICA. 

corb  upon  the  rapacity  and  cruelty  of  the  new  gov^ 
eroor.  Meanwhile  a  friend  of  his  was  appointed 
Bishop  of  Guatemala,  and  thither  Lae  Casas  re- 
paired early  in  1533.  A  Dominican  monastery, 
fotmded  there  somewhat  prematurely,  had  been 
tmoccnpied  for  six  or  mven  years,  and  Las  Casas 
and  three  of  his  companions  now  took  poesession 

of  it.    There  the  first  thine  the?  did 
Th-utti.  .  .  ,      ^^        •;   ,- 

moBMturjbi     was    to    acquirc   a   knowledge    of  the 

Quiche  language  spoken  by  the  natives 

of  Guatemala,  a  language  not  without  some  inter' 

esting  native  literature  which  modem  Bcholarship 

has  discovered  and  edited.'    So  zealously  did  these 

four  monks  work  that  it  was  not  long  before  they 

could  talk  quite  fiuently  in  Quiche,  and  they  soon 

found  occasion  to  put  this  rare  accomplishment  to 

a  practical  use. 

While  in  the  monastery  at  Son  Domingo,  Las 

Casas  had  written  his  famous  Latin  treatise  De 

unico  vocationia  modo,  or  the  only  proper  method 

of  calling  men  to  Christianity,     In  these  years  of 

trial  his  mind  had  been  growing  in  clearness  and 

grasp.     He  had  got  beyond  all  sophistical  distino- 

tione  between  men  of  one  colour  and  faith  and 

men   of   another,  —  a  wonderful  progress   for    a 

Spaniard  bom  eight  years  before  the  Moor  was 

driven  from  Granada.     He  had  come  to  see  what 

was  really  involved  in  the  Christian  assumption  of 

the  brotherhood  of  men ;  and  accordingly  he  main- 


iT  de  BonrbonrK,  Bibiicth^qae  Mtxice-GvnUnati- 
emt  I  Popvl  Vuh,  U  Lturt  Sacrt  da  QuicUi ;  aod  tor  tha  litatft< 
tnre  of  a  nei|>hboiiTii4C  people  in  Onateniala,  eee  BrintoD'e  Annoii 
^  tk  CahMqti^,  Philadelphu,  ISSS. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAB  CA8AS.  466 

tained  that  to  make  war  upon  infidels  or  heathen, 
merely  hecause  they  are  infidels  or  heathen,  is  sin- 
fnl ;  and  that  the  only  right  and  lawful 
way  oi  brinring  men  to  Christ  is  the  nrtoSiiui 
way  of  reason  and  perBoasioa.  To  set 
forth  such  a  doctrine  at  that  time  and  still  keep 
dear  of  the  Inquisition  required  consummate  skil- 
f  alneas  in  statement;  This  little  book  was  never 
printed,  but  manuscript  copies  of  the  original 
Latin  and  of  a  Spanish  translation  were  circulated, 
and  called  forth  much  comment.  The  illustrataons 
drawn  from  American  affairs  exasperated  the  Span- 
ish colonists,  and  they  taunted  Las  Casas.  He 
was  only  a  rain  theorizer,  they  said ;  the  gospel  of 
peace  would  be  all  very  well  in  a  world  already 
perfect,  but  in  our  world  the  only  prac- 
ticable gospel  is  the  gospel  of  kicks  and 
blows.  Go  to,  let  this  apostle  try  himself  to  con- 
vert a  tribe  of  Indians  and  make  them  keep  the 
peace ;  he  will  soon  find  that  something  more  is 
needed  than  words  of  love.  So  said  the  scofiers, 
as  they  wagged  their  heads. 

Las  Casas  presently  took  them  at  their  word. 
The  province  of  Tuzututlan,  just  to  the  north  of 
Guatemala  and  bordering  upon  the  peninsula  of 
Yucatan,  was  called  by  the  Spaniards  tiu  und  at 
the  "  Land  of  War."  It  was  an  inac-  ^"' 
cessible  country  of  beetling  crags,  abysmal  gorges, 
raging  torrents,  and  impenetrable  forest.  In  their 
grade  of  culture  the  inhabitants  seem  to  have  re- 
sembled the  Aztecs.  They  had  idols  and  human 
sacrifices,  and  were  desperate  fighters.  The  Span- 
iards had  three  times  invaded  this  country,  and 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


486 


TBB  DiaCOVXSr  OF  AMXBICA. 


three  times  had  been  hurled  back  in  a  very  dOajn- 
dated  conditioD.  It  could  hardly  be  called  a  prom- 
ieing  field,  but  this  it  was  that  loa  Caaas  chose 
for  his  experiment.' 


TnznIntlMi,  oi  the  "  Land  of  Wat." 

Let  US  note  well  his  manner  of  proceeding,  for 
there  are  those  to-day  who  maintain  that  the  type 
of  character  which  Victor  Hugo  has  sketched  in 
Monseigneur  Bienvenu  is  not  calculated 
typai^mlll-  to  achieve  success  in  the  world.  The 
example  of  Laa  Casas,  however,  tends 
to  confirm  us  in  the  opinion  that  when  combined 

^  A  full  account  of  the  work  of  Lm  Caws  in  Trnnlntlkn  it  gi*en 
In  RenMnl'i  Hittoria  dt  Ckitgia,  lib.  iii.  cap.  iz.-xi,  iv.^EriiL 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LA8  CA8A8.  467 

with  Buffioient  intelligenoe,  that  type  of  character 
is  the  most  indomitable  and  masterful  of  all.  And 
in  this  I  seem  to  see  good  promise  for  the  future 
of  humanity.  The  ^sdom  of  the  serpent,  when 
wedded  to  the  innocence  of  the  dove,  is  of  all 
things  the  most  winnii^  and  irresistible,  as  Las 
Casas  now  proceeded  to  prove. 

Alvarado,  the  fierce  governor  of  Guatemala,  was 
absent  in  Spain.  Las  Casas  talked  with  the  tem- 
porary governor,  Alonzo  de  Maldonado,  and  the 
result  of  their  talk  was  the  following  agreement, 
signed  May  2, 1537.  It  was  agreed  tbit  D^t^amvvot 
"if  Las  Casas,  or  any  of  his  monks,  ^^""^ 
can  bring  these  Indians  into  conditions  of  peace, 
so  that  they  should  recognize  the  Spanish  monarch 
for  their  lord  paramount,  and  pay  him  any  mod- 
erate tribute,  he,  the  governor,  would  place  those 
provinces  under  his  majes^  in  chief,  and  would 
not  give  them  to  any  private  Spaniard  in  encomi- 
enda.  Moreover,  no  lay  Spaniard,  under  heavy 
penalties,  except  the  governor  himself  in  person, 
should  be  allowed  for  five  years  to  enter  into  that 
territory." '  Ojedas  and  other  such  sinners  were 
now,  if  possible,  to  be  kept  at  a  distance.  Ko 
doubt  Maldonado  smiled  in  his  sleeve  when  he 
signed  his  name  to  this  agreement  Of  course  it 
could  never  come  to  anything. 

Thus  guaranteed  against  interference,  the  good 
monks  went  to  work,  and  after  a  due  amount  of 
preliminary  fasting  and  prayer  they  began  by  put- 
ting into  Quiche  verses  an  epitome  of  Christian 
doctrine  simple  enough  for  children  to  apprehend, 
'  H«lp«,  S^nitk  Conquut,  lii  331- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


468         THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

—  the  story  of  tlie  fall  of  man,  the  life  aod  death 
of  Christ,  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  and  the 
final  judgment.    It  is  a  pitj  that  these 

J  versee  have  not  been  preserved,  but  no 

lADd  of  ww.  ((oybt  ijas  Casas,  whose  great  heart 
knew  80  well  how  to  touch  the  secret  springs  of 
the  Indian  mind,  knew  how  to  make  the  story  as 
attractive  and  as  moving  as  possible.  The  verses 
were  nicely  balanced  in  couplets,  so  as  to  aid  the 
memory,  and  were  set  to  music  so  that  they  might 
be  chanted  to  the  accompaniment  of  the  rude  In- 
diao  instruments.  Then  the  monks  found  four 
Indian  traders,  who  were  in  the  habit  of  travelling 
now  and  then  through  the  "Land  of  War"  with 
goods  to  barter.  They  spent  many  weeks  in  win- 
ning the  affection  of  these  Indians  and  teaching 
them  their  saci«d  poem,  explainii^  everything  with 
endless  patience,  until  the  new  converts  knew  it 
all  by  heart  and  felt  able  to  answer  simple  qaestions 
about  it  When  the  monks  felt  sure  that  the  work 
was  thoroughly  done,  they  despatched  the  four 
traders  on  their  missionary  errand  to  the  pueblo  of 
the  most  powerful  cacique  in  that  country,  taking 
care  to  provide  them  with  an  ample  store  of  mir^ 
rors,  bells,  Spanish  knives,  and  other  stuff  attrac- 
tive to  barbarians. 

When  the  traders  arrived  at  their  destination 

they  were  hospitably  received,  and,  ao- 

tiZ^m       cording  to  custom,  were  loJired  in  the 

tecpan.'     Ihey  were   zealous   in  their 

work,  and  obeyed  their  instructions  faithfully.   Af- 

ter  vending  their  wares  as  usual,  they  called  for 

'  See  Bmndsliat,  in  Ptabodj/  JfuKtm  EiporU,  vol.  H.  p.  6T3. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


m 


?r-f  fcir  r  r  ^ 


iji  r  g  r- 


s^^^^pa^ 


Anoieiit  NKfanatl  Flate  Malodles- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


■  470  THE  DISCOrXBT  OF  AltXSICA. 

Bome  Mexicaii  drums  or  timbrels,  and  proceeded 
to  chant  their  sacred  couplets.'  They  were  veil 
received.  Indians  uttering  such  strange  sweet 
words  must  have  seemed  miraculou&lj  inspired,  and 
so  the  audience  thought.  For  several  days  the 
performance  was  repeated,  and  the  traders  were 
beset  with  questions.  After  a  while  they  drew 
pictures  of  the  tonsured  monks,  and  said  that  they 
learned  these  mysteries  from  these  holy  men,  who, 
although  white  men,  were  not  like  other  Spaniards, 
for  they  spent  their  lives  in  doing  good,  they  had 
no  wives,  they  treated  all  women  with  respect,  they 
'  As  a  ipeoiineD  of  tli«  kind  of  mmio  likelj  to  bkT*  baen  am- 
ployed  OS  this  dccuiod,  }.  fciva  a  page  of  ancient  Nalmatl  flat* 
welodiea,  taksnfromDr.  Brinton'sTAeGliejiicncs;  aComtdgBal' 
lei  in  ihe  Sahuati-Spanith  Dialed  of  Niraragua,  Pbiladalplua, 
1683.  In  ths  iDtroduction  to  that  interesting  w<R>k  thera  ia  a 
■action  on  the  mnno  and  mniical  iostramsnta  of  the  natdToa  of 
Nicamgna,  who  wen  and  are  an  ontlyiii^  branch  of  the  great 
Nahiia  people.  From  statements  of  Oriedo,  Father  Dnran,  Ban- 
loni,  and  other  old  writen,  farther  illuatimted  by  the  inreatiga- 
liani  of  modem  traiellen,  Dr.  Biinton  haa  made  s  Isamed  and 
ttlnabla  esBay.  If  die  raader  who  ii  familiar  with  tlie  hiMorj  of 
mniio  will  take  the  tronble  to  compare  the  melodise  hen  cited 
ttone  page  xxxit.  of  Dr.  Brinton'a  work  with  the  malodie*  from  the 
Oliec^Doe  itnlf ,  given  b;  Dr.  Brinton  on  page  il.,  lie  will  noog- 
niM  at  once  that  the  latter  have  been  prodnoed  nnder  Spanieh 
inflaenoai,  while  the  former  show  no  trace  of  nicb  inflnenee  and 
an  nndonbtedl]'  gennine  aborigiaal  mnno.  The  reader  will  ob- 
■errs  the  monotony  and  the  limited  range  of  the  melodiea  here 
cited,  and  can  imagine  the  Ingnbrion*  bnt  perhapi  not  wholly  nD- 
pl^aaant  effect  of  each  tnnes  when  chanted  in  the  open  air  to  the 
aceompanimant  of  the  ttponaitU  or  old  Mexican  timbrela.  For 
tome  account  of  the  ancient  PamTian  mnaic,  eae  Garralaiwi,  Co- 
meniariai  reaiei,  pt  i.  lib.  ii  cap.  irvi.  An  intereating  oolleotinu 
of  ZnU  melodieii,  recorded  npon  phonographia  aylinden  by  Dr. 
Fewkea,  of  the  Hemenway  Arohnological  Expedition,  may  be 
foond  in  the  Jownal  of  ilncricon  EUinolof!/  and  Ardaeiagf, 
ToL  i.  pp.  63-82. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


tA8  CA8AB.  471 

'  cared  nothing  for  gold,  and  th^  taught  that  the 
time  had  come  for  abolishing  human  sacriQoes. 
The  cacique  became  bo  interested  as  to  send  his 
younger  brother  bach  to  Guatemala  with  the  In- 
dian traders,  chai^ng  him  to  watch  the  Domini- 
cans narrowly,  and  if  fae  should  find  them  answer- 
ing to  the  description  that  had  been  given  of  them 
he  might  invite  them  to  visit  Tuzulutlan. 

Thus  the  ice  was  broken.  It  is  needless  to  say 
that  the  young  chieftain  was  well  received,  or  that 
he  was  satisfied  with  what  he  saw.  The  invita- 
tion was  ^ven,  and  one  of  the  Dominicans,  the 
noble  Luis  de  Barbastro,  who  was  the  nanrrtncai. 
most  fluent  of  the  four  tn  the  Quiche  *■"*  »™*- 
language,  now  made  his  way  into  the  inaccessible 
fafltnesses  of  Tuznlutlan,  escorted  by  the  joung 
chief  and  the  Indian  traders.  By  the  first  of  No- 
vember, six  months  after  the  beginning  of  the  en- 
terprise. Father  Luis  had  converted  the  cacique  and 
several  clan  chiefs,  a  rude  church  had  been  bnilt, 
and  human  sacrifices  prohibited  by  vote  of  the 
tribal  councU.^  Then  Las  Caaas,  with  another 
monk,  arrived  npon  the  scene.  There  was  much 
excitement  among  the  tawny  people  of  Tuzulutlan. 
The  hideous  priests  of  the  war-god  were  wild  with 
rage.  They  reminded  the  people,  says  Remesal, 
that  the  flesh  of  these  white  men,  dressed  with  chile 
sauce,  would  make  a  dainty  dish.  Some  secret  in- 
cendiary  burned  the  church,  but  as  the  cacique 

^  Aa  already  obaerred.  there  sre  inviy  indJotdona  in  the  hia- 
tory  of  the  oonqnest  of  Ueiico  uid  Centnd  America  that  a  cod- 
aidarabla  portion  of  the  people  irere  bj  Do  mMm  nnwiUuig  to  bid 
farevall  to  their  oroel  leligiona. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


472  THE  DISCOVBBT  OF  AMERICA. 

and  80  many  clan  chiefs  had  been  g»ndd,  there 
w&B  no  open  rebellion.  Before  another  year  had 
dapsed  the  Indians  had  voluntarily  destroyed  their 
idols,  renounced  cannibalism,  and  promised  to  de- 
ust  from  warfare  unless  actually  invaded.  And 
now  were  to  be  seen  the  fruits  of  the  masterly 
diplomacy  of  Laa  Casas.  Though  the  cacique  had 
thrice  defeated  the  Spaniards,  he  knew  well  how 
formidable  they  were.  By  acknowledging  the  su- 
premacy of  Charles  V.  —  a  sovereign  as  far  off  as 
Tn  Tiotorj  tte  sky  —  and  paying  a  merely  nominal 
"°°'  tribute,  he  had  the  word  of  Las  Casas, 

whidi  no  Indian  ever  doubted,  that  not  a  Spaniard, 
without  the  express  permission  of  the  Dominicans, 
should  set  foot  upon  his  territory.  This  arrange- 
ment was  made,  the  peaceful  victory  was  won,  and 
Las  Casas  returned  to  Guatemala,  taking  with  him 
the  cacique,  to  visit  Alvarado,  who  had  just  re- 
turned from  Spain. 

This  rough  soldier,  it  will  be  remembered,  was 
the  man  who  by  his  ill-judged  brutality  had  pre- 
dpitated  the  catastrophe  of  the  Spaniards  in  the 
city  of  Mexico  on  the  May  festival  of  1520.  In 
his  bard  heart  there  was,  however,  a  gallant  spot. 
He  knew  a  hero  when  he  saw  him,  and  he  well 
knew  that,  with  all  his  military  qualities,  .he  could 
never  have  done  what  Las  Casas  had  just  done. 
So  when  the  stem  conqueror  and  lord  of  Guate- 
mala, coming  forth  to  greet  Las  Casas  and  the 
Indian  king,  took  off  his  plumed  and  jewelled  cap, 
and  bent  his  head  in  reverence,  it  seems  to  me  one 
of  the  beautiful  moments  in  history,  one  of  the 
moments   that   comfort  us  with  the   thought   of 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAS  CABAS.  478 

what  may  yet  be  done  with  frail  humanity  when 
the  spirit  of  Christ  shall  have  come  to  be  better 
understood.  Of  course  Alvarado  confirmed  the 
agreement  that  no  lay  Spaniard  should  be  allowed 
to  enter  TuzuIutla,D ;  was  he  not  glad  enough  thus 
to  secure  peace  on  this  difficult  and  dangerous 
frontier  ? 

Las  Casaa  now,  in  1539,  went  to  Spun  and  had 
the  agreement  confirmed  in  a  most  solemn  and  per- 
emptory order  from  Charles  V.  The  order  was 
obeyed.  The  "  Land  of  War "  was  left  unmo- 
lested and  became  thenceforth  a  land  of  xbs  "Lud  d 
peace.'  Not  only  did  it  cease  to  trouble  '^"•'^•^" 
the  Spaniards,  but  it  became  a  potent  centre  for 
missionary  work  and  a  valuable  means  of  difFua- 
ii^  Christian  inSueuces  among  other  Indian  com- 
munities. The  work  was  permanent.  Las  Casas 
had  come,  he  had  seen,  and  he  had  conquered ; 
and  not  a  drop  of  human  blood  had  been  shed  I 

Meanwhile  he  had  not  been  idle  in  other  direo- 
tionB,  and  at  length  had  gained  the  most  powerful 
of  allies.  That  reformation  within  the  Papacy, 
which  was  one  ot  the  consequences  of  Lu^er's 
revolt,  was  beginning.  Paul  III.  was  a  pope  of 
different  type  from  either  the  wretched  Borgia  or 
the  elegant  and  worldly  Medici.  In  the  summer 
of  1537,  while  Las  Casas  and  his  monks  XTuUnniiwit 
were  preparing  their  mission  to  the  J^bwil^iir 
"  Land  of  War,"  the  Pope  issued  a  brief  "*  ^"^ 
forbidding  the  furUier  enslavement  of  Indians, 
under  penalty  of  excommunication.      Henceforth 

*  A  part  of  Qua  region  bas  evw  aiiKW  boiiie  the  Dune  VeraPai, 
or  "Tme  Peaoe,"  eod  thm  upon  erery  m^  u  thU  noblest  of  Ma- 
qnsata  reoorded. 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


474  TBI  DISCOTEST  OF  AXEBICA. 

any  goremor  who  should  give,  or  any  settler  who 
should  receive,  a  new  encomienda  of  Indians,  or 
who  should  forcibly  deprive  them  of  their  goods, 
was  to  be  refused  the  sacraments  of  the  Church. 
Thus  the  further  spread  of  slavery  was  to  be 
stopped.  Before  leaving  Guatemala  for  Spain, 
Las  Casas  had  the  pleasure  of  translating  this 
decree  into  Spaniafa  and  sending  it  to  all  parts  of 
the  Indies.'  lie  was  detained  five  years  in  Spain, 
as  the  emperor  needed  his  advice,  and  it  was  dur- 
ing this  period  that  he  wrote  his  "  Destruction  of 
the  Indies  "  and  o&er  famous  books.  In  1542  he 
won  his  grand  and  decisive  triumph  in  the  promul- 
Th«  fbw  gation  of  the  New  Laws  by  Charles  V. 
■*■*  The  decisive  clause  was  as  follows :  — 

"  Item.  We  order  and  command  that  hencefor- 
ward for  no  cause  whatever,  whether  of  war,  re- 
bellion, ransom,  or  in  any  other  manner,  can  any 
Indian  be  made  a  slave."  This  clause  was  never 
repealed,  and  it  stopped  the  spread  of  slavery. 
Other  clauses  went  farther,  and  made  such  sweep- 
ing provisions  for  inunediate  abolition  that  it  proved 
to  be  impossible  to  enforce  them.^     The  rebellion 

I  A  oopT  ni  the  text  of  this  papal  brief  u  gireD  in  Remoaal, 

'  "  It  ii  well  hnowa  tliat  the  liberatioii  of  tlia  IndiuB  tmn 
peimnal  aerTitDde  vu  B  mauoie,  not  onlj  of  hnmuit;  kbA  jn*- 
ties,  bnt  also  of  policy,  OD  the  part  of  ths  Spaniah  ^orerDTDeDt, 
to  veaken  the  jrmwiiig  power  of  the  conqnaron  and  early  eolo- 
niils.  The  troablet  in  Pern  kito  a  good  nample  of  the  etat*  rf 
affvn."  Bandeliar,  in  Piaiady  Muteam  Reporti,  toI.  ii.  p.  446. 
There  ia  eome  reaaon  forbeUevii^  that  at  the  time  of  Oaaaa'a 
arnTol  in  Pern,  QoDialo  I^iarro  was  intending  tn  throw  off  bia 
aUaglianoe  to  Spain  entinly  and  make  hinuelf  Uog,  in  vhich  he 
woald  doabcleaa  haira  been  upheld  by  the  lettlen  had  not  Qaan 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAB  CABAS.  476 

in  Peru,  which  ended  in  bringing  Goozalo  FizBiro's 
head  to  the  block,  was  chiefiy  a  rebellioa  against 
the  New  Lawe,  ^nd  aa  will  be  inferred  from  our 
account  of  Graaca's  proceedings,  it  was  sappreased 
chiefly  by  repealing  those  clausea  that  operated  as  a 
confiscation  of  property  in  slaves  already  existing. 
The  matter  was  at  last  compromised  by  an  ar- 
rangement that  encomiendaa  should  be  inheritable 
daring  two  lives,  and  should  then  escheat  to  the 
crown.  This  reversion  to  the  crown  ^.g^ 
meant  the  emaDcipation  of  tlie  slaves.  °a"ia«»i» 
Meanwhile  such  provisions  were  made,  and  by 
decrees  more  and  more  stringently  enforced,  as 
to  protect  the  lives  of  the  Indians  and  keep  them 
toge^bsr  in  their  own  communities,  so  that  the 
dreadful  ericomienda  reverted  to  the  milder  form 
of  the  repartimiento.  Absolute  slavery  was  trans- 
formed into  villenage.  In  this  ameliorated  form 
the  system  continued.  As  generations  passed  from 
the  scene,  the  Spanish  crown  was  persiuided  to  ex- 
tend the  inheritance  "of  the  encomienda  to  a  third 
and  a  fourth  life,  but  without  surrendering  the 
reversion.  Moreover,  there  were  always  some  re- 
versions falling  in  for  want  of  heirs,  so  that  there 
was  gradual  emancipation  from  the  first.  In  this 
way  Indian  slavery  was  tethered  and  restricted 

bMD  abla  to  \irmg  the  mwi  of  the  modifleation  id  the  New  Lain. 
8m  the  letter  from  Curajal  to  Pixarro,  dated  Much  II,  1647 :  — 
"  T  cvto  nipliao  i  Tneitra  SeflorU,  que  *e  hierte  por  mi  esbeqa  ; 
ponjna  para  la  corona  da  Bey,  con  que,  en  tan  breTW  diu,  emo* 
de  mToiiiu  i,  TQeati*  Safloria,  ana  tanj  gnu  ooncnno  de  gente. 
T  para  entoDoei,  jo  qnlero  tener  oar^  de  adeiecerla*,  j  tenerla* 
Miuo  conTieiH."    Femandei,  HiOoria  dtl  Ptni,  pt.  i.  lib.  ii.  oap. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


476  TBE  DiaCOVBRY  OF  AMSBICA. 

until,  after  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
under  the  enlightened  administration  of  Count 
Florida  Blanca,  it  was  annulled. 

Thongh  it  took  so  long  to  reap  the  full  result  of 
the  heroic  labours  of  Las  Casas,  the  triumph  was 
none  the  less  his  triumph.  It  was  he  that,  in  despite 
of  all  harrowing  rebuffs  and  disappointments, 
brought  pope  and  emperor  to  his  side  in  the  nncoik 

qnerable  determination  that  the  enslave- 
uiu  or  hii      ment  of  Indians  most  be  stopped.     Ho 

arreted  the  evil,  and  though  he  did  not 
live  to  see  it  eradicated,  he  gare  such  a  direction 
to  things  that  their  further  course  was  upward  and 
not  downward.  Before  he  died  there  was  in  every 
part  of  Spanish  America  a  staff  of  crown  officers 
charged  with  the  duty  of  protectii^  the  interests 
of  the  crown  in  the  reversion  of  the  encomiendaa^ 
Then  it  was  no  loi^r  possible  with  impunity  to 
repeat  the  horrors  of  Hispaniola  and  of  Nicara- 
gua. It  was  Laa  Casas  that  saved  the  greater 
part  of  Spanish  America  froln  such  a  fate.^ 

'  The  eontemponiry  testiiDODj  of  one  of  the  greatest  and  noblest 
of  Spuush  hiatorianE  to  tlie  inipTOTeiiieiit  alreod;  wronjiht  in  Fern 
tbivagh  the  work  of  Lea  Caaaa  is  worth  dtiiig  :  —  "In  Uie  an- 
dienoae  there  ore  learned  men  of  great  piety,  who  pnniih  tboae 
Spaniards  that  oppivaa  the  Indians  in  anj  way  ;  so  tlut  now  there 
is  no  one  who  can  ill  treat  them,  and,  iu  the  greater  part  of  these 
kingdoms,  thej  are  as  mnoh  maaten  of  their  own  estates  and  pei^ 
SODS  as  are  the  Spaoiarda  themselves.  Each  villages  is  moderately 
aaseoaed  vith  the  amount  to  be  paid  as  tribnte.  J  remember  that, 
when  I  waa  in  the  pTovinca  of  Xauia  a  few  yean  ago,  the  Indians 
niA  to  me  with  mnoh  satisf actjon ;  '  This  is  a  happy  time,  like 
the  days  of  Tupao  Inca  Yapanqui ; '  a  king  of  andent  timea, 
«hose  memory  they  hold  in  great  Teneratum."  Cieia  de  Leon, 
ed.  Uarkham,  ToL  i  p.  13. 

'  The  words  of  ^  Aithor  Helpa  are  stariotly  jnst  and  ITM ; — 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAS  CASAS.  47T 

The  itrniftining  yeus  of  tliis  noble  life,  fall  as 
they  are  of  intereat,  must  be  passed  over  briefly. 
After  refufling  the  bishopric  of  Cuzco,  Las  Casas 
vas  perBoaded  to  aeeept  the  humbler  position  of 
bishop  of  Chiapa  near  Giiatemala.  He  never 
conld  be  prevailed  upon  to  accept  a  reward  or 
present  of  any  sort,  but  he  took  the.  see  of  Chiapa, 
as  a  soldier  would  undertake  to  storm  a  redoubt. 
He  knew  there  was  hard  work  in  store  for  him 
Uiere  in  enforcing  the  New  Laws.  When  he  ar- 
rived upon  the  scene  in  1544,  it  was 
much  as  if  Garrison  in  1860  had  se-  mid*  aiibop 
cured  from  the  United  States  govern- 
ment a  decree  of  emancipation,  and  then  had  gone 
to  Charleston  with  authority  to  enforce  it.  The 
new  bishop  was  greeted  with  howls  of  rage.  In 
any  other  than  a  Spanish  community  it  might  have 
gone  hard  with  him,  but  the  fiercest  Spaniard 
would  always  be  pretty  sure  to  stop  short  of  lay- 
ing violent  hands  upon  a  prince  of  the  church.' 

.**  Bit  WM  one  of  UuMW  fe«  liTei  that  are  beyond  biograpby,  tmcl 
reqnii*  a  hutorj  to  b«  initten  in  order  to  illostrKtg  them.  HU 
oaiBBT  liFoidi  perhaps  B  tolitary  uuttanoe  of  a  man  vho,  beiiif 
neither  a  oonqoeror,  a  dUcoverer,  nor  an  inTentor,  hae  bj  the 
pan  foroe  of  beneTolenoe  become  ta  notable  a  E^nre  Uiat  lai^ 
portions  of  history  oaimot  be  written,  or  at  leeet  oannot  be  undet- 
stood,  without  the  narretiTe  of  hii  deeds  and  efforts  being  made 
one  of  the  piindpal  threadi  apon  vhioh  the  hiitory  is  ■tnuiK  " 
Spanidi  Con^ueit,  Tol.  it.  p.  -iiiO. 

'  "  T<a  mch  is  the  leTcrenoe  they  bear  to  the  Chnioh  here,  and 
•o  holy  a  conceit  they  have  of  all  ecclMiaBtim.  that  the  greateat 
Don  in  Spain  vill  tramble  to  offer  the  meanest  of  tliem  any  ont- 
rage  or  afFront."  Letter  of  Angiut  13,  lt12:S,  referrinj;  ta  the 
death  of  Thomas  Washinf^ton.  page  to  Prinoe  Charles  on  hii  visit 
with  Buckii^ham  to  SpMn,  discovered  by  Mr.  Henry  FitiOilbeii 
Waton,  in  the  British  MoMum.  See  Tlie  VUUer,  Salem,  Mass., 
Pebmary  II,  ISM. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


478  THS  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMXSICA. 

The  dignitj,  the  commanding  tact,  of  Las  Casaa 
was  moreover  anch  that  a  terriUe  mob  at  Ciadad 
Seal  ended  in  the  rioters  throwing  themselves  in 
tears  at  his  feet,  kissing  the  hem  of  his  robe,  and 
beg^ng  hia  foi^venesB.'  After  three  years  Las 
Casas  resigned  his  bishoprio  and  returned  to  Sp^n. 
It  was  a  time  when  the  New  Laws  were  imperilled, 
and  he  felt  that  his  steadying  hand  was  needed  at 
the  Spanish  ooort,  while  he  had  now  in  the  New 
World 'BO  many*  Dominicans  devoted  to  the  good 
work  that  he  could  afford  to  leave  it  to  the  care  of 
these  faithful  lieutenants.^  During  the  vicusei- 
tades  of  hia  long  atrug^e  he  had  crossed  the  At- 
lantic not  less  than  fourteen  times ;  he  had  once, 
Hiiflmiiv-  ^^  appears,  sailed  down  the  Pacific  to 
toiB  w  sp^o.  pgf„ .  ijg  jjad  four  times  travelled  far 
into  Germany  to  get  the  emperor's  ear  at  some 
critical  moment.  Now  his  journeyings  were  to 
cease.  After  leaving  America  in  1547  he  returned 
no  more,  bat  lived  for  the  remaining  mneteen 
years  of  his  life  at  the  Dominican  college  of  San 
Gregorio  at  VaJladolid.     . 

In  1550  he  took  part  in  a  great  controversy  with 
Juan  de  Sepnlveda,  one  of  the  most  celebrated 
scholars  of  that  time.  Sepnlveda  wrote  a  book  in 
HbeoDtivni-  ^^"^  ^^  mMntaincd  the  right  of  the 
^"J»  Bfr  pope  and  the  king  of  Spain  to  make 
war  upon  the  heathen  people  of  the 
New  World  and  bring  them  forcibly  into  the  fold 

'  S«a  die  drilling  aooonntB  in  Rsmeul,  lib.  tU.  oap.  Tiu.-x. ; 
Halpa,  IT.  l!CI3-312. 

*  1  would  hj  DO  metna  be  aoderatood  u  iranting-  in  appreoi*- 
tioa  of  the  Kleriooa  work  of  Hotolinik  end  othar  nobla  FiansiKaB^ 
but  onr  nibjeat  hu  Ita  liniitatiaD*. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAa  CA3AS.  4T9 

of  Christ.  This  waB  contrary  to  the  doctrine 
which  Las  Casas  had  set  forth  fifteen  years  before 
in  the  Ijatin  tretttise  above  mentioned.  He  felt 
that  it  was  dangerous,  and  determined  to  answer 
Sepulveda.  After  the  fashion  of  those  days, 
Cbarlea  V.  convoked  at  VaUadolid  a  council  of 
learned  theologians,  and  the  cause  was  argued  be- 
fore them  at  great  length  by  Las  Casas  and  Se- 
pulveda.  The  doughty  champions  assfuled  each 
other  with  texts  from  the  Bible  and  Aquinas,  scho- 
lastic logic  and  patristic  history,  and  every  other 
weapon  known  in  the  mediieval  armory.  For  a 
man  of  such  fervour  as  Las  Casas  it  was  a  delicate 
situation.  In  maintaining  hia  ground  that  persua- 
sion is  the  only  lawful  method  for  making  men 
Christians,  extreme  nicety  of  statement  was  re- 
quired, for  the  least  slip  might  bring  him  within 
the  purview  of  the  Inquisition.  Men  were  burn- 
ing at  the  stake  for  heresy  whUe  this  discussion 
was  going  on,  and  the  controversy  more  than  once 
came  terribly  near  home.  But  as  Sepulveda  said 
afterwards,  with  unfeigned  admiration  of  his  an- 
tt^niat,  he  was  "the  most  crafty  and  vigilant 
of  mortals,  and  so  ready  with  his  tongue  that  in 
comparison  with  bim  Homer's  Ulysses  was  a  thick- 
witted  stutterer." '  When  it  came  to  a  judgment 
the  council  did  not  dare  to  occupy  the  position  of 
Las  Casas,  and  so  they  gave  a  hesitating  judgment 
in  favour  of  Sepulveda ;  but  the  emperor,  doubt- 
'  "lioogma  WMt  prssti{paa,  ftrtes  et  maclunamentA  oomme- 
monn,  quibiu  me  depriroera,  et  TeTit&tom  atquB  jiutituiTi  ob- 
Moraro  eonatoi  art  krtifei  ille  versa tisaimna,  et  idem  -ngiluiti*- 
rimni  et  loqaBcisaimnB,  oni  Uljnea  HoiaeTicTU  collAtne  inen  eist 
et  balboB."    SapolTed*,  Opera,  Madrid,  1780,  tcan.  lit  p.  241. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


480  TVS  DiaCOVERY  OF  AMBSICA. 

less  'witlx  a  pleasant  smile  £ot  Master  Bartholomew, 
proceeded  forthwith  to  suppress  Sepulveda's  book, 
and  sent  stringent  orders  to  America  to  have  any 
copies  of  it  found  there  seized  and  burned. 

In  1555  Charles  V.  retired  to  the  monastery  of 
Yuste,  and  his  son  Philip  IL  became  king  of  Spain. 
iHOwiud  Philip's  plans,  as  all  know,  ware  so  vast 
^^^  ^  and  so  impossible  that  he  wrecked  him- 
self  and  Spain  with  them.  At  the  outset  he  was 
short  of  money,  and  there  were  advisers  at  hand 
to  remind  him  that  the  colonists  in  America  would 
jump  at  the  chance  of  buying  in  the  reversion  of 
their  encomiendas  at  a  handsome  price  in  bard 
cash.  This  would  at  onc6  put  a  very  large  sum 
of  money  into  Philip's  hands^  and  it  would  put 
the  Indians  back  into  absolute  slavery,  as  in  the 
old  days  in  Hispaniola.  The  temptation  was 
great,  and  against  such  a  frightful  disaster  Las 
Casas,  now  in  his  eighty-second  year,  came  forth 
to  contend.  Fortunately  the  power  of  the  Church, 
reinforced  by  political  considerations  already  men- 
tioned, was  firmly  enlisted  on  his  sid^  and  he 
prevailed.  TTtis  was  the  last  of  his  triumphs,  and 
it  is  worth  remembering  that  pretty  much  the  only 
prtuseworthy  thing  Philip  U.  ever  did  was  done 
under  his  influence. 

In  his  eighty-seventh  year,  in  the  peaceful  se- 
clusion of  the  college  at  Valladolid,  Las  Casas 
brought  to  a  close  the  great  "  History  of  the  In- 
ibsHiAorr  dics,"  which  he  seems  to  have  begun  in 
sftbaiadlM.  ^[jg  monastery  at  San  Domingo  more 
than  thirty  years  before.  A  remark  of  Kemesal's 
makes  it  probable  that  the  book  was  begun,  per>- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


LAS  CASA3.  481 

hapB  in  bo  far  as  the  sketohiiig  of  ita  general  oat- 
line  was  oonoemed,  aa  early  aa  1527,  but  ita  know- 
ledge of  contemporaiy  writers  nod  events  proves 
that  it  was  for  the  most  part  written  between  1652 
and  1561.  In  a  formal  note  dated  November, 
1559,  Las  Casas  consigned  the  book  in  trust  to  the 
Collf^  of  San  Grregorio,  expressing  his  wish  that 
it  should  not  be  made  public  before  the  end  of 
that  century.  Partly  from  the  inertia  attendant 
upon  all  human  things,  partly  because  of  the  plain- 
ness with  which  it  told  snch  terrible  truths,  the 
book  was  allowed  to  lie  in  manoscript  for  more 
than  three  htmdred  years.  During  the  present 
century  such  writers  as  Irving,  Helps,  and  a  few 
others,  read  it  to  good  purpose  in  the  manuscript, 
and  at  length  in  1875  it  was  published.  In  a  far 
truer  sense  than  any  other  book,  it  may  be  called 
the  comer-stone  of  the  history  of  the  American  con- 
tinent. It  stops  at  1522,  when  Las  Casas  became 
a  Dominican  monk.  One  wishes  that  it  might 
have  been  continued  to  1547,  when  he  took  his 
last  leave  of  the  Kew  World.  But  there  are  limits 
even  to  what  the  longest  and  strongest  life  can  do. 
After  finishing  bis  work  upon  this  book,  and  in 
his  ninetieth  year.  Las  Casas  wrote  a  valuable 
treatise  on  the  afFairs  of  Peru.  His  last  act  was 
to  go  to  Madrid  and  secure  a  royal  decree  promot- 
ing in  certain  ways  the  welfare  of  the  natives  of 
Guatemala.  Having  accomplished  this,  he  died 
at  Madrid,  after  a  few  days'  illness,  at  p,^^  i^ 
the  age  of  ninety-two.  In  all  this  long  °"^ 
and  arduous  life  —  except  for  a  moment,  perhaps, 
on  the  crashing  news  o£  the  destruction  of  his 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


482  THS  DISCOrSST  OF  AMEBICA, 

oolony  upon  the  Pearl  Coast — we  find  no  record 
of  work  interrupted  by  sickness,  and  to  the  reiy 
last  his  Biglit  was  not  dim  nor  his  natoral  force 
abated. 

In  contemplating  each  a  life  as  that  of  Ijaa 
Casas,  all  words  of  tsaSogj  seem  weak  and  frivoi 
loos.  The  historian  can  only  bow  in  reverent  awe 
before  a  Bgnre  which  is  in  some  respects  the  most 
beautiful  and  sublime  in  the  annals  of  Christiani^ 
since  the  Apostolic  age.  When  now  and  then  in 
the  course  of  the  oenturies  God's  providence  brings 
such  a  life  into  this  world,  the  memory  of  it  must 
be  cherished  by  mankind  as  one  of  its  most  pre- 
cious and  sacred  possessions.  For  the  thoughts, 
the  words,  the  deeds  of  such  a  man,  there  is  no 
death.  The  sphere  of  their  influence  goes  on  widen- 
ing forever.  They  bud,  they  blossom,  they  bear 
fruit,  from  age  to  age. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


CHAPTER  Xn. 

THE  WOBK  OF  TWO  CENTUEIEa 

The  wreck  of  the  Admiral's  flagslup  on  the 
Christmas  of  1492  determined  the  site  of  the  first 
Euiopean  colony  in  the  New  World,  and  perhaps 
it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  by  this  accident  the 
fortunes  of  Colmnhus  were  from  that  day  forth 
linked  to  the  island  of  Hispaniola.  There  the 
Spanish  colonial  society  assumed  its  Himuiai> 
earliest  type.  From  that  iBland  we  have  gji^'^ito^ 
seen  the  lines  of  discovery  and  conquest  """"^ 
radiatii^  westward  with  Velasquez  and  Cortes, 
and  southward  with  Balboa  and  the  Fizarros.  To 
Hispaniola  we  returned  in  order  to  trace  the  be- 
^uninge  of  Indian  slavery  and  the  marvellous 
career  of  Las  Casas.  From  Hispaniola  we  must 
now  again  take  our  start,  but  to  return  no  more. 
We  have  to  follow  the  lines  of  discovery  nortk- 
ward  with  Ponce  de  Leon  and  Pineda,  and  far 
beyond  them,  until  we  have  obtained  a  sketch  of 
the  development  of  the  knowla^  of  the  huge 
continental  mass  of  North  America.  This  devel- 
opment was  the  Work  of  Two  Centuries,  and  dur- 
ing that  period  muck  odier  work  of  cardinal  im- 
portance was  going  on  in  the  world,  which  had 
resulted  before  its  close  in  the  transfer  of  mari- 
time supremai^  and  the  lead  in  colonial  enterprise 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


484  TH£  DISCOVZBT  OF  AMXBICA. 

from  Spain  and  Portugal  to  France  uul  England. 
In  comjJeting  our  geographical  story,  therefore, 
we  ahall  return  no  more  to  Hispaniola,  but  shall 
be  led  farther  and  farther  away  from  that  earliest 
Aehioitdi  centre,  under  the  guidance  of  Tarious 
*""'  leaders   with  various    aims,  until   the 

epUogne  will  take  us  into  the  frozen  zone  which 
was  visited  in  our  prologue,  and  Once  more  we 
shall  see  a  stoat  Scandinavian  capttun  land  upon 
the  shores  of  North  America,  coming  this  time, 
however,  from  the  Siberian  coast  with  Kussian 
ships,  to  sever  the  last  link  that  in  men's  minds 
continued  to  connect  the  New  World  with  the 
continent  of  Asia.  In  covering  so  much  ground 
in  a  single  chapter,  we  must  be  content  with  a 
mere  sketch  of  the  outlines ;  for  that  will  be  most 
conducive  to  clearness  and  will  best  harmonize 
with  the  general  plan  upon  which  this  work  has 
been  from  the  outset  conceived. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  it  is  in  a  high  d^ree 
probable  that  the  peninsula  of  Florida  was  cir- 
cumnavigated, and  a  portion  of  the  Atlantic  coast 
rint  Torw  ^  ^  nortiiward  visited,  in  the  spring 
ot  vatFuoTui.  gj^^  summer  of  1498,  by  an  expedition 
in  which  Pinzon  and  Solis  were  the  commanders, 
with  Vespucius  and  Ledesma  assisting  as  pilots. 
Beasons  have  also  been  given  why  that  voy^;e  waa 
not  followed  up  and  came  to  be  wellnigh  forgotten, 
as  was  also  the  case,  though  to  a  less  extent,  with 
the  voyages  of  John  Cabot  and  the  Cortereals. 
The  Indian  ocean,  with  its  spices,  being  the  region 
toward  which  men's  eager  eyes  were  turned,  the 


^oiizccb,  Google 


TEB  WOBK  OF  TWO  VESTJJUISS.        485 

irild  coasts  of  North  America  vera  hastily  gknoed 
at  and  abandoned,  very  much  as  your  dt^  sniffs  at 
an  unpromising  bone,  and  turns  away.  As  ab«ady 
observed,  the  only  piobable  effect  of  a  voyage 
around  Florida  at  that  moment  would  be  to  tbiow 
more  or  less  discredit  upon  Marco  Polo. 

Stories  from  eastern  Asia  had  not,  however,  lost 
their  charm  for  adventurere.  In  Mandeville's 
multifarious  ragout  there  is  mention  of  a  Fountain 
of  Youth  at  a  place  called  Folombe.  The  author 
cribbed  it  from  a  spurious  letter  purporting  to 
come  from  Frester  John,  which  made  its  way 
through  Europe  in  the  latter  part  of  Ti..»-BmJi 
the  twelfth  century.  Those  that  drink  "'  ^™"^ 
of  Uiis  fonntain,  saya  the  old  rogue,  seem  always 
young,  as  he  knows  because  he  has  tried  it  him- 
self I '    Now  this  Fons  Juventutis  had  its  remote 

'  "  At  tha  faened  of  )>iii  ilk  foreet  ea  fie  citee  of  Polombe ;  and 
beayde  )>M  dtea  e>  a  monnUjne,  wharaff  ^  dt««  laka]  )>fl  nune, 
tor  nuD  ealle)  )>e  mooiitaTiM  Polombe.  And  at  |>fl  fot«  of  )rii 
moDntajng  es  a  well,  nobla  and  fura ;  and  ^  water  ^mff  hu  a 
■wete  laaoar  and  reflure,  ai  it  vara  of  dinene  maner  of  spicerj. 
And  iike  honre  of  Jie  da;  y«  water  chaniige]  diaenelj  hi*  latiODt 
and  hia  amelL  And  wha  M>  drinke*  faitaud  \hr)t»  of  ^  weQ, 
he  Ball  be  bale  of  what  maner  of  malad;  Jiat  he  haae.  And  foT)>i 
f>at  wonua^  nen  fat  well  drynkej  )>eroS  oftar,  and  )ierfora  t>ai 
hafa  Denennore  aekeneaa,  bot  enemiore  (lai  aame  yan^.  1.  John 
HanndeaiU,  aawe  ^  well  and  drank  ^roff  tbrjB  and  bU  mj 
felawea,  and  enermora  aan  Jiat  tjme  I  fale  ma  Jia  better  and  )>e 
baler  and  nppoae)  tor  to  do  till  )>a  tpne  fat  Oodd  of  hia  gtaoa 
will  make  me  to  paau  outa  of  ]ni  dedlj  Ijf.  Sum  men  callei  fat 
wall  Font  iiiimftitiV,  fat  es  for  to  txj,  fa  well  of  yowtbeheda ;  fee 
fai  fat  drinke)  feroff  wma;  all  waj  yai^.  And  fai  aaj  fia  well 
oomma}  tra  Paradja  tamwtre,  for  it  ea  lo  Tertnooa.  TbnrKba 
onta  all  fin  cnntne  fer  gTOwea  fe  beat  gynger  fat  ea  owei  whara ; 
and  maiobaondea  commei  fider  fra  ferra  onntrea)  for  to  by*  iL" 
BoxbuTK'i  Clnb'a  iiitjtc  ^  MandtuiU,  p.  Si. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


486  THE  DISCOVBBT  OF  AMSBICA. 

angm  in  folk-lore,  and  there  ie  nothing  strange  in 
the  Spaniards  hearing  things  said  by  the  Indians 
that  reminded  them  of  it.  From  something  thus 
said  by  the  Indiana  they  got  the  idea  that  upon 
an  island  called  Bimini,  northward  from  Hi»- 
paniola,  this  famous  fountain  was  situated  ; '  and 
in  1612  the  brave  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon,  who  had 
come  out  with  Columbus  in  his  second  voyage, 
obtained  King  Ferdinand's  permission  to  go  and 
conquer  Bimini.  He  sailed  with  three  caravels 
from  Porto  Rico  in  March,  151S,  and  on  the  2Tth 
of  that  month,  being  Easter  Sunday,  which  in 
Spanish  is  called  Pascua  Florida,  he  came  within 
sight  of  the  coast  ever  since  known  as  that  of 
Florida.  On  the  2d  of  April  Ponce  de  Leon 
landed  a  little  north  of  the  site  of  St.  Augustine, 
DMLudgi  ^^^  ^^i^  turned  back  and  followed  the 
*■*""  coast  of  the   peninsula  around   to   its 

vest  side  in  latitude  27°  30'.  Further  exploration 
waa  prevented  at  that  time  by  the  breaking  out  of 
war  with  the  Cariba.  It  was  not  until  1521  that 
Ponce  de  Leon  was  able  to  take  a  colony  to  the 
Land  of  Easter.  His  party  was  attacked  vrith 
great  fury  by  the  Indians,  and  instead  of  finding 
his  fountain  of  youth  he  received  a  wound  in  the 
thigh  from  a  flint  arrow,  which  caused  him  to 
abandon  the  enterprise  and  retreat  to  Cuba,  where 
he  died  after  prolonged  suffering. 

Proof  was  already  at  band  that  Rorida  was  not 
an  island,  for  in  1519  Alvarez  de  Pineda  had  fol- 
lowed that  ooast  as  far  as  the  site  of   Xampioo 
'  Fetor  Mutjr,   dao.  u.  Tib.  x.;   tt  Oriedo,  pt.  L  lib.  zix. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBX  WOBS  OF  TWO  CSlfTUBISa.        487 

in  Mexico,  where  he  found  Cortes  and  his  men  in 
tte  course  of  their  prelimiQaiy  vanderings  before 
founding  Vera  Cruz.     Pineda  then  turned  back, 
and  after  a  while  entered  the  mouth  of  ph^d,.,  jj^ 
the  MisBiBsippi,  which  he  called  Rio  de  uu^^pT' 
Santo   Espiritu.      He    seems   to   have  "^'■ 
been  the  first  European  to  sail  upon  this  great 
river.     How  far  he  ascended  it  is  not  clear,  but 
he  spent  six  weeks  upon  its  waters  and  its  banks, 
tradmg  with  the  Indiana,  who  seemed  friendly 
and  doubtless  laboured  under  the  usual  first  im- 
pression as  to  the  supernatural  character  of  the 
white  men.     Pineda  said  that  he  saw  one  consider- . 
able  Indian  town  and  no  less  than  forty  hamlets, 
and  that  the  Indians  wore  gold  ornaments.' 

This  voyage  increased  the  interest  in  explora- 
tion to  the  northward,  and  another  cause  now  be- 
gan to  operate  in  the  same  direction.  When  the 
remnant  of  Magellan's  expedition  returned  to 
Spain  in  1522,  after  its  three  years'  voyage,  it  6rst 
began  to  be  dimly  realized  in  Europe  that  there  i 
was  as  immense  ocean  between  Mundus  Novus  \ 
and  Asia.  It  now  became  an  object  to  find  ways 
of  getting  past  or  through  this  barrier  of  land  ' 
which  we  now  call  America,  in  order  to  make  the 
yaytige  to  Asia.  In  1525  Garcia  de  Loaysa  was 
sent  by  the  Spanish  government  to  the  strait  of 
Magellan,  and  arrived  there.  Early  in  1^26  one 
of  Loaysa's  ships  was  caught  by  a  storm  in  the 
'  Soo  NavaiTBto,  CoUcdott,  torn.  iii.  pp,  147-158;  Herran, 
deo.  iL  Hb.  z.  o>p.  xriii. ;  Potar  Martyr,  dec  t.  oap.  L  In  hii 
TUt  to  TampiiH),  Pinedn  wm  preceded  liy  Diego  de  Cuuugo, 
vho  Buled  ^iLher  in  IQia  Se«  Im  Coua,  Hiit.  de  lat  Indiai, 
torn.  i*.  p.  466. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


«8  THF  hiaCOVXST  or  AKBJCICA. 

Atlantic,  near  the  strait,  and  driven  Bouthward  ai 
^^  ^^  far  as  Cape  Horn,  but  tliis  fact  did  ntxt 
attract  general  attention.  The  voyage 
of  Magellan  did  not  end  tlie  controversy  between 
Spain  and  Portugal  as  to  the  ownership  of  the 
Moluccas,  for  their  longitude  was  variously  reck- 
oned. Did  tliey  lie  west  or  east  of  the  meridian 
antipodal  to  Pope  Alexander's  dividing  line  on 
tlie  Atlantic?  With  the  best  of  intentions,  the 
problem  of  longitude  was  in  those  days  very  diffi- 
cult, and  a  discrepancy  of  a  thousand  miles  or 
more  between  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  reckon- 
ings was  likely  enough  to  occur,  even  had  there 
been  no  bias  on  the  part  of  the  reckoners.  As  it 
was,  there  was  no  hope  of  agreement  between  the 
two  powers,  except  through  some  political  oom- 
promise.  In  1524  the  question  was  submitted 
OonjTtHtrf  to  what  is  known  as  the  Congress  of 
^'^°*'  Badajos,  an  assembly  of  cosmographers, 

pilots,  and  lawyers,  including  suck  famous  names 
as  Ferdinand  Columbus  and  Sebastian  Cabot, 
with  Estevan  Gomez,  Sebastian  Elcano,  Di^o 
Ribeiro,  and  others.  "  They  were  empowered  to 
send  for  persons  and  papers,  and  did  in  reality 
have  before  them  pilots,  papal  bulls,  treaties,  royal 
grants  and  patents,  log  books,  maps,  charts,  globes, 
itineraries,  astronomical  tables,  the  fathers  of  tlie 
chuTGh,  ancient  geographies  and  modem  geogra- 
phers, navigators  with  their  compasses,  quadrants, 
astrolabes,  etc.  For  two  months  they  fenced, 
ciphered,  debated,  argued,  protested,  discussed, 
gmmbled,  qiiarreUed,  and  almost  fought,  yet  they 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WORK  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        489 

oould  agree  npon  notluDg."  ^  The  congress  broke 
ap  without  any  definite  result,  and  Spain  retained 
her  hold  upon  the  Spiceriea.  The  Philippine 
archipelago,  which  equally  with  the  Moluccas  lies 
on  the  Portagnese  side  of  the  dividing  line,  re- 
mains in  Spanish  hands  to  this  day.  But  in  1529 
Charles  V.  oeded  his  claim  upon  the  Moluccas  to 
Portugal  for  850,000  gold  ducats.  Hia  original 
intention  was  merely  to  grant  a  long  lease,  but  by 
some  oversight  no  precise  period  was  mentioned, 
and  the  lease  was  suffered  to  become  perpetuaL 
In  1548  the  emperor  was  urged  by  his  legal  ad- 
visers to  recall  the  lease,  but  would  not ;  whereat 
"  some  marvelled  and  others  grieved,  but  all  held 
their  peace."  ' 

Kow  since  the  Portuguese  used  their  own  route 
across  the  Indiui  ocean  to  the  Spiceriea,  many 
years  elapsed  before  much  attention  was  paid  to 
the  southern  extremity  of  South  America.  The 
next  person  to  see  Cape  Horn  was  Sir  Francis 
Drake  in  1578,  aud  the  first  person  to  sail  around 
it  was  the  Dutch  navigator  Schouten  van  Horn, 
after  whom  it  was  named.  This  was  not  until 
1616. 

It  was  the  excessive  length  of  the  voyage  frcon 
Europe  to  Asia  by  this  eouthweatem  route  that 
prevented  activity  in  this  direction.  Sailors  began 
ttying  to   find   shorter  routes.     As  it  was  now 

'  8tovm»i  Hiitorical  and  GtogntphSad  Ifotei,  p.  42.  "  E«tn- 
vinon  mnchos  dias  mirando  globoa,  eartaa  j  reUcioDes,  ;  alegssda 
Olds  qoal  da  ni  denoho,  y  porfiando  tenibilinimameate."  Oo- 
mark,  Biitaria  gtnerrd  dt  lot  ladiat,  Antweip,  1G54,  fol.  ISl  vena. 

I  Oaillemaid'B  Magdlan,  p.  16, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


490  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMEBICA. 

proved  that  there  was  a  continuous  coast-line  all 
flHrchiDrft  ^^^  ^^y  ^"1  ^^  strait  of  Magellan 
p^iiotw-  ^  t^^  St.  John's  river  in  Florida,  one 
'*^  immediate  effect  of   Magellan's  voyage 

was  to  turn  people's  attention  to  the  northward 
in  the  hope  of  finding  a  northwest  passage  from 
Europe  to  Asia.  A  most  pathetic  and  thrilling 
story  is  that  of  the  persistent  search  for  the 
Northwest  Passage,  kept  up  for  330  years,  and 
gradually  pushed  farther  and  farther  up  among 
Arctic  ice-floes,  until  at  length  in  1854  the  pas- 
sage was  made  from  Bering  strait  to  Davis  strait 
by  Sir  Robert  McClure.  For  more  than  a  century 
after  Magellan  did  navigators  anxiously  scan  the 
North  American  coast  and  sail  into  the  mouths  of 
great  rivers,  hoping  to  find  them  straits  or  channels 
leading  into  the  western  ocean ;  for  it  began  to 
be  plain  that  this  coast  was  not  Asia,  but  a  barrier 
in  the  way  thither,  and  until  long  inland  expedi- 
tions had  been  made,  how  was  anybody  to  know 
anything  about  the  mass  of  the  northern  conti- 
nent, or  that  it  was  so  many  times  wider  than 
Central  America  ? 

The  iirst  of  these  navigators  was  Lucas  Yasqnez 
d'Ayllon,  who  came  up  in  1524  from  Hispaniola 
and  tried  the  James  river  and  Chesapeake  bay. 
Not  finding  a  northwest  passage,  but  liking  the 
country,  he  obtained  a  grant  of  it  from  Charles  V., 
and  in  1526  began  to  build  a  town  called  San  Mi- 
a^^^  ,  picl,  about  where  the  English  founded 
rt""iMoT  J^'^sstown  eighty-one  years  afterward. 
Negro  slaves  wore  employed  by  the 
Spaniards  in   this  work,  and    this   would   seem 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WORK  OF  TWO  CBNTUSIBS.        491 

to  be  tlie  first  instance  of  slave  labour  on  the 
part  of  negroes  within  tlie  territory  since  covered 
by  the  United  States.  Ayllon  had  600  people 
with  him,  both  men  and  women,  besides  100 
horses ;  and  Antonio  Montesino  accompanied  him 
as  missionary  preacher.  If  this  enterprise  had 
succeeded,  the  future  course  of  American  history 
might  have  been  strangely  modified.  But  Ayllon 
died  of  a  fever,  and  under  the  combined  effects  of 
hunger  and  siclmess,  internecine  quarreb,  negro 
insurrection,  and  attacks  from  the  Indians,  the 
little  colony  soon  succumbed;  and  of  the  sur- 
vivors the  greater  part  were  shipwrecked  on  the 
way  back  to  Hispaniola.  Antonio  Montesino  was 
sent  in  1528  to  Venezuela,  where  he  disappears 
from  history.  When  or  where  he  died  we  do  not 
know,  save  that  in  the  register  of  Uie  Dominican 
monastery  of  San  Estevan,  in  Salamanca,  against 
the  honoured  name  of  Antonio  Montesino  there  is 
written  in  some  unknown  hand  this  marginal  note, 
ObUt  martyr  in  Jndiis,  "  died  a  martyr  in  the  In- 
dies," which  must  probably  mean  that  he  was  some- 
where slain  by  poor  stupid  red  men  unable  to  rec- 
(^nize  their  best  friends. 

While  Ayllon  was  losing  his  own  life  and  those 
of  his  people  on  the  bank  of  the  James  river,  an- 
other navigator  was  searching  for  a  new  route  for 
the  ships  of  Charles  V.  to  the  Moluccas.  In  the 
course  of  the  year  1525  Estevan  Gomez,  ya^,^oi 
the  pilot  who  had  so  basely  deserted  <'<™">'85«- 
Magellan,  coasted  from  Labrador  to  Florida,  tak- 
ing notice  of  Cape  Cod,  Xarragansett  bay,  and 
the  mouths  of  the  Connecticut,  Hudson,  and  Dola- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


492  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

ware  rivers.  The  comment  of  Petet  Martyr  tip<Mi 
this  voyage  of  Gomez  is  veiy  aignificant,  as  illus- 
trating the  small  favour  with  which  such  voyages 
as  those  of  the  Cabote  and  the  first  of  Vespucius 
had  been  regarded.  "  Stephanus  Gomez,  ,  .  . 
neither  finding  the  stnught,  nor  Giutaia  [Cathay] 
which  he  promised,  returned  bache  within  tenn 
monethes  after  his  departure.  I  always  thought 
and  presupposed  this  good  man's  imaginations 
were  vayn  and  friuolous.  Yet  wanted  he  no  suf- 
frages and  voycee  in  his  fauour  and  defence.  Not- 
withstanding he  found  pleasant  and  profitable 
countries,  agreeable  with  our  parallels  and  d^reea 
of  the  pole.  .  .  .  But  what  need  haue  tee  of  thete 
things  which  are  common  vnth  all  the  people  of. 
Europe?  To  the  South,  to  the  South  for  the  great 
and  exceeding  riches  of  the  Equinoctial] :  they 
that  seek  riches  must  not  go  vnto  the  cold  and 
frosen  North." ' 

Gomez  seems  to  have  been  preceded  on  these 
coasts  by  more  than  one  navigator  sailing  in  the 
service  of  France.  We  have  already  observed 
Norman  and"  Breton  sailors  taking  their  share  in 
the  fisheries  upon  the  banks  of  Newfoundland 
from  the  beginning  of  the  century."     Ftancis  I.  of 

'  Martjrr,  dec.  viii.  cap.  i. ;  Herrem,  dec.  iii.  lib.  viiL  rap.  riii. ; 
Gomarn,  cap.  xL  ;  Oriedo,  cap.  x.  In  Diego  Ribeiro'a  map,  made 
in  1529,  the  regions  abont  Virginia  are  called  "  land  of  Ayllon," 
and  tlie  regions  from  New  Jersej  Co  iChode  Island  are  called 
"  land  of  Entevan  Gomez."  The  name  given  bj  Gomez  to  what 
vAA  af(«rwarda  called  Hndson*a  river  vaa  Rio  de  San  Antonio. 
See  Da  Coeta,  Sailing  Dirtctiont  o/Htnrs  Hudion,  Albas?,  1806^ 
p.  41. 

^  For  Liiry'n  attempt  to  foand  a  colony  at  Cape  Breton  in  1518. 
see  Si»to  Le  Tao,  Histoire  chrondogiqae  it  la  Noavdie  Frantr, 
pp.  40,  58. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


THE  WORE  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        498 

IVance  manifested  but  slight  reverence  for  Pc^ 
Alexander  VI.  and  his  bulls.  According  to  Benud 
Diaz  he  sent  word  to  his  great  rival  Charles  V., 
asking  him  by  what  right  he  and  the  king  of  Poi^ 
tugal  undertook  to  monopolize  the  earth.  Had 
our  first  father  Adam  made  them  his  sole  heirs  ? 
If  so  it  would  be  do  more  than  proper  for  them 
to  produce  a  copy  of  the  will ;  and  meanwhile  he 
should  feel  at  liberty  to  seize  upon  all  he  coidd 
get.  Among  the  corsairs  active  at  that  time  in 
the  French  marine  was  one  known  to  the  Span- 
iards as  Juan  Florin  or  Ftorentin.  His  name  was 
Giovaoai  da  Verrazano,  and  he  seems  to  have  been 
bom  about  1480  at  Florence,  where  his  family  had 
att^ed  distinction.  In  1528  he  captured  the 
treasure  on  its  way  from  Cortes,  in  Mexico,  to  the 
Emperor  Charles  V. ;  and  early  in  the  next  year 
he  crossed  the  Atlantic  with  one  ship  vojigaofTn- 
and  about  fifty  men.  The  first  land  ""°°' 
sighted  was  probably  near  Cape  Fear,  in  North 
Carolina.  From  that  point  Verrazano  skirted  the 
coast  n<nthward  as  far  as  latitude  50°,  and  seems 
to  have  discovered  the  Hudson  river,  and  to  have 
landed  upon  Shode  Island  and  at  some  point  not 
far  from  the  mouth  of  the  Piscataqua.  Little  or 
nothing  is  known  of  Verrazano  after  this  voyage.^ 

'  It  hag  been  doabtvd  vhethei  Tflrrazano  sTer  made  bdj  BiiBh 
TDjage.  See  Unrphy,  Tkt  Voj/agt  of  Vtrmzano,  New  Yoth, 
1815.  Hr.  Marphy'i  conelndooB  hare  not  been  |;eiMrally  ma- 
Uined.  For  fnrther  diaciuaom  Bee  BTevoort,  Verrtuano  the 
yavigaior,  Nev  York,  1874;  Aahec'a  Hetrri/  Hadton,  LondoD, 
1860,  pp.  107-228 ;  KoU's  lUKOvery  of  Maine,  cbap-  tai. ;  De 
CoMJ^  Verrazano  lit  Eiplorfr,  New  Yorfa,  1881,  vith  a  full 
biblkgisphieal  uote ;  Wiuaor,  A'air.  and  Cril.  Hilt.,  iv.  1-30. 


J,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


494  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

It  has  1>eeii  s^d  that  he  was  caught  by  the  Span- 
iards in  1527  and  banged  for  piracy,  and  there  \s 
another  story  that  he  was  roasted  and  eaten  by 
the  Indians  in  that  year,  but  all  this  is  quite 
doubtful. 

The  staggering  blows  inflicted  upoQ  Francis  I, 
by  Charles  V.  in  the  Italian  campaign  of  1525  pre- 
vented any  further  activity  in  following 
aobemi,  np  the  voyage  of  Verraaano,  Ten  years 
later  came  Jacques  Cartier,  who  explored 
the  lower  portion  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  and 
found  an  Iroquois  town,  named  Hochelaga,  on  an 
eminence  which  he  called  Montreal.  Before  Cham- 
plain's  arrival,  seventy  years  later,  the  Iroquois  had 
been  driven  from  this  region.  In  1540-43  an 
unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  by  the  Sieur  de 
Roberval,  aided  by  Cartier,  to  establish  a  French 
colony  in  Canada.  Connected  with  this  expedition 
was  the  voyage  of  the  pilot  Jehan  AUefonsce,  of 
Saintonge,  in  which  he  seems  to  have  visit«d  the 
coast  between  Cape  Cod  and  Cape  Ann.'  Little 
more  was  done  by  the  French  in  this  direction 
until  the  time  of  Champlain. 

The  maps  made  about  this  time  reflect  the  strong 
desire  for  a  northwest  passage  to  Cathay  in  the  ex- 
treme slimness  which  they  assign  to  a  part  of  the 
North  American  mainland.  In  1529  Hieronimo 
da  Verrazano  made  a  map  in  which  he  undertook 
to  represent  his  brother's  discoveries ; '  and  upon 

'  For  a  disciuwan  of  this  yoyagt,  see  De  Cwita,  NorUiwun  in 
Jfaim,  pp.  80-122 ;  and  Ms  chspter  in  Wiosw,  Nan.  and  CrU. 
Hist.,  vol,  IT.  dutp.  ii. ;  sea  also  Welse,  DiKoterin  of  America, 
New  York,  1BS4,  obap.  ri. 

2  For  a  reduced  copy  at  the  map  see  Wiiuor,  Nan-,  and  CriL 


Lliailizc^bv  Google 


THE  WORK  OF  TWO  CENTUMIES.         466 

this  map  we  find  Florida  connected  with  the  Verra- 
zano  region  by  a  slender  isthmus.  The  Tba "  bw  << 
im^inary  sea  washing  the  western  shore  '•™™^" 
of  this  isthmus  was  commonly  known  as  the  Sea  of 
Verrazano.  Possibly  the  notion  may  have  arisen 
from  a  misinterpretation  of  some  small  neck  of  land 
with  a  bay  or  sound  beyond  it  somewhere  upon  the 
Atlantic  coast  explored  in  the  vc^age  of  1524.  But, 
in  whatever  misconception  it  may  have  had  its  ori- 
gin, the  Sea  of  Verrazano  continued  to  be  repro- 
duced OD  maps  for  many  years,  until  inland  explo- 
ration expelled  it.  Two  interesting  illustrations, 
toward  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century,  show 
respectively  the  wet  and  the  dry  theories  of  the  re- 
lation of  the  North  American  coast  to  Asia.  The 
first  of  these  maps,  made  at  Venice  in  1536,  by 
Baptista  Agnese,  cuts  off  the  hypothetical  unviaited 
coasts  to  the  south  of  Peru '  and  to  the  west  and 
north  of  Mexico  with  a  dotted  line,  but  gives  the 
equally  hypothetical  coast  of  the  Verrazano  sea  as 
if  its  existence  were  quite  undoubted.  According 
to  this  map  the  voyage  to  Cathay  by  the  Verrazano 
route  would  be  at  least  as  simple  as  the  voyage  to 
Peru  by  way  of  Panama.  A  very  different  view  is 
given  upon  the  "  Carta  Maidra  "  by  Jacopo  Qas> 
taldi,  published  in  the  Ptolemy  of  1548.  Here 
Florida  and  Mexico  appear  as  parts  of  A^a,  and 
the  general  conception  is  not  unlike  that  of  the 
globe  of  Orontins  Finteus ;  but  the  Verrazano  sea 

Hat.,  IT.  26.    The  origiiul  is  in  the  Collegs  of  th«  I^tipagaiids  at 

'  The  eoast  from  the  atrait  of  HaeellAti  norUivard  to  Fen  mw 
Bnt  explored  hj  Alonso  de  Caiuar^  in  1539-40v 


D,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


496 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 


appeare  to  the  north  of  Floridii.  Here,  therefore, 
it  does  not  afford  a  ready  means  of  access  to  China, 
but  to  some  northern  ocean  washing  the  shores  of 
an  **  Upper  India,"  concerning  which  it  may  be 
suspected  that  the  map-maker's  ideas  were  not  of 
the  clearest 


Sketoh  of  Agneu'B  m&p,  Vtnloe,  1636.1 


From  this  chart  of  Gastaldi's  the  position  of  the 
Verrazano  sea  naturally  leads  us  to  the  map  by 


>  Ksr:  — "  I.  Terra  de  baoalaoB.  2.  {ddOed  line)  El  Tiage  da 
Pisnoe.  3.  (datttd  line)  EL  vi^s  de  Pern.  4.  (datteil  lint)  El 
viigo  a  malnalie.  G.  TsnuBUtaii.  6.  lacAUo.  7.  Nombre  da 
dioa.  8.  pBDBiiUk  9.  La  proTintis  del  peni.  10.  L»  prorintm 
de  cbiiiaffluk  11.  S.  p&ulo.  12.  Mundus  dottu.  13.  BramL  14. 
IUd  de  la  plats.  IS.  El  Streto  de  ferdinando  de  Magallamia." 
Winiot,  Narr.  aiid  Crit.  Hin.,  it.  M. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WOSK  OF  TWO  CENTURIES. 


497 


Sebastian  Miinster,  publishad  in  tlie  Ptolemy  of 
1640.  Though  thus  published  eight  years  earlier 
than  Gflfitaldi,  this  map  repreaents  in  some  respects 


Gwteldi'a  Carta  lUnnm,  154a^ 

a  l&ter  development  toward  the  more  correct  views 
heralded  by  Mercator.'    There  is  an  approach  to- 

*  Kbt; — "l.NoryegijL  2.  liponia.  3.  Qronl>TnH»,  4,  Tlerra 
del  Labrador.  5.  Tierra  del  Bacalaos.  6.  La  Florida.  7.  NaeTB 
Hispaula.  8.  Mexico.  0.  India  Saperior.  10.  La  Cluna.  11. 
Q&nge*.  ]  2.  Samatn.  13.  Java.  14.  Panama.  IS.  Mar  dal  Snr. 
Id  El  BramL  11.  Ei  Fern.  18.  Strecliode  FBrnande  Magalhaea. 
IB.  Tierra  dol  Fnego."  WiiHor,  Narr.  and  Crit  Hia.,  iv.  48. 
ObMrve  that  Qaataldi  retains  tlig  mediaeval  notion  of  Greenland 
oa  Goonected  with  Norwaj. 

'  ^tM  above,  p.  153. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


498  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 


1  Kedaeed  from  the  sketch  ii 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WORK  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        499 


nimp,  iniO.' 

Wimoi,  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hvl.,iT.  41. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


500  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AJtERICA. 

ward  the  conception  of  the  ^restem  hemisphere  as 
a  distinct  and  integral  whole,  though  the  Pacific  is 
still  very  narrow  and  Zip&ngri  (Japan)  still  comes 
very  near  to  Mexico,  as  in  the  Stobnieza  map  of 
1512.  The  reader  will  also  observe  the  Kew  World 
with  its  Catigaia,  the  significant  mark  of  a  Ptole- 
maic pedigree,  although  now  quite  torn  asunder 
from  Asia.  Pizarro  and  his  pilots  would,  I  suspect, 
have  laughed  somewhat  rudely  at  the  promontory  on 
which  this  Catigara  is  placed^  —  an  imaginary  frag- 
ment of  Asia  that  happened  to  stay  on  this  aide 
when  the  tear  came.  As  to  the  Verrazano  sea, 
when  we  compare  it  upon  this  map  and  that  of  Ag- 
nese,  as  well  as  upon  Michael  Loh's  map  more  than 
forty  years  later,  we  can  understand  how  it  was 
that  even  as  late  as  the  seventeenth  centuiy  such 
a  navigator  as  Henry  Hudson  should  try  to  get 
through  his  river  into  the  Pacific. 

The  only  means  of  correcting  these  inadequate 
and  fluctuating  views  were  to  he  found  in  expedi- 
tions into  the  interior  of  the  continent,  and  here 
the  be^nnings  were  slow  and  painfuL  The  first 
Spaniard  to  avail  himself  of  Pineda's  discoveries 
was  Panfilo  de  Xarvaez,  the  man  who  had  been 
Kipeditioo  of  ^nt  to  Mexico  to  lurest  and  supersede 
KuTHi.  Cortes,  and  had  so  ii^Iorioualy  failed  in 
that  attempt.  Pineda's  mention  of  gold  omamenta 
on  the  Mississippi  Indians  was  enough  to  set  Nar^ 
vaez  in  motion.  If  there  was  so  much  glory  and 
plunder  in  one  direction,  why  not  in  another?  He 
obtained  permission  to  conquer  and  govern  all  the 
northern  coast  of  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  and  started 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  WORE  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        501 

from  Cuba  in  MarclL,  1528,  with  four  ships,  cany- 
ing  400  men  and  80  horses.  Landing  at  Apahwhe 
bay,  he  made  a  bootless  excursion  into  the  eountiy, 
and  on  hia  return  to  the  seashore  was  unable  to  find 
his  ships,  which  were  sailing  to  and  fro  on  the  watch 
for  him.  After  travelling  westward  on  foot  for  a 
month,  Narvaez  and  his  men,  with  desperate  exer- 
tions, bnilt  fire  frail  boats  and  pursued  their  jour- 
ney by  water.  After  six  weeks  of  coasting  they 
came  to  the  mouth  of  a  river  so  great  that  it  fresh- 
ened the  sea  so  that  they  could  drink  the  sea-water. 
At  the  mouth  of  this  river,  the  Mississippi,  two  of 
the  boats,  one  of  them  containing  Narvaez  himself, 
were  capsiiJed,  and  all  their  company  lost.  The 
other  three  boats  were  thrown  ashore,  probably 
somewhere  in  eastern  Texas,  and  such  of  their 
crews  as  esdaped  starvation  were  murdered  by  the 
natives.  Four  men,  however,  the  treasurer  Cabeza 
de  Vaoa,  with  two  Spanish  comrades,  Dorantes  and 
Castillo,  and  a  negro  called  Estev&nico,  or  *'  Little 
Steve,"  had  a  wonderful  course  of  adventures. 
They  were  captured  by  different  parties 
of  Indians  and  earned  about  m  vanous  o>bau  d* 
directions  in  the  wilderness  of  western 
Louisiana  and  eastern  Texas.  Cabeza  de  Vaoa 
achieved  some  success  as  a  trader,  bartering  shells 
and  wampum  from  the  coast  for  "  flint  Hakes,  red 
day,  hides  and  skins,  and  other  products  of  the  re- 
gions inland."  '     A  reputation  early  acquired  as  a 

1  The  janTne;  uf  CabeiK  de  Vaoft  and  hia  Domrmdes  Ii  ably  de- 
wribed  and  theii  roDte  traced  by  Mr.  Bandeliei,  Ci»i(ri'Im(io>u  (o 
tie  BUtan/  of  Oa  Southwatem  Portion  of  Ihe  United  Statet,  Cam- 
bridge, 18(10  (Papera  of  the  Archnolnjiical  Institute  of  Amerie* 
.—  American  Series.  V.  Hemennay  Sonthwe«te»  Arelueolayioal 
Bipeditioii)' 


Diailizc^bvCoOglf 


502  THE  DISCOVEBY  OF  AMERICA. 

medicm&man  or  sorcerer  proved  helpful  to  him, 
and  may  very  likely  have  preserved  hia  life.  After 
straDge  vicissitudes  and  terrible  sufferings  the  four 
comrades  were  thrown  together  again  at  some  point 
west  of  the  Sabine  river  in  Texas.  Circumstances 
happened  to  give  them  all  a  reputation  for  skilful 
Boreery,  and  by  degrees  they  made  use  of  this  sin- 
gular power  to  induce  the  parties  of  Indians  with 
them  to  move  in  certain  directions  rather  than 
others.  With  a  v^ue  hope  of  finding  the  seaehore 
they  kept  in  the  main  a  westerly  course,  and  pres- 
ently their  fame  grew  to  such  a  height  that  Indians 
came  to  them  in  throngs  bringing  gifts.  Proceed- 
ing in  this  way  they  presently  crossed  the  Bio 
Pecos  near  its  junction  with  the  Rio  Grande ;  then 
ascending  the  latter  river  they  made  their  way 
across  Chihuahua  and  Sonora  to  the  gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia, and  then  turning  southward  at  length  in 
May,  1536,  reached  Culiacan,  then  an  extreme 
frontier  of  the  Spaniards,  after  this  wonderful  pil- 
grimage of  nearly  2,000  miles. 

The  reports  of  this  journey  aroused  much  inter- 
est among  the  Spaniards  in  Mexico.  Not  less  than 
four  attempts  at  exploration  upon  the  Pacific  coasts 
had  been  made  by  Cortes,  but  not  much  had  been 
accomplished  beyond  the  discovery  of  Lower  Call* 
fomia.  Now  there  were  reasons  that  made  the  idea 
i.sg*Dd  ot  th«  of  an  inland  expedition  to  the  northward 
serm  cii™.  ^^^  attractive.  There  was  a  tradition 
afloat  in  Europe,  that  on  the  occasion  of  the  con- 
quest of  the  Spanish  peninsula  by  the  Arabs  in  the 
eighth  century,  a  certain  bishop  of  Lisbon  with  a 
goodly  company  of  followers  took  refuge  upon  an 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE   WOBK  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.         503 

island  or  group  of  islands  far  out  on  the  Sea  of 
Darkness,  and  founded  seven  cities  there.  With 
the  fabulous  Antilia,  which  was  commoulj  regarded 
as  the  island  of  the  Seven  Cities,  we  have  already 
made  acquaintance.  Its  name,  slightly  modified 
into  "Antilles,"  came  to  be  applied  to  the  West 
Indies.  Its  seven  cities  were  curiously  transferred 
into  the  very  heart  of  the  American  continent. 
Among  the  Nahuatl  tribes  there  was  a  legend  of 
Chicomoztoc,  or  the  Seven  Caves  from  which  at 
some  period  in  the  past  their  ancestors  issued.  As 
soon  as  the  Spaniards  got  hold  of  this  legend  th^ 
contrived  to  mix  up  these  Seven  Caves  with  their 
Seven  Cities.  They  were  supposed  to  be  some- 
where to  the  northvrard,  and  when  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
and  his  comrades  had  disclosed  the  existence  <^ 
Buch  a  vast  territory  north  of  Mexico,  it  was  re- 
solved to  search  for  the  Seven  Cities  in  ihai  direc- 
tion. The  work  was  entrusted  to  Fray  Marcos  cA 
Kizza,  or  Nice,  as  we  now  call  it  since  it 
has  been  "  reunited  "  — that  is  the  or- 
thodox French  way  of  expressing  it  —  to  France. 
He  was  a  Franciscan  monk  of  great  ability,  who 
had  accompanied  Fizarro  on  the  first  march  to  Ca- 
xamarca  to  mee  t  Atahualpa.  He  had  afterward  gone 
to  Quito  and  thence  seems  to  have  accompanied  Al- 
varado  on  his  return  to  Gruatemala.  He  had  lately 
found  his  way  to  Mexico,  and  was  selected  by  the 
great  viceroy  Antonio  de  Mendoza  to  go  and  find 
the  Seven  Cities.^    He  was  attended  on  the  journey 

'  Like  so  inanT  other  traTelle™  ami  Bitplorere  Fray  Hsrcoa  bM 
been  aharged  with  fabehood ;  bnt  hu  case  htu  been  to  e  eoa- 
ridenible  extent  cleared  up  in  Bandelier'ii  excellent  monofri^ph 
Rlready  cited,  Cantri'Iiuriofu  to  the  Hitlori/  of  tht  Srmlhwetltrn  Pur- 
tionoftht  Uniled  Slatrt. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


604  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

by  the  oegro  EsteT&nico  and  a  few  Pima  Indians  who 
had  been  educated  at  Mexico ;  and  their  reception 
by  the  natives  along  the  loute  was  extremely  hos- 
pitable. At  Matape,  an  Indian  vill^e  in  Sonora, 
they  heard  definite  news  of  a  coimtiy  situated 
thirty  dajm'  march  to  the  northward,  where  there 
were  seven  large  cities,  "  with  houses  of  stone  and 

lime,  .  .  .  the  smallest  ones  of  two 
CiUuoi  stones  and   a  flat  roof,  and   others   of 

three  and  four  stories,  and  that  of  the 
lord  with  five,  all  placed  tt^ther  in  order ;  and  on 
the  door-sills  and  lintels  of  the  principal  houses 
many  figures  of  turquoise  stones  .  .  .  and  [it  was 
said]  that  the  people  of  these  cities  are  very  well 
clothed,"  etc.'  The  name  of  the  first  of  these 
cities  was  said  to  be  Cibola.  And  from.that  time 
forth  this  became  a  common  name  for  the  group, 
and  we  hear  iQuch  of  the  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola. 

These  were  the  seven  pueblos  of  ZuQi,  in  Kew 
Mexico,  of  which  six  were  still  inhabited  at  the 
end  of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  name  Cibola  was 
properly  applied  to  the  group,  as  it  referred  to  the 
whole  extent  of  territory  occupied  by  the  Zufiis. 

The  surviviug  pueblo  which  we  know 

to^lay  as  Zuili  will  probably  serve  as  an 
excellent  sample  of  the  pueblo  towns  visited  by 
the  Spaniards  in  their  first  wanderings  in  North 
America.  As  Fray  Marcos  drew  near  to  it  he 
heard  much  of  the  power  and  glory  of  Cibola,  and 
began  to  feel  that  his  most  romantic  anticipations 
were  about  to  be  verified  ;  but  now  came  his  first 
misfortune  on  this  journey,  and  it  was  a  sharp  one. 
■  Bondelier,  cj>.  cil.  p.  130. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  WORK  OF  TWO  CENTUEIES.        SOS 

Hitherto  the  wliite  man  and  the  black  man  had 
been  treated  witb  the  reverence  due  to  supemat- 
iiral  beings,  or  to  persons  who  at  least  were  might; 
wizards.  But  at  Kiahima,  the  first  of  the  Zu2i 
pueblos,  the  negro's  "  medicine  "  was  not  accepted. 
Estev&nico  travelled  some  miles  in  advance  of 
Fray  Marcos.  When  he  arrived  at  the  first  of  the 
cities  of  Cibola,  flaunting  the  turquoises  and  the 
handsome  Indian  girle,  with  whom  he  had  been  pre- 
sented in  the  course  of  the  journey,  — .much  to  the 
disgust  of  the  Franciscan  friar,  —  the  elders  and 
chiefs  of  the  pueblo  would  not  grant  him  admit- 
tance. He  was  lodged  in  a  small  house  outside  the 
enclosure,  and  was  cautiously  catechised.  When 
he  announced  himself  as  ^le  envoy  and  forerun- 
ner of  a  white  man,  sent  by  a  mighty  prince  be- 
yond the  sky  to  instruct  them  in  heavenly  things, 
the  Zuili  elders  were  struck  with  a  sense  ]i^^„  „, 
of  incongruity.  How  could  black  rep-  ^iS^oi 
resent  white,  or  be  the  envoy  and  fore-  ^fV*™* 
runner  of  white?  To  the  metaphysics  of  the 
middle  status  of  barbarism  the  question  wore  a 
very  uncanny  took,  and  to  the  common  sense  of 
the  middle  status  of  barbarism  the  self-complacent 
Estev&nioo  appeared  to  be  simply  a  spy  from  some 
chieftain  or  tribe  that  wanted  to  conquer  the  Zu&is. 
A  Cortes  might  easily  have  dealt  with  such  a  situ- 
ation, but  most  men  would  consider  it  very  uncom- 
fortable, and  so  did  poor  silly  "  Little  Steve." 
While  the  elders  were  debating  whether  Qiey 
should  do  reverence  to  him  as  a  wizard,  or  butcher 
him  as  a  spy,  he  stole  out  of  his  lodging  and  sought 
safety  in  flight ;  and  this  act,  being  promptly  de- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


bv  Google 


THE   WOBK  OF  TWO  CEHTUSIES.         507 

tected,  robbed  him  of  all  dignity  and  sealed  his 
fate.  A  hue  and  ciy  went  after  him,  and  an  arrow 
soon  found  its  way  to  his  heart.  The  news  of  this 
catastrophe  checked  the  advance  of  Fray  Marcos. 
His  Indian  comrades  were  discouraged,  and  the 
most  he  could  do  was  to  keep  them  with  him  while 
he  climbed  a  hill  whence  he  could  get  a  Hsgah 
sight  of  the  glories  of  Cibola.  After  he  had  ac- 
complished this,  the  party  returned  with  all  possi- 
ble haste  to  Cnliacan,  and  arrived  there  in  August, 
15S9,  after  an  absence  of  five  months. 

As  an  instance  of  the  tenacious  vitality  of  tra- 
dition, and  its  substantial  accuracy  in  dealing  with 
a  very  simple  and  striking  fact,  it  is  interesting  to 
iind  that  to  this  day  the  Zuiiia  remember  the  fate 
of  Estevanico.  In  one  of  the  folk -tales  taken 
down  by  Mr.  Cushii^  from  the  lips  of  _™ii«i. 
Zufii  pricEte,  it  is  said  that  "  previous  to  t]^"' "» 
the  first  coming  of  the  Mexicans  (the 
ZaSi  Indian  calls  all  the  Spanish-speaking  people 
Mexicans),  a  black  Mexican  made  his  appearance 
at  the  ZuM  village  of  Kiakima.  He  was  very  greedy, 
voracious,  and  bold,  and  the  people  killed  him  for 
it.  After  his  death  the  Mexicans  [i.  e.  Spaniards] 
made  their  appearance  in  numbers  for  the  first 
time,  and  made  war  upon  the  Zu£iiB,  conquering 
them  in  the  end." ' 

I  BandelMF,  qp.  at.  p.  1R4.  I  think  I  nflver  ip«nt  a  pleaMntai 
afMrnooB  Uuui  onoe  at  Mancheeter-lij-Che-sea,  with  Mr.  CnriiiiiK 
and  three  ZaSi  priiwtB  who  hail  coma,  thithar  tor  the  Bummer  to 
aairiBt  him  in  his  work.  Theee  Indiana  of  the  middle  statni  told 
me  their  delig-htfnl  yurw  in  eichan^  tor  None  and  RnMOD 
folk-tales  vhicb  I  lold  them,  and  Mr.  Ciwfaini;  served  as  a  lively 
■nd  dnnatie  interpreter.    These  ZdIUs  were  rery  handaome  mea, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


508  TH£  DISCOVESr  OF  AMEBICA. 

It  va8  indeed  only  the  next  year  that  the  Span> 
iards  made  their  appearance,  accompanied  by  their 
terrible  horses.  Six  months  after  the  return  of 
Fray  Marcos  to  Culiacan,  an  army  of  SOO  Span- 
EipediUDD  ot  ifti^s  and  800  Mexican  Indians,  nnder 
c«oa»ia.  Francisco  de  Coronado,  started  for  Ci- 
bola. They  visited  the  Zu&i  and  Moqui  pueblos, 
discovered  the  grand  caSon  of  the  Colorado,  and 
marched  northward  aa  f  ar  aa  a  village  called  Qui' 
vira,  concerning  the  site  of  which  there  is  some 
diversity  of  opinion.  The  farthest  point  reached 
by  Coronado  may  have  been  somewhere  near  the 
boundary  between  the  states  of  Kansas  and  Ne- 
braska, or  perhaps  farther  west  at  some  point  on 
the  south  fork  of  the  Platte  river.^  He  passed  quite 
beyond  the  semi-civilized  region  of  the  pueblos,  and 
was  disgusted  at  finding  Quivira  only  a  rude  vil- 
lage of  thatched  wigwams  instead  of  the  fine  city 
for  which  he  had  been  looking.  The  supply  of 
maize  and  bison-meat  prevented  the  famine  which 
so  commonly  overwhelmed  such  long  expeditions, 
and  Coronado  took  excellent  care  of  his  men. 
Many  subordinate  explorations  were  undertaken  by 
detached  parties,  and  a  vast  extent  of  country  was 
visited.  At  length,  in  the  spring  of  1542,  the 
army  returned  to  Mexico,  greatly  vexed  and  iiha'- 

aboiiiidiiig  in  kindlmeaB  aod  droU  bumonr,  vbile  dieir  refined 
gnue  of  mumer  impraBsed  -me  8a  Iiardly  inferior  to  that  of  J»pa- 
nSM  gentleman.  Tbe  ooiobiiuitioD  of  this  civilized  demeuioui 
witli  the  primCTal  naivety  of  Hieir  thoogbts  vni  in  a  higb  degn* 
piqaant  and  intenstiiig. 

'  A  detwJed  accoiint  of  Coronado's  expedition  ia  giTen  in  die 
ehapter  on  "Early  Explorations  of  New  Mexico,"  by  H.  W. 
Hajnes,  in  Wimor,  Narr.  and  Cril.  Hut.,  voL  a.  chap.  viL 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBS  WOSK  OF  TWO  CEKTUSIES.        609 

grined  at  Iiaving  diaeovered  no  gold  nor  any 
wealthy  kingdom,  and  this  diaappoiutment  found  a 
vent  in  anathemas  vented  npon  Fray  Marcos,  which 
have  ever  since  been  echoed  by  historians. 

Not  only  in  the  far  west,  but  also  in  the  east, 
did  the  experience  of  Cabeza  de  Vaett  serve  to 
stimulate  the  desire  to  explore  the  interior  of  the 
continent.  To  Fernando  de  Soto,  no  less  than  to 
the  vicen^  Mendoza,  it  seemed  as  if  in  such  a  wide 
extent  of  territory  there  must  be  king-  B,p^tioiiof 
doms  worth  plundering.  We  have  al-  ^"^ 
ready  met  with  Soto  serving  under  Pizarro  in 
Peru.  In  1537  he  was  appointed  governor  of 
Cuba,  and  was  authorized  to  conquer  and  occupy 
the  country  embraced  within  the  patent  of  Narvaee. 
He  started  from  Havana  in  May,  1689,  with  nine 
vessels,  containing  670  men  and  223  hoiBcs.  Land- 
ing about  thirty  miles  west  of  the  bay  of  Juan 
Ponce,  he  marched  laboriously  as  far  northward  as 
the  Savannah  river,  and  then  turned  westward. 
The  golden  country  for  which  he  was  seeking  did 
not  appear,  but  the  Indians  on  the  route  were  very 
hosrile.  Though  Soto  had  roundly  blamed  Pizarro 
for  his  treatment  of  Atahualpa,  his  own  conduct 
toward  Indians  seems  to  have  been  at  once  cruel 
and  foolish.  The  Spaniards  had  to  fight  their  way 
across  the  country,  and  tlie  tribes  of  the  Creek 
confederacy  were  no  mean  antagonists.  At  a  pal- 
isaded village  called  Manvila,  a  few  miles  above 
the  junction  of  the  Tombigbee  and  Alabama 
rivers,'  there  was  a  desperate  fight,  in  the  autumn 

'  It  -wta  probably  MaasHa,  at  Maabila,  that  gate  the  name 
Mobile  to  the  river  farmed  by  the  junction  of  these  two.  See 
ChwleToiz,  Joumai  kiitoriqut,  p.  452. 


3,a,l,zc.bv  Google 


510  THE  DISCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

of  1541,  in  which  Soto  loBt  170  of  his  men,  while 
from  the  Spanish  estimate  of  2,500  as  the  loss  of 
the  Indians  it  would  perhaps  be  safe  to  strike  off 
a  ci]dieT.'  In  December  the  Spaniards  reached 
the  Yazoo,  and  spent  the  winter  in  that  neigbbour- 
hood.  In  the  spring  they  crossed  the  Mississippi 
at  the  lowest  of  the  Chickasaw  bluffs,  and  ascended 
the  western  bank  of  the  great  river  as  far,  perhaps, 
as  New  Madrid.  Finding  no  signs  of  El  Dorado 
in  that  direction,  they  turned  southward.  On  the 
21st  of  May,  1542,  Soto  died  of  a  fever,  and  was 
buried  in  the  Mississippi.  His  men,  commanded 
by  Luis  de  Moscoao,  built  boats  in  which  they  de- 
scended the  river  and  coasted  westward  along  the 
shores  of  Texas.  On  the  IQth  of  September, 
1643,  the  survivors  of  the  expedition,  311  in  num- 
ber, reached  Tampico.^ 

The  work  of  founding  colonies  in  North  America 
languished.  In  1546-49  a  party  of  Domiuiean 
friars,  led  by  the  noble  Luis  de  Barbastro,  who 

'  The  Uter  eiperioiiceB  of  Amtiricaii  backwoodimen  in  figliliiig 
then  fdrmidable  barbsrians  should  make  na  diatrDBt  all  Btoiiea  of 
battle*  attended  widi  great  diaparit;'  of  low.  If  Soto  kiUed  250 
of  them  vithoat  louDg;  mon  than  170  of  his  own  men,  he  came 
off  remarkabl;  veil.  Compare  Rooeevelt's  Winning  of  the  Wea, 
ToL  i.  p.  83  i  yoL  ii.  123. 

^  An  aioetlept  acconnt  of  Soto'a  expedition  hj  one  of  the  anr- 
TiTon  vaa  tranalated  into  Ei^lish  in  1611,  by  lUcbud  Hakloyt, 
and  ia  now  among  die  pablicationa  of  the  Uaklajt  Society :  —  Tht 
JDiicouerg  and  Conqurst  af  Florida,  London,  1851.  A  brief  rela- 
tion by  Lnia  de  Biednia  ia  appended  to  ihia  booh.  Qarailano  de 
la  Vega  sIbo  -wrote  a  narratiTO  {La  Florida  dtl  Ynea,  Lisbon. 
1605)  baaed  upon  reports  of  BarviTora,  but  uncritically  treated. 
See  also  Rchett'a  Hialorg  of  Alabama,  pp.  35-11.  In  this  OOD- 
nertion  tbe  reader  will  find  much  that  ia  inHtruative  in  Jooea'a 
Aniiquitiei  of  tht  Southern  lndian$,  New  York,  1873. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WORK  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        511 

had  been  with  Las  CaBas  in  Tuzulutlan,  made  an 
attempt  to  found  a  missionaiy  eettle-  n„„i„i„^  i„ 
ment  in  Florida,  bat  they  were  all  maa-  '^'"'^ 
sacred  by  the  Indians.  The  work  was  then  taken 
up  by  Guido  de  Labazares  and  Tristan  de  lAina, 
under  the  auspices  of  Lois  de  Velasco,  the  humane 
and  enlightened  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  Their 
little  colony  was  barely  rescued  from  destruction 
by  Angelo  de  Villaf^ie  in  1561,  and  in  the  au- 
tumn of  that  year  Philip  II.  announced  that  there 
would  be  no  further  attempts  to  colonize  that  coun- 
try. As  no  gold  was  to  he  found,  the  chief  reason 
for  occupying  Florida  was  to  keep  the  French  from 
getting  hold  of  it,  and  it  was  thot^ht  there  was 
no  danger  of  the  French  coming  for  the  present. 

Curiously  enough,  however,  just  about  this  time 
the  French  did  come  to  Florida.  Two  French  at- 
tempts at  colonization  grew  directly  out  of  the 
wars  of  religion.  The  illustrious  Coligny  was  one 
of  the  first  men,  if  not  the  very  first,  to  conceiye 
the  plan  of  founding  a  Protestant  state  in  America. 
In  1555  a  small  expedition,  under  KichoUs  de 
ViUegagnon,  was  sent  to  the  coast  of  Hugnmotain 
Brazil.  A  landing  was  made  on  the  ^™''- 
site  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  huts  were  built,  and  earth- 
works thrown  up,  A  large  reinforcement  of  Hu- 
guenots, with  several  zealous  ministers  from  Ge- 
neva, arrived  on  the  scene  in  1557.  But  fierce 
theological  disputes  combined  with  want  of  food 
\o  ruin  the  little  community.  ViUegagnon  re- 
turned to  France  to  carry  on  his  controversy  with 
the  clergy,  and  the  next  year  the  miserable  sor- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


612  THE  DIBCOVBST  OF  AMFSWA. 

virors  o£  the  colony  were  slaughtered  hj  the  Por- 
tuguese.^ 

Coligny's  next  attempt  was  made  upon  the  coast 
of  Florida,  under  the  lead  of  Jean  Ribaut,  a  hardy 
Hugqeaot  of  Dieppe.  On  May  day,  1562,  Kibaut, 
with  a  BmaU  advance  party,  reached  the  St.  John's 
river,  whence  they  ccfaeted  uordiward  as  far  as  the 
spot  to  which  they  gave  the  name  Port  Boyal,  in 
what  is  now  South  Carolina.     Here  they  built  a 

small  fortress,  and  thirty  men  were  left 
rSiMt;         in  charge  of  it  while  Ribaut  returned  to 

France  to  bring  out  his  colony.  For  a 
while  the  little  garrison  lived  on  the  hospitality  of 
the  Indians,  until  the  latter,  who  had  at  first  re- 
vered them  as  children  of  the  Sun,  began  to  despise 
them  as  sturdy  beggars.  Then  as  hunger  began 
to  pinch  them,  they  mutinied  and  slew  their  com- 
mander. The  time  wore  on,  and  nothing  was 
heard  of  Ribaut.  At  last,  in  sheer  despair,  they 
contrived  to  patch  together  a  crazy  brigantiue  and 
set  sail  for  France.  Their  scanty  stock  of  food 
gave  out  while  they  were  in  mid-ocean,  and  one  of 
the  party  had  been  devoured  by  his  comrades, 
when  they  were  picked  up  by  an  EngKsh  cruiser 
and  carried  off  to  London. 

The  return  of  Ribaut  had  been  delayed  by  the 
breaking  out  of  war  between  the  Huguenots  and 
the  Grnise  party ;  but  in  1563  the  truce  of  Amboise 

made  things  quiet  for  a  while,  and  in  the 

following  year  a  new  expedition  set  out 
for  Florida,  imder  the  leadership  of  Ribaut's  friend 

'  The  story  of  the  Hi]|;ii«DotB  in  Brazil  ia  fnllj  told  by  Lawar- 
bot,  HiitoiTe  dt  la  NouoelU  France,  Paris,  1012,  lirre  ii. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  WOBE  OF  TWO  CENTUSISS.        518 

Ben^  de  Laudoimifere,  a  pious  aiul  vaUant  knight 
and  a  Unann^Ti  of  Colignj.  Tliis  companj  was 
much  lai^er  and  better  equipped  than  the  former, 
but  there  was  an  essential  vice  in  its  composition. 
There  were  plenty  of  soldiers  and  gentlemen  nn- 
used  to  labour,  and  a  few  clever  mechanics  and 
tradesmen,  but  no  tillers  of  the  soil.  In  France, 
indeed,  the  rural  population  remained  wedded  to 
the  old  faith,  and  there  were  no  Prot^tant  yeomen 
as  in  England.  The  new  expedition  landed  at  the 
St.  John's  river,  and  built  a  fort  near  its  mouth, 
which,  in  honour  of  Charles  IX.,  was  called  Fort 
Caroline.  This  work  off  their  hands,  they  devoted 
themselves  to  injudicious  intrigues  with  the  Indian 
potentates  of  the  neigbbourhood,  explored  the  coun- 
try for  gold,  and  sent  home  to  France  for  more 
assistance.  Then  they  began  to  be  mutinous,  and 
presently  resorted  to  buccaneering,  with  what  fatal 
consequences  will  presently  be  seen.  A  gang  of 
malcontents  stole  two  of  the  pinnaces,  and  set  out 
for  the  coast  of  Cuba,  where,  after  capturing  a 
small  Spanish  vessel,  they  were  obliged  to  go  ashore 
for  food,  and  were  thereupon  arrested.  Carried 
before  the  authorities  at  Havana,  they  sought  to 
make  things  right  for  themselves  by  giving  full 
information  of  the  settlemeut  at  Fort  Caroline, 
and  this  ill-omened  news  was  not  alow  in  finding 
its  way  to  the  ears  oi  the  king  of  Spain.  It  came 
atan  opportune  moment  for  Philip  II.  He  had  just 
found  a  man  after  his  own  heart,  Pedro  Menendez 
de  AvL^s,  an  admirable  soldier  and  matchless  liar, 
brave  as  a  mastiff  and  savage  as  a  wolf.  This  man 
liad  persuaded  Philip  to  change  his  mind  and  let 


Ll,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


614  THS  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

lum  go  and  try  to  found  a  colony  in  Florida,  where- 
by the  Indians  might  be  converted  to  Christianity. 
Just  ae  Menendez  was  getting  ready  to 
start,  there  came  from  Havana,  the  news 
of  the  ill-fated  Laudonnifere  and  his  en- 
terprise. These  heretics  were  trespassers  on  the 
territory  which  Holy  Church  had  assigned  to  the 
Spanish  crown,  and,  both  as  trespassers  and  as 
heretics,  they  must  be  summarily  dealt  with.  Ru- 
mour had  added  that  Bibaut  was  expected  from 
France  with  a  large  armament,  so  that  no  time  was 
to  be  lost.  The  force  at  Menendez's  disposal  was 
largely  increased,  and  on  the  29th  of  June,  1565, 
he  set  sail  from  Cadiz,  with  eleven  ships  and  more 
than  1,000  fighting  men,  hoping  to  forestall  the 
arrival  of  the  French  conuuander.  The  mood  in 
which  Menendez  started  was  calculated  to  make 
him  an  ugly  customer.  He  was  going  on  a  crusade. 
The  original  onisadcs  were  undertaken  for  a  worthy 
purpose,  and  helped  to  save  the  Cross  from  being 
subdued  by  the  Crescent.  But  after  a  while,  when 
heresy  became  rife,  the  pope  would  proclaim  a  cru- 
sade against  heretics,  and  a  bloody  affair  this  was 
apt  to  be,  as  the  towns  of  southern  France  once' 
had  reason  to  know.  We  may  fitly  call  Menendez 
the  Last  of  the  Crusaders. 

Things  had  fared  badly  with  the  colony  at  Fort 
Caroline.  Mutiny  had  been  checked  by  the  sum- 
mary execution  of  a  few  ringleaders,  but  famine 
had  set  in,  and  they  had  come  to  blows  vith  the 
Indians.  Events  succeeded  each  other  curiously. 
On  the  Sd  of  August,  in  the  depth  of  their  dis- 
tress, Elizabeth's  doughty  sea-king  Sir  John  Haw- 


Diailizc^bv  Google 


TB£   WOBK  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.         51S 

kins  touched  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's,  gave 
them  food  and  wine,  and  offered  them  a  free  pas- 
B^^  to  France  in  his  own  ships,  and  on  Laudon- 
ni^re's  refusal  left  with  them  a  ship  with  which  to 
make  the  voyage  for  themselves  if  they  should  see 
fit.  On  the  28th  of  August  Rihaut  at  last  arrived 
with  seven  ships,  hiinging  300  men  and  ample 
supplies.  On  the  4th  of  Septemher,  toward  mid- 
night, appeared  the  Spanish  fleet  1 

The  squadron  of  Menendez  had  undeigone  great 
hardships,  and  several  of  the  vessels  had  been 
wrecked.  Five  ships  now  arrived,  hut  after  ex- 
changing defiances  with  the  French,  Menendez 
concluded  not  to  risk  a  direct  attack,  and  crept  off 
down  the  coast  until  he  came  to  the  site  BegUmiDn  oi 
of  St.  Augustine.  Srane  500  negroes  '^'"v«i«i^ 
had  been  brought  on  the  fleet,  and  were  at  once 
set  to  work  throwing  up  entrenchments.  One  of 
the  French  ships,  hanging  in  the  rear,  ha^  taken 
note  of  these  proceedings,  and  hurried  hack  to 
Fort  Caroline  with  the  information.  It  was  then 
decided  to  leave  Laudonniere  with  a  small  force  to 
hold  the  fort,  while  Rihaut  by  a  sudden  naval  at- 
tack should  overwhelm  the  Spanish  fleet  and  then 
pounce  upon  the  troops  at  St.  Augustine  before 
their  entrenchments  were  completed.  This  plan 
seemed  to  combine  caution  with  boldness,  but  the 
treachery  of  wind  and  weather  defeated  it.  On 
the  10th  of  September  Rihaut  set  siul,  and  early 
next  morning  his  whole  fleet  bore  down  upon  the 
Spaniards.  But  before  they  could  come  to  action 
there  sprang  up  an  equinoctial  gale  which  drove 
the  French  vessels  out  to  sea,  and  r^ed  so  fiercely 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


616  THE  DISCOVEBY  OF  AMEBIC  A. 

for  several  days  as  to  render  it  morally  certain 
tliat,  wherever  they  might  be,  they  could  Dot  have 
effected  a  return  to  their  fort.  It  was  now  the 
turn  of  Menendez  to  take  the  offensive.  On  the 
morning  of  the  17th,  with  the  storm  atill  raging, 
he  started  forth,  with  SOO  men  and  a  couple  of 
Indian  guides,  to  force  his  way  through  the  forest 
For  thrice  twenty-four  hours  they  waded  through 
Bwampe  and  forded  swollen  brooks,  struggling  with 
tall  grass  and  fighting  with  hatchets  the  tangled 
underbrush,  —  until  just  before  dawn  of  the  20th, 
drenched  with  rain,  covered  from  head  to  foot  with 
mud,  torn  with  briars,  fainting  with  hunger  and 
weanness,  but  more  than  ever  maddened  with  big- 
otry and  hate,  this  wolfish  company  swept  down  the 
slope   before  Fort  Caroline.     The  Bur- 

BlU(hUTOt  .^  ,        ,  ,     , 

tbepsopieiD    pnse  was  complete,  and  the  defences, 

Tort  CuoUno,    *      ,  ,  r         1 

which  might  barely  have  sufGced  against 
an  Indian  assault,  were  of  no  avail  to  keep  out 
these  more  deadly  foes.  Kesistance  was  short  and 
feeble.  Laudonnibre  and  a  few  others  escaped 
into  the  woods,  whence,  some  time  afterward,  they 
sought  the  shore,  and  were  picked  up  by  a  friendly 
ship  and  carried  home  to  France.  Of  those  who 
staid  in  the  fort,  men,  women,  and  children,  to  the 
number  of  142,  were  slaughtered.  A  few  were 
spared,  though  Menendez  afterward,  in  his  letter 
to  the  king,  sought  to  excuse  himself  for  such  un- 
warranted  clemency. 

Meanwhile  the  ^ps  of  Jean  Eibaut  were  hope- 
lessly buffeting  the  waves.  One  after  another  they 
were  all  wrecked  somewhere  below  Matanzas  Inlet, 
a  dozen  miles  south  of  St.  Augustine.    Most  of  the 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WORK  OF  TWO  CENTUBIEB.        517 

crews  and  troops  were  saved,  and,  coUecting  in  two 
bodies,  began  to  work  their  way  back  toward  Fort 
Caroline.  On  the  28th  of  September  the  first  body, 
some  200  in  number,  had  halted  at  Ma-  j^^  ^^^_ 
tanzas  Inlet,  which  they  had  no  means  of  ™  ^St^' 
crossing,  when  they  encountered  Me- 
nendez,  who  with  about  70  men  was  on  the  lookout 
for  them.  The  two  parties  were  on  opposite  sides 
of  this  arm  of  the  sea,  and  the  Spaniard  so  dis- 
posed his  force  among  the  bushes  that  the  enemy 
could  not  estimate  their  real  number.  A  boat  was 
then  sent  out,  and  three  or  four  French  officers 
were  decoyed  across  the  river  under  promise  of 
safety.  They  now  learned  that  their  fort  was  de- 
strcyed,  and  their  wives  and  comrades  murdered. 
At  the  same  time  they  were  requested,  in  courteous 
terms,  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  entrust  them- 
selves to  the  clemency  of  Menendez.  Hard  as  it 
seemed,  starvation  stared  them  in  the  face  as  the 
only  alternative,  and  so  after  some  discussion  it 
was  deemed  most  prudent  to  surrender.  The  arms 
were  first  sent  across  the  river,  and  then  the  pris- 
oners were  brought  over,  ten  at  a  time,  each  party 
being  escorted  by  twenty  Spaniards.  As  each  party 
of  ten  arrived,  they  were  led  behind  a  sand-hill 
some  distance  from  the  bank,  and  their  hands  were 
tied  behind  their  backs.  A  great  part  of  the  day 
was  consumed  in  these  proceedings,  and  at  sunset, 
when  the  whole  company  of  Huguenots  had  thus 
been  delivered  defenceless  into  the  hands  of  their 
enemy,  they  were  all  murdered  in  cold  blood.  Not 
one  was  left  alive  to  tell  the  tale. 

A  day  or  two  later  Ribaut  himself,  with  S50  men. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


518  TSE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

his  entire  remaining  force,  arrived  at  the  inlet,  and 
found  Menendez  duly  ambushed  to  receive  him. 
Once  more  the  odious  scene  was  acted  out.  The 
Frenchmen  were  judiciously  informed  of  what  had 
been  done,  but  were  treated  with  much  courtesy, 
regaled  with  bread  and  wine,  and  coaxed 
meMMuu-  to  surrender.  This  time  there  was  a  dif- 
ference of  opinion.  Some  200  swore  they 
would  rather  be  devoured  by  the  Indians  than  trust 
to  the  clemency  of  such  a  Spaniard ;  and  they  con- 
trived to  slip  away  into  the  forest.  The  remaining 
150,  with  Ribaut  himself,  were  ferried  across  in 
small  detachments,  disarmed  and  bound,  as  had 
been  done  to  their  comrades,  and  when  all  had  been 
collected  together,  all  but  five  were  put  to  death. 
That  is  to  say,  Ave  were  spared,  but  besides  these, 
one  sailor,  who  was  not  quite  killed,  contrived  to 
crawl  away,  and  after  many  adventures  returned  to 
France,  to  tell  the  harrowing  tale.  From  this 
sailor,  and  from  one  of  the  five  who  were  spared, 
we  get  the  French  account  of  the  alFair.  The  Span- 
ish account  we  have  from  Menendez  himself,  who 
makes  his  ofBcial  report  to  the  king  as  coolly  as  a 
farmer  would  write  abou,t  killing  pigs  or  chickens. 
The  two  accounts  substantially  agree,  except  as  re- 
gards the  promise  of  safety  by  which  the  French- 
men were  induced  to  surrender.  Menendez  repre- 
sents himself  as  resorting  to  a  pious  fraud  in  using 
an  equivocal  form  of  words,  but  the  Frenchman 
declares  that  he  promised  most  explicitly  to  spare 
them,  and  even  swore  it  upon  the  cross.  I  am 
inclined  to  think  that  the  two  statements  may 
be  reconciled,  in  view  of  the  acknowledged  skill 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE   WOBK  OF  TWO  CENTUBIES.         519 

of  Menendez  and  all  his  kitli  and  kin  as  adroit 
dissemblers.  After  all  said  and  done,  it  was  a 
foul  affair,  and  the  name  Matanzas,  wliicti  meaiiH 
"  slaughterings,"  came  naturally  enough  to  attach 
itself  to  that  inlet,  and  remans  to  thlB  day  a  me- 
mento of  that  momentary  fury  of  a  New  World 
crusade. 

It  used  to  be  said  in  tiie  days  of  Philip  11.  that 
whererer  in  any  country  there  turned  up  a  really 
first-class  job  of  murder,  you  might  be  sure  tlw 
king  of  Spain  had  something  to  do  with  it.     The 

St.   Bartholomew  affair,   for   example,  „„,  „ 
'  '    '  Philip  n. 

was  a  case  in  point.  The  job  done  by 
Menendez,  though  small  in  scale,  was  certainly  a 
thorough  one,  for  it  ended  the  Huguenot  colony  in 
^Florida.  Of  the  remnant  of  Ribaut's  force  which 
did  not  surrender,  some  disappeared  among  the  In- 
dians. Some  were  captured  by  Menendez,  and  the 
lives  of  these  he  spared,  inasmuch  as  from  the  glut 
of  slaughter  some  of  his  own  men  recoiled  and 
called  him  cruel.  From  his  master,  however,  Me- 
nendez received  hearty  approval  for  his  ferocity, 
relieved  by  a  slight  hint  of  disapprobation  for  his 
Bcantand  tardy  humanity.  "  Tell  him,"  siud  Philip, 
"  that  as  to  those  be  has  killed,  he  has  done  well, 
and  as  to  those  he  has  saved,  they  shall  be  sent  to 
the  gallej's." 

This  massacre  of  Frenchmen  by  Spaniards  was 
perpetrated  in  a  season  of  peace  between  the  two 
governments.  It  was  clearly  an  insult  to  France, 
inasmuch  as  the  Huguenot  expeditions  had  been 
undertaken  with  the  royal  commission.  But  the 
court  of  Catherine  de'  Medici'  was  not  likely  to  call 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


620  TBB  DISCOVERY  OF  AMBBICA. 

Philip  IL  to  account  for  anyiluiig  he  might  take 
it  into  his  head  to  do.  Sedress  wae  not  far  o£F,  but 
it  came  in  a  most  unexpected  way  and  at  the  hands 
of  a  private  gentleman. 

Dominique  de  Gourgues  was  a  Gascon  of  nohle 
birth,  who  had  von  high  distinction  in  the  Italian 
wars.  It  is  not  clear  whether  he  was  Catholic  or 
DominUum  ds  Protcstant,  bnt  he  bore  a  grudge  ag^nst 
oouigDsi.  jjjg  Spaniards,  by  whom  he  had  once 
been  taken  prisoner  and  made  to  work  in  the 
galleys.  He  made  np  his  mind  to  avenge  the  fate 
of  his  fellow-countrymen ;  it  should  be  an  eye  for 
an  eye  and  a  tooth  for  a  tooth.  So  he  sold  hia 
family  estate  and  borrowed  money  besides,  and  fit- 
ted up  three  small  ships  and  enlisted  about  200  men. 
In  August,  1567,  he  smled  to  the  Guinea  coast, 
armed  with  a  royal  conunission  to  kidnap  negroes. 
After  an  autumn  and  winter  of  random  cruising  he 
crossed  the  ocean,  and  it  was  when  approaching 
Cuba  that  he  first  revealed  to  his  followers  his 
purpose.  Litde  persuasion  was  required.  With 
eager  enthusiasm  they  turned  their  prows  toward 
the  Land  of  Easter,  and  soon  came  to  anchor  a 
few  miles  to  the  north  of  the  Spanish  fort.  The 
Indians  were  overjoyed  at  their  arrival.  At  first 
they  had  admired  Menendez  for  his  craft  and  the 
thoroughness  with  which  be  disposed  of  his  ene- 
mies. But  they  bad  since  found  ample  cause  to  re- 
gret their  change  of  neighbours.  On  the  arrival  of 
Gourgues  they  flocked  to  his  standard  in  such  num- 
bers that  he  undertook  at  once  to  surprise  and 
overwhelm  the  Spanish  garrison  of  400  men.  The 
march  was  conducted-  with  secrecy  and  despatch. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TEE  WOBK  OF  TWO  CENTVBIES.        621 

The  Spaniards,  not  dreaming  tliat  there  could  be 
such  a  thing  as  a  Frenchman  within  three  thousand 
miles  of  Florida,  had  grown  careless  about  their 
watch,  and  were  completely  surprised.  At  mid. 
day,  just  as  they  had  finished  their  dinner,  the 
French  and  Indians  came  swarming  upon  Utem 
from  all  points  of  the  compass.  A  wild  panic  en- 
sred,  the  works  were  carried  and  the  defenders 
slaughtered.  Of  the  whole  Spanish  force  not  a  man 
escaped  the  sword,  save  some  fifteen  or  twenty 
whom  Gourguea  reserved  for  a  more  ignominious 
fate,  and  to  point  a  moral  to  this  ferocious  tale. 
At  the  capture  of  Fort  Caroline,  it  is  said  that 
Menendez  hanged  several  of  his  prisoners  to  trees 
near  by,  and  nailed  above  them  a  board  with  the 
inscription,  —  "  Not  as  to  Frenchmen, 

,       J-,  yttid  pro  qua, 

but  as  to  Lutherans.  Gourgues  now 
led  his  fifteen  or  twenty  surviving  captives  to 
these  same  trees,  and  after  reading  them  a  severe 
lecture  hanged  them  all,  and  nailed  above  them  the 
inscription,  —  "  Not  as  to  Spaniards,  but  as  to  liars 
and  murderers."  The  fort  was  then  totally  de- 
molished, so  that  not  a  beam  or  a  stone  was  left  in 
place.  And  so,  having  done  his  work  in  a  thorough 
and  business-like  way,  tbe  redoubtable  avenger  of 
blood  set  siul  for  France. 

In  the  matter  of  repartee  it  cannot  be  denied  that 
Gourgues  was  successful.  The  retort  would  have 
had  still  more  point  if  Menendez  had  been  one  of 
the  hanged.  But  —  unfortunately  for  the  require- 
ments of  poetic  justice  —  the  principal  liar  and 
murderer  was  then  in  Spain,  whence  he  returned  a 
couple  of  years  later,  to  rebuild  his  fort  and  go  on 
converting  the  Indians. 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


522  TEX  DlSCOVSSr  OF  AMERICA. 

These  BangniQary  events  were  doubtless  of  Teal 
historic  importance.  Unpromising  as  was  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Ilorida  colony,  it  was 
urtuoa  ot  no  moFe  BO  than  the  earliest  attempts  to 
settle  Canada  and  Louisiana.  In  the 
brief  glimpses  that  we  get  of  Ribaut  we  can  discern 
the  outlines  of  a  steadfast  character  that  would  have 
been  likely  to  persevere  until  a  solid  result  had  hern 
aoonnpliBhed.  So  Menendez  seems  to  hare  thought 
when  he  wrote  to  the  king  that  by  killing  this  man 
he  believed  himself  to  have  dealt  a  heavier  blow  to 
France  than  if  he  had  beaten  an  army.  No  doubt 
the  aSaii  of  Matanzas  removed  what  might  have 
become  an  additional  and  serious  obstacle  in  the 
way  of  the  English,  when  France  and  England 
came  to  stru^le  for  the  mastery  over  North  Amst^ 
ica.' 

As  for  Spain  herself,  owing  to  canses  presently 
to  be  mentioned,  she  had  about  reached  the  limit 
of  her  work  in  the  discovery  and  conquest  of  Amer- 
ica. For  the  brief  remidnder  of  our  sloiy  we  have 
to  deal  chiefly  with  Frenchmen  on  land  and  with 
Englishmen  on  sea.  The  work  of  demonstrating 
the  character  of   the  continental  mass  of  North 

'  TIm  itory  of  ths  RnifDMiols  in  Florida  ii  inperblj  told  by 
IVuini  Parkman,  in  hii  Ftaiittrt  of  FraMt  t'n  tht  New  World, 
Bostoo,  18&t.  Tba  cbiaf  primair  aonrcei  are  Ribant'a  WkaU 
and  Tmt  Diicoverg  of  Ttrra  Florida,  engliahed  and  reprinted  bj 
Hnklnirtio  155i2i  BaamiBi.  rii:iloirt  notable  de  la  Flaride^Tuia, 
I&SO ;  Challenz,  Ihietnirt  de  I'hiUeirt  de  la  Horide,  Diappe,  IHK ; 
La  rrpriRK  dt  la  Ftoridt  par  U  Cn;pitaipt  Gmirgati.  printad  in 
tba  coUactioii  of  Tarnanz-Cotnpana ;  tbe  t'paniah  chaplwa  Men- 
dou'a  namtlTa,  contained  in  tbn  aune  collection:  and  Iha  MS. 
Istten  of  Henendei  to  Philip  II.,  prmerved  in  tbe  anluvaa  of 
Saiilla  and  fiiat  nukda  pnblio  b?  Ur.  F 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  WOSK  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        523 

America  and  its  internal  configuration  was  mostly 
done  by  Frenclmien.  The  expeditions  of  Soto  and 
Coronado  bad  made  a  goodly  beginning,  KnowtadM  at 
bat  as  they  were  not  followed  up  they  ^^^^^^^' 
did  not  yield  bo  much  inciease  of  geo-  f^*^*^ 
grapLieal  knowledge  as  one  mi^t  sup- 
pose. Two  interesting  maps  made  in  England 
early  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  sixteenth  century 
represent  respectively  the  wet  and  dry  styles  of 
interpreting  tbe  facts  as  they  looked  to  cartogra- 
phers at  that  time.  The  map  dedicated  to  Sir 
Philip  Sidney  by  Michael  Lok,  and  publisbed  in 
Hakluyt's  "  Divers  Voyages  "  in  1582,'  retains  the 
"Sea  of  Verrazano,"  but  gives  enough  continent 
to  include  the  journeys  of  Soto  and  Coronado.  In 
one  respect  it  is  interesting  as  showing  just  about 
the  extent  of  North  America  that  was  known  in 
1582,  nine^  years  after  the  first  crossing  of  the 
Atlantic  by  Columbus.  The  reader  will  observe 
that  ttie  im^nary  islands  of  Brazil  and  St.  Bran- 
don have  not  disappeared,  but  are  shifted  iu  posi- 
tion, while  the  Frislanda  of  the  Zeno  narrative  ap- 
pears to  the  south  of  Greenland.  A  conspicuous 
feature  is  the  large  island  of  Norombega  (equiva- 
lent to  New  England  with  Acadia),  separated  from 
the  mainland  by  what  is  apparently  the  Hudson 
river  figured  as  a  strait  communicating  with  the  St. 
Lawrence.' 

Beyond  the  limits  of  tbe  known  land,  and  in  the 

1  "ni*  oop7  bn*  gifaa  ii  photofcnphed  from  tlia  ndaoed  oopT 
in  Wlnwir,  Sarr.  and  Oil.  Uitt.,  i*.  44. 

*  k  was  TOf  aommonlr  beliaTed  at  that  time  that  th«  tinr 
<HM»T«red  by  VeirftiBoo  and  aftanraid  to  be  named  for  Hndaoo 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


626  THS  DISCOVEMY  OF  AMERICA. 

re^ons  which  therefore  might  he  either  sea  or  land 
for  aught  that  Michael  Lok  coidd  tell,  his  map 
places  a  hypothetical  ocean.  On  the  map  presented 
to  Queen  Elizabeth  in  1580  fay  Dr.  John  Dee,  and 
now  preserved  in  the  British  Muaeom,  it  is  just  the 
other  way.'  Beyond  the  limits  reached  by  Coro- 
nado  and  Soto  and  Cartier,  this  map  indicates  a  vast 
stretch  of  unvisited  continent,  and  in  its  geitcral 
outline  it  seems  to  come  nearer  to  an  adequate  con- 
ceptioD  of  the  dimensions  of  North  America  than 
any  of  its  predecessors.^  It  is  noticeable,  too,  that 
although  this  is  a  "  dry  "  map  there  is  no  indication 
of  a  connection  between  America  and  Asia.  The 
western  hemisphere  was  emerging  in  men's  minds 
as  a  distinct  and  integral  whole.  Though  people 
generally  were  not  as  yet  enli^tened  to  this  extent,' 
there  were  many  navigators  and  geographers  who 


>  The  iktteli  Iigra  (rimt  it  taken  from  mioor  (W.  98)  aftar  Db 
Kohl'i  copy  in  hii  Waahingftoii  Collsetioii. 
'  Tha  legend*  on  Dae'i  oup  an  ■■  follow* :  — 


1.  ttfotOind. 

11  0.  da  B.  RanH. 

•LDnfO. 

U.  0.  daStaHatlaoa. 

B.  BelMe. 

IB.  L>  Baimada. 

t.  C.  da  IUb. 

IT.  lAEmpeiBda. 

0.  C.  da  Brytoi. 

18.  Tarmrioridi. 

».  RIadaBpiritaSaDi 

30.  lUadaPilmai. 

8.  a  da  0>mu. 

!1.  UaiJaa. 

S.  a  da  Bio  AntoBki. 

22.  B-Thaaa. 

HL  CdaAcnu. 

£3.  0.  CaUfarnlb 

11.  CdaWlNW. 

SI  TidaCadrL 

12.  C.  it  B.  Jobn. 

SB.  tdalrapan. 

a.  C.  da  t 

*  Tfamnaii  MortoD,  of  HoirTinoaiit,  hi  hk  Nae  Sn^ith  CaiiaaH, 
Amiterdam,  1637,  vritea  of  Naw  EngUod,  "  what  put  of  thii 
mans  continsnt  may  be  thought  to  border  upon  tha  Canntr;  of 
tlie  Tartan,  it  ii  jet  nnknowiw." 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


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(—1               JJ 

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628  TBE  DISCOVEBT  OF  AltBBICA. 

Tlie  most  striking  difFerence  between  Dr.  Dee's 
map  and  tliat  of  Louis  Joliet,  to  which  we  shall 
presently  invite  the  reader's  attention,  is  in  the 
knowledge  respecting  the  St.  Lawrence  and  Mis- 
sissippi rivers.  Dee  fails  to  give  the  iuformatioD 
obtained  by  Soto's  expedition.  He  interprets  the 
St.  Lawrence  correctly  as  a  river  and  not  a  stmt, 
as  many  were  still  inclined  to  r^^ardit.  But  this 
interpretation  was  purely  hypothetical,  and  included 
no  suspicion  of  the  existonce  of  the  Great  Lakes, 
for  in  1580  no  one  had  as  jet  gone  above 

Work  of  the         ,  ,    ,,  ,        ™  , 

rwnooi'  the  site  of  MontreaL  Ihe  exploration 
of  the  St.  Lawrence  and  Mississippi  val- 
leys, with  the  determination  of  their  relations  to 
each  other,  was  the  roost  important  inland  work 
that  was  done  in  the  course  of  American  discovery. 
It  was  done  by  a  succession  of  great  Frenchmen, 
among  whose  names  those  of  Champlain  and  La 
Salle  are  the  most  illustrious ;  and  it  was  a  result 
of  the  general  system  upon  which  French  coloniza- 
tion in  America,  so  different  from  English  ccJoni- 
zatioQ,  was  conducted. 

It  was  not  until  the  wars  of  religion  in  France 
had  been  brought  to  an  end  by  Henry  IV.  that  the 
French  succeeded  in  planting  a  colony  in  America. 
About  that  time  they  had  begun  to  feel  an  interest 
in  the  fur  trade,  tbe  existence  of  which  had  been 
disclosed  through  transactions  with  Indians  on  the 
BuuDti  d*  coast,  and  suudry  attempts  were  made  at 
ohnnpubi.  founding  a  permanent  colony.  This  was 
at  length  effected  through  the  persistent  energy 
and  self-sacrificing  devotion  of  Samuel  de  Cham> 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WOBK  OF  TWO  CESTVRIX3.        529 

plain,  who  made  a  settlement  at  Quebec  in  1608 
and  became  the  founder  of  Canada.  Champlain 
was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  Frennhmea  of  his 
day,  —  a  beautiful  character,  devout  and  high- 
minded,  brave  and  tender.  Like  Columbus  and 
Magellan,  like  Livingstone  in  our  own  dme,  he 
had  tbe  scientific  temperament.  He  waa  a  good 
naturaUst,-and  has  left  us  the  best  descriptions  we 
have  of  the  Indians  as  they  appeared  before  they 
bad  been  affected  by  contact  with  white  men. 
Champlain  explored  our  northeastern  coast  quite 
carefully,  and  gave  to  many  places  the  names  by 
which  they  are  still  known.'  He  waa  the  first 
white  man  to  sail  on  the  beautiful  lake  which  now 
bears  hie  name,  and  he  pushed  his  explorations  so 
far  inland  as  to  discover  lakes  Ontario  and  Huron. 
It  was  the  peculiar  features  of  French  policy  in 
colonization  that  led  to  this  long  stride  into  the 
interior  of  the  continent.  Those  features  were  de- 
veloped during  the  lifetime  of  Cbainpliun  and 
'largely  under  the  influence  of  his  romantic  person- 
ality. The  qnamt  alliance  of  Liissionary 
and  merchant,  the  black-robed  Jesuit  Fn-nch  ooiosi- 
and  the  dealer  in  peltries ;  the  attempt 
to  reproduce  in  this  uncongenial  soil  the  institu- 
tions of  a  feudalism  already  doomed  in  the  Old 
World ;  the  policy  of  fraternization  with  the  In- 
dians and  participation  in  their  everlasting  quar- 
rels ;  the  policy  of  far-reaching  exploration  and  the 
occupation  of  vast  areas  of  territory  by  means  of 
well-chosen  military  posts ;  all  these  features,  which 

^  As,  for  oTAinpla,  Hoant  Deaert,  wbich  rataim  a  Teitige  of  ita 
old  Frandi  pronunciatioD  in  acoentiog  tbe  final  «;llabl»i 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


K80        TBB  Discorsar  of  America. 

give  to  early  Canadian  luBtoiy  Bnch  fascinating  in^ 
tereat,^  were  by  no  means  aocidentaL  They  were 
parts  of  a  deliberate  system  originating  chiefly  with 
Champlain,  and  representing  the  romantic  notions 
of  empire  that  were  a  natural  outgrowth  of  the 
state  of  French  society  ia  the  days  of  Henry  IV. 
For  Charaplun  to  succeed  at  all,  it  became  neces- 
sary for  him  to  accept  the  alliance  of  the  Jesaita, 
althongh  his  own  sympathies  were  with  the  national 
par^  in  France  rather  than  with  the  Spanish  and 
ultramontane  policy  of  the  fcdlowers  of  Loyola.  As 
Cum  wuoh  another  condition  of  success  he  deemed 
i^h'kto  it  necessary  to  secnre  the  friendship  of 
uwinMrior.  j.jjg  Algonquin  tribes  in  the  valley  of  the 
St.  Lawrence,  and  with  this  end  in  view  he  aided 
them  in  defeating  the  Mohawks  near  Ticondercga 
in  Jnly,  1609.  The  result  was  that  pei-manent  al- 
liance of  the  Five  Nations,  first  with  the  Dutch 
settlers  in  the  valley  of  the  Hudson  and  afterward 
with  the  English,  which  is  one  of  the  great  cap- 
ital facts  of  American  history  down  to  1763.  The 
deadly  hostility  of  the  strongest  Indian  power  upon 
the  continent  was  a  feature  of  the  situation  with 


'  It  {«  foil  of  roniMitia  incident,  and  nbonnd*  in  tnttrnett'ra 
material  for  the  philoxipLicBl  gtndeDt  of  hiitory.  It  baa  been 
fortunate  in  findinfr  mob  a  narrator  as  Mr.  Francis  Parkmaa,  wha 
ia  not  onl;  one  of  the  moat  pictnTssqaa  hutoriaiu  bdco  the  ixja 
of  HoTodotna,  but  likewiae  an  inteatifrator  of  the  higheat  order 
for  thoronghnen  and  aconnuiy.  The  piewDce  of  a  eonnd  political 
philoaophy,  moreover,  is  felt  in  all  hit  worVa.  The  reader  who 
wi^ea  to  pnnne  the  anbject  of  French  exploration  in  Korth 
America  ihoald  be}ri  "^i^  Mr.  Parkinan's  Piamtri  of  J^Vudm, 
Jetaitt  I'n  North  America,  and  La  Sallt.  A  great  maaa  of  tub- 
Iiof^phieal  infoimation  maj  be  fonod  in  WioHir,  Aarr.  and  Ciit, 
Bill.,  Tol.  IT.  cbapa.  iiL-rL 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  WOBK  OF  TWO  CSNTOBIBS.        681 

iriiich  the  French  had  to  reckon  from  the  very 
start,  and  the  consequenoes  were  iov  them  io  many 
ways  disastrous.'  But  what  here  concerns  us  is 
chiefly  the  effect  of  these  circumstances  in  draw- 
ing the  French  at  once  into  the  interior  of  the  con- 
tinent. The  hostile  Iroquois  could  and  sometimes 
did  effectuidly  cut  off  the  fur  trade  between  the 
northwestern  forests  and  the  lower  St.  Lawrence ; 
so  that  for  commercial  reasons  it  was  necessary  for 
4te  French  to  occnpy  portions  flanking  the  Long 
House,  and  thia  military  necessity  soon  carried 
their  operations  forward  as  far  as  Lake  Huron. 
As  religion  and  commerce  went  hand  in  hand,  it 
was  there  that  those  heroic  Jesuits,  Br^beuf  and 
Ijalemant,  did  their  noble  work  and  suffered  their 
frightful  martyrdom ;  and  it  was  in  the  destruction 
of  this  Huron  mission  that  the  Iroquois  dealt  their 
first  sta^ering  blow  against  the  French  power  in 
America. 

Somewhat  later,  when  it  became  apparent  thatat 
sundry  centres  between  tiie  seashore  and  the  Alle- 
ghany mountains  a  formidable  Enghsh  power  was 
growing  up,  French  schemes  involving  military 
oontrol  of  the  interior  of  the  continent  assumed 
stall  larger  dimensions,  and  a  far-reaching  work  of 
exploration  was  undertaken  by  that  man  Kotert  i»  l* 
of  iron,  it  ever  there  was  one,  Robert  **"*■ 
Cavelier  de  La  Salle.  As  Champlain  had  l^d  the 
foundations  of  Canada  and  led  the  way  to  the 

>  For  example,  it  via  tlie  Iraqnois  who  in  1SS(1  defeated  the 
■abams  of  Louia  XIV.  for  capturing  New  Tork  and  BBcnring  to 
tile  FVanoh  the  valle;  of  tha  Hndaon.    The  snccen  of  that  eclieme    ' 
might  hare  ohangvd  the  whole  oarrent  of  American  biatorj  and 
fnrontvd  the  f«naati«o  ol  oat  IUmiI  V^/ob. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


682  THE  DI3C0VEST  OF  AMBBtCA. 

Great  Lakes,  so  La  Salle  com|deted  the  dtsooTer; 
<^  the  Miasisaippi  and  carried  the  empire  of  Franca 
in  theory  from  the  crest  of  the  All^haniea  to  that 
of  the  unvisited  Rocky  mouutajas.  In  the  long  in- 
terval  since  1542  the  work  of  Soto  taii  Coronado 
had  almost  lapsed  into  oblivion.  Of  the  few  who 
remembered  their  names  there  were  fewer  who 
could  have  told  you  where  they  went  or  what  they 
did,  so  that  the  work  of  the  French  explorers  from 
Canada  had  all  the  characteristios  of  novelty.  In 
1639  Jean  2ficollet  reached  the  Wiscom>in  river, 
and  heard  of  a  great  water  beyond,  which  he  sup- 
posed must  be  the  Paci&c  ocean,  but  which  was 
really  the  Mississippi  river.  In  the  following  years 
Jesuit  missionaries  penetrated  as  far  as  Lake  Su- 
perior, and  settlemente  were  made  at  Sault  SaJnte 
Marie  and  Miehillimackinac.  In  1669  La  ^alle 
made  his  first  western  journey,  hoping  somewhere 
or  somehow  to  find  a  key  to  the  solution  of  tb« 
problem  of  a  northwest  passage.  In  the  course  of 
this  expedition  he  discovered  the  Ohio  river  and  ; 
perhaps  also  tke  Illinois.  La  Salle's  feudal  dcmain  V 
of  Saint  Sulpice,  near  Montreal,  bears  to  this  day 
the  name  of  La  Chine  (China),  which  is  said  to 
have  been  applied  to  it  in  derision  of  this  fruitless 
attempt  to  find  the  Pacific  and  the  way  to  Cathay.^ 
By  this  time  the  Franch  had  heard  much  about  the 
Mississippi,  but  so  far  from  recognizing  its  identity 
with  the  Kio  de  Espiritu  Santo  of  the  Spaniards, 
they  were  inclined  to  regard  it  as  flowing  into  the 
Paci&c,  or  into  the  "  Vermilion  Sea,"  as  they  called 
the  narrow  gulf  between  Mexico  and  Old  Califor- 
1  Pftrknuw'*  La  Saile,  p.  21. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBS  WORK  OF  TWO  CENTUBIES.        688 

nia.     la  1673  this  view  vaa  practically  refuted  by 
the  priest  Marquette  and  the  fur  trader  Kuqii<rtt«uid 
Joliet,  who  reached  the  Mississippi  by  '"^^ 
way  of  the  WiaconsiD,  and  sailed  down  the  great 
river  aa  f ar  as  the  moath  of  the  Arkansas. 

La  Salle  now  undertook  to  explore  the  Missis- 
Bippi  to  its  mouth,  and  prepare  for  the  establish- 
ment of  each  military  poets  as  would  effectually 
confirm  the  anthority  of  Louia  XIV.  throughout 
the  heart  of  the  continent,  and  permanently  check 
the  northward  advance  of  New  Spain  and  the  west- 
ward progress  of  the  English  colonies.  La  Salle 
was  a  man  of  cold  and  haughty  demeanour,  and  had 
made  many  enemies  by  the  uncompromising  way 
in  which  he  pushed  his  schemes.  There  was  a 
widespread  fear  that  their  success  might  result  in 
a  gigantic  commercial  monopoly.  For  these  and 
other  reasons  he  drew  upon  himself  the  enmity  of 
both  fur  traders  and  Jesuits ;  and,  as  ao  often  hap- 
pens with  men  of  vast  projects,  he  had  but  little 
ready  money.  But  he  found  a  powerful  friend  iu 
the  viceroy  Count  Frontenac,  and  like  that  pictur> 
eaque  and  masterful  personage  he  had  rare  skill  in 
managing  Indians.  At  It^ngth,  in  1679,  after  count- 
less vexations,  a  vessel  was  built  and  launched  on 
the  Niagara  river,  a  small  party  of  thirty  or  forty 
men  were  gathered  together,  and  La  Salle,  having 
just  recovered  from  a  treacherous  dose  of  poison, 
embarked  on  his  great  enterprise.  His  departure 
was  clouded  by  the  newa  that  his  impatient  cred- 
itors  had  laid  hands  upon  his  Canadian  estates,  but, 
nothing  daunted,  he  pushed  on  through  the  lakes 
Erie  and  Huron,  and  after  many  disasters  reached 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


684  TBE  maCOVBST  OF  AMXSWA. 

tits  southeiD  extremity  o£  Lake  Michigan.  Tba 
vessel  was  now  sent  back  witli  Iialf  tlis  party  to  Ni- 
agara, carrying  furs  to  appease  tlie  oreditorH  aod 
purchase  additional  supplies  for  the  remainder  of 
the  journey,  while  la  Salle  with  hia  diminished 
company  pushed  on  to  the  Illinois,  where  a  fort 
Fort  Clin-  ""^  hwlt  and  appropriately  named  Fort 
""'  Ci^T6c<siir.     It  was  indeed  at  a  heart- 

breaking moment  that  it  was  finished,  for  so  much 
time  had  elapsed  since  the  departure  of  their  little 
ship  that  all  bad  come  to  despair  of  ber  retnra. 
No  word  ever  came  from  her.  Either  she  fonndr 
ered  on  the  way,  or  perhaps  her  crew  may  have 
deserted  and  scuttled  her,  eartying  off  her  goods  to 
trade  with  on  thur  own  accomit. 

After  a  winter  of  misery,  in  March,  1680,  La 
Salle  started  to  walk  to  Montreal  Leaving  Foit 
Cr&vecoeur  and  its  little  garrison  under  the  oom- 

^      mand  of  the  brave  Henri  de  Tonty,  a 

lieutenant  who  could  always  be  trusted, 
he  set  out,  with  four  Fren(^men  and  one 
Mohegan  guide;  and  these  six  men  fought  their 
way  eastward  through  the  wilderness,  now  flounder- 
ing through  melting  snow,  now  bivouacking  in 
clothes  stiff  with  frost,  now  stopping  to  make  a 
bark  canoe,  now  leaping  across  streams  on  floating 
ice-cakes,  like  the  runaway  slave-girl  in  "Uncle 
Tom's  Cabin ; "  in  such  plight  did  they  make  their 
way  across  Michigan  and  Ontario  to  the  little  log- 
fortress  at  Niagara  Falls.  All  but  La  Salle  had 
given  ont  on  reaching  Lake  Erie,  and  the  five  sick 
men  were  ferried  across  by  him  in  a  canoe.  Thus 
because  of  the  sustaining  power  of  wide-ranging 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


T3E  WOBE  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        585 

thoughte  and  a  lofty  purpose,  the  gentleman  reared 
in  luxury  and  trained  at  college  surpassed  in  en- 
durance the  Indiaii  and  the  hunters  inured  to  the 
forest.  He  had  need  of  all  this  sustaining  power, 
for  at  Niagara  he  learned  that  a  ship  from  France, 
freighted  for  him  with  a  cargo  worth  20,000  lirree, 
had  been  wrecked  and  tonally  lost  in  the  St.  Law- 
rence. Nothing  daunt«d  by  tlus  blow  he  took 
tht«e  fresh  men,  and  cmnpleted  his  march  of  a 
thousand  miles  to  Montreal. 

Hiere  he  collected  supplies  and  reinforoementB 
and  had  retonied  as  far  as  Fort  Frontenac,  at  the 
lower  end  of  Lake  Ontario,  when  further  wofnl 
tidings  greeted  him.  A  mesrage  from  the  fort  so 
well  named  "  heartbreak  "  arrived  in  July.  The 
garrison  had  mutinied  and  pulled  that  blockhouse 
to  pieces,  and  made  their  way  back  thro'jgh  Michi- 
gso.  fiecruiting  their  ranks  with  other  worthless 
freebooters,  they  had  plundered  the  statioa  at  Niag- 
ara, and  their  canoes  were  now  cruising  ^^^  ^  ^^ 
on  Lake  Ontario  in  the  hope  of  crown-  """''*«™- 
ing  their  work  with  the  murder  of  La  Salle.  These 
wretches,  however,  fell  into  their  own  pit.  The 
indomitable  commander's  canoes  were  soon  swarm- 
ing on  the  lake,  and  he  was  not  long  in  overtaking 
and  capturing  the  mutineers,  whom  he  sent  in 
chains  to  the  viceroy.  La  Salle  now  kept  on  his 
way  to  the  Illinois  river,  intending  to  rebuild  his 
fort  and  hoping  to  rescue  Tonty  with  the  few 
faithful  followers  who  had  survived  the  mutiny. 
That  little  party  had  found  shelter  among  the 
nUnois  Indians ;  hrxt  during  the  sammer  of  1680 
the  great  village  of  the  Illinois  was  sacked  by  the 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


586  TBE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMSBICA. 

Iroquois,  and  the  hard-pressed  Frenchmen  retreated 
■ukottba  up  ^^  western  shore  of  Lake  MichigaD 
iiiiK.<.Kwn.  as  far  as  Green  Bay.  When  La  Salle 
reached  the  lllinoia  he  found  nothing  bat  the  hor- 
rible vestiges  of  fiery  torments  and  cannibal  feasts. 
Without  delay  he  set  to  work  to  secure  the  friend- 
diip  and  alliance  of  the  western  tribes,  on  the 
Iwsia  of  their  oommon  enmity  to  the  Iroqaois. 
After  thus  spending  the  wmter  to  good  purpose, 
he  set  out  again  for  Canada,  in  May,  1681,  to 
arrange  his  affairs  and  obtain  fresh  resources.  At 
the  outlet  of  Lake  Michigan  he  fell  in  with  his 
friend  Tonty,  and  together  they  paddled  their  ca- 
noes a  thousand  miles,  and  so  came  to  Fort  Fron- 
tenao. 

The  enemies  of  the  great  explorer  had  grown 
merry  ovei  his  apparent  discomfiture,  but  his  stub- 
born courage  at  length  vanquished  the  adverse 
fates,  and  on  the  next  venture  things  went 
smoothly.  In  the  autumn  he  started  with  a  fleet 
of  canoes,  passed  up  the  lakes  from  Ontario  to 
the  head  of  Michigan,  crossed  the  narrow  portage 
from  the  Chicuro  river  to  the  Illinois, 
Jglji-ippi.  and  thence  commg  out  upon  the  Mis- 
sissippi glided  down  to  its  mouth  On 
the  9th  of  April,  1682,  the  fleurs-de-lis  were  duly 
planted,  and  all  the  country  drained  by  the  great 
river  and  its  tributaries,  a  country  vaster  than  La 
Salle  imagined,  was  declared  to  be  the  property  of 
the  king  of  Fi-ance,  and  named  for  htm  Louisiana. 
Keturning  up  the  Mississippi  after  thb  triumph, 
I^a  Salle  estabUshed  a  small  fortified  post  on  the 
Illinois  river,  which  he  called  St.  Louis.    Leaving 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBX  WOBK  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        687 

Tonty  in  command  there,  he  lost  no  time  in  re- 
turning to  France  for  means  to  complete  his  iax- 
reaching  scheme.  A  colony  was  to  be  founded  at 
or  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and  a  line 
of  military  poets  was  to  connect  it  with  Canada. 
La  Salle  was  well  received  by  the  king,  and  a  fine 
expedition  was  fitted  out,  but  everything  was 
ruined  by  the  incompetence  or  iU  fortune  of  the 
naval  commander,  Beaujeu.  The  intention  was  to 
sail  direotly  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  but 
the  pilots  missed  it  and  passed  beyond  ;  .  .j. .  ,^ 
some  of  the  ships  were  wrecked  on  the  i^'"'''^ 
coast  of  Texas ;  the  captain,  beset  by 
foul  weather  and  pirates,  disappeared  with  the  rest, 
and  was  seen  no  more ;  and  two  years  of  misery 
followed.  At  last,  in  March,  1687,  La  Salle 
started  on  foot  in  search  of  the  Mississippi,  hop- 
ing to  ascend  it  and  find  succour  at  Tonty's  fort ; 
but  he  had  scarcely  set  out  with  this  forlorn  hope 
when  two  or  three  mutinous  wretches  skulked  in 
ambush  aud  shot  him  dead> 

These  explorations  of  JoUet,  Marquette,  and 
La  Salle  opened  up  the  centre  of  the  continent, 
and  in  the  map  dedicated  by  Joliet  to  Count 
Frontenac,  in  1673,'  we  see  a  nuirked  advance  be- 

'  The  aketcli  here  ^ven  ia  rcdncsd  from  tbe  Bketch  in  Wimor, 
if.  S06,  attfir  tlie  coloarad  facsimila  aceompanying  Qnvier'a  Elude 
tur  ufK  cartt  inamnue,  Puria,  1ST9.  Thera  ii  anotliar  eoliHired 
fvainiile  in  tha  liagat'int  of  Am^can  Hittorj/,  Tnl.  ii.  p.  27S,  in 
eonneetion  vith  the  eicellent  bibliognipli!c£l  uticlei  b;  Hr. 
Appieton  Oriffin,  of  tlie  Boaton  Pnblio  Librarj,  on  tbe  dijuorerj 
of  tha  Uinriiiaippi,  pp.  lS0-I9fl,  2T3-280.  This  ia  the  eBrliert 
map  of  tbe  Mississippi  ToUej  that  ia  band  npon  leal  knowledf*. 
The  leseiida  are  as  f  ollowa :  — 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


588  THE  DIBCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

yond  Dr.  Dee's  map  of  1580.  The  known  part 
of  the  continent  of  North  America  represented 
has  oome  to  be  veiy  Ui^,  but  Joliet  has  no  bus- 
picion  of  the  huge  dimensions  of  the  portion  west 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  his  style  of  theorizing  is 
ooeanio  in  so  far  as  he  fills  up  the  unknown  spaces 
with  water  rather  than  land.  A  freezing  ocean 
usurps  the  place  of  northwestern  British  America, 
and  Hudson  Bay  appears  as  an  open  gulf  in  this 
ooean.  IVom  this  great  inland  sea,  forever  mem- 
orable for  Heniy  Hudson's  wild  and  tra^  fate, 
uid  from  the  shores  of  Lake  Superior,  rival  lines 
of  fur  trade  were  presently  to  carry  the  knowledge 
and  influence  of  the  white  men  still  farther  into 
the   unknown    West.     About  the   time   that   La 

Salle  was  starting  from  Fort  Crerecceur 
(ha  KiuDHite  for  Montreal,  the  Becollet  friar,  Louis 

de  Hennepin,  with  two  companions,  set 
out  from  the  same  point  with  La  Salle's  directions 


1.  XvOluU*. 

U.  Lu  dH  nilnoli  Du  Klnlhlniilii. 

«.B>T>d'H>duiL 

».  RiTlan  d<  Biuda. 

as.  p*»ut,  nib.,  Atotrtukk.  niu 

S.L*BMndiBt.UDnat. 

noUt  Paotar!*,  300  aalnsfli.  1B0 

MDOU  d*  Dab  de  SO  pl«U  d* 

T.L.B>f«»r- 

lODg. 

&  O'KbH. 

3B.  UliioDglo,  Vai.  OaikH«,  Ku>, 

9.  MoDtrojiL 

10.  Aodla. 

ST.  Blrtun  d«  1.  IMa,  trnVOtAn- 

11.  B«<«n.^B«*m]. 

13.  M-H.>]k  BnM*. 

la.  L.  Virglni,. 

M.  A*„«»,™n^ 

li.  U  FlorWe. 

80.  Bi.|.n  Buir*. 

IB.  Cip  do  1*  Florid*. 

18.  FoitdiVranWnxi. 

32.  Lf>8>hidaM«<lq». 

11.  LuFnuMuoiniOiitaila. 

33.  L«  H»lqns. 

18.  LuRrit. 

S4.  UN«.T.ll.nn»diL 

IS.  Lu  Biirtn. 

3G.  M«r  VBrmellla,  cm  Ht  1>  0*B- 

10.  La  Siult  Bta  lOrln. 

foumla,  pu  oa  m  pmt  iillu  au 

n.  Lm  SopMinr. 

Fanm,  u  Japen,  at  t  U  Ctalaa. 

3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


TBZ  WOBK  OF  TWO  CSITTUBUSB.        588 

to  explore  the  lUinois  river  to  its  moatb.  The 
little  party  were  capttired  bj  Sioux  Indians  and 
oairied  oS  into  the  Minnesota  conntiy  aa  &r  as 


the  falls  of  St  Anthony  and  feeyond. 
pocket  compass  was  regarded  by  these  redskins  as 
potent  medicine,  so  that  be  was  adopted  by  an 
old  chief  and  held  in  high  esteem.  After  many 
romantic   adventures   he  found  his  way  badt   to 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


J 


640  TBS  DISCOVERT  OF  AMBBKA. 

Montreal,  and  indeed  to  Paris,  where  in  1688  he 
publislied  a  narrative  of  his  ezperiencea.^  What 
he  had  done  and  suffered  entitled  him  to  a  fair 
meed  of  fame,  but  in  1697,  after  La  Salle  had- 
been  ten  years  dead,  and  after  the  ailly  friar  had 
passed  into  the  service  of  Kngknd,  he  published 
(mother  accomit  in  which  he  declared  that  b^ore 
his  capture  by  the  Sioux  he  had  descended  the 
Mississippi  river  to  its  month  and  returned  to  the 
spot  where  he  was  captured.'  The  impudent  lie 
was  very  easily  exposed,  and  Father  Hennepin's 
good  fame  was  mined.  His  genuine  adventures, 
however,  in  which  the  descriptions  can  be  verified, 
are  none  the  less  interesting  to  the  historian ;  and 
from  that  time  forth  the  French  began  to  become 
famihar  with  the  Lake  Superior  country,  and  to 
extend  their  alliances  among  the  northwestern  In- 
dians. 

About  Uie  same  time  a  rival  claim  to  the  prof- 
its of  the  for  trade  was  set  up  by  the  English. 
It  was  the  time  when  Charles  II.  was  so  lavish 
with  his  grants  of  American  territories  and  their 
produce,  without  much  heeding  what  or  where 
they  were,  or  to  wham  they  belonged.  In  1670 
lb*  HndHD  ^^  granted  to  his  cousin  Prince  Rupert 
B4TCompuT.  jji^  several  other  noblemen  "the  sole 
trade  and  commerce  (£.  all  those  seas,  straits,  bays, 

*  Hennspin,  DtKrtption  dt  la  Loaitiane,  neuvdleattd  dicouvtrU, 
Parii,  1683. 

^  Hennepta,  NoavtUe  dieoavrrte  d'un  trh  grand pagi  lituf  Jafu 
VAmCrique,  entrt  le  Nouveau  Mexique  tt  la  Mer  Gladalt,  Utrecht, 
1607  (dedlcftted  to  King  WIlliBin  III-l.  It  bu  the  earlieit  known 
engTBTed  plate  ■Itowinf'  Niagara  FhUb,  and  a  fine  nap  eoDt)uiun{ 
nmlta  of  eiploiatioM  north  of  Lake  Superior. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THS  WORK  OF  TWO  CENTUBIES.        541 

rivers,  lakes,  creeks,  and  Hoiuids  lying  within  the 
entrance  of  Hudson's  Straits,  witli  s^  tlie  lands, 
countries,  and  territories  upon  the  coasts  and  con- 
fines" of  the  same.  This  was  the  beginning  of 
the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  and  from  that  day  until 
lately  the  vast  and  vaguely  defined  country  which 
haa  been  the  scene  of  its  operations  has  been 
known  as  '^Kupert's  Land."  From  that  day  to 
this  it  has  been  a  huge  "  preserve  for  fur-bearing 
animals  and  for  Indians  who  might  hunt  and  trap 
them,"  a  natural  home  for  beavers,  "  otters,  mar- 
tens, musk-rats,  and  all  the  other  species  of  am- 
phibious creatures,  with  countless  herds  of  buffa- 
loes, moose,  bears,  deer,  foxes,  and  wolves."  In 
the  time  of  which  we  are  treating,  these  beasts  had 
freely  multiplied,  "the  aborigines  killing  only 
enough  of  them  for  their  clothing  and  subsistence 
till  the  greed  of  traffic  threatened  their  complete 
extirpation."  •  Upon  the  shores  of  Hudson  Bay 
the  agents  of  the  company  set  up  fortified  trading 
stations  and  dealt  with  the  tribes  in  the  interior. 
These  proceedings  aroused  the  jealous  wrath  of 
the  French,  imd  furnished  occasioDS  for  scrim- 
mt^s  in  the  wilderness  and  diplomatic  wrangling 
at  Westminster  and  Versailles.  More  than  once 
in  those  overbearing  days  of  Louis  XIV.  the  Eng- 
lish forts  were  knocked  to  pieces  by  war  parties 
from  Canada ;  but  after  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  this 
sort  of  thing  became  less  common. 

In  the  great  war  which  that  treaty  of  Utrecht 
ended,  a  brave  young   lieutenant,  named   Pierre 

'  See  tlie  admir&ble  description   of  Bnpeit'i  Land  bj  Dt. 
GMit*  EUi*i  in  Winwr,  Sarr.  aad  Crit.  Bit.,  viii.  12. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


542  THE  DISCOVBBT  OF  AMERICA. 

Oaoltier  de  Varannes,  was  vonnded  and  left  for 
dead  on  the  field  of  Malplaquet,  bat  recoveied  and 
lived  to  play  a  part  in  American  his- 
tory. He  was  a  native  of  Three  lUvere 
in  Canada,  and  retomed  thither  after  the  war, 
assuming  for  some  reason  the  name  of  La  V^ren- 
drye,  by  which  be  has  since  been  known.  About 
1728  La  V^rendrye,  being  in  oonunand  of  a  fort 
to  the  north  of  Lake  Superior,  was  led  by  Indian 
reports  to  believe  that  the  western  ocean  could  be 
reached  by  journeys  in  canoes  and  on  foot  from 
that  point.  He  was  empowered  to  make  the  ex- 
periment at  hie  own  expense  and  risk,  and  was 
promised  a  monopoly  of  the  fur  trade  in  the  coun- 
tries he  should  discover.  This  arrangement  set 
all  the  traders  against  him,  and  the  problem  as- 
sumed very  mud)  the  same  form  as  that  with 
which  La  Salle  had  struggled.  Nine  years  were 
consumed  in  preliminary  work,  in  the  course  of 
which  a  wide  territory  was  explored  and  a  chain 
of  forts  erected  from  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  to 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Saskatchewan.  From  this 
region  La  V^rendiye  made  his  way  to  the  Mandsn 
P^,^,,!^  villages  on  the  Missouri;  and  thence 
^Armi^  ^  '^^  sons,  taking  up  the  work  while 
uka,  17*3.  jjg  ^33  temporarily  disabled,  succeeded 
in  reaching  the  Bighorn  range  of  the  Boclgr  monn- 
tains  on  New  Year's  day,  1743.  At  this  point, 
marvelling  at  the  interminable  extent  of  the  con- 
ttnent  and  believing  that  they  must  at  last  be 
near  the  Pacific,  though  they  were  aoaroely  within 
a  thoosand  miles  of  it,  they  felt  obliged  to  turn 
back.     Another  expedition  was  contemplated,  but 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WOBK  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        548 

by  this  time  so  many  jealousies  had  been  aroused 
that  tbe  remaining  energies  of  the  family  La 
y^rendrye  were  frittered  away.  The  Hudson  Bay 
Company  incited  the  Indians  of  the  Saskatchewan 
region  to  hostilities  against  the  Frenuh ;  and  it  was 
not  long  before  all  their  romsntio  schemes  were 
swallowed  up  in  the  English  conquest  of  Canada.' 
The  croBBing  of  the  continent  was  not  completed 
until  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Af- 
ter President  Jefferson's  purchase  of  the  Louisiana 
territory  from  France  had  carried  the  western 
frontier  of  the  United  States  up  to  the  crests  of 
the  Rocky  mountains,  the  question  as  to  what 
power  belonged  the  Oregon  territory  bej^ond  re- 
mained  undecided.      It    is   not  neces-  „. 

niKAIWJof 

sary  to  encumber  our  narrative  with  a  JI'^^'JlS"^ 
etatemei^t  of  this  complicated  question.^ 
It  is  enough  to  observe  that  in  1792  Captain 
Robert  Gray,  in  the  ship  Columbia,  of  Boston,  in 
Uie  course  of  a  voyage  around  the  world,  ascended 
for  some  distance  tlie  magnificent  river  to  which 
be  gave  the  name  of  his  vesBel.  It  was  only  four- 
teen years  since  that  part  of  the  North  American 
coast  had  been  mapped  out  by  the  famous  Captain 
Cook,  but  neither  he  nor  Vancouver,  who  was  on 
that  coast  in  the  same  year  with  Gray,  discovered 
Uie  Columbia  river.  Gray  was  unquestionably  the 
first  white  man  to  enter  it  and  to  recognize  it  as 

^  Id  vritin^  thte  pHnfmph  I  uu  nnder  oblisatiinia  ta  Mr.  Puk- 
man'a  pnpcr  on  '  The  DiBCOTsr;  of  the  Roekj  MoimUiiit,"  At- 
loiUic  Monthig,  Jane,  18B8. 

*  For  ft  BUtement  of  it,  «Ae  Ilnbert  Banoroft'i  NorlhipfU  Coait, 
y<A.  L }  Barrowi'*  Ortgoa ;  VulCoavQr'i  Voi/agt  of  Ditcavtri/,  Lod* 
dso,  1798 ;  WiiBM,  ATarr.  and  Crii.  HiH.,  vii.  5C&-M2. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


644  TEE  DISCOrSBY  OF  AMEBICA. 

an  immense  river  and  not  a  mere  arm  of  the  sea ; 
and  upon  the  Btrength  of  thin  discoveiy  t^  United 
States  Iwd  claim  to  the  ares  drained  by  the  Colum- 
bia. To  support  this  claim  by  the  further  explo- 
ration (^  the  valley,  and  possibly  also  to  determine 
by  inspection  of  the  country  what  bearings,  if  any, 
the  purchase  of  Louisiana  might  have  upon  the 
question,  Captains  Meriwether  Lewis  and  Wil- 
liam Clark '  were  sent  out,  with  thirty-two  men, 
apon  the  same  enterprise  that  had  been  attempted 
l^  La  y^rendrye  and  his  sons.  Lewis  and  Clark, 
like  the  Frenchmen,  took  their  3aal  start  from  one 
nnton^H  ^^  ^^°  Mandan  villages.  From  April 
l^^'ifSS."'  "^  *-^  August  II.  1806,  they  worked  up 
the  Missouri  river  and  ite  Jefferson 
toA  in  boats  and  canoea,  and  then  made  their 
way  through  the  mountains  to  the  headwateis  of 
the  Columbia,  down  which  they  sailed  t^  its  mouth, 
and  came  out  upon  the  Pacific  on  the  7th  of  No- 
vember, after  a  journey  of  nearly  4,000  miles  from 
the  confluence  of  the  Mississippi  with  the  Mia- 
souri.  The  prepress  across  tie  continent,  begun  by 
Champlfun,  was  thus  com[>leted,  two  hundred  years 
later,  by  Lewis  and  Clark. 

The  final  proof  of  the  separation  of  North  Amer- 
ica from  Asia  by  Vitus  Bering  was  an  incident  in 
the  general  history  of  arctic  exploration.  When 
the  new  continent  from  Patagonia  to  Labrador 
came  to  be  rec<^ized  as  a  barrier  in  the  way  to 
the  Indies,  the   search  for  a   northwest  passage 

'  He  wu  brodiar  U>  Oaorgfe  Rogmt  CUrk,  GonqneniF  of  tlM 
Noithweat  Tenitorj. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WORK  OF  TWO  CENTUBIE8.         545 

necessarily  becsme  lestricted  to  the  arctic  regions, 
and  attempts  were  also  mode  to  find  a 
northeast  passage  around  Siberia  into  NoitLTTnt 
the  Pacific.  This  work  was  begun  hj 
the  English  and  Dutch,  at  about  the  time  when 
Spanish  activity  in  discovery  and  colonization  was 
coming  to  a  standstilL  There  is  much  meaning  in 
the  simultaneous  expeditions  of  Drake  and  Fro- 
bisher,  just  at  the  time  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  alli- 
ance with  the  revolted  Netherlands.  In  the  reign 
of  Elizabeth's  grandfather  England  had  for  a  mo- 
m^it  laid  a  hand  upon  Koith  America ;  she  now 
went  far  toward  encompassing  it,  and  in  the  voy- 
age of  Drake,  as  in  that  of  Cabot,  a  note  of  pro-' 
phecy  was  soontled.  In  the  years  1577-80  DraJie 
passed  the  strait  of  Magellan,  followed  the  coast 
northward  as  far  as  some  point  in  northern  Cali- 
fornia or  southern  Oregon,  and  took  formal  posses- 
sion of  that  region,  calling  it  New  Al-  Dnkeud 
bion.  Thence  he  crossed  the  Pacific  '"'''''"■ 
directly  to  the  Moluccas,  a  much  shorter  trannit  than 
that  of  Magellan,  and  thence  returned  to  England 
by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  This  was  the 
second  circumnavigation  of  the  earth.  Its  effect 
np^n  the  £;eo^phical  knowledge  of  North  Amer- 
ica was  tn  [uatiin  the  continental  theoiy  indicated 
upon  Dr.  Dee's  map  of  1580.^  About  the  same 
time,  in  1676-78,  Sir  Martin  Frobisher  in  three 
■  Sea  Dr&ke'a  World  Encoapautd,  ed.  Vauz,  Loudoo,  1854 
(Haklayt  Soc.)-  There  n  ■  ataij  th»t  ft  QrMk  mOIot,  ApoatolM 
VftlerinnaB,  irho  had  mrred  in  the  Spanish  marine  nnder  tbe  name 
of  Joan  de  la  Faoa,  came  after  Drake  in  150S,  and  diseoTered  the 
itimit  vhiob  bears  that  name.  See  Faaehel,  GiKhic/Ue  da'  Erd- 
huidt,  bd.  i.  p.  273. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


646  TEX  DISCOVERT  OF  AUKRICA. 

Tt^ageB  entered  the  etrait  which  bears  his  name 
and  tbat  which  is  called  after  Hudson,  in  search 
of  a  passE^  to  Cathay.' 

The  second  attempt  in  these  arctic  waters  was 
made  by  that  scientific  sailor,  John  Davis,  who  in 
DtTUud  1&8&~87  penetrated  as  far  as  latitude 
"«^  72"  12'  and  discovered  the  Cumberknd 
islands.'  Attention  was  at  the  same  time  paid  to 
the  ocean  between  Grreenland  and  \orway,  botli 
by  the  Muscovy  Company  in  London,  of  which 
Dr.  Dee  was  now  one  of  the  ofE<uaI  advisers,  and 
by  Dutch  navigators,  ouder  the  impulse  and  g;uid- 
anee  of  the  eminent  Flemish  merchant,  Balthasar 
-  Moucheron.  In  1594-96  William  Barentz  discov- 
ered Spitzbei^n  and  thoroughly  explored  Nova 
Zemhia,  but  found  little  promise  of  a  route  to 
Cathay  in  that  direction.'  Then  came  Henry 
Hudson,  grandson  of  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
Mnacovy  Company.  In  1607  and  1608  he  made 
two  voyages  in  the  service  of  that  company.  In 
the  first  he  tried  to  penetrate  between  Greenland 
ggg^  and  Spitzbei^n  and  strike  boldly  across 

H"**^  the  North  Pole ;  in  the  second  he  tried 

to  pass  between  Spitzbergen  and  Nova  Zembla. 
His  third  voyage  was  made  in  1609,  in  that  fa- 
mous little  eighty-ton  craft  the  Half-Moon,  and 
in  the  service  of  the  Dutch  East  India  Company. 

1  Sm  Frobither'*  TSrtt  Vosaget,  ed.  CaUinaon,  LondoD,  1867 
^■klayt  Sao). 

*  Sm  EkiTla'a  Vmfogtt  owf  Workt  m  Naeigatim,  od.  A.  H. 
Harkhin),  Loudan,  1B80  (Hnklnyt  Soe). 

»  6m  Motloy'i  Uniud  Ntth^landi,  toI.  lil.  pp.  652-576 ;  GBtrit 
d*  Vmt,  Thrtt  Vogaga  to  tlie  Hortluait,  ed.  Koolemus  BeTni^ 
LoodoD,  1870  (Haklnjt  Soc). 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


rax  woBK  OF  two  csstusjxs.      M7 

He  had  with  him  some  letters  which  his  frieiii 
Captain  John  Smith  had  sent  him  from  Virginia, 
in  which  allusion  was  made  to  the  great  river 
which,  as  we  now  know,  had  already  been  visited 
by  Verrazano  and  Gomez,  and  probably  also  by 
aporadio  French  traders,  who  may  bare  ascended 
it  as  far  as  the  month  of  the  Mohawk  in  quest  of 
peltries.^  It  seemed  to  Smith,  from  what  he  had 
heard,  that  this  water  might  be  a  strut  leading 
into  a  western  ocean.  When  Hudson  reached 
Nova  Zembla,  be  found  the  sea  as  full  of  ice  as  be- 
fore, and  thereupon,  in  excess  of  his  instructions, 
he  faced  about  and  stood  across  the  Atlantic,  in 
the  hope  of  finding  his  northwest  passage  at  about 
the  fortieth  paralleL  His  exploration  of  the  river 
which  has  since  borne  his  name  served  to  turn 
the  attention  cX.  Dutch  merchants  to  the  fur  trade, 
and  thus  led  to  the  settlement  of  New  Netherland, 
while  at  the  same  time  it  proved  that  no  passage 
to  Cadiay  was  to  be  found  in  that  direction.  In 
the  following  year  Hudson  had  rettimed  to  the 
Et^lish  service,  and  in  a  further  search  for  the 
1  See  WeiM'i  DiwanxHa  of  America,  New  Tork,  1664,  chap. 
■A.  Mr.  Weiae  snggeMa  that  the  nuna  Ttrrt  it  Nommbega  m«j 
be  a  ooirapdoii  of  Tare  ttAnorvtlt  Btrge,  L  e.  "L*ai  of  the 
Gntnd  Searp,' '  from  the  eaeaipmeiit  of  palisaded  cliSi  whioh  i> 
the  most  itriking  feature  ai  ooe  pi  nam  by  the  upper  part  of  Uan- 
hattan  ialand.  See  Uie  name  ADommb^a  on  Meicator'a  map, 
1541,  above,  p.  15S.  Tbevet  (lfi56}  uja  that  Norombigue  ia  a 
name  Kinn  to  the  Gnuid  Biver  bj  the  FrenoH.  Laodoimiite 
(1564)  haa  it  Jfaruaibergt.  The  more  cominon  opimoD  is  that  the 
NonuDb^a  river  vaa  the  Peoobscot,  and  that  the  name  i*  ■  pre- 
inmed  Indian  word  Anabtga,  bat  this  ia  doobtfnL  In  the  looae 
nomeneUtore  of  the  time  the  name  Nconinbeg*  ma;  have  been 
applied  now  to  the  Penobaeot  and  nov  to  the  Hndaon,  aa  it  waa 
w  to  the  vhole  oonnby  batwaen  them. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


648  TEB  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

passage  lie  found  Ma  way  into  that  vast  inland  sea 
which  is  at  once  "  his  tomb  and  his  monament." 
In  midsummer  of  1611  he  was  turned  adrift  in  an 
open  boat  by  his  mutinous  crew  and  abandoned 
on  that  ^oomy  waste  of  waters.' 

The  result  of  this  memorable  career,  embraced 
aa  it  was  within  foor  short  years,  was  to  dispel 
illusory  hopes  in  many  directions,  and  limit  the 
search  to^tbe  only  really  available  route  —  the  (me 
which  Hudson  would  probably  have  tried  next  — 
wniua  ^  ^^7  '^  ^^  strait  discovered  by  Da- 
^*"*  via.     This  route  was  resumed  in  1615 

by  William  Baffin,  who  left  his  name  upon  a  long 
stretch  of  sea  beyond  that  explored  by  Davis,  sad 
reached  the  T8th  parallel,  discovering  Jones  and 
Liancaster  sounds,  as  well  as  the  sound  which  com- 
memorates the  name  of  the  merchant  prince,  Sir 
Thomas  Smith,  first  governor  d  die  Eaat  India 
Company.'  Nothing  more  was  accomplished  in 
this  direction  until  Sir  John  Rosa,  in  1818,  opened 
tlie  modem  era  of  arctic  exploration.* 

'  Sm  Ai)i«r'*  Btitry  Hudtan  At  Naaigator,  London,  1800 
(Haklayt  Soe.)  ;  Baad's  HiHorical  Inqmrn  amctming  Haa-f  Uvd- 
tm,  Albiin;,  1860;  D.i  CoaU,  Saltitg  Dirtctions  qf  Hutrg  Had' 
ton,  Albany,  18(t9,  Portngaew  lulora  laeni  to  lurft  •ntend  the 
baj  oiled  after  Hudson  u  early  na  1558-09 ;  see  Aifaer,  p.  ozlir. 

■  Soe  Mtvkliam'i  Vonagt*  of  WiUiaai  Baffin,  London,  1881 
(HaUn;t  Soe.)-  For  a  brief  account  of  Sir  Thonua  Smith  (or 
SmTtlH)  las  Foz-Boonie,  Engtiih  Merchant*,  lol.  i.  pp.  B15-317; 
there  i*  a  portrait  of  him  in  WioKir,  Sarr,  and  Crit.  HitL,  voL  iiL 
p.  94. 

*  Jnit  sa  th:i  final  ohaptar  got*  to  preaa  I  have  reo^v*d  Aa 
iheets  ol  Winsor'g  Ckrittyiier  Co/nmbw,  a  few  days  in  aduaDM 
of  pablication.  On  page  ^1  ha  eltei  the  nninooMifnl  rojagee  ol 
Lnhe  Fox  and  Tbomai  Jaroea  in  Hndioo'e  Bay  in  1031  m  ohadi- 
bag  further  effort*  in  dii*  direction. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TSB  WORK  OF  TWO  CESTUBIES.        549 

One  coDBequeDC«  of  these  voy^es  was  to  abol- 
iali  the  notion  of  a  connection  between  Greenland 
aad  Europe,  ajid  to  establish  the  outlines  of  the 
nortbeastem  coast  of  North  America,  in  such  wise 
as  to  suggest,  in  the  minds  of  the  few  northern 
scholars  who  hnew  anything  about  the 
Vinland  traditions,  the  correct  associa-  u»<»iiMptioa 
tion  of  the  idea  of  Vinland  with  the 
idea  of  America.  As  I  have  already  observed, 
there  was  nothing  to  suggest  any  such  association 
of  ideas  untH  the  period  of  the  four  great  navi^ 
gators,  Fiobisher,  Davia,  Hudson,  and  BafBn ;  at 
that  period  we  begin  to  catch  glimpses  of  it,  dimly 
and  dubiously  in  1570  with  Stephanias,  briefly  but 
distinctly  in  1610  with  Amgrim  Jonsson;^  and 
at  last  in  1705  a  general  interest  in  the  subject 
was  awakened  by  Toifieus. 

While  Frobisher  and  his  successors  were  grop- 
ing for  a  northwest  passage  to  Cathay,  the  Rus- 
sians were  steadily  advancing  by  overland  con- 
quests toward  tbat  land  of  promise.  Between  1560 
and  1580  the  Cossack  Irmak  crossed  the  Ural 
mountains  and  conquered  Siberia  as  far  as  the  Obi 
river.  Thence,  urged  on  by  the  quest  for  gold  and 
peltries,  and  the  need  for  subduing  unruly  neigh- 
bours, the  Russian  arms  pressed  east-  -^^^ 
ward,  until  in  1706  the  peninsula  of  gj^f* 
Kamtchatka  was  added  to  their  domains. 
At  that  period  the  northern  Pacific  and  the  wild 
coasts  on  either  side  of  it  were  still  a  region  of 
mystery.  On  the  American  side  nothing  was 
known  north  of  Drake's  "  ^ew  Albion,"  on  the 
1  Sm  «boT«,  voL  L  p.  3M. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


660  TRS  DISCOrSBT  OF  AXBSWA. 

Asiatio  nde  nothing  north  of  Japan.  Some  etUl 
believed  that  the  two  continents  were  joined  to- 
gether ;  others  held  that  they  were  separated  by  a 
strait,  for  how  else  conld  there  be  a  Northwest 
Passage  7  ^  Peter  the  Grreat  wished  to  settle  such 
questions  and  a»»rtain  the  metes  and  bounds  of 
his  empire,  and  in  1724,  shortly  before  his  death, 
he  appointed  the  Danish  captain  Vitns  Bering '  to 
the  command  of  an  expedition  for  ex- 
ploring the  eastern  shores  of  the  Kam- 
chatka and  Chukchi  peninsulas,  to  see  if  any  strait 
could  be  f  onnd  there.  In  one  respect  this  was  an 
enterprise  of  unparalleled  difBcnIty,  for  the  start- 
ing point  of  the  navigation  was  some  5,000  miles 
distant  from  St.  Petersburg,  and  more  than  half 
this  distance  was  through  a  bawling  wildemeas. 
Many  were  the  obstacles  that  had  to  be  surmounted 
before  Bering  conld  build  and  launch  his  stout 
little  ship,  the  Gabriel,  in  the  early  summer  of 
1728.  The  point  from  which  he  started  was  not 
far  from  Cape  Kamtchatka.  He  bore  to  the  nortl^ 
ward,  keeping  in  sight  of  the  coast,  and  on  the 
11th  of  August  sighted  on  the  starboard  tho  island 
which  he  named  St  Lawrence.     On  the  14th  he 

1  TIm  wiA  wu  fatlm  to  tba  thongH  and  tlw  K^^ilM  ibait 
of  AbUb  appaan  on  tnanr  old  nmps,  be(ciniKa(r  with  Menator^ 
chart  of  1569.  Soma  mapa  lian  kIw  a  frnl^  of  Anian ;  poadblf 
from  a  mimiidentaDduig  of  the  (fnlf  of  An-nan  (i.  e.  Toiwl<ii>x) 
nontioiisd  in  a  pvaago  intarpolatod  into  Marao  Polo,  bk.  ilL 
■hap.  IT.  Sm  LanridaBn'a  Pittu  Baring,  p.  202.  Bnt  thia  •>• 
^aDatimi  it  donblfn]. 

*  Until  latalj  the  Ihui'di  ninira  haa  appeand  in  Eng^liah  with  • 
Oernuui  sad  inoomct  ■palliuic.  a*  Bthrirs.  Tha  beat  book  cm 
Aia  narlgMor  U  Laatidaaa'a  Fttoa  String,  Cbia9tp>i  1BS9,  tiMW> 
laUd  by  hofaaaor  JulSoa  (»aD^  of  the  UuTanilj  of  Wkaanan. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  WOBE  OF  TWO  CBSTUBim.        561 

left  East  Cape  recediag  astern,  and  seemed  to 
have  open  sea  on  both  sides  of  him,  for 
he  did  not  descry  the  American  coast  surt^f^tf^ 
about  forty  miles  distant.  After  a  day's  ^^ 
sail  into  the  Arctic  ocean,  he  turned  and  passed 
back  through  the  strait  without  seeing  the  oppo- 
site coast  He  believed,  and  rightly  as  it  hap- 
pened, that  he  had  fouud  an  end  to  Asia,  and 
completed  the  proof  of  the  existeoce  of  a  contin- 
uous sea-coast  from  the  month  of  the  Lena  river 
to  Kamtchatha.  A  gigantio  enterprise  was  now 
set  on  foot.  The  Siberian  coast  was  to  be  charted 
from  Nova  Zembla  to  the  Lena ;  Japan  was  to  be 
reached  from  the  north ;  and  the  western  shore  of 
America  was  to  be  discovered  and  explored.  As 
to  the  Utter  part,  with  which  we  are  here  con- 
cerned, a  Russian  officer,  GvosdjefF,  sailed  into  Ber- 
ing's strut  in  1732  and  saw  the  Americim  coast.' 
Before  more  extensive  work  could  be  done  it  was 
necessary  to  build  the  town  of  Fetropavlovsk,  in 
Kamtohatks,  as  a  base  of  operations.  From  that 
point  the  two  ships  St  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  imder 
Bering's  command,  set  sail  in  the  sum-  ^j^.  .. 
mer  of  1741.  At  first  they  took  a  south-  »'arr  oi 
easterly  course  m  order  to  and  on  imag- 
inary "  GamaUmd,"  which  was  by  a  few  theorizon 
supposed  to  lie  in  mid-Pacific,  east  of  Japan.  Thus 
they  missed  the  Aleutian  islands.  After  reaching 
latitude  46°,  not  far  from  the  180th  meridian,  they 
gave  up  the  search  for  this  figment  of  fancy,  and 
steering  northeasterly  at  leogth  reached  the  Alaska 
coast  under  the  volcano  St  Ellas.  Oo  the  more 
>  LaniidMti,  «p.ei(.  p.  18IX 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


552  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

direct  return  voyage,  which  took  them  through  tlte 
Aleutian  archipelago,  they  encountered  fierce 
Btonus,  with  the  added  horrors  of  famine  and 
scurvy.  When  they  came  to  the  isUnd  known  as 
Bering's,  not  more  than  a  hundred  miles  from  the 
Kamtchatka  coast,  they  were  cast  ashore,  and  there 
the  gallant  Bering  succumbed  to  scurvy  and  ague, 
and  died  in  his  sixtieth  year.  Such  were  the  ex- 
peditions that  completed  the  discovery  of  North 
America  as  a  distinct  and  separate  continent,  and 
gave  to  Russia  for  a  time  an  American  territory  as 
spacions  as  France  and  Qenoany  bother. 

The  work  of  Vitas  Bering  may  be  regarded  as 
the  natural  conclusion  of  that  long  chaptei:  in  the 
history  of  diicovery  which  began  with  Ponce  de 
Leon's  first  visit  to  the  Land  of  Elaster.  When 
Bering  and  GvosdjefF  saw  the  two  sides  of  the 
strait  that  separates  America  from  Asia,  quite 
enou^  had  been  done  to  reveal  the  general  out- 
lines and  to  suggest  the  broadness  of  the  former 
continent,  although  many  years  were  still  to  elapse 
Tii>  diKoncT  before  anybody  crossed  it  from  ocean 
Witt plaiiii   to  ocean.     The  discovery  of  the  whole 

daTelgpm«Dt.      Jg^^jJ,  (,f  j^q  MissisSippi,  witfa   itS  Volu- 

minous  tributaries,  indicating  an  extensive  drain- 
aga  area  to  the  west  of  that  river,  the  informa- 
tion gainad  in  the  coui'se  of  trade  by  the  Hudson 
Bay  Company,  the  stretch  of  arctic  coast  explored  - 
by  BafBn,  and  finally  the  dbeovery  of  Bering 
etraJt,  furaisbed  points  enough  to  ^ve  one  a  fairly 
correct  idea  of  North  America  as  a  distinct  and 
integral  mass  erf  laud,  even  though  there  was  still 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  WOSK  OF  TWO  CENTUSIE3.        658 

room  for  error,  here  and  there,  with  regard  to  its 
dimensions.  Oar  story  impresses  apon  us  quite 
forcibly  the  fact  that  the  work  of  disoovery  has 
been  a  gradnal  and  orderly  development.  Such 
must  neoessarily  be  the  case.  Facts  newly  pre- 
sented to  the  mind  must  be  assimilated  to  the  pre- 
existing stock  of  knowledge,  and  in  the  process  an 
extensive  destruction  of  wrong  or  inadequate  con- 
oeptioDS  takes  place ;  and  this  sort  of  thing  takes 
a  great  deal  of  time,  especially  since  the  new  facts 
oan  be  obtained  only  by  long  voyages  in  unknown 
seas,  or  tramps  through  the  trackless  wilderness,  at 
great  coat  of  life  and  treasure.  The  Discovery  of 
America  may  be  regarded  in  one  sense  as  a  unique 
event,  but  it  must  likewise  be  regarded  as  a  long  - 
and  multifarious  process.  The  unique  event  was  the 
crossing  of  the  Sea  of  Darkness  in  1492.  It  es- 
tablished a  true  and  permanent  contact  between 
the  eastern  and  western  halves  of  our  planet,  and 
brought  together  the  two  streams  of  human  life 
that  had  flowed  in  separate  channels  ever  since  the 
Glacial  period.  No  iugeamty  of  argument  can 
take  from  Columbus  the  glory  of  an  achievement 
which  has,  and  can  have,  no  parallel  in  the  whole 
career  of  mankind.  It  was  a  thing  that  could  be 
done  but  once.  On  the  other  hand,  when  we  re- 
gard the  Discovery  as  a  long  and  multifarious  pro- 
cess, it  is  only  by  a  decision  more  or  less  arbitrary 
that  we  can  say  when  it  began  or  when  it  ended. 
It  emerged  from  a  complex  group  of  facts  and 
theories,  and  was  accomplished  through  a  multi* 
tude  of  enterprises  in  ^  quarters  of  the  globe. 
We  cannot  understand  its  beginnings  without  pay- 


^lailizc.bvGoOglc 


664  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 

ing  due  heed  to  tihe  speculations  of  Claudius  Ftol< 
emy  at  Alexandria  in  the  second  centuiy  of  oui 
era,  and  to  the  vanderinga  of  Rubruquis  in  Tar- 
tary  in  the  thirteenth;  nor  can  we  describe  its 
consummation  without  recalling  to  memory  the 
motives  and  results  of  cruises  in  the  Malay  ar- 
chipelago and  journeys  through  the  snows  of 
Siberia.  For  our  general  purpose,  however,  it  is 
enough  ta  observe  thit  a  period  of  two  hundred 
years  just  aboat  carries  us  from  Dias  and  Colum- 
bus to  Joliet  and  La  Salle,  or  from  Ponce  de  Letm 
to  Vitus  Bering.  The  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries  carried  far  toward  completion  the  work 
of  1492. 

In  our  brief  survey  of  the  work  of  discorerj 
during  those  two  centuries,  one  striking  contrast 
forces  itself  upon  our  attention.  We  began  this 
ch&pter  in  company  with  Spaniards ;  toward  its 
close  oiur  comrades  have  been  chiefly  Frenchmen 
ognttm  oi  ^i^d  Englishmen.  In  the  days  of  Cortes 
^ri^^  and  Magellan,  the  Spain  of  Charles  Y. 
twy'irtfr""  was  the  foremost  power  in  the  world ; 
•^*^<'  in  the  days  of  La  Salle  the  France  of 
Louis  XrV.  was  the  foremost  power.  The  last 
years  of  Louis  XIV.  saw  Spain,  far  sunken  from 
her  old  preeminence,  furnishing  the  bone  of  con- 
tention  between  France  and  England  in  the  first 
of  the  two  great  stm^les  which  won  for  England 
the  foremast  place.  As  regards  America,  it  may 
be  observed  that  from  1492  until  about  1570  the 
exploring  and  colonizing  activity  of  Spain  was 
immense,  insomuch  that  upon  the  southern  half  of 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WOBK  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        656 

the  TSev  World  it  has  left  its  stamp  forever,  bo 
that  to-day  the  Spanish  is  one  of  the  few  imperial 
languages.  After  1670  this  wonderful  manifesta- 
tion of  Spanish  enei^  practically  ceased,  and  this 
is  a  fact  of  supreme  importance  in  the  history  of 
North  America.  But  for  thb  ahrupt  cessation  of 
Spanish  energy  the  English  settlements  at  James- 
town and  Plymouth  would  have  heen  in  quite  as 
dangerous  a  position  aa  Rihaut's  colony  in  Florida. 
It  is  wordi  while,  therefore,  to  notice  one  or  two 
eloquent  items  of  chronology.  In  1492  Spain  was 
relieved  of  a  task  which  had  long  absorbed  all  her 
vital  ener^es,  the  work  of  freeing  her  soil  from 
the  dominion  of  the  Moors.  In  1670  she  was  en- 
tering upon  another  task  which  not  only  abso^>ed 
but  welluigh  exhausted  her  energies,  the  attempt 
to  suppress  Protestantism  in  Europe  and  to  sub- 
due the  revolted  Netherlands.  When  she  had 
once  pat  her  hand  to  this  work,  Spain  had  no 
surplus  vitality  left  for  extending  her  sway  in 
America.  She  was  scarcely  able  to  muntain  the 
ground  she  had  already  occupied ;  she  could  not 
defend  the  West  Indies  against  the  buccaneers,  and 
the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  saw  Hispaniola 
in  the  hands  of  France  and  Jamaica  in  the  hands 
of  England,  and  various  lesser  Antilles  seized  by 
the  one  or  the  other  of  these  two  powers. 

It  is  furthermore  worthy  of  notice  that  there 
was  a  clear  causal  connection  between  the  task 
which  Spain  finished  in  1492  and  that  upon  which 
she  entered  a  little  before  1670.  The  transition 
from  the  crusade  against  the  in6del  to  the  cmsade 
against  the  heretic  was  easy,  and  in  her  case  almost 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


656  THE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

ineTitable.  The  effects  of  tbe  long  Moorish  wu 
npon  Spanisli  character  and  Spanish 
■tniate  be-  policy  have  often  been  pointed  out.  The 
i¥^i>^  Spaniard  of  the  sixteenth  centuiy  Iras 
what  eight  hundred  years  of  terrible 
warfare,  for  home  and  for  religion,  had  made  him. 
During  a  period  as  long  as  that  which  in  English 
history  has  now  elapsed  since  the  death  of  William 
the  Conqueror,  the  Mussulman  invaders  held  sway 
in  some  part  of  the  Spanish  peninsula ;  yet  they 
never  succeeded  in  entering  into  any  sort  of  politi- 
cal nnion  with  the  native  inhabitants,  from  first 
to  last  they  behaved  as  invaders  and  were  treated 
as  invaders,  their  career  in  this  respect  fonoing  a 
cnrions  and  instructive  parallel  to  that  of  the  Turks 
in  eastern  Europe,  though  as  a  people  the  Arab. 
Moors  were  of  far  higher  type  than  Turks.  En- 
tering Spain  in  711,  they  soon  conquered  the  whole 
peninsula.  From  this  deluge  about  a  century  later 
the  Christian  kingdom  of  Leon  began  to  emerge. 
By  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century  the  Span- 
iuds  had  regained  half  their  country,  and  the 
Mahometans  were  placed  upon  the  defensive. 
By  tlie  middle  of  the  thirteenth,  the  Moorish  do- 
minion became  restricted  to  the  kingdom  of  Gra- 
nada ;  and  finally  we  have  seen  Granada  subdued 
in  the  same  year  in  which  Columbus  discovered 
America.  During  all  this  period,  from  711  to 
1492,  the  years  when  warfare  was  not  grting  on 
along  the  fluctuating  frontier  between  Spaniard 
and  Moor  were  few  indeed.  Among  the  Spaniards 
industrial  life  was  almost  destroyed.  The  way  to 
obtain  the  necessaries  of  life  was  to  make  ruds 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBX  WOBK  OF  TWO  CEHTUBIES.        557 

nptm  the  Massalmaus,  tod  the  career  of  the  bandit 
became  glorified.  In  the  central  and  southern 
pTOTicces,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Moors  developed 
a  remarkable  industrial  civilization,  Surpassing 
anything  to  be  seen  in  Christian  Europe  except 
in  Consitsntinople  down  to  the  end  of  the  twelfth 
century.  As  the  frontier  moved  gradually  south- 
ward, with  the  advance  of  the  Christians,  the  in- 
dustrious Mussulman  population  in  lai^  part 
became  converted  to  Christianity,  and  went  on  cul- 
tivating  the  arts  of  life.  These  converts,  „,  ^^  ^ 
who  were  known  as  Moriscoes,  were  al-  ^J^j'jlJ*" 
ways  despised  and  ill-treated  by  the  >•**""■ 
Spaniards.  Such  a  state  of  things  continued  to 
throw  discredit  upon  labour.  Spinning  and  weav- 
ing and  tilling  the  soil  were  regarded  as  fit  occu- 
pations for  unclean  Moriscoes.  It  was  the  prerog- 
ative of  a  Christian  Spaniard  to  appropriate  the 
fruits  of  other  people's  labour ;  and  we  have  seen 
this  feeling  at  work  in  many  details  of  the  Span- 
ish conquest  in  America.  Not  that  it  was  at  all 
peculiar  to  Spaniards.  Devices  for  appropriating 
the  fruits  of  other  people's  labour  have  in  all  coim- 
tries  been  multifarious,  from  tomahawks  to  tariffs. 
But  the  circumstances  of  Spanish  history  were 
such  as  to  cast  upon  labour  a  stigma  especially 
strong  by  associating  it  with  men  of  alien  race  and 
faith  who  were  scarcely  regarded  as  possessing  any 
rights  that  Christians  shoidd  feel  bound  to  respect. 
This  prolonged  warfare  had  other  effects.  It 
combined  the  featui«s  of  a  crusade  with  those  of 
a  fight  for  the  recovery  of  one's  patrimony.  The 
general  effect  of  the  great  Crusades,  which  brought 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


568  TSE  DXSCOVEBT  OF  AMERICA. 

diffetent  ChristiaD  peoples  *  in  contact  witli  esdi 
other  and  opened  their  eyes  to  many  excellent  tem- 
tures  in  eastern  civilizatton,  was  an  education  for 
Europe.  Trom  these  liberalizing  experiences  the 
Spanish  peninsula  was  in  great  measure  cut  off.  It 
was  absorbed  in  its  own  private  crusade,  and  there 
was  altogether  too  much  of  it.  While  other  nations 
oGcasionallj  turned  their  attention  to  wars  of  reli- 
gion, Spain  had  no  attention  left  for  anything  else. 
It  was  one  long  agony  through  fiv&4nd-twenty 
generations,  until  the  intruder  was  ousted.  Thus, 
although  Yisigothic  institutions  smacked  of  sturdy 
freedom  as  much  as  those  of  any  other  Germanic 
lu  •»«*  Id  people,  nevertheless  this  unceasing  mili- 
«»S?Sr^  t*™cy  trained  the  Spaniards  for  despot- 
wgQtij.  jgjjj      j-Qp  ^g  same  reason  the  diuroh 

acquired  more  overweening  power  than  anywhere 
else  in  Europe.  To  the  medifeval  Spaniard  ortho> 
doxy  was  practically  synonymous  with  patiiotiBm, 
while  heresy  like  manual  industry  was  a  mark  of 
the  hated  race.  Unity  in  faith  came  to  be  r^arded 
as  an  object  to  secure  which  no  sacrifices  whatever 
could  be  deemed  too  great.  When,  therefore,  the 
Protestant  Befonnation  came  in  the  sixteenth  oen- 
tiiry,  its  ideas  and  its  methods  were  less  intelligible 
to  Spaniards  than  to  any  other  European  people. 
By  nature  this  land  of  mediseval  ideas  was  thus 
marked  out  as  the  chief  antagonist  of  the  Reform 
mation ;  and  when  it  was  attempted  to  extend  to 
the  Netherlands  the  odious  measures  that  were  en- 
dured in  Spain,  the  ensuing  revolt  called  forth  all 
the  power  that  Philip  II.  could  summon  to  suppress 
it.     To  overthrow  the  rebellious  heretic  seemed  aa 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WOEK  OF  TWO  CENTUBIS8.  569 

aaorecl  a  duty  as  to  expel  the  Moslem,     A  onuade 
agUDst  heresy,  headed  by  Pope  Innocent  III.  and 
Philip  Augustus  o£  France,  had  once 
been  crowned  with  sucoeBS,  and  one  of  HdaiDt)i* 
the  most  frewsome  chapters  in  human 
history  had  been  written  in  blood  at  BezieiB  and 
Carcassonne.     Sach  a  crusade  did  Spain  attempt 
against  the  Netherlands,  until  England,  too,  waa 
drawn  into  the  lists  against  her,  and  the  crisis 
was  reached  in  1588,  in  the  destrootion  of  the  In- 
vincible  Armada,  a   military   overthrow   scarcely 
paralleled  uutil  the  wreck  of  Kapoleon's  army  in 
Russia. 

The  defeat  of  the  Armada  was  such  a  blow  to 
Spun's  prestige  that  France,  England,  and  the 
Netherlands  soon  proceeded  to  their  work  of  colo- 
nization in  North  America  with  little  fear  of  hin- 
drance. But  while  France  and  England  paid 
much  attention  to  America,  the  Dutch  paid  com- 
paratively little,  and  for  a  reason  that  is  closely 
linked  with  our  general  subject.  The  ^^^  ^ 
attention  of  the  Dutch  was  chieflv  con-  <™Di«dtaH»^ 
oentrated  upon  the  East  Indies.  After  {JJ^"'^ 
the  Turks  had  cut  off  the  Mediterranean 
routes,  and  Portugal  bad  gained  control  of  the 
Asiatic  trade,  the  great  Netherland  towns  began  to 
have  relatively  fewer  overland  dealings  with  Ven- 
ice and  Genoa,  and  more  and  more  maritime  deal- 
ings with  Lisbon.  The  change  favoured  the  Dutch 
more  than  the  Flemish  provinces,  by  reason  of  the 
greater  length  of  the  Dutch  coast  line.  By  dint 
of  marvellous  energy  and  skill  the  coast  of  Holland 
and  Zealand  became  virtually  one  vast  seaport,  a 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


660  TEE  DISCOTESY  OF  AXXBICA. 

distribating  centre  for  the  whole  north  of  Europe, 
and  during  the  sixteenth  century  the  volume  of 
Dutch  merchant  shipping  was  rapidly  and  steadily 
increased.  Now  it  happened  in  1578  tliat  the  King 
Sebastian  of  Portugal,  who  has  furnished  a  theme 
for  so  many  romantic  l^;end8,  led  an  army  into  Mo- 
rocco, and  there  was  killed  in  battle.  Philip  II, 
forthwith  declared  the  throne  of  Portugal  vacant, 
and  in  1580  seized  the  kingdom  for  himself.  This 
act  abruptly  cut  off  the  East  India  trade  of  the 
Dutch,  and  at  the  same  time  it  made  all  the  Portu- 
gnese  colonies  dependencies  of  Spain,  and  thus  left 
the  Dutch  free  to  attack  them  wherever  they  saw 
fit.  Bui^ia's  meridian  was  thus  at  last  wiped  out. 
cmv"^  of  -A-fter  1588  the  Dutch  proceeded  at  once 
™m  I'iiei  ***  invade  the  colonial  world  of  Portugal. 
GjrUMDnMb.  Xhey  soon  established  themselves  in 
Java  and  Sumatra,  and  by  1607  they  had  gained 
complete  possession  of  the  Molucca  islands.  This 
was  the  beginning  of  the  empire  which  Htdland 
possesses  to-day  in  the  East  Indies,  with  a  rich 
territory  four  times  as  large  as  France,  a  popola- 
tion  of  80,000.000,  and  a  lucrative  trade.  From 
this  blow  Poi+ugal  never  recovered.  She  retained 
her  independence  in  1640,  but  has  never  since 
shown  the  buoyant  vigour  that  made  the  days  of 
Prince  Henry  the  Navigator  and  of  Alhnq^uetque 
BO  remai'kable. 

The  overthrow  of  the  Invincible  Armada  thus 
marks  the  downfall  of  maritime  power  for  both  the 
rival  nations  of  .the  Iberian  peninsula.  It  would 
be  wrong,  however,  to  attribute  such  an  enduring 
calamity  to  a  single  great  naval  defeat,  or  even  to 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WORK  OF  TWO  CENTUBIES.        561 

the  exliauating  effects  of  the  unsuccessful  war 
against  the  Dutch.  A  healthj  nation  quickly  re- 
pairs the  damage  wrought  by  a  military  catastro- 
phe, but  Spain  was  Dot  in  a  healthy  con-  piwurmn 
dition.  The  overmastering  desire  to  put  I^JSu^'hlJ^ 
down  heresy,  to  expel  the  '^accursed  "* 
thing,"  possessed  her.  The  Btmggle  with  the 
Moors  had  brought  this  semi-suicidal  craving  to  a 
height  which  it  never  reached  with  any  other  Eu- 
ropean nation.  In  the  present  narrative  we  have 
had  occasion  to  observe  that  as  soon  as  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella  had  finished  the  conquest  of  Granada, 
they  tried  to  add  to  the  completeness  of  their  tri- 
umph by  driving  all  Jews  from  their  homes  and 
seizing  tbeir  goods.  In  times  past,  the  conquered 
Moors  had  in  great  numbers  embraced  Christian- 
ity, but  it  was  with  difficulty  that  the  Spaniards 
tolerated  the  presence  of  these  Moriscoes  in  their 
country.'  In  1568,  the  Moiiscoes,  goaded  by  ill 
ti-eatment,  rose  in  rebellion  among  the  mountains 
of  Granada,  and  it  took  three  years  of  obstinate 
figbtmg  to  bring  them  to  terms.  Their  defeat  was 
BO  crushing  that  they  ceased  to  be  dangerous  polit- 
ically, but  their  orthodoxy  was  gravely  suspected. 
In  1602  the  archbishop  of  Valencia  proposed  that 

'  On  tlia  rioh  and  important  subject  of  Uie  Moon  in  Spain, 
■ea  Al  Makkari,  Biilory  of  At  Mohamntdan  Dgiuutitt  in  Spa'n, 
tranal.  by  GsyantpM,  London,  1840,  2  Tola,  in  qnarto;  Conda, 
Dominacion  de  las  Arabet  tn  Eipatia,  Paiu,  1840  (to  be  read  with 
oantion)  ;  Coppje,  Conqueit  of  Spain  by  lAt  Arab-^oart,  Baatoii, 
1881,  2  Tols. ;  Roinand,  Jnraji'oni  A j  SuTrazi'nM  en  Franct.  Paris, 
1836  ;  CbJiuar,  RedienJia  Mslorigufi  lur  /(5  Maura,  Paria,  ITFT, 
8  Tola. ;  Circonrt,  Hiiloire  dts  Moris  Mudtjarts  rt  des  Marisltua, 
Pai^  1840,  8  vols,  i  aee,  alio,  with  raferaDce  to  the  Jewi,  Qnati, 
Let  Jvi/t  d'Eipagne,  Paria,  1S12. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


562  TIIE  DISCOVERT  OF  AMERICA. 

all  the  Moriscoea  in  the  kicgdom,  except  children 
under  seven  ye-ars  of  ag>i,  should  be  driven  into 
exile,  that  Spain  might  no  longer  be  polluted  by 
the  merest  suspicion  of  unbelief.  The  archbishop 
of  Toledo,  primate  of  Spain,  wished  to  banish  the 
bmUonot  children  also.  It  is  said  that  Friar  Ble- 
fllSiIsjiKr'  ^  *^®  Dominican,  urged  that  all  Moris- 
'**■  coes,  even  to  the  new-bom  babe,  should 

be  massacred,  since  it  was  impossible  to  tell 
whether  they  were  Christians  at  heart  or  not,  and 
it  might  safely  be  left  to  God  to  select  his  own. 
The  views  of  the  pnmate  prevailed,  and  in  1609, 
about  a  million  people  were  turned  out  of  doors 
and  hustled  ofE  to  Morocco.  These  proceedings 
involved  an  amount  of  murder  that  has  been  esti- 
mated as  about  equivalent  to  the  massacre  of  St. 
Bartholomew.  Of  the  unfortunate  people  who 
reached  Africa,  thousands  perished  of  hunger,  or 
were  slmn  by  robbers,  or  kidnapped  into  slavery. 

These  Moriscoes,  thus  driven  from  the  land  by 
ecclesiastical  bigotry,  joined  with  hatred  of  their 
race,  were  the  most  skilful  labourers  Spain  pes. 
BMsed.  By  their  expidsion  the  manufacture  of 
niTiM*  ^Ut  and  paper  was  destroyed,  the  oulH- 

«oiiHquaiioM.  yatioQ  of  8ugar,  rice,  and  cotton  came 
to  an  end,  the  wool-trade  stopped  short,  and  irri- 
gation of  the  soil  was  discontinued.  The  disturb- 
ance of  industry,  and  the  consequent  distress, 
were  so  fai^-reachiug  that  in  the  course  of  the  next 
seventy  years  the  population  of  Madrid  was  de. 
creased  by  one  half,  and  that  of  Seville  by  three 
quarters ;  whole  villages  were  deserted,  large  por- 
tions of  arable  land  went  out  of  cultivation-  and 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


TBE  WORK  OF  TWO  CSNTUBIES.         668 

brigand^^  gained  a  foothold  which  it  has  kept  al- 
mort  down  to  the  present  day.  The  ecoaomic  ruin 
of  Spain  may  he  said  to  date  from  the  expulsion  of 
the  Moriscoes.  Yet  no  deed  in  history  was  ever  done 
with  clearer  conscience  or  more  unanimous  self- 
approval  on  the  part  of  the  perpetrators  than  this. 
Even  the  high-minded  and  gentle-hearted  Cervantes 
applauded  it,  while  Davila  characterized  it  as  the 
crowning  gh>ry  of  Spanish  history.  This  approval 
was  the  outcome  of  a  feeling  so  deeply  ingrained 
in  the  Spanish  mind  that  we  sometimes  see  curious 
remnants  of  it  to^ay,  even  among  Spaniards  of 
much  hherality  and  enlightenment.  Thus  the  em> 
inent  historian  Lafuente,  writing  in  1856,  freely 
confessed  that  the  destruction  of  Moorish  indus- 
tries was  economically  a  disaster  of  the  first  mag- 
nitude ;  but  after  ail,  he  says,  just  think  what  an 
"  immense  advantage  "  it  was  to  establish  "  reli- 
gions unity  "  throughout  the  nation  and  get  rid  of 
differences  in  opinion.^  Just  so;  to  insure  that 
from  the  Pyrenees  to  Gibraltar  all  people  should 
appear  to  think  exactly  alike  about  questions  con- 
fessedly unfathomable  by  human  intelligence, — 
this  seemed  to  the  Spaniards  an  end  of  such  su- 
preme importance  as  to  justify  the  destruction  of  a 
hundred  thousand  lives  and  the  overthrow  of  some 
of  the  chief  industries  of  the  kingdom.  It  was  a 
terrible  delusion,  but  perhaps  we  are  not  entitled 
to  blame  the  Spaniards  too  severely  when  we  re- 
flect that  even  among  ourselves,  in  spite  of  all  the 
liberalizing  influences  to  which  the  English  race 
1  LafiuDta,  ffiMoria  tl»  EipaHa,  Madrid,   1836,  torn.  xrii.  p. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


564  THE  BISCOVEBY  OF  AMERICA, 

has  BO  long  been  subjected,  the  lesson  is  only  jost 
beginning  to  be  learned  that  variety  in  religious 
beliefs  is  not  on  eril,  but  a  positive  benefit  to  a 
trnirunoKT  Id  ^^'^li^^d  Community,  whereas  unifonnity 
u^rfto^Jt*'  "^  belief  should  be  dreaded  as  tending 
••^"'^  toward  Chinese  narrowness  and  stagna- 
tion. This  is  the  true  lesson  of  Frotestantiem,  and 
it  is  through  this  lesson,  however  imperfectly 
learned,  that  Protestantism  has  done  so  much  to 
save  the  world  frtnn  torpor  and  paralyais. 

But  it  was  not  merely  in  the  expulsion  of  the 
Moriscoes  that  the  Spanish  policy  of  enforcing 
uniformity  was  suicidal.  Indeed,  the  disastrous 
effects  which  we  are  wont  to  attribute  to  that  strik- 
ing catastrophe  cannot  really  be  explained  without 
taking  into  account  another  and  still  more  potent 
cause.  The  deadly  Inquisition,  working  steadily 
and  quietly  year  after  year  while  fourteen  genera, 
tions  lived  and  died,  wroi^ht  an  amount  of  disaster 
which  it  is  difficult  for  the  mind  to  grasp.     Some 

eight  or  ten  years  ago   an  excavation 
Korkof  tb«     happened  to  be  made  in  the  Plaza  Cruz 

del  Quemadero  in  Madrid,  the  scene  of 
the  most  terrible  part  of  Victor  Hugo's  "  Torque- 
mada."  Juat  below  the  surface  the  workmen  came 
upon  a  thick  stratum  of  black  earth  150  feet  long. 
On  further  digging  it  was  found  to  consist  chiefly 
of  ealoined  human  bones,  with  here  and  there  a 
fragment  of  burnt  clothing.  Dark  layers  varying 
from  three  to  nine  inches  in  thickness  were  here 
and  there  interrupted  by  very  thin  strata  of  clay 
or  sand.'  A  singular  kind  of  geological  problem 
'  Tlua  dapont  wai  ezanuBad  by  hud  of  louiice  uid  MrtiqiH^ 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  WOSK  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        665 

was  thuB  Buggeeted :  how  nian;  men  and  women 
mnst  have  died  in  excruciating  torments  in  order  to 
baild  up  tliat  infernal  deposit?  DuriDgthe  fifteen 
yoKTO  when  Torquemada  was  iaquisitor-general, 
from  1483  to  1498,  about  10,000  persons  were 
bunted  alive.  The  rate  was  probably  not  much 
diminiahed  during  the  sixteenth  century,  and  the 
practice  waa  kept  up  until  late  in  the  eighteenth; 
the  last  burning  of  a  heretic  was  in  1781.  From 
the  outset  the  germs  of  Protestantism  were  steadily 
and  completely  extirpated.  We  sometimes  hear  it 
said  that  persecution  cannot  kill  a  good  caute,  but 
that "  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  seed  of  the 
chnrch."  This  is  apt  to  be  true  because  it  is 
seldom  that  sufficient  unanimity  of  public  opinion 
is  enhsted  in  support  of  persecution  to  make  it 
thorough.  It  was  not  true  in  Spain.  The  Inqui- 
sition there  did  suppress  free  thought  most  effec- 
tively. It  was  a  machine  for  winnowing  out  and 
destroying  all  such  individuals  8S  surpassed  the  av- 
erage in  quickness  of  wit,  earnestness  of  purpose, 
and  strength  of  character,  in  so  far  as  to  entertun 
opinions  of  their  own  and  boldly  declare  k,^,^,^,^ 
them.  The  more  closely  people  ap-  {Jl^^IJiJ^^ 
proached  an  elevated  standard  of  intel-  "■  'u't***- 
ligence  and  moral  courage,  the  more  likely  was  the 
machine  to  reach  them.  It  worked  with  such 
fiendish  efficiency  that  it  was  next  to  impossible 
for  such  people  to  escape  it ;  they  were  strangled 
riam,  and  the  nawipapen  beg[ui  pnbliihui^  tlie  dataili  of  their 
iiiTestigatioTu,  whereat  the  oleig?  grev  nneaaj,  aod  peTBoaded  the 
gOTpmmeDt  to  faavo  the  whole  itratom  dn^  away  aod  Temorod  aa 
qniokly  aa  poarible,  so  ai  to  avoid  fnrtlier  in'B"'i-t  See  Tkt  Na- 
tion, New  Tu'k,  16S3,  vol  xa-n.  p.  47a 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


566  TBS  DISCOrSBT  OF  AMERICA. 

and  bamed  by  tens  of  tbonBands,  and  aa  the  iaev- 

itable  result,  the  average  character  of  the  Spaniab 
people  was  lowered.'  The  brightest  and  boldest 
weie  cat  o£F  in  their  early  prime,  while  duller  and 
weaker  ones  were  spared  to  propagate  the  race ; 
until  the  Spaniard  of  the  eighteenth  century  was 
a  much  less  intelligent  and  less  enterprising  person 
than  the  Spaniard  of  the  sixteenth.  Such  damage 
is  not  easily  repaired ;  the  competition  among  na- 
tions is  so  constant  and  so  keen,  that  when  a  people 
have  once  clearly  lost  their  hold  upon  the  foremost 
position  they  are  not  likely  to  regain  it. 

Under  this  blighting  rule  of  the  Inquisition  the 
general  atmosphere  of  thought  in  Spain  remained 
medieval.  Ideas  and  methods  which  other  nations 
were  devising,  to  meet  the  new  exigencies  of  mod- 
em life,  were  denied  admission  to  that 
pdicjr  oi  unfortunate  country.  In  manufactures, 
iodiTiduiuim  in  commerce,  in  the  control  of  the  various 
■minmiaur  sources  of  Wealth,  Spain  was  soon  left 
behind  by  nations  in  which  the  popular 
intelligence  was  more  flexibly  wielded,  and  from 
which  the  minds  hospitable  toward  new  ideas  had 
not  been  so  caref  uUy  weeded  out.     It  was  not  in 


n  the  reader  Bhonlil  canfnlly  atady  tlu  ad- 
wrable  book  lately  published  by  our  great  bistoriui  of  nwdiaral 
imtitntiam,  Henry  Charles  Lea,  Chaptert  from  tit  Rtligumt  BU- 
lorg  of  Spain,  Philadelphia,  1890.  I  Lave  been  espeoially  itrnok 
with  the  chapter  on  the  "CenMiiBhip  of  the  Press,"  where  the 
■Dhjeat  is  treated  with  a  prodigiinis  wealth  of  learning.  We  an 
apt  to  sigh  over  popular  ignoTBnce  even  in  these  da^sof  elabontte 
edncational  appliances  and  nntrammelled  freedom  of  dieoiuaion. 
Under  the  role  of  the  Spanish  Inqniutiim  all  the  laal  aad  energy 
which  we  now  dsTote  to  developing  and  stimulating  popular  i»- 
le  was  devoted  to  stnntiog  and  nprasnog  it. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  WQBK  OF  TWO  CBNTJTBISS.        667 

leli^onB  matters  only,  but  in  all  Uie  afiain  of  life, 
that  the  doll  and  ri^d  conseiratiBm  was  sliown. 
Ajnid  the  general  stagnation  and  lack  of  enter- 
priae,  and  witk  the  universal  discredit  of  labour,  the 
stream  of  gold  and  ailrer  poured  into  Spain  from 
the  New  World  did  more  harm  than  good,  inas- 
much as  its  chief  effect  was  to  diminish  the  pnr- 
chasicg  power  of  the  precious  metals.  £conom- 
ically,  perhaps,  the  whole  situation  might  be 
summed  np  by  saying  that  Spanish  expenditure 
was  not  productive  but  unproductive,  and  not  sim- 
ply unproductive  but  destructive.  It  was  devoted 
to  checking  the  activities  of  the  human  mind,  to 
doing  precisely  the  reverse  of  what  we  are  trying 
to  do  in  these  days  with  books  and  newspapers, 
schools  and  lectui'es,  copyrights  and  patents. 

It  is  profoundly  significant  that  the  people  who 
have  acquired  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  mari- 
time empire  to  which  Spain  once  aspired,  and  who 
have  supplanted  her  in  Hie  best  part  of  the  terri ' 
tories  to  which  she  once  felt  entitled  in  virtue  of 
Borgia's  bulls,  should  be  the  people  who  have  dif- 
fered most  widely  from  the  Spaniards  in  their  atti- 
tude toward  novelties  of  doctrine  and  indepen- 
dence of  thought.  The  policy  of  England,  in 
^ving  full  play  to  individualism,  has  ithubBsntbe 
developed  a  type  of  national  character  ^'X.'^S,'*: 
unsurpassed  for  buoyancy.  Ko  class  of  todi^jEL" 
people  in  England  ever  acquired  such  '™' 
control  of  the  whole  society  as  the  clergy  acquired 
in  Spain.  In  the  worst  days  of  English  tustory 
attempts  have  been  made  to  crush  individuality  of 
tlionght  and  to  put  a  stop  to  the  free  dircnsaioD  of 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


668  TBS  M3C0VEBY  OF  AXEBICA. 

religions  and  political  questions.  But  melt  at> 
tempts  have  been  feeble  and  sporadic ;  no  such 
policy  has  ever  prevailed.  The  histoiy  of  religions 
persecution  in  England  affords  a  most  su^estive 
illustration.  The  bumiag  of  heretics  began  in 
1401,  and  the  last  instance  occurred  in  ICll. 
During  that  time  the  total  number  of  executions 
for  heresy  was  about  400,  Of  these  about  300 
occurred  in  the  brief  spasm  of  1555-^7  under 
Mary  Tudor,  daughter  of  a  Spanish  princess,  and 
wife  of  the  worst  of  Spain's  persecutii^  monarchs. 
The  total  of  100  victims  scattered  through  the  rest 
of  that  period  of  two  centuries  makes  a  startling 
contrast  to  what  was  going  on  in  other  countries. 
As  no  type  of  character  has  thus  been  sedulously 
winnowed  out  by  violent  methods,  neither  has  any 
set  of  people  ever  been  expelled  from  England, 
like  the  Moriscoes  from  Spain  or  the  Huguenots 
from  France.  On  the  contrary,  ever  since  the 
days  of  the  Plantagenets  it  has  been  a  nuLxim  of 
English  law  that  whosoever  among  the  hunted  and 
oppressed  of  other  realms  should  set  Ms  foot  on 
the  soil  of  Britain  became  forthwith  free  and  enti- 
tled to  all  the  protection  that  England's  stout  arm 
could  afford.  On  that  hospitable  soil  all  types  of 
character,  all  varieties  of  temperament,  all  shades 
of  belief,  have  flourished  side  by  side,  and  have  in- 
TiutHikT  teracted  upon  one  another  until  there 
•^j^^^^j^^i  has  been  evolved  a  race  of  men  in  the 
E*  luh™ **  l''?!'^^''  degree  original  and  enterprising, 
OT^"™"*  plastic  and  cosmopolitan.  It  is  chiefly 
this  circumstance,  combined  with  their 
successful  preservation  of  self'^vemment,  that  has 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  WORK  OF  TWO  CENTURIES.        669 

iron  for  meo  of  English  speech  their  imperial  po- 
sition in  the  modem  world.  When  we  contrast 
the  elastic  buoyanoy  of  spirit  in  Shakespeare's 
England  with  the  gloom  and  heavineaa  that  were 
then  creeping  over  Spain,  we  find  nothing  strange 
in  the  fact  that  the  most  populous  and  powerful 
nations  of  the  New  World  speak  English  and  not 
Spanish.  It  was  the  people  of  Great  Britain  that, 
with  flexible  and  self-reliant  intelligence,  came  to 
be  foremost  in  devising  methods  adapted  to  the 
growth  of  an  industrial  civilization,  leaving  the 
Middle  Ages  far  behind.  Wherever,  in  any  of 
the  regions  open  to  colonization,  this  race  has  oome 
into  competition  with  other  European  races,  it  has 
either  vanquished  or  absorbed  them,  always  prov- 
ing its  superior  capacity.  Sometimes  the  contest 
has  assumed  the  form  of  strife  between  a  civiliza- 
tion based  upon  wholesome  private  enterprise  and 
a  civilization  baaed  upon  government  patronage. 
Such  was  the  form  of  the  seventy  years'  conflict 
that  came  to  a  final  decision  upon  the  Heights  oi 
Abraham,  and  not  the  least  interesting  circum- 
stance connected  with  the  discovery  of  this  broad 
continent  is  the  fact  that  the  stru^le  for  the  pos- 
session of  it  ha^  revealed  the  superior  vitality  of 
institutions  and  methods  that  first  came  to  matu- 
rity in  England  and  now  seem  destined  to  shape 
the  future  of  the  world. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


APPEKMS  A. 

TOSCANBLLl'S    LETTEB     TO    COLUHBDB,   WITH    TSZ    Eir- 
CLOBED  LETTEB   TO  UABTIHBZ. 

Thi  Latin  U  tha  origiiul  text,  for  •»  Moonnt  ai  whieb  ne 
AboT*,  voL  i  p.  356,  Dota  3.  Tha  Italiui  m  from  the  Tenioii  in 
OuVita  ddC  AmmtraglioiaoaoBTmag  whiab  U.  Hanina  leyi  thitt 
It  ie  "  tiie-inezuit  et  interp<JAe."  I  have  here  Italioiaed  Uie  por- 
tiwa  of  either  text  vbioh  do  not  oooor  in  tb*  other,  ao  that  tha 
reader  may  judge  for  hi^tfi*  how  far  anoh  a  ahaige  ia  jnatified. 

A  Cristofora  Colombo 
Foolo  fisico  ealute.  lo  veg- 
go  11  nobile  e  gnn  desiderio 
too  di  voler  pasaar  li,  dove 
nmscono  le  apezerie,  oode 
per  risposta  d'  Qn&  tna  let- 
tera  ti  inando  la  copiad' nn' 
altra  lettera,  ehe  alquanti 
giami  fa  io  acrisri  ad  nn 
mio  amico,  domeslico  dd 
MreniaBimo  re  di  Forto- 
gallo,  avanti  le  gaerre  di 
Caatigliat  in  rispoita  d'  an' 
altra,  cbe  per  conuniesione 
di  Sua  Altezza  egli  mi 
scrisse  sopra  detto  caao ;  e 
ti  mando  on'  altra  carta 
navigatoria,  Bimile  a  qaella 
cfa'  io  mondai  a  lai,  per 
la  qnal  resteranno  aoddis- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


573  AFPHNDIZ  A. 

{fttt«  le  ta«  dimuda.    L* 
eopik  di  qnella  mi*  lettcn 
^  qoasbb 
Co|Hft  miia   ehriitofuo 
eolonbo  per  panliim  fiisicDin 
enin  ana  carta  luiTigaciotua. 

Ferdinuido  martini  ca-         A    Fernando    Martinn 

nonico  vlixiponenm  pauliu  eanonico  di  Liabona  Paolo 

phisicus    ulutem.      a   tua  fisico    salute.      Molto    mi 

valitadine  de  gnicia  et  f a-  piacqaeintendere  la  domes- 

miliaritate  cum  rege  veatro  tichezza  cbe  ta  hat  col  too 

genero[sias]imo  [et]  mag-  serenias.  e    magnificendM. 

nificentisairoo   principe   io-  re,  e  qnantanque  To]te  io 

eondam  rnilii  fuit  intelli-  abbia  ragionato  del  breoia- 

gere.      cum    tecum    alliaa  ttmo  cammino  cbe  h  di  qoa 

locutue  sum  de  breuiori  via  all'  Indie,  dore  nasrono  le 

ad  loca  aromatiim  per  ma-  spezerie,    per    la    ria    del 

r  i  t  i  m  a  m     navipaciooem  mnre,  il  quale  io  tengo  pib 

qnam  ut  ea  qoam  facitia  breve  di  quel  che  voi  iste 

per  gnineam,  qnerit  nunc  per  Guinea,  tu  tni  dici  efae 

S[erenis8imns]  rex    a  me  Sua  Altezza  vorrebbe  ora 

qnandam       declarscioDem  da    me    alcuna    dicbicra- 

ymo  potins  ad  occulnm  os-  uane,  o  dimoatratione,  ao- 

tenaionem  Tt  etiarn  medio-  cioccbfa  siintendae  si  poaaa 

enter  doti  illam  viaro  ca-  prendere    detto    cammino. 

perent     et      intelligcrent.  Laonde,  come  ch'  io  aappia 

P^autem  qoam  ria  cognos-  di  poter  ci&  moatrarle  con 

cam  poaae  hoc  ostendi  per  la  sfera  in   mano,  e  farle 

formam    spericam    nt    eat  veder  come  sta  il  mondo ; 

mniidua     taraen     determi-  nondimeno    ho    deliberato 

Tiaai,    pro   faciliori   intelli-  per  piil  facilitii  e  per  mag 

gencia  ac  etiam  pro  faci-  giare  intelligentadimostrar 

liori  opera,  oat«ndere,  viam  detto    cammino    per    una 

illam  per  qnam  carte  na-  carta  simile  a  quelle  che  si 

rigaeioDia   fiunt  illad  de-  fanoo  per  Davigare,  e  coal 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBX  TOSCASEUJ  LBTTSBS. 


678 


elftTSK.  Uito  trgo  me 
Maiestati  cmrtam  numibus 
mail  factam  Id  qua  deaig- 
lumtar 


litora  Teetra  et  iosule  ex 
qnibus  iueipiatis  it«r  facere 
veritis  oceaanm  wnper 

At  loea  ad  que  debeatia 
peraenire  et  qaantam  a 
pdo  Tftl  a  linea  equinotiali 
debeatis  dedinare  et  per 
quantom  apaciam  sine  per 
qnot  miliaria  debeatis  per- 
neaire  ad  loca  fertiliMima 
ornninm  aromatum  et  ga- 
roaram,  et  noii  mireiuini  si 
TOCO  occidentales  partes 
rbi  aant  arotnnta  cum  cam- 
mniuter  dicaotur  orientales, 


quia  nanigantibtts  ad  occi- 
dentem  aenper  ille  partes 
iuueDinntor  per  mbt&ria- 
neatnauigaeionet.  Sienim 
per  terram  et  per  snpe- 
riora  itinera,  ad  orientem 
•enper  reperrientur '  linee 
ergo   recte   la   longitudine 


la  mando  a  Sua  Maesti^ 
fotta  e  diaegnata  di  mia 
mano  :  nella  quale  i  dipinto 
tutto  il  fine  del  ptmenU, 
jngliando  da  Irkmda  aW 
auttro  inaitta  at  fin  di 
Quinea,  con  tutU  le  isole 
che  in  tutto  qus»to  cant' 
mino  giacciana  ;  per  fronta 
alle  quail  dritto  per  ponen- 
t«  giace  dipinto  il  prinoi- 
pto  dell'  Indie  con  le  isole 
e  laoghi  dove  potete  andare, 
e  qoanto  dal  polo  artioo  ri 
potete  discoBtare  per  la 
linea  equiooziale,  e  per 
qaanto  spazio,  ciob  in  quan- 
te  leghe  pot«te  giiingere  a 
quei  luoglii  fertilissimi  d' 
ogni  sorte  di  spezeria,  e  di 
gemma  e  pietre  prerioee. 
E  non  abbiate  a  maran- 
glia,  so  io  cbiamo  Ponente 
il  paese  ove  nasce  la  spe- 
Ecria,  la  qual  comunemeute 
dicesi  che  nasce  in  Le- 
vanU ;  perdocchb  colore, 
che  navigberanno  al  po- 
nente, sempre  troverauna 
detti  luoglii  in  ponente  ;  6 
quelli,  che  anderanno  per 
terra  al  levante,  sempre 
troveranno  detti  laoghi  in 
Ifvante.      Le  lines  dritte, 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


674  APPXNDa  A. 

carte  s^;nate  (Mtendont  dis-  che  giaecioao  al  lango  in 
tutciam  ab  orietitem  *  ver-  detta  carta,  diinostnno  la 
808  occidens,  que  autem  distanEa  che  k  dal  ponento 
tnntuerse  Bunt,  mtendunt  al  levante ;  le  alu-e,  che 
■pacia  ameiidieTenua  »ep-  Mine  per  obliqoo,  dimo- 
tentrionem.  notani  autein  atrano  la  distanaa  clie  ^ 
in  carta  dinena  loca  ad  dalla  tramontana  al  mei- 
que  peruenire  potestis  pro  K^nmo.  Ancora  io  di- 
maiori  noticia  Datiigancium  pinii  in  detta  carta  molti 
•iae  TentU  vel  caaa  aliqno  luoghi  nelle  parte  (MT  /n- 
alibi  quant  exiitiuiarent  dia  dove  ai  potrebbe  an- 
venirent ;  partin  '  aiitem  vt  dare,  avvenendo  alcon  caw 
otleTidant  ineolis  ipsos  ha-  di  fortuna  o  di  venli  con- 
bcre  notteiamaliquampa-  trari,  o  qnalunque  altra 
^'0  iUiut,  quod  debtbit  eaao,  che  non  si  aspettasia, 
MM  ioeundvm  tatis.  che  doTCBse  avvenire. 

JC  apprtsto,  per  darvi 

piena  infarmagions  di  tiuU 

qvei    luoghi,   i  qyali  d»- 

tiderata    motto    eonoMoere, 

lappiaU,  che  in  tatte  qnells 

noD  conaidant  *  antem  in     iaole   son  abitano  nb   f^ 

iniulis  nisi  mercatores  ase-     ticano     altri    che     merca- 

rit.*     ibi  enim  tanta  copia     tanti ;    avvertendovi   quivi 

naTigancium  eat  com  mer-     esaers   coal   gran   quantity 

cimoniis  rt  in  toto  reliqao     di  navi  e  di  mariuari  con 

orbe    non    gint    aicuti    in     mercatanue,  come  in  ogni 

Tnoportnnobiltaimo  vocato     altra     parte    del     mondo, 

xatton.     aaernnt  enim  cen-     apecialmente   in   un   poito 

I  Bead  oricide.  *  RmiI  partim. 

*  Bsad  amiidma. 

*  Puhapa  mrast for atMrihcr,  "itiinUtvd."  Colnmbna a>»7 
bar*  forgxittan  to  flnkh  the  woid.  Or  perbapa  Toacanelli  msj 
baTa  iiiadT«rtentl;  nwd  tlia  urtiia  oMtrit, " ha  ralMaa,"  "wiring 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THS  TOSCANSLLI  LXTTES8. 


6T6 


tom  nnaes  piperu  magne 
in  «o  porta  gingulis  annia 
deferri,  sine  aliu  nauibos 
pOTtantlbus  allia  aronuta. 
patria  ilia  eat  popnlatiainia 
dituima  multitndine  pro- 
ninciaium  et  regnamm  et 
ciaitatDm  sine  iinmero,  snb 
TDOptincipeqnidicUarmag- 
nua  Kan  qnod  nomen  aig- 
nificat  in  latino  rex  tegum, 
cuius  sedea  et  reaideneia  eat 
Tt  plurimnm  in  provincia 
Katajr.  antiqu)  sat  des> 
derabant  conaorcinm  chris- 
tianonim  iam  aunt  .200. 
annia,'  miscemnt*  ad  pa- 
pain et  poatulabant  plorimoa 
dotos  in  fide  vt  illamina- 
rantur  ;  aed  qui  raiasi  aunt, 
inpediti    in   iUnera  redia- 


tampon  EugeniiTenitTnua 
ad  eagenium  qui  de  beni- 
nolentia  magna  erg*  cliria- 
tianoa  afirmabat  et  ego 


nobilissimo,  chtamito  Zai- 
ton,  dove  caricano  «  dia- 
carieano  ogni  anno  cento 
navi  groBse  di  pepe,  oltre 
alle  molte  altre  nari,  cbe 
caricano  altra  apexerie. 
Qaesto  paeae  h  popolatia* 
aimo,  e  aono  molte  pro- 
vincia e  molti  regnt  e  cittk 
senia  nnmero  aotto  il  do- 
tninio  di  nn  priticipe  cfaift- 
mato  il  gran  Caoe,  il  qoal 
nome  tuoI  dire  re  de'  re, 
la  reaidei.za  del  qnala  la 
niaggior  parte-  del  tempo  h 
Delia  prorinciadel  Cataio. 
I  auoi  anteceeaori  deaidenk' 
rono  molto  aver  pratica  e 
amicizia  con  cristiani,  e 
giit  dugento  anni  manda- 
rono  ambaaciatori  al  aommo 
pontefice,  aopplicandolocbe 
gli  mandaaae  mold  aavij  a 
dottori,  che  gl'  inaagnaaaero 
la  noatra  fpde,  ma  per  gl' 
im  pediment!  cb*  ebbero 
detti  anibaaciatori,  toma- 
rono  indietro  aenu  arri- 
vare  a  Boma.  £  ancora 
a  papa  Engenio  IV.  venne 
nno  ambaaciatore,  il  qnale 
gli  raccontft  la  grande  ami- 
cizia ebo  qnei  princiiu  a  i 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


6T6  APPSSDIZ  A. 

loro  popoli  huino  coi  cri*- 
Mcam  lon^jo  aermoiie  loco-  tiani ;  e  \o  psrlai  langar 
toa  sum  de  maltis,  de  mag-  mente  con  Id!  di  molta  com, 
nitudine  eilificioram  re-  e  deile  grandeue  delle  {»- 
{p^um  et  de  magnitadine  briche  regain,  e  della  gros- 
flaainm'  in  latitudine  et  eezxa  de' fiomi  in  larghezzA 
looptadine  mirabili  et  de  e  in  Innghezza,  ed  ei  mi 
midtitadine  cinitatam  in  disse  molte  cose  maravi- 
ripis  floainm,'  Tt  in  mo  gliose  della  maltitadine 
flumine  .200.  cirdter  ciui-  delle  cilti  e  laogUi  die  son 
tatas  nnt  constitute,  et  fondati  nelle  rive  loro ;  e 
pontes  marmorei  magne  che  solamente  in  an  fiume 
latitndinia  et  longitndinis  ai  trovava  dngetito  cittll 
vndigne  coloopnis  oniati.  edificate  con  ponte  di  pie- 
hec  patria  digna  est  vt  per  tre  di  marmo,  molto  lai^hi 
latinos  qneratar,  non  solum  e  lunghi,  adoniati  di  molte 
quia  Incra  ingencia  ex  e«  colonne.  Questn  paese  h 
capi  posunt  ami  arg<nti  degiio  tanto.  qoanto  ogni 
gemarum  omnia  generis  et  altro,  che  si  abbia  trorato  ; 
aromatum  qae  nunquam  ad  e  non  solamente  vi  si  pa6 
nos  def eruntnr,  verum  prop-  trovar  grandissimo  gnada- 
ter  doctos  viroa  philoaofoa  gno,  e  molte  cose  ricche; 
et  astrologoB  peritos  et  qui-  ma  aneora  oro,  e  argento, 
bus  ingeniis  et  artibus  ita  e  pietre  preiiose,  e  di  c^i 
potens  et  m^cifica  prooin-  sorte  di  epeiieria  in  grande 
cia  gubementur*  ac  etiam  quantity,  della  qnale  mai 
bella  conducanL  hec  pro  non  si  porta  in  qaeste  nos- 
altqaantula  satiefactione  ad  tre  parti.  Ed  ^  il  vero, 
saam  peticionem,  quantam  che  niolti  aomini  dotti,  filo- 
brenitas  temporis  dedit  et  sofl,  e  astrologi,  e  altri 
occopaciones  mee  conscep-  grand!  savij  in  tutte  le  arti, 
aeerunti*  paratus  in  futu-  e  di  grande  ingegno  go- 
rum  regie  maiestati  quan-  vernano   quella  gran   pro- 

>  Resd^HiniiniiN.  *  Bend  guUmetiO: 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


TBE  TOaCASELLI  LETTMB8.  577 

torn  Tolet  Utiiu  sadsfacere.    vincia,  «  ordinano  le  bat- 

dats    florencie     25     innii     taglie.    |      £   qaesto '  lia 

1474>  per  oodisfazione  delle  to*- 

tre    Fichieate,     qoanto    la 

Inwit^  del  tempo,  «  le  tnia 

ocenpaxioni  mi  hamio  con- 

M880.  £  eoel  lo  reato  proa- 

tiuimo  a  soddiafare  e  kx- 

Ti'r  Boa  alteua,  compiata- 

mente  in  tatto  qnello  che 

mi  Gomander^     Da  Fii>- 

renza,  ai  26  gtagno  dell' 

anno  1474.   |    Dalla  cittk 

A  cinitate  rlixiponis  per    di  Littbona  per  dritto  verao 

occidentem  in  directo  aunt    ponente     sono     in     detta 

.26.    apacia  in  carta  signata    carta  ventisei  spazj,  ciascun 

qaornm     qaodlibet     habet     de'  quali  conlieii  dag«nto  e 

miliaria   .250.      vaqae    ad     ctnqQanta  miglia,  fino  alia 

nobilieim[am]     et     maxi-    nobiliaeima  e  gran  citU  di 

mam  ciaitateni  qainsaj.  cir-    Qiiiaai,  la  quale  gira  cento 

cnit  enim  centum  miliaria    migtia  ehs  tono  trentaeinr 

et  habet  pontes  decem  et     qve  hghe;  ore  sono  died 

Domen  eins  Bonat  cita  del     ponti  di  pietra  di  marmore. 

cIcId  ciuitaa  celi  et  multa     II  nome  di  questa  eittih  sig. 

miranda  de  ea  narrantar,     nifica  Citti  del  Cielo,  della 

de    mutdtodine    artificiura     qnal  si  nurano  cose  mara- 

et  de  reditibns.     hoc  spa-    viglioss  intomo  alia  gran- 

cinm  est  fer«  tereia  pars     dezza  degU  ing«goi,  e  fa- 

tociua    spere,  que    ctuitas     bi'iche,  e  rendite.     Qnesto 

eat    in     pi-ouincia    mangi,     spazio    &    quasi    la    terza 

aiue  vicina  prouincie  Eatajr     parte   della  sfera.      Giace 

*  In  the  Italian  ansngsmsnt  this  pawiye  u  tnmpoaed  to  the 
md  of  tbs  lettar,  KtA  tbe  piwige  "  1>«1U  citt^  di  IJUbonm,"  gto. 
(whlah  in  tiiB  Latin  umngtinuit  fmnu  a  postaoript)  folloiri  im- 
mediatslf  after  "battajcliB." 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


678  APFENMX  A. 

h    qoK    rendeneia    Mm    qnecta  citU  nellK  pnniiioiA 

TCgia  eat    Sod  ab  inioU    di  Hango,  viciiift  aUa  pm- 

utilis  Tobii  vincU    del    Cabuo,    aeU» 

qnale  ata  la  maggior  part* 

del  tempo  il  re.    E  dall' 

isola  di  Audita,  «Afl   vot 

ehiamaU  di  Sett*  Citth, 

della  qoale  arete  notizia, 

nota  ad   infill f(jH   aobilUi-    fino  alia  nobilusima  isola 

mam  eippaoga  anot  deeem    di  Cipango  umo  dieci  apazj, 

tgaaa>.    eet  euim  okefaiino  due  mila  e  ctn- 

guecenta  mifflia,  eioh  du- 

gento  e  ventidnque  leght ; 

iUa      tt>«n1%       ferlilisiiiiia    la  qoale  Isola  6  f ertilissima 

aar[oj  margaritis  et  gem-    di  oro,  di  perle,  e  di  inetre 

mis,  et  auro  solido  coope-     preziose.     £  sappiate,  cbe 

riant  tenpla  et  domos  re-     con  piastre  d'  oro  fino  eo- 

giaa,    itaque  po"    ygnata    prono  i  tempj    e  le   ease 

regali.    Di  modo  che,  per 


itinera  non  mofftia  marit    mino,  tutis  quote  eoae  n 

fpocui  fretnjeundum.  mvi-    ritrovano    ntueotte    e    <» 

tafirtoMaoeMCntaperitus^    parte;  e  ad  essa  si  pub 

dedaranda,  tad    dUiffetu    andar  sicuramenie.   Mofte 

altre    coea    »i   potrdAono 

dire;  ma,  came  to  vi  ho 

ffiii  detto  a    bocca,  a   vox 

Mxete  prudonie  e  di  hvon 

ffiudtcio,  mi    rando  eerto 

eotuidtrtUor  per  hee  pota-     ehe   mm  vi  retta  cata  a^ 

rit  ax  ae  ipao  reliqva  pro-    euna  da  iiUendere :  apari 

apieera,    vaia  dUeetiaime.     non  aarb  piit  lunjfo. 


Diailizc^bv  Google 


Thx  Latin  text  of  this  letter  is  preMired  in  the  Ii8iid> 
wiitimg  of  Colambna  upon  the  Hy-leaf  uf  one  of  liu 
books  in  the  Colombina  at  Seville.  See  above,  vol.  i.  p. 
360,  note  3.  I  here  nib^oiii  a  ipecimen  of  the  hand- 
writing of  ColnmboB,  from  »  MS-  in  the  Colombina, 
reprodnced  in  Harriwe's  Notes  on  Columhw. 


/% 


A  a-  mt-  fi  Vfe-  •  Z '        ' 


3oi,;c.bvGoogIc 


APPENDIX  B. 

THB  Buix  Infer  Cetera. 

EXEMPLAR    BVLLAE   SEV 
DONATIONIS,  AVTORITATE 

CVIVS,  EPISCOPVS  ROMANVS 

Alexander  eius  nomiois  fextus,  con- 

cefsit  et  donauit  Caflellas  regibus 

et  fuis  fucceflbribus,  regiones 

et  Infulas  noui  orbis  in 

Oceano  occidentali  His- 

panorum  nauigationi- 

bus  repertas.'. 

HLEXANDER  EPISCOPVS,  feruus  ferao- 
rum  Dei,  Charifsimo  in  Chrifto  filio  Fer^ 
dinnndo  Regi,  et  Charifsims  in  Chrifto 
filise  Elizabeth  Reginx  Caftellx,  Legionis, 
Aragonum,  Sicilia,  et  Granaue,  tlluftribus,  lalutem  et 
Apoftolicam  benedictionem. 

Inter  cxtera  Diuiiue  maiellati  beneplacita  opera 
et  cordis  noftri  deflderabilia,  illud  profecto  polillmum 
exiflit  vt  fides  catholica  et  Chriftiana  religio  noftris 
pnefertim  temporibus  ezaltetur  ac  vbilibet  unplietur 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


APPENDIX   B. 

THB  BULL  Inter  Cetera. 

g[  THE    COPPIE    OF    THE    BULL 

OR    DONATION,   BY  TH[E]AU. 

TORITIE  WHEROF,   POPE 

Alexander  the  fyxte  of  that    name, 

gaue  and  graunted  to  the  kynges  of 

Cafl:yle  and  theyr  fucceflburs  the 

Regions  and  Ilandes  founde  in 

the  Wefte  Ocean  fea  by 

the  nauigations  of  the 

Spanyardes. 

HLezander  byfltoppe,  the  femaunte  of  the  fer- 
uantes  of  God :  To  owre  molle  deare  be- 
toued  fonne  in  Chrifl  Kynge  Ferdinande, 
And  to  owre  deare  beloued  doughter  in 
Chryfte  Elyzabeth  Queene  of  Caftyle,  Legion,  Aragon, 
Sicilie,  and  Granata,  mod  noble  Princes,  Gretynge 
and  Apoflolical  benediction. 

Amonge  other  woorkes  acceptable  to  the  diuine 
tnalcAie  and  accordynge  to  owre  hartes  defiTe,  this 
certeinely  is  the  chiefe,  that  the  Catholyke  fayth  and 
Chriftian  religion,  fpecially  in  this  owre  tyme  may  in 
all  places  bee  exited,  amplified,  and  enlarged,  wherby 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


582  AFPXSDIZ  B. 

ac  dil2tetur,2Diinanimque  falusprocuretur,  ac  barbarioe 
nationes  deprimantur  et  ad  fidem  ipfam  reducaatur. 
Vnde  cum  ad  banc  facram  Petri  fedem  Diuiiia  fauente 
dementia  (meritis  licet  imparibus)  euocati  fuerimus, 
cognofcentes  vos  tanquam  veros  catholicos  reges  et 
principes :  quales  Temper  fuifle  nouimus,  et  a  vobis 
pneclare  geAa,  toti  pene  orbi  notifsima  demonflraiit, 
nedum  id  ezoptare,  fed  omni  conatu,  Audio  et  dili- 
gentia,  nullis  laboribus,  nullis  impenlis,  nullifque  par- 
cendo  periculis,  etiam  proprium  languinem  eSundendo 
efiicere,  ac  omnem  animum  veftrum,  onmefque  conatus 
ad  hoc  iam  dudum  dedicafse,  quemadmodum  recupe- 
ratio  regni  Granatae  a  tyrannide  Saracenonim  bodier- 
nis  temporibus  per  vos,  cum  tanta  Diuini  nominb 
gloria  fa£la  tellatur.  Digne  ducimur  non  immerito, 
et  debemus  ilia  vobis  etiaro  fponte,  ac  fauorabiliter 
concedcre,  per  qus  huiufmodi  ran^him  ac  laudabilc 
ab  immonali  deo  acceptum  propafitum,  in  dies  fenien- 
tiori  animo  ad  ipfms  dei  honorem  et  Imperij  Chrif- 
tiani  propagationem,  profequi  vateatis.  Sane  accepi- 
mus  quod  vos  qui  dudum  animum  propofiieratis  aliquas 
ioAilas  et  terras  firmas  remotas  et  incc^itas,  ac  per 
alios  ha£tenus  non  repertas,  quxrere  et  inueoire,  vt 
illarum  incolas  et  habitatores  ad  colendum  Redemp- 
toiem  noftrum  et  fldem  cathoHcam  profitendum  re- 
duceretis,  ha<5teDus  in  expugnatione  et  recuperatione 
iplius  regni  Granats  plurimum  occupati,  huiufmodi 
lan£him  et  laudabile  propofltum  vellrum  ad  optatum 
finem  perducere  nequiulAis :  Sed  tamen  ficut  Domino 
placuit,  regno  predidlo  recuperate,  volentes  defiderium 
veftnim  adimplere.  diledlum  iilium  Chnftophonim  Co- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


BULL  OF  ALSXASDSR  VL  58S 

the  health  of  foules  may  be  procured,  and  the  Barbar- 
ous nations  fubdued  and  brought  to  the  fayth.  And 
therefore  wheras  by  the  fauoure  of  gods  clemende 
(alihough  not  with  equall  detertes)  we  are  cauled  to 
dlis  hoty  feate  of  Peler,  and  vnderftandynge  you  to  bee 
trewe  Catholyke  Princes  as  we  baue  euer  knowen  you, 
and  as  youre  noble  and  woorthy  factes  haue  declared 
En  maner  to  the  hole  worlde  in  that  with  all  your 
ftudie,  diligence,  and  induflrye.  you  haue  fpared  no 
trauayles,  charges,  or  perels,  aduenturynge  cuen  the 
fliedynge  of  yourowne  bludde,  with  applyinge  yowre 
hole  myndes  and  endeuours  here  vnto,  as  your  noble 
expeditions  achyued  in  recoueryng  the  kyngdome  of 
Granata  from  the  tyrannic  of  the  Sarracens  in  ihefe 
our  dayes,  doo  playnely  declare  your  factes  with  fo 
great  glorye  of  the  diuine  name.  For  (he  whiche  as 
we  thinke  you  woorthy,  fo  owght  we  of  owre  owne  free 
wyl  fauorably  to  graunt  all  ibynges  whereby  you  maye 
dayelywith  moreferuent  myndes  to  the  honoure  of  god 
and  enlargynge  the  Chriltian  empire,  profecute  your 
deuoute  and  laudable  purpofe  moft  acceptable  to  the 
immortall  God.  We  are  credably  informed  that  wheras 
of  late  you  were  dctermyned  to  feeke  and  fyndecerieyne 
Ilandes  and  firme  landes  farre  remote  and  vnknowen 
(and  not  heretofore  found  by  any  other)  to  th[c3in- 
tent  to  bringe  th[e]inhabitaunte5  of  the  fame  to  hon- 
oure owreredemer  and  to  profelTe  the  catholyke  fayth, 
you  haue  betherto  byn  much  occupied  in  th[e]expug- 
nation  and  recouerie  of  the  kyngedome  of  Granata, 
by  reafon  whereof  yowe  coulde  not  brynge  yowre  fayde 
laudable  purpofe  to  th[e]cnde  defyred.  Ncuertheleffe 
as  it  hath  pleafed  almyghty  god,  the  forefnyde  kynge- 
dome beinge  recouered,  wylling  i[o]accomply(he  your 
fayde  defyre,  you  haue,  not  without  great  laboure, 
pcrelles,  and  charges,  appoyoted  owre  welbeloued 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


584  APPENDIX  B. 

lonumvinnnvtiquedignumetplurimumcommendatum 
ac  tanto  negotio  sptum,  cum  nauigijs  et  hominibus  ad 
fimilia  InftruAis,  non  fine  maximts  laboribua,  ac  peri- 
culis,  et  expenfis  deftinaftis  vt  terras  firmas  et  Infulas 
remotas  et  incognitas,  huiurmodi  per  mare  vbi  haAenus 
nauigaium  non  fuerat,  diligenter  inquireret.  Qui  tandem 
(Diuino  auxilio  fa£ia  exirema  diligentia  in  mari  Oceano 
Dauigantes)certas  infulas  remotifsimas  et  etiam  terras 
firmas,  qu£  per  alios  haAenus  reperts  non  fuerant, 
inuenerunt  In  quibus  plurimse  gentes  pacifice  vi- 
nentes,  et  (vt  afferitur)  nudi  incedentes,  nee  carnibus 
vefcentes,  inhabitant :  Et  vt  prxfati  nuncij  veftri  pof- 
sunt  opinari,  gentes  ip&e  in  Infulis  et  terris  pnedi£Us 
habitantes  credunt  vnum  deum  creatorem  in  Coelis 
else,  ac  ad  fidem  catbolicam  amplexandum  et  bonis 
moribus  imbuendum  fatis  apti  videntur :  Spefqiie 
babeiiir,  quod  ft  erudirentur,  nomen  Salualoris  Domini 
noflri  lefu  Clirilli  in  terris  et  infulis  pnedidls  facile 
induceretur.  Ac  prsefatus  Chriflophorus  in  vna  ex 
principalibus  Infulis  prsdiftis,  Urn  vnam  turrim  fatis 
munitam,  in  qua  certos  Chridianos  qui  fecum  tnerant, 
in  cuftodiam  et  vt  alias  Infutas  ac  terras  firmas  remotas 
et  inct^nitas  inquirerent  pofuit,  conltrui  et  Ecdificari 
fecit.  In  quibus  quidem  Infulis  et  terris  iam  repertis, 
aurum,  aromata,  et  alije  quamplorimffi  res  prtecio&e 
diuerfi  generis  et  diuerfse  qualitatis  reperiuntur,  Vnde 
omnibus  diligenter,  et  prxfuriim  fidei  catholics  exal- 
tatione  et  dilatatione  (prout  decet  Catholicos  Reges  et 
Principes)  confideratis,  more  progenitorum  veftrorum 
clane  memorise  Regum,  terras  firmas  et  infulas  prte- 
di6tas,  itiarumque  incolas  et  habitatores,  vobis  diuioa 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


BULL  OF  ALEXANDER  VI.  585 

fonne  Chridopher  Colonus  (a  man  certes  wel  com- 
meoded  as  mofte  worthy  and  apte  for  fo  great  a  mat- 
ter) well  furnyfhed  with  men  and  fhippes  and  other 
necefTaries,  Co  feeke  (by  the  fea  where  hetherto  no 
manne  hath  Ikyled)  fuche  firme  landes  and  Ilandes 
faire  remote  and  hitherto  vnknowen.  Who  (by  gods 
heipe)  makynge  diligeote  fearche  in  the  Ocean  fea, 
haue  founde  certeyne  remote  Ilandes  and  iirme  landes 
whicbe  were  not  heretofore  founde  by  any  other.  In 
the  which  (as  is  fayde)  many  nations  inhabite  lyu- 
inge  peaceably  and  goinge  naked,  not  accuftomed  to 
eate  flethe.  And  as  farre  as  yowre  meflengers  can  con- 
iecture,  the  nations  inhabitynge  the  forefayde  landes 
and  Ilandes,  beteue  that  there  is  one  god  creaCoure  in 
heauen :  andfeeme  apte  to  be  brought  to  th[e]imbraf- 
inge  of  the  catholyke  faythe  and  to  be  imbued  with 
good  maners :  by  reafon  whereof,  we  may  hope  thatif 
they  well  be  inflnicted,  they  may  eafely  bee  induced 
to  receaue  the  name  of  owre  fauiour  lefu  Chrift.  We 
are  further  aduertifed  that  the  forenamed  Chriftopher 
hathe  nowe  builded  and  erected  a  fortreffe  with  good 
munition  in  one  of  the  forefayde  principall  Ilandes  in 
the  which  he  hath  placed  a  garrifon  of  certeine  of  the 
Chriftian  men  that  wente  thyther  with  him  ;  afwell  to 
th[e]intent  to  defende  the  fame,  as  alfo  to  fearche 
other  Ilandes  and  firme  landes  farre  remote  and  yet 
vnknowen.  We  alfo  vnderftande,  that  in  thefe  landes 
and  Ilandes  lately  founde,  isgreatplentieof  golde  and 
fpices,  with  dyuers  and  many  other  precious  thynges 
of  fundry  kyndes  and  qualities.  Therfore  al  thinges 
diligently  confidered  (efpecially  th[e] amplify inge  and 
enlargyng  of  the  caChoiike  fayth,  as  it  behoueth  calh- 
olike  Princes  folowyng  th[e]exemples  of  yowre 
noble  progenitours  of  famous  memorie)  wheras  yowe 
are  determyned  by  the  fauour  of  almightie  god  to  fub> 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


586  APPENDIX  B. 

fftuente  dementia  fubiicere  et  ad  fidem  Catbolicam 
reducere  propofuillis. 

Nos  itaque  huiufinodi  vellrum  fan6bim  et  laodabile 
propofttum  plurimum  in  Domino  commendantes,  ac 
cupietites  vt  iltud  ad  debitum  fiaem  perducatur,  et 
ipfum  nomen  Saluatoris  noftri  in  partibus  illis  inducar 
tur,  bortamur  vos  qua m plurimum  in  Domino,  et  per 
facri  lauacri  fufceptionem,  qua  mandatis  Apoftolids 
obligatiellis,etpervifceili  mifericordiEe  Domini  noftri 
lefu  Chrifti  attente  requirimus,  vt  cum  expedidonem 
huiufmodi  omnino  profequi  et  afTumere  prona  mente 
orthodoxee  iidei  zelo  intendatis,  populos  in  huiufmodi 
Infulis  et  terris  degentes,  ad  Chriflianam  religionem 
fufcipiendam  inducere  velitis  et  debeatis,  nee  pericula 
nee  labores  vUo  vnquam  tempore  vos  deterreant,  finna 
fpe  fiduciaque  conceptis  quod  Deus  omnipotens  cona- 
tus  veftros  faeliciter  profequetur,  Ec  vt  tanti  negotij 
prouintiam  Apollolics  gratis  largitate  donati,  liberius 
et  audadus  alTumatis,  motu  proprio  non  ad  veAram  vel 
alterius  fro  vobis  fuper  hoc  nobis  oblate  petitionis 
inftantiam,  fed  de  noAra  mera  Hberalitate,  et  ex  certa 
fdentia,  ac  de  Apotlolioe  poteftatis  plenitudine,  omnes 
lufulaa  et  terras  firmas  inuentas  et  inueniendas,  de- 
te^as  et  detegendas  verfus  Occidentem  et  Meridiem, 
fabricando  et  conflniendo  vnam  Hneam  a  polo  Ar^co, 
fcilicet  Septemtriot^e,  ad  polum  Antar^icum,  fdlicet 
Meridiem  fiue  terrae  finnx  et  infuls  inuentse  et  in- 
ueniendie  fmt  verfus  Indiam  aut  verfus  aliam  quam- 
cunque  partem  qux  linea  diftet  a  qualibet  Infularam 
quae  Tulgariter  nuncupaniur  de  los  Azores  et  Cabo 
Verde  centum  lends  verfus  Ocddentem  et  Meridiem. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


BULL  OF  ALEZAHTDBB  VI.  687 

due  and  brynge  to  the  catholyke  ixj^  th[e]iiihabh 
tauntes  of  the  forefayde  landes  and  Ilandes. 

Wee  greatly  commendynge  this  yowre  godly  and 
laudable  purpofe  in  owr  lorde,  and  defirous  to  haue 
the  fame  brought  to  ^  dewe  ende,  and  the  name  of 
owre  iauioure  to  be  knowen  in  thofe  partes,  doo 
exhorte  yowe  in  owre  Lorde  and  by  the  receauynge 
of  yowre  holy  baptifnie  wherby  yowe  are  bounde  to 
ApoHoIicall  obedience,  and  ernedely  require  yowe  by 
tbe  bowels  of  mercy  of  owre  Lorde  lefu  Chrifl,  that 
when  yowe  intende  for  the  zeale  of  the  Catholyke 
faythe  to  profecute  the  fayde  expedition  to  reduce  the 
people  of  the  foreiayde  landes  and  Ilandes  to  the 
Chridian  religion,  yowe  fliall  fpare  no  labours  at  any 
tyme,  or  bee  deterred  with  any  perels,  conceauynge 
finne  hope  and  confidence  that  the  omnipotent  godde 
wyll  gyue  good  fuccefle  to  yowre  godly  attemptes. 
And  that  beinge  autoryfed  by  the  priuilege  of  the 
Apoftolycall  grace,  yowe  may  the  more  freely  and 
bouldly  take  vpon  yowe  th[e]enterpryfe  of  fo  greate  a 
matter,  we  of  owre  owne  motion,  and  not  eyther  at 
yowre  requell  or  at  tbe  indant  peticion  of  any  other 
perfon,  but  of  owre  owne  mere  liberalitie  and  certeyne 
fcience,  and  by  the  fulnefFe  of  Apoflolycall  power,  doo 
gyue,  graunt,  and  alBgne  to  yowe,  yowre  heyres  and 
fuccelTours,  al  the  iirme  landes  and  Ilandes  found  or 
to  be  found,  difcouered  or  to  be  difcouered  toward  ihe 
Weft  and  South,  drawyng  a  line  from  the  pole  Artike 
to  the  pole  Antartike  (that  is)  from  the  north  to  the 
Southe  :  Conteynynge  in  this  donation,  what  fo  euer 
firme  landes  or  Ilandes  are  founde  or  lo  bee  founde 
towarde  India,  or  towarde  any  other  parte  what  fo 
euer  it  bee,  beinge  diftant  from,  or  without  the  fore- 
fayd  lyne  drawen  a  hundreth  leaques  towarde  the 
Wefte  and  South  from  any  of  the  Ilandes  which  are 
commonly  cauled  Dt  los  Asores  and  Caio  Verde. 


Uiailizc^bvCoOglc 


688  AFPEITDIX  B. 

Itaque  omnes  Infula:  et  terrce  firnife  reperts  et  re* 
periends,  dete^he  et  detegendx  a  pnefata  linea  veifis 
Occidentem  et  Meridiem,  quae  per  alium  Regem  aut 
Principem  Chriflianum  noa  fuerint  adtualiter  pofTells 
vfque  ad  diem  natiuitatb  Domini  noftri  leiii  ChrilU 
proxime  pneteritum,  a  quo  indpit  annus  pnefens 
MilldHmus  QuadringenteOimus  NonagelBnms  terdus, 
quando  fuerunt  per  nundos  et  capitaneos  veftros  in- 
uents  altqux  priedi£tarum  Infularum,  auctoritate  omni- 
potentis  Dei  nobis  in  beato  Petro  concefea,  ac  vicariatus 
lefu  Ctirifli  qua  fungimur  in  teiris,  cum  omnibus  illarum 
dominijs,  ciuitatibus,  caAiis,  locis,  et  villis,  iuribufque 
et  iurifdi6lionibus  ac  pertinentijs  vniuerfis,  vobis  bere- 
dibufque  et  fuccelToribiis  vedris  (Caftelke  et  Legionis 
regibus)  in  perpetuum  tenore  pnefentium  donamus 
concedimus,  et  aiTignamus:  Vofque  et  hsredes  ac 
fucceflbresprsefatos  illarum  Dominos,  cum  plena,  libera, 
et  omnimoda  poteflate,  auloritate,  et  iurifdi£tione, 
facimus,  conftituimus,  et  deputamus.  Decementes  dU 
hilo  minus  per  buiuAnodi  donationem,  concefsionem,  et 
aflignationem  noftram,  nullo  Chriitiano  Principi  qui 
a£tu3liter  pnefatas  Infulas  et  terras  firmas  polTederit 
vfque  ad  pnedidhim  diem  natiuitatis  Domini  noflri 
lefu  Chridi  ius  qusesitum,  fublatum  intelligi  poise  aut 
auferri  debere. 

Et  Infuper  mandamus  vobis  in  virtutx  fan^te  obedi- 
entix  (vt  ficut  pollicemini  et  non  dubitamus  pro  veflra 
maxima  deuotioneet  regia  magnanimitate  vos  efse  fa£tu- 
ros)  ad  terras  firmas  et  Infulas  prsedidas,  viros  probos 
et  Deum  timentes,  doflos,  peritos,  et  expertos,  ad  in- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


BULL  OF  ALSXAXDEB  YL  689 

AU  die  Ilandes  therfore  and  firme  landes,  founde 
and  to  be  founde,  difcouered  and  to  be  difcouered 
from  the  fayde  lyne  towarde  the  Weft  and  South,  fuch 
as  haue  not  actually  bin  heretofore  poffeffed  by  any 
Other  Chriftian  kynge  or  prynce  vntyll  the  daye  of  the 
natiuitie  of  owre  Lorde  lefu  Chryfte  lafle  parte,  from 
the  which  begynneth  this  prefent  yeare  beinge  the 
yeare  of  owre  Lorde.  M.  CCCC.  buxxiii.  when  fo  euer 
any  fuch  (halbe  founde  by  your  mefllngers  and  capy- 
taines,  Wee  by  the  autoritie  of  almyghtie  God  graunted 
vnto  vs  in  faynt  Peter,  and  by  the  office  which  we  beare 
on  the  earth  in  the  (leede  of  lefu  Chrifte,  doo  for  euer 
by  the  tenoure  of  thefe  prefentes,  gyue,  graunte,  aifigne, 
vnto  yowe,  yowre  heyres,  and  fucceffoures  (the  kynges 
of  Caflyle  and  Legion)  all  thofe  landes  and  Ilandes, 
with  theyr  dominions,  territories,  cities,  caftels,  towres, 
places,  and  vyllages,  with  all  the  ryght,  and  iurifdic- 
tions  therunto  perteynynge  :  conftitulynge,  aflignynge, 
and  deputynge,  yowe,  yowre  heyres,  and  fuccelTours 
the  lordes  thereof,  with  full  and  free  poure,  autoritie, 
and  iurifdiclion.  Decreeinge  neuertheleffe  by  this 
owre  donation,  graunt,  and  aflignation,  that  from  no 
Chriftian  Prince  whiche  actually  hath  pofTefted  the 
forelayde  Ilandes  and  firme  landes  vnto  the  day  of 
the  natiuitie  of  owre  lorde  beforefayde  theyr  lyght 
obteyned  to  bee  vnderftoode  hereby  to  be  taken  away, 
or  that  it  owght  to  be  taken  away. 


Furthermore  wee  commaunde  yowe  in  the  vertue 
of  holy  obedience  (as  yowe  haue  promyfed,  and  as  wee 
doubte  not  you  wyl!  doo  vppon  mere  deuotion  and 
princely  magnanimitie)  to  fende  to  the  fayde  firme 
landes  and  ilandes,  honefte,  vertuous,  and  lerned  men, 
iiiche  as  feaie  God,  and  are  able  to  inftructe  th[ejin- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


690  APPENDIX  B. 

ftruendumincolaa  et  habitatores  pnefatos  infideCatho- 
lica  et  bonis  moribus  imbuendum,  deftiaare  debeatis, 
oninem  debitam  diligentiam  in  pnemifsis  adbibentes. 
Ac  quibufcumque  perfonis,  cuiufcunque  dignitatis, 
etiam  imperiatis  et  regalis  Aatus,  gradus,  ordinis  vel 
condilionis,  fub  excommunicationis  iatse  fententis 
pcena  quam  eo  ipfo  li  contra  fecerint  incurrant,  dif- 
tri£lius  inhibemus  ne  ad  Infulas  et  terras  firmas  in* 
uentas  et  inueniendas,  dete^as  et  detegendas  verfus 
Occidentem  et  Meridienn,  fabricando  et  conllniendo 
lineam  a  polo  ArfUco  ad  polum  Antardltcum,  ftue 
terrse  firms  et  InAiUe  inuenta  et  inueniendse  fint  ver- 
fus Indiam  aut  verfus  aliam  quamcunque  partem  qus 
]inea  diftet  a  quatibet  Infularum  qua  vulgariter  nun- 
cupantur  de  los  Azores  et  Cabo  Verde  centum  leucis 
verfus  Occidentem  et  Meridiem  vt  prsfertur,  pro  mer- 
cibus  habendis  vel  quauis  alia  caufa  accedere  prsefo- 
mat  abfque  veAra  ac  hEeredum  et  fuccefsonim  vel^ro- 
rum  prsdiAorum  licentia  fpeciali:  Non  obflantibus 
conflitutionibus  et  ordinationibus  Apoftolicis,  cste- 
rifque  contrariis  quibufcunque,  in  illo  a  quo  imperia  et 
dominationes  et  bona  cun^a  procedunt ;  Confidentes 
quod  dirigente  Domino  a^s  vellros,  li  huiufmodi 
fan£tum  ac  laudabile  propofttum  profequamini,  breui 
tempore  cum  fcelicitate  et  gloria  totius  popuH  Chrif- 
tiani,  vellri  labores  et  conatus  exitum  fcelicif^imurti 
confequentur.  Vemm  quia  difficile  foret  pnefentes 
literas  ad  fingula  quxque  loca  in  quibus  expediens 
fuerit  deferri,  volumus  ac  motu  et  fcienlia  fimilibus 
decemimus,  quod  illamm  tranlTumptis  manu  public! 
notarij  inderogati  fubfcriptis,  et  figitlo  alicuius  per- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


BULL  OF  ALEXAJfBSM  VL  6B1 

babitauhtes  in  the  Catholylce  faytb  and  good  manera, 
applyinge  all  theyr  poflible  diligence  in  the  premiftes. 
We  furthermore  ftreightly  inhibite  all  maner  of 
perfona,  of  what  ftate,  degree,  order,  or  condition  To 
euer  they  bee,  although  of  Imperiall  and  regall  digni- 
tie,  vnder  the  peyne  of  the  fentence  of  excommunica- 
tion whiche  they  ftiall  incurre  yf  they  doo  to  the 
contrary,  that  they  in  no  cafe  prefume  without  fpeciall 
lycence  of  yowe,  yowre  heyres,  and  fucceflbura,  to 
trauayle  for  marcbaundies  or  for  any  other  caufe,  to 
the  fayde  landes  or  Ilandes,  founde  or  to  bee  found, 
difcouered,  or  to  bee  difcouered,  toward  the  welt  and 
Couth,  drawing  a  line  from  the  pole  Artyke  to  the  pole 
Antartike,  whether  the  firme  lands  and  Ilandes  found 
and  to  be  found,  be  fituate  toward  India  or  towarde 
any  other  parte  beinge  diftant  from  the  lyne  drawen 
a  hundreth  leagues  towarde  the  well  from  any  of  the 
Ilandes  commonly  cauled  Z><f  /cf  Azores  and  Caio 
Verde:  Notwithftandynge  conftitutions,  decrees,  and 
Apoltolycall  ordinaunces  what  fo  euer  they  are  to  the 
contrary :  In  him  from  whom  Empyres,  dominions,  and 
allgood  thynges doo procede :  Truftynge  that  almyghtie 
god  directjnge yowre enterprifes,  yf  yowefollowe  yowre 
godly  and  laudable  attemptes,  yowre  laboures  and 
trauayles  herein,  fhall  in  Qiorte  tyme  obteyne  a  happy 
ende  with  felicitie  and  glorie  of  all  Chriflian  people. 
But  forafmuch  as  it  Ihulde  bee  a  thynge  of  great  diffi- 
cultie  for  thefe  letters  to  bee  caryed  to  all  fuche  places 
as  fhuld  bee  expedient,  we  wyl!,  and  of  lyke  motion  and 
knowleage  doo  decree  that  whyther  fo  euer  the  fame 
(halbe  fent,  or  wher  fo  euer  they  fhalbe  receaued  with 
the  fubfcription  of  a  common  notarie  therunto  re- 
quyred,  with  the  feale  of  any  perfon  conftitute  in  ec- 
clefiafticall  dignitii^,  or  fuche  as  are  autoryfed  by  the 
ecclefianicall  courte,  the  fame  fayth  and  crediie  to  bee 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


592  APPENDIX  B. 

toax  in  ecclefiaflica  dignitate  confUtutse,  feu  curue 
ecclefiaftic^e  munitis,  ea  prorfus  fides  in  iudido  et 
extra  ac  alias  vbitibet  adhibeatur,  qua  prsfenttbus 
adhiberetur  fi  efsent  exhibits  vel  oftenlb. 

NulU  ergo  omnino  hominum  liceat  banc  paginam 
noftnECotnroendationis.hortationis,  requifitionis,  dona- 
tionis,  concefsionis,  assignation  is,  conftitutionis,  depu- 
tationis,  decreti,  mandati,  inhibitionis,  et  voluntatis, 
infringere  vel  el  anfu  temerario  contraire.  Si  quis 
autem  hoc  attentare  pnefumpferit,  indignationem  om- 
nipotentis  Dei,  ac  beatorum  Petri  et  Pauli  Apodolo- 
nun  eius,  fe  nouerit  incurfurum.'. 

Datum  Roms  apud  fanAum  Petrum :  Anno  incar- 
nationis  Dominies.  1493.  quarto  nonas  Maij :  Ponti- 
ficatus  noftri  anno  primo.'. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


BULL  OF  ALEX  AS  DEB  VI.  693 

gyuen  thereunto  in  iudgement  or  els  where,  as  (hulde 
bee  exhibyted  to  thefe  prefentes. 


It  (hall  therefore  bee  lawefull  for  no  man  to  infringe 
or  raihely  to  contrarie  this  letter  of  owre  commenda- 
tion, exhortacion,  requefte,  donation,  graunt,  affigna- 
tion,  conllitution,  deputation,  decree,  co  mm  aun  dement, 
inhibition,  and  determination.  And  yf  any  Ihall  pre- 
fume  to  attempte  the  fame,  he  owght  to  knowe  that  he 
fliall  thereby  incurre  the  indignation  of  alrayghtie  God 
and  his  holye  Apoftles  Peter  and  Paule.  (.•.)  (:)  (-.■) 

fC  Gyuen  at  Rome  at  faynt  Peters :  In  the  yeare  of 
th[e]incamation  of  owre  Lord  M.  CCCC.  LXXXXIII. 
The  fourth  day  of  the  nones  of  Maye,  the  fyrfte  yeare 
of  owre  feate.     ()  ( )  () 


Ll,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


APPENDIX  C. 

tXKT  OF  OmOEBS  AND  SAILPSB  HT  THE    FIB8T  TOTAQE 

OF  cOLiniBirs. 

1.  ThoM  who  went  out  in  th»  Santa  Maria,  and  r^ 

turned  in  the  Nifla:  — 
ChriEtopher  ColnmbuB,  eapUia-general. 
Joan  de  La  Cosa,  of  Saatofia,  nustar,  and  owner  of 

theveueL 
Sancho  Buiz,  pilot 

Maestro  Alonso,  of  Mogner,  physician. 
Uaeatre  Diego,  boatawain  {eontramaestre), 
Bodrigo  SanchcK,  of  Segovia,  inspector  (veedor). 
Terreros,  steward  (maettresala). 
Bodrigo  de  Jerei,  of  Ayftmonto. 
Baic  Garcia,  of  Santofia. 
Rodrigo  de  Escobar. 
Francisco  de  Haelva,  of  Huelra. 
Boi  Fei'nandei,  of  Huelva. 
Pedro  de  Bilbao,  of  Larrabezna. 
Pedro  de  Villa,  of  SantoBa. 
Viego  de  Salcedo,  servant  of  Columbus. 
Pedro  d«  Acevedo,  cabin  boy. 
liuis  de  Torres,  converted  Jew,  interpreter. 

2.  ThoM  who  went  and  returned  in  the  JPintai— 
Martin  Alonso  Pinzon,  of  FaloB,  capttun. 
Francisco  Martin  Pinzon,  of  Pslos,  master. 
Cristobal  Garcia  Xalmiento,  pilot. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


mrnvn  of  the  Teasel. 


THOSE  WHO  aAILED  WTTB  COLUKBUS.    595 

Joan  de  Jerez,  of  Palos,  mariner. 

Bartolomri  Garcia,  of  Palos,  boatswun. 

Joan  Fern  Vizcaino,  of  Paloe,  caolker. 

Bodrigo  de  Triana,  of  Lepe. 

Joan  Rodr^aes  Bermejo,  of  Molinos. 

Joan  de  Sevilla. 

Garcia  Hern^dez,  of  Palos,  steward  (tfupenMrn). 

Garcia  Alonso,  of  Palos. 

Gomez  Bascon,  of  Palos,        \ 

Cristijbal  Qniiitero,  of  Palos,  j 

Juan  Quintero,  of  Palos. 

Diego  Bermudez,  of  Palos. 

Joan  Bermudez,  of  Palos. 

Francisco  Garcia  Gallego,  of  Mc^er. 

Francisco  Garcia  Vallejo,  of  Mognci. 

Pedro  de  Arcos,  of  Palos. 

i.  Those  who  vjent  and  TStumed  in  the  NUla:-^ 
Vicente  Yaflez  Pinzon,  of  Paloe,  captun. 
Jnan  Nifio,  of  Uogner,  master. 
Pero  Alonso  Nitto,  of  Mogaer,  jnlot. 
Bartolom  j  Boldan,  of  Palos,  pilot 
Francisco  Nifio,  of  Mogaer. 
Gntierre  Perez,  of  Palos. 
Juan  Ortiz,  of  Palos. 
Alonso  Gutierrez  Querido,  of  Paloe. 

I.  Those  who  were  fe/Z  in  Hitpaniola,  and  periahed, 
most  of  them  murdered  by  the  native* :  — 

Pedro  Gutierrez,  keeper  of  the  king's  drawing  room. 

Rodrigo  de  Escobedo,  of  Segovia,  notary. 

Diego  de  Arana,  of  Cordora,  high  constable  (aigma- 
xU  mayor). 

Alonso  Velez  de  Mendozs,  of  SevillQ. 

Alrar  Perez  Osorio,  of  Castrojeriz. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


596  APPENDIX  C. 

Antonio  de  Jaen,  Of  Jmd. 

The  bacbelor  Bernardino  de  TRpia,  of  I 

CriBt6bBl  del  Alamo,  of  Niebla. 

Castillo,  Bilversmith  and  aaasyot,  of  Seville. 

Diego  Garcia,  of  Jerez. 

IKego  de  Toidoya,  of  Cabeza  de  Bney ,  in  Estremft- 
dara. 

Diego  de  Capilla,  of  Almaden. 

Diego  de  Torpa. 

Diego  de  Mables,  of  MabUs. 

Diego  de  Mendoza,  of  Gnadalajank 

Diego  de  Montolban,  of  Jaen. 

Domingo  de  Bermeo. 

Francisco  Fernandez. 

Frandsco  de  Godoy ,  of  Seville. 

Francisco  de  Aranda,  of  Aranda. 

Francisco  de  Henao,  of  Avila. 

Francisco  Xim^ez,  of  Seville. 

Gabnel  Baraona,  of  Belmonte. 

Gontalo  Fernandez  de  Segovia,  of  Leon. 

Gonzalo  Fernandez  de  Segovia,  of  Scoria. 

Gnillermo  Ires,  [qy.  William  Irish,  or  William  Har- 
ris ?],  of  Gialney  [L  e.  Gralway],  Ireland. 

Fernando  de  Forcuna. 

Jorge  Gonzalez,  of  Trigneroa. 

Maestre  Juan,  snrgeon. 

Juan  de  Urniga. 

Juan  MorcUlo,  of  Villanneva  de  la  Serena. 

Juan  de  Cneva,  of  Castnera. 

Jnan  Patitio,  of  La  Serena. 

Joan  del  Barco,  of  Barco  de  Avila. 

Juan  de  Villar,  of  Villar. 

Joan  de  Mendoza. 

Martin  de  Logrosa,  of  Logrosa. 

Pedro  Corbacbo,  of  Ciceres. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THOSE  WHO  SAILED  WITH  COLUMBUS.     597 

Pedro  de  TalBvera. 
Pedro  de  Foronda. 
Sebastian  de  Mayorgs,  of  MajorciL 
Triatan  de  San  Jorge. 

Tallarte  de  Lagee  [qy.  Arthur  Laws,  or  Jjoldna  ?], 
of  EnglaDd. 

This  Ikt  ii  taken  from  Captain  Cea^reo  Femindez 
Doro'a  learned  uumogtAph,  Colon  y  Pinzon.  Informs 
relativo  &  lot  pormenores  d»  deacubrimiefUo  del  Nuevo 
Mundo,  Madrid,  1883. 

Joan  de  La  Co6a  is  tuoally  spoken  of  as  having  ac- 
companied Colombas  on  his  second  voyage  but  not  od 
his  first.  An  ordinance  of  &e  lOTereigns,  however, 
dated  Febraaty  28,  1491,  and  preserved  among  the 
Simancas  USS.,  thus  addresses  La  Cosa :  —  "  Fuistes 
por  maestro  de  una  nao  vuestra  i  las  mares  del  oc&no, 
donde  en  aqnel  Tiaje  foeron  deecnbiertaa  las  tierras  6 
ishiB  de  la  parte  de  las  Indiaa,  6  vos  perdistes  la  dicha 
nao,"  anffliai,  "  Tou  went  as  mastnr  of  a  ship  of  your 
own  to  the  ocean  seas  where  in  that  voyage  were  dis- 
covered the  lands  and  islands  of  the  Indies,  and  you 
lost  the  said  ship."  Navarrete,  Biblioteea  maritima 
etpaHola,  torn.  ii.  p.  209.  Mr.  Winsor  (Christoph^ 
Columbus,  p.  184)  seems  to  think  that  this  La  Cosa 
was  a  difierent  person  from  the  great  pilot  and  coamoJ 
grapher,  who  was  a  native  of  Santolla  and  resident  of 
Puerto  de  Santa  Maria;  but  Captun  Duro  (p.  292) 
makes  him  the  same  person.  Cf.  Harriase,  Chratophs 
Colomb,  L  406. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


APPENDIX  D. 


(Aftar  die  aometad  liita  in  Onillenuud'i  Magdlam.) 

1.  Ths  eighteen  who  returned  to  Seville  in  tks  Vic- 
toria. 

Jdmi  Sebastian  Elcano,  captain-general. 

Miguel  de  Bodas,  boatswain  {eotitramasttra)  of  the 
Victoria. 

Francisco  Albo,  of  Azio,  boatawain  of  the  Trinidad. 

Jaan  de  Acurio,  of  Benueo,  boatswun  of  the  Con- 
cepeion. 

Martin  de  Jodicibiu,  of  Genoa,  snperintendent  of  the 
Concepcion. 

Hernando  de  BnatMiuuite,  of  Alcantara,  barber  of  the 
Concepcion. 

Joan  de  Zurileta,  of  Baracaldo,  page  of  the  Victoria. 

Uignel  Sanchez,  of  Bodas,  skilled  seaman  (marinero) 
of  the  Victoria. 

Nicholas  the  Greek,  of  Naples,  marinero  of  the  Vic- 
toria. 

Kego  Gallego,  of  Bayonne,  marinero  of  the  Victoria. 

Juan  Rodriguez,  of  Seville,  marirtero  of  the  Trinidad. 

Antonio  Bodriguex,  of  UnelTo,  marinero  of  the  Trini- 
dad. 

Francisco  Rodri^ez,  of  Seville  (a  Portognese),  Mari- 
ners of  the  Concepcion. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


SVBVIVOBa  OF  ItAOELLJJi'S  VOTAOS.    589 

Joan  de  ArratU)  of  Bilbao,  eommon  tailor  (^rumeU) 
of  the  Victoria. 

Vasco  Gomez  Giallego  (a  Portagueee),  grumeU  of  the 
Trinidad. 

Joan  de  Santandrea,  of  Cueto,  grumete  of  the  Trini- 
dad. 

Martin  de  Isanrraga,  of  Bermeo,  grumete  of  the  Con- 
eepeion. 

The  CheraUer  Antonio  Pigofetta,  of  Vicenza,  i«aaen< 


2.  The  thirteen  who  wan  arretted  at  the  Cape  Verde 

iilandt. 
Pedro  de  Indarchl,  of  Teneriffe,  matter  of  the  StuU 

iago. 
Kchard,  from  Normandy,  carpenter  of  the  Santiago- 
Simon  de  Borgoe  (a  Portugaese),  servant  of  Mendoza, 

the  traitor  captain  of  the  Victoria. 
Joan  Martin,  of  AgniUr  de  Campo,  servant  of  the 

same  Hendosa. 
Roldan  de  Argote,  of  Bmgea,  bombardier  of  Uw 

Concepcion. 
Martin  Mendez,  of  Seville,  accomitant  of  tiie  Vic- 
toria. 
Juan  Ortiz  de  Gopega,  of  Bilbao,  steward  of  the  San 

Antonio. 
Pedro  Gasco,  of  Bordeanz,  marinero  of  the  Santiago. 
Alfonso  Domingo,  marinero  of  the  Santiago. 
Ocacio  Alonso,  of  Bollallos,  tnortnero  of  the  Sanl- 

Gomez  Hernandez,  of  Hnelva,  marinero  of  th«  Con- 
cepcion. 

Felipe  da  Rodas,  of  Rodaa.  marinero  of  the  Victoria. 

Pedro  de  Tolosa,  from  Guipiiicoa,  grumete  of  the 
Victoria. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


iOO  APPSIfDIX  D. 

i.  Thafonr  aurvwon  of  the  Trinidad,  who  returned  to 

Spain  long  after  their  eomradea. 
Qoozalo  Gomez  de  Espinoaa,  consUble  {alffuaxitf  of 

the  fleet 
Joan  Bodrigaet,  of  Seville  (called  "  the  deaf  "),  mari- 

ntro  of  the  Concepeioa. 
Ginez  de  Mafra,  of  Xereg,  marinero. 
Leon  Pancaldo,  of  Savona  near  Genoa,  marinero. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


INDEX. 


AborigiaA*,  In  AmeTloft,  L  1  i  nofln] 
codltioD  H,  L  2;  inm  tEti  Old 
Vorid,  L  i ;  «Tldco«  at  thalr  utl- 
qultr,  i.  B;  tB  OIieUI  partod,  L  T  ; 
avld«DOH  !■  n*Dloo  fi«T<l,  L  8; 
dUMbutkB  of,  1.  >;  la  AoHnllh  1. 
26;  In  Swttnrlud,  L  3Ch  trIbH  In 
Aswrto,  L  36-4T  i  W  w  ixnipn- 
benlOB  of  (UU-bolldliw.  L  iT ; 
tbdr  tutu  Bid   llfs,  [TiS ;   UhIf 

tnm  MDtOlBD,  L  lOO ;  l«  Hen  by 
the  NortluDgD,  t.  tBe-192 ;  of  Btnith 


"TtX! 


Urlied  u,  L  31E. 

Adun  of  Bramen.  Ma  nfsniiM  to 
Vlnlind.t.  206-210;  wbit  CDlumbiu 
knfrw  of  hJi  aUwIoa  to  Vlnlvid,  L 
384,  388  ;  napin  of  Ui  work,  I.  3SG. 

AdflluDj^i  on  tbo  nnmbar  ot  AmBriciin 

ir  the  ZnEili,  I.  S3.   Set 


Airloa,  riT«r.drUt  mm  ntreMsd  loM. 

bHn'dicumuvigaled  by  tb«  Pbv- 
dIcUiu,  L  208 ;  Tliitiid  br  HuiDci. 
BaCupH,  ud  Endoiiu,  t.  300-30! 

-.  -     ,    -  tt«P  0'  tl 

AtUntlD  •H-bottom  mentioiied, 

Anmli,  l/uk,  en  tba  origin  of  man, 

ArUboUea,  ud  Cortea  ampmA,  U, 

AfBH*,  B^tdite,  hlj  map  In  1G36,  U. 

Aptenltun,  kaown  only  In  Pen,  I. 
W;  Iti  allMt  upon  tba  EmiD;,  I.  ei. 


Agikvli,  AloKADder, 


Anado,  Jna 


kDovledfa  of  ttaa  BmO,  I, 


Inf  to  Bpaniah  tod  Portontfiao  dla- 

oonrie*,  I.  tt4-US. 
Alfonao  V.  of  PoTtugal,  uk<  advlcA  at 

ToKanelll,  eoueerMn^  the  vay  to 

Uie  lodlsa,  I.  SSTUi  InTsdoa  i^ 

CuUls,  I.  am. 
AUouk  XI,  of  Cutne,  bli  attinnptto 

biimuB  the  mpplj  of  bonea  bj 

prohlbltlDf  ridlEg  on  nml^  i.  3V> ; 

and  Uh  war  vltb  CaitJIe.  I.  3SI. 
Alfragan,  Armblaii  aatniDomer,  hia  in' 

fliwnco  upon  CoJumhua.  1.  ?n. 


at,  i.  42-44;  their  trHwa  orar- 
of.  I.  78;  t^r  uae  of  tbs 
coitom  of  Uw  BkneUnga,  1. 


tern  d'AUlr,  li 
L  372;^btiB 
L3TS. 


AJmagro,  D1ef[o,  ffoea  with  PUam  to 
Paru,  ii.  3»1;  aeot  tack  for  anpidlea, 
IL  392 ;  hU  feud  intb  Pamaodc  Pt- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIf 


602  VfDSX. 

torObUUlLMa;  d*f Hti  Kuao,  IL  i  ADdencin,  qaeUtioa  tnn 
411)  hIih  Cuico,  U,  411,412;  Ui  la  not  DiHonrad  b^ 
dsfntiHulaiKnUOD,  11.  412,  413,  |  1.390. 
*'Alm>gTO  tbe  lul/'  made  gori 
.       ot  Pan,  U.  417 ;  deMh,  II.  JIS. 


U.  1»2. 


narka  tha  bachuiiDi  of  dr- 
I.  32iafthBlIina,LI3;2! 

EMU,  but  not  (Iw  PtraTiana, 


tbeMnle _ _. 

mm  eo  tha  nj  to,  IL  8S3. 
Alrando,  Fadn   de,  oiilhid   bj  tha 
Kailcaiia  TonatliiL  U.  238:  In  Ori- 

ria'a  aipadlCtoii^.  M3 ;  c 
240 ;  latt  by  Cental  in  ' 
at  Uailco,  II.  282  i  bja  m 
Chs  pwpla,!!.  284;  ggea  to  Pam,  U.     Anbi,  Iheli 
'""  laamlDgt ' 


ndnda,  Famun  da,  nucha*  Ohtau, 

0.183. 

nlmali,  domaitlCi  Deocaa 


AntUlea,  origin  of  tha  nuna,  1. 3T6. 
Antlpadal  world,  da*^bwl  br  Kala, 
11.  131 1  callad  "  Quuti  Pan,"  iL 


a  Oibnl,  Fadn,  imd  Jau 

I.  ISO. 


duimtlOQ  of  lodliioi  I 
SJ I  ahaenca  ot  domaatlcaMa  uU- 
iuIb  ratardad  prograia  In,  I.  37; 
Btatui  ot  barbanam  Ui,  L  30 ;  tribal 
aoclaly  in,  I.  33 ;  primillva  aoolatT 
In,  i.  S7,  100 ;  tu  locma  o|Hcialy  at 


dlscoinry,  I,  278;   tLe  dlKoterr  a 

ba«  and  Cabral  Ut  Che  dlacor 
88  ;  on  the  ilobe  ol  Fimeui, 

128 ;  nama  Brat  uaad,  IL  136 ; 

tha  aon  or   Colnmbiu  tu'it 


[144;  the  iiKottrr  tendon,  I.   .      . 
Snniarda   and  FisncbmBu  la,  II. 

Anlhliu,  icarrior  of,  1. 21 ;  Derer  u 

Indwya,  Faaooalda,  hsan  ol  Peru, 


of,  ii.  288 ;'  uoconqoaratile,  iL  414. 
LTchodlarr,  Amarlsui,  lla  Impoituoa 

krchltactora,   aboriglDii],   I.    6S;   o( 

66;  of  tba  IroquolL  L  66,  77,  78: 


Arnold,  GoTaniar,  hU  Moaa  mill  ai 
Aryan  and  Bamltlc  paoplea,  oaa  oaDH 

'  ~         )  toward,L 

if  Amarloa, 


onUook  of  El 


y  CoiiDu,  1.  268;  Kailorlan  mla- 


Aatrolabe,  Kaitln  Bahalm'a  i 
Atahnalpa,  OTarthnm 


■Dd  SotoTUt, 
lis,  ii.  403;    haa 


'of^L  42tf ' 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


AutnUa,  iborlglaM  is, !.  18 ;  priml- 
tln  me  Is,  L  E8. 


d  th8  "TIta  dsU' 


Amu.    ^hIUtDb. 
AuncuL  chlet-of-OHRi,  11. 
Ay^,  Pedro  ds,  hb  letter 

AtUdo,  Loeu  YkHDAB  d', 
on  Jimei  riiar,  0.  490. 


1.1 


Mtmn-empln,' 


K7, 1.  IM,  loe, 

■wn  ui  pMudar  aofarcea  u/  htui, 

I.  lOS.  XualisIIulguCDiitederuy. 

hutHrouiAlgDaqoliis,  ud  DAkotAt, 
l.!l !  comiMnd  wKta  tlw  ^n>tiHU, 

Hid  the  Altec  eonfadenoy,  L  104  i 
BunilMr  of,  I.  IWi  their  eUi»,  1. 
IM;  tbdr  ^nuia*.  i.  108 1  tbetr 
tilbiiloouiicn,L  ■"-■—■' — 

in;'tbeirmuii 

ine,l.  115;  (he  pri»tbi»d< 

deeoest  unoof,  L  122  i  nutrrlage,  I. 
123;  prlnte  property HBOiw.L  124; 
writing  ot,  I.  12T ;  their  arioiee,  1. 
128 ;  net  the  mound-bnlMei*,  L  142 ; 
in  tbe  ralley  ot  Heilco,  11. 221 ;  their 
iTBt  lonr  '^chlaCa-al-mai,"  11.  223; 
their  goda,  IL  228-239 ;  their  fmr  or 
horan,  Ji.  24S ;  maniHir  of  achling, 
»   oil  nu  .  J —  '~te,i|ng«  DfrH- 


odolTCll 


U.  2G3,  2H;  door  faateiilnpi  Dl 


Aitlan. 


if  the  Riihu  tribaa. 


Aiurara,  naa 
31G;  k>  •> 


«  Latlnl  vlelta,  aod  de«rlMi 


Bidiloa;  rjaniiTaai  ot,  to  aettle  tb* 

— unfalp  of  tba  Holuma,  IL  4BS. 

I.  WIllLam,  hla  arctle  eiplora- 

Bi^'i   Ba;,  nyaca  to.  Is   IISB,  L 

la  mBBacre  af  Pnuuh  pri^ 
mpand  with  Hiiayna^i  buik 
<tl  revolt  at  Quito,  IL  320. 

I  hla  death  referred  to, 


U.  230;  nllawllh  E 
tios,  li.  370 ;  head  of  the  coLODT  m 
the  guU  or  Urabi,  U.  3T1 ;  Ua  qnar- 
rol  wltti  Enclio,  IL  313 ;  h»ra  ot 
Peru,  IL  B74;  aeaa  the  PacUo,  IL 
376;  hean  mora  of  Fen,  11.  ^6; 
Fedrariu  lealoua  of,  U.  378 ;  ctm- 
plalDB  of  Padrariu,  ll  373 ;  taia  el- 
pedltloD  Is  aaanh  of  (Old,  IL  SIS) 
nnniber  of  IndlHia  tliat  perlabad  is 
alpeditiea,  IL  SI9;  ddaja  tot 
— 'pitch,iL380:  hk  fatal  MB- 

■■'■ t 


BalUU,ottli 


Vhi'^ 


191. 


on  Herrara  aa  a  hlitorias,  iL  62) 
aniitaila  that  the  Bennudu  may 
have  bean  the  urchipalaKD  or  Bas 
Bernardo,   U.    ES ;    on  VennciDa'a 

on  prthlataric  Itailoo,  IL  2\i. 
Bandaller,  Adolt  on  the  jnpulatlon  ol 


lca^r£ 


BarbariaDL  diacrlbed  by  early  vritan, 


127-3^1 


ked  by  do 
7iei>datl 


The  period 


1.  40-47 ;  human  aacrlllre 

middle  p^od  ol.'l.  130  ;  Fen 
la  middle  period  ot,  U.  314. 
iro,  Atarco,  on  Antonio  Seno 


313;  AlllMm*  placUulMd  troni,  1 


enlaud,LlS9, 139)00 1& 


Li,a,i,zc.bv  Google 


lUioii*  vt  bli  book,  I.  238 ;  '•prinn 
dsHttbad  tn,  L  3*3. 
Banoti,  WDltaD,  IruuOatH  Budiso'i 
irorkwerMidMii),!.  !3»)  hli  itn}- 


BU«,H.  W.,dMiirlbHtliaOriaB«>B 

■ h,  !.492. 


Butw,  BfinOmr,  i.  BB. 

BuDjeii.  hli  upsdlUon  to  (he  IHmU- 
dppl  lulli,  IL  f»T. 

Batulm,  Huiin,  fait  Improrad  utro- 
libe,  i.  336  ihli  RlDbB,  1492,  uid  U> 
«n»r,    L    *2a-i1*i    Um    AUuUc 

"  Kundiu  Noiiu  "  ot  Tupuchu,  U. 

B«iln,  tbfl  king  of,  Hndfl  wo  uuhAuv 
to  Jofan  IL  ol  Fottui 


Uv>*,B.KO-Be^ 
Boina  n,  UHUoimn  of,  L  14. 
Bamuda,   Aadn*,   bii   Hlatoir  of 

-~^-Bd  ud  iKbdU,  L  ^1  on 

ndoDj 
1   SeTUla, 


CuKL  411,1 
focColBr'^    ' 

Bmbencou 
IntbaCi 


'(Tn^ediH  In 


BiBMwIti,  Peter,  hli  idw  oI  Cute  u 


BfuiJ  OrhiK^wni,  tba  itory  of  ble 


L  162 !  Is  SoTwMj,  L 
BolxdUla,    Pnuclvio  u.,    iw-c^ 

cnatnn,  L  4W)   orden  Columbii 

pot  In  eh^Di,  I.  SOO;  ud  eent  I 

iftla,  t.  GOI ;  ud  Fouwa,  [.  G03. 
Borton,  iU  lUltnde  poHible  ror  Vii 

lud,  I.  ISZ. 
Boocber  da  FerUwa,  refemd  to.  I.  I 
BanrMgB*,  Jeu  ds,  ud  tUDderlUe' 

Trnsli,L290. 
Bow  ud  UTDW,  InnnUon  ol,  mmti 

u  adruce  Id  HTSgery.  L  "X. 
Bcrila,  Bsrnudo,  UKMollo  ilcar  tc 

OialDdle*,  L 482 ;  4e»rt>  Columbc 

Bmadt.  SelaMlu,  Ui  lUiulan  lo  tl 

dlecorer;  bj  Colunibai,  1.  4SfL 
BruHu,  AbM,  on  Heilco  ud  EQrpt, 

■rilhjr  in  Onenlud. 


._...jof,Ior 

Portngil,  fl.  91  i  utlTa*  ol,  0.  101. 

■""     OD  old  Bupe  AnutCB  or  Hm- 

Konu,  II.  146^  orl^n  at  the 


onMiliniU 

Lti  ol,  IL  S. 


nisE,  Robait, 


hie  CilIl4Dai  8»- 


bo'e  propbacy,  L  370. 

OH:  In  Fen 
BuitoD,SIr  B 

Butler,  FrofeivDt  J.  D.,  re( 
Bvnemeiit  to  iweat  thai 
put  of  India,  li.  Tl. 

Cabeludo,  Bodrifpiai,  kit 
relJALns  to  Golumbue,  I.  i 

Caben  &  Tiica,  aptlie  i 
Indiana,  i.  Wl  i  it  501. 

Cabo  de  VngUlfliTK,  U.  14. 


noeivee  a  peiieloii  (rov  amy 
.,  li.  fl;    PaMiiuliED  dateribaa. 


a,li.33;  wHha 

'  NotUi  Ametia  ild  ha 
upattrlbutad  to,il.  10 1 
utaiacHitb  u  ^Dilda, 
d  TonfaaliUnreilLlB. 
Alnrei  de,  rroee*  the 
Ideatnllr  and  tahea  poa- 
eeniDU  oi  JiuQ  lot  FoTtogid,  11. 
Qti,  ^  ;  iiatura  and  cooeeqtwDcaa  td 
hi>  dlKOTSTT,  II  98.  m  ;  fall  nicOia» 
ful  Toyan  to  HindoWu,  IL  100. 
CailaiDDato.  LuIrI,  Toyige  to  tbe  Bla 

CalaTenu'ekull,  uliqulty  tt,  L  II. 


GlpanfEO.  11 
Cabral.'pedn 


Diaiiizc^bv  Google 


rornla,  the  nUqnl?  ol  nua  In, 
I,  bttso,  nacliH  the  Conga,  I. 


~  pHvl  >ith  ttlOM  M,  I.  136. 
Cuu1|  tlMi   prohablj  arlfluAt«d   Ia 

1S02^  II  Vhil  i  whit  <t  proTH  cod" 

^mia  Cmu'i  nup,  I'l.^n;  com" 

G?7?  "  ™^ 

CjiDuy  tiliadi,  known  to  ths  Cutlu- 
(Inlua,  fend  ■  f kvourlM  thelDA  for 
poeU,  I.  303;  redluoTeTT  of,  1.  330; 
«i  tha  MedJd  mip  Dt  13B1,  L  3^1 ; 
tba  colony  founded  by  Jwi  dc 
B^tfaeacourt  In,  1.  331  -,  Columbiu 


Cumlballmi,L48;  flouriihed  la  Itsi- 
Ico  4t  tbe  tlna  of  tho  dlHcorerr,  I. 
119  1  in  ■borlgjul  AmnrlGm,  i.  Mfi ; 
ot  tke  Kulcuu,  [1.  28S-269;  origin 

Cufuibo,  iDdlu  chieftain,  pUu  to 

CftpiK,  proDimdHCIon  of,  II.  300. 
Cap*  AlphcMid  Omega,  1.  W8. 
Cape  BoJadoT,  Oil  Smaav  pMM,  L 

3ZS-323. 
Cape  o(  Oood  Hope,  paeeed  by  DIsl 

apd  named  by  King  John  11-^  of 


CiMliHi  mw  of  ins,  I.  SST. 
CaUiay,  the  «arty  nuUM  ol  Cbloa,  l.TH. 
Catlln,  an  aatborlty  on  the  Indiana, 
L40;  tboofj  about  lUdoc  ud  tba 

Tialledhj,  I,  81.     '  "*" 

CatUgara,  poaldm  of,  U.  OS.  4SS,  GOa 
Cattle,  eariLat  prlvata  property,  IL 

of  Europe,  L  16  i  EaUmoa 

Tt^T™ 

PixvTO  at  tlia  tovn  of,  IL 

lMa(0  de,  defeated,  IL  4aX 
■  — ■— ^■'"iBoipuUoDof 

I  abont,  I.  IDS, 


>robablya 


Chaco  TaUoT,  puebloe  of ,  L  01 ; 

Champlaln,    " '    -■-     ' '— 

Canada,  U. 


Lmncl   da. 


tbealllanL 

Dntcb  and  Entllafa,  LL  £30. 
Cfaampoton,  defeat  of  tbe  flpaniarda 

Cbanca,  Dr.,  bti  relation  of  Colinn- 
■■ ~~ '-.y.ga,1.4«. 


Cape  O'raciae  a  Dloa,  1.  600. 


LOflMaa 


Capa  Ban  Kodue,  named  by  Vcapn- 

clua.  n.  100. 
Capa   Verde  ialaodi,  dlaconred   bv 

Ooma,  L  33& 
CararelB,   Spaolah    and    Fortuguaee 

Cariba.'cannlbalt,  IL  290. 

CarplnL  and  BobrnqTiia,  two  monki, 

Carr,  Ludeu,  on  Indian  domestic  life, 

L67. 
Cartagana,  Juan  de,  captain  of  tbe 

Ban  AnIODio,  iL  191  i  put  in  Irona, 

U.    IM ;  in  open  bnEiay    afainflt 

Maodlan,  U.  1901  orerpowered,  11. 

193. 
Caitlar,    Jaoqnea,     Inxtnole   fUlaiie 

tonnd  t^,  i.  4G ;  lOnge  of,  II.  4M. 
Carrajat,  Bernardino  de,  rafen  In  1493 

to  Colambue'i  diecoTeiiei,  i.  461 . 
Caaa,  Levi*,  Ida  acentlclain  In  tncard 

to  ^pauiah  narratliea,  i.  101. 
Oaatro,  Thm  da,  rowmor  of  )^m,  iL 

U7-3lB. 


lOTBrelguty.  i,  16. 
Cblbcfaaa,  trilwa  of  Cvntnl  Ameitca, 

workaon,iL!S6. 
Chlehan-Itia,  conMnporary  doci 
on,  i.  139  i  oMti  at  tbe  ti 


ihlmecB,  AaculatloDS  abou 

«pla  called  IL  218 ;  Btml  Bl 


B  chronicta  of,  i. 


ChlctaaawL.   .__ 

■IppL  L  US. 
Chlc.ulul    -■ 

Chill,  conquend  by  tbe  Inoie,  117324  1 

Valdlrta'i  conqueit  ot,  ii.  413,  414. 
CbilUngham  Park,  wild   cattle   li^  L 

Cbimna,   had   a   aaml-ciTiliBltlOn  dll- 

Cfajna,  flnt  knowledge  of,  L  2Si; 
called  Slnte  or  Tbin,  L  264  i  ila  po- 
aitlon  d«?TibFd  by  Coaoaa,  I  263; 
lUlted  by  Neetohan  miaalooarlea,  L 


Uiailizc^bv  Cookie 


A  XanMBDi 


Ml  D«u  btyond,  I.  7!S ;  Stcoa  on 
til*  dltUnce  from  Spain  osUwmnl 
to,  I.  -^9;  tititrA  by  ths  Polo 
tiniUi«r>.  I.  2Sl,'iSi:  Odorlc'i  Tiiit 
to,  L  390 :  do«d  to  Buropnuia,  L 
291 1  diKribed  b;  Uuco  Folo,  I. 
afiS,  aeO;  nccordlni  lo  TdkehfW, 
L  SK ;  baUnf  that  Cub*  wu  ■  put 
of,  I.  4M;  PaUi  MjirtTT'i  doubti 
about,  L  MS ;  Andmle  nulua,  U. 

CIiiiiHe.  tbalr  diKoreiT  of  ruiug,  I. 


•nbjDiata,  II.  34S;  than  c 
bouH,  IL  alKk 
ChlriquL  tomba  In  Ibe  prarloM  ot,  il. 

Cboctawa.  1. 42. 
CbolHul-Dallleconrt,  hit  woit  co  Uio 

ClioIuU,  popolatloD  of,  I,  9S  ;  plot  to 
■Dttap  Cortea  at,  U.  1X6. 

Cbriitlanltt,  In  Norway  ud  Icelwd, 
1. 183,  lU;  la  OrHDland,  L.  221,  222; 
la  Biuc^  Id  tbs  yiar  1000,  1,  'Jta, 
2eO  I  in  Ailii,  I.  26S !  and  Uia  Gni- 
iwla^LMO;    aDdlh.TUTk.,1,'"'- 


r   ColuiD 


<rod.,ll.22fl 
fl.  '.183,284 
Oaaaaand,! 


Clbota,  BeicD  Cltiei  of,  II.  I 
Cicia  da  Lion.  Pedro,  h 
oorki,  11.  3H.306;  part 
Mtrlbuted  by  Prtacolt  to 
li.  30«  :  on  f  >ni  under 
li.  3^7  i  on  tl,E  d.poallli 

Wl:  on  burylEg  wldo* 


478  \  Bf'ba^tlan  Cabot  laila  In  1 


J'E 


tli«  term.  I.  34?0^ 
lUn  Dompar«l,  L  K 
fniUJ  RTDtlla  Ut  poll] 
«»;  in  MhIco,  1. 101 


ilaodetr^L 

r'  the  Kortt 
Cm- 

Sit 


Clan,  tbe  wlleat  (amDT-craDp,  L  60 
Bniotun  of,  L  08  ;  tfaa  Diigl^  of  tit 
luhip,  L  99  i  WDODB  tlie  Aitu 
DO,  lOT ;  right!  anf  dntJH  of,  1 


Clark.  W 
U.  6M. 
ClaTigerc 


0  on  copper  hatc^iatBi  L 


Coelho.  Gontilo,  U*  Tqjafa  In  UOS, 

Cogolalo,  not  ths  UrUiplaca  ol  Colnm- 


'OLurabla      river,     dliDO*flr«d     and 

nam  ad,  tl.  H3. 
:olan>l>a.  DotreDloi,  father  of  Colnu- 

buB,  Ut  family  and  tta  chauaea  of 

neidenca,  L  34T  i  ails  ol  hlalioiua 

in  Genoa,  L  351. 
^Dlonibo,   Oloiami,   giudfatber  at 

Cilnmbui,!.  346. 

Cbrlflophrr,  hia  Tojage  i^ilh  DIaa, 
L  333  ^  In  Uabon,  ).  3Gn,  3G1  :  hIa 
personal  apprarann,  I.  3B3  i  nid  to 
IiavB  njFFUted  the  route  to  tbe  lo- 


os, deAnod,  i.  24 1 


24i   wby  n- 
27;  (Ipb^Mt 


lo  Enpland,  1,  404  ;  the  year  of  Mt 

King  In  dlrpule,  i.  4(>G-tD7  i  goea  to 
UKT.  1.  4DT  ;    clrrleB  tupplln  to 


Nen  ll'abf I'l.^alterwil^'sui'Daa 

^urib  piHditlon.'i.  H» :  puta'do 
the  DutlDj  at  Jimalca,  L  SlSi  i 
tuba  Cabci,  IL  t,  4. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ColnmbDi,  OhtiMoBlMr,  hi*  *Ilag*d  Is- 
lonnAtkm  from  Adwa  of  Bnmen,  L 
HI  1  MUTlsd  cMtIa  irlth  him  ta  Uia 
W«alMUM.I.aii|«ai"rmlaoa«," 


kk,l.a»:M>dC*UiiiT,  L3T>;  hli 
Moond  homBwud  and  tluTd  outward 
T<>nKH,LS13{  ■DdnUoloa.LSlS; 
mnMfocthalllaof,  I.  SSe-Ml;  > 
toIbibUiou  wrftv,  i.  Sitt;  hia  lat- 
wrlr  lUi 


Slntn*  ud  HuriiH,  L  SI2  i  diu 
Mitta  at,  br  tkadeed  at  Saiou.  I. 
.  8U,343i  uobdlng  toBunaldM.L 
MS;  luooTdlw  toll!  own  Mtwof 
UOl,  LtM;  prateUs  data  of  birth 
use,!.  MB j  pHmlttad  to ifd*  on  a 
UBl*.  USUi  hlaUrtliplan,  LSU; 
Ui  avir  Ura  and  aduaatkn,  L  3(» ; 
dauol  hiaiofaia  toLkbon,  LSBOi 
Uatettarlo  Kbig  FBrdlnand  UOS, 
ai  avidaiKa  tbat  ba  went  to  Porto- 
ialdr.l«0,L3gO;  bli  peraonal  ap- 
paataBH,  L  3C3 ;  BUittca  and  goes 
io  Porto  Buito  to  Ilia,  L  3113  {  KiidlH 
"-  -"-^- '—  ^  I>araitrelo,  1. 3M  i 


wlU't  Mooad  IMtar  t^  L 
W  flnt  Hfcaat  tbs  buEwi 
toUwlDdlM,!.  MS)  thadi 


br,  L  313 ;  b 

tie  globe,  tb 

laUoB  U  dlitanc 
porpDaa  of  hla  ■ 
baMlM  on  Dw 
Tojafia  to  Onli 

land, 'l.' 381;"  no 
heard  of  Adam 


oplidon  of  the  ■!»  ol 
widtb  of  the  Atlaotlo 
.  3TT;   lo^h  of  Ua 


SBTliice  hli  ai 


iteoiporan    t 


380-392: 

SOX;   rHiL 

John  if.  of  FortuEBl.  \.  3S(i;  Forta- 
gw  ertlmaUa  of  Columbtu,  1.  3%, 

tried  to  iDtenK  'oemia  and  VeniM 

manoa,™  40r;*Mrth  ot'Fardlnitnd 
hli  Km,  1.  401  ;  did  not  nil  nith 
IXaa,  L  MZ,  403;  ilalU  BartbDlo- 
mew  at  Uuon,  and  aeuda  hbu  to. 


X.  60T 

Bl^aod,  L  40t ;  eooonraged  br  tbe 

dufia  ol  ModiDa-CeU,  L  WBi  laa- 
bella  imdaoldad  wbat  to  do,  L  «0B; 
be  detenninsa  to  go  lo  Fraoce,  1. 
409  j  at  Hualn,L410;  mBsU  Juan 

court,  L.  4ll| 


rellgioua  teelliiAB,  1.  i 

iraiaaed.l.Ue;  bU(« 

wnn  tbe  BOfaWDna,  1.  417. 

Tint  Toran :  bow  tbe  money  waa 
ralHd,  1.  4lS;  aaUa  from  Falsa,  L 
421  i  dala7adattheCan>rle*,i.4Zl; 
ida  tno  jHid  f  alae  reokooUiga,  L  434, 
420 ;  axplabia  tbe  daOeoUoa  of  tba 
needle,  I.  42S ;  enCara  the  Baraaaao 
a«hl.  428;  the  trade  w1nda,L  428; 


hla  so 


L429!  1 


ber  12,  L  __ .  ,_,  „ , 

L431;  dlasoieraauana]ianl,L432: 
groping  for  Cathar,  i.  433. 434  j  hla 
maaaeugara  to  the  Oreat  KbaD,  L 
435 ;  deaerted  t^  Hartln  Plaaon,  I 
436;  at  Haiti  orHI(i«inlalB,l.43S; 
tbe  BaoU  ^^rla  wreeked,  I.  437 ; 
lur«  a  celoinr  at  Hlapanlola,  1. 438 ; 
maeu  the  Plnt^.  and  ii  naarlr 
"  .439;  hUre- 


mkr^440,  441  ; 


Hi  In  Pnrto- 


;  hla  diaoorery  an 


endering  of  tbe  letter  to 


gainat   aaTlIlBj^   L 
S ;  mppolnla  Barthoic 


L  481  tin 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


Asuda,    I.    483;     dlJcoTBn    gold 

to   bo   Ophlr,  1.   4H^   ntumi   b> 
EMn  (ltd  ia  kindly  ncalTDd,  L  184, 

w  i  protwU  ■gvDtt  tbe  edicta  ot 

1?K 


on  tlM 

-c^^Ta;^;;! 

KT. 

Cipa  Onciu  ■  Dl 
mollbeFMlAc 

Indl^ 

CIO;   till  tniltlt. 

^tSt 

etnll  of  MulKts, 

ttmpc. 

•Upon 

iii.r». 

,  612  ;  hU  ratlin. 

t  B13; 

hi.  dath,  I.  613 

nd  ttH  "VpETD  H 

E14,  61 

»d». 

fei^uUd"  il.  4;" 

lmt,li.  23;  «.d  t 

29;  m 

VhpucIui,  1L  S9 

Coul, 

.  60;  bs  did  not 

Toytmi   on   Columbnl'i    (oartb,    IL 


of,  U.  98)  ud  VHinioliu  thongbt 
to  hiT*  done  dlffvmit  tbinn,  U. 
IN;  whT  Iho  ooBttnent  dM  tiot 
tda  bl*  Mine,  IL  13»-Kli!  aid  to 
ban  b«a  npiduitcd  by  Twpuciiu, 
II.  IfiD;  Tldt  of  Veipuclui  to,  il. 
in ;  Lope  da  Van  on.  II.  181 ;  ud 


OolmnlHU,  IMflgo,  yoonAMt  brotli 
of  OtarMoptaer,  dite  oi  tali  Mtth, 
813;  Hila  with  hli  brother,  I.  46: 
la  Mmmnd  mt  Inbella,  I.  488 ;  u 


iiT,  I.  479;  inlrw 
DIago,  TCn  of  Ch 


unwl  I^hli  titbH  to  UmtH  (•■ 
UtH  In  dm  India*,  i.  MS  I  U>  birth, 

I.  SM ;  left  It  BuElYi  In  8H■^  L 
399;  |wg«  to  DoD  John,  ud  to 
Qnea  labidln,  I.  413;  Ut  lamb,  1. 
CIS;  cUlmioF,  11.  4T  i  hl>  Innvlt 
■gllnM  the  crawD,  11.  48-51 1  It  Hll- 
[uiola,  U.S39;  hlanUtlani  totba 
crown,  [I.  see ;    ooDqiun  Cubk,  IL 

^alumbva,  Ferdinand,  ho  oI  Ctarlato- 
phnr,  mentioni  nn  objection  nrged 
union  hU  lather'i  iojmo  L  310 ; 
hli  fittanr'i  blognpber,  C  839;  bia 
Ubrtry,  L  338 ;  IgnDnnt  of  the  ds- 
talls  of  hli  fiithe?!  eul7  life,  1.  S89 ; 
BarriiH  on  tha  aiitligntlcltT  of  Ul 
book,  L  340:  taia  birtb.  L  Wl;  hla 
nimUre  ol  Coluinbiu'l  Tialta  tc  Lk 
R^lda,  L  412 ;  wibwMa  tbe  nilinE 
ol  bli  father  In  1493, 1. 404 ;  and  hla 


.  262;   vtlclea 
KiuH.  Se9 )  u( 


and  Oemii,  f2I4, 


.276:  cut  off  by  tbe  ONv- 

1,1.293. 

on,  telle  Balboa  of  Pnu, 

rrot.LStS: 
I:  Mtoo- 

,  L  M7. 

Conqueat,  tlie  Bpanlab,  Hr.  Uorgu 
an,  i.  1^ ;  Dbronlcle  of  Nekqh  Peoh, 

Conataorjpe,  emperor,  end  tbe  power 

ol  tbe  mfHf,  L  U6^KS. 
GoulAnmuiple,  In  tbe  twelfth  ean- 

lUT,  I-  370  i  deitrvclion  of ,  L  ITS ; 

eaptnied  by  the  Tnrka.  I.  293. 

138-138.  ' 
Cook,  Capt^u,  deecrlbei  tbe  lalauil  of 

Booth  deoT^  IL  t<». 
GoDkn,  Krteo,  on  Pooabcotaa,  L  98. 
Cordelro,  Loelano,  hla  opinion  of  Co- 

""     "    *'  of,L9S,Sl:  cnl- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


Uafalni  Ua  ditb  vdncg  of  Tanm- 
duiTil-  ITS. 
Cotoudo,  rnnctwa  d^  paabloa  lit- 
ilsi]  br,  L  99:  eompvn  ZuU  u 
OnuM*,  L  W 1  n^ndition  ot,  11. 


Eg7Pt.i-33I. 
Cdi,  Sir  O.  W.,  DD  kIht  myttu,  I.  136. 

CnmUlaii,     pnwtliHl    br    Mulau 

tribet,  1.  loS. 
CrawHi.  H.  T.,  I,  Si  dluDTen  ml- 

denoeof  uri;  mu  in  Indliuu,  L  9  i 

Crcll.  Dr.,  •»  the  bucwl  wocb,  L  7. 
Cnisll]',  u   abo*n  by  Indiuu   ud 

Bpuiiuili,  L  49,  SO. 
CnufciM,  the,  1.  270 ;  taect  ol,  (.  2T2, 

273 ;  the  Pourtb  Gniiadc,  I.  774, 
Gubm  Cotumbui  it,  I.  43J^  ctlMn 

part  ol  Cblu,  I.  444  i   CgluiDbu 

L  471 )  iU  nwmbluoa  U  Citbtrl 
I.  471,  4T2;  circumoHiiit*]  b)F 
PlDEon,  II.  TI 1  DD  La  Cou'i  mu  In 
UOO,  <i.  72. 73 1  innilultv  dstscted 


WTIuaila,  II.  SeS; 

iiKO-nn  the  plot  at   Cholult,  1: 

lous  iltuiiUoD,  11,'  276;  n'dianlaie  | 

^  power.  11.  275;  nuke«  the  ifljUr 
it  ^EUiihpopDumprvteit  tof  wil- 

tuiuhpopiKit  buned  alive,  U.  280 ; 
inubEi  the  consplrncv  to  Irm  Moa. 
«iumm  II.  281 :  MirvHi  irrlvH  to 


285:  obURed  to  luvs  Heilco,  11 
28B:  ibeVclinchidfNIsht.uidibe 
itotorjf  of  Otinnba.  li.  2it6, 2ST I  niibu    Dimte,  n 


Cuico,  building  of ,  II,  320 1  nMd  be- 
tWMn  Quito  ud.  il.  327  ;  Spaniuds 
b«ilendiii,ll.  411  i  Almagro  Baiui, 

Dikobi,  liimilT  of  Crlbei,  Uiritary  irf, 


ft  Fivrro.  11.  385. 


Il.;29l,;a2;hli  momei 

.~~See  Li  Con.  ,  Durwln.  Charles,  on  the  iinpro.nnn 

took  on  iDdU,  1. 2G0 ;  ihnpii  oT  the  !      Hiectlon,  IL  359. 

srth  Hcordlng  to,  L  2G6.  iTT ;  eome    Dueiit,  Sir  Deorgt,  hie  work  on  I 


rSee,™ 


dbj, 


"CoMnmrmphll* 

T?"™!!™*.  letter"  In 
Cauntlee   In    Bnfiluid, 


'  ,'^'^F'"Vfc  ' 


,      Weld-         TdTM, 
putipblet,   ooDtabilng        chei,  1,  4A0. 

-"--InLitIn,  11.  13S.      DiTlli,  Oil  Oonzelai.   Teiniitt  n- 

'    '^   '  th       fuHfttoglTe  him  BelboA^e  «hlp*,  U. 

38e,    389;  dlicoTere   Nlc^^^    U, 

DhtIa,  John,  hie  arctlo  eiplontlona. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


610 

B»TT.  sir  SmapbrT,  aorfooB  uiOA 

t^ftlattarfoT.I.SSG, 
Saitkliw,  PrtfMor  Bojd,  oo  tha 

nm,  I.  IS,  IT. 
Daue,  Obuin,  od  John  CilKit.  U 
D*  Co*K  B.  r.,  Tenlm  of  llw  bi 

BJunl  OrtnairiBm  I.  IbS;  p( 


DmuIkuh,  od  tbe  Chlniiw  dlnmr- 

InjlMtiico,  1.149. 
Da  KoniD,  Profwir,  Us  "  Budgal  of 


Dlu,  Baitboloiseii.  pmhi  tba  G*] 
of  Oood  Hop*,  I.  331,  332 ;  aflecU  < 
bl*  loji^,  t  333. 

IHu  da  Cutillo,  Barul,  ths  clirof 
clar.  **gnflJai?t"  manUoosd  by, 
109^  hii  dwriptlDD  ol  HonMiumi. 
I.  iW;  wltfa  C&rdoT*'i  npedLUon 
in  1517,  li.  1*0;  hli  flnt  ilght  of 
Haiioo,  U.KSi  on  Uaxicuou-' 
ballam,  it  Hji,  »9. 

DUrbton  IjiacriptlDn,  VaaMiurtoi 
opinion  on,  I.  £]3. 

DUcow;  or  Amerli'ik    See  Amart 

IMvore*  unonf  the  Indluia,  t.  60. 

Dodn,  CokHHl  Ricbard,  big  km 
ladia  of  Ibdiuu,  i.  fiO ;  on  drudf* 
of  IndJu  womtn,  1.  OS. 

DblUngai,  Iffnu  Tan,  bla  "  Pablaa . , 
HWcUiiB  Sia  Popea  ol  tliB  Middle 

Ht^,  aarlTdomealicatfld,  I.  27; 

wild  lDlApl>>ta,L2ia;iuAinaiics, 
1.  «1. 

Bomluhia  diKovnad,  I.  466. 


Iih  "  CanHict  belween  Sc!au« 
Bellglon,"  tri'»>filH  Impreai 
raMrdluB  Golumbiu  and  tba  cisi 
L413. 
I>r«to,  a  cauntrr  tlaitcd  b*  S' 
niliarawu,  i.  24S;  iDhiblUnla  o 
3*C ;  Uia  >t(i[>  of,  quite  pOHlbli 

Sunlnr,  J.  B.,  on  tlH  Pawimi 

'  r  Inda,  if.  BfiB ;  i 


Buinai,  ail,  pum  Cape  Bolador,  I 

323 ;  il.  loe. 
Em)  Bjfgd,  Oraanlud.     Sre  Onan 


li.  182; 


leundUnd,  l«t,  U.  2St  Ui  Tanks 
of  Hinlltn'a  iiiiiaa  wtb*  PuUb, 

u.  i»,  2oa 

Ednid  III.  ol  Knglaad,  naHira  ol  Ui 

Unntajp,  L  113. 
Ealk,  Hjroo,  U*  boiA  on  tha  IndluH, 

Egsda,  Hi^  hla  Til 


Eric  tha  Bad,  lili  rnlniij  liitliriHiitirl 


e  Bcd'a  Ban,  erldano 

I  Dt,  <.  1B5-192.  TW;  I 


huHiD'i  vanlon,  L  20T  i  dalau 
Erl'cUppai.    £»  Erie  aonpwiB. 


t^ninMA,  Gupar  Hp.  it  Santa  Maria 
Balboa'i  ihlpi.  II.  3SI ;  Inlfrsaled  la 


EBubtLOTooiiDca-boiuwidtliapaab- 

lo  lodUui,  L  89. 
EodoiDa,  hJa  Toyign  on  the  ixiait  al 

Alricml.302:  Baabo  ud  ruoj  on, 
Eoguiliu  IV.,  pop*, 


Kunpa,  why  Uia  ToyUH  of  tba  Honb- 
Den  produoad  ■>  UUIa  allcct  in,  I. 

—  ■   ad/,  taU»;^«iirl(»0, 


wga  of,  I.  1269 ;  uul  tha  Turki,  1 

XjogNii},Tii  AiulnlU,  l.'ad;  In  Ibi 

phntn,  L,  70. 
Byrk^jgjn  Bajn,  mtaUom  VInluid,  I 


Funlly,  patrluvbn],  not  piimlttn,  I. 
S3!  "molhsr-i^Eht,"  i.  54;  Id  Ok 
lower  flUtnH  ol  lan^Ty,  1.  66  {  tbfl 
flUD,  1.  eOj  cJuinse  of  lunahlp  from 


B,  kinafalp  r 


Wymndota,  t,  TO;  renilU  i 
thKlugh,  1.  T7  ;  .mong  tb> 
89;  .uiMHiaii  through,  li 
3M. 

FenloD,  hi!  "  Euti  HBbrm 
S3. 

FerdLnftod,  king  of  Angon 

419 ;  and  Pi'dioii'i  eipeilUl 
1.  187,  II.   SB;  h<>  poritloi 

rernandei,  Oirctei  hia'len 


ckotwd  tbrodgb. 


o  Iroquoin;  lioquoU 


FUt«ar-b6k  renfon  of  Eiio  tha  Ttai't 

San,  I.  199. 
riotltU,  on  Cunthio'e  mip.  ]fi02,  U.  T« ; 

bttore  the  eiplanUan  of  Ponce  da 

Leon,  U.  79 ;  Ponce  da  Leon'a  *a/. 

ue  on  tba  cout  of,  IL436;  Doml- 

li.  tilSi  lengauca'af  QoiJguea,  U, 

7olk-iore,  of  the  rad  men,  L  51 ;  Jour- 

Fouac*,  Juan  Kadrtgnei  da,  at  tba 
bead  of  tha  deputinent  d  laiUa 
affaln  la  Hpaln,  L  460 ;  ha  quairala 
with  Colambua,  i.  462 ;  daUva  Co- 

tbe  court,  i,  49T ;  hia  creatuia  Botap 
dlUi,  L  499  1  on  the  return  of  Co- 
lumbuL  I,  B03 ;  Toyao*  of  Ojadi  In- 
atfgated  bv,  IL  33 ;  and  Cortci,  ii. 
ZSn  1  and  Fsdiariaa  Dirlla,  il.  3T8  ; 


indei,  ir.  GI6, 


_.  jtm.' 


wn  Into  tba  inte- 
t  of  thrlr  hoatOltr 

ii  Erio  iha  Bad, 


Aaydia,  dauj^htti^  ■ 

Frlaa,  Loreni,  Ui  edition  of  Ptolemy, 

Fjiiluidn,  on  IVkcolA  Zta^^t  map  and 
In  Coluinbat'a  latter.  1.  236;  prored 

233  ;  deicribad  bjr  Calumbua,  I.  382. 
Froblihrr,  HJT  Mirtln,  bli  eiplon- 

tioni,  ii.  MG,  HG. 
Friidhl.  founder  of  hlrtorfal  wrlUoi 

In   Iceiand,   1.  201.    3te  alM  ^ 

Pront«n«,  Const,  help*  La  Salle,  IL 

Fura,  Juan  da  la,  and  tlK  atralt  which 

bearabdname,  II.  MC 
Fneglan^  Hatua  of,  11.  296. 
Fuaang,  t!»e  cnnntry  diaoorered  bj  the 


Fuatel  de  Cordangea, 


Ubert,  on  the  dangar  of 
the  Spaulah  uarratTiea,  1. 

lai«  that  CDlombna'a  bro- 
vuted  the  route  to  the  1d- 

iil  of,  niarro  awalta  Alm^ 

iupplJeiat.lt.  393. 

lOo  da.  hia  Toyage  to  Hlndir 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


dn  la  \^.  "liloiiii 

'.11.307.306;  teMlmonycDn 


GutkLdi.  Juopo.  U.  495-497' 

G^.  S.  H.i  on  coatemporiTjr  avldeiic* 
eonnniing  tta«  Pnt  Toyngs  ol  Ve>- 

OtiU^  Anhibiild,  i.  T. 

Oalkit,  JuuH,  nrprred  to.  i.  7,  14. 

Oenilniu,  bcUrif g  tbt  torrid  lone  lo- 
hkhlubls,  i.  309. 

Oenoii,  hatnd  bctinen  V«nl«  and.  1. 
274 :  Mirco  Polo  Uken  pri«iKT  m 
Uui  ddHt  of  Venice  by,  t.  'JM ;  het 
trade  cut  off  hy  tlie  Tuika,  1. 293 ;  tbe 
MrlliplacB  of  Cnlulnbui.  L  M6-349. 

Owtllliuii.  aborliriiuil  iwclcty,  I.  96; 
choDite  froiD,  to  polktlqil  socfety,  U 


i.  206;  ■ccordil^  to  Jobp  Hjimpdtn 
H>-d»y,i.ai7;  andlhew^.nb^youd 
CithiT,  i.  27S,  279;  Hirco  Polo'* 

Jnhn,  1.  2f)6!  the  CaUlu  mip  of 
1ST5, 1.  2Sr ;  tmw\nt  IntsreB  In,  I. 
382,  2M;  the  lodiui  ooeui  acotml- 
tna  to  Rruorthcim  ud  Ptolemy,  i. 
^.  297 ;  Dup  ol  Pomponini  Hek, 
i.  9)3 1  the  thsnlee  of  PKriamy  uid 
Malk  eoBceniliiK  the  SAt,  I.  30fi ; 


pd  PromoQlory.  c 


lectured  by  ArUtotle, 


( ;  mmai  ol  the  Ciboi  njmtm,  il 
US:  \m  Co«'.  mmp,  il.  fa,  14 
:iinHno'i  mep  In  1602.  H.  M,  21 
Imt  voymo  of  Ve»piHiui^il.  bi.  69 


Iniularity  of  Cuba,  II.  13;  Riincb'a 
map  In  I60S.  IL  SU ;  iiiaw»r  oit  nun- 


Itnyich'a  man  of  IS08,  U,  II1-1I9; 
ttie  Lenoi  globe  In  IB10.  il.  120  i 
globcofFlnnni  In  1531.11,  122;  Id« 
of  an  aDUrctlocODtiiK-nt.il.  126 1  po- 
■Itlon  of  Caltigva,  II.  126,  496,  609 ; 
antipodal  norld  of  Mela.  II.  I2T; 
(tudenti  of,  at  Balnt-IHii  and  Vleo. 
■1.  13a,  13 


of  cont 

nenU.'lL  136-138;  accoH- 

thE  PtDlemy  sdl- 
149 1  map  of  Lm- 

.'.22,  II 

nardodi 

Vln'cl, 

.146;  the  book  of 

Peter  B 

newlti 

U.  ISl;  >lnstor>B 

nap  in 

132  ;  map  of  Hob- 

iwi'i 

177',  sSboa  m^ 

the  ru 

ao ;  connptioa  ol 

en  Hnodiu  Nona 

ud™ 

;  portion  of  the 

Molufc 

lSS;mapolMa' 

pdlan'. 

(TTOBtli 

Dfgeog 

11.211; 

mcn'.mludaofa. 

edse  of.  il.  213: 

I  Bpaniili  eiplorera,  II.  214; 

Heiicui 

puebloe  in  1E19,  li.  2G1  ; 

Tallry  o 

M«ln 

,  li.  2811 ;  mqi  of 

S«olVerr.^ 

Ap.^' 

map.  11.496,496; 
11.  497;    Miliubir'a 

Oaatald 

a  map. 

■nap.  1640.  11.  4 

M.  439 ;  the  Bereu 

Ci««, 

.   602-604  :    Lok'.  map  tn 

B2».52( 

:  Thomai  Horton 

rl'llBtloii  of.lii  the  tliK 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


nfDEX. 


613 


6:  rndt  hnpIenHmt*  |  OuiitcRWlt,  Lu  Chu  it  Clia  monu- 

Iti-  Guft1«mot>in.  Voutannu'i  nqphBW, 

eA,  \i,  'h'li  273^  '  Gudlelf  OudlaUDiaon,  itory  D(,  ref qtth] 

diHDTsn   thfl   Opg       to,  i.  171. 

!.  VX.  Sudrld,  widow  of  Thontala  ud  wUt 

uomBi,  tamwi.ijilotof  th<TiHn<did,       DlThorHnD,  I.  ILiI. 
U.  191 ;  dFmrU  Uigrllau  wltb  tbe    OuiUnmud,  h\t  Lilt  of  Uigelllo,  11. 
Bu  Antonio,  U.  1^;  Ilia  Toj'in  In  I      IM. 
1620  to  ths  Heit  Englud  col 
491. 
Oonuu  Peni,  kllli  ths  Iim  Kuco,    ( 


Oodi,  of  chfl 
YsrdaUlAD 


[,  AlktODjO,  bT 


V^lil 


OoiuHiU)*,  vi>7u«  oT,  U.  11T7. 
OouTfuw,  Domluluu*  d«,  ma* 
the  BpiinlHrdA  jn  Florida,  II.  G' 


knd  W«it  Bygd,  I.  ISO  ;  cliioata  a(, 
L  ITK-HTj  liilUd  byTbotkpIt  and 
dncrlbrd  by  Atl  rrailhl,  L  -.115:  ». 

Vlnluid  oompundf  1.  217 ;  tl>«  col- 

bvNleolAlSHKiclr.lwiii.^I  lU- 
ited  by  E-vrl  Wncktlr  iiiiil  AnKxilo 
Z«w,  I  221.  S3n :  on  Zain'*  iiiap,  i. 


MB'aWOTk  OB,l.^«)t  I 

St.  Okiu,  I.  240;  Tolcinio  pnanoin- 

mia  Ed,  L  342 ;  «ondder«d  a  put  of 

On>Kary  }[.,  pope,  and  Kablll   Khan. 

QriSn,  Appleton,  hi!  blbHoEnphfi'.il 

■rticlH OD  th« diKOTCcy  oltbs lUi- 

•inippi.  il.  S37. 
OiilalTi,  Join  da,  liU  ohipa  dnaciibed 

to  HoutconnH,  il.  22S )  aipsdtUou 

Id  lelB,  il.  "43. 
anito,0.,oatlHiamkphratry,L72;  ; 

onb■ailsu^  1.112.  I 

Onuihuil,  IdcntlDcitlon  of.  i.  433.       , 


d  or,  1.  242. 

HafunOonl,  Harold  Palrhalr'aTlctoiy, 

Hula,  IL,  Ilia  book  od  Iraquoli  rtlu, 


"ChrirtOplw  Colomb,"  i.  341;  on 
Irving'!  Lite  or  Columbiu,  L  342 ; 
on  Ihe  blrthpUcs  oT  Colnnibiu,  L 

w»t  Co  Idtbon.  1.  3ja,  3S1 ;  on  tba 
date  or   ToKmrUI-i  tnt  Mtor  to 

to  Lnndoii,  I.  4(B-I0I  ;  and  Qattn 
lubrlln't  Jrirclt,  1.  410;  autltoriCy 
on  urly  edilloiu  or  Columbiu'i  ht- 

under  Cabot 'a  conunud,  II.  5 ;  flod* 
loui  iM[riea  o[  the  prlmltix  Italian 
leit  or  Voipuciua'a  Ittter  to  Bode- 
rlnl,  II.  39 ;  Uilnki  Vnpudua  did  not 
aaJl  bi  1497-08,  il.  S2 ;  do  Ferdinand 

ntun^-ADKrlca,"  iL  144;  an?«pu- 

laitX'Dr.,  onaacrlfloa  in  Tedlo  Cluea, 

ii.  -m. 

lauk  Rrlfliidaaon,  and  htamanuacrlpta, 


or  E 


:  Ibe  Rod'a 


Lanape  tradition  ot  tbe  TaUotwi,  1. 

IfUuland,  awn  by  LpiF,  1. 1B4. 
[clp-.  BIr  Arthur,  on  Blaliop  fonaacn. 


Uiailizc^bv  Google 


tf  Annn  «  lUTarv,  IL  01 ;  hli 

Ufa  of  Lu  Ohh,  U.  4iT, 
HaoBpla,  Loola  di,  lili  Ian  ol  itorlea 

el  •dvoitiin,  II.  il4^  is  thg  MJn 

■Ota  oimtiT,  H.  B3g ;   lilH  uai 

I9,  If.  fi40. 
Hmijr  Til.,  Uiw  at  Eniluid,  mn 

br   r«iUsud    ud  IvDi^   1 

rnnU  Mten  putaiit  to  John  Cat 


Uw  Bwrnd  Profnontory  to 


L  319; 

aomnm,  I.  310 1  'firoan  t^^r^ 
Mda,  L  3Z3{  bli  da^b  not  the  and 
ol  diMonn,  i.  32S ;  wd  tlia  begln- 
Mlng  id  modam  alaraiT,  U.  4L!9. 

Rarlwrt,  0«(ina,  WHwiga  of  ■  Una  br, 
11.31. 

HModotaa,  and  the  utagoidBii  be- 

tba  Phomidu  voyua  uniuiid  Atric* 
InUNlimaal  Nscho,  i.  298 ;  um- 
tba  TOy>^  of  fiAtupAtr  i. 


301, 


inblaHl^ 


Fluon  mid  Bolli,  U. 
dal*  of  tba  FoyM^i  wtong,  n.  bi ; 
hl«  ctaanai  aniiul  Vanwclui,  U. 
IGO. 
HUnttak,  LaiigfaIloi>'i  Morr  of,  1. 4G, 

HlnfnanD,  CotDnal  T.  W.,  bli  daacrip- 

fioD  Of  ■  Viking  ihip  quoted,  1. 173  i 
misrdlDg  Columbuj'i  kDonledgs  of 
Vlnlud,  I.  3SZi  ud  B«lh«'i  dit- 
co.ery  of  tba  Pncillc,  IL  180. 

midabmid,  ud  the  Cnl•(del^  i,  271. 

Hindueuu,  kuQwa  by  Uvco  Polo,  1. 

Hippvchui,  gBOgnphlnl  rlam  of,  i. 
Hlipuilo]*,  DuC  Clpu 

i.'* 

NiRolu  do  OfiuidD  appotntfl 

beglnuhw  It.  IL  434 ;  'Spuieli  1 

H^'ian',  B.'b.,  on  picton-writ 

Honimic  p»in«,  rfii 
Hiqeaf.].  31,33,83 1 


d  Ktrgulte  In,  : 
if  ARiudD,  and  dlK 


,— . ilaaaDdiorFliuiirCaii. 

ball,  1.  IM;  Cwur  bduilB  tba  Ely 
■iim  of,  L  303;  doon  and  Ulnhae 


of.iLaea. 

dlaoorarrbir 


Bonduna, 
1.  SOS.SOtrioiHoii 
Pluon  a^  BoUa,  il. 


Honfotd,  B.  K,,  ble  worke  on  TlnUnd 

and  MonimbM,  i.  220,  221. 
Honiaultnre,  tbe  only  culliTatloa  of 

Inns  Belli  ■grlcultun^  1.  43 1  amcof 
tb*  CoidUlEiBB  IHDplea,  1.  83. 
Hortop,  Job,  bii  UTeutuRi  In  North 

Hotel  de  &>iDt  Pol,  Is  Parii,  the  ban 


in  1393.  i.  32S. 


abualpa,  II.  306  :  ■aorttlr  mun 
ii.404. 

b^on   at  Quito,   It.   324,  3SE 


land,  tnmiloted  forblm,  I.  239;  tale 

Hudson  Bty  Company,  flnt  grant  to, 

HuruBnotH,  In  Bnxf],  II.  Ml  ;  bi  Flor- 
ida, 11.  512 ;  maaucred  at  Malasm 
Inlet,  IL  GIT,  G1K;  works  at  Park- 

HultiUopoobtll,  tba'war^  of  the 
Aiteca,).  tIG. 

2ie;  bla"Euiiien  critique  de  rbia- 
tolre  da  U  grionapbie  de  Mouihu 
Continent,"  i.  342;  on  Uia  date  of 
Toaoana  lir>llritlettU'toCDluubiI% 
i.  3G6.  3G7 ;  on  madiiBTa]  enlaipriie, 
I.  380 ;  Toyago  to  Trinidad  In  179B,  i. 

4£;'>lndli3ite>V«puclni,  il.  lG3;on 

iit^™™«X,'!t'."4«l      ■    ■  ™ 

Hurona,  th«r  ongln  and  n 

Huee,  Jobs,  naalt  ol  tba  borsinc  of. 


iry  I  Ibn  BUutI 

t,  I.        IcleVrf'^ 
lletied  by 


of  Tingler,  and  bia  tnnb 
uodioK  of,  L  103;  Robert 


lunbui,  L  3S3, 334. 


Ll,a,l,zc.bv  Google 


IckUDEhui,  BsSolk,    orliln  of  tha 

Id^  Indlau  of.  I.  ML 
'^InuffjUiuidl,'^  tbB  tnntUfl  01 

tnim  AlllKui,  L.  372 ;  wrlttoi  >t  e 

DM,  iL  131. 
Inuoortality  of  ths  Kul,  I.  N. 
lacu  (the  conqusrinB  nm  in  P 

U.  31»,  320,  3&  i  ■  SiMloot  u« 

33( ;  tlidr  nli(loD,  U.  33S.  Set, 

Iddu  tciUan),  Uit  of,  II.  Xl, 
iume>  or,  il.  3^1 ;  their  conqu 

11!  32G ;  tlm  ot  tbsir  conquuta,  0. 
aX\  ihoii  court*™,  U.  32 

337  ;  ■■god-klngV,'' ii.  33 

oliJIdno.  U.  3U ;  rule  pnctiolly  >b-    : 
BluCs,  U.  US;  Itgitimus nrliet,  L' 
840;  th«  sod  at  Ukelr  drnuty,  1 
425. 420. 
l=dU,  deKribed  by  CouoM  Indioo- 

lDalv1l^  palrallihB  fouod  Iil  L  f 

iBdluCorl'gla  ol^  I.  2,  15,' IS;  : 

20?"tliolr  MU^uTly  in  Amerl 
!0.otC.ntn.Lini.rL™,l.21; 
ouniH.l  21.2'JLalllwCocdll 
1.  23 ;  mid  ludiu  com,  I.  28 ;  ■ 
of,  whso  Men  by  whit*  men, 
itgla  to  work  met*]*,  L  30 

L38;  uumentlon  of  tribca.  I.  3g- 
tl;  Inperpatualwarfarr.l.lS  ;  tbsIr 
ctDolt]',  1.  411,  GO ;  tbeir  rellirion  aud 

Ihmkii.  1.  M,  C8j  Hirtr 

Mow  York  in  IB75  and  In  13T5, 1. 73 ; 

to^l'w;  biUldeta  of' tha  ino 
L  IWi  and  the  inhabltanu  of 
glo,  I.  240;  u  called  by  Colui 
r.  443 1  u  aren  by  Coliimbua,  1. 


Iriafa,  tbeIr  mliilonulaa  and  pra-Cs- 
Iron,  uneltln^  ol 

r  origin,  1.44;    ettab- 


fluting  men,  i,  73,  74. 


knowledga  back   into  iba  put,  i. 

nnwdon,  i.  491 ;  hla  'mlaplaoad 
eiilogj,  i.  510 :  hia  acconnt  of  ijjada'a 

iBbfllla,  quasn.  and  tha  war  wltb 
Oruiadn,  I.  400;   at  BiUinonca,  I. 

Columbiiji,  I.  400 ;  (lie  coniHdera  lila 

money,  i.  41S;'  liar  crown  Jewela 
pli>d««l,  I.  419;  re»i<ca  Columbua 
at  Barn-kina,  I.  443 ;  not  mentlonad 

i.  4V>,  l.-ia;  and  the  edIcU  of  14BB 

liimbna  'ikiinilnii  In  chaina,  I.  G02 ; 
waa  'he  tn  bbna,  1. 602 ;  hn  daath, 
I.  513 ;  on  tlie  tlava  Colnmhua  gare 

nrdfra  of  lli03  relating  to  Indlua, 


leand,  i3GSi  Co-    I 


irTI.,1.456;  ILMW« 
lona,  accradltsd  to  [he 

•,  tha  iky-god,  I,  TS. 


>   I„    aald  to  ban  Innn  jaatoul 
lauaa  Mr.  Rolfs  mairlad  *  prln- 

Jan  Hnyan  laland,  pa'rbipa  Tlalt«d  by 

,  Japan,  dei--rihcd  by  Maioa  Folo,  L 
!     aSC;   Urat  romoDra  of  tta  wmith 


Uiailizc^bv  Cookie 


616  lyj 

hh  L  an  i  Columbu  alb  for,  1. 

meg  In  cultnn  unong, 
ilnhilMt.  I.  32. 

lalolSOS, 

JuTf  Jobb,  TOfftffl  ill  HftKki  of  BniU, 

Jflnghla  Khkn,  hk  cumt  of  oonquoit, 
i.  7n :  Tliltsd  by  FnncEicaa  nuuiki, 
I.  277.  M8. 

Jam,  driirui  Inm  Spiin.  L44fi;  ptop- 
vrtj  uvd  Ut  defmr  Uit  eipenH4  of 
Goliunbiu**  kDCOnd  f  Df  age,  E,  461. 

JoliD  IL  o<  Poitunl  htm  ot  Pmttci 

■cheme,  1.  396;  pUyi  ft  trick  on 
398  i    kdvfied   to'  ban    Cfdumbni 


JoDHOD,   AmHrlrD,  ulli  Vluland 

laUnd  ot  Amenta,  I.  SM. 
J6d   TbocdhirHn,    tliB  Fltttja-bilt, 

Tsnion  at  Erlo  tbs  fisd'i  Bun  bv, 

1.  139,  207,  2M. 

Kikortok  chunsb,  Onuilud,  L  221, 


i;  pdmltlTv  ro^ly  HmoDg  the 
laHiddlti  Aim.  1.113  i 


WiliOD'fl  ■ccDunt  ot  tho  Conqiuiat  o( 
HoilcoJ.  101. 
Kh-klud.  Sunuel,  Ow-idu  ud  Tu»- 
Toru  coDisrtfd  to  ChrLitlulEr  bv, 
1.74. 


Kubtal   Khas,    t 
brotiian,f.sa) 


s?™-* 


li.  36Tj   bli  dwitta,  IL 


Mq™  Sagu,  i.  IH  i  cm  ^kor  wbo 

auggwU  motive  lor  voyag™  to  Vin- 
land,  1.  ITS;  Do  Tborfimi'l  bull,  L 
187  i  on  Ibe  mill  at  Newport,  3.  215 ; 
and  other  ArldtticA  of  If  orthmao,  L 
217. 
1>  Nivldad,  edIoot  o(,Iinuid«d,  L  43S 1 

Luclaulj,  Piol.,  L  31. 

Landa,  Dlsso  ds,  t>r.  Inlar  mUad 

bv,  L  133. 
"Ludtiima.b6k,"  ot  Icelaod,  L  IH, 

2H. 
Iaus,  Andraw,  hia  crltidam  of  ^'  Kod- 

nilni  at  Falsnqna.  I.  13G. 
E«mirua««a,  American,  □nmbBT  of,  L 

M;  Svemitj  of,  I.  48. 
lAldgaD,    Dr.,   od   tha  powoT  of  tiM 

Ia  PuHitc,  told  that  Balboa  plaoaad 

to  dewrt  Pednirisa,  U.  S81. 
A    RAblda,    Columbui    maeta    JuaB 

Fena  at,  L  411 ;  ooufDiion  of  tb* 

vlaJUto,!.  411,  412. 

Lulab,"  Taapnrlui  vUta,  IL  M. 
La  SalU,  Robert  de,  bit  work  id  o- 

MleilMlppi,    U.  'li34 ;'  bi£da  roit 


Is  again  wltb 
wi'th''o]eda  I 


;  Mb  Uit  eipsdltkn  asd 
_.  J3T. 

LaaCaaaa,B>Tto10m«d«i  tbeblatorlao 
aiHl  mliiionaiy.  hit  eitlmatai  of  tbt 
population  of  Choliila,  I.  99 ;  on  Iba 

on  tbe  grant  of  beathon  Unda  to 
Portugal,  i.  32S ;  bllmpbar  of  Co- 

IndlM,  I.  33E^'aa  ao  autboritv,  L 
8ST  ;  on  the  birthplace  of  Columbua, 
1.348;  hiieatlnateDf  BartbolonaT 

life  of  Columbua  iipon  Pi 


rhiob  COlombDa 

demanded,  I.  41G :  aa  to  Columbua'a 
tj/mnnf ,  L  481  -,  oc  the  deatructkn 
ot  Ovaodo'a  flHt,  I.  507:  veied  at 


1 1  aa  B  hlatorian,  U.  440  H 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


"  BrU  BibtloB,"  etc.,  n.  441 ;  dc- 
MrlbM  Biiwiili  erutlUsi,  U.  M4;  *t 

balina  tUftJ  moBt,  U.  WO,  4S1  { 
n>drDBHia,a.4R!i*ppMl>-    " 

dlBdZinww.lLUaiHidth 

diiatkD<]fB«iD.I>ni7.U.4M-468; 
•^'-— «r«oloor.H.«B-*a-' 


Ia  YtnBdrjt^  tb*  bnllisn,  MinnE- 
tv«MdlKotttr*d  by,L41 !  dltooTer 
tbs  Bock*  nuHuMiiu,  II.  542. 

Lmr,ui!taut,Wr  H«ry  Milui'a  tm- 
tlB  n,  L  02 1  trimlUTa  bir  Hud 
"  tooUMt-rlibt,"  1.  M. 

!«■,  Basrj  CkulH,  hi*  "  CbipMn 
trvu  a»  Bdiiinia  HUtui?  of 
tonJii."  11.  Mtt. 

LeeaoiA,  jimI  Ibc  TDaktan  cbmniel, 


fiiatj  «,  L  IH  ;  comnuvd  with 
ABtrntmiHii,  1.  ItS  i  tali  prMuia 
U  XJsl  Olif'l  eourt,  i.  tto;  HhT 
ailed  "tba  Lackr.''  1.  aOG:  whv 


jfluape,  tlHlr  ttcan   BrrnVBi 
IMiwin  nun,  I.  IJO. 


I^pa,  Di«^  d«,  ToyifB  to  Brulllaii 


IdSlllL 


Lnit,  M- 

Duit,  11.  M4. 
Uma,  PintTo  foBBdi  tb*  iltT  ot,  B. 

408. 
LUbon,  tha  chlat  citj  of  th*   IStk 


Lok,  Mldusl,  Ui  map  In  1681,  <L  KS- 

LocvHcna 

Loiia  da  Boiii,  to  ■opnaeda  Pi 
II.  3Be  I  daatfa  of,  )L  387. 


Urn  Rioa.  Padro  da,  « 


ja  Balk,  IL  Saa. 
oa  iD^aod,  L 


4T  j  oa  Uia  CeuraiU,  I. 
la  "SpHmlom  OiUi," 


Biiiit-Di«.  II.  132;  to  br 


HacOanlBT,  CUT,  cm  tbe  ini 
liira.  Sir  Itoban,  indi 


RalwrL^cl. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


618  JJfi 

llHWn  iidud^  TMUd  lir  HuUn,  I, 

MaibimOU,  Oblo,  palacOJtk  IoebI 

U,LS. 
Hwloe,  tba  Vdib  ptinoa,  ud  Citlin'i 


c  u,  aoo,  -_ 

drODe  Uwli,  U.  3H  i  hU  dotb,  II. 
306,  SOT  I  uuHcn  of  th«  Hpuiinli, 
IL  w;  I  Uh  TkUnlft  rHchei  Bpujii, 


BO )  Ot  dntb  ol  kb  KB  ud  bli 
Trth,,  ■■  "■    — ■  -  •--  '-— 


wUa,  U.  211 ;  tortamta 
■mT  tnm  Cwtnl  Amtna, 
D,Ani.(hFt.ljihirlu 

«.  i.  M,  63,  B8. 


llk^erlndli 

bj  lnlgnlloi.  .     ...    ..,_. 

pDwu  of.  in  Ueilni,  1.  IOC ;  noticed 
brLelflDVlDUnd,  I.  182. 
Utki,  R.  H.,  on  tba  iiiiniiil«r  Dt  St. 
Otuu,  L  ISa  i  bl>  oork  OB  &t  tov 
•eta  of  Uia  Zena  hrotlim,  I.  220; 
ud  AotoBio  &■»*■  litUn,  t.  S31 : 
and  ZnkitBuDii'i  crltldioi  nl  Zcno'i 
Bunltn,  I,  !SI :  IS  tmr  of,  1. 240 : 
ud  OimDbjoni'i  EkairiH,  i.  »2 ;  u 
■dtliorEly  on  tbfl  Portii|[ii«a  vojr- 
ifei,  I.  SJl ;  ud  Colunibui'i  letUi 

llilvv,  plot  tn  daatnj  Seqnln,  tl. 

Mildoudo,  Alonid  dr,  cntcn  Into  u 

Mj^rrfiarrlck,  on  Indtan  inacrip- 

lUtmo  Cni*c  TnpaHi 
U.  40T;  pbni  ml 
4l():dalaaUd.U.411 
IL4M. 


deanliitloDi  of  India  and  Oalkv.  I' 

no ;  bli  itOfT  of  piwullu  ma«a 

hi  AiU,  i.4?!;  hit  aocouiit  oltta 

Fountain  of  Tooth,  U.  48S. 
Oaographj. 
,  Anto^o  demand  Joan  Parait 

„  41S ;  hIU  with  Columbui,  1. 46S. 
Marcoa.  Fray,  bia  aearcb  [or  Uic  Satan 

Cltlea,U.En3:  rstrtat  of, after  tba 

mnrder  of  BrtnUco,  SL  SOB;  (ta 

in  Znai  (iwllUoa,  IL  tOT. 

[■rcoa.  FnfeMor  Jnloa,  Ua  darinUtn 

of  Um  nana  "Avfriar"  H  i«^ 
Harnrlte.Fadro,  aalla  wt 

.  «f..  <-"  -  eipior,  cibac,  L 


Mariaju,  hii  ntimate  of  tbcpopnla- 
Uon  ol  Onnada,  the  dtj,  I-  ML 
irienDll).  Gioiaimi,  hla   tnnla  In 


Haikbam,  Cteu 


;  on  Ciaia  da  Leon,  IL 
n  OartOaHD  da  la  Tega, 


1.  62  ;  aolli  ton  loated  •noiii  In- 
dian!, 1.  a'  unung  the  ZuEli,  1.  G>i 
ammi:  the  Aiteca,  LV/Sj  in  Pan, 

MtniiiT.,1.  SSEl 

Ieji  a  mite  to  India,  1.  36S,'  36G. 
Mai^r,  Peter,  deKTibta  the  CarlbbeM 
or  Oulbalei,  I.  4CG ;  l>ia  error  eoo- 

b«li,  II.  30 1  deicrltye*  tlie  loian  ot 

Kaikoki  tanlly  of  Irllin.'l.  42. 
Haitrr  JoaFrti,  the  phyilciit,  I.  ST8. 

UatiDiaa  Iiilft,  u *  " *■ 

al.U.  EI7,  GIB. 


pictim^wiltla(ofi  L IS.- 


:!,a,l,zc.bvG00gIe 


F>i«D«,i.  138 1  (b«LraiilIanc](Hl7 
nUtod  to  HukiB,  I.  IW;  Mtmt 
lb*  taHdMd*,  H.  Ml. 
Mtdld.lonBM  da',  Vvpiiefau'i  MUr 
IB  lett  to,  fl.  108-110. 


■bk  lUpa  for  Columbul,  I. «» :  Ib- 
Mk)  w&bDld>  Iwr  ooudnt,  L  «». 

HrdUanuMB,  Iho  word  Snt  utd,  L 
318. 

HaU,  nnpoDlin,  lilinonulileal  tbs- 
otlM,  L  «B,  ae*  ;  Ui  taflDBun,  I. 
ni;  kb  Uhot  of  tba  (In  wnH,  L 
WIi  aDTipnta».L308!hbluaii- 
■u»  faiB|ialD,I.SlTi*BM«ci(  tha 

ria!t^333i  Ua  loBwnH  on 
OnmUn*  nMrna,  U.  196 ;  Ui  anli- 
p«d*l  mU,  II.  191. 
Wiiiili^     ucfaliMwp  at  Toledo,  Ik- 


___of  OuBmo,  n^r  In  Fhni,  11.  «71 . 

wd.S.'w^ 

la  da  At11*i,  Fodin.  hti  ■!)» 
t  aftlbit  f  Dtt  CanllD*,  U.  G15- 
""^  tba  Jreoch  prlaoDan 


o^i^.lV 


Bant  of  olBa,  U.  STl  i 
UrbM  alxn,  («B^  II.  311 1  ko- 
■m  ■oUbiaa,  U.  ZIZ,  371  j  tb<lr 


SCi.  8a  alia  Aiteoa;  NatuM. 
faili»,  tha  dn,  foondad  Id  tU8,  L 
»;  &  ffaat  paaUo,  I.  B) ;  diTiM 
Into  four  quiton.  1. 108 ;  mcUI  da- 
TahnaBaot  of.  L 130 ;  earrliu  on  th* 
koDH*  In,  1.  laO;  fooDdad.iLKl; 
tha  Daaia,  H.  323 ;  aa  ■  icrDnKbold, 
IL  322:iuHlErtLaflnt  loui  "oblals- 
3l]ohuwtUiTu( 
■ ■-->,  11.  i 

en»wn(,U.  363:  koiuaa,  II.  389) 
popotituiD,  IL  Mi ;  four  mnb,  IL 
iat;  Iht  tsmplf.  il.  371  ;  tha  i^ko 
of  Bkulb,  U.  !73i  Cortaa  nsalrad 
lnto,U-2T4;  nUflAtof  Cortaafrom, 
ii.  3^  i  doomad,  U.  3S8  ;  takn  b* 
Cortaa,  U.  388. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


"    ■  ■     -       '   B  de.  In  Ori]ilT»' 
_  ^  . . . 


))litet>bl«,  li.aCB;  •»■■  print 

nptU*  UB,  1L  ins ;  ■  prtHMr,  fl. 
M;  dtpsM^  U.2IS;  Uadauli,  11. 
!8e;  cenpusd  wllb  Uw  Ibch  oI 
P«ni.  U.KB. 
'HcmUiiima'i  DIbimt,"  Mr.  Mor- 
OB-!  ■■_;,  L  120)  Andnw  Uiv 

Hoon,  In  Bp^n,  ■■  6BB. 

■oqnla,  of  Irlsna,  L  81 1  thriiinb- 

lloigin,  I«wU,  OB  dilllntlan,  L  3( ; 
■nnwti  po(t«7  to  dlfUnflulih  bur- 

buum  from  nmtgH?,  I,  Sf> ;  bUcbw- 
"leiuMJ.L  32.881  MiBTl- 


pudni'i  latter  of  IMS,  U.  100,  111 ; 
iattntt   Id,  U.    IIS;  tin  cwntiT 
ailed,  nnltalmt  to  BiuU,  11.  M. 
Sn  nlMB  Hew  WorM. 
Hsalc,  udnt  Hibwtl,  U.  VB,  CO. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


■Mnoit,  tlu  BUI  It,  L  21G. 

Xkw  World,  InlBg'a  nroT  and  tli 
p-"-"'"  ngtoa  known  u,  i.  444 
llM  phnao  DukninrD  to  ColaiutH: 
or  to  bh  tliiiBft,  L  U6  ;  Tmpuql 


potH  *lth  IllBtua  orcr  tb» 
au7  to  Ui  proMiio*,  IL  StT; 
Hlion  for  abw  OBd  aa*^ 
Ul  ttlA.  II  BUS  :  fOODdl  Bu  L 
d«Uli,il.SEft 


of  Fbutiu,  U.    12^  ; 


'ZS^'", 


imlod  of ,  I.  a 
NIonfiB,  QD  GonBlu  MtDi  dd  tb* 

iriiiaUet,  iau,  mcIh  U»  WlHCOdo 


nikub 


11.  3T2. 


Kiat,  tba  iDuJlaB  of  G^uinbiii'i  flsat, 

f.  420. 
IflZio,   Poro  Aknuo,   U*  totbcv  In 

IfombndA  DLoa,  miTvrliigi  of  Slcnoa* 

Cbtai  on  Lok'i  mui  la  I5B2,  IJ. 
.   tTw  iwma,  ii.  Hi.    Set  aiie 

In,  IK. 


HomlnlHt*. 
Kortta  CuoUiw,' 
nortbnjBd,  CbDir  I ^ , 

L  161  ;  ooiTertcd  to  ChrlitUaity,  I. 

103;  6rteUui  bi  ime  uniM*  OB,  1. 

SM.    j'u  n^B  VlkiDKi. 
VorUiweit  Puwr,  METUb  tor.Il.  4KI; 

dorfn  tor,  U.  4M I  Toyusiol  Divii, 

ITorton,  O.  K.|  TBnfon  of  Suibe'i 
■' TiU  Suon"  mmclDHd,  U.  38. 

Vonuabogk,  «lCiutlon  af,  Acconllrif  to 
ProIeuoT  HontonI,  L  220.  5m  ate 
Noronib«g*i 

VoTi  ScotU,  bald  by  Dr.  Btonn  to  bi 

Nuttmll,  Mr*.  2^  on  Mulou  baad- 


OJiwj.  L  ao.     Btt  alu  BoqiMlo 

Ohio,  tncca  of  wIt  mu  Id,  I.  9. 
Quit,  AiooMO  it  {l),  Bmbuki  wltta 

Columbai,  i  4<i3 :  nptumCuiubo, 

L  U2;  Ympuclai  >^  *ith,  U.  31 ; 

bU  toMiDODj  Id  Dlsfo  CKluiiibiii-. 

■dU  ifvlDot  the  ""^ —  " 


ii.  60 ;  V». 


821 


01«lm  Alouod*<£),B 


P««d^al 


«llH)bjH«riMtb 


of  Hilinali  Id  P«tu,  IL  SM. 
Opblr,  Calnubu*  bol'     -    "" 

(Ob*.  1.484. 
OnWtcui  VllalU,  hi*  ntm»  to  Fhi- 

]ud,i.  •xa. 

Onllami,  FiudBO  do,  daoakdi  tto 
OrgoiloA,  RodiiAO  do,  viu  a  Tiotory 


Otuinbs  b>ttla  or,  11 


Icet  mmped,  L  GOT  i  hU  dilit  la 
STinfColiuiMuU  Juula,  LBll; 
iH  cEnrKUi  ud  (UUIiM^iLllB) 

I.  tSI  I  letanu  to  SihId,  iLMtT^ 


dam  Oo)  Jisbn  not  th 

of  HoDdDn*,  11.  TO;  m 
ol  PodnrUi  Dtnla,  U 
sot  to  Dulgn,  U.  Sra, 


dMHnt*!  taj  the  Sfu- 

Pi^U^Kudln  ntsn,  II.  SOD. 
FUeuque.  M.  da  Wildcck't  dnwiaci 
■L,  L  I3t;  [ke  age  of  Cba  nilni,T 


Fliea,  torn  <y,  ainnad  to  aqidp  Oo- 
'~b«'aiiiliia,t.41S,41>iOokiBbw 
vni  to,  i.  441. 

iy^  foBDdod  bT  Psdnria^  H.  8ST. 

Fipacj,  Alaundcr  VL'abnlla*ndlb« 

tounponl  powoT  of,  aa  xiTan  In  tha 

"  Donation  ol  ConataBtba,"  L  «H- 

Pariaa,  anbitttotad  for  Lartab  ta  tba 
lAtiii  nnlon  ol  Veapodiu'a  laMH, 
IL  42,  H  ;  on  (bo  ilote  ot  Hmm^ 


D,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


0  {  puU  BnUn  (0  ^__, 
U.  3SS I  hot*  at  Bam  to  mvautii, 
a.  SM;  louDdi  Pwiuu,  U.  XI i 
Ml  in  omw,  U.  HI  1  (riM  to  iwtU 
OU  Ooonlu  MtUl  U.  SWi  puts 
C6idt>n  U  dMtta,  iL  380 ;  dbn,  IL 

Pegolottl,  FnsBHOo,  hi>  (oMa  tor 
trmKllen  piing  to  Cliliia,  1.  280, 

PingiUo,  OD  Lu  Cmm  m  u  aiithiii^ 

Parvatretoi  Bvtholomev.  hli  tothb 
U  Porto  aula,  lud  hi)  nbWt,  L 
322;  hltlUerUrouiddHtli.  L3S2; 
hU  diugblT  PblUppn  miuTiia  Co- 


-tain,  U.  31B: 

fa^  IL  3ZT ;  brUvn,  11. 33t>  I  umiiuy 

■IKt  Id,  II.  SK!  1  induttl*]  orabI- 
■rtKiD  In,  IL  8S2 1  allotmeat  of  bud* 
bi,  11. 3M ;  IS  Uhwtntioii  ol  mhtu- 
mmt  ■octallMS,   B.  3SB:   Bitbart 


in,  U.  UiT,  SUi 

3EI>;  wiiinj  ol  H 

uta  udEuMr,    0.  380;   noen 

■omman  si  Uh  culCon  Id,  U.  361 

Donqaait  of,  U.  30(1  -,  orlglD  at  ihi 


Euaxni  Binvn  Jn,  li.  39B  ;    DpritlOa 

m,  IL  410 1  spuUi  cItu  war  In,  if: 

41'^;    HbclUon   nf  aoanlo  P' 

ii.  418  i  Hbftba  oonqiwitwi 

PnuTliuK,  Mittu  al.  a.  we-, 

tbelrlMlldliiiK.II.Sm^udBa'vliiia. 

tinaU,  tl.  811 ;  not  trulT  oivUlnd.  IL 
tli;  Ibalr  looli.  IL  816;  k  utloa, 
witta  prInW  mvotr '«7  liW*  ^ 


810  i  tlMlr  mlaliB,  U.  at;  wa-ira- 
•UmMn.ll.MOiHBdUiaHlH'jHi, 
IL  MO;  thdr  bwIh  bMr,  K.  M«| 
UmIi  •HriOcH,  H.  aw-tili  UhIt 
Pritbood.  H.  ta  i  ttMli  ImrM  c— 
EoBL  IL  343i  tb^  mtab  of  (b* 
MnTU- 944,  34e i  their  loelil  (tatiH, 
ILM7i  udMiiiku>,U.3l7iiin»- 
tiaod  mgnmmj,  11.  SAL  |  iDonlltj 
imoilf,  II.  SGI,  W2;  bidiutlll]  IJf- 
Inn  at,  IL  3Sl-3Uj  bBDunenw  of, 
npind  wltb  Mtikuiis  IL 


FblUpplae  lilBida,  IL  KM. 
Plmnleliuw,  niid  to  hi'*  di 

rad  Afrtaa,  L  3S8i  Qrota  ud  Sir 
D,  Lawii  on  llH  Mni(*i  L  SM^ 
Pbntiiv  tomsd  (rom  dw  sin,  L  81i 
orlfln  and  itinctnn  of,  L  TO;  fmo- 
tloB  ot,  i.  Tl :  n(  Uh  JUtH  lilbiii,  L 
108 1  usonf  BomuK  ud  wtf  Bar- 
UiliJ.lUO;  tliBlfexleaa  eaptuiual. 


PUcrimi.  iI  FlvnHKitb,  bad  cattla  la 

--'--- laas,  L  a" 

„_,  U.  487. 

Flnkorlon,  Jolu.  on  tbtTOyagca  of  tha 

Zano  broUiar^  L  128. 
HmU,  Hootenuu^a  tu-Httxnr, 


Plnta,  Uh 

Wi  flL 

ho,  L  421. 

Plnuo,  Hartlii  Alonao,  maata  Oojnm- 
bua,  L  411  j  bBlpa  molp  OolnubM'a 
thipa,  L  tX;  omoBiaBdar  id  tbe 
Plota,  L  420;  deaaita  Colombn,  L 
4X1,  iat ;  r^pUIni  Ilia  condnet,  L 
4SB,  438;  hia  final  trawiiarT  aod 
daath,  I.  44Z 

Flnion.  Tloanta  TaBai,  hmtbar  ol 
Martin,  wmDiander  d  tlia  NIB*,  L 
420 :  hli  bad  rtckoDluc,  1.  440 ;  pro. 
motaa  the  edicta  of  14%  and  I49T,  L 
48C,  *er ;  Tonoe  of,  ud  Solli,  IL 
64;  aTldeoce  that  It  waa In  I4>7  and 
not  In  INM.  II.  fl;  Patar  ItMiijt'm 
taatlmoiiy.  II.  68  j  hiaaeoODd  n>n|* 
In  1488, IL  86;  (ajai*  plannad  for 
Ifoe,  IL  lT3i  Tojan  with  Bom 
1608-8,  U.  ITS;  annoUad,  0.  174. 

Pima  iiutttj,  IL  Kt. 

Piiairo,  Tanando,  Ut-teotiM>  tt 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


VMmImo,  Ua  ■hilttrHid  eliuuter, 
IL  SeSi  ud  Aliugn,  y.  306;  tUU 
AdUiiudpK,  U.  UO ;  mtlba  tcm^  ol 

wllb  MM  [or  ihe  amperor,  U.  401; 
ndmitoPnu,  U.  408;  badceod  la 
Ctuco,  IL  411  1  onlsn  the  eucuilon 
at  AlDUon,  11.  412 ;  lili  nana  to 
Spkhmia  dastb,  II.  413. 
FtMRD,  FnoelMo,  lalt  id  «mimuid 
oI  0]edi>i  iblpi,  II.  3C8 1  uid  Bilboi, 
H.  301,383;  hU  blrtti  wd  •xriirM- 
nv,  IL  38B ;  Ui  upediUon  to  Peni, 
U.  3M ;  fall  d«Uhm  mt  Qmlio  Co  pi»h 
fonrtrd,  IL  3BS ;  dlBcoven  Fern,  and 
wrin  tba  newt  to  Bpaln,  ii.  3M, 
38e ;  tb«  brotharB,  U.  ass  1  UTi<«  In 
Pun,  U.  SS8  (  U  Cuiinvu,  II.  400; 
Ckptuna  AUhidJin,  ii.  402 ;  And  putt 
him  to  iIhUi,  U.  MB ;  buTU  Chdcu- 
dilm*  It  tba  itilo,  it.  40« !  pnciilnu 
ICaiwo  lum  wod  BDten  cluicOf  11. 
407:  nem  of  bU  conquoft  tbihHw 
Bv^,  il.  40g ;  hmndi  LiiDK,  ii.  408  ; 
upohitod  fovomor  of  "Now  Cu- 
tOo,"  II.  «M ;  unpoUtJC,  il.  41G ;  mM- 
wdnUtd,  II.  4l/, 

Ii.  88^ ;  hli  tiDodllloD  to  Ibe  Ami- ' 

4ie'    nbeil'lon  of,  U.  41Si  dof'eJit 

FUirro,  JuM,'  Wthw  of  FiMcUco, 

ii.391!;  d«Uhof,  II.  411. 
PlelBlocuto  UO.  I.  4 ;  uitlqiijtj  oL  1. 

Pllnjr,  and  tba  tot^koi  of  Huno  ud 
Budaxiu,  i.  302  ;  fall  IdIA  of  dTB^BB, 


Fo,  janubdo,  ««■«  tlia 

326. 
Fosibaitii,  bv  Tiilt  to  LoDdon  in 

"'-8,LM. 


263;  Tlilta  Cbiiu,  I 


1616,  L  96. 

Polo,  iimm,  I 
281  i  autan  idb  lemo*  or  kudu 
Ktau,  I.  2»2 ;  tala  nlurn  bj  sea  b 
TmIco,  I.  282,283:  wiftai  hii  bool 
lBpriiaiiatOeDoa,l.!S4;  taliknoii 
iMnof  inoinp)ij,i.28(l;  blibiaD 
■»,  I.  ^t  ud  Prsatair  Jahn,  I 
3SB:  hl>  d-acrtpcion  ol  GUhw,  I 
lEg-360 ;  ■'  Kata  IfiKo  Hlliona,' 
I.  »gOi  and  the  BibuDH,  I.  433. 

Polo.  Nlcold  tnd  MbAbo,  liilt  Kuhla 


inhil  bmilr,  1.  62. 


Ii«  origin  of  the  patrl- 


bSan  : 


Fiorlda  mapped  Tetn 
llontiinu,  il.  TB;  hli 
nan  of  norida,  il 


PoTtugueee,  ttioy  tir  to  reaob  Arfa  Ijj 
vilEig  arauDd  a}i1«,L  Z9Bi  tht& 
royagea  on  tbe  African  ooaat,  i.  32^ 
327 ;  gnnled  heatban  noautiiaa  by 
tbe  pope,  i.  SS4 :  cbaarln  at  Colom- 
bua'a  JiKVnclea,  1.396;  mannarol 
•Doouragliii  diaooTaiera,  L  411; 
cbdm  the  ladiea,  L  4B3  j  tiEfata  DO- 
dar  the  treaty  of  ToideailUa.  i.  UO; 
found  a  colony  on  Cape  Bnton  it. 
land,  il.  21 ;  take  poaaaailoa  of  Bra- 
in.  U.  01 ;  tbair  oonqueata  in  [be 
EuC  IndiwL  IL  161,  163;  Km  tba 
PertugueaelnJleh  1!.  560. 

PoaldonTui,  and  ttao  TOTagea  of  Ko- 
doioa,  1.  902 ;  eatlmatea  the  dnnnn- 

Potato.  In  Paiu.  L  20;  aa  eiidanea  of 
.  earlv  cultnre  in  Peru,  II.  312 1  hl» 

lor}' of,  II.  312-314. 
Pottury,     diatingulabhu:     barbarian 

Inm  HTnge^.  2S ;  orlflo  B(,  L  it ; 

trtbu  that  uida  pottarj,  L  48. 


.Bu-coloTU.  1.443;  attrllfataa  work 
,  Ciecr  de  Leon  to  Birmlnito,  IL 
Hi ;  ou  human  HcHfloea  in  Peru,  IL 

ilio  to  go  fonrard,  Ii.  39a. 

ilor  Jolui.  and  bia  kingdom  tn  tht 

aat,  I,  Zsa ;  John  IL  of  Portaial 

li>  to  Ind,  I.  331. 

■tbaod,  of  tba  AitMa,  L  llOi  (rf 

banxnr,  Intorrointorlfla  and  a&- 
rera  relating  to  Colnmhaa'idlaaOT- 
iei,  u  ;ll>en  in  DIego'i  nit  agmliuC 
la  crown,  Ii.  49 ;  bronrabla  to  OlH 


ropoTtT,  prtTate,  aSeoUd  h 
ral  lift,  I.  61 ;  Inberltaana  c 
among  Che  Aileci,  L  134 ;  i 


PtoiamT,  Cl^udiuB,  bia  map  of  the 
world,  I.  263 ;  hli  deecrlptJon  of  the 
Par  Ka^,  I.  2TB:  on  tbe  Indlu 
ocean,  I.  Sn :  hli  taSoano-.  I.  3W ; 
eflect  of  tba  PgrtugoMe  dlaroterlea 
on  hia  tbeorlee,  L  330,  333;  eatl. 
malea  the  circumfatenoe  of  the 
earth,  I.  3»:  hIa  Dotlan*  aboot 
aoutheaatarn  Aak,  i.  41ii  Amnka 
auppoaed  part  of  hla  Temi  Ineof- 
nlta,iLm;  bia  inBonie*  ahon  b 
the  doba  of  PlnnB,  U.  l»i  fro- 
poaed  new  edition  of  hit  mirii  at 
talnt.IHO,  U.  m  I  edition  psbilatol 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


■t  BtrMbw  In  UU,  H.  1» ;  FilHl 

?wt>l«,  HTcLllactnn  of,  L  W-BT  |  ._ 
lb*  CteM  Tine*.  L  91 1  Houliulaio 
tf,  L  Ml  cl  tl*"--  ■  ■  ~  '■ 
-'■  tUMt,  i.  »i 


L  SSj  Id 

.  .._._._  odcUer'i 

MttentH  of  tbr  rapnjatioa  ol,  i.  M, 
te:Uniiul,Lmi  omukDln 
1SI9,  U.  !C1. 
FpH,  Lolpl,  bU  Usa  ot  ths 

World,  1,  3U, 
Pslqnr,  AltK  bHI,  i.  IK  1  U.  2T 
PunliH,  <n  Inrnm'*  iloi7  ol  hi 

Pnrluiu,  ud  "  idoUtnn  "  ilali 


l)iuiiilyp«^c(,  bnnied  iUtb  bj  C 

QimWi,  OuiKr,  npUhi  of  (he  Con- 
ocpekKii  lu  IBl  i  ia   opftD  IE-" — 
anfaut  MiBsJlon.  il.  IW  i  me 
•»d*DdbAit>d-d,U  ItW. 

Qntnkntl,  tl  t  Fiitr  God,  ud  tha 


drlTOD  ovt  bj  Tuntlipocm,  U.  \X  ; 
tttpK-tation  of  tilfl  nliini,  U.  237^ 
uid  rlin  mnJoff  of  tbo  SuuUrdp,  11. 
SSI.ZW:  tlMioio<»iui(mblai>of,il. 


mterprlH,  L 100 

rf«inllDKtlHCi 
Rucro.  Oomei ,  ol  at  FioU,  I.  ISO. 
BifTial.  Ilia  "  Blitoln  daadmi  luda" 

mntioHd,  U  4M. 
RerkovlTE  uiuinB  i^B  Famluii,  fl. 

BeeiH,  Arthur  M.,  hl>  wnk  Co  (b* 
Icalu-dlo  Tojun,  ud  hU  daUh,  L 
U«,1ET. 
.    BtUgleii,  ol  tin  IndUu,  L  Gl.    8M 
-'w  ChrlMluftr- 
wvl,  ADtoniD  dt,  u  uUuil^  on 


Omt  II..  < 


HarindclDiricn.ll.STB:  i 


Baint  Dft,  U.  ISO. 
uawDde,  uiTcude,  on  tb*  ludUitcd 

Blbiiit.  J«i],'biicc4oDTiit  PortKoj. 
•],<l  Gl:!i  UTiieii' Fort  Cuoliiw, 
11.  Slfi ;  bl>  HBUlt  npoo  Bt.  Aiinu. 
t'DO  II  ]bUut4,  U,  51G ;  murdand  at 
Haluiaa  UM.  II.  61T,  GIB. 

Klibu.  ii.adlBTal  coDccvtloD  <tf,  IL 

BliiiiDiiDii,  Kattbtaa,  hli  edition  of 
tlia  "Musdua  II<nii>,"ll.  I14-U7i 
prolFMor  It  Baiul-DId,  il.  132. 

Kink,  Dr.  BauiT,  oo  tlia  KdUiBoa,  L 

n. 

BlTor^Hrtmm,!.  IS. 

Bobcit  Lba  Dabooalr,  of  ftiaM,  L 

BibFrtfOi,  WflUun,  OD  Mailean  dT. 


M,  «»  of  four  tribea,  II.  8„. 

r,  the  cit:r  or,  deai-rlbad   br    Bdbeml,  Bleu 

o  Polo,  I.  SCO;   aa  looUad  b;  I  Brldi-ii.  "    -  ' 


4b,  to«m  of,  II, 
illoDatBau  Dob 


Qointvillla.  Aloiw  de,  Calnmboa  wlnt 
hiM  fiiandabip,  I.  400  ;  ui  mtliu. 
alaatla   auppoztar  of  Columbiu,  1. 

Quliicaro,  Criitobal,  of  Uw  Flsta,  I. 

<)iilpu.kiiott«d  oord  oaed  bTthe  Pani- 
tUsi  In  nKhwInr.  U.  SSi^. 

qoita,  fooDdMl  by  Ttipao,  II.  S23:  rr- 
MUan  at,  mpproHd,  II.  3« ;  n»d 


•<,  L  US  j  iDd  ClH  Dlghlsii  iHBilp. 


Ramaur,  chaiiga  Inm  |«otIk-  U  TOlM- 
«1  MclalT  moDf,  L  ICO:  tludr 
Tiiliia  of  alU  wd  tbalr  tnde  with 
China,  1.  MB. 

Run,  Sir  John,  opaned  tb*  irodtn 

iat'VMfD.  I.  l*i. 
Bnhmquia,   Willem  da,  Ui  TUt  ts 

the  Omat  Khan,  1. 2TB. 
Ruli,  Butholotaew,  pDot  of  Plxam, 


Bnpart'i  Land,  coni 

II,  Kr.  Clark, 
IIMia,!.  Sie. 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


ootar  nU,  U.  UT. 
g^^munlng  Dl,  I.  IM;  of  Erlo  (ba 
Sai,  1.  ISC  IW,  199i  UOorial  ind 
nytiilEal.  L  187 ;  of  TfaorfciD  Kul- 
■Inl,  I.  IWi  Biuk'i  coDHChm  of, 
1.  3D1;  eonUliiliii  nfwwKei  ta 
TInlud.  1,  ^»2i  Byrtnvirii  Stn,  L 
»9:  SriitulSigvl.  »«;iUHgne- 

BL  Auimatiiia,  Florldi,  b^BalBfi  of, 

Uil-DM,  HaawwUIloii  irltdi  tha  dU- 

oomT  of  AoHTloft,  U.  ISIp 
at.  Udcr*,  of  S«lll«.  upporti  tb« 

tlMsrla  of  Msk,  t  31T. 

ooltakuk>,'l.E. 
M.  OlHU,  mooutorj  of,  L  1GB;  on 
Shh'i  bu,  1.  ni  I  bat  nrtnc  ol, 
LMO. 

LtCl. 
SlbiiuDii,  hta  littar  ta  ISSt  laeom- 
'  mondiiu  bottar  zoada  bi  Hexkoo-L 

in. 

BuobH,  Oibitel,  or  "^t**"*!  ColaB- 

bni'i  latter  to,  I.  MS. 
bndaflord,  tlonn,  Y]kiag  lUp  dla- 

ooTond  kK,  J-  1T£ 
Bu  DDHDlnga,  foufljod,  L  484 ;  Oolmn- 

bui  orduwl  out  of  the  bvbour,  i. 

JSOS:  OtuiId'i  J1*M  mmpod  it,  L 

Kt7. 
Su  Jdu  da  UTlaa,  tb*  Uud  nuwd, 


mU  thaton  of, 


BhM  Haria,  tba  I^riitp  ot  O 

L.H,  L  4a){  iRMk*a,  L  437. 
Baoto  Hirla  dal  Darian,  tl 


fiua  to  IM  Ninian  land,  U.  S71. 
Bautaoffel,  Lula  de,  ban  tba  quon  to 

av  for  tilt  tlilpaTl'  418 :  tba  doaorip- 
tloii   of   Culiunbui'i  diaoOToiT  aJ- 
dnnad  to,  I.  443. 
Bantanm,  Joio  do,  Dro— a  tba  oqtp^ 

Biuifkirm,  vCaooont  da,  bia  irorfc  an 


n  Eutop*  and  tb*  VwSaat,  L 


"iSS."" 


Bataapaa,  bla  tojui*  dr.  4TD  Ki  c,  L 

ElavagBTy,  dJadngolibad  from  bari»- 
wi<un,\.-ai  Btimtopariodaof,  I.S81 
trlbaa  Id  tba  uppar  atatua  of,  I.  SAi 
n(ion  of,  I.  40 ;  tb*  family  Id,  L  U) 


Toapndivi,  IL  1S6( 

(lotna  of  UlS  and  ISW,  IL  IW. 
Schoolcraft,    Loiufelkiw'B    poan    of 

Hliwatba  baaed  OB  U>  book,  1. «( n 

tba  balUta  of  tha  AlgfawnlD*,  L  US. 
cbnder,  nlerrad  to,  T.  A 
colt,  Nr  Waltar.  VanoflaD  gauA 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


■Dd  tka  Mitar  pinij-iaa,  t». 

SiTTUo,  FrttfSaoOi  vritta  BAqndhm  mt 
HiiHim  iL  ISSi  IrkwUUp  IM  Ib- 
nllioi,  U.  in :  tail  •Upwnekud  nn 
■t  ttaa  HolnacH,  IL  18T ;  mnidMtd, 
U.  iUT. 

HorrBDO^  Jiuu.  brot1i«T  of  FnzidHO, 
OKpUln  of  U»  Sutiira,  U.  IMl 
tnutad  bt  KinUu,  U.  18(2  ^  nnmlu 
fiJUiIul.  ll.  i^ :  bli  dutli,  U.  20T. 

BgtelxH,  dnitTOl  tha  Puuauluu,  IL 
t9B. 

Bam  0U)«>,  (booght  to  ba  In  tlM 

sen :  ud  tin  puebUii  of  ZiiBi,  II.  em! 
tbtltr.  PnHwir  V.  S.,  L  28 ;  oa  toI- 
•luptlMuL  M3. 

tiw  w^BOODd-baUd'ai,  L  IM. 


OdifornlLLS. 

aillpi,  CllUBMlWH  Ol    ... 

tnnHia,LS12. 
Sbort,  J.  T.,  oo  tha  dilT  pi 


ft  Lecsa,  Tinted  bj  Hunc 

Cutbuinlu,  L  301  i  ttaa  adi 
ti>,LKe. 

Blftumd,  Smparcr,  iiki  tha  aid  ol 
HR117  tlH  HHlntor,  L  319. 

Uk,  uad  b^  tba  BoniHii,  L  SaB ; 


Ut,  HaUT,  tf  RaOin,  aari  at 
BUT  and  CtlUiBtaa,  lili  maeUng 
h  BUwM  Zww,  and  tltalr  IrUut 


Houi,  tarritorj  o;,  L  40. 

Bti  NatlDiu,  fomuid,  L  4T. 

Slits  la  I»chUliUI«;DlII«wl 
LSIB. 

anialiiig^  KMntu  ot  Dm  ipKlMt,  L 
188:  ttaoat  el  VUIuhI  not  bUmoa, 
L  IB*,  ISS;  ]^labli  A]|OW|ulaa,  L 

lei  I  tncaa  ol.  Id  enanlwul.  Hkb.' 
SkTlu,  <m  tha  Sufuao  aaa,  1. 431. 
BUnrr,  Aitac,  L  111 ;  ■nd  tha  lawi 
bnHuhtabOBt  bTl^iCuu,  iL  418 
■  plifW.  0.  431;  Koman,  IL  42B 
bHbmluga  H  moden],  IL  428  ;  Am 
nia'a  aMomit  ol.  1444. 11.  430, 431 
IttdJan  aUwrj  ondar  Colinnhn.,  ii 
439 1  in  HinaniolL  h.  434,  43£  i  K^ 
aitncl  UOS  miattng  Ur  lodla^ 
0.  441 1  tuctmUMdat,  IL  4M  i  lull 
tbodiaooran  ol  nld  In  filapaidala, 
U.  443, 444 ;  HOBtiwlH)*!  ttfiu 
0.  MS,  «47  i  Im  Ctta  aom 


a|ifaiat,«.  4aDi  mtm,  ».  ««-<»; 

pnUUtadhPanJttn:  oflndlaa 

forblddM  bj  Um  Pom,  IL  471;  tta 

Naw  Lan  afalaat,  11.  4T4  j  eo)Bpf» 

uIm,  and  daoUoa  el  Indian  alatan. 

tt.  4TB I  la  Pa^^  U.  4I<  I  «f  Mn«M 

I.  ihalM  0(  Unltad  Btita,  0.  ML 

rada,  batHiBlaa  ot  MoOanw  L 

whj  fATOuiad  »  Prinaa  Btarj 

Na^fMor,  L  KB ;  Id*  0mm 

■>ana  to,  IL  4SS. 

ralth,  John,  OB  lladoo  (bo  Wddi 
prluoa,  L  41. 

-'--  -noaa,  of  Iba  litaia,  L  110 ;   ' 
lod.^L114. 


>  of  ttaa  lottar,  fL  tt. 
oil*,  Jun  Dlai  da,  wan  data  d  «» 
Flaws,  U.  M:  daM  <4  Ui  *0fMa 
iritta  RnuD,  fi.  «Ii  wa*  tU  ilnr 
La  Plita,  iL  ITl ;  Iiat  tojMa  and 
daath,  IL  ITS. 


Boto,  Fdreudo  da,  oltk  OArdon  al 

llearimia,  IL  396:     ■■    — 
W,  li.^ :  bb  vt 


£lHlialii|il,  IL  A»\ 


to  the  KlaUialpiil, 


L2TS;  and  ti«  tnojp  a 
L  4001  and  tha  tiada  ' 


40ti,  4aiiaipedWoa 


.•ars 


Katbarluda,  IL  (Bt;  bar  pacaaan- 
tlon  of  bniUca,  U.sei  { bar  •ooootDlo 
— 1_  j->—  1 y^  aipaJMo©  at  Um 


to  Anwiita,  1  3T )  Ibali  ariHMs 
«wpaf«d  wttta  that  «1  tha  bdlaw, 
L  49,30;  thdr  ntnkn  «l  Otuada, 
L  ee;  tfaalr  BlMeaeanloM  of  Max. 
loan  aoclatT,  L  88;  Mt.  Konan'a 
— '-nUloaot  tha  anon  la  tiMir 

Utm,   L  lOai  dlatli     '       ' 

.  thalr  iBsta  and  t 


furta,Lia):  *MWd  Fler. 
Hu  Hora  Noranher,  IMS,  ••.  T^ 
TO  j  taealTtd  a*  nda  at  XaoeUaa,  IL 
SU;  thalr  flrat  aiaht  «l  Halo*,  tL 
!UB|  Uimgbt  l^^ianiTlaBa  to  ha 


Lliailizc^bv  Google 


"  Bpnihiin  OrUt,"  11.  111. 

SpaqcftTi  HftrbArt,  od  klnahlp  tfanngta 
female*,  1.  £6 ;  on  pdmltlTe  Hcktr, 
L5S(  <»atni«laiIiu(iU]HHlet7,lL 
SGB. 

Bploe  lalud^  TUUd  by  tb*  Fortu- 

guei^riria. 

itqiilv,  K.  G..  on  tt»  nnniber  of  Amtti. 
OnbnniaiiH,!.  M:    ■ "-— 


;,  11.  ill,  sre. 

AlderlsT,  Lmj,  Ui  wort  on 

_..  J.  L.,  h._       _    . 

g]  Ip  Ceotnl  Amsrid," 

Arlj  nuQUKTlpCe 


i,   I.  136:   . 


ly  at  the  "  BpecnluiB  < 

Bdtti,  Wimui.  Ibe  hUtortui.oo  to. 

boDtH'i  Tlilt  U  London,  I.  DS. 
Btobnleu,  Ju,  hli  tup  La  lai2. 


BknellKg.  I  \ai 

,e  boundirin  o1 
:]J,  1.  309 ;  lUDai 


neia  of  Ihc  ■«,  L  S!i. 
ftCnlc  of  U>liLC«,  Colunbua  — rohai 
(or,  L  BIO. 


Qreenlud,  L  253. 
Tabula  Ttmlfime,  WnldeeemlUler' 


"ffl*"--' 


undo  do,  Colutnboa'i 


UlipOOK,     tlM    fol     0(    AvkMM, 

InaoslQueUalixatl,  ILStj  le*- 

10,  'line  otUngi  Hi,  U.  SIS  i  orer- 
n  Alo^mCulco,  U.  2M  ;  lolH 
H  anJnet  Ueiloo,  U.  -JtO. 
m,  A.  Cttum,  od  Mmj»  pMore- 


dluTli,  L  IK. 
ThonuDn,  Sir  WIUImd,  oa  loe  ife  oi 

Tborbnod,  wn  of  Ennrro,  hie  deUh, 
1.  190  i  noUiiod  in  tbo  Kfrtmad* 
8m.  1.503. 

Tbolnn  Karlaafnl,  hli  kthmpt  to 
fooad  ■  colony  in  Vlalud,  L  IK, 
ie» ;  b!i  TovBge  not  ffluwotod  ifIUi 
Hklne,  L  181  i  end  the  nntlne  of 
Vinlud,  L  187 1  hl(  boll,  L  181 !  le- 

'219. 


n,  deeceudod  from  BoORO, 
land,  loeited  by  Cidnnt- 


•ledn  of  the  A.ndeiiU,"T  ISl ; 
WmAhlilBtan^i    DplnlOD  of    tlie 

—  ' — -'-"-  Lar 


SdovI 

Dlgbton  Isecrlptlon,  I  SIS. 
Tltlnu,    Ulis,    DTwlto    Ol    1 

Tiioc,  cblTet^t-inH),  U.  S2*. 

TlKatKubtU,  or  pnHl4iiDm 

111 :  hit  power*,  I.  IIS{  ud 


11.M 


idCoTt«,ll.7railI 


Tlslor.  cod  of  nlD,  • 

11.231 
TUbckIl     conip^r^ 

Onnidt,  1.  M-Xi 

of,  I.  SO. 
Tl»cii1iiii>.  boatile   to   the   Hnlcui 

conlnduvy,  II.  127  ;  ^ow  tb*  id- 

B<Mr  tlie  Msbmcholy  NIf  ht,  11.  SB?' 
TIMelulm,  put  of  Uerlco,  It  liSO. 
Toh-i-no,  mentioned  by  Oalumbni  In 

TolKJo,  FnnclKo  de,  put*  n  end  to 
tbo  In«  dyuiMy.  it  W. 


^oiizccbv  Google 


Itdlu,  potUe  ol.  t«*  at  tba  Tatton, 
u.  211 :  iituuioD  of ,  IL  2aD. 

ToHao,  (ba  MMndaKy  of,  0. 

douM*  ibaat,  U.  in,  isa 
Tmt/,  Hnri  df,  teft  b/  La  Btlla  U 


ToTdHlUu,  tnUjr  of,  I.  409. 


idh    on    tba    ponulaUon    o( 
.  t.  ga  ;    on  davH  doomad 

I,  Paolo  del  Foao  dtl,  Al- 
.  atka  bia  adilra  coDcaruli>g 

It  laUar  to  ColuDibua,  L  lU, 


Kate,  i.  3G1  (  UadeaUi,  L  361  i  did 
ka  flnt  auneet  tba  weatward  nmb 
toUialDd!H,L3AS{  tbaditeefbli 
Bnt  latter  to  GalDubiii,  I.  3C&-3CS  { 
aalcuUtca  Um  liu  0(  (be  eatUi,  L 
ns  1  CUn*  »•  Bappad  bj.  L  ^6 ; 
hia  China  and  InJilL  L  «4  i  aad 
Teapocd,  11.  3S. 
Totno,  tba  derloa  aaed  bj  a  cUn, 


polltlail  Inteiter,  I.  10G. 
TiibQte,  TnannBr  of  cc<llectliif,  am* 
(ba  AitMp,aiid  Uobanke,  L   1: 
tai.(aItH»ra  mlaUkan  for  aot 

TlliiJ<lad,  Humboldt'a  Town  In  1' 

to,  L  MS ;  Columbuireachea,  1.  4 

Trejaa  war,  ud  the  Saga  ol  Erie  I 


uiddla  pariod  ol  barbariam,  L  IX. 
fiat  alta  HoBarlo  Poama. 
Trwe  of  Ofld,  lU  adoption  aod  aew- 

taw,  I.  me,  j«o. 

Tumaoa,  telle  Balboa  about  the  maltb 

el  I^ro,  li.  STA. 
Tapo,  dlilakm  of  land  In  Fan,  «.  3M. 
Torkej,  Uw,  orlglDilt;  fnnn  Uailco, 

Tnrka.  thf>,  their  conTacalan  to  Ha- 
atuitlnopLfi,  and  atnnglfl  tnde,  I. 

^ieamrvi.  In  Nnrth  CarolliM,  I.  4G ; 
*i<nad  CO  CLrlatlanlt;  bj  KlrkUnd, 

XHuolntlaa,  proTlnM  of,  the  *'j4nd 

IJlor. 


nioa,  Allmao,  tniulitoret  tbelih 
of  Culumbui,  by  lila  acn  reidlsaad, 

Julped,  tba,  aecD  bf  tbe  Moithuaa,  L 

1U3. 
In»,  drpoalHon  af  the  Inca,  il.  NIL 
JiDiil,  boueatiLlSSi  Uie  alabaol, 

Lisa, 

rmldhla    Frdio  da,  hia  eoMoett  of 

OhlH,  [l.41S.41*r 
falanUul,  Dr.,  relemiea  ta,  on  Ilail- 


Atahn^ja^n.  401,  4C 

VanibatCD,  F.  A.  de,  lii 
SpgurOi  hUlOiian,  hU  uuuDvLiuq  di 
niosoaiapba  on  Veapnnl,  It.  £8 1  bja 
te>(  of  Vetpudua'i  letter  to  Bode- 
rlnl,  II.  38 ;  on  Vaqnidua'a  Brat  107- 
af  e,  11,  52,  nr :  hia  location  of  tbe 
BKer  ol  Palira,  11  S8 1  ilndlcataa 
Vupudut,  II.  IBS:  on  tbe  louitb 
TDjige  of  Vefpudna,  U.  171. 

Vrdiioi.  ueaniiia  of  tlie  i>onl,LMIi 
II.  £C4,  3GI. 

Tela,  Blaico  NuBet,  bia  BlKarvn- 
n>«i.taDdd»tb,IL4IB. 

Vrlaaquei,  apiolnta  Oortea  to  eon- 
mandlhceipedltioBOf  ISlB.iLMB. 

Tn>l»,  bar  Hval  Coaatautlnnlf,  L 
VI3 1  tbe  homa  of  Bt.  Mark,  I.  m, 

hcr'coirtDErca  In  I1»  Bad  'Bm,  1! 
27ei  Ilie  F-iM  man,  lo,:^;  da. 
faitad  by  Ocnoa  nrar  Cu.ula,  L 
284 1  bfr  oommarclal  promnKj 
lkr«(«ied  by  Ulc  Taiki,  1.  idS. 

Vera  Cnii.  named  bj  Cabr.1,  IL  »I. 

Vaiafuai  ininbitaioi  of,  L  flOfl. 


^erraaano,  Glo*anbi  da,biaTOTafe  In 

'ennnccl,  Juan.  DCB)n»  0*  Amcilga, 
hb  knowl?^(rp  and  OIU,  II.  OT. 


I'ttandeecrlblnRl) 


{  ind  tllC  KDU  ol 

1.  UO^blxoy.n 
4;biBwcTk,l>.Mi 

1  of  Qon'xrafhB 

iinbiu.'ll.'  W  I  Ua 


" 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


CM-SIt  th*IMw  to  Liinii»d*> 
Xnllal.U.SIi  mdOH  (d  tM  IMtoT 
to  tjifarlDl,  iL  a»;  Quutuh  tM- 
rinlls  of  Uw  svUsUItollu  lorisa, 
ILfl;  alUntlODa  In  tMLrtttnH 
*»  a(  IfiOT,  IL  U,  43 :  bin  ik>- 
ItTHualbeJ  to,  U.  44-46:  baUand 
kawuDn  tin  cnut  of  Ajll,  U  48; 
DLagD  Goldiabiu't  lolt  jwalut  tbe 
ODwa  proras  Taipadiu  (uJ  not  di*- 

Devar  pnfaaaad  to  bara  doua  •□,  IL 
VLSI. 

mm  n>n«,  ii.  S2 ;  In  Che  "  proT. 
lDMOlLMliib,>'U.  M;  Ui  acnunla 
lUaitriptlDiia,  U.  M~S8;  ooaitiiig 
aroaai  nnMa,  11.  ST ;  isafJiaa  ilia 
BaniBilii,aDdiaUirar  Ctdli,  il.B9, 


wEii  nuanf  iTgf ,  II.  ea,  at ;  opia- 

ton  ol  Hanlaaa,  IL  fS ,  bo*  ha  hip- 
Moad  to  n  with  Pluon  ud  &aUa,  iL 
83;  anoKM  saoDot  ba  pcoTCd  In  1497, 

tba  hmM  ol  Itaa  UolMd  SUM,  II.  SB, 
tt :  lolloMoa  at  Ua  Bnt  on  Colom- 
int'a  fourth  Tonga,  11-  S^ 

Saoond  TDn«a  vlUi  0]iiil>  la  IIM. 
IL93;  Ur.  fiTbarC  B  mcref t  on  hli 
Mter  to  Lomuo  da>  Undid,  IL  lU ; 
antan  Iba  Hrrloe  of  Portunl,  II.  96. 

Talrd  TDfigB  :  maata  Oitoil  at 
Capa  Varda,U-100{daaiTlteabbeIik 
dliu  ol  Brull,  11.  IUI,1(«;  attba 
Bar  of  AU  B  rnta,  U.  lOJ  i  (I  lUo  da 
Jauairo,  U.  103  j  laina  Iba  ooaat,  and 
dlagon»Bantbaan(ta,li.lM;  m- 


hhMtortoLonoM  da'  Hadlel  in 
IfiOS,  ii.  lOS-tlD;  th*  "MuBdo* 
iranM,'>ll.lll,  llBi  baaaOad  Wa 

to  LUna'aluilMHutLllSiaDdOa- 
hmibaaUMMgbt  to  hara  dma  dUIa> 
aat  tbliua,  0.  lia-,  bow  tba  oonCi- 
DBBt  toafe  hU  Baa,  L  IK,  130; 
FraoA  TKitOB  o(  bla  Igttar  to  Bo- 
darinLILlSl;  LiUn  nntoa  and  Ita 
dadloatloa,  IL  134,  US;  and  tba  nama 
Ainerloa,ll.  138-ll3iChaaaai>l  Oo- 
luiabna  tultl*  appnTad  of  "  Amar- 
ba,"  0.  m-,  BiAdiHt'l  e«al>B 
•UuiaeBH  evBaarnbit,  ILUB ;  Lu 
Oaaaa  amorad  at  Uw  tnananl  naa 
•rU(BUW0nDiapa,ILlB6i  Hon 
OB  tba  populiiity  at  Ma  awntlTaa, 
IL  Ue ;  tibm<H  bj  Lai  Oacia,  II.  lOT; 
■eonaad  b;  Hanan,  IL  IGB ;  BanU- 


ntaiH  toeHlB,ILin;*ltfHO»- 
Inabua,  H.  in. 

niti  and  alttb  nnna ;  TMtolba 
(ilfo<DtflanwitbLaOoaa,U.  1T4; 
■otboilttaa  fortM  'ajana,  11.  ITS; 
mad*  pIlot-BiaJat  of  HpJii,  U.  IT& 

yiwallo,  OlroLuao,  hia  latwr  aatab- 
UaMiiE  tiM  nrtta  tone*  o(  Vaapa- 
cliu,  S.  ITS. 

VUrfuauo,  hIa  Miainmt  ol  Isalandla 
Ucaru ore.  1.  lOT. 

Viking  aliip  at  Baodafloid,  I   ITS. 

Vikliva  laave  Norway  afta  King  Hat. 
old  rarbalr'i  oonauaat,  L  IM-US: 
>uaaulD|ofVlklug,lUll;tharloiiuj 
IiHland,  1.  1S3;  and  araauuud,  L 
1ST,  IBS  1  dbooTor  Anwrioa,  L  141, 
lU;  Utali  abtpa,  1.  ITS.  ITSi  tbA 
aagai,  L  191-«r;  Mt  no  ooloij  la 
VInUnd,  L  21S,  210 1  tba  pn^  L 
218, 219. 


dfaCorara,  L 165 :  Tjrkar  flndagruaa 
mt,L  IBS;  loatk^  of,  1.  108,  lET 
otbn  TOTigai  to.  L  lBT-171 1  birth 
aiBiMrt«,Tl0S;  aalnuia  to,  L  180 ; 
Ruaa  In.  L  181 ;  taftb  of  (Iw  (bv 
■ail*  taTL  181;  pnba- 
Laf,LlMillnaaTK<*, 
,ilf,  i.  lal^iai:  miD' 
ia  doonaiaM,  L  an- 
aui;  iwarcM  to  br  Alam  ol  Br*- 
Ban,  L  ne-SiO:  ftbaotd  naoola. 
UouooooanlBg,  L  Sta^a;  ooiMlaa 
■ot  fomidad  in,  i. VlSaSOi  BWmb 
Brial  aaarah  for,  L993  i  wkat  0«- 
lnnibmlDM«ii<,L3Sl-8S«i  notaa- 
•DdaledwltkAnMrloitUlUiaaa — 


eoBoapciaa 
Vlrvnoba,  oi 


MatT  of,  L  340,  841. 

'  l'm'i  ;  OB  Jan  Mayan  talaod,  LsS 
Yoltalra,  on  tbe  Cnuadaa,  L  2T4. 
Vojaa",  br  tha  OhiDaaa.  L  148 ;  b* 

At  Iriafa,  L  149 ;  Inr  Jaan  Osnln,  1. 

IWi  br  Ramalho,  L  ISO;  b;  tb* 


Is  Tinaiaa,  1.  IBB;  to  Owanland,  L 
Ue,  1ST ;  of  B]aiBl  in  886,  t.  Ut  i  tf 
bif  iB  1000,  I.  IMitfatlH  m- 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


pitnn  «l  TUwl,  L  MI-lTl)  M 
MBn'i  BV  in  MX,  I.  ITli  BMlo 
ton  lho«,  to  VluUnil,  L  llS;  «i- 

L  ITS)  BMmd  bio"!  nmn  In 
■Mnh  tf  VliJud,  L  2S1;  gitba 
Iluobntbgn,L  X«;  to  tbaaouB- 
(nmlM  OmflD,  L  MS,  MB;  (17 
8A11IB7,  L  1»;  Tiklii(  tol  no  tnw 
■HMk  alw«niT  at  Aiuriot,  L IM 1 
wfai  tkaj  won  But  foUomd 
»t:  M  (Iw  PolBa  Ov 
VmIo*,  L  W  I  of  Us 


rtofiMM  mniiBaallH  ooutot 

_js  o<  Odad  Hops,  L  S31,  SK I  Co- 
liiiiihin'i  bit  man,  L  4101  Us 
Mooad  njm*.  U«Si  bit  third 
fomfai   L  AB)   Vmioii  da  Oman 

MobM  ffiadutan,  L  4M  J  Jciliii  Ju 
•MiebM  («  "  tk*  Uud  ot  BruU '' 


to  1480,11.  S;  of  tb*  C«bot^  U.  2-« 

iHh,  a.  si  whr.  tfai  (SSmtc 


B  But,  U.  la,  n ;  «bir  l«r, 
BHU  iBIubatli'a  Ume,  IL  17  ;  o! 
tho  OortoHl  bmtbgn,  IL  18,  19 1 
nortban  and  loMlMn  eampuvd,  U. 
»|ol  V^^ndu,  IL  M^GE-CO; 
tabbof  ParfujiM  and  giiMiUli,  U. 
O^fltiot  PlBMnuut  B^U.  64; 
data  ot  dliaDnrT  at  Hmdont  br 
noMK  and  BallL  iL  fft ;  to  tba  mat 
Ba4  a  oflamBtrabl 


wttklbatof  Oami,a,KI,n  1  Hceiad 
TOMo  of  Taqmena,  oadar  0]ada, 
H.  Ba;  awand  totbh  ot  PinHn,  IL 
«t  I  aC  L*|«.  nme,  and  BuUdu,  U. 
Ml  Oatml  iriiiEi  tba  Atlaoth^  to 
tnaO,  H.  M 1  IbM  *<9ai<«  of  Taa- 


Wall,fela*aan,L«n. 
■  T,  ri  ulaaM  J.  P.,  aa  (baaarij 
ailMma  olnaa  la  CaUianda,!.  U ; 
«B  tlH  eUnto  al  flriwUfl  aad 


William  «  ■iiiiiaamui,  BHcana 
nd  Uh  Arthur  itgrnit,  L  I8T. 

WUUam  iM  Woroaatar,  dawribaa  #■*-■ 
attampt  to  lad  tba  i*  lalaad  ol  Bn- 

til,"  Ca. 

VlUkua,  B.  W.,  OB  rbhiM  divBT- 

WUmto.  K.  A.,  hit  oiUoa  «  tba 

BnnMi  sanqaaron,  L  101. 
Whicliell,  N.  F       - 


aad  JaiifKO.  II.  160,  Itt;  tba  foarth  J     tcLL 
lairaiia  of  Vimdua,  U.  16S :  th«  1     L  0. 
PtaKn  anadUiaa  plaaaad  for  INK,  :  Wnndc^  can 
0.113;  of  Vaqmcbi  aad  Ia  Coaa  I      1.  TOl  cI>d>> 

(0  tba  fidi  of  D»rl*fi.  U.  1T4:    ■  '  "" '^-' 

PtauoB  and  B->lli  la  IMM-OS,  il.  V 
Andndaraacbaa  CMna.  IL  ISS ;  1 


«a,  tarrttocT  of,  L  40 1  1^ 
_     bl  WIOMBda,  1.  I4S. 
Wlaaor,  JuallB,  L  10:  oo  K.  da  Wal- 
"-  ■-'  ' ■   -   BtPaleBi)aa,LlMi 


Jaqaaa,  II.  101 1  «  Uh  anile  np 
af«of  Foi  aad  JaBM, «.  SO. 

WWir,  in  tba  Battle,  ^Taa  ta  mna  k 
nlaa  of  fntanatlml  tew,  L  TK. 

"rlRht,  Pnilav     " 

t^Lliiodpa 


;i"b^a 

lOlTiB 


t  ISO ;  and  laO.  Id  ir 


g.U.  I  XlmtaiKatl,  a^FlaaiTlaasatetamiat 
F^  j  Xtnoaaa,  Cudtaial,  Loa  CaM  aAi  Ua 


rltMn^,  I. 


hilm  TtrTtf!oit,  i 

—— iphjatBalo. 

m adiaan  at  tWamy.lL  184 j 


1-dM  Of,  in  IBKt.  L  tM. 
»_.-   ...  n-j^.  hi,  »„rti  "Oat 
jThltbar,"  L  MBi 
i,L  177;  (BihaU 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


■  toTtohv,!.  337;  MMr*(« 
AntODto  to,  L  321, 330. 
Zno.  RkolA,  tb*  "Obmllar," 
wTKkcd  Dpin  CO*  or  tb«  fmiot 
UudK,  1.  SI  \  >U>  Hnnr  SlneUIr 
In  tall  nn,  I.  32a  1  TUila  tuC  Bj(d 


uKhIbI , 

mo,  UiMrir  ot  Iba  IItc,  L  Kn,  308; 
tbaoilia  Hi  Ocuiuiu,  Fuwtiiu,  lU- 
noUiu,audBtnbi>,1.30a;  thBttwj 
iaH,LIIO:ill>iin>Tsd  brtlwTonn 
at  Dte,  L  33};  ItmUk  oI  CoIuid- 
biHoa,L382. 

Zatt,  iUtMmtU  of  lb*  pOBslilkn 
of  tL«  dtr  ol  Mf  ileo,  U.  m 

~  "'   popvUtfon  of  the  piwbk 
tka  pubis  or,  L  Bt ;  C« 


■LI.  Mi  rrin  Huox  It,  U. 
EoBin  OB  Onuam*  ud  Col 
«■  VDtDMlunu  wrllov,  L  S3& 


SOL 


I :  aotAt^  iDDDf ,  L  8S  : 


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^ablupt  jtotittp* 


ESTABLISHED  FOR  THE  PURPOSE  OF  PRINTING 

RARE  OK  UNPUBLISHED  VOYAGES 

AND  TRAVELa 


IKrit  relatiitg  la  America  tdrtajy  iitlti. 

•i.  OInervjUions  of  Sir  Richard  Hawkins  (BtthuneY 

*2.  Select  Leiteis  of  Columbus  (^>i»>r-), 

*3.  Raleigh's  UUcovecie  of  Guiana  (SchomiuT^. 

4.  Sir  Francis  Drake's  Voyage  (C«*!>j'). 

•j.  Early  Voyaijes  to  Cathaia  by  the  Northwest  {KattdaO). 

•&  Strachey  s  Historie  of  Trivaile  into  Virginia  [Ma/or). 

"7.  Hakluyt's  Diver*  Voyages  touching  the  Discovery  of  Amer- 
ica (  mrntr  jBiui). 

8.  De  SoEo'a  Discovery  and  Conquest  of  Florida  {J^t). 

9.  Coat's  Geography  of  Hudson's  Bay  [Barroa). 

10.  The  World  Encompassed  by  Sir  Frauds  Drake  (  Piatx). 

11.  Travels  of  Girolamo  Benioni  in  America  [AJmirai SmjrlA). 
li.  Champlain's  Voyage  to  the  West  Indies  {A/iee  fVilKun). 
ly  Expeditions  into  the  Valley  oE  the  Amazons  {MartAamH. 
14,  Henry  Fludson,  the  Navigator  {Atier). 

i|.  Travels  of  Cieia  de  Leon  (Afariham). 

tS.  Narrative  oF  Pascual  de  Andagoya  [Martkam). 

17.  Frobisher's  Three  Vinrages  [Admiral  Collintm). 

18.  Heman  Cones'  Honduras  (Dt  Cayangvi). 

19.  Royal  Commentaries  oE  the  Incas,  1  vols.  {3fariUam). 

20.  Select  Letters  of  Columbus  {A/ajirr),    Second  Edition. 


23.   Voyages  oE  the  Zeni  (iV^/^r). 

14.  C^tivity  of  Hans  Stade  in  Bruil  [Burton). 

15.  Magellan's  Voyage  round  the  World  (Lord  Stanlty  <f  Ah 

dtrley). 
xS.  Lancaster's  Voyages  (Jlfariiam), 

S.   Hawkins'  Voyages  IJ^ariiam}.    Second  Edition. 
.   Davis'  Voyages  (Cafil.  Markkam\. 
la.   Acosta's  Natural  and  Moral  History  of  the  Indiei,  a  n>b. 
{Markh.,m\. 

30.  Baffin's  Vovages  (Mir><UiR). 

31.  Captain  John  Smith's  Bermudas  (Li/r^'). 

31.   Cieia  de  Leon's  Chronicle  of  Peru  {Markham). 
'  Ooi  at  prinL 
Tie  ft^ening  work  U  ready  :  — 
Ulrlch'a  Schmidt's  Voysige  to  the  Rio  de  la  Plata;  and  the  Com- 
mentaries of  Alvar  Nunez  Cabezi  de  Vaca.  edited  by  Don  Loi* 
L.  Dominguei,  Argentine  Minister  at  Ae  Court  d  St.  Jamea. 
Fat/oraUe  termi  of  fmrehase  of  ha^k  votumet  tH^  ht  kad  tit ^ 
flicatian  to  Mr.  C.J.  dark,  4  UntolH't  Tun  fie!^.    N.  B.    7%e 
Humtert  Jo  Hot  rtfir  It  thait  sftki  ttriet  of  the  Soetefy'i  xnrkt. 


Uiailizc^bv  Cookie 


THE  WRITINGS  OF 
JOHN   FISKE. 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  AMERICA. 
IVith  some  Account  of  AneitHt  Ameriea  and  th^  Sfian- 
ish  Conquest.  With  a  steel  portrait  gf  Mr.  Piste, 
reproduitions  of  many  old  maps,  several  modem 
maps,  facsimiles,  ana  other  itiustrations.  a  vols^ 
erown  8va,  $4.00. 
.  LARGE-PAPER  EDITION.  Limited  to  930  copies. 
4  vols.  Svo,  %i6.oo,  net. 

This  work  fonni  the  beginning  of  Mr.  Fiike's  hiaKn7  of 
AmcTJca.  It  i*,  perhaps,  the  mott  important  ungle  portion 
yet  completed  b]r  him,  and  gives  the  results  of  vast  research. 

THE  AMERICAN   REVOLUTION. 

With  Plans  of  Bailies,  and  a  new  SUel  Portrait  of 
Washington,  engravedfy  WilUox  from  a  miniature 
never  bcfiire  reproduced,  a  vols,  crown  Svo,  giit  lop, 
$4-00. 

The  reader  tnav  turn  to  these  volumes  with  full  assurance 
of  faith  for  a  fresh  rehearsal  of  the  old  facts,  which  no  time 
COD  Slate,  and  for  new  views  of  those  old  facts,  according  to 
the  larger  framiwork  of  ideas  in  which  they  can  now  be  set 
by  the  master  of  a  captivating  style  and  an  expert  in  histori- 
cal philosophy.  —  JVew  Yeri  Evening  Ptai. 

The  freshness  and  vivid  interest  of  the  narrativB  and  the 
comprehensive  gcneralizaiion  which  springs  naturally  from 
the  author's  plan  of  a  large  work  on  American  history,  of 
which  the  two  volumes  now  published  are  no  more  than  a 
third  or  a  fourth  part,  make  it  a  book  of  new  and  pemunent 
inleresL  —  Springpeld  RtftMican. 

CIVIL  GOVERNMENT  IN  THE  UNITED 

STATES 
Considered  with  some  Rtftrence  to  its  Origins.     With 
Questions  on  the  Text  by  Frank  A.  Hill,  and  Bmi^ 
graphical  Notes  by  Mr.  Fiske.    lamo,  %i.oo,  net. 
If  this  admirable  volume  (Fiske's"Civi]Govemment  ")caii 
be  (airly  taught  to  our  rising  generation,  the  future,  we  be- 
lieve, will  show  Itial  Mr.  Fislie  has  never  done  more  use- 
fnl  wiirk  than  In  its  preparation. —  The  CengrigatienalisI 
(BoMon). 


3,a,l,zc.bvG00gIC 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD   OF  AMERI- 
CAN  HISTORY.     1783-1789. 

H^itM  MaPt  Notes,  etc.     Crown  8vo,  ta.oo. 

Tbe  author  cnmbines  in  (n  unusual  degree  Ihe  impartuUitj 
of  Ihe  uaiacd  Khiilar  with  the  [error  of  the  interoiLed  nar- 
rator. .  .  .  The  volume  should  be  in  every  library  in  the 
UmL—  7X«  CangrtguliimaJui  (Boston). 

An  admirable  book.  .  .  .  Mr.  Fiske  has  a  great  talent  for 
making  hutory  interesting  to  thcg-ncral  reader.  —  A'etB  York 
77ma. 

THE     BEGINNINGS     OF    NEW    ENG- 
LAND; 

Or,  tkg  Puritan  T^eceraty  in  its  Jftlatiom  to  Civil  and 
Keti^euz  Liberty.  Crown  Svo,  tSJXJ. 
It  deals  with  Che  early  colonial  hisCoiy  of  New  England  fo 
the  entertaining  and  vivid  style  which  has  marked  all  of  Mr. 
Fiske's  writings  on  American  history,  and  it  i«  distinguished, 
like  tbem,  by  its  aggressive  patriotism  and  its  justice  to  all 
nanieK  in  conlroveriiy-  .  .  .  The  whole  lK>ok  is  novel  and 
fresh  in  treatment,  philosophical  and  wise,  and  will  not  be  laid 
down  till  one  has  read  the  last  paec,  and  remain*  impatient 
for  what  is  still  to  come.  — Aoi/oh  I'ail. 

THE  WAR   OF   INDEPENDENCE. 

I»  Riv$rtidt  Library  fer  Young  People.     With  Mt^t. 

JOmo,  JS  cents. 

John  Fiske's  "War  of  Independence"  is  a  miracle.  ■  .  ■ 
AbMk  brilliant  and  effective  beyond  measure.  ...  It  fa  a 
•tatement  tbat  every  child  can  comprehend,  but  that  only  a 
DUDofcaosummaie  genius  could  have  writteiL  —  Uj*.CaKO- 
LlNiL  H.  GmJU  in  Ikt  SfringfielJ  KtfmHieaa. 

The  %Kitj  of  the  Revolution,  as  Mr.  Fiske  tell*  it,  i»  om  of 
snipasaing  interest.  His  treatment  is  a  marvel  of  cleamCM 
and  comprehensiveness!  discarding  non-csi-ential  detaila,  he 
■elecuwith  a  fine  historic  instinct  Ihe  main  currents  of  hlstotr, 
traces  them  with  the  utmost  precision,  and  tells  the  whole 
story  in  a  masterly  fashion.  His  little  volume  will  be  a  tul- 
book  for  older  quite  as  much  as  for  young  readen.  —  Ckrit- 
Han  d'B.wi  (New  York). 

OUTLINES  OF  COSMIC  PHILOSOPHY 
Based  on  the  Doctrine  of  Eveltilion,  viifh  Criiidims  m 


the  Positive  PAitosophy.  Jti  two  volumes.  Svo,t6M>. 
*  Vou  must  allow  me  to  thank  you  for  the  ver 
Mt  with  which  I  have  at  last  slowly  read  the  n 


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theism  and 

ttnpt  out  o 

■ad  piobablj  jrou  would  nut  care  to  hear. 

find  that  beie  and  there  I  had  arrived,  from  mjr  own  cruds 

thunghti,  at  lome  of  the  saine  conduaioni  with  vou,  though  I 

could  leldom  or  never  have  given  my  reasons  tor  luch  coo- 

duaioM,"  —  Chahles  DAiiwrN. 

Thi»  work  of  Mr.  Fiikc's  may  be  not  unfairly  designated 
the  most  Important  contribution  yet  made  by  America  to 
philoeophica]  Uierature. —  Tkt  Aauitmjr  (London). 

DARWINISM,  AND  OTHER  ESSAYS. 

If  ever  there  was  a  sptn't  thoroughly  invigorated  by  the 
"joy  of  rjsliE  understanding  "  it  is  that  lA  the  author  of  theie 
pitcea.  Even  tlie  reader  catches  something  of  his  Intellec* 
tnal  buoyancy,  and  is  thus  carried  almost  lightly  through  di» 
cunions  which  would  be  hard  and  dry  in  the  hands  of  a  len 
•ninuted  writer.  .  .  .  No  less  confident  and  aerenc  ihan  his 
acceptance  of  the  utmost  logical  results  of  ncent  scientific 
discovery  is  Mr.  Fiske's  assurance  that  the  foundations  of 
■pirilual  truth*,  no  called,  cannot  possibly  be  shaken  thereby. 
—  Tkt  AUaatic  Mmthly  (Boston). 

THE  UNSEEN  WORLD, 
AHd  Other  Essays.  iMio,  t>-oo. 
To  each  stud^r  the  writer  aeems  to  have  brought,  be^ot 
in  excellent  quality  of  discrimrnating  judgment,  full  and  fresh 
spedal  knowledge,  that  enable*  him  to  supply  much  informa- 
tion on  the  subject,  whatever  it  may  be,  that  is  not  lo  be  fnund 
in  the  volume  he  is  noticing.  To  the  knowledge,  analytical 
power,  and  facalty  nf  clear  statement,  that  appear  in  all  these 
papers,  Mr.  Fiske  adds  a  ^t  bdependence  of  thought  that 
conciliates  respectful  consideration  of  his  views,  even  when 
dter  are  most  at  variance  widi  the  coinnioiily  accepted  one*. 
— '  Betttn  Advertittr, 

EXCURSIONS  OF  AN  EVOLUTIONIST. 
time,  %3.oo. 
Among  onr  thonghtfnl  essayist*  there  ore  none  more  bril. 
liant  than  Mr.  John  Fl4ce.  Hts  pure  Rtyle  suits  hi*  clear 
thciDghL  He  does  not  write  unless  be  ha*  something  losaj; 
and  when  he  does  write  he  shows  not  only  that  be  ha*  thor- 
Mtghly  acquainted  himself  witb  the  subject,  bnt  that  ha  bu 


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to  a  nre  degree  the  art  of  so  m*MmK  his  natter  u  tc  bring  out 
the  true  value  of  tbe  leading  points  in  aiiiatic  relief.  11  w 
thi*  per*peciive  whicb  nia.kea  bis  work  such  urceable  read- 
ing even  on  abstruse  «ub}eL.-u,  and  has  enabled  htm  to  play 
the  tame  part  in  popularizing  Spencer  in  ihia  country  ihat 
Littrrf  performed  tor  Comte  in  France,  and  Dumont  for  13en- 
tham  In  England.  The  same  qualitirs  appear  lo  good  ad- 
vantage in  hu  new  volume,  which  contains  hia  later  euajs  on 
hia  favorite  tubject  of  evolution.  .  .  .  The;  are  well  worth 
Tcperuaal.  —  TAd  Nati<m  (New  York). 

MYTHS  AND  MYTH-MAKERS.  . 
Old  Tales  imd  Superstitions  interfireUd  by  Compara- 
five  Mythology,     itmo,  $3.00. 

lit.  Fiske  has  given  ui  a  book  which  is  at  once  seniible  and 
attractive,  on  a  subject  about  which  much  is  written  that  is 
crotchety  or  tediou*.  —  W,  R,  S.  Ralstqm,  in  Aihrrma» 
(London). 

A  perusal  of  this  thorough  work  cannot  be  too  strong; 
recommended  lo  all  who  are  interested  in  comparative  my- 
thology.  —  Retna  Criiiqtu  (Paris). 

THE  DESTINY  OF  MAN. 

VUwtdi*  the  Light  of  his  Origin.  i6mo,gilt  fop,  fr.oo. 
Mr.  Fiske  has  given  us  in  his  "Destiny  of  Man"  a  most 
attractive  condensation  of  his  views  as  eipressrd  in  bis  va- 
rioua  other  works.  One  is  charmed  by  the  directnes 
deameiis  of  his  style,  his  simple       '  —     ■■  ■ 

evident  knowledge  of  his  subject. 

aore,  that  none  are  leading  us  mine  hujcij  uj  m^juiy  lu  me 
full  truth  than  men  like  the  author  of  this  little  bciok,  who 
reverently  study  the  works  of  God  for  the  lessons  which  he 
would  teach  his  children.  —  CTnifiow  f«<™  (New  York). 

THE  IDEA  OF  GOD, 
As  Affected  fy  Modem  KnotvUdge.  i6mo,  gilt  t<ip,ti.oo. 
The  chaima  of  John  Fiske's  style  are  patent  The  aecreti 
of  its  fluency,  clearness,  and  beauty  are  secrets  which  many 
a  maker  of  literaiy  stufi  has  attempted  to  unravel,  in  order 
to  weave  like  clnth-of-gold.  ...  A  model  For  author*  and  a 
delight  to  readers.—  The  Cn'tie  (New  York). 

Stnt  by  UNU'I,  pettfaid,  «■ 

HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  &  CO. 
4  Pork  Street,  Boston  ;  11  East  tjih  Street,  New  York. 


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