A Documentary History of
American Industrial
Society
Volume V
,. ,-.-- 1
ROBERT DALE OWEN
Leader of the Working Men's Party in New York, 1829-1830
(From a Portrait in the Library of the Working Merits Institute, New
Harmony, Indiana)
A Documentary History of
American Industrial
Society
Edited by John R. Commons
Ulrich B. Phillips, Eugene A. Gilmore
Helen L. Sumner, and John B. Andrews
Prepared under the auspices of the American Bureau of
Industrial Research, with the co-operation of the
Carnegie Institution of Washington
With preface by Richard T. Ely
and introduction by John B. Clark
Volume V
Labor Movement
Cleveland, Ohio
The Arthur H. Clark Company
1910
COPYRIGHT, 1910, BY
THE ARTHUR H. CLARK OX
AU rights reserved
AMERICAN BUREAU OF INDUSTRIAL RESEARCH
DIRECTORS AND EDITORS
RICHARD T. ELY, PH.D., LL.D., Professor of Political Economy,
University of Wisconsin
JOHN R. COMMONS, A.M., Professor of Political Economy,
University of Wisconsin
JOHN B. CLARK, PH.D., LL.D., Professor of Political Economy,
Columbia University
V. EVERIT MACY, Chairman, New York City
ALBERT SHAW, PH.D., LL.D., Editor, American Review
of Reviews
ULRICH B. PHILLIPS, PH.D., Professor of History and Political
Science, Tulane University
EUGENE A. GILMORE, LL.B., Professor of Law,
University of Wisconsin
HELEN L. SUMNER, PH.D., United States Bureau of Labor
JOHN B. ANDREWS, PH.D., Secretary,
American Association for Labor Legislation
THE DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF AMERICAN
INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY COMPRISES
VOL. I Plantation and Frontier, Volume 1,
by Ulrich B. Phillips
VOL. II Plantation and Frontier, Volume 2,
by Ulrich B. Phillips
VOL. Ill Labor Conspiracy Cases, 1806-1842, Volume 1,
by John R. Commons and Eugene A. Gilmore
VOL. IV Labor Conspiracy Cases, 1806-1842, Volume 2,
by John R. Commons and Eugene A. Gilmore
VOL. V Labor Movement, 1820-1840, Volume 1,
by John R. Commons and Helen L. Sumner
VOL. VI Labor Movement, 1820-1840, Volume 2,
by John R. Commons and Helen L. Sumner
VOL. VII Labor Movement, 1840-1860, Volume 1,
by John R. Commons
VOL. VIII Labor Movement, 1840-1860, Volume 2,
by John R. Commons
VOL. IX Labor Movement, 1860-1880, Volume 1,
by John R. Commons and John B. Andrews
VOL. X Labor Movement, 1860-1880, Volume 2,
by John R. Commons and John B. Andrews
LABOR MOVEMENT
1820-1840
Selected, Collated, and Edited by
JOHN R. COMMONS, A. M.
Professor of Political Economy,
University of Wisconsin
and
HELEN L. SUMNER, PH.D.
United States Bureau of Labor
Volume I
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION to Volumes V and VI . . ig
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....... 39
LABOR MOVEMENT DOCUMENTS, 1820-1840:
I ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
1 The Land Question . . f . . .43
(a) Memorial to Congress
(b) The Relation of the Public Lands to Strikes
2 Money and Banks , . . . . .48
(a) Small Notes
(i) In Pennsylvania
' (2) In New York
(b) Influence of Paper Money on the Working People
(c) The Idlers and the Workers
3 Prison Labor . . . . . 51
(a) The Effect of Prison Labor
(b) State Prison Sales
(c) Report of the Philadelphia Cordwainers
4 Child Labor 57
(a) Children in the Factories of Massachusetts, 1825
(b) Children in Philadelphia Factories, 1830
(c) Child Labor at Paterson, N.J., 1835
5 Apprenticeship , , . . . .67
(a) Legal Aspects
(b) Runaways
(c) Abuses of the System
II THE MECHANICS' UNION OF TRADE ASSOCIATIONS AND THE
PHILADELPHIA POLITICAL MOVEMENT
Introduction ....... 75
I The First City Central Organization . . . 80
(a) Its Origin
(1) The Journeymen Carpenters demand a Ten-hour Day
(2) The Employers resist the Demand
12 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
(3) The Reply of the Journeymen
(4) They decide to strike
(b) Preamble of the Mechanics' Union of Trade As-
sociations
(c) The Entrance into Politics
2 The Working Men's Party . . . . .91
(a) The First General Meeting
(b) Questions addressed to Candidates for the State Leg-
islature
(c) The Education Question
(1) The Report of the Working Men's Committee
(2) The Argument against Public Schools
(d) Address of the City and County Convention to the
Working Men of the State
3 Cooperation . . . . . t .124
(a) The Plan of the Cincinnati Labour for Labour
Stores
(b) Constitution of the Philadelphia Labour for Labour
Association
(c) A Letter from Josiah Warren
III THE WORKING MEN'S PARTY OF NEW YORK
Introduction . T . r
141
1 The Origin of the Movement . . . .146
(a) The Mechanics remonstrate against Extension of
Working Day beyond Ten Hours
(b) They appoint a Committee of Fifty
2 The Agrarian Party ..... I49
(a) The Report and Resolutions of the Committee of Fifty
(b) Universal Suffrage is blamed
(c) A 'Tarty Founded on the Most Alarming Principles"
3 The Reorganized Working Men's Party . . .157
4 The Second Split in the Party , . . * l6<>
(a) The State Guardianship Plan of Education
(b) A "Republican System of Education"
5 Frances Wright on "The People at War" . . I? g
t> Prospects of the Working Men . . ' '182
IV THE NEW ENGLAND ASSOCIATION OF FARMERS, MECHANICS
AND OTHER WORKINGMEN
Introduction
. 185
five] CONTENTS
1 The Boston Working Men's Party . . .188
(a) Its Platform
(b) A Libel on the Community
2 "New England Convention of February f 1832 . .192
(a) Call for the Convention
(b) The Constitution
(c) Report of the Committee on Education
V. GENERAL TRADES' UNION OF NEW YORK CITY AND VICINITY
Introduction . . . . . . 203
1 The Carpenters' Strike . . . . . 208
(a) The Journeymen's Statement
(b) "The American System Among the Journeymen"
2 The General Trades' Union .... 212
(a) Circular of the Typographical Association
(b) Preliminary Convention
(c) Constitution
(d) Proceedings, 1834-1836
(e) A typical strike -The Bakers
(1) The Demands
(2) Action of the Trades' Union
(3) Appeal to the Bakers of the United States
(4) The Remedy - Trade Agreements
(f) The Fruits of Trades' Unions
(g) The Employers organize
(1) The Curriers and Leather Dealers
(2) The Cordwainers
3 The Tailors' Strike of 1836 . . . . 314
(a) Notice to Tailors of the United States
(b) Resolutions of the Master Tailors
(c) The Trial for Conspiracy
(1) Appeal for Aid
(2) The Coffin Handbill
(3) Great Meeting in the Park
VI GENERAL TRADES' UNION OF THE CITY AND COUNTY OF
PHILADELPHIA
Introduction ....... 3 2 5
I The Trades' Union of Pennsylvania . . . 3^9
(a) Blockley Meeting
(b) The Working People of Manayunk to the Public
I 4 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
(c) Call for a Convention
(d) Proceedings
2 The Philadelphia Trades' Union . . . .338
(a) Preliminary Convention
(b) Address to Mechanics and Working Men
(c) Constitution
(d) Organization
(e) Proceedings, 1836-1837
(f) What is the "Trades' Union ?"
ILLUSTRATIONS
PORTRAIT OF ROBERT DALE OWEN . . . Frontispiece
From a portrait in the library of the Working Men's Institute,
New Harmony, Indiana
MOVEMENT OF WHOLESALE PRICES . . . .18
PORTRAIT OF MATHEW CAREY . . . facing page 68
From Sartain's engraving of Nagle's portrait, painted about
1825
PORTRAIT OF JOSIAH WARREN . . . . 135
From a photograph by Frank Rowell. Reproduced by permis-
sion from Bailie's Josiah Warren t the first American An-
archist
PORTRAIT OF FRANCES WRIGHT . . . . 179
From an oil painting in the possession of her grandson, William
M. Guthrie of Sewanee, Tennessee
INTRODUCTION TO VOLUMES V AND VI
The accompanying chart, representing roughly the
average movement of prices of commodities through
the greater part of the nineteenth century, will serve
both as a clue to the labor movements of the time and as
a justification of our division into three periods, 1820
1840, 1840-1860, and 1860-1880. Each upward turn of
the curve of prices points to a period of business pros-
perity, each pinnacle is a commercial crisis, and each
downward bend is an index of industrial depression.
During a time when the level of prices is rising, em-
ployers generally are making profits, are multiplying
sales, are enlarging their capital, are running full time
and overtime, are calling for more labor, and are able
to pay higher wages. On the other hand, the cost of
living and the hours of labor are increased, and work-
men, first as individuals, then as organizations, are im-
pelled to demand both higher wages and reduced hours.
Consequently, after prices are well on the way upward
the " labor movement" emerges in the form of unions
and strikes, and these are at first successful. Then the
employers begin their counter-organization, and the
courts are appealed to- The unions are sooner or later
defeated, and when the period of depression ensues,
with its widespread unemployment, the labor movement
either subsides or changes its form to political or social-
istic agitation, to ventures in cooperation or commun-
ism, or to other panaceas. This cycle has been so con-
sistently repeated, although with varying shades .and
20
AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
details, that it has compelled recognition in the selection
and editing of the documents of this series.
The periods naturally begin and end at the lowest
points of the curve of prices. Thus the first period in-
cludes the rise of prices culminating in 1825 an d again
in 1836, and ending in the midst of the seven distressful
years, 1837 to ^43- The secon d period includes the
brief recovery of 1844, and the vigorous uprising of
1850 to 1856, while the third period, beginning with
the paradoxical prosperity of the Civil War, includes
the recovery of 1872 and the collapse and depression of
1873 to 1879.
Thus it is that questions of money, banking, and credit
have determined our three great periods of industrial
history; and it is not an extravagance to claim, after
contemplating also the wider political and social agita-
tions accompanying the industrial movement, that the
curve of prices here outlined is the backbone of Ameri-
can history.
The period from 1820 to 1840 may rightly be named
the Awakening Period of the American Labor Move-
ment. True, there were organizations of labor prior to
this period. The printers as early as 1786, and the
cordwainers as early as 1794, are known to have had ag-
gressive societies in New York and Philadelphia. But
these and other labor organizations were only local so-
cieties of individual trades. They provoked occasional
strikes and several trials for conspiracy; and in 1825,
the culminating year of the first rise in prices, there was
some political shifting of the labor vote. But it was
not until 1827 that the real movement began with the
organization in Philadelphia of the Mechanics' Union
of Trade Associations. Previous to that time organiza-
tion had been limited merely to separate trades, and
there had been no union of trades and no union of
five] INTRODUCTION 21
working men as ,a class for a common object. The un-
skilled laborers were inarticulate, and the skilled work-
men were separated by divergent trade interests. Sep-
arately each society was only a trade club, united they
were a social class. An isolated society might create a
disturbance -not until it united with others could it
create a "movement." "This is the first time/' said the
earliest American labor paper, the Mechanics' Free
Press, in 1828, "that the working men have attempted,
in a public meeting, to inquire whether they possess, as
individuals or as a class, any right to say by whom they
shall be governed." l It was this class organization that
aroused the general public, and what before was "in-
teresting" or "amusing" now became menacing.
The very history of our modern word " trade-union"
indicates both the confusion of the public and the nov-
elty of the movement. The organization within a
single trade was originally known as a trade associa-
tion, or a trade society, as is the case today in certain
trade-unions. But, to indicate the new form of rep-
resentative organization, the several societies that came
together adopted, first, the term Union of Trade Asso-
ciations, then the term General Trades' Union. The
apostrophe after the word trades indicates the abbrevia-
tion. The trades' union was simply the union of trades.
The constituent unions, as we now name them, continued
to be known as societies or associations. But the general
public, which knew little of the societies but was
alarmed by their union, transferred the name trades'
union from the representative body of all the trades to
the primary body of the single trade. So that, what
was originally a Trades' Union has sought other names,
such as Trades' Assembly, Trades' Council, Central
Labor Union or Federation of Labor, leaving to the
1 Mechanics' Free Press (Philadelphia), Aug. 16, 1828, p. 2, col. 4.
22 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
union of individuals in a single trade the metaphorical
phrase trade-union.
In this sense of the word America might contest
with Great Britain the priority of trades-unionism. Ac-
cording to Mr. and Mrs. Webb, Manchester possessed
a trades' union as early as 1826, but it "expired before
it was so much as known to a majority of the operatives
in the neighborhood." 2 The next union of local clubs
was;not effected until December, 1829, two years after
the Philadelphia "Mechanics' Union of Trade Associ-
ations." But even this was not a union of different
trades but a union of local societies of the same trade-
the spinners. 8 There is no record of this second form
of organization in America until 1835 and 1836, when
five trades formed organizations whose records ane
here brought together in the chapter on National
Trade Unions. The second trades' union proper, that
is, a central body of separate trades, was organized in
Manchester, England, in 1830. It resulted in the Na-
tional Association for the Protection of Labour, and was
succeeded in 1832 by the Builders' Union or the Gener-
al Trades Union, 4 and this by the Grand National Con-
solidated Trades Union in 1834, which disappeared
within a year. 5 These trades unions were nominally na-
tional in extent; but a "national" union in England,
covering four or five counties, would be considered a
district or state assembly in America. The first Na-
tional Trades' Union in the United States, whose pro-
ceedings are herewith unearthed after three generations
of oblivion, was organized in 1834, and held conventions
2 Webb, S. and B. History of Trade Unionism ( 19 o2), second edition,
107, note.
*IbuL -
*The apostrophe after "trades" was nearly always used in America, but
apparently not in England.
5 Webb, S. and B. op. tit., 106.
five] INTRODUCTION 23
in 1835, 1836, and 1837 with delegates from local trades
unions as widely separated as Boston, Washington, and
Cincinnati. Instead of declining in six months, it con-
tinued through three years of remarkable success and
disappeared only with the panic of 1837. The local
unions whose delegates formed the national, were ex-
actly similar to the then extinct Philadelphia Mechan-
ics' Union of Trade Associations of 1827; but when
they began to organize in 1833, they borrowed from
England the name trades' union. Thus it was that,
both in name and in substance, the awakening period
of the labor movement was the union of separate trades
on the basis of the class interest common to all.
But the awakening was not in all cases complete.
The separation of classes was not always decisive. Un-
like the situation in England, the factory system, with
its clear-cut division of employer from employee, was
not yet developed. Whatever may have been its origin
in other countries, the labor movement in America did
not spring from factory conditions. It arose as a pro-
test against the merchant-capitalist system. 6 The fac-
tories were as yet confined to one branch of cotton
textiles, employing mainly women and children. These
did not take part in the organized movement. The
effort, indeed, of the New England Association of Farm-
ers, Mechanics and Working Men to secure the coop-
eration of the factory operatives was distinctly a fail-
ure. But the merchant-capitalist system, with its exten-
sion of the markets through improved transportation,
with its enlargement of credits through the banking
system, with its option of purchase over wide areas of
competing producers, had begun to reduce both the
journeyman and the master-mechanic to a common lev-
el of dependency. With the rapid growth of cities and
See description of the system in Introduction, vol. Hi.
24 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
the appearance of the speculative capitalist-builder the
same sweat-shop methods invaded the building trades.
"We would not be too severe on our employers, 37 said
the building mechanics of Boston in 1834, "they are the
slaves to the capitalists as we are to them." T
At several points we find this reluctance of the jour-
neyman to break away from the master, and the hesita-
tion of the master in choosing between the side of his
journeyman and that of the capitalist. The trades'
union of Boston admitted the master mechanic, because
"the bos is often brought back to journeywork by hard
luck, and the journeyman may expect in his turn to be-
come an employer, while both of them are invariably
imposed upon and treated .as if belonging to an inferior
grade of society by those who live without labor." 8
In New York and Philadelphia the lines were more
clearly drawn and employers were sooner or later ex-
cluded. But even within these larger cities the move-
ment at first was not so much the modern alignment of
wage-earner against employer, as the alignment of the
producing classes against the nonproducers. It was the
poor against the rich, the worker against the owner. At
the third meeting of the Working Men's Party in New
York, it was not the employers who were given five min-
utes to withdraw, but "persons not living by some useful
occupation, such as bankers, brokers, rich men, etc." 9
In the words of Frances Wright, the radical free-
thought agitator and friend of the working men's move-
ment: "It is labor rising up against idleness, industry
against money, justice against law and against privi-
lege.^- It was this community of the producing class-
7 The Man (New York), May 13, 1834.
8 The Man, May 30, 1834.
9 Working Man's Advocate (New York), Oct. 13, 1829
Free Enquirer (New York), Nove. 27, 1830.
five] INTRODUCTION
es, rather than the wage-earning classes, that brought
forth throughout the country many societies of " Farm-
ers, Mechanics, and Working Men," and even far away
in the mountains of Tennessee elevated to the position
of alderman in 1834 the tailor, Andrew Johnson, on
the ticket of the Working Men's Party.
Industrially the United States was just beginning to
share the progress effected by the industrial revolution
in England. The introduction of manufacturing indus-
tries to compete with those of the mother country was
still a question in dispute. The arguments turned not
only on the difficulties of competition, but on evil con-
ditions of labor under the factory system, the revelations
of which were beginning to startle England and the
world. The financial system, as well as the tariff policy
of the United States, was in process of development.
The cities of the country were small. In 1830, New
York City contained less than 200,000 persons, and in
1840 only a little over 300,000. And not only were the
cities small, but the rural economy of the country was
of comparatively great importance. In 1830, only 6.7
per cent, and in 1840 only 8.5 per cent, of the total pop-
ulation of the United States lived in cities of over 8,000
population, as compared with 33.1 per cent in 1900.
Agricultural industries were predominant, compared
with manufacture and commerce.
Immigration at this time, though only just beginning
on a large scale, was almost as disturbing as it is today.
The immigrants were chiefly English and Irish, but
many of them were paupers furnished passage to this
country by the p.arish authorities; and the Irish espe-
cially were lawless, and frequently engaged in riots.
On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that these
paupers were many of them merely the victims of the
26 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
English poor-law. "The term pauper, as used in
England/' said a newspaper writer in 1830, "and more
particularly the agricultural districts, embraces that
numerous class of society who depend for subsistence,
solely upon the labor of their hands." u Moreover, many
of the so-called riots of the period were really strikes of
unskilled and ignorant laborers. Sometimes an over-
seer absconded with their wages and they had no means
of redress. Sometimes they were subjected to rules or
conditions of work which seemed to them unjust. And
often their wages were insufficient to*support themselves
and families.
But the historical event that truly gave character to
the early labor movement was the extension of man-
hood suffrage. It was this that made possible the two
distinct but related movements, first a political move-
ment during the years 1828 to 1832, and second a
trades'-union movement from 1833 to 1837.
At the time of the constitution of 1787, possibly one
person in twenty was a voter. To-day, one person in
five is a voter. 12 This dilution of citizenship, so ex-
treme in its contrast of the twentieth and the eighteenth
centuries, was the work of two revolutions in the nine-
teenth century. The first, a peaceable one, culminating
in the decade of the twenties, eliminated the distinction
of property. The second, a violent one, following the
civil war, eliminated the distinction of race. The
first has provoked problems of government and econ-
omics which are still in process of solution ; the second
provoked insoluble problems and ended in reaction.
In 1827, *e suffrage in the hands of unpropertied
mechanics and laborers was a new and untried weapon.
11 Philadelphia National Gazette, Aug. 18, 1830, p. i, col. 3.
12 Hart, A.B. Practical Essays on American Government (New York
35-
five] INTRODUCTION
27
Naturally, on the first provocation that brought many
of them together, they experimented with it. This
provocation was their failure to get shorter hours of
labor and the attempt of employers to lengthen their
hours. Out of their struggle for leisure sprang the first
Working Men's Parties in Philadelphia and New York.
The Mechanics' Union, organized as a union of trades
to support strikes, resolved itself into a party to elect
"friends." At first their grievance was vague. The
elective franchise was not yielding to "the working
classes the advantages which they were entitled to ex-
pect." Soon, however, in Philadelphia and elsewhere,
they formulated their demands ; and foremost stood the
issues of public education, imprisonment for debt, the
militia system, and mechanics' liens.
Free schools, supported by taxes, were the first de-
mand of enfranchised labor. There were, at that time,
"no public schools where children could prepare for
the grammar schools. . . In New England, except-
ing Rhode Island ... the principle of free tax-
supported schools for all was, in theory, accepted. Else-
where free public elementary education was only for
the poor. But even in New England the free schools
were much less efficient than private ones. . . In
New York and Pennsylvania the issue was clear-cut;
it was definitely and unmistakably 'free' versus 'pau-
per' schools." 13 This was indeed a situation which
calculated to evoke the protests and demands of the
working men. Hitherto our historical knowledge
of the free-school movement has ascribed that move-
ment to the great humanitarian leaders with Horace
Mann at their head. But Mr. Carlton, after a careful
13 Carlton, F.T. "Economic Influences upon Educational Progress in the
United States, 1820-1850," in the University of Wisconsin Bulletin, no. 221,
22 ff.
28 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
study of the documents herewith presented, concludes
that "the vitality of the movement for tax-supported
schools was derived, not from the humanitarian lead-
ers, but from the growing class of wage-earners." 14
The working men placed this demand foremost The
older parties took it up and candidates pledged them-
selves to it. The educational leaders appealed to a con-
stituency already awakened. The Working Men's Par-
ty disappeared, but its issue was adopted by all parties,
and free education became the finest fruit of universal
suffrage.
So it was with imprisonment for debt. Looking
back from our vantage-ground of the twentieth cen-
tury, we can hardly understand the state of mind that
supported this last resort of the creditor. From that
period when the body of the debtor, like his chattels,
could be levied upon, we have moved to a period of ex-
emption laws when not even his chattels, his home, or
his wages can be taken for debt. Exemption laws are
now taken for granted as a part of the primal nature of
things, and property rights yield to human rights when
the home, the family, and the minimum of subsistence
are at stake. Only as we contemplate this profound
revolution of three generations can we appreciate the
beginning made by the Working Men's Party of 1829
and the shock given to the dominant interests by
"workeyism."
Not only as a debtor was the working man driven
into a corner, but also as a creditor he failed often to
get the full wages due him. He was paid in store or-
ders, and even when paid in cash he could not know that
his paper money was good at its face. His employer
might be a small and irresponsible boss, and the me-
chanic^ lien was a lien good only for the master. One
14 Carlton, F.T. op. cit., 122.
five] INTRODUCTION
29
of the first results of the Working Men's Party was a
lien law in New York good for the journeyman and la-
borer as well as the contractor; and this was the crude
beginning of another revolution which today requires
the employer to pay his laborers regularly, and in cash
or equivalent, before all other creditors.
The objection of the working men to the compulsory
militia system was at bottom the same as their objection
to imprisonment for debt. A system designed in the
early days of republican simplicity to obviate a stand-
ing army and thus to protect the rights of all, it offered
to rich and poor alike the option of fine or imprison-
ment for nonattendance on drill and parade, at their
own expense for arms and accoutrement. To the man
of property this meant exemption -to the working man
imprisonment
These were the primary demands of the labor parties.
They show that what the working man of the thirties
asked was not mere equality before the law. He asked
to be given a preference over property. Instead of an
education vouchsafed only to the children of those who
could afford it, he asked that the owners of property
be required to pay for the education of children whose
parents could not .afford it. Instead of being compelled,
like owners of property, to pay his debts, he asked to be
exempted from the sacred obligation of contracts. In-
stead of equality with other creditors, he asked that
wages take precedence of all other forms of credit.
The fact that in our own day and generation we still
are told by high authority to affirm the equal treatment
of capital and labor before the law ought to enable us
to understand the position of those who in 1829 opposed
the working men's demands. From the accepted stand-
point of their time these demands were not inspired by
a just regard for equality, but by "agrarian" thirst for
3 o AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
other people's property. Their standpoint was the
naive theory, even yet animating our jurisprudence, that
thinks only in terms of property, and conceives of labor
and wages only as one kind of property to be treated
like other kinds. It is because our modern view has
shifted unconsciously from the standpoint of property
to the standpoint of man that we fail to see either the
consistency of those who opposed the demands of 1829
or our inconsistency in asserting the equal treatment
of capital and labor. In this we have accepted the
working men's point of view as it was in 1829, unwit-
ting that in so far we give precedence, not equality, to
labor over capital.
This was done, not by virtue of partisanship for labor,
but because experience of the new political and eco-
nomic conditions had gone far enough to show that op-
pression of the working man brought down the social
fabric with him. Compulsory militia service had be-
come a source of dissipation ; absconding contractors and
imprisonment for debt had demoralized the laborer,
and discouraged his efforts toward honest industry; an
ignorant electorate was a political menace. Thus a
nation whose industrial progress was bringing forth a
class of wage-earners endowed with the suffrage could
well afford to give to labor priority over capital before
the law.
Other issues that appeared in the working men's plat-
forms were equal taxation, a less expensive system of
legal procedure, no legislation on religion, direct elec-
tion of all officers, a district system of election, and op-
position to banks and other chartered monopolies.
These issues indicate the points of agreement between
wage-earners and other producers. Each of them has
been taken up by other parties, and reforms have been
enacted, though not always in the crude and negative
five] INTRODUCTION 31
manner advocated by the working men. Thus char-
tered monopolies have not been abolished, but the spe-
cial legislation and its political lobby required for the
incorporation of each company, which was the real evil
that justified the term monopoly, have given way to
general acts of incorporation.
The political movement ended before 1832. The
trades' union period began in 1833. These were years
of intense engrossment in national politics. Jackson
and the Bank occupied the stage and excluded nearly
every other political concern. They were years, too,
of business stagnation. Not until 1835 did the working
men bestir themselves -this time under entirely differ-
ent conditions, and with entirely different policies born
of experience and necessity.
The bottom of the business depression was reached
in 1834. Thereupon, after the Bank of the United
States had subsided, thanks to Jackson and destructive
Democracy supported by the working men's votes, its
place was filled by a host of state banks and a flood of
paper money. The working men's papers echo their
protests, especially against small bills. Beginning in
1835 this inflation drove prices upward at a rate un-
equalled in this country during any other period, ex-
cepting the civil war. Wheat flour in New York, cost-
ing $5.00 a barrel in 1834, rose to $7' * n J u ^ J ^3Sj
$8.00 in April, 1836, and $12.00 in March, 1837; mess
pork, $13.00 to $14.00 in 1834, $30.00 in October, 1836.
and so on for the necessities of life. 15 Rents rose in sim-
ilar ratio. u The distress of the poor," said the New
York Evening Post in February, 1836, "is beyond de-
scription. The price of fuel has risen beyond the
means of the needy."
Two years before the time of this bank inflation the
15 United States Finance Report (1863), 302-308.
32 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
seed of trades' unionism had been planted again, this
time in New York, followed by Baltimore, Philadel-
phia, Boston, Albany, Troy, Washington, Newark, New
Brunswick, Schenectady, Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, and
Louisville. Profiting by the lesson of the Working
Men's Parties, politics and religion were proscribed.
The trades' unions adhered strictly to their purpose of
aiding societies in their strikes, either by contributions
or by publication and warning against employers who
refused concessions.
The culmination of the local trades' unions was the
National Trades' Union. This was the first organiza-
tion of American wage-earners on a national scale, the
remote ancestor of the National Labor Union of 1867,
the Knights of Labor, 1878, and the American Federa-
tion of Labor, 1886. Its constitution reveals its primi-
tive character, for it was not an organization of national
"trade" unions, each with its "locals," but an organiza-
tion of local "trades' unions," each with its societies of
different trades. It held its last convention in 1837, and
from that time until now this remarkable episode in the
history of American labor has been utterly forgotten.
The National Trades' Union was an association of
local assemblies or unions, each of which was composed
of local societies of the several trades. There were as
yet no national organizations of the local societies of a
single trade. The railroad had not appeared with its
extension of the area of competition. Only the rivers
and the highways afforded transit for the itinerant me-
chanic or the escaped apprentice, as he painfully moved
from an area of low wages to one of high wages. But
the strikes of 1835 and 1836 vividly impressed the local
societies with the need of something more than the sup-
port of other trades in the same locality. The cord-
wainers, printers, carpenters, and other trades started
five] INTRODUCTION 33
correspondence or held conventions, showing that the
extending area of competition was a matter of common
experience. But it was not until thirty years thereafter,
when the civil war and the railroad had brought forth
a new labor movement, that the modern form of organi-
zation, the National and the International Trade Union,
finally took the place of the primitive form, the Nation-
al Trades' Union. Indeed, not until the "greenback" had
again forced up the cost of living in 1863, as did the
wild-cat banks in 1835, did a labor movement arise
comparable to that of the thirties.
The issues that were placed foremost in the trades'-
union period of the thirties were different from those
of the political period. The political issues were re-
peated, but new issues were emphasized. These were
hours of labor, wages, prices, paper money, public
employment, factory legislation and the competition
of women, prison competition, and freedom of the pub-
lic lands.
Although the trades' unions existed prior to 1835, it
was not until that year, with its rise of prices, that they
awoke to vigorous action. But it was not the cost of liv-
ing that first demanded attention -it was the hours of
labor and overwork. The feverish prosperity of bank
inflation and the taste of unusual profits enticed em-
ployers to drive their workmen ; and the long hours of
labor which were welcomed as a boon in time of depres-
sion became unbearable in time of prosperity. The sys-
tem of working from sun to sun had been taken over
from agriculture without question, but the city mechan-
ic and factory worker, confined indoors to the repetition
of a single task, revolted under the changed conditions.
Against the farmer's "sun to sun" he raised the standard
"six to six." The struggle centered in Philadelphia,
where the trades' union entered upon a career of success
34 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
and enthusiasm. It had the support of physicians, law-
yers, merchants, and politicians, and the year 1835 * s
memorable as the turning-point from which is dated the
establishment in this country of the ten-hour system.
True, there were unions that demanded increased wages,
but these were mainly piece-workers seeking the equiv-
alent of a reduction of hours without reduction of earn-
ings.
It was not until 1836 that the increased cost of living
forced the unions generally into strikes for increased
wages. Strike followed strike, many of them successful,
but the gains were promptly swallowed as prices con-
tinued to rise. Trades and occupations hitherto unor-
ganized came into the trades' unions. Symptoms of
over-organization and conflicting jurisdiction began to
appear. Finally, in despair, the unions turned to co-
operation as a substitute for strikes, and trade societies
exhausted their treasuries in the vain endeavor to be-
come their own employers.
These circumstances explain in part how it is that the
labor movement in the United States, contrasted with
the movement in other countries, has often shifted from
the strictly industrial field of employer and employee
to the financial and political field of money and banks.
Wages move up and down more slowly and less exces-
sively than prices, and so, during the period of rising
prices and prosperity, the increased cost of living ab-
sorbs the gain from increased employment, While during
the period of falling prices and business depression the
decrease in cost of living is thwarted by unemployment.
This accounts for the diametrically opposite positions
taken by the working men before 1840 and after 1860.
In the thirties they favored hard money and opposed
paper money-in the sixties they opposed hard money
and favored the greenback. Paper money before 1840
INTRODUCTION 35
ued by private banks, was much of it discounted
thless, and by its inordinate inflation produced
*ssful rise in the cost of living. But, during the
ar, paper money was issued by the government;
er the war the effort to retire the greenback and
rn to a specie basis produced business depression
lemployment. The workmen opposed paper
in 1835 because its inflation augmented the cost
ig-they favored paper money in 1867 because
raction occasioned loss of employment.
question of public employment was mainly a
n of hours of labor. The authorities in Phila-
. were the first to grant the ten-hour demands,
idrew Jackson's administration did the same in
y yards and arsenals where labor was organized.
this experience that led the National Trades'
in 1836 to turn away from a hostile Congress to
rable executive, and to plan the campaign that
Martin Van Buren's famous ten-hour order of
factory system was almost entirely outside the
lovement, and the competition of women and
i showed itself most keenly when organized la-
mpted to advance its wages or shorten its hours
;es. Factory legislation was therefore for the
le seriously broached, and the beginning was
f that agitation that took the leading place in
)wing decade.
:ompetition of prison labor also showed itself as
now that the movement for higher wages had
ind organized labor at once formulated the issue
t has insistently pressed for three-fourths of a
tnportance of the public lands now also dawned
ie organized working men. They discovered
36 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
that the reason why their wages did not rise and why
their strikes were ineffective was because escape from
the crowded cities of the east was shut off by land spec-
ulation. In their conventions and papers, therefore,
they demanded that the public lands should no more be
treated as a source of revenue to relieve taxpayers, but
should be treated as an instrument of social reform to
raise the wages of labor. And when we in later years
refer to our wide domain and our great natural re-
sources as reasons for high wages in this country, it is
well to remember that access to these resources was se-
cured only by agitation and by act of legislature. Not
merely as a gift of nature but mainly as a demand of
democracy have the nation's resources contributed to
the elevation of labor. And it was in the events of 1 827-
1837, with their futile immediate results, that the lesson
was learned which in a later day led the nation's indus-
trial democracy even to civil war in order to establish
the freedom of the public lands.
The trades'-union movement reached its climax in
1836. The national convention of that year shows the
beginnings of disintegration in the hopelessness of
strikes and the attention given to panaceas and legisla-
tion. The turning-point came in New York, when the
employers formed a counter-organization of all lines of
business and made a test on the tailors. Twenty
were convicted of conspiracy. 16 The trial was attended
by crowds. A mass-meeting of protest was held in the
park. It called a state convention, and the working men
went over to the Equal Rights, or Loco-foco, Party
to aid in its attack on banks and chartered monopolies.
Tammany lost control of the city and only Ely Moore,
the president of the Trades' Union whom Tammany had
nominated for Congress, saved the remnant. The
10 See vol. iv, "Twenty Journeymen Tailors, People v. Faulkner."
five] INTRODUCTION
Trades' Union dwindled and ended where the move-
ment of 1829 began -in politics. The politicians took
a lesson and learned the importance of the labor vote.
The Whigs framed up their argument of protection to
labor in place of the obsolete protection to capital, and
won the election of 1840. Tammany Hall ousted its
aristocracy of bankers and merchants, and took on its
modern form of the friend of labor in the interest of
plutocracy. 17 Thus did the labor movement of the
thirties furnish to the nineteenth century both its phil-
osophy of labor's priority over property and its secret
of maneuvering labor to the advantage of capital.
JOHN R. COMMONS -HELEN L. SUMNER.
17 Myers, Gustavus. History of Tammany Hall, 134.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
CARLTON, F.T. "Economic Influences upon Educational Progress in
the United States, 1820-1850," in the University of Wisconsin
Bulletin (Madison, Wisconsin, 1908), no. 221.
" The Workingmen's Party of New York," in the Political
Science Quarterly (September, 1907), vol. xxii, 401-415.
COMMONS, J.R. "Labor Organization and Labor Politics, 1827-
1837," in the Quarterly Journal of Economics (February, 1907),
vol. xxi, 323-329-
ELY, R.T. The Labor Movement in America (New York, 1886).
LOCKWOOD, G.B. New Harmony Communities (Marion, Indiana,
1902).
McNEiLL, G.E. The Labor Movement (New York, 1892).
MASSACHUSETTS BUREAU OF STATISTICS OF LABOR. Third Annual
Report, "Strikes in Massachusetts" (Boston, January, 1880).
MYERS, Gustavus. History of Tammany Hall (New York, 1901).
NOYES, J.H. History of American Socialisms (Philadelphia, 1870).
SECRETARY OF INTERNAL AFFAIRS of the Commonwealth of Penn-
sylvania. Annual Report, part iii, Industrial Statistics. "Labor
Troubles in Pennsylvania," vol. ix, 262-391.
UNITED STATES COMMISSIONER OF LABOR. Third Annual Report,
" Strikes and Lockouts" (Washington, D.C., 1888).
WOOLLEN, EVANS. " Labor Troubles between 1834 and 1837," in
the Yale Review (May, 1892), vol. i, 81-100.
ECONOMIC
AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS
i. THE LAND QUESTION
(a) MEMORIAL TO CONGRESS
Mechanics' Free Press, Oct. 25, 1828, p. i, col. 3, 4. The Mechanics' Free
Press was the first labor paper published during any considerable
period, and the first of which any file has been preserved in this
country.
[The following is a copy of a Memorial which will
be presented to Congress at its next session. -ED. Me-
chanics' Free Press.]
To the Honourable the Senate and the House of Rep-
resentatives of the United States, in Congress assembled.
The undersigned citizens of the United States, res-
pectfully suggest to Congress the propriety of placing
all the Public Lands, without the delay of sales, within
the reach of the people at large, by the right of a title
of occupancy only.
Their reasonings on the case, to be brief, are as fol-
lows :
i st. That until the Public Lands shall have been ac-
tually put under cultivation, it is clear they will be en-
tirely useless.
zdly. That they are fully satisfied that the present
state of affairs, must lead to the wealth of a few, and
thus place within their reach the means of controlling
all the lands of our country.
3dly. That as all men must occupy a portion of the
earth, they have, naturally, a birth-right in the soil:
And that while this right shall be subject to the control
of others, they may be deprived of life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness.
44 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
4thly. That hence, it is perceived by them, that a
true spirit of independence can not be enjoyed, by the
great body of the People, nor the exercise of freedom
secured to them, so long as the use of the soil is with-
held.
5thly. That the General Government can be under
no necessity of holding these Lands as an indemnity for
existing appropriations nor for future expenditures.
The National Debt, within a very few years, will have
been liquidated: And the necessary tendency of the
Revenue to the Treasury will then demand more legis-
lation in order to keep its surplus judiciously diffused
for the purposes of an efficient Circulating Medium,
than for those of any future constitutional disburse-
ments.
6thly. That the mere sale of these Lands can give
little ability to the people in sustaining national expen-
ditures. As the relief thus to be derived, could only
arise from resources at that time extant, it is clear that
this would be but the shifting of existing resources,
however insufficient, from the People to the Govern-
ment. But by the widely extensive improvements of an
Agricultural nature, which the general cultivation of
these Lands would induce, the people would against
the hour of emergency, by large additions to the ordin-
ary Revenue, have absolutely created the means of meet-
ing all the prospective expenditures of the most gener-
ous administration of the General Government.
And, finally, that they deprecate every species of
monopoly and exclusive privileges, and more especially
all those which produce unnatural exclusions with re-
lation to the Public Lands. But that it is further re-
spectfully suggested to. the Representatives of the Peo-
ple, that should any of the purchasers of these Lands for
the purpose of speculation, conceive that they are to be
five] ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 45
injured by the operation of the proposed measure, for
which, however, there can be but a remote apprehen-
sion entertained, your Memorialists recommend that
the purchase money, with interest if necessary, be re-
funded to them : and that those Lands be thus suffered
to revert again to the Government for the use of the
People.
That it is the opinion of your Petitioners that, (the
People themselves being, de facto } the Government)
were the Public Lands thus perpetually held only to
their use, it would be, perhaps, the only effectual pre-
vention of future monopoly and the best safeguard of
the American Republic.
That your Memorialists recommend to Congress that
the Public Lands be reserved as a donation to the citi-
zens of the United States in the character of perpetual
leases, free from rent, and subject to revert to the Gov-
ernment when the lessee or his heirs fail to cultivate or
occupy it in proper person, for years together; pro-
viding that, in the future location of towns, &c. for gen-
eral or public purposes, the incidental possessor of the
soil, besides a reasonable compensation for it, shall only
share and share alike, in the lots and other advantages
thus to be derived.
That your Petitioners, therefore pray your Honour-
able Body to enact a law authorizing a Grant to any in-
dividual who shall apply for it, of the free use of so
much of the Public Lands (not less perhaps than twen-
ty nor more than forty acres) as they in their wisdom
shall deem sufficient, and limiting its conditions to the
principles above suggested. And your Petitioners, &c.
46 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol
(b) THE RELATION OF PUBLIC LANDS TO STRIKES
The Man (New York), May ai, 1835, p. 2, col. i. The Man was sup-
posed to be the first daily penny paper in this country and was edited
by George Henry Evans, also editor of the Working Man's Advocate,
and later one of the most prominent figures in the agitation for free
land.
The shoemakers of Newark have been some time "on
the strike" for an advance of about twelve per cent, in
their wages, which were before miserably inadequate
to their comfortable subsistence. The Ladies' Branch
of the Trade in this city have also turned out from the
same cause the present week, and the Journeymen Boot
Makers of Newark have turned out "for a redress of
grievances." We wish all these useful mechanics suc-
cess in their object, knowing as we do that they deserve
it, but we tell them again, as we have often told them
before, that they must look to something more radical
than turn-outs to give them a just remuneration for their
labor. They must look to a removal of the cause which
creates a surplus of laborers in each mechanical branch,
the Monopoly of the Land by speculators.
We do not propose that the system which enables a
single individual to hold immense tracts of land in bar-
renness till he can get his price for it should be at once
reversed, however unjust and contrary to natural right
we consider that system to be; nor, perhaps, had our
predecessors made the air or the water private proper-
ty, .should we advocate that every one might breathe
such a portion of the one or drink such a portion of the
other as he might find unappropriated to the use of any
other person; but we have proposed, and do propose,
that the public lands should no longer be sold, but that
any man, unpossessed of land, should be allowed to take
possession of a certain portion of the unappropriated
domain for the purpose of cultivation, and, to prevent
five] ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 47
speculation, that no one should be allowed to hold more
than a certain portion. If this proposal were adopted,
it would, to be sure, prevent a few individuals from be-
coming immensely rich, in a day, without labor, (the
only just foundation of riches,) by "land speculations,"
but, as a set off for this, it would prevent a surplus of
laborers in any mechanical branch and, consequently,
the necessity of turn-outs.
2. MONEY AND BANKS
(a) SMALL NOTES
(i) In Pennsylvania.
Mechanics' Free Press, April u, 1829, p. 2, col. 2.
Three months have only elapsed since the law prohib-
iting the circulation of small notes went into operation,
and the working people have had some experience of
its benefits. No longer do our employers put off to us
in payment for our wages, the ragged promises they
could not otherwise dispose of. No longer are our wives
obliged to resort to the brokers to get their notes changed
into merchantable money, at a loss of from five to ten
per cent, before they could purchase the articles neces-
sary to subsistence. A clear gain of twenty per cent has
accrued to the productive part of the community, since
the suppression of this evil, When we take into the ac-
count, loss of time, vexations attendant on getting the
note off: having them refused on suspicion of being
counterfeits, &c. together with the circumstance of be-
ing confined to deal with certain individuals, and being
deprived from dealing at the cheapest stalls because Mr.
Honest would not take such money as Mr. Cunning was
willing to receive provided he got a good price. I can
appeal with confidence to the labouring class, if this has
not been the way they have been imposed on for the last
15 or 20 years, and whether any of these difficulties are
now felt? ... In addition to which we have not
been obliged to turn out for prices and waste our time
in fruitless contention with our employers -a thing al-
ways irksome, and generally attended with unpleasant
consesuences . . . SIMON SNYDER, JR.
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 49
(2) In New York.
Working Man's Advocate (New York), Oct. i, 1831, p. 2, col. 5.
SMALL NOTES. The greatest evil which the working
men (particularly the producers of wealth) have to con-
tend with, is the Credit System, which enables those who
possess property not only to live without labor on the
labor of others, but to increase the quantity of their
property while so living in utter uselessness. The
greatest branch of the credit system is the banking sys-
tem, which branch, under our present law, is a monop-
oly- a thing that should not be legalized in a republican
country. The banking system, which is a branch of the
credit system, would be a great evil -a greater evil than
any other branch of that system -if it was not a monop-
oly- if all were allowed, as they ought to be, to carry on
the banking business instead of a few: but as a monopo-
ly, it is a greater evil still. This monopoly must be abol-
ished, before mechanics of any description, or any other
working men, can obtain the full value of their labor -
before they can prevent the nonproducers from obtain-
ing the produce of their labor without rendering them
an equivalent of the produce of labor in return. But as
the monopoly cannot be abolished suddenly, it must be
done gradually. A good commencement will be, to in-
duce the legislature to pass a law prohibiting the circu-
lation in this state, of bills of a less amount than ten or
five dollars, and to reject hereafter all applications for
charters. This can be done by electing men favorable
to these views, or, if the working men cannot elect such
men, by meeting together and determining that they
will present all the bills they possess or may receive at
the banks and demand specie for them, immediately,
until the desired object is obtained. A simultaneous ef-
fort throughout the state would easily effect the object
Memorials should be circulated immediately. . .
50 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
(b) INFLUENCE OF PAPER MONEY ON THE
WORKING PEOPLE
Philadelphia National Laborer, May 14, 1836, p, 31, col. i. The Na-
tional Laborer was the successor of the Mechanics' Free Press of
Philadelphia.
. . . Paper money has spread its blasting influ-
ence most severely upon the working people. Almost all
other classes have picked some of the crumbs from the
sumptuous feasts it has prepared -but in no way has the
productive laborer been benefited- on the contrary, it
has increased his toil, and decreased his reward. It has
expanded trade, it has made imp rovements - it has drawn
into the possession of those who issue it, immense sums
of unearned gold -it has made the country appear hap-
py and prosperous -all which apparent prosperity is,
(as Mr. Paulding beautifully expresses it,) merely "the
bloom on the cheek of consumption."
It requires but a moment's examination, to be con-
vinced of the withering effect of fictitious capital. The
working men know it because they feel it- the merchants
will not know, it, because, as yet, they have numerous re-
sources which enable them to leave a business when
their gains in it become few.
(c) THE IDLERS AND THE WORKERS
Radical Reformer and Working Man's Advocate, Philadelphia, July 4,
1835, P- 63-
Of paper coin, how vast the power!
It makes or breaks us in an hour,
And probably a beggar's shirt,
If finely ground, and freed of dirt,
Then re-compress'd, by hand or hopper,
And printed on with plate of copper,
Might raise ten "Idlers" to renown,
And tumble fifty "Workers" down.
3. PRISON LABOR
(a) THE EFFECT OF PRISON LABOR
New York Mechanics' Gazette, May 17, 1823, p. 3, col. i, 2. Com-
munication.
You see, Sir, what the employment of State Prison-
ers in the mechanic trades will lead to. I presume you
see it: for I cannot believe that any can be so blind as
not to discover the dissatisfaction it creates in the minds
of all those whose business happens to be introduced in
the prison. You now perceive that the cabinet makers
have had a meeting, and that they protest in strong lan-
guage against the employment of prisoners in their art.
The cabinet makers now begin to feel alarmed; they
now are awakened to a sense of their interest and their
duty, in endeavoring to put a stop to this vile business of
manufacturing in the prison to the disadvantage of
mechanics, and mechanics only. They now see that the
brush makers, comb makers, shoe makers, and others
had cause to complain; and I hope they will also see, as
well as all other mechanics, that the only way left for
redress is for all the mechanics, whether their business
be at present interfered with or not, to turn out at the
next general election, and to elect or give their suffrages
to such, and such only as will pledge themselves to use
their best endeavours to stop the evils of Which we so
justly complain. Let no man, who is a mechanic think
himself safe, because his business is not conducted in
the prison ; for he knows not how soon an attempt may be
made to wrest from him what must be ever dear to him, a
fair opportunity of supporting his wife and children, by
the labor of his hands and the profit of his trade. . .
52 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
(b) STATE PRISON SALES
Farmers', Mechanics' and Workingmen's Advocate (Albany), July 14,
1830, p. 2, col. 4.
STATE PRISON SALES. We have before us two lists of
the prices of Carpenters, Joiners, Coach and Cabinet
Makers' tools. One exhibits the prices for which they
were sold by a manufacturing company in this city- the
other at the Auburn State Prison. A comparison of
these lists illustrates the operation of the present sys-
tem of prison sales upon regular industry. We are not
prepared to say that the labor of felons should not be
employed by the government, and the manufactures it
produces be brought into the market. But the govern-
ment grossly abuses its trust, and inflicts an incalculable
injury on society, when it permits this labor to control
the results of regular and honest competition, and com-
pels the citizen who has always kept his fealty, to put
his industry below the ordinary standard of reward.
The following are the contrasts of prices, exhibiting the
depreciation in the value of labor, which the govern-
ment has effected. Beside this, the government agents
made a deduction of forty per cent, to wholesale pur-
chasers, while the common discount made by private
manufacturers was but twenty- five per cent.
PRIVATE PRICES AUBURN PRICES
Double jointing planes $2 ,25 $2 . 06
Single jointing planes i . 8754 i . 50
Double cast steel planes 2 . oo i . 8 1
Single cast steel planes i . 62^ i . 25
One inch beads i.oo .75
Grooving ploughs, 8 irons 7 . 25 6 . 50
Reeding planes, % inch i . 50 i . 06
Side rabbits 1.25 1.06
Torus beads, i inch 1.1254 .75
five] ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 53
This is but a small part of the articles enumerated,
and do not exhibit so great a depreciation in prices, as
many other articles manufactured in prison particularly
stone and leather, and blacksmith work. . . If the
state comes into the market, it must follow, and not lead
it. Its policy should be to encourage a fair and honor-
able competition of industry. When by such means as
we have stated it checks or discourages it, even in the
remotest degree, it is treacherous to the interests of the
community, which it was appointed to protect
(c) REPORT OF THE PHILADELPHIA CORDWAINERS
National Laborer, March 26, 1836.
REPORT OF THE SOCIETY OF JOURNEYMEN CORDWAIN-
ERS OF PHILADELPHIA, RELATIVE TO PRISON LABOR
. . . After the Supervisors of the Eastern Peniten-
tiary introduced labor into their system, (which system
has become the general Penitentiary system of the State)
their attention seems to have been devoted to revenue
from the labor of the convicts, by confining them prin-
cipally to two mechanical branches, without the slight-
est regard for the interests of those branches, with whom
they would bring the labor of the felon in competition.
In the Fourth Annual Report of the Inspectors of the
Eastern Penitentiary made to the Legislature of 1833,
the warden says, "It has been proved that the convicts
can labor to advantage in their cells at both weaving and
shoemaking:"and the same report says, "We entertain
the belief heretofore expressed, that when the entire
plan shall be completed, and the prison fully occupied, a
revenue will arise from the labor of the convicts." From
the same report, it appears that there were at that time
in the Eastern Penitentiary, 97 prisoners, who were em-
ployed as follows :
Weavers, dyers, and dressers, altogether, 43 ; carpen-
54 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol
ters, 4; blacksmiths, 5; wheelwrights, 2; at making and
mending clothes, 3 ; i segar maker, &c. and 32 Shoemak-
ers! only 4 of the Shoemakers understood that branch
when first admitted! it thus appears that 28 convicts
were made Shoemakers!
By the Fifth Annual Report, it appears that there
were in the Eastern Penitentiary, December 31, 1833,
154 prisoners. Weavers, 38; warpers, dyers, spoolers,
and winders, 21; blacksmiths, 5; carpenters, 5; wool-
pickers, 9, &c.; Shoemakers, 52! the warden adds, that
"only seven of the Shoemakers understood that trade
when admitted!" number of convicts made Shoemakers,
forty-five.
By the Sixth Annual Report, it appears that there
were in the Eastern Penitentiary, on the 3ist of Decem-
ber, 1834, 218 prisoners; sick and recently arrived, 35;
leaving 183 able prisoners, of whom 83 were employed
at Shoemaking, the others (one hundred) were employ-
ed in about nine other different mechanical branches ;
only 9 of the Shoemakers understood that trade on ad-
mission-number of convicts made Shoemakers seventy-
four!
The Report for the past year, your Committee have
been unable to obtain, and they therefore cannot give
an exact statement as to the number of Shoemakers now
in our Penitentiary, but we feel confident that the above
comparative statement will satisfy every unbiased mind,
that by far the greater number of convicts are taught
Shoemaking, and consequently the evils of prison labor
fall with a heavier hand upon Cordwainers, than upon
any other class of operatives. . . It is said that the
number of convicts now employed at shoemaking in the
different Prisons and Jails in Pennsylvania, amount al-
together to about 300, each of which average, at the very
lowest calculation, 7 pair of shoes per week, at the rate
five] ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 55
specified ; 300 convicts will throw into the market, an-
nually, 109,200 pair of shoes. Mr. William Griffith,
late Superintendent of the shoemaking department at
the Eastern Penitentiary, states that the shoes manufac-
tured therein, were sold at thirty per cent below the
regularly established price, a price by which no regular
manufacturer could pretend to sustain himself and pay
half wages to his Journeymen! Can any person posses-
sing the slightest charity, or the most superficial view of
things, deny that this is a most ruinous competition?
And again : the hiring of the labor of the convicts to
firms, or to individuals, at most reduced prices, where-
by those individuals are enabled to undersell the manu-
facturers who employ honest men. . . We are in-
formed by the late Superintendent of the Eastern Peni-
tentiary, that, at the commencement of 1834, t ' ie Super-
visors of the Eastern Penitentiary took "uppers" and
"stuffs" from the establishment of Joshua C. Oliver, of
this city, under contract, to make them into "Brogans"
and other sorts of shoes, at 34 cents per pair- being from
ten to fifteen cents below the most reduced Journeymen's
wages ! a price at which no honest man could subsist on ;
numerous persons have repeatedly seen large vehicles
start from the above named establishment loaded with
"stuffs" and ^materials" and designed for the Peniten-
tiary; and it is notorious among shoe-dealers and mer-
chants, that Mr. Oliver is enabled to sell shoes twenty
per cent, cheaper than any similar establishment in
Philadelphia! it is also known that there other estab-
lishments which possess similar advantages.
Under the most flourishing situations of trade, such
evils are most grievous, and formidable, but view them
at a crisis, when the honest Cordwainers are claiming
of the employers a more equitable remuneration for
their labor-with such a formidable opposition -with
56 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
such facilities as Prison labor affords -the employers
could compel them to stand out till starvation and deso-
lation would stare them in the face, or cause them to
work at such wages as their avarice may prescribe. This
is no fancied picture-it is not a subject which requires
the colouring tints of imagination. It will be recol-
lected that the Pennsylvania Prison Labor System is but
little beyond its infancy; that the Managers of the East-
ern Penitentiary have recently obtained enormous ap-
propriations to enable them to render their manufac-
tories as extensive .as possible - a system which, if suf-
fered to be carried out, will sink the wages of the Cord-
wainer to the very lowest degree -annihilate every im-
pulse to honest industry- and render his condition bare-
ly preferable to that of the incarcerated felon. Yet
these evils are not more nefarious than those which fall
upon us in a moral point of view. About 400 convicts
are every year discharged from our penitentiaries and
jails; of these, a vast number (according to the system
of penitentiary teaching) are shoemakers, and thus, an-
nually, is a phalanx of the most ingenious and infamous
felons of all nations and colors thrust into our profes-
sion. . . SILAS S. STEELE, AARON KEELER,
PATRICK CONVERT, ISRAEL YOUNG,
Committee,
4. CHILD LABOR
(a) CHILDREN IN MASSACHUSETTS FACTORIES, 1825
Massachusetts Legislative Files, 1825, Senate, no. 8074. This is from
a manuscript record m the State House at Boston.
REPORT ON RETURNS OF CHILDREN EMPLOYED IN
FACTORIES
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. In Senate, 14
June, 1825.
The Committee on Education to whom was referred
so much of His Excellency's speech as related to that
subject and to whom were also referred the returns made
to the Secretary's office by virtue of a resolve passed on
the 26 Feb^ last in relation to children employed in fac-
tories have had the same under consideration and .ask
leave to report that the cordially unite in the sentiments
expressed by His Excellency, and solemnly recognized
by our venerable ancestors in the charter of their rights,
"that wisdom & learning as well as virtue, diffused gen-
erally among the people, are necessary to the preserva-
tion of their rights and liberties."
The importance of this sentiment cannot be too sen-
sibly felt in a Republic, which depends for its annual
organization, its existence, and efficiency, on the ability
of the people to understand, and their virtue to preserve
the inestimable advantages of free government Nor
can it be doubted that our fellow citizens of the present
day, imbibing the principles of a virtuous ancestry, will
feel bound to "p reserve, improve, and extend public
provisions for the education of children & youth." The
provisions already made for primary schools, the liberal
grants for Academies & the generous donations be-
stowed on the University & Colleges of this Common-
58 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
wealth relieve the community from any apprehension
that this great interest can for a moment be neglected.
The Committee are not aware that any interposition
by the Legislature at present is necessary in this regard,
but they deem it important that its members in their pri-
vate & public capacity should see that the requirements
of existing laws are respected & enforced.
There are however two branches of the great business
of Education which have recently acquired consequence
and in the opinion of this Committee well deserve very
serious consideration. The first is the establishment of
an Institution for the education of the laboring classes
in the practical Arts & Sciences.
On this subject the Committee are happy to find that
Commissioners appointed under a resolve of 22 d Febru-
ary last are preparing a system embracing this exten-
sive subject, which must necessarily require a very
careful arrangement of detail; and that a report may
be expected from them at an early day of the next ses-
sion of this Legislature.
It is not however to be doubted that private liberality
& individual encouragement may do much for that part
of the Community engaged in pursuits of Agriculture,
and that the patronage of the Legislature to enterprises
of this kind, may, as they present themselves, be attend-
ed with advantage.
The other department, referred to, embraces the care
of young persons engaged in manufacturing establish-
ments, whose constant occupation in their daily tasks,
may gather round them a rust [?] of ignorance as to all
other concerns.
The Committee are happy to coincide with his Excel-
lency that an "American sentiment" prevails through-
out the country, to which these establishments are not
exceptions, & which prevents them from being danger-
five] ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 59
ous "to the moral habits & chaste manners" of the
people.
Still however this is a subject always deserving the
parental care of a vigilant government, and the Com 6
are happy to find it has not escaped the attention of the
Legislature. By the resolve of the last session of the
General Court first above mentioned the Selectmen of
every town in this Com th & the Mayor & Aldermen of
the City of Boston were instructed to send to the office
of the Secretary of the Com th a statement of the number
of persons under sixteen years of age employed by any
incorporated Manuf actoring Compy within their town
or city setting forth the length of time during which
they are usually kept at work & the opportunities al-
lowed & means provided for their education. The re-
turns made in pursuance thereof have been laid before
this Committee and are very interesting documents.
But inasmuch as the Resolve related only to incorpor-
ated Institutions, the returns do not present the full
number of children engaged in manufactories.
It appears however that the time of employment is
generally twelve or thirteen hours each day, excepting
the Sabbath, which leaves little opportunity for daily in-
struction. Regard is paid to the instruction of these
Juvenile laborers as opportunity permits, but some fur-
ther legislative provisions may hereafter become neces-
sary, that the children who are at a future day to be-
come proprietors of these establishments, or at least
greatly to influence their affairs, may not be subjected
to too great devotion to pecuniary interest at the risk of
more than an equivalent injury in the neglect of intel-
lectual improvement.
The committee are not prepared to submit any specific
propositions which could be acted upon at the pres-
ent session, they therefore report that the further con-
6o
AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
[Vol.
sideration of said returns be referred to the next session
of this general Court. For the Com e , J. T, AUSTIN,
In Senate, June 15, 1825. Accepted- Attest -
PAUL WlLLARD, Clerk.
ABTRACT OF RETURNS OF CHILDREN EMPLOYED IN
MANUFACTORIES
BOYS GIRLS
Amesbury 3 8 They attend school the principal part
of the time at the Town School for 4
months
Brimfield 5 10 Work 12 hours each day- There is a
good school at which they can attend
as their parents judge proper
Boylston 3 7 Work 12 hours pr day. At school 8
(West) weeks
Bellingham n 9 Work 12 hours pr day. No oppy for
School except by employg substitutes
Boston 14 No Schoolg
Bridgewater 5 7 Work 12 hours. Cannot attend School
North & be employed
Cambridge 25 o Can attend Eveg school at the expence
of the Mariufact. Co.
Work 12 hours
Work 12 hours
Work from sunrise to sunset
Instruction well attended to
Work 12 hours. Sunday School
Work 12 hours. Are allowed 3 months
for schooling
Hopkinton 6 4 Work 12 hours
Lancaster o 4 Attend S. in winter
Leicester 5 5 Have 8 weeks Schooling
Ludlow 4 24 ii Hours work. Good village School
Marshfield o 6 Work 6 months & attend School the
rest of the time
Methuen 4 10 Some little chance for Schg
Newbury 4 2 Work 11 hours pr day
Northboro 4 i Work n l /2 hours have attended S. very
little. Propose to do better!
Chelmsford
3
5i
Danvers
i
Duxboro
i
10
Dorchester
8
30
Franklin
4
2
Framingham
7
10
five] ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 61
Pembroke 2 3
Rehoboth 8 13
Southbridge 13 11
Springfield
Seekonk
Troy*
Taunton
Waltham
Ware
Walpole
Western
Wellington
7 9
2 I
7 5
8 14
59 80
34 69
29 61
17 59
4 9
6 i
o 3
42 45
Work 12 hours
Work 12 hours except in one factory for
2 mo. when there is no water
Average 12 hours- These children are
better off than their neighbors!
Average 12 hours
Work 12% hours
Work 12 hours. Some may get 2 mo.
Schools
Work all day. There are good public
& private S. & a free Sunday School
Work 12 hours- Sunday School
As much oppy for Schoolg as can be
expected
Generally employ adults
Work 9 mo.
Work 8 mo.
All day
354 574 \.sic 584] 928 TOTAL
(b) CHILDREN IN PHILADELPHIA FACTORIES, 1830
Mechanics' Free Press, Aug. 21, 1830, p. 2, col. 3, 4. Communication,
signed "Many Operatives."
In looking over one of your late numbers, I was re-
joiced to find that some friend has noticed the suffer-
ings of people employed in our manufactories; particu-
larly in that of cotton. It is a well known fact, that the
principal part of the helps in cotton factories consist of
boys and girls, we may safely say from six to seventeen
years of age, and are confined to steady employment dur-
ing the longest days in the year, from daylight until
dark, allowing, at the outside, one hour and a half per
day. In consequence of this close confinement, it ren-
ders it entirely impossible for the parents of such chil-
dren to obtain for them any education or knowledge,
*This town is now Fall River. -EDS.
62 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
save that of working that machine, which they are com-
pelled to work, and that too with a small sum, that is
hardly sufficient to support nature, while they on the
other hand are rolling in wealth, of[f] the vitals of
these poor children every day. We noticed the observa-
tion of our Pawtucket friend in your number of June
1 9th, 1830, lamenting the grievances of the children em-
ployed in those factories. We think his observations
very correct, with regard to their being brought up as
ignorant as Arabs of the Desert; for we are confident
that not more than one-sixth of the boys and girls em-
ployed in such factories are capable of reading or writ-
ing their own name. We have known many instances
where parents who are capable of giving their children
a trifling education one at a time, deprived of that op-
portunity by their employer's threats, that if they did
take one child from their employ, (a short time for
school,) such family must leave the employment -and
we have even known these threats put in execution. Now
as our friend observes, we may establish schools and
academies, and devise every means for the instruction
of youth in vain, unless we also give time for applica-
tion; we have heard it remarked to some employers,
that it would be commendable to congress to shorten
the hours of labour in factories ; the reply was : it would
be an infringement on the rights of the people. We
know the average number of hands employed by one
manufacturer to be, at the lowest estimate, fifty men,
women and children. Now the query is : whether this
individual, or this number employed by him, is the
people.
It is not our intention at present, to undertake, a
thorough discussion of this interesting subject, but rath-
er to give some hints on the subject, which, we hope,
may attract the notice of your readers, and be the means
five] ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 63
of arousing some abler pen to write on the matter; for
we think it is high time the public should begin to no-
tice the evil that it begets. We see the evil that follows
the system of long labor much better than we can ex-
press it ; but we hope our weak endeavors may not prove
ineffectual. We must acknowledge our inability pre-
vents us from expressing our sentiment fluently, at pres-
ent, but we hope to appear again in a more correct man-
ner. MANY OPERATIVES.
(c) CHILD LABOR AT PATERSON, N.J., 1835
National Trades' Union (New York), Aug. 15, 1835, P* 3* C I- J
Quoted from the Paterson Courier.
Paterson, Aug. nth, 1835.
MESSRS. SCHENCK & HEWSON, Newark Delegates.
Gentlemen, The accompanying document is in re-
ply to the queries proposed by yourselves and Mr. Scott
of New York, in relation to the present state of the pop-
ulation of this town. Though from the shortness of the
time allowed us we could not make that information
perfectly satisfactorily, yet we have endeavored to be
within the bounds of truth than risk the shadow of a
chance of exceeding it. We have based part of our Re-
port besides other information, on the attested evidence
of two individuals, each having five children of his
family employed in the factories. With great respect
we subscribe ourselves, yours sincerely,
JOHN TILBY, JOHN K. FLOOD.
Question ist. What number of mills are idle in con-
sequence of the strike? Answer. The number is 19
cotton mills, and i woolen factory.
Question 2d. What number of children are idle in
consequence of the strike? Answer. It would take
some weeks to ascertain the number of minors ; the
whole number employed in these factories, is from 19
to 20 hundred; the number of hand-loom weavers and
6 4 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
others dependent on the factories would swell the
amount of persons thrown out of work, much more.
Questions 3 and 4. What number of children are un-
der 12 years? What number are over 12 years? An-
swer. We have placed these two queries together, be-
cause, like the question above, we could not ascertain
without an actual personal survey of the town. Doc-
tor Fisher, who formerly took the census, and which he
has said employed him nearly six weeks, reported in
1832, the whole number of population under 16 years
of age, at 3949; we consider it would be within compass
to take the sixth part as engaged in manufacturing-
say 600 under 16 years.
Question 5. What average compensation for those
under 12? Answer. From 50 cents to $1.75 per week -
average $1.1.2%.
Question 6. What average compensation for those
over 12? Answer. Many of those work by the piece,
as rulers, weavers, warpers, &c. As near as we can
learn, the average is $2.12^2 per week. In reference
to this question, we send you two statements on oath of
the wages obtained by the individuals in those two fam-
ilies (five in each) in one of which you will see they are
all over 12 years and average $2.10. In this statement
we do not include spinners and sub bosses, but only such
as may be considered minors among the male sex ; but
also includes among the females, many grown women.
Question 7. What time do they commence work in
summer? Question 10. What time do they quit in the
evening? Answer. From sun-rise to sun-set from
March first to October ist
Question 8. What time is allowed for breakfast?
Answer. In summer, half an hour. From October ist
to the 1 5th March, no time allowed. The hands break-
fast by candle-light before going to work.
five] ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 65
Question 9. What time is allowed for dinner? An-
swer. Three quarters of an hour, the year round.
Question n. The same queries in reference to the
winter season. Answer. From October ist to March
ist, commence at daylight to quit at 8 o'clock; in which
some mills are very precise; others overrun that time,
probably on account of the difference of clocks.
Question 12. What number are in destitute circum-
stances? Answer. In consequence of the strike, many
have left the town. The whole who remain may be said
to be destitute. Doctor Fisher in his last census, 1831,
stated the number of widows to be 163, and the amount
of their families to be 834. Now these are precisely the
class of persons who cannot remove in case of a strike,
or of being thrown out of work from any other cause;
and as the town was more populous as well as more pros-
perous at the commencement of the strike, than it was
in 1832, being the time of cholera, we believe we are
within compass to say there are 1000 persons in need of
assistance.
State of New Jersey, Essex County, ss.
Personally appeared before me, John K. Flood, one
of the Justices of the Peace for said county, Joseph D.
Edwards, who being duly sworn on his oath, doth de-
pose and say that he had five children working in the
factories at the time of the present "strike" for a reduc-
tion of the hours of labor, that their ages were about as
follows, viz: one 20 years of age, one 18, one 14, one 12,
and one lo-that four were girls and received as fol-
lows : the one aged 20 two dollars per week, the one aged
1 8 two dollars, the one aged 14 two dollars, the one
aged 10 forty-four cents per week, that one was a boy
aged about 12 who received one dollar and twenty-five
cents per week. JOSEPH D. EDWARDS.
66 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
Taken and subscribed before me this nth day of Aug,
1835. JOHN K. FLOOD, Justice of the Peace.
State of New Jersey, Essex County, ss.
Personally appeared before me, John K. Flood, one
of the Justices of the Peace in and for said county, Wil-
liam H. Campbell, who, being duly sworn doth depose
and say that he had five children (one of which was a
boarder) working in the factories at the time of the
present strike for a reduction of the hours of labor,
whose ages were about as follows, viz: one 18, one 19,
one 15, one 13 and one 13- that the one aged 19 received
two dollars and twenty-five cents per week; the one aged
15, two dollars per week; the one aged 13 one dollar and
fifty cents per week ; that two were girls, aged 18 and 13,
that the one aged 18 received two dollars and seventy-
five cents, and the one aged 13, two dollars per week,
and further saith not WILLIAM H. CAMPBELL,
Taken and subscribed before me this i ith day of Aug.,
1835. JOHN K. FLOOD, Justice of the Peace.
5. APPRENTICESHIP
(a) LEGAL ASPECTS
* Carey, Mathcw. Select Excerpta t vol. x, 338-340.
This is from a collection of newspaper clippings made by Mathew
Carey and preserved in the Ridgway Branch of the Library Company,
Philadelphia. Unfortunately these clippings are undated and not
labeled with the names of the papers from which they were taken.
NEW YORK COMMON PLEAS : AndrewDeitz vs. John
Tate. This cause was tried at the last term of the Com-
mon Pleas, and was brought to recover damages for the
defendant's breach of his: covenant, in an indenture of
apprenticeship. The defendant was a saddler and har-
ness maker, and had contracted to teach the plaintiff the
art and mystery of those branches of business. The
plaintiff had served his master for the term mentioned
in the indentures, and at the expiration thereof brought
the present action, averring that he had not been taught
the business of harness making, and was not sufficiently
instructed to make first rate saddles, having been kept at
work at those of an inferior quality during the greater
portion of his apprenticeship.
The defendant vested his defence chiefly on proof,
that the plaintiff had declined working at, because he
disliked the business of harness making; and, secondly,
that his work during the term of the apprenticeship, was
very much confined to the manufacture of inferior sad-
dles; that he could not be expected to travel out of the
line of his business, merely for the purpose of instruct-
ing the plaintiff in making the first rate saddles.
His honor Judge Irving, in his charge to the Jury,
dwelt with great force on the interesting nature of this
suit, as well to the parties as the public at large. It
was of vital importance to bind parties to the most faith-
68 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
ful observance of contracts of this description, because
upon it, as far as they are concerned, mainly depends the
good government and prosperity of the community. He
thought the disinclining of the boy to learn his trade, or
the mere convenience of his master, could never be
urged as a defence to an action of this description. Boys,
if indulged, would perhaps generally be disinclined to
the industry and labour necessary to acquire the mechan-
ic arts. The master is armed with authority sufficient
to prevent or correct any misconduct of that description
in his apprentice. He is allowed, like a parent, to chas-
tise the apprentice, and should he become refractory, he
may call on the police, whom the law requires to inter-
fere and imprison in such cases; and if such pertinacity
continues, the master for that cause alone may be ab-
solved from his indenture. With these means provided
for him, he should never be allowed to waste and make
worthless the whole term of an apprenticeship, and at
the expiration of it answer to the parent or guardian of
the child, I would have taught him by my trade but he
was disinclined to learn.
Nor should the other branch of his defence avail him,
for if a master should contract to instruct his apprentice
to manufacture a particular article, it should not serve
him to say, that it was not convenient, or not in the line
of his business. He ought to consider this at the time
he contracts ; but having made his contract, we are all
deeply interested in requiring him to perform it. Those
years during which the master generally has controul
over his apprentice, may be regarded as the golden pe-
riod of his life; and if unimproved, he reaches manhood
unable to pursue, and quite as unwilling then to learn
any trade, or calling whatever. The consequences are
inevitable -he becomes a burthen instead of a blessing
to the community.
MATHEW CAREY
First American investigator of Woman's Work and consistent champion
of Working Women, 1828-1839
(From Sartain** engraving of Naglis portrait, painted about 1825)
five] ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 69
The law governing this important relationship, is as
reasonable as it is useful. It exacts no impossibility of
the master, and he ought always to be protected, unless
satisfactory evidence of his neglect of duty should be
given to the jury. If, however, the jury believed that
such neglect had been proved in the present case, it
would be their duty to find for the plaintiff. The
amount of damages it would be exclusively their prov-
ince to determine. The jury found a verdict for the
plaintiff -Damages, $400. E. W. King, and Price, for
plaintiff, Anthon, for defendant.
(b) RUNAWAYS
Philadelphia National Gazette, Oct 13, 1830, p.- 3, col. x.
FORTY DOLLARS REWARD. Ran away from the sub-
scriber an indented apprentice to the Cordwainer's bus-
iness, named John Donnelly, about 18 years of age, thin
visage, light complexion, remarkably freckled, uncom-
monly so on his face, hands and body, and has a large
nark on his right or left side, occasioned by the shingles.
His hair is sandy colored, and he is about 5 feet, 7 inches
high. He took away with him a long blue coat, i pair
dark mixture trousers, i pair white pantaloons, i white
waistcoat and other clothing, $20 will be paid for
tiim if lodged in any jail where the subcriber may
again obtain him, or $40 if brought home to the sub-
scriber. It is expected that he will endeavor to go to
jea. Captains of vessels and all other persons are warned
lot to receive or harbor said runaway at their peril, as
Jiey will be dealt with in such cases according to law.
JEREMIAH DEGRASS, No. 355 South Second Street
Mechanics' Free Press, Feb. 6, 1830, p. 3, col. 6.
ONE CENT REWARD. Ran away on the 9th of Oc-
ober last, an indented apprentice to the Whip and Cane
msiness, named David R. Cole. The above reward will
7 o AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
be paid for his apprehension, but no charges. All per-
sons are forbid harbouring him at their peril.
GEORGE W. BURGESS.
(c) ABUSES OF THE SYSTEM
Mechanics' Free Press, Nov. 29, 1828, p. 2, col. 4, 5.
MASTERS AND APPRENTICES. MESSRS. EDITORS -The
practice of many master mechanics in this city, in em-
ploying none but apprentices in their manufacturing es-
tablishments, is an evil severely felt by the journeymen
of all denominations ; for whenever there is a greater
number of mechanics than the demand of labour re-
quires, it is evident the surplus must be thrown out of
employ. There are men in this city who have from 15
to 20 apprentices, who never or very seldom have a jour-
neyman in their shops ; but to supply the place of jour-
neymen, and to monopolize to themselves trade and
wealth, as one apprentice becomes free, another is taken
to fill up the ranks. Let us for a moment view the bad
effects of this monopolizing policy- 1 say bad effects
because I conceive that whatever system shall be adopt-
ed to enrich one man at the expense of the many, must
be bad, and destructive to the public good.
When we bind our sons for five, six or seven years,
to learn a trade, it is with an idea that when he has faith-
fully served out the term of his apprenticeship, he will
be enabled at least to find employment as a journeyman.
This reasonable expectation very often ends in disap-
pointment; for the very moment he assumes his inde-
pendence his troubles begin: he is thrown out of em-
ployment by his parsimonious and ungenerous master,
with whom no consideration of past services has any
weight, and whose heart can melt at the sight of nothing
but money.
Hence you see a young man of honest deportment and
five] ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 71
industrious habits, thrown upon the wide world, in the
bloom of youth, without money, without friends, and
without credit: and if he has friends, it often happens
they are unable to help him. He applies to the man
with whom he has faithfully served his time for em-
ployment, but finds none, he goes to others, and is fre-
quently told they transact all their business by the aid of
apprentices -here his spirits begin to droop, and his in-
dustrious habits and laudable ambition are nipped in
the bud. He must now either turn his attention to some
laborious work, to which he has not been accustomed,
and which is at times difficult to obtain, or turn vaga-
bond at once. It is no wonder that so many young men,
under such unfavorable circumstances, are ruined in
their morals and reputations, and the world is too apt
to throw all the blame upon the unfortunate, while they
pass over with impunity the causes that produced it
There are other master mechanics who are less for-
tunate than the former; they do much injury to society,
without enriching or benefiting themselves. These are
men who manufacture goods altogether by apprentices,
and sell them at so very low a rate, that they can scarce-
ly live by the profits.
One of the above description was selling some hats,
some time ago, and another of the trade asked him how
he could afford to sell them so very low. His answer
was, that if he had not had them manufactured alto-
gether by apprentices, he could not have afforded to
have sold them for anything like the price. These men
appear to me to injure others without benefiting them-
selves.
I hope, Messrs. Editors, that some philanthropic spir-
it will dictate some lawful means to eradicate and des-
troy such deadly poison, circulated throughout the veins
of society, and if it cannot be finally rooted out, let us
7 2 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
employ the best antidote we can. Let us do good in our
day and generation, by establishing societies for the
protection and help of such unfortunate young men as
I have already sufficiently spoken of. If all were master
mechanics, there would be no more labour performed
than there is at present; but there would be a more equal
distribution of the profits of that labour among the
members of society; and consequently would destroy
the powerful influence of monopolists. CANDIDUS.
II
THE
MECHANICS' UNION OF
TRADE ASSOCIATIONS AND THE
PHILADELPHIA POLITICAL MOVEMENT
INTRODUCTION
The first labor movement involving more than a sin-
gle trade in the United States grew out of the failure
of a strike of journeymen carpenters for a ten-hour day
in Philadelphia in the summer of 1827. The carpen-
ters were joined in their demand for ten hours by the
bricklayers, and perhaps also by the Journeymen House
Painters and Glazers who issued a call for a meeting
about this time. The master carpenters advertised for
journeymen to come to the city, stating that three or
four hundred hands could find immediate employment,
and this measure probably caused the defeat of the
strike. But the next year the journeymen appear to
have attained their object
The spirit of resistance was roused by the struggle
during the summer of 1827. Other trades became in-
terested, and soon afterwards the working men of the
city determined to form a central organization for aid
and protection in similar difficulties. As a result of
this determination there came into existence, late in
1827, the Mechanics' Union of Trade Associations, the
first city central union in the United States, if not in the
world. This organization proved, however, not the be-
ginning of a trade union movement, but the beginning
of a political movement
Some six or eight months after its organization, in-
deed, the Mechanics' Union decided that it was neces-
sary for the working men to go into politics to obtain
their rights, and a little later took the initial steps toward
the organization of a Working Men's Party. It appears
76 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
to have attempted, however, to maintain its own separate
existence as a trades 7 union at the same time that it fos-
tered the political movement. On October 4, 1828, the
Mechanics' Free Press announced a meeting of the Me-
chanics' Union of Trade Associations to consider "bus-
iness of the greatest importance." Gradually, however,
it lost vitality, and it probably existed for little more
than a year. Though at one time it was said to have
embraced fifteen societies, at the time of its final meet-
ing the number had been reduced to four. 18
The political movement, however, lasted from 1828
until after the fall election of 1831. For four years can-
didates were regularly nominated, and political address-
es issued by the working men. At the fall election in
1828, the working men's candidates received from 239
to 539 votes, while the Jackson candidates received
3,800 to 7,000 votes, and the Administration candidates
2,500 to 3,800 votes. Of the thirty-nine candidates nom-
inated by the working men, nineteen were also on the
Jackson ticket and ten on the Adams ticket. "The re-
sult," said the Mechanics' Free Press, "has been equal
to our most sanguine expectations; yet it may not be
equally as satisfactory to our friends ; but," the editors
continued, "when they consider the unprecedented
height of party excitement; the false, slanderous and
malicious reports, industriously circulated by our ene-
mies, together with the want of knowledge among
many of our fellow labourers, that there was on the
ground a ticket which more directly advocated their
cause . . . united this with the treasonable conduct
discovered on the part of some of the working men's
delegates . . . who can say but we have achieved
a triumph?" Much satisfaction was gleaned from the
18 The Man, Sept. 6, 1834.
1Q Mechanics' Free Press, Oct. 18, 1828.
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 77
fact, that, while they had disavowed any attempt to
influence the national election, yet the two candidates
for Congress openly acknowledged "the justice of the
working peoples 5 attempts to lessen the established
hours of daily labour." Their election bills exhibited,
in conspicuous characters, the words "From Six to Six,"
Both the great political parties had attached to their
carriages these words: "The Working Men's Ticket,"
coupled with the names of Jackson and Adams.
Before the next campaign the working men had or-
ganized a large number of political clubs in the differ-
ent wards and districts, and had greatly strengthened
their position. In the fall of 1829, f tih e thirty- two
candidates nominated on the city ticket, nine were en-
dorsed by the Federal Party and three by the Demo-
cratic Party. Of the nine county candidates three were
endorsed by the Federal Party and none by the Demo-
cratic Party. Sixteen of the working men's candidates,
and all except one of those who were also candidates
of either of the other parties, were elected. The work-
ing men cast nearly two thousand four hundred votes,
between eight and nine hundred in the city and over
one thousand four hundred in the country. Thus
the Working Men's Party acquired the balance of pow-
er, and the Federal Party profited most by alliance
with it.
In 1830, however, just when the working men of
Philadelphia were appealing to their brothers through-
out the state of Pennsylvania to join their movement,
difficulties and dangers began to multiply. The selec-
tion of candidates, though carried on apparently with
extreme care, appears to have led to many pitfalls, and
the Democrats continually asserted that the working
men were merely a wing of the Federal Party. In the
Northern Liberties a meeting of Democratic working
78 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol
men denounced the Working Men's Party, and on the
eve of the election the American Sentinel declared thai
the Philadelphia party endorsed the principles of Fran-
ces Wright and Thomas Skidmore of New York, and
by implication, at least, that its candidates were atheists
and agrarians. In the election, though the exclusive
working men's candidates received from 812 to 1,047
votes, the Democratic ticket was victorious over the
coalition candidates of the administration and working
men. The latter's joint candidate for Congress received
less than one third of the votes. The total voting
strength of the Working Men's Party in both the city and
county increased by about 300 votes over 1829, and in
the Northern Liberties the working men elected eight
candidates for county commissioner. The eight candi-
dates for the Common Council and the Assembly who
were first nominated by the working men and later by
the Democrats were also elected.
In the fall election of 1831, the candidates for city
offices who were exclusively on the working men's tick-
et received less than 400 votes, but the county candidates
for Assembly seem to have received from 1316 to 1800
votes. 20 This was the last year in which the working-
men's party nominated candidates. Their withdrawal
from the field appears, however, not to have been due
to defeat, but to two other causes : first, discouragement
over inability to increase the voting strength of the
party beyond a certain fixed point; and second, the over-
shadowing importance during the next year of ques-
tions of national politics, upon which the working men
had from the beginning declared themselves neutral.
One of the interesting developments of this period of
political agitation was Josiah Warren's plan of coop-
20 Poulson's American Dally Advertiser (Philadelphia), Oct. 13, 1831.
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC 79
eration or the "equal return of labour for labour. 7 ' 21
This scheme was founded upon a purely anarchistic
theory of voluntary action and entitles its originator to
be called the first American anarchist. Retail stores
based upon this principle were put into operation in
Cincinnati and Philadelphia, and later the experiment
was tried in other places.
21 The theory is perhaps best explained in a book by Stephen Pearl An-
drews, a disciple of Warren, entitled "The Science of Society," though War-
ren himself wrote a number of pamphlets, the most important being his Peri-
odical Letters of Progress. See Bailie, Josiah Warren (Boston, 1906).
i. THE FIRST CITY CENTRAL
ORGANIZATION
(a) ITS ORIGIN
(i) The Journeymen Carpenters demand a Ten-hour Day.
Preamble and Resolutions adopted at a meeting of journeymen house-
carpenters, June 14, 1827, from the Democratic Press (Phila.), June
14, 1827, p. 2, col. i.
. . . Whereas, all men have .a right to assemble in
apeaceable and orderly manner, for the purpose of delib-
erating on their own and the public good : And, where-
as, the Journeymen house carpenters, of the city and
county of Philadelphia, have for a long time suffered
under a grievous and slave like system of labour, which
they believe to be attended with many evils injurious
alike to the community and the workmen; they believe
that a man of common constitution is unable to perform
more than ten hours faithful labour in one day, and
that men in the habit of labouring from sun rise until
dark, are generally subject to nervous and other com-
plaints; arising from continued hard labour and they
believe that all men have a just right, derived from their
Creator, to have sufficient time in each day for the cul-
tivation of their mind and for self improvement; There-
fore, resolved, that we think ten hours industriously em-
ployed are sufficient for a day's labour.
The above resolution being unanimously adopted, it
was resolved, that it be carried into effect from this
da y- WILLIAM LOUCK Chairman
CHARLES FERRIS, Secretary
Philadelphia, June 13*, 1827.
THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 81
(2) The Employers resist the Demand.
Preamble and resolutions adopted at a meeting of master carpenters,
June 15, 1827, from Poulson's American Daily Advertiser (Phila.),
June 18, 1827, p. 3, col. 4.
. . . Whereas, the journeymen House Carpenters
of the city and county of Philadelphia have entered into
a combination and passed certain resolutions, not to la-
bour longer than from six o'clock in the morning to six
o'clock in the evening, thereby depriving their employ-
ers of about one fifth part of their usual time:
Therefore, resolved, that in the opinion of this meet-
ing it is inexpedient and altogether improper to comply
with the resolutions passed by the Journeymen House
Carpenters, at their late meeting, held at the Mayor's
court room.
RESOLVED, that we view with regret the formation of
any society that has a tendency to subvert good order,
and coerce or mislead those who have been industrious-
ly pursuing their avocation and honestly maintaining
their families.
RESOLVED, that the present price per day given to
Journeymen Carpenters, is as high as can be afforded
by their employers, when the whole time of the work-
man is given.
RESOLVED, that we will not employ any Journeyman
who will not give his time and labour as usual; inas-
much as we believe the present mode has not been, and
is not now, oppressive to the workmen.
RESOLVED, that we mutually pledge ourselves to sup-
port and fully carry into effect the foregoing resolu-
tions.
RESOLVED, that the Master Carpenters composing this
meeting, request of their employers a co-operation in
the above measure.
RESOLVED, that the Master Carpenters composing this
meeting give their names to the Secretary; when the
82 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
following was the result: (Number of Signatures-
122.)
RESOLVED, that a committee of 12 persons be appoint-
ed to call on the Master Carpenters who were unable to
attend this meeting to procure their signatures. . .
JOSEPH SMITH, Chairman -JOSEPH MOORE, Secretary.
(3) The Reply of the Journeymen.
Democratic Press, June 20, 1827, p. 2, col. 2.
ADDRESS. FELLOW CITIZENS: Having read in the
papers a report of the proceedings of the master car-
penters of the city and county of Philadelphia, held at
the Carpenters' Hall, on Friday the i5th inst. and find-
ing they have entered into a compact, and pledged
themselves mutually by giving their names, and causing
them to be published, not to comply with the request of
the journeymen, merely because they think it inexped-
ient and improper; and have also appointed a commit-
tee to call upon those employers who did not attend this
meeting, (as there are many who are in favour of the
journeymen) to persuade them to join this alliance for
the express purpose of forcing the journeymen into a
compliance, with their desires; also requesting the co-
operation of the citizens in their designs; we, the jour-
neymen house carpenters of the city and county of Phil-
adelphia, do appeal to the citizens of this place in
behalf of ourselves against our employers, as they have
published what we consider improper and untrue. They
say we are depriving them of a fifth part of the usual
time of working, it is a miscalculation : in the longest
day in summer/ there are but 15 hours sun, and deduct-
ing 2 hours for meals, leaves 13 hours for work; in the
shortest day there is but 9 hours sun, and of course 8
hours work averaging, ioj4 throughout the year, now
we propose to work 10 hours during the summer, and
as long as we can see in the winter, taking only one hour
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 83
for dinner, and we can accomplish nearly 9 hours work
in this manner in the shortest day. The average is
hours ; thus their loss would be but about one rath part
of the time, and we maintain not any in the work. They
say they view with regret our proceedings, but, fellow
citizens, why do they say so? It is because they are
aware if this alteration takes place, it will deprive them
of the power they have hitherto had of employing a man
during the summer, in the long days, and either discharg-
ing him in the winter, or reducing his wages, as it will
make a journeyman of nearly as much value in the winter
as in the summer. This is the reason why they say it is in-
expedient and improper; but fellow citizens, are we not
men as well as they, and freemen too ; do we not con-
tribute to the welfare and protection of our country as
much as they do? You know we do, and we are confi-
dent instead of co-operating with our employers, you
will agree with us in the justice as well as reasonable-
ness of our request. Citizens of Philadelphia, to you
we appeal, with you rests the ultimate success, or fail-
ure, of our cause, will you not assist us. Remember we
are men of like passions with yourselves, and say will
you combine with our employers to force us to be slaves.
THE JOURNEYMEN HOUSE CARPENTERS.
(4) They decide to strike.
Resolutions adopted at a meeting of journeymen house-carpenters, June
1 8, 1827, from the Philadelphia Freeman's Journal, June 15, 1827.
. . . RESOLVED, that we refrain from all labours as
House Carpenters, until the business becomes regulated
by corresponding committees.
RESOLVED, that there be a committee of twelve ap-
pointed for the purpose of negotiating with any com-
mittee of Master Carpenters, which they may think
proper to appoint Likewise, for the purpose of re-
ceiving any proposals from the citizens for the execu-
84 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [VoL
tion of carpenter's work, which they will undertake on
reasonable terms, and execute in ,a workmanlike man-
ner. Also, for distributing their funds to those poor
Journeymen House Carpenters who stand in need of
assistance during the stand out. . .
WILLIAM LAUCK, Chairman
CHARLES FERRIS, Secretary
(b) PREAMBLE OF THE MECHANICS' UNION OF
TRADE ASSOCIATIONS
Mechanics' Free Press, Oct. 25, 1828, p. i, col. 1-3. This was not pub-
lished until about a year after the organization of the association,
when the Mechanics' Free Press had been established as the organ
of the working men-
When the disposition and efforts of one part of man-
kind to oppress another, have become too manifest to
be mistaken and too pernicious in their consequences
to be endured, it has often been found necessary for those
who feel aggrieved, to associate, for the purpose of af-
fording to each other mutual protection from oppres-
sion.
We, the Journeymen Mechanics of the City and Coun-
ty of Philadelphia, conscious that our condition in
society is lower than justice demands it should be, and
feeling our inability, individually, to ward off from
ourselves and families those numerous evils which result
from an unequal and very excessive accumulation of
wealth and power into the hands of .a few, are desirous
of forming an Association, which shall avert as much as
possible those evils with which poverty and incessant
toil have already inflicted, and which threaten ultimate-
ly to overwhelm and destroy us. And in order that our
views may be properly understood, and the justness of
our intention duly appreciated, we offer to the public
the following summary of our reasons, principles and
objects.
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 85
If unceasing toils were actually requisite to supply
us with a bare, and in many instances wretched, subsist-
ence; if the products of our industry or an equitable
proportion of them, were appropriated to our actual
wants and comfort, then would we yield without a mur-
mur to the stern and irrevocable decree of necessity.
But this is infinitely wide of the fact. We appeal to
the most intelligent of every community, and ask- Do
not you, and all society, depend solely for subsistence on
the products of human industry? Do not those who
labour, while acquiring to themselves thereby only a
scanty and penurious support, likewise maintain in afflu-
ence and luxury the rich who never labour?
Do not all the streams of wealth which flow in every
direction and are emptied into and absorbed by the cof-
fers of the unproductive, exclusively take their rise in
the bones, marrow, and muscles of the industrious class-
es? In return for which, exclusive of a bare subsist-
ence, (which likewise is the product of their own indus-
try,) they receive -not any thing!
Is it just? Is it equitable that we should waste the
energies of our minds and bodies, and be placed in a
situation of such unceasing exertion and servility as
must necessarily, in time, render the benefits of our lib-
eral institutions to us inaccessible Nand useless, in order
that the products of our labour may be accumulated by
a few into vast pernicious masses, calculated to prepare
the minds of the possessors for the exercise of lawless
rule and despotism, to overawe the meagre multitude,
and fright away that shadow of freedom which still lin-
gers among us? Are we who confer almost every bless-
ing on society, never to be treated as freemen and equals,
and never be accounted worthy of an equivalent, in re-
turn for the products of our industry? Has the Being
who created us, given us existence only with the design
86 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
of making it a curse and a burthen to us, while at the
same time, he has conferred upon us a power with
which ten-fold more of blessings can be created than it
is possible for society either to enjoy or consume? No !
at the present period, when wealth is so easily and abun-
dantly created that the markets of the world are over-
flowing with it, and when, in consequence thereof, and
of the continual development and increase of Scientific
Power, the demand for human labour is gradually and
inevitably diminishing, it cannot be necessary that we,
or any portion of society should be subjected to perpet-
ual slavery. But a ray of intelligence on this subject
has gone forth through the working world, which the
ignorance and injustice of oppressors, aided by the most
powerful and opposing interests cannot extinguish; and
in consequence thereof, the day of human emancipation
from haggard penury and incessant toil is already
dawning. The spirit of freedom is diffusing itself
through a wider circle of human intellect, it is expand-
ing in the bosoms of the mass of mankind, and prepar-
ing them to cast off the yoke of oppression and servility,
wherever and by whatever means it has been riveted
upon them.
As freemen and republicans, we feel it a duty in-
cumbent on us to make known our sentiments fearlessly
and faithfully on any subject connected with the gen-
eral welfare; and we are prepared to maintain, that all
who toil have a natural and unalienable right to reap
the fruits of their own industry; and that they who by
labour (the only source) are the authors of every com-
fort, convenience and luxury, are in justice entitled to
an equal participation, not only in the meanest and the
coarsest, but likewise the richest and the choicest of
them all.
The principles upon which the institution shall be
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 87
founded, are principles, alike, of the strictest justice, and
the most extended philanthropy. Believing that, what-
ever is conducive to the real prosperity of the greatest
numbers, must in the nature of things conduce to the
happiness of all ; we cannot desire to injure nor take the
smallest unjust advantage, either of that class of the
community called employers or of any other portion.
It is neither our intention nor desire to extort inequita-
ble prices for our labour; all we may demand for this
shall not exceed what can be clearly demonstrated to be
a fair and full equivalent. If we demand more we
wrong the society of which we are members, and if so-
ciety require us to receive less, she injures and oppresses
us.
With respect to the relation existing between employ-
ers and the employed, we are prepared, we think, to
demonstrate, that it is only through an extremely lim-
ited view of their real interests, that the former can be
induced to attempt to depreciate the value of human
labour. The workman is not more dependent upon his
wages for the support of his family than they are upon
the demand for the various articles they fabricate or
vend. If the mass of the people were enabled by their
labour to procure for themselves and families a full and
abundant supply of the comforts and conveniences of
life, the consumption of articles, particularly of dwell-
ings, furniture and clothing, would amount to at least
twice the quantity it does at present, and of course the
demand, by which alone employers are enabled either
to subsist or accumulate, would likewise be increased in
an equal proportion. Each would be enabled to effect
twice the quantity of sales or loans which he can effect
at present, and the whole industry of a people, consist-
ing of their entire productive powers, whether manual
or scientific, together with all their capital, might be
88 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
put into a full, healthful, and profitable action. The
workman need not languish for want of employment,
the vender for sales, nor the capitalist complain for
want of profitable modes of investment. It is therefore
the real interest (for instance) of the Hatter, that
every man in the community should be enabled to
clothe his own head and those of his family with an
abundant supply of the best articles of that description;
because the flourishing demand, thereby created, and
which depends altogether on the ability of the multi-
tude to purchase, is that which alone enables him to
pay his rent and support his family in comfort.
The same may be said with respect to the Tailor, the
Shoemaker, the Carpenter, the Cabinetmaker, the
Builder, and'indeed of every other individual in society,
who depends for subsistence or accumulation upon the
employment of his skill, his labour, or his capital. All
are dependent on the demand which there is for the use
of their skill, service, or capital, and the demand must
ever be regulated by the ability or inability of the great
mass of the people to purchase and consume. If, there-
fore, as members of the community, they are desirous to
prosper, in vain will they expect to succeed, unless the
great body of the community is kept in a healthy, vigor-
ous and prosperous condition.
No greater error exists in the world than the notion
that society will be benefited by deprecating the value
of human labour. Let this principle (as at this day in
England) be carried towards its full extent, and it is
in vain that scientific power shall pour forth its inex-
haustible treasures of wealth upon the world. Its pro-
ducts will all be amassed to glut the over-flowing store-
houses, and useless hoards of its insatiable monopoliz-
ers; while the mechanic and productive classes, who
constitute the great mass of the population, and who
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 89
have wielded the power and laboured in the production
of this immense abundance, having no other resource
for subsistence than what they derive from the misera-
ble pittance, which they are compelled by competition
to receive in exchange for their inestimable labour,
must first begin to pine, languish, and suffer under its
destructive and withering influence. But the evil stops
not here. The middling classes next, venders of the
products of human industry, will begin to experience
its deleterious effects. The demand for their articles
must necessarily cease from the forced inability of the
people to consume : trade must in consequence languish,
and losses and failures become the order of the day.
At last the contagion will reach the capitalist, throned
as he is, in the midst of his ill gotten abundance, and his
capital, from the most evident and certain causes, will
become useless, unemployed and stagnant, himself the
trembling victim of continual alarms from robberies,
burnings, and murder, the unhappy and perhaps ill
fated object of innumerable imprecations, insults and
implacable hatred from the wronged, impoverished,
and despairing multitude. The experience of the most
commercial parts of the world sufficiently demonstrates
that this is the natural, inevitable, and, shall we not say,
righteous consequences of a principle, whose origin
is injustice and an unrighteous depreciation of the value
and abstraction of the products of human labour -a
principle which in its ultimate effects, must be product-
ive of universal ruin and misery, and destroy alike the
happiness of every class and individual in society.
The real object, therefore, of this association, is to
avert, if possible, the desolating evils which must in-
evitably arise from a depreciation of the intrinsic value
of human labour ; to raise the mechanical and productive
classes to that condition of true independence and ine-
9 o AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
quality [sic] which their practical skill and ingenuity,
their immense utility to the nation and their growing
intelligence are beginning imperiously to demand; to
promote, equally, the happiness, prosperity and welfare
of the whole community- to aid in conferring a due
and full proportion of that invaluable promoter of hap-
piness, leisure, upon all its useful members ; and to as-
sist, in conjunction with such other institutions of this
nature as shall hereafter be formed throughout the un-
ion, in establishing a just balance of power, both mental,
moral, political and scientific, between all the various
classes and individuals which constitute society at large.
(c) THE ENTRANCE INTO POLITICS
Mechanics' Free Press, July 5, 1828, p. 3, col. 5.
At a very large and respectable meeting of Journey-
men House Carpenters, held on Tuesday evening, July
ist, at the District Court Room, information was com-
municated by the delegates, that the Mechanics' Union
of Trade Associations is entering into measures for
procuring a nomination of candidates for legislative
and other public offices, who will support the interest
of the working classes: an expression of opinion and
sentiments on this subject having been called for, it was
unanimously resolved, that we entertain the most heart-
felt satisfaction and approbation for the measures in
contemplation, by the said "Mechanics' Union Associa-
tion," and will use every exertion to carry the said
measure into effect, T, H. GOUCHER, Sec'ry.
2. THE WORKING MEN'S PARTY
(a) THE FIRST GENERAL MEETING
Mechanics' Free Press t Aug. 16, 1828, p. 3, col. 4, 5. Preamble and res-
olutions adopted at a public meeting of the working men of the city
of Philadelphia, August n, 1828.
PREAMBLE. Public meetings of the citizens for the
purpose of co-operation in the management of Elec-
tions have been sanctioned by long established custom ;
and are generally admitted to be perfectly consistent
with the genius and character of popular governments :
and in this country particularly it may be safely as-
sumed that what is lawful in such cases for any portion
of the community, cannot be less so for the Working
Classes.
It has also been a practice with men of similar views
and pursuits, to concentrate their strength and talents
in order to secure to themselves the political guardian-
ship of their peculiar interests. The advantages re-
sulting from the exercise of this privilege have hither-
to escaped the notice of the majority of the working
men, who caught by the popular excitement of the day,
follow in the wake of their wary leaders, and having
mainly contributed to the elevation of their ambitious
favourites are doomed to sink again into their former
insignificance. With such odds .against them their in-
fluence as a body has assuredly declined, and with it
their rights and privileges. But instructed at length by
the experience of past errors and misfortunes, and thor-
oughly convinced of their undoubted right so to do in
such cases, the Mechanics ,and Working Men of the
city and County of Philadelphia, are determined hence-
forth to take the management of their own interests, as
92 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
a class, into their own immediate keeping, and with
this view propose the following resolutions preparatory
to arrangements for the ensuing General Election.
RESOLVED, that this meeting recommend to the Me-
chanics & Working Men of the City to support such
men only for the City Councils and State Legislature,
as shall pledge themselves in their official capacity to
support the interests and claims of the Working Classes.
RESOLVED, that we pledge ourselves not to permit the
measures growing out of this meeting to interfere with
the arrangements of either of the contending parties in
relation to the presidential question or congressional
election.
RESOLVED, unanimously, that four district meetings
of the City be held as follows [here follows list of places
and times], for the purpose of choosing delegates to
form a ticket for Assembly and City Councils to be sup-
ported by Mechanics and Working Men at the next
General Election.
RESOLVED, that the delegates so appointed be instruct-
ed to make their selections without regard to party
politics.
RESOLVED, that this meeting respectfully recommend
to the several district meetings to confine themselves in
their choice of Delegates entirely to Working Men.
RESOLVED, that a Committee be appointed to desig-
nate the place and advertise the same. . .
GEORGE W. JONES, Chairman -
JOHN NAPIER, JOHN MCMAHON,
Philadelphia, Aug. nth.
five] THE MECHANICS* UNION, ETC. 93
(b) QUESTIONS ADDRESSED TO CANDIDATES FOR
THE STATE LEGISLATURE
New York Free Enquirer, Oct. 7, 1829, pp. 397, 398. This circular
letter was sent by the delegates of the working men of Philadelphia
to each of the candidates whom they proposed to nominate for the
State Legislature.
Sir: The Delegates of the Working Men for the
city, having placed your name in the list of fourteen,
(from which seven will be chosen) as a candidate for
the State Legislature; they are desirous (through the
medium of the undersigned committee) to obtain your
views in relation to the following subjects:
First. An equal and general system of Education.
Second. The banking system, and all other exclusive
monopolies, considered with regard to the good or ill
effects produced upon the productive classes by their
operations.
Third. Lotteries, whether a total abolishment of
them is not essential to the moral as well as pecuniary
interest of society. Upon the important subject of Edu-
cation we wish most distinctly to understand whether
you do, or do not consider it essential to the welfare of
the rising generation, "That an open school and com-
petent teachers for every child in the state, from the
lowest branch of an infant school to the lecture rooms of
practical science, should be established, and those who
superintend them to be chosen by the people."
Our object in soliciting your views, sir, upon these
several important points, is to enable us in the discharge
of our duty, as delegates, to select such men for the Leg-
islature, as are willing as well as competent, to legis-
late upon subjects which the Working Men of the city
consider of the greatest importance, not only to them-
selves but the community at large. If your views
should be in accordance with the interests of those we
9 4 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
have the honor to represent, we request you to allow us
to place your name on our Ticket. We are very respect-
fully, Sir, your obedient servants, JOHN THOMASON,
THOMAS TAYLOR, WILLIAM ENGLISH,
JOHN ASHTON, JR., BENJ. MIFFLIN, Committee.
N.B. An immediate answer is particularly requested.
(c) THE EDUCATION QUESTION
(i) The Report of the Working Men's Committee.
Working Man's Advocate (N.Y.), March 6, 1830, p. i, col. 3-5; p. 2,
col. i, 2 ; extract from the Philadelphia Machanics* Free Press. Also
copied in Delaware Free Press, March 13-27, 1830. This committee
was appointed by the working men, and its report, "after much
deliberation and some amendments made," was unanimously adopted
at a meeting of the "friends of general and equal education." The
consideration of the report occupied three evenings, February 4, 8,
and n, 1830.
REPORT of the Joint Committees of the City and
County of Philadelphia, appointed September, 1829, to
ascertain the state of public instruction in Pennsylvania,
and to digest and propose such improvements in educa-
tion as may be deemed essential to the intellectual and
moral prosperity of the people.
It is now nearly five months since the committees were
appointed to co-operate on this arduous duty. But the
importance of the subject; the time expended in re-
search and enquiry, in order to procure information
relative to it; and the multiplied discussions and delib-
erations necessary to reconcile and correct their own
different and sometimes conflicting views, will, they
believe, constitute a reasonable apology for this long
delay.
After devoting all the attention to the subject, and
making every enquiry which their little leisure and abil-
ity would permit, they are forced into the conviction,
that there is great defect in the educational system of
Pennsylvania; and that much remains to be accom-
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC 95
plished before it will have reached that point of im-
provement which the resources of the state would justi-
fy, and which the intellectual condition of the people
and the preservation of our republican institutions de-
mand.
With the exception of this city and county, the city
and incorporated borough of Lancaster, and the city of
Pittsburgh, erected into "school districts" since 1818,
it appears that the entire state is destitute of any pro-
visions for public instruction, except those furnished
by the enactment of 1809. This law requires the asses-
sors of the several counties to ascertain and return the
number of children whose parents are unable, through
poverty, to educate them; and such children are per-
mitted to be instructed at the most convenient schools
at the expense of their respective counties.
The provisions of this act, however, are incomplete
and frequently inoperative. 22 They are, in some in-
stances, but partially executed; in others, perverted and
abused- and in many cases entirely and culpably neg-
lected. The funds appropriated by the act, have, in
some instances, been embezzled by fraudulent agents;
and in others, partial returns of the children have been
made, and some have been illegally and intentionally
excluded from participating in the provisions of the
law. From a parsimonious desire of saving the county
funds, the cheapest, and consequently the most ineffici-
ent schools have been usually selected by the commis-
sioners of the several counties.
The elementary schools throughout the state are irre-
sponsible institutions, established by individuals, from
mere motives of private speculation or gain, who are
22 See the first report of the state of education in Pennsylvania, made to
the Pennsylvania Society for the Promotion of Public Schools, 1828,
96 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
sometimes destitute of character, and frequently, of the
requisite attainments and abilities. From the circum-
stance of the schools being the absolute property of
individuals, no supervision or effectual control can be
exercised over them ; hence, ignorance, inattention, and
even immorality, prevail to a lamentable extent among
their teachers.
In some districts, no schools whatever exist! No
means whatever of acquiring education are resorted to;
while ignorance, and its never failing consequence,
crime, are found to prevail in these neglected spots, to
a greater extent than in other more favored portions of
the state.
The "three school districts," however, which have
been alluded to, are not liable to these objections. Much
good, in particular, has resulted from the establishment
of the first of these, comprising this city and county, and
which owes its establishment to the persevering efforts
of a few individuals, who, in order to succeed, even so
far, were compelled to combat the ignorance, the preju-
dices, and the pecuniary interests of many active and
hostile opponents.
But the principles on which these "school districts"
are founded, are yet, in the opinion of the committees,
extremely defective and inefficient Their leading feat-
ure is pauperism ! They are confined exclusively to the
children of the poor, while there are, perhaps, thousands
of children whose parents are unable to afford for them,
a good private education, yet whose standing, profes-
sions or connexions in society effectually exclude them
from taking the benefit of a poor law. There are great
numbers, even of the poorest parents, who hold a de-
pendence on the public bounty to be incompatible with
the rights and liberties of an American citizen, and
whose deep and cherished consciousness of indepen-
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 97
dence determines them rather to starve the intellect of
their offspring, than submit to become the objects of
public charity.
There are, also, many poor families, who are totally
unable to maintain and clothe their children, while at
the schools; and who are compelled to place them, at
a very early age, at some kind of labor that may assist
in supporting them, or to bind them out as apprentices
to relieve themselves entirely of the burthen of their
maintenance and education, while the practice formerly
universal, of schooling apprentices, has, of late years,
greatly diminished and is still diminishing.
Another radical and glaring defect in the existing
public school system is the very limited amount of in-
struction it affords, even to the comparatively small
number of youth, who enjoy its benefits. It extends, in
no case, further than a tolerable proficiency in reading,
writing, and arithmetic, and sometimes to a slight ac-
quaintance with geography. Besides these, the girls are
taught a few simple branches of industry. A great pro-
portion of scholars, however, from the causes already
enumerated, acquire but a very slight and partial knowl-
edge of these branches.
The present public school system, limited as it is to
three solitary school districts, makes no provision for
the care and instruction of children under five years old.
This class of children is numerous, especially among the
poor, and it frequently happens that the parents, or par-
ent, (perhaps a widow) whose only resource for a live-
lihood is her needle or wash tub, is compelled to keep
her elder children from the school to take charge of the
younger ones, while her own hands are industriously
employed in procuring a subsistence for them. Such
instances are far from being rare, and form a very prom-
inent and lamentable drawback on the utility of the
9 8 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
schools in these districts. The care thus bestowed on
infants, is insufficient and very partial. They are fre-
quently exposed to the most pernicious influences and
impressions. The seeds of vice, thus early scattered over
the infant soil, are too often permitted to ripen, as life
advances, till they fill society with violence and out-
rage, and yield an abundant harvest for magdalens and
penitentiaries.
An opinion is entertained by many good and wise
persons, and supported to a considerable extent, by ac-
tual experiment, that proper schools for supplying a
judicious infant training, would effectually prevent
much of that vicious depravity of character which penal
codes and punishments are vainly intended to counter-
act. Such schools would, at least, relieve, in a great
measure, many indigent parents, from the care of chil-
dren, which in many cases occupies as much of their
time as would be necessary to earn the children a sub-
sistence. They would also afford many youth an oppor-
tunity of participating in the benefits of the public
schools, who otherwise must, of necessity, be detained
from them.
From this view of the public instruction in Pennsyl-
vania, it is manifest that, even in "the school districts,"
to say nothing of the remainder of the state, a very large
proportion of youth are either partially or entirely des-
titute of education.
It is true the state is not without its colleges and uni-
versities, several of which have been fostered with lib-
eral supplies from the public purse. Let it be observed,
however, that the funds so applied, have been appropri-
ated exclusively for the benefit of the wealthy, who are
thereby enabled to procure a liberal education for their
children, upon lower terms than it could otherwise be
afforded them. Funds thus expended, may serve to en-
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 99
gender an aristocracy of talent, and place knowledge,
the chief element of power, in the hands of the privi-
leged few; but can never secure the common prosperity
of a nation nor confer intellectual as well as political
equality on a people.
The original element of despotism is a monopoly of
talent, which consigns the multitude to comparative ig-
norance, and secures the balance of knowledge on the
side of the rich and the rulers. If then the healthy exist-
ence of a free government be, as the committee believe,
rooted in the will of the American people, it follows
as a necessary consequence, of a government based upon
that will, that this monopoly should be broken up, and
that the means of equal knowledge, (the only security
for equal liberty) should be rendered, by legal pro-
vision, the common property of all classes.
In a republic, the people constitute the government,
and by wielding its powers in accordance with the dic-
tates, either of their intelligence or their ignorance; of
their judgment or their caprices, are the makers and the
rulers of their own good or evil destiny. They frame
the laws and create the institutions, that promote their
happiness or produce their destruction. If they be wise
and intelligent, no laws but what are just and equal will
receive their approbation, or be sustained by their suf-
frages. If they be ignorant and capricious, they will be
deceived by mistaken or designing rulers, into the sup-
port of laws that are unequal and unjust.
It appears, therefore, to the committees that there can
be no real liberty without a wide diffusion of real intel-
ligence ; that the members of a republic, should all be
alike instructed in the nature and character of their
equal rights and duties, as human beings, and as citi-
zens ; and that education, instead of being limited as in
our public poor schools, to a simple acquaintance with
IPO AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
words and cyphers, should tend, as far as possible, to the
production of a just disposition, virtuous habits, and a
rational self governing character.
When the committees contemplate their own condi-
tion, and that of the great mass of their fellow laborers ;
when they look around on the glaring inequality of soci-
ety, they are constrained to believe, that until the means
of equal instruction shall be equally secured to all, lib-
erty is but an unmeaning word, and equality an empty
shadow, whose substance to be realized must first be
planted by an equal education and proper training in
the minds, in the habits, in the manners, and in the feel-
ings of the community.
While, however, the committees believe it their duty
to exhibit, fully and openly, the main features and prin-
ciples of a system of education which can alone com-
port with the spirit of American liberty, and the equal
prosperity and happiness of the people, they are not
prepared to assert, that the establishment of such a sys-
tem in its fullness and purity, throughout the state, is
by any means attainable at a single step. While they
maintain that each human being has an equal right to a
full development of all his powers, moral, physical, and
intellectual ; that the common good of society can never
be promoted in its fullness till all shall be equally se-
cured and protected in the enjoyment of this right, and
that it is the first great duty of the states, to secure the
same to all its members ; yet, such is now the degraded
state of education in Pennsylvania, compared with
what, in the opinion of the committees, education for a
free people should be, that they despair of so great a
change as must be involved in passing from one to the
other, being accomplished suddenly throughout the
state. N'o new system of education could probably
be devised with consequences so manifestly beneficial, as
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 101
to awaken at once in the public mind, .a general convic-
tion and concurrence in the necessity of its universal
adoption.
The committees are aware, also, that it is their duty
to consult the views, the feelings, and the prejudices, not
of a single district or county merely, but of the state
in general. The measure which it is their business to
propose, is one designed to be of universal extent and
influence, and must, to be successful, be based upon the
manifest wishes of nearly the whole commonwealth. It
is not, therefore, to what would constitute a perfect edu-
cation only, but also, to what may be rendered practic-
able-it is not with a view, exclusively, to the kind of
education every child of Pennsylvania ought to have,
but likewise to what it is possible, under existing circum-
stances, views, and prejudices, every child of Pennsyl-
vania may and can have, that they have drawn up a bill
or outline of what they deem a system of public educa-
tion, adapted to the present condition and necessities
of the state in general.
The principal points in which the bill for establish-
ing common schools, accompanying this report, differs
from the existing system of free schools, are as follows:
i. Its provisions, instead of being limited to three
single districts, are designed to extend throughout the
commonwealth, ad. It places the managers of the pub-
lic schools, immediately under the control and suffrage
of the people. 3d. Its benefits and privileges will not,
as at present, be limited as an act of charity to the poor
alone, but will extend equally ,and of right to all classes,
and be supported at the expense of all. 4th. It lays a
foundation for infantile, as well as juvenile instruction.
And lastly, it leaves the door open to every possible im-
provement which human benevolence and ingenuity
may be .able to introduce.
102 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
While, however, the committees would urge the es-
tablishment of common elementary schools throughout
the state, as comprising, perhaps, the best general sys-
tem of education which is at present attainable, it is but
just to exhibit, also, some of the defects as well as the
advantages of such schools ; and to suggest such further
measures as appear calculated to obviate such defects.
The instruction afforded by common schools, such as
are contemplated in the bill for a general system of edu-
cation, being only elementary, must, of necessity, pro-
duce but a very limited development of the human fac-
ulties. It would indeed diminish, but could not destroy,
the present injurious monopoly of talent. While the
higher branches of literature and science remain acces-
sible only to the children of the wealthy, there must still
be a balance of knowledge, and with it a "balance of
power," in the hands of the privileged few, the rich and
the rulers.
Another radical defect in the best system of common
schools yet established, will be found in its not being
adapted to meet the wants and necessities of those who
stand most in need of it. Very many of the poorest
parents are totally unable to clothe and maintain their
children while at school, and are compelled to employ
their time, while yet very young, in aiding to procure a
subsistence. In the city of New York, a much more effi-
cient system of education exists than in this city, and
common schools have been in successful operation for
the last ten or twelve years ; yet there are at the present
time upwards of 24,000 children between the ages of 5
and 15 years, who attend no schools whatever, and this
apparently criminal neglect of attending the schools is
traced, chiefly, to the circumstance just mentioned. It
is evidently therefore, of no avail, how free the schools
may be, while those children who stand most in need
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 103
of them, are, through the necessity of their parents,
either retained from them altogether, or withdrawn at
an improper age, to assist in procuring a subsistence.
The constitution of this state declares that "the legis-
lature shall provide schools in which the poor may be
taught gratis." If this signifies that the poor shall have
an opportunity afforded for instruction, it must in-
volve means equal to the end. The poverty of the poor
must be no obstruction, otherwise the constitution is a
dead letter- nay, worse, an insult on their unfortunate
condition and feelings.
The committees, therefore, believe, that one school, at
least, should be established in each county, in which
some principle should be adopted, calculated to obviate
the defects that have been alluded to, and by which the
children of all who desire it, may be enabled to procure,
at their own expense, a liberal and scientific education.
They are of the opinion that a principle fully calculated
to secure this object, will be found in a union of agricul-
tural and mechanical with literary and scientific instruc-
tion; and they have therefore, in addition to a plan of
common elementary schools, drawn up and appended
to this report, the substance of a bill providing for the
establishment of high schools, or model schools, based
upon this principle, which they also present for public
deliberation.
Believing, as the committees do, that upon an equal
education and proper training to industry, sobriety, and
virtue, hangs the liberty and prosperity of the new
world, and, perhaps, the ultimate emancipation of the
old ; and believing, as they do, that the union of industry
with literature and science constitutes the only desider-
atum by which an equal education can be supplied and
secured to all classes, they experience the most sincere
pleasure in discovering that this good and great prin-
104 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol
ciple is gaining in popularity and dominion throughout
the world. Not only are institutions of this kind estab-
lished in France, Prussia, Germany, and Great Britain,
in imitation of the original Hofwyl institutions in
Switzerland, but in the United States, also, there are
several. At Whitesborough, N.Y., there is one with
from 30 to 40 pupils ; at Princeton, Ky., another con-
taining 80 ; a third exists at Andover, Mass., that accom-
modates 60 pupils ; a fourth at Maysville, Tenn. ; and a
fifth has recently been established at Germantown, in
this county. At Monmouth, N.J., and at Cincinnati,
Ohio, very extensive establishments, based upon this
principle, have been or are about commencing.
The Germantown establishment had been commenc-
ed only seven months when its first report was made, in
November last. The pupils are instructed in litera-
ture, the sciences, languages, morals, and manual labor.
The latter consists of agriculture, gardening, and some
mechanic arts. They are permitted to labor little or
much, as their dispositions may incline them or their
necessities dictate. The institution, at its commence-
ment, on the ist of May, 1829, had but four pupils -
at the date of the report it had 25. By an estimate
made by the board of managers, as early as July last, it
appeared that the balances against several of them for
board and tuition were but very small, and that some of
them, by their labor, had almost cleared their expenses.
They generally work from two to five hours per day.
The first institution in which manual labor appears
to have been combined with literature and science, was
established many years since by Fellenberg, at Hofwyl,
in the Canton of Bern, Switzerland.
The pupils of this institution, in addition to a common
or elementary education, were instructed in almost
every branch of literature and science. They were
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 105
taught agriculture, gardening, and the mechanic arts,
and their choice of the latter was greatly facilitated by
the numerous workshops on the premises. The ele-
ments of drawing, surveying and geometry, botany,
mineralogy, music, and athletic exercises formed a part
of their amusements.
Hofwyl was an independent, selfgoverning com-
munity, regulated by a constitution and bylaws formed
by the pupils themselves. It had its code of laws; its
council of legislation; its representatives; its civil offi-
cers ; its treasury. It had its annual elections, and each
member had an equal vote; its labors and duties in
which all took an equal share. It proposed, debated,
and enacted its own laws independent even of Fellen-
berg himself, and never, writes one of the pupils after
he had left it, "never perhaps were laws framed with
a more single eye to the public good, nor more strictly
obeyed by those who framed them."
The same writer considers this circumstance of form-
ing the school into an independent juvenile republic,
as the great lever that raised the moral and social char-
acter of the Hofwyl establishment to the height it ulti-
mately attained. It gave birth, he says, to public spirit
and to social virtues. It awakened in the young repub-
lican an interest in the public welfare, and a zeal for
the public good, which might in vain be sought in older
but not wiser communities. . .
There is one point in which the committees believe
that the gradual extension and ultimate universal adop-
tion of this system of education will produce a benefit,
the value of which no human calculation can ascertain.
It is but too well known that the growing effects of
intemperance -that assassinator of private peace and
public virtue, are in this country terrific; and that this
fearful pestilence, unless checked in its career by some
106 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
more efficient remedy than has yet been resorted to,
threatens to annihilate, not only the domestic peace and
prosperity of individuals, but also the moral order and
political liberties of the nation. No people can long
enjoy liberty who resign themselves to the slavery of
this tyrant vice. Yet does it appear to the committees,
that all efforts to root this moral poison from the consti-
tution of society will prove futile until the trial shall be
made upon our youth. When we behold the hundreds,
perhaps thousands of youth, who, between the ages of
14 and 21 are daily and nightly seduced around or into
the innumerable dens of vice, licensed and unlicensed,
that throng our suburbs, we are constrained to believe
that in many if not in most cases, the unconquerable
habit that destroys the morals, ruins the constitution,
sacrifices the character, and at last murders both soul
and body of its victim, is first acquired during the
thoughtless period of juvenile existence. This plan of
education, however, by its almost entire occupation of
the time of the pupils, either in labor, study, or recrea-
tions ; by the superior facilities it affords for engrossing
their entire attention, and by its capability of embracing
the whole juvenile population, furnishes, we believe,
the only rational hope of ultimately averting, the ruin
which is threatened by this extensive vice.
The committee are aware that any plan of common
and more particularly of equal education that may be
offered to the public, is likely to meet with more than an
ordinary share of opposition. It is to be expected that
political demagogism, professional monopoly, and mon-
ied influence, will conspire as hitherto (with several
exceptions more or less numerous) they ever have con-
spired against every thing that has promised to be an
equal benefit to the whole population. Nevertheless,
the appearance, that something will now be done for
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 107
the intellectual as well as every thing for the physical
improvement of the state are certainly very promising.
The public mind is awake and favorably excited, while
the press also is somewhat active on this subject. Our
present legislature and chief magistrate appear like-
wise earnestly desirous of producing a reform in the sys-
tem of public education, and we believe they are waiting
only for the public sentiment to decide on the principles
and character of that reform.
When this decision shall be fully made, and openly
and firmly supported by the public voice, we doubt not
but our representatives will cheerfully give their legis-
lative sanction to those measures of educational reform,
which shall appear manifestly based upon the will of
the people.
(2) The Argument against Public Schools.
Philadelphia National Gazette. Editorials published in July and Au-
gust, 1830.
[July 10, p. 2, col. 2, 3] We remark the following
toast in one of the lists which nearly fill the papers at
this season.
"Education and general information -these must in-
deed constitute our only true National Bulwark. May
the day soon come when in point of literary acquire-
ments the poorest peasant shall stand on a level with
his more wealthy neighbours."
It is our strong inclination and our obvious interest
that literary acquirements should be universal ; but we
should be guilty of imposture, if we professed to believe
in the possibility of that consummation. Literature
cannot be acquired without leisure, and wealth gives
leisure. Universal opulence, or even competency, is a
chimera, as man and society are constituted. There
will ever be distinctions of condition, of capacity,
of knowledge and ignorance, in spite of all the fond
io8 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
conceits which may be indulged, or the wild projects
which may be tried, to the contrary. The "peasant"
n\ust labor during those hours of the day, which his
wealthy neighbor can give to the abstract culture of his
mind ; otherwise, the earth would not yield enough for
the subsistence of all : the mechanic cannot abandon the
operations of his trade, for general studies ; if he should,
most of the conveniences of life and objects of exchange
would be wanting; langour, decay, poverty, discontent
would soon be visible among all classes. No govern-
ment, no statesman, no philanthropist, can furnish what
is incompatible with the very organization and being
of civil society. Education, the most comprehensive,
should be, and is, open to the whole community; but it
must cost to every one, time and money; and those are
means which every one cannot possess simultaneously.
Doubtless, more of education and of information is at-
tainable for all in this republic, than can be had any
where else by the poor or the operatives, so called.
[July 12, p. 2, col. i] It is an old and sound remark,
that government cannot provide for the necessities of
the People ; that it is they who maintain the government,
and not the latter the People. Education may be among
their necessities ; but it is one of that description which
the state or national councils cannot supply, except par-
tially and in a limited degree. They may endow public
schools for the indigent, ,and colleges for the most com-
prehensive and costly scheme of instruction. To create
or sustain seminaries for the tuition of all classes -to
digest and regulate systems; to adjust and manage de-
tails, to render a multitude of schools effective, is be-
yond their province and power. Education in general
must be the work of the intelligence, need, and enter-
prise of individuals and associations. At present, in
nearly all the most populous parts of the United States,
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 109
it is attainable for nearly all the inhabitants; it is com-
paratively cheap, and if not the best possible, it is sus-
ceptible of improvement and likely to be advanced. Its
progress and wider diffusion will depend, not upon
government, but on the public spirit, information, lib-
erality and training of the citizens themselves, who may
appreciate duly the value of the object as a national
good, and as a personal benefit for their children. Some
of the writers about universal public instruction and
discipline, seem to forget the constitution of modern
society, and declaim as if our communities could re-
ceive institutions or habits like those of Sparta. The
dream embraces grand Republican female academies,
to make Roman matrons !
[July 1 6, p. 2, col. i] The Connecticut Courant, of
the 1 3th inst, gives the subjoined account of the Com-
mon Schools of that State.
"The prevailing mode of managing our common
schools renders them comparatively useless. Exclusive
reliance is placed upon the avails of the fund, and in a
great majority of instances, no addition is made to the
amount obtained from this source, by tax or otherwise,
and consequently adequate means are not provided for
employing competent instructors, and introducing the
improvements which have been suggested by modern in-
vestigations. In most cases, the public provision which
has been made for schools, instead of operating as an
encouragement to liberality and effort for their im-
provement, is regarded as a sufficient excuse for doing
nothing. Accordingly the public money is used while
it lasts, and when this is exhausted the school is discon-
tinued. A cheap instructor is employed for a few
months, and the remainder of the year the school-house
is closed."
This is but a faint illustration of what would happen
no AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
if the new project of Universal Education, by means of
the Government, was at all practicable and should be
attempted. The higher colleges, military and naval
schools, and schools for the indigent, may be endowed
by government and administered by persons of its choice ;
but education generally, to be effective, must be left to
the enterprise and competition of individuals, to the sa-
gacity , and liberality of parents, and to the efforts of en-
lightened associations. In this country, nothing could
prevent it from becoming a political job, if a govern-
ment concern.
[August 19, p. 2, col. i, 2] We can readily pardon
the editor of the United States Gazette for not perceiv-
ing that the scheme of Universal Equal Education at the
expense of the State, is virtually "Agrarianism." It
would be a compulsory application of the means of the
richer, for the direct use of the poorer classes ; and so
far an arbitrary division of property among them. The
declared object is, to procure the opportunity of in-
struction for the child or children of every citizen; to
elevate the standard of the education of the working
classes, or equalize the standard for all classes; which
would, doubtless, be to lower or narrow that which the
rich may now compass. But the most sensible and re-
flecting possessors of property sufficient to enable them
to educate their children in the most liberal and effica-
cious way, and upon the broadest scale, would prefer to
share their means for any other purpose, or in any other
mode, than such as would injuriously affect or circum-
scribe the proficiency of their offspring. A public
meeting of "the Mechanics and other Working Men of
the City and County of New York," was held in the
city, on the 17* inst, and among the principles for
which they have "resolved" to contend, we find the fol-
lowing:
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC.
"In Education -The adoption of a general system of
instruction, at the expense of the State, which shall af-
ford to children, however rich or poor, equal means to
obtain useful learning. To effect this, it is believed that
a system of direct taxation will not be necessary, as the
surplus revenue of the State and United States Govern-
ments will, in a very few years, afford ample means -
but even if it were necessary to resort to direct taxation
to accomplish this all-important object, and the amount
paid by the wealthy should be far greater than that paid
by our less eligibly situated fellow-citizens, an equiva-
lent to them would be found in the increased ability and
usefulness of the educated citizen to serve and to pro-
mote the best interests of the State ; in the increased per-
manency of our institutions - and in the superior protec-
tion of liberty, person and property."
Thus, a direct tax for "the equal means of obtaining
useful learning" is not deemed improbable, and it is ad-
mitted that the amount which would be paid by the
wealthy would be "far greater" than that paid by their
"less eligibly situated fellow citizens." Here, we con-
tend, would be the action, if not the name, of the Agra-
rian system. Authority- that is, the State-is to force the
more eligibly situated citizens to contribute a part
(which might be very considerable) of their means, for
the accommodation of the rest; and this is equivalent to
the idea of an actual, compulsory partition of their sub-
stance. The more thriving members of the "mechani-
cal and other working classes" would themselves feel
the evil of the direct taxation; they would find that they
had toiled for the benefit of other families than their
own. One of the chief excitements to industry, among
those classes, is the hope of earning the means of educat-
ing their children respectably or liberally: that incent-
ive would be removed, and the scheme of State and equal
H2 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
education be thus a premium for comparative idleness,
to be taken out of the pockets of the laborious and con-
scientious. . .
We have no confidence in any compulsory equaliza-
tions; it has been well observed that they pull down
what is above, but never much raise what is below, and
often "depress high and low together beneath the level
of what was originally the lowest" By no possibility
could a perfect equality be procured, A scheme of uni-
versal equal education, attempted in reality, would be an
unexampled bed of Procrustes, for the understandings
of our youth, and in fact, could not be used with any de-
gree of equality of profit, unless the dispositions and
circumstances of parents and children were nearly the
same ; to accomplish which phenomenon, in a nation of
many millions, engaged in a great variety of pursuits,
would be beyond human power. . .
[August 23, p. 2. col. i] We perceive that the editor
of the United States Gazette has not studied the Boston
Free School system. There is no parity or affinity be-
tween that and the new scheme of Universal Equal Edu-
cation. Only a portion of the Massachusetts youth are
educated in the Free Schools. Throughout New Eng-
land, and particularly in Connecticut, well-grounded
complaint is made of the insufficiency and mismanage-
ment of the system. We do know that it has been found
extremely difficult to induce the poorer classes of Phil-
adelphia to avail themselves, for their children, of our
Common Schools ; and that they neglect the benefit in .a
degree which would be deemed almost incredible. It
is not that they are averse to the charity education, as
such; they prefer, or are obliged, to use their offspring
at home, or consign them to manufactories.
In New York, the same reluctance or refusal is ex-
perienced. There is room in the schools there, for
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. n 3
thousands more of pupils than are given. The real state
of the case may be known by reference to the New
York official reports. Good private teachers would
abound in Philadelphia, if they could obtain scholars.
We are acquainted with men of excellent capacity, who
have failed wholly or partially, in the attempt to form
establishments, though asking for their instruction, a
price within the means of the great majority of our citi-
zens. The due encouragement of private enterprise
would answer every salutary purpose.
[August 25, p. 2, col. i, 2] The editor of the New
York Morning Herald observes -
"We cannot believe that the editor of the National
Gazette intended to imply by his remarks (on Univers-
al Education) that the labouring classes ought to be de-
barred the liberty of acquiring an education, by which
they would be placed on a level with the wealthy."
Certainly not. Some years ago, we strenuously re-
sisted a project for the establishment of a special school
in this city for the Mechanics, from which instruction
in the dead languages was to be excluded; and our chief
motive was to prevent the Mechanics from being thus
deprived of the kind of education necessary to the
learned professions, to which it is their interest and
right, and the interest of the country, that access should
be kept open for their children. They possess a the lib-
erty of acquiring an education placing them on a level
with the wealthy/' we mean such of the mechanics
as are able to pay the moderate charges of the classical
schools -the University of Pennsylvania for instance.
We are sorry that more of those who can afford it do not
avail themselves of the opportunity. . .
The trades and handicraft generally must be contin-
ued; a full apprenticeship must be served; and with
these necessities of society, a full, liberal education for
n 4 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
the artisan and laboring youth would be incompatible.
The thriving master-mechanics might, as they can now
do, place their own children on a level with the wealthy,
in point of education; but they must ever employ boys
and men comparatively uneducated, or their business
would be at an end. Universal Equal Education is im-
possible, if the trades, manufactories and manual labor
are to be successfully prosecuted, unless the standard of
education be greatly lowered and narrowed. . .
(d) ADDRESS OF THE CITY AND COUNTY CONVEN-
TION TO THE WORKING MEN OF THE STATE
Mechanics 1 Free Press, July 10, 1830, p. i, col. 6; p. 2, col. ^.
FELLOW-CITIZENS: In offering to your consideration
a subject of such importance, we shall state the ground
which has led us to a separation from the two great
political parties which have heretofore misruled and
misrepresented the people, and the reasons for dissent-
ing from existing laws, which we consider unreasonable
and unjust, operating like an incubus upon the equitable
energies of those who constitute the true wealth and
strength of our country, thereby nullifying in practice
the glorious principle and vivifying declaration that
"all men are born equal." Too long have the operatives
of this country, as in all others, been left without a
suitable representation in the local, state and national
councils to guard their interests and crush a power in its
origin that ultimately deadens and paralyses their ef-
forts to sustain their rank and privileges as freemen; a
power which while it holds them amenable, yet, through
the influence of the powers that be, passes by the malver-
sations of the great, the rich, and the powerful.
In assuming a title, our object is not to draw another
useless line of distinction between our fellow-citizens
for mere electioneering purposes -it is that all thinking
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 115
as we do may rally under one banner, and by a unity in
action produce the desired end.
The main pillar of our system is general education ;
for it is an axiom no longer controverted, that the stabil-
ity of a republic depends mainly upon the intelligence
of its citizens -that in proportion as they become wise
they become virtuous and happy- that the period for
forming a good and useful citizen is in youth, ere ig-
norance and crime have deluded the mind by a length-
ened dominion over it, and therefore that an early and
suitable education for each child is of primary impor-
tance in maintaining the public weal.
It is now forty years since the adoption of the consti-
tution of Pennsylvania, and although that instrument
strongly recommends that provision be made for the
education of our youth at the public expense, yet during
that long period, has the salutary and patriotic obliga-
tion been disregarded by our legislative authority, and
thousands are now suffering the consequences of this
disregard to the public welfare on the part of our rulers.
It is true, that some attempts have been made to reme-
dy the omission in two or three districts of the state, but
they have proved ineffectual. The very spirit in which
these provisions have been made not only defeats the
object intended, but tends also to draw still broader the
line of distinction between the rich and the poor. All
who receive the limited knowledge imparted by the
present system of public education are looked upon as
paupers, drawing from a fount which they have in no
wise contributed towards creating. The spirit of inde-
pendence and of feeling in which all participate, cause
the honest and industrious poor to reject a proffered
bounty that connects with its reception a seeming dis-
grace. This honest pride in relation to charity schools,
n6 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
however injurious its effects may be on the poor man's
offspring, is nevertheless commendable, inasmuch as it
is in accordance with the spirit of our free institutions,
with our elevated national character -and such a nar-
row policy is less than they have a right to demand at
the hands of our representatives.
It is in vain for the opponents of equal education to
assert that the poor, if left to themselves, will use their
exertions to educate their children, and that the expens-
es saved them by its being accomplished by public means,
will be expended by the parent on less important sub-
jects; for it is a lamentable fact, that persons destitute
of education .are ignorant of the loss they sustain, and
hence, fail to avert the evil from their offspring. The
ignorance of the parent generally extends to his chil-
dren's children, while the blessings of a liberal educa-
tion ,are handed down from father to son as a legacy
which poverty cannot impoverish.
We confidently anticipate the cordial co-operation of
our brethren throughout the state in favour of this great
object, so essential to our happiness as freemen. All
must be aware of the necessity of the prompt interfer-
ence of the people in behalf of those cardinal principles
of republican liberty which were declared in '76, and
which can only be sustained by the adoption of an ample
system of public instruction, calculated to impart equal-
ity as well as mental culture -the establishment of insti-
tutions where the children of the poor and the rich may
meet at that period of life, when the pomp and circum-
stance of wealth have not engendered pride; when the
only distinction known, will be the celebrity each may
acquire by their acts of good fellowship ; when the best
opportunity is afforded for forming associations that
will endure through life, and where the obloquy attend-
ing the present system will not attach. The objection
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 117
that the children of the wealthy will not be sent to these
schools, is one of minor importance. Our main object is
to secure the benefits of education for those who would
otherwise be destitute, and to place them mentally on
a level with the most favored in the world's gifts. As
poverty is not a crime, neither is wealth a virtue. Why
then so much anxiety to be associated with a particular
portion of our citizens merely on account of their
wealth? They form but a small portion of the entire
population of our country, and as its safety must depend
upon the majority, 'tis there our duty and our exertions
should be directed.
It has been remarked, and with much plausibility,
that if common schools were established, and provided
with suitable instructors in the various departments of
a thorough education, the numbers attending "colleges"
would be much diminished. This position we admit
and cheerfully assent to. Our object is not to raise the
hue and cry against colleges -it is not to drag down and
chain the intellect of others to the common extent of
learning by endeavoring to enlist the public voice against
them, but it is to make each avenue of learning the cer-
tain pathway to the entire field of science.
Let us unite then, fellow citizens, on a measure
fraught with such momentous consequences - a measure
involving the happiness or misery of posterity. We are
all equally interested in preventing crime by contribut-
ing to the means of knowledge and virtue. Consider
the responsibility which rests upon us as parents and cit-
izens of a free state. We should constantly bear in mind
that the prosperity and happiness of our beloved country
essentially depend on the speedy adoption of an equal
and republican system of mental instruction. Let it no
longer be said that the people of Pennsylvania, with the
most unbounded resources, should be the last to embark
1 1 8 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
in the glorious work of providing for the intellectual
emancipation of her offspring.
It may perhaps be owing to the non-existence of this
desirable object, that we have to complain of other
evils, affecting the interests of the Working Man in a
pecuniary point, in respectability, and not unf requently
his personal liberty.
We shall particularly call your attention to the practice
of granting special favours in charters and monopolies,
by which the profits arising from any branch of trade, are
taken from the community and given to favorites. This
practice originated in monarchies whose features were
in the extreme despotic. The British practised it prev-
ious to the settlement of this country, and most, if not
all, of our states were settled in consequence of charters
or grants to particular men. Unfortunately for our
country, these insidious features of despotism were soon
engrafted on our institutions, and from use have be-
come a constituent portion of our government. The
natural resistance to these subtle communities, is found-
ed in the dislike to distinctions, totally opposed to re-
publican opinions, of equality, and to the blasting effects
on the productive portion of the community. There
can be no doubt that all chartered monopolies are in-
fringements on the rights of the citizen, however we
may be disposed to accede to their usefulness, when con-
fined to necessary objects unattainable by individual
enterprise.
The moment they pass these bounds, and commence
to accumulate wealth and power in the hands of .a few, it
is at the expense of those who have not the inclination
or means to participate, and falls eventually upon those
who are the only producers of the necessaries, luxuries,
and comforts of life.
The objections against monopolies apply with tenfold
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC 119
force to banks. Without discussing the question of how
far the emission of paper money is an infraction of
the United States Constitution, it is an undeniable fact,
that these emissions are of great injury to the people,
by its unequal, fluctuating and easily imitated currency.
We cannot but weep over that policy of our legislature,
which transplanted from a foreign soil an evil so great,
and so opposite to the spirit of liberty. The declination -
the ruin of republican governments may follow the ex-
istence of two classes, the immensely rich and the miser-
ably poor. The existence of banks is an evil which we
cannot expect soon to overcome ; but as they do exist, the
stockholders should at least be made answerable for all
debts, and the payment of all forged notes ; for as they
are the only gainers, others should not be the only losers.
An appendage, if not a component part of chartered
monopolies, will be found in the lottery system -a sys-
tem calculated to endow the rich with the hard earnings
of the poor- to enable the hand of oppression to grasp
from the palm of penury its poor pittance, and to make
the wealthy more powerful, while it enslaves the needy.
To the practice of speculation, which has been instru-
mental in producing, and the policy that has contin-
ued, so great an evil, we particularly object. There
are at present not less than 200 lottery offices in Phila-
delphia, ,and as many if not more persons engaged in
hawking tickets. Against the former we say naught.
Theirs are voluntary purchasers, whilst the itinerant
vender assails the poor man at his labour, enters the
abode of the needy, and by holding out false promises of
wealth, induces him to hazard his little .all on the demor-
alizing system, which costs the City of Philadelphia
alone $500,000 per annum.
To the militia system we call your particular atten-
tion. We would ask if a plan could be produced less
120 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
likely to effect its object, than that which now degrades
the state? What benefits result from it? Are the citi-
zens who are not attached to a volunteer corps at all ad-
vanced in a knowledge of the military science? Could
the government, in the event of an invasion, depend up-
on the discipline it enforces ? Is it not a heavy tax upon
the state, without the shadow of ,a benefit? Does not a
compliance with its provisions cause annually great in-
convenience, and promote scenes of debauchery, collect-
ing the depraved and the vicious, and contributing
largely to a continuance of their degradation? Has not
every parade a tendency to bring the system more into
disrepute, and does it not receive the censure of every
intelligent man in the community? If the coercive
militia trainings were abandoned entirely, is there any
probability that the numbers of our volunteer soldiers
would be diminished? And is it not evident that the
discipline, and effective power of a soldier proceeds
solely from a becoming spirit, which cannot exist when
he is coerced into the ranks? The answers to these quer-
ies exist in the breast of every observer of our "spring
trainings," and although it is universally admitted to
be an evil of great magnitude, suitable efforts have not
been made for its removal : it still exists, a monument of
the gross ignorance, or wilful neglect of those sent to
represent our interests.
In its place we would recommend a total abandon-
ment of the disgraceful militia musters, calculated to
cast .a blot on our country's military escutcheon, and that
legislative encouragement be given to "our chief reli-
ance in the moment of danger," our volunteers.
Past experience has convinced us of the impolicy of
requiring heavy pecuniary securities, for the fulfillment
of trusts reposed in public officers. We look upon the
system, as having a direct tendency towards building up
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 121
a monied aristocracy; as the man of limited means, no
matter how eminent his talents or unimpeached his in-
tegrity, is debarred the opportunity of attaining any
lucrative office, for the want of sufficient surities,
or else he must become the pliant tool of those who will
reap all the benefits of his appointment By reducing
the pecuniary securities, and making a public defalca-
tion a penal offence, the poor as well as the wealthy
would be eligible to offices of profit and of honour.
There is one more subject to which we wish to call
your attention, before we close this address. It is the
subject of imprisonment for debt; it is one in which all
who have a regard for the rights of their fellow men
will unite, and all whose bosoms glow with philan-
thropy, will rejoice to see its abolition. How long fel-
low citizens, shall the fair page of our history be blem-
ished by this foul blot? How long shall it be the policy
of our government, to add oppression and insult to the
wounded feeling of the unfortunate man? The existing
laws on this subject are very defective. The creditor is
not rightly protected against the swindler, and the poor
man is burthened with. the expense to procure bail, &c.,
to get through. We say the creditor is not protected,
because he is at all times made to prove that the appli-
cant has property. We would have that every man,
when he contracts a debt, should make it appear that he
is solvent, (if the creditor should require it) and that
such declaration should be used as evidence against him,
and that the court should not allow the applicant, in ac-
count for loss actually sustained, any extravagant living,
horse and gig hire, &c., only allowing him to account
for reasonable wearing .apparel and other reasonable
domestic expenses and actual losses. If such were the
case, there would be but a limited number of applicants
for the benefit of the insolvent laws. The industrious
122 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
trader and working man would not be so often robbed
of their substance, to keep in idleness the host of swind-
lers and knaves that now prey upon their very vitals.
In closing this address, it will be necessary to propose
some general course, whereby the evils of which we
complain may be remedied, and to secure the adoption
of measures calculated to promote the interest and en-
hance the happiness of each and every class in society.
This has one remedy: select honest, fearless, and capable
agents -vote for no proud patrician who cannot sub-
scribe to the precepts and principles of the Working
Men -consider all against, whose pride prevents him
from -ackowledging himself for us, and, by a manly,
prudent, and united action, oppose the selection of im-
proper men to places of power and trust, by the election
of those more honest and capable possessing principles
of pure republicanism, and thereby eventually secure
ithe passage of just and equitable laws -let difficul-
ties and disappointments but add fresh determination to
our zeal, endeavouring to make each contest a victory.
Let us bear in mind, that in obtaining an equal system of
education, we will rid ourselves of every existing evil -
let us dispel the objections against sending children to
public schools -the thought that it is disreputable,
should not, for a moment, be permitted to dwell within
our bosoms ; it is the offspring of a narrow-minded pre-
judice, originating in pride and cherished by feelings
incompatible with the existence of perfect equality.
The noblest minded of our citizens, .accept, without hes-
itation, any office in the gift of the public or its author-
ities, the emoluments of which are paid to them out of
taxes levied on the citizens generally. The most wealthy
deem it not derogatory to have their children educated
at the public expense, at our National School at West
Point, and none refuse .a similar benefit from the Navy;
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 123
and wherein, we would ask, are the principles we advo-
cate, less worthy than those practised by the "dignitar-
ies" and "patricians" of our country?
Education is alone the banner on which our civil and
religious freedom can be inscribed, never to be defaced;
and whilst borne in triumph by the support of each cit-
izen, every succeeding anniversary of our political inde-
pendence will proclaim an "All's Well."
JOHN ASTON, JUNIOR; JOHN THOMPSON; JOHN S.
WARNER; WILLIAM J. CRANS; WILLIAM J. YOUNG;
JOSEPH A. M'CLINTOCK ; RICHARD P. RISDON
Committee.
3. CO-OPERATION
(a) THE PLAN OF THE CINCINNATI LABOUR FOR
LABOUR STORE
Mechanics' Free Press, Aug. 9, 1828, p. i, col. i, 2.
EXPLANATION OF THE DESIGN AND ARRANGEMENTS
of the Co-operative Magazine, which has recently heen
commenced in Cincinnati.
Whoever can for a moment, so far abstract his
thoughts from his pecuniary concerns, as to look around
him, and observe the evils, which the established laws
and customs, with respect to the administration of prop-
erty, are daily producing in what is called Civilized
Society, must, if he is possessed of the least degree of
sensibility, feel a strong desire, to remove these evils.
That the inevitable tendency of these Laws and Cus-
toms, is to produce Ignorance, Want, and Wretchedness,
to the majority of mankind, to the labouring and useful
members of Society, we have only to refer to their con-
dition, in those countries where the present arrange-
ments have been longest in operation, and where a full
and satisfactory trial of them has been made.
In these countries, abounding with everything that
is desirable, we see the labouring and useful members of
Society, who have produced every thing, starving in the
streets for want ; while some are rendered equally mis-
erable from the anxieties 1 of speculation and competi-
tion, and others for want of an object worthy of pursuit,
are destroying their health, and shortening their lives
by inactivity and apathy, or by luxuriously revelling
upon the labour of the depressed.
Insincerity among friends, Lawsuits between rela-
THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC 125
tions, Hypocrisy in religion -deception in trade -dis-
honesty, speculation and enmity between man and man,
are only a few of the results of these laws and customs.
Nor should we confine our observations to the old
world only. Already have we in this country, made
alarming progress in the road to national ruin; and un-
less some effort be made to prevent the accumulation of
the wealth of the country, in the hands of a few, we in-
stead of setting to the world an example of republican
simplicity, of Peace and Liberty, shall soon add one
more to the catalogue of nations, whom aristocracy has
blasted, and whom inequality of wealth, has precipita-
ted from a comparatively prosperous situation to the
lowest grade of degradation and misery.
Every reflecting mind must perceive the propriety
of searching for the means by which these evils may be
avoided, and of making every practicable effort (how-
ever feeble) to put them in operation.
With these views an experiment has been commenced
in this place; which although upon .a very small scale,
will test the principles upon which it is based. And it
will be a very easy and natural step, to make more com-
plete and extensive arrangements whenever it may be
desirable.
As this experiment now begins to excite much in-
quiry; and as it is immediately connected with the
greatest interests of all parties, it appears necessary and
proper to bring the subject forward in such a form and
manner that all may have an opportunity to consider,
and to understand it.
It is already known that the method of dealing at this
place is different from that in common practice. But
it is a few of our friends only, who at present understand
in what this difference consists.
It is for the information of inquiries, and for the
I 2 6 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
benefit of those who are desirous of making similar ar-
rangements, that the following statements are made, and
in doing this, we shall carefully avoid all comments and
matters of opinion, they may in future occupy their
proper time and place- at present we wish to make a
simple statement of facts, and leave the reader to draw
his own conclusions.
By the new arrangements, all Labour is valued by the
Time employed in it.
Much might be said to show that, as Time is above
all things most valuable, that Time is the real and nat-
ural standard of value. But we will not now undertake
to prove, that, which (upon reflection) no one will un-
dertake to deny. We will rather proceed to give the
arrangements which have been made to carry this prin-
ciple into effect.
PRESENT ARRANGEMENT OF THE MAGAZINE. Here
upon this single and simple principle, all exchanges of
articles and personal services are made, so that he who
employs five or ten hours of his time, in the service of
another, receives five or ten hours labour of the other in
return. The estimates of the time cost, of articles hav-
ing been obtained from those whose business it is to
produce them, are always exposed to view, so that it
may be readily ascertained, at what rate any article will
be given and received. He who deposits an article, which
by our estimate costs ten hours labour, receives any
other articles, which, together with the labour of the
keeper in receiving and delivering them, costs ten hours,
or, if the person making the deposit does not wish at
that time, to draw out any article, he receives a Labour
Note for the amount; with this note he will draw out
articles, or obtain the labour of the keeper, whenever
he may wish to do so.
In cases where the labour does not admit of being de-
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 127
posited, the person who receives it, gives a labour note
on the Magazine, by which the bearer can draw out any
articles which the Magazine may contain, as persons of
all professions will require those things which do admit
of being deposited. At present many articles are bought
with money- these are delivered out for the same amount
of money which the keeper paid for them, and he is
rewarded for his labour with an equal amount of the
labour of him who receives them, which is deducted
from the note before mentioned.
There are some articles, one part of which at present
is procured with money, and the other has been depos-
ited upon the new principle. That part for which mon-
ey was paid, is paid for in money, and the other part is
paid for in an equal amount of labour. We do not ex-
change labour for money, or money for labour, except-
ing in particular cases of necessity.
The loss on any article, after having been ascertained,
is added to, and becomes one part of its price. An ac-
count of all the labour and money expenses is kept, and
when any one receives an article, he pays as much labour
and money over and above the cost, as will be likely to
pay these expenses ; the amount being liable to vary ac-
cording to local and other circumstances, is fixed peri-
odically by the keeper. An open record is kept upon
which is noted in a simple and expeditious manner, each
article that is delivered : and this is done by such a meth-
od that at a meeting of those who are in the habit of
dealing here, it can be readily ascertained how much
labour and money have been received for the purpose
of discharging these expenses: and if when compared
with the account of expenses it appears that too much
has been received, the overplus will be distributed
equally unless .any individuals choose to keep an account
of the precise proportions of their dealing, in which case
128 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
they will receive accordingly. If too little has been
paid, all will see the propriety and the necessity of sup-
plying the deficiency, and therefore no obligation to that
effect is required. The expenses are paid in this man-
ner, in order to secure the Magazine against the chances
of loss, and to enable strangers to receive the benefits of
the establishment, without being under the necessity of
returning at a future time for the purpose of discharg-
ing these little items of expense.
The keeper exhibits the bills of all his purchasers to
public view so that the cost of every article may be
known to all. There is a list upon which each individ-
ual who is in the practice of dealing here, can make
known his wants, and the keeper of the Magazine re-
ports each day the articles or labour that can be received,
and those who wish for the employment, refer first to the
report of their wants to know whether their articles or
services are required- as none can be received which
are not wanted.
When the keeper has occasion for money, he reports
upon the list of wants the rate at which he is willing to
receive it in exchange for his labour. There is a place
for advertisements, so that communications can be made
to all interested. When any one wishes to deal in the
common way, and feels no interests in the new arrange-
ments, the keeper will deal in that way, provided the
profits will amount to that which he requires in money
as the reward of his labour for that day.
These^are all the important arrangements which have
so far appeared necessary. There are no contracts or
agreements between any parties but these, or any other
regulations or customs which may from time to time be
adopted at this place, will always be subject to altera-
tion, or to be abolished whenever increasing knowledge
shall exhibit the propriety of change.
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC. 129
N.B. Those who may be desirous of establishing
Magazines will find their labour very much .abridged
by taking copies of our Labour estimates of Articles.
(b) CONSTITUTION OF THE PHILADELPHIA LABOUR
FOR LABOUR ASSOCIATION
Mechanic? Free Press, May 24, 1828, p. 2, col. 2, 3.
Fully persuaded that nothing short of an entire
change in the present regulations of trade .and commerce
will ever be permanently beneficial to the productive
part of the community,
We agree to form a society for the purpose of intro-
ducing an equitable valuation of labour, to be located
in the city or county of Philadelphia, under the follow-
ing Constitution.
ARTICLE ist The title of the society shall be the
producer's exchange of labour for labour association.
ARTICLE ad. The members shall consist of such per-
sons of both sexes, over the age of twelve years, as shall
sign this constitution.
ARTICLE 3d. The association will, as soon as twenty-
five persons have become parties hereto, rent or pur-
chase a suitable tenement to be occupied as a place of
exchange ; which shall be denominated the producers ex-
change of labour for labour store.
ARTICLE 4th. The association shall choose by ballot,
at the expiration of every three months, a President,
Secretary, Committee of Trade and Commerce, and
Committee of Exchange.
DUTIES OF OFFICERS
Section ist. The president will preside at all meet-
ings of the association, draw all orders on the store for
the payment of rent of store, committee of trade and
commerce, and committee of exchange.
Section ad. The secretary will keep a record of the
minutes of the meeting of the association, attest all or-
I 3 o AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
ders drawn by the president, and record the same in a
book kept especially for the purpose.
Section 3d. The committee of trade and commerce
will inspect the affairs of the store, and report at the
expiration of every month, the number and description
of articles that remain on hand over & above the quan-
tity which they deem requisite for the subsequent
month's supply; and upon receiving the direction of the
association therefor, will immediately exchange with
general society or otherwise, such surplus for any other
articles that the association may require; and at the
expiration of every three months, they will take an ac-
count of the stock remaining on hand, audit the accounts
of the committee of exchange, ascertain the amount of
the incidental expenses of the store, and report accord-
ingly.
Section 4th. The committee of exchange will re-
ceive and deliver all commodities deposited by the mem-
bers, or procured by the committee of trade and com-
merce, keep accurate accounts thereof, in a book or
books, to be provided by the association -and open a
debit and credit with each member in a pass book to be
procured by him and retained in his possession; they
will also report daily the description of articles that
the association may stand in need of.
ARTICLE 5th. The members shall be at liberty to
make deposits in the store, of such articles as are enum-
erated in the report of wants, at such times as the asso-
ciation may agree upon.
ARTICLE 6th. All articles that are entirely the pro-
duce of the labour of members of the association, or,
for no part of which money has been paid, shall be
valued by the number of hours, or parts of an hour, re-
quired for the production, and where different persons
of the same profession, disagree in their estimates, the
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC 131
average of the whole shall be the price. A medium
adult workman shall be taken as .a criterion, but if fe-
males or children, perform the work, it does not in our
opinion diminish its value.
ARTICLE yth. All articles that are manufactured out
of materials which cost money, shall be received at the
store at the prime money cost of such materials, and the
number of hours, or parts of an hour, required for their
manufacture.
ARTICLE 8th. The merchandize procured by the
committee of trade and commerce, shall be delivered by
the committee of exchange to the members at the money
cost and labour value of the goods exchanged for it
The association agree and bind themselves never to at-
tempt a conversion of money into labour, or vice versa,
as we are satisfied that no such conversion can take place,
without the most palpable and flagrant injustice.
ARTICLE 9th. Any member depositing any article in
the store, for the whole of which he paid money, will
be required to present the bill of sale thereof to the
committee of exchange, who will take a copy thereof,
which, together with a list of the money cost, and labour
value, of all articles received at the store, shall at all
times be open to the inspection of all the members.
ARTICLE loth. There shall be kept in the store a
report book, to which the members shall have free ac-
cess, where those who have articles to dispose of, and
those who want employment, or are desirous to procure
any commodities not usually kept in the store, could
severally make known their wants, and ascertain wheth-
er their articles or services were required, .and where
the committee of exchange will make known the wants
of the store.
ARTICLE i ith. The association shall upon the report
of the committee of trade and commerce, authorize and
[32 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
lirect them to exchange the surplus contained in such
report, for such other articles as the association may
agree.
ARTICLE I2th. Members shall be entitled to draw
out of the store, either personally or by their order, to
the amount of their deposits, in any commodities it may
contain, but no one shall be permitted to draw there-
from, a greater amount of either money or labour, than
he or she deposits, upon any account, nor by the order
of any of the officers of the association, nor otherwise
than by the express consent therefor in writing, of all
the members first had and obtained.
ARTICLE I3th. The committee of trade and com-
merce, and committee of exchange, will be at liberty to
present once a month, at one of the regular meetings of
the association, an account of the numbers of hours they
have been employed in the discharge of their respective
duties, which account shall be paid in articles the labour
value of which has been ascertained.
ARTICLE i4th. The members agree to defray equal-
ly among them, the rent and incidental expenses of the
store, and the compensation of the committee of trade
and commerce and of exchange,
ARTICLE ijjth. The association will not be answer-
able for the private individual debts of any of the mem-
bers, contracted either previous to, or during member-
ship.
ARTICLE i6th. The association will not pay any
debts contracted in its name, or on its account, by any of
its officers or members.
ARTICLE iyth. The association shall have power to
enact by a majority of the members present, at any of
the regular meetings ; such bye-laws as may from time
to time be found necessary: Provided, that such bye-
five] THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC 133
laws shall be in strict accordance with the constitution ;
and further provided that they shall be proposed for
the consideration of the association at the regular meet-
ing next preceding their enactment.
ARTICLE i8th. The association may at any time here-
tofore be dissolved, by the unanimous vote by ballot,
of all the members: Provided, that a resolution for
that purpose, be presented to the association at one of
its regular meetings, at least three months previous to
a final decision being taken on it, and persons may dis-
continue their membership, by declaring, either verbally
or in writing, their wish to do so, at one of the regular
meetings of the association.
ARTICLE ipth. The association may at any time
hereafter, alter or amend, this constitution, by the con-
currence of a majority of two-thirds of all the members:
Provided, that notice of such alteration, or amendment,
shall be given at the regular meeting next preceding its
adoption, except the sixth, seventh, eighth, twelfth,
eighteenth and nineteenth articles, which shall never be
altered or amended, otherwise than by the express con-
sent in writing therefor of all the members.
(c) A LETTER FROM JOSIAH WARREN
Mechanics' Free Press, May 10, 1828, p. 2, col. 2.
Cincinnati, April 20, 1828.
Dear S-The perusal of your letter which I received
about three weeks since, gave me great satisfaction. It
affords me pleasure to find that you still feel such inter-
est in the subject to which I am devoted. You inquire
what progress has been made since you left here; to
this I could reply more than the limits of a letter will
permit, but I will endeavour to enable you to form some
idea. I think you left before the cold weather com-
menced, and therefore have not witnessed the most im-
134 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
portant of our operations. As soon as the season became
cool, there were great demands for cloths of various
kinds, which I found no difficulty in procuring. I
bought at the public sales on a credit of 60 and 90 days,
and very often sold the goods in 6 days, and some in less
time. The place now became crowded, although you
know that it stands remote from the bustle of business ;
so much was this the case that I became so exhausted
with buying -and selling goods, and in talking and ex-
plaining that I was obliged to shut up the magazine,
half of each day in order to rest from the fatigue and
confusion occasioned by the business of the other half.
But this produced so much disappointment to the coun-
try people & others, that I was induced to open again
during the day-time. John Ramsdale, who was with us
at Harmony, and who was much opposed to the system
at the commencement, has turned his store into a place
of the kind, and now fully adopts it. He is the only
one who has actually commenced, but many have had
it in contemplation. One very important fact, that
Messrs. Folger, Nye, Saunders, Pickering, Burgen, Rid-
er, and all those who were so much delighted at first,
have not changed their views in the least, except by an
increase of zeal in its favour; and many more who knew
nothing of it nor had any correct views of the nature
of justice between man and man, when you was here
have become really enlightened on the all-important
subject, and in their intercourse with others are now
spreading the honest principle far and wide. The mag-
azine has been enlarged to about double its former di-
mensions ; the work was performed by seven Carpenters,
all upon the time system, and by putting my labour
against theirs, they have gained at the rates of from i to
50 dollars per hour. This would not be believed by any
JOSIAH WARREN
First American anarchist and descendant of Joseph
Warren, killed at Bunker Hill
(From a photograph by Frank RowelL Reproduced
by permission from Bailie^s Josiah Warren, the First
American Anarchist)
THE MECHANICS' UNION, ETC 137
one who had not realized it by some experience, but you
have seen something of its results.
I have had Rice at i% cents per pound, Codfish at
2*4 cents, while the standing prices are 6^ and 8 cents
for the former, and 8 for the latter. Medicines as
usual. 23 Cloths at about 33 per cent below the current
prices; remarks will be rendered unnecessary by your
own reflections upon these facts.
We have commenced shoemaking, and several have
perceived the practicability of learning a business which
they never thought of before. Mr. Ashworth 24 made
a pair of shoes at the first attempt, which none but a
critic could perceive were not the production of an ex-
perienced workman ; and many others have acquired a
knowledge of this trade with equal facility. When we
require instruction in any part with which we are not
acquainted, we obtain it from some of our friends and
pay them hour for hour in labour notes on the Maga-
zine. I look upon these movements with great interest,
for they are of immense importance to those who are
now suffering by mystery and speculation.
I can say no more now without incurring double post-
age, therefore for the present -farewell. Your friend,
JOSIAH WARREN.
MR. ROBERT SMITH, Philadelphia.
28 That is the wholesale prices which varies from one to three hundred
per cent discount on standard retail prices.
24 Mr. A. is a gentleman of between 40 and 50 years of age, who had never
before worked at any mechanical avocation. - R.S.
Ill
THE WORKING
MEN'S PARTY OF NEW YORK
INFRODUCTION
In New York the working men's political movement
began in 1829. la 1828, however, there had occurred
a vigorous "anti-auction" campaign, in which the ap-
peal was made primarily to mechanics, and this issue
was later incorporated in the working men's political
platform. The movement in New York was much
more complicated than in Philadelphia, more radical
in its demands, more distinct in its cleavage of classes
and attended with greater immediate success. It ex-
tended rapidly, naoreover, to other sections and during
1830 was widespread throughout the state of New York.
As in Philadelphia,, the working men's party had its
origin in a ten-hour movement. In this case, however,
the demand was not for shortening the hours of labor,
but for retaining the tea-hour day already secured, and
was not originally confined to a particular trade but
was general among die mechanics. For a time the
movement was dominated by Thomas Skidmore, the
author of a book published late in 1829 and entitled
The Rights of Man toJProperty: being a Proposition
to make it Equal timomg the Adults of the Present Gen-
eration: and to Provide for its Equal Transmission to
Every Individual of Ed ch Succeeding Generation, on
arriving at the ge ojf Maturity. The ideas promul-
gated in this book came to be widely known under the
name, agrarian ism, an<l~\yere violently attacked by the
press of the day, These ideas, however, injected into
a preamble and resolutions presented at a public meet-
ing of working men on October 19, 1829, an d partially
I 4 2 AMERICAN_INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
hidden in a mass of fervid democratic doctrine, were
hastily approved, a motion to have the resolutions dis-
cussed one by one being overruled by Skidmore, and
went forth as the sentiments of the mechanics of New
York. At the same time, the fact that Robert Dale
Owen happened to be one of the secretaries of the meet-
ing of October 19, led to the inference that his friends
were in control of the new party, and the ticket came
to be universally known, after the name of Owen's fel-
low-editor of the Free Enquirer, as the Fanny Wright
Ticket. Both Owen and Frances Wright, however, re-
pudiated Skidmore's doctrines.
Soon after the election, the working men began to
reconsider their hastily adopted program; and .a con-
ference committee of the several wards was appointed
which presented on December 29, 1829, an address, res-
olutions and plan of organization which repudiated the
agrarian doctrines. Skidmore was present at this meet-
ing and attempted to speak but was shouted down by
the multitude. He later set up his own party and plat-
form under the name of "the original working men",
started a paper called the Friend of Equal Rights, and
was active in both the spring and fall campaigns of
1830. In the fall election, when the party had candi-
dates for all the state offices except governor, Skidmore
himself received 116 votes for Congress. 25
Meanwhile the majority party elected a general exec-
utive committee of five members from each of the four-
teen wards of the city. This committee of seventy
nominated sub-committees, which in the course of three
months brought in reports on imprisonment for debt,
auctions, taxation of bank stock, and city markets, and
these were adopted as memorials to the legislature. The
report of the education committee, however, which
2S Farmers', Mechanics' and Workingmen's Advocate, Noy. 13, 1830.
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 143
was generally recognized as the most important of the
sub-committees, was delayed by disagreements. One
of the seven members of the committee was in favor of
a report which advocated the state guardianship system
of education, the idea of which was originally advanced
in this country by Robert Dale Owen, who derived it
in part from his recollection of his own boyhood at the
Fellenberg school at Hofwyl, Switzerland, the proto-
type of the George Junior Republic, and in part from
the communistic teachings of his father, Robert Owen.
Upon this rock the sub-committee and later the execu-
tive committee itself split. The majority of the sub-
committee sent in a report denouncing the state guard-
ianship plan and assailing somewhat acrimoniously the
minority member. Its report was adopted, it was al-
leged, by a trick in which twenty-five members of the
executive committee forced a snap vote at a meeting
when but forty-five were present. Their action, how-
ever, appears to have been sustained by the majority, for
the Address which they later issued explaining the mat-
ter was signed by forty-three members of the executive
committee, including two elected meanwhile in place
of two who belonged to the minority.
The minority, however, promptly held meetings in
the various wards and filled up its vacancies. Thus
there came to be three working men's parties in the city
of New York; the Agrarian Party, voiced by the
Friend of Equal Rights] the State Guardianship Party,
voiced by the Daily Sentinel and the Working Man's
Advocate] and a third party, variously designated as
the North American Hotel Party, the Anti-education
Party, the Twenty- five, etc., voiced by the Evening Jour-
nal. This third party appears to have been the largest
numerically, for in the fall campaign its candidates for
assembly received from 5,937 to 7,836 votes, while those
I 44 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol
of the State Guardianship Party received only from
2,128 to 2,329 votes. 26 It was the party, moreover, with
which most of the working men outside of the city of
New York were in sympathy, and its delegates were
accepted, in opposition to those sent by the state guard-
ianship faction, by the state convention of working men
held at Salina.
At this convention of "fanners, mechanics and work-
ingmen" there were present seventy-eight delegates
from thirteen counties. Tickets had been nominated
in a considerable number of localities and had been
partially or entirely successful in Troy, Albany, Syra-
cuse, Salina, and other places. These tickets, however,
appear to have been nominated and supported in oppo-
sition to the Albany Regency, rather than in support of
a clear-cut working class program. The candidate for
governor nominated by the Salina convention, more-
over, was a prominent Democrat, who after several
weeks' delay, declined the nomination, leaving the party
without a candidate.
Meanwhile, however, the state guardianship faction
held a meeting in New York and nominated its own
candidates for state offices, and their action was Later
acceded to by a meeting of working men at Albany.
It is significant, moreover, that the Mechanics' Free
Press of Philadelphia favored this faction. Their can-
didate for governor, however, received only 1,959 votes
in the city and county of New York, less than any of
their other candidates, 27 and only 373 votes outside of
the city.
The exciting election of 1830 practically closed the
independent career of the various working men's par-
ties. The "twenty-five" faction appears to have finally
^Farmers', Mechanics' and Workingmeris Advocate, Nov. 13, 1830.
27 Working Man's Advocate, Nov. 13, 1830.
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 145
amalgamated with the Federal Party, and the state
guardianship faction with Tammany. A meeting was
held, however, by the latter faction on December 28,
1830, which issued a statement of principles similar to
its previous utterances. On March 4, 1831, moreover,
this faction met to receive the report of a committee
previously appointed to prepare an address to the work-
ing men of the United States. 28 And in the following
spring election both factions had candidates. 29 As in
Philadelphia, however, the approaching presidential
campaign cast its shadow before and effectually put a
stop to independent political action outside of the big
parties.
2* Farmers', Mechanics' and Workingmen's Advocate, March 12, 1831.
29 Morning Courier and New York Enquirer, April 15, 1831.
i. THE ORIGIN OF THE MOVEMENT
(a) THE MECHANICS REMONSTRATE AGAINST EX-
TENSION OF THE WORKING DAY BEYOND
TEN HOURS
New York Morning Courier, April 25, 1829, p. 2, col. 3. Resolutions
passed at a meeting of " Mechanics and others, assembled ... to
consider the propriety of remonstrating against any further exten-
sion of the time of a day's work" on April 23, 1829.
. . . RESOLVED, that ten hours well and faithfully
employed is as much as an employer ought to receive, or
require, for a day's work; and that it is as much as any
artisan, mechanic or laborer, ought to give.
RESOLVED, that all men hold their property by the
consent of the great mass of the community, and by no
other title; that a great portion of the latter hold no
property at all ; that in society they have given up what
in a state of nature they would have equal right to with
others; and that in lieu thereof, they have the right to
an equal participation with others, through the means
of their labor, of the enjoyments of a comfortable sub-
sistence. Therefore,
RESOLVED, that if those in whose power it is to give
employment, withhold such employment, or will only
give it in such a manner as to exact excessive toil, and at
a price which does not give a just return, such persons
contravene the first law of society, and subject them-
selves to the displeasure of a just community.
RESOLVED, that we offer the foregoing as reasons to
our fellow citizens for remonstrating against increasing
the time long since in this city and elsewhere established,
as being sufficient to perform a day's work; and that we
trust it will meet with their approbation.
NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY
147
RESOLVED, that we will work for no employer who at-
tempts to violate the rule already by long practice estab-
lished, and found to be consistent with the best interests
of both the employer and the employed. . .
OLIVER EDSON, Chairman -JAMES QUINN, Secretary.
(b) THEY APPOINT A COMMITTEE OF FIFTY
Morning Courier, April 30, 1829, p. z, col. 5. Resolutions passed at a
meeting of mechanics, &c., on April 28, 1829.
. . . RESOLVED, that the Creator has made all
equal.
RESOLVED, that in the first formation of government,
no man gives up to others his original right of soil, and
becomes a smith, a weaver, a builder, or other mechanic
or laborer, without receiving a guaranty that reasonable
toil shall enable him to live as comfortable as others.
RESOLVED, that the rights of the rich, or in other
words, the employer, are not greater now than they were
then.
RESOLVED, that the rights of the poor, or the em-
ployed, are not less.
RESOLVED, that those who now undertake to exact an
excessive number of hours of toil for a day's work, are
aggressors upon the rights of their fellow citizens, in-
vaders of their happiness, and justly obnoxious to the
indignation of every honest man in the community.
RESOLVED, that we will not labor for any man more
than the just and reasonable time of ten hours a day;
and that if our employers are determined to make the
experiment, which can longest be suspended, business
with them, or with us, the supply of the wants of nature
for ourselves and families, we will hold them responsi-
ble, as we also hold ourselves, to the good sense of our
fellow citizens, for the wrongs we may suffer at their
hands.
RESOLVED, that a committee of 50 persons be appoint-
[Vol.
ed to devise the meanToT assisting those who may re-
quire it in consequence of fulfilling the foregoing reso-
lutions, and that they make report at a future meeting
RESOLVED, that the same committee be authorised and
instructed to call another meeting as soon as they shall
deem it expedient.
RESOLVED, that the names of those who shall hereafter
work more than ten hours a day, or require or receive
it, shall be published in the public papers as soon as they
shall be ascertained. . .
2. THE AGRARIAN PARTY
(a) THE REPORT AND RESOLUTIONS OF THE COM-
MITTEE OF FIFTY
Working Man's Advocate (New York), Oct 31, 1829, p. i, col. 2. This
report was presented at a meeting on October 19, 1829. Though
handed in by J, C, Stanley, chairman of the committee, it was written
by Thomas Skidmore. Its adoption, according to Robert Dale Owen,
one of the secretaries of the meeting, was without due consideration.
. . . Your committee, therefore, feel that all hu-
man society, our own as well as every other, is constructed
radically wrong; that in the first foundation of govern-
ment in this state the division of the soil should have
been equal, at least, among families ; and that provision
should have been made (if property must descend in a
family line) that it should descend in an equal manner,
instead of having been placed at the disposal of the
caprice of testators. They even go farther, and say, as
their opinion, that inasmuch as the people resident on the
soil, at the first formation of our government, had equal
right thereto, as individuals, not as members of families,
so also had their immediate successors the same right.
But this has never been accorded to them ; nay, even the
families themselves of the first settlers, as we have seen,
had nothing of equality existing between them; and, as
a certain and natural result, we see thousands of our
people of the present day in deep distress and poverty,
dependent for their daily subsistence upon a few among
us whom the unnatural operation of our own free and
republican institutions, as we are pleased to call them,
has thus arbitrarily and barbarously made enormously
rich.
But though, as your committee believe, it is to this
unnatural and unequal organization of society that we
I 5 o AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
are to look for the prime source of all our oppressions;
of that which places over us task masters, with power
to require unreasonable toil; with power to withhold
an adequate recompense; with power to deny employ-
ment altogether; and thus inflict upon us untold suffer-
ing; still your committee are sensible that this fountain
of your distresses is not to be dried up but by a revolu-
tion; a civil revolution, it is true, since three hundred
thousand freemen in this state have the power, through
their votes at the ballot boxes, to bring it about, without
resorting as most other countries must do, to the use of
the bayonet.
But although your committee are sensible that, until
a revolution take place, such as shall leave behind it no
trace of that government which has denied to every
human being an equal amount of property on arriving
at the age of maturity, and previous thereto, equal food,
clothing, and instruction at the public expense, nothing
can save the great mass of the community from the evils
under which they now suffer ; still they ,are also sensi-
ble, approaching as we are the eve of one of our annual
elections, that there is an opportunity offered us of abat-
ing, of assuaging, of preventing the aggravation of our
calamities, by resorting to the polls, and there electing,
if we can, men who, from their own sufferings, know
how to feel for ours, and who, from consanguinity of
feeling, will be disposed to do all they^can to afford a
remedy. . .
[Omitted: a lengthy argument against banking in-
stitutions "as being next to the original unequal appro-
priation and transmission to posterity of the soil of the
State, the greatest cause of your present unhappy Con-
dition;" an argument against the auction system; and
brief arguments against the Brooklyn Ferry Companies,
the New York Gas Light Company, imprisonment for
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 15 r
debt, and the general ticket system of electing presi-
dential electors; also a short argument in favor of a
single municipal legislative chamber, and in favor of
direct election of officials for short terms of service.]
With this observation your committee beg leave to
offer the following resolutions.
RESOLVED, that it has become the duty of the people
to enquire into the causes of their distresses, and to ex-
press their opinions in relation thereto.
RESOLVED, in the opinion of this meeting, that the
first and unequal appropriation of the soil of the state
to private and exclusive possession, was eminently and
barbarously unjust
RESOLVED, that it was substantially feudal in its char-
acter, inasmuch as those who received enormous, be-
cause they were unequal, possessions, were lords, and
those who received little or nothing, were vassals.
RESOLVED, that hereditary transmission of wealth on
the one hand, and poverty on the other, has brought
down to the present generation all the evils of the feudal
system, and that this, in our opinion, is the prime source
of all our calamities.
RESOLVED, that these calamities have been greatly ag-
gravated and increased by a legislation which has em-
ployed all its energy to create and sustain exclusive priv-
ileges; and that among the objects of such privileges,
banking institutions stand most conspicuous.
RESOLVED, that these institutions, as it regards our
own state ? stand constantly indebted to the public, ac-
cording to the best of our information, in the sum of
thirty or thirty-five millions of dollars.
RESOLVED, if they are to be suffered to remain among
us, that they ought no less to pay interest on the debt
they owe to the community, than that the community
itself should pay interest on any debt it may owe them.
1 52 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol
RESOLVED, as banking is now conducted, the owners
of the banks receive annually, of the people of this state,
not less than two millions of dollars, as interest on their
paper money, (and it might as well be pewter money,)
for which there is and can be nothing provided for its
redemption on demand.
RESOLVED, in this view of the matter, that the greatest
knaves, imposters, and paupers of the age, are our bank-
ers; who swear they have promised to pay to their
debtors thirty or thirty-five millions of dollars on de-
mand, at the same time that they have, as they also
swear, only three, four, or five millions to do it with.
RESOLVED, that more than one hundred broken banks,
within a few years past, admonish the community to
destroy banks -altogether.
RESOLVED, that more than a thousand kinds of coun-
terfeit bank notes, from five hundred dollars down to a
single dollar, give double force to the admonition.
RESOLVED, that the Constitution of the United States
declares, among other things, that no state shall emit
bills of credit; and that, in the opinion of this meeting,
all our banking institutions are palpable infractions of
that instrument; since if the state, of itself, have not
power to emit such bills, it cannot have the power to
authorize others to do it.
RESOLVED, according to information derived from
official sources, that one auctioneer in this city, puts into
his pocket for his year's services, over and above all
expenses, more than one hundred and fifty thousand
dollars! a sum six times as great as the salary of the
President of the United States.
RESOLVED, that the average salary of twelve of these
auctioneers exceeds, in the same manner, fifty thousand
dollars a year each!
RESOLVED, that the exactions of our banking institu-
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 153
tions, and of our auctioneer and other monopolists, are
a rapacious and cruel plunder of the people.
RESOLVED, that until these auction and other monopo-
lies can be suppressed, the persons having interest in
them, (as well as in the case of the banks,) ought to be
compelled by law to pay over to the state, all the monies
they make beyond their expenses, except so much as
may be a reasonable reward for their personal services,
or a just and moderate return for investments.
RESOLVED, that exemption is privilege, and as such,
the exemption from taxation of churches and church
property, and the property of priests, to an amount not
exceeding fifteen hundred dollars, is a direct and posi-
tive robbery of the people.
RESOLVED, that, so far as it goes, it is a connection of
church with state; since the principle which would re-
mit to a priest the taxes on his property, thus making a
gift to him from the public treasury of that amount,
might with equal propriety be extended to the payment
of his annual salary.
RESOLVED, in the opinion of this meeting, that not less
than three or four hundred thousand dollars, are an-
nually plundered from the useful and industrious class-
es of our citizens, for the want of a lien law on build-
ings ; and that this is a full and sufficient reason why it
ought to be granted.
RESOLVED, as an insurmountable reason in favor of a
lien law, if there were no other, that it ought to be
passed; as with it, the poor and industrious mechanic
and laborer can have no power to injure the rich ; but
without it, the rich may, as they do, plunder the poor
of their earnings without restraint
RESOLVED, that past experience teaches, that we have
nothing to hope from the aristocratic orders of society;
and that our only course to pursue is, to send men of
154 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
our own description, if we can, to the legislature at
Albany.
RESOLVED, that we will make the attempt at the en-
suing election; and that as a proper step there to, we
invite all those of our fellow citizens who live by their
own labor, and none other, to meet us at Military Hall,
Wooster street, on Friday, the 23d day of October in-
stant, at haljf past 7 o'clock, then and there to nominate
suitable persons for candidates for members of the sen-
ate and assembly.
RESOLVED, that we consider such invitation and nom-
ination in this open and public manner, to be respectful
to the community, regular and republican. . .
ISAAC ODELJL, Ch'n-
WM. G. TILLOU, R. D. OWEN, Sec'ries.
(b) UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE IS BLAMED
New York Journal of Commerce, Nov. 7, 1829, p. i, col. 2. Editorial.
Our citizens who have not yet voted, have one day
more in which they may exercise the privilege of deter-
mining whom they will have for their rulers. The old
party lines are nearly obliterated, but there has sprung
up a new interest which is formidable both for the num-
ber of its adherents, and the disorganizing purposes by
which they are actuated. By throwing open the polls
to every man that walks, we have placed the power in
the hands of those who have neither property, talents,
nor influence in other circumstances; and who require
in their public officers no higher qualifications than
they possess themselves. It would be a disgrace to the
city and to Republicanism, if a ticket so utterly un-
worthy as theirs should succeed. New York has not
always had her just share of influence in the National
and State Legislatures, on account of the character of
her representatives ; but never was she reduced to such
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 155
an extreme of degradation, as she will be should the
Agrarian party succeed. Such a result we cannot be-
lieve is possible, notwithstanding the melancholy fore-
bodings of one of our contemporaries. We cannot be-
lieve that we are so soon reduced to the condition of the
Romans, when the popular voice was raised against
every honorable distinction; a voice which finally pre-
vailed, to the utter extinction of the Republic.
(c) A "PARTY FOUNDED ON THE MOST ALARMING
PRINCIPLES"
Morning Courier and New York Enquirer, Nov. 4, 1829, p. 2, col. i.
Editorials.
While a party founded on the most alarming princi-
ples to civil society has been organizing in the bosom of
this devoted city, the coalition newspapers, one and all,
have been spending their force and their talent in hold-
ing up to ridicule, contempt and detestation, the usages
and principles of the old democratic party. Where are
the friends of good order now? What is the New
York American about? What is the Daily Advertiser
doing? A set of men, who openly proclaim the utter
worthlessness of all law, and all religion, have been
engaged for six months past in inflaming the minds of
the honest mechanics of this city. Now, when we see
them in open day, and with a force that astonishes all,
these pretended friends of law and right are silent as
the grave. Yet they are ready to pounce upon every
friend of the republican party, and of its systems and
usages.
It is usual, on the last day of the election, to call upon
all who have not voted, to turn out and exercise their
right of suffrage; but we call upon them under differ-
ent feelings to those prevailing on any prior occasion.
Traitors are in our ranks -men who have long passed
156 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
current as genuine and faithful -who have enjoyed, as
it now seems, a large share of unmerited influence, have
aspired to break down the Regular Nominations of the
Democratic party. Look at the last war, and the host
of disaffected persons and Hartford Convention-men
we had to contend with. What saved the country and
bore us triumphantly through all its perils, but the
union of the republican party? What secured the elec-
tion of Madison, of Monroe, and of Thompkins, but the
power of the party rallied under the name of Regular
Nominations? What has given us, throughout the
State, that decided majority we possess, but honest,
faithful, and stern devotion to the principles and usages
of the Democratic party? Shall we abandon those
principles because a few disloyal men led on by ambi-
tion and bad feelings, have attempted to sell us to the
enemy? We are surrounded by danger -not only to
the party, but to the country. The working ticket, got
up by a few fanatics, supported by those who know not
its origin, and led on by persons without religion or
principle, is sweeping every thing before it. Look at
it, and ask yourselves if such men should be chosen as
Legislators for the first city in the Union? Let every
republican turn out this day, and give his vote for the
regularly nominated ticket, and by a great and united
effort, save this city from being made the sport of ignor-
ance or of unprincipled factionists.
3 . THE REORGANIZED WORKING MEN'S
PARTY
Address and Resolutions of the Conference Committee of the Wards.
From a pamphlet entitled " Proceedings of a Meeting of Mechanics
and other Working Men, held at Military Hall, Wooster-Street, New
York, on Tuesday evening, Dec. 29, 1829" (New York, 1830). This
pamphlet was reprinted in the Working Marts Ad<0ocate t Jan. 16,
1830, p. i, col. i; and (in part) in Mechanics' Press (Utica, N.Y.),
Jan. 23, 1830. See also Free Enquirer, March 20, 1830; and Hobart
Berrian's Origin and Rise of the Workingmen's Party (Washington,
n.d. [ca. 1841?]).
The following address, resolutions and plan of organization were adopt-
ed, after the report of the committee of fifty had been rejected, by
"a meeting of nearly three thousand mechanics and other working
men" on December 29, 1829. The proceedings of this meeting were
published in a pamphlet, as well as in the newspaper organs of the
party. It was said that Skidmore attempted to speak, but was not
allowed a hearing, and his doctrines were effectually repudiated.
. . . We take this opportunity solemnly to aver,
whatever may be said to the contrary by ignorant or de-
signing individuals, or biassed presses, that we have no
desire or intention of disturbing the rights of property in
individuals, or the public. On the contrary, we con-
sider the acquiring of property to soften the asperities
of sickness, of age, and for the benefit of our posterity,
as one of the greatest incentives to industry. . .
Let it then be explicitly understood, that the mechan-
ics, working men, and those friendly to their interests,
hold the rights of individuals, both as to property and
religion, as sacred as the instrument that declared our
independence, or that which binds together these Unit-
ed States; . .
[Omitted: Imprisonment for Debt]
Another object for which we contend, and which we
claim from our national and state legislatures as a right,
is the appropriation of our public funds to a reasonable
1 5 8 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
extent, for the purposes of education, upon a system
that shall enable all before the age of twenty-one, to
acquire a competent knowledge of the language of their
country, arithmetic, geography, history, natural phil-
osophy, geometry and chemistry, as applied to the arts,
A system that shall unite under the same roof the child-
ren of the poor man and the rich, the widow's charge
and the orphan, where the road to distinction shall be
superior industry, virtue and acquirements, without
reference to descent.
We believe that our existing system of education, if
continued, under which many are deprived of all or
nearly all its advantages, and which tends in a greater
or less degree to separate the children of the poor man
and the rich, will eventually lead us into all the distinc-
tions that exist under despotic governments, and destroy
our political liberties. We ask if many of the monopo-
lists and aristocrats in our city would not consider it
disgraceful to their noble children to have them placed
in our public schools by the side of the children of poor
yet industrious mechanics ; and has not this same feel-
ing extended to a considerable degree already through-
out our country? We believe, that as a nation or state,
the first subject which should engross our attention, or
for which the public funds should be appropriated, is
education. When this shall have been effectually at-
tended to, we will cheerfully unite in support of any
other just and feasible object. But we do not believe
in the right of our legislators to appropriate the public
funds for the endowment of colleges and academies,
almost solely for the benefit of the rich, while our pri-
mary schools have but to a very limited extent secured
the advantages even of a partial education to the pro-
ducing classes of the community.
We ask of our state legislature the passage of a Lien
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 159
Law for the security of every individual who shall
furnish either labor or materials towards the erection,
completion, or necessary repairs of any building. This
we demand, that a large portion of our citizens may be
as truly secured in their rights, as their more wealthy,
but not more worthy, neighbors. That the many hard-
ships we endure, and disadvantages we have labored
under, have not been so sensibly felt by the mechanics
of the country, is no doubt true. Their situation and
ours is materially different; the standing and ability of
individuals for whom they labor are more generally
known, or easily ascertained, by them, than with us.
The farmers, by whom they are principally em-
ployed, are the most industrious, the most virtuous, and
all things considered, the most intelligent portion of
men, in this or any other country; possessing, as yet, the
majority, their rights have been less openly invaded by
wealthy or designing politicians. The evils of which
we complain, if not immediately redressed, will shortly
become equally burdensome and grievous to them. . .
They need but be told that many of our buildings are
erected by designing speculators, or master builders,
who, when detected, are regularly succeeded by others -
that a systematic course of frauds has been practised on
the mechanics, laborers, and furnishers of materials for
buildings, for years, in this city, to the amount of
$i 25,000 annually. That the greater partiof these losses
has fallen upon individuals who have families dependent
on their labor for support. That the merchant who
vends his merchandise can secure payment, previous to
delivery, while the mechanic and producing classes are
obliged to fulfil their contracts, or render their services
before they can demand such security. That a great
part of the distress, experienced in this city during the
last winter, originated in these losses. That we are
160 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
now, from the same causes, looking forward with fear-
ful forebodings to the events of the present winter.
The farmers need but be truly informed of these
facts, to unite with one accord in the passage of a lien
law, which would protect us, hereafter, from many
otherwise unavoidable evils.
Our present military system, that puts in requisition
seven-eighths of our producing classes, on an average,
more than three days in a year, or subjects them to ex-
cessive fines and imprisonment, should not escape our
attention. The .annual expense of this system, in time
and money, will be found to amount, by a careful exam-
ination, to more than a million of dollars, which oper-
ates to our detriment as citizens, without benefiting us as
soldiers. . .
RESOLUTIONS
RESOLVED, that we should be unjust to ourselves, to
our posterity and the public, were we to suffer the vile
slanders that have been unjustly heaped upon us by ig-
norant and biased individuals and presses to pass un-
noticed.
RESOLVED, that we explicitly disavow .all intentions
to intermeddle with the rights of individuals, either as
to property or religion ; but that we hold those rights as
sacred as life, not to be approached by ruthless despots
or visionary fanatics.
RESOLVED, that it is wholly incompatible with human
rights, that any free citizen, who has duly surrendered
all his property to his creditors, should for one moment
be deprived of his liberty.
RESOLVED, that we are in favor of searching laws, for
the detection of concealed or fraudulently conveyed
property, and emphatically in favor of the entire abol-
ishment of imprisonment for debt.
RESOLVED, that we disapprove of any restriction of
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 161
our present jail limits, and that we should consider an
abridgment unworthy of the age and country in which
we live.
RESOLVED, that its operation would be to compel our
unfortunate citizens to live in the most dense part of the
city^ where the price of real estate and rents would be
greatly enhanced, to the manifest injury of other *parts
of the city.
RESOLVED, that it is the earnest wish of this meeting,
that our representatives in the next legislature, early in
the session, introduce and support a bill for the abolish-
ment of imprisonment for debt, and, at .all events, that
they do not tamely submit to any curtailment of our
present jail limits.
RESOLVED, that, next to life and liberty, we consider
education the greatest blessing bestowed upon mankind.
RESOLVED, that the public funds should be appropri-
ated (to a reasonable extent) to the purposes of educa-
tion, upon a regular system, that shall ensure the oppor-
tunity to every individual of obtaining a competent
education before he shall have arrived at the age of
maturity.
RESOLVED, that our sentiments, in relation to a well
constructed lien law, which would secure to thousands
of our fellow-citizens that just recompense their ser-
vices entitle them to, and prevent innumerable frauds
being practised on the producing classes, are well
known to our representatives, and that we expect their
efficient support of this measure.
RESOLVED, that our present militia system is highly
oppressive to the producing classes of the community,
without any beneficial result to individuals or the state.
RESOLVED, that the present auction system, which op-
erates as a means of oppressing the producing classes,
by introducing large quantities of the products and
1 62 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [VoL
Labor of foreign countries, which otherwise would be
furnished by our own mechanics, is fraught with alarm-
ing evils, and should be immediately restricted.
RESOLVED, that this system is most decidedly injur-
ious to the mechanic interest of this city, compelling
them in many cases to abandon their business, or dis-
honestly manufacture very inferior goods for the com-
petition of the auction room.
RESOLVED, that the credit system on duties, at our cus-
tom house, which furnishes the auctioneers and foreign
importers with an additional capital of fifteen million
of dollars, at all times, in this city- the greater part of
which is drawn from the producing classes, they being
the consumers, is an evil of immense magnitude, and de-
mands our immediate attention.
RESOLVED, that it be earnestly recommended to our
representatives in congress to use their efforts to cause
the duties on imports to be paid in cash.
RESOLVED, that the banks, under the administration of
their present directors and officers, and by the concert
of auctioneers and foreigners, aided by custom house
credits, form a monopoly that is hostile to the equal
rights of the American merchant, manufacturer, me-
chanic, and laboring man ; and that the renewal, by the
legislature, of the charters prayed for, will confirm
and perpetuate an aristocracy, which eventually, may
shake the foundations of our liberties, and entail slav-
ery on our posterity.
RESOLVED, that our post office has not been located
with an eye to the general interest and rapid growth of
this city, and consequently subjects the laboring classes
of the community to great inconveniences ; and that it
should be immediately removed to the most central part
of the city.
RESOLVED, that our courts of justice should be so re-
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 163
formed, that the producing classes may be placed on an
equality with the wealthy.
RESOLVED, that the present laws, that compel the at-
tendance of jurors and witnesses, for days and weeks,
at our courts, without a fair compensation, are unjust,
and require immediate alteration.
RESOLVED, that, by affixing enormous bonds to most
of the appointed, and many elective offices, our rulers
have placed them mostly in the hands of the wealthy or
designing politicians and corrupt apostates.
RESOLVED, that it is our deliberate opinion, that the
road to appointed offices has in a great measure been
closed against those qualifications which in our estima-
tion should be the only criterion, such as talent, appli-
cation, and moral virtue.
RESOLVED, that with many of our past and present
rulers, the greatest qualification to obtain office, is
an ability, real or supposed, to render them or their
party some political service.
RESOLVED, that there should be no intermediate body
of men between the electors and the candidates; that
the electors have an undoubted right to enjoy a free and
open choice of their representatives, without being sub-
jected to the pains and penalties of denunciation from
any class of their fellow citizens.
RESOLVED, that this meeting is fully confirmed in
the belief that the best means to obtain suitable candi-
dates, and ensure the unbiassed right of suffrage, are
to be found in the two following resolutions, adopted
at one of our large meetings, held in Wooster street,
in November last:
"RESOLVED, that, in the opinion of this meeting, the
state of New York ought to be divided into as many
districts as there are members of assembly to repre-
sent it
! 64 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
"RESOLVED, as our settled opinion, that the law which
now compels our citizens to vote for eleven members
on one ticket, deprives us, the electors, of a proper
knowledge of the candidates, is -anti- republican, and
destructive to the free and unbiassed exercise of the
rights of suffrage, inasmuch as it becomes the plausible
apology for electing delegates to nominate for the elect-
ors, when the electors can and ought to nominate for
themselves."
RESOLVED, that, as faithful sentinels we will guard
the temple of our liberties against all further encroach-
ments ; that united we will keep the field, and maintain
the war, until the justice of our demands shall be fully
disseminated and felt throughout these United States,
the lost ground regained, and our principles established
upon an unchangeable basis.
4 . THE SECOND SPLIT IN THE PARTY
(a) THE STATE GUARDIANSHIP PLAN OF
EDUCATION
New York Sentinel and Working Man's Advocate, June 19, 1830, p.
4, col. 1-3. Report of the minority [Mr. Grout] of the sub-commit-
tee on education. [This report was rejected, according to the above
authority, without having been read.]
. , . When your Committee propose a system of
republican education for the people, therefore, we pro-
pose that it should be the best Not the most brilliant,
not the most extravagantly expensive, not the most fash-
ionable -but the best that the nation, in its wisdom, may
be able to devise. We need not be told that it will be
imperfect. Everything human is. But if it be only as
scientific, as wise, and .as judicious as modern experience
can make it, it will regenerate America in one genera-
tion. It will make but one class out of the many that
now envy and despise each other. It will make Ameri-
can citizens what they once declared themselves, "Free
and Equal."
Governed and guided by this principle, your Com-
mittee proceed to examine the present system of Public
Education, and to consider whether State Schools might
with advantage be multiplied on the same model. The
principle that your Committee would repeat, is, that
Public Education ought to be equal, republican, open
to all, and the best which can be devised.
If State Schools are to be, as now in New England,
common day-schools only, we do not perceive how
either of these requisitions are to be fulfilled. In re-
publican schools, there must be no temptation to aris-
tocratical prejudices. The pupils must learn to con-
sider themselves as fellow-citizens, as equals. Respect
1 66 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol
ought to be paid, and will always be paid to virtue, and
to talent; but it ought not to be paid to riches, or with-
held from poverty. Yet if the children from these
State Schools are to go every evening, the one to his
wealthy parents' soft carpeted drawing-room, and the
other to his poor father's, or widowed mother's comfort-
less cabin, will they return next day as friends and equals?
He knows little of human nature who thinks they will.
Again, if it is to be left to the parent's taste, and pe-
cuniary means to clothe their children as they please
and as they can, the one in braided broad-cloth and vel-
vet cap, and the other in thread-bare homespun, will
they meet as friends and equals? Will there be no envy
on the one side, nor disdain on the other? And are envy
and disdain proper and virtuous feelings in young Re-
publicans? Yet if State Schools be day school only, how
can there be uniformity of dress? Must not the poor
widow dress her children as she can?
But again: is that education the best, which teaches
children the common branches of education during six
or seven hours each day, and then leaves them to all the
bad habits, which children suffered to run will acquire?
Here in the city, for instance ; is that education the best,
by which children spend five or six hours out of the
twenty-four in the streets, learning rudeness, imperti-
nent language, vulgar manners, and vicious habits?
Will any advantages in school compensate for the disad-
vantages out of it? But let us remember, it is not the
question whether this half -training, (too often less than
half) is good enough for the common people. It is the
question whether it is the best that can be devised.
For our own parts, we understand education to mean,
every thing which influences directly or indirectly the
child's character. To see his companions smoke segars
is a part of his education; to hear oaths is a part of his
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 167
education ; to see and laugh at drunken men in the street
is a part of his education; to witness vulgar merriment
or coarse brawls is a part of his education. And if any
one thinks that an education like this (which is daily
obtained in the streets of our city) will be counteracted
and neutralized by half a dozen hours' of daily school-
ing, we are not of his opinion. We had almost as soon
see a child of ours brought up among the Indians, as
have him frequent a common day school one half the
day, and wander about the streets the other half.
But even if none of these reasons existed, how is the
poor laborer or the poorer widow, to keep her children
at a day school, until they have received an education
equal to that of their richer neighbors? Can the labor-
er or the widow afford to support their children until
they are twelve, fourteen, or sixteen years old, while
they peruse the page of science, and obtain the acquire-
ments and accomplishments which form the enlight-
ened, well educated man? Even if no children's tax be
levied on them, can they furnish food and decent cloth-
ing for their children during the necessary term? And
if they cannot clothe their children as well as their
neighbors clothe theirs, will they send them to school
to be looked down upon or laughed at? If day schools
alone are provided, therefore, would not those very chil-
dren who most require instruction be virtually excluded?
Is not the development of social habits, of the disposi-
tions, of the moral feelings, the most important of the
teacher's duties? And what opportunity is there of ful-
filling them, unless the pupils be at all times under his
very eye and control?
One other strong objection to day schools remains. If
agriculture is to form a part of the instruction of all
children, it must be taught in seminaries in the country,
where the pupil is boarded and lodged, .as well as re-
1 68 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
ceived during class hours. We conceive that agricul-
ture ought to form a prominent part of the education
of every young republican ; both because it is the most
necessary and useful'of all occupations, and thus affords
an independence in the worst reverse of fortune; and
also, because, if practically taught in the schools, it will
supply a considerable portion of the expense. The pu-
pils may raise their own vegetables, corn, and grain;
and these ought to form three fourths, at least, of their
food.
We conceive, then, that State Schools, to be republi-
can, efficient and acceptable to all, must receive the chil-
dren, not for six hours a day, but altogether ; must feed
them, clothe them, lodge them, must direct not their
studies only, but their occupations and amusements;
must care for them until their education is completed,
and then only abandon them to the world, as useful, in-
telligent, virtuous citizens.
We do not consider this question regarding day
schools and boarding schools as a non-essential matter
that may be decided either way without ruin to the
cause. We conceive that on its decision depends, in a
manner, every thing. On its decision depends whether
the system of education which the people call for, shall
be a paltry palliative, or an efficient cure: whether aris-
tocracy shall be perpetuated or destroyed; whether the
poor man's child shall be educated or not; whether the
next generation shall obtain their just rights or lose
them.
Your Committee is aware that the proposal will
startle some timid spirits, who cannot conceive how the
nation will resolve to incur the expense of such a system.
And we think it not unlikely, that if the people decide,
as we are convinced they will, for such a system at
once, its adoption may be somewhat retarded. But it
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 169
is better, infinitely better, that it should be somewhat de-
layed, than that it should be frittered away by half
measures, into nothing worth having.
Your Committee propose therefore, a System of Pub-
lic Education, which shall provide for all children, at
all times, receiving them at the earliest age their parents
choose to entrust them to the national care; feeding,
clothing, and educating them to the age of maturity.
Your Committee propose that all children so adopt-
ed, should receive the same food; should be dressed in
the same simple clothing; should experience the same
kind treatment; should be taught (until their pro-
fessional education commences) the same branches; in
a word, that nothing savoring of inequality, nothing
reminding them of the pride of riches, or the con-
tempt of poverty, should be suffered to enter these re-
publican safeguards of a young nation of equals. We
propose that the destitute widow's child or the orphan
boy should share the public care equally with the heir
to a princely estate ; so that all may become, not in word,
but in deed and in feeling, free and equal.
Thus may the spirit of democracy, that spirit which
Jefferson labored for half ,a century to plant in our re-
publican soil, become universal among us; thus may
luxury, may pride, may ignorance be banished from
among us; and we may become what fellow citizens
ought to be, a nation of brothers.
Your Committee propose that the food should be of
the simplest kind, both for the sake of economy and
temperance. A Spartan simplicity of regimen is becom-
ing a republic, and is best suited to preserve the health
and strength unimpared, even to old age. We suggest
the propriety of excluding all distilled or fermented
liquors of every description; perhaps, also, luxuries,
such as tea and coffee, might be beneficially dispensed
I?0 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
with. These, including wines and spirits, cost the na-
tion at present about fourteen millions of dollars annu-
ally. Are they worth so much?
Thus might the pest of our land, intemperance, be de-
stroyed -not discouraged, not lessened, not partially
cured -but destroyed: this modern curse that degrades
the human race below the beasts of the field ; that offers
her poison cup at every corner of our streets, and at
every turn of our highways, that sacrifices her tens of
thousands of victims yearly in these States, that loads
our country with a tax more than sufficient to pay twice
over for the virtuous training of all her children -
might thus be deposed from the foul sway she exercises
over freemen, too proud to yield to a foreign country,
but not too proud to bow beneath the iron rod of a do-
mestic curse. Is there any other method of tearing up
this monstrous evil, the scandal of our republic, root and
branch?
Your Committee propose that the dress should be a
plain, convenient, economical uniform. The silliest of
all vanities, (and one of the most expensive,) is the van-
ity of dress. Children trained to the age of twenty-one
without being exposed to it, could not, in after life, be
taught such folly. But, learnt as it now is, from the
earliest infancy, do we find that the most faithful
preaching checks or reforms it?
The food and clothing might be chiefly raised and
manufactured by the pupils themselves, in the exercise
of their several occupations. They would thus acquire
a taste for articles produced in their own country, in
preference to foreign superfluities.
Under such a system the poorest parents could afford
to pay a moderate tax for each child. They could better
afford it, than they can now to support their children
in ignorance and misery, provided the tax were less than
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 171
the lowest rate at which a child can now be maintained
at home. For a day school thousands of parents can
afford to pay nothing.
Your Committee do not propose that any one should
be compelled to send a child to these public schools, if
he or she saw fit to have them educated elsewhere. But
we propose that the tax should be paid by all parents,
whether they send their children or not.
We are convinced, that under such a system, the pu-
pils of the state schools would obtain the various offices
of public trust, those of representatives, &c. in prefer-
ence to any others. If so, public opinion would soon
induce the most rich and the most prejudiced to send
their children thither; however little they might at first
relish the idea of giving them equal advantages only
with those of the poorer classes. Greater real advanta-
ges they could not give them, if the public schools are
conducted as they ought to be.
We propose that the teachers should be elected by the
people. There is no office of trust in a republic, more
honorable, or more important, nor any that more im-
mediately influences its doctrines, than the office of a
teacher. They ought to be chosen, and if we read the
signs of the times right, they will be chosen with as much,
nay with more care, than our representatives. The
Office of General Superintendent of schools will be, in
our opinion, an office at least as important as that of
President. . .
This leads your Committee to a consideration of the
means by which the funds necessary for a system so com-
plete, may be obtained.
In expressing their opinion that it is the business of
government to provide these funds, your committee will
be met by the objection, that such a proposal is oppres-
sive and unjust, seeing it is the duty of the individual,
1 72 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
and not of government, to support and educate his own
children.
Your Committee reply that every citizen ought to
contribute his fair share towards the expenses of legisla-
tion ; and that education is a most important branch of
legislation; as much more important than the criminal
law, as "prevention is better than cure." Would not
even the rich old bachelor be individually benefitted,
(in the most selfish sense of the term) if, instead of hav-
ing the rogue who broke into his counting-house shut
up in the penitentiary, that rogue had been trained to
be an honest man, and thus prevented from putting his
fingers in the old man's coffers at all? And is it not as
cheap, and much more rational and humane to pay for
keeping men and women out of the penitentiary, than
to pay for putting them in?
Your Committee agree with the people's friend, and
firm advocate, the immortal Jefferson, "that the tax
which will be paid for educating the common peo-
ple, is not more than the thousandth part of what will
be paid to kings, nobles, and priests, who will rise up
among us if we leave the people in ignorance."
Your Committee conceive, that Education is emphat-
ically the business of the government. What is the first
and chief end of Government, if not to produce peace
and harmony among men? And what means are so ef-
fectual to produce peace and harmony, as an enlight-
ened public education? Is it not the magistrate's duty,
if he knows that a crime will be committed, to prevent
its commission? And do we not all know, that to leave
twenty thousand children, as we do now in this very city,
to the education of chance, in our streets and alleys, will
lead to the commission of crime? Is it not, therefore,
clearly and positively, the magistrate's duty to provide
for Public Education?
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 173
Again, is it not to protect the helpless and oppressed
that governments are instituted? And who so helpless
and oppressed as a child whose parents will not, or can-
not procure for it a useful, rational education? Is not
this a species of oppression from which it will probably
never recover? which may leave its blighting effects on
mind and body, while life remains? If to protest from
such oppression, be not a sacred, binding duty of gov-
ernment, what duty is sacred or binding?
We hold the opinion, therefore, that there is no call
for the public money, more strictly, and immediately,
and essentially for the public benefit, than in the case of
public education. And we are further convinced, that
there is no expenditure of the people's funds that would
be more cheerfully sanctioned by them than this; pro-
vided they were satisfied with the system of education
itself.
Your Committee are of opinion therefore, that what-
ever expenses may be necessary for the establishment
and support of the National Public Schools, should be
borne by Government
To check improvidence in parents, your committee
conceive that it would be prudent and proper to assess
a yearly tax, perhaps of five dollars for all children be-
tween the ages of three and thirteen years. This would
prevent persons from too carelessly incurring the re-
sponsibilities of parents, while it would be oppressive
to no one, inasmuch as the expenses of a child kept at
home in the poorest and most miserable manner would
much exceed that amount.
This tax alone, if adopted throughout the Republic,
would furnish from ten to fifteen millions annually, to
the Public School Fund.
In what manner the surplus above this amount may
be raised most beneficially, your committee think it un-
I?4 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
necessary, at this early stage of proceeding, to enquire.
Convinced they are that no application of public funjis
is so essentially beneficial to the people, or would be
more willingly sanctioned by them than this, and that
the expense to the nation will be but a drop in the buck-
et, compared to the national benefits therefrom to be
obtained.
Among the chief preliminary difficulties, your com-
mittee remark the deficiency of competent teachers, and
suitable schoolbooks. The first, your Committee con-
ceive, may be surmounted by the establishment of a
Model State School, where teachers may be trained;
and by rendering the office of public teacher so honor-
able and desirable, that the best talent in the country
would be enlisted for public education. To meet the
second, your committee suggest that Government should
offer liberal premiums for the best set of school books,
a compendium of the useful and liberal arts ; the exact
sciences, and every other branch of an accomplished and
enlightening education.
In conclusion, your Committee would express their
firm conviction, that in proportion as the Mechanics
and Working Men of our City, of our State, and of our
Republic generally, interest themselves in this subject,
in proportion as they take a firm, decisive stand, and
adopt enlarged and liberal views in regard to Public
Education- in the same proportion will be the ultimate
success of their cause.
(b) A REPUBLICAN SYSTEM OF EDUCATION
Working Man's Advocate, May 29, 1830, p. 2, col. 2,. Report of the ma-
jority of the sub-committee on education to the general executive
committee.
That the subject of education is considered by your
committee of greater importance than any other which
is now agitating the public mind.
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 175
Satisfied as they are of its importance, they desire to
weigh the matter maturely, in order that their conclu-
sions may not seem hasty, and that when fully reported,
their plans may, as far as possible, be free from imper-
fections, and properly arranged to meet the exigency of
the times, as well as accommodated to the state of public
feeling at the present day.
The committee are in favor of a republican system of
education, but while they are convinced of the inade-
quacy of the present system, they have as yet seen no
other that they believe to be perfect in all its parts.
Reports have been made by committees in Philadel-
phia and Rochester, showing much labor and research,
but, as your committee believe, susceptible of many im-
provements.
The committee have been directed to examine a re-
port handed in by a minority of the committee, which
minority consists of one only of the seven composing
the standing committee on this subject. The report was
based upon, and in fact consisted of, sundry essays on
the subject, as your committee believe, from the pen of
R. D. Owen, and published editorially in the Dally
Sentinel. While your committee are willing to be ad-
vised at all times, and without reference to the source
from whence the advice emanates, they are still unwil-
ing to adopt any gentleman's ideas on this subject before
they are convinced of their utility and propriety, as well
as applicability. Of the propriety of the system pro-
posed in the report alluded to, your committee are not
only not convinced, but they are satis fied that it is rad-
ically wrong; that it is, in fact, but a specious attempt
insidiously to palm upon the committee and the great
body of the working classes the doctrines of infidelity.
Your committee are determined to support, without
deviating to the right hand or to the left, the sentiments
I 7 6 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
adopted by the working men on the 29th of December
last. While they are unchangeably in favor of granting
to all men the free enjoyment of their own private opin-
ions on all subjects of this nature, they are solemnly
resolved, never to support any attempt to palm upon
any man, or set of men, the peculiar doctrines of infidel-
ity, agrarianism, or sectarian principles.
Your committee cannot refrain at this time, from giv-
ing their decided disapprobation of those journals,
which, professing to advocate the cause of the working
men, have undertaken to dictate to us a particular sys-
tem of education -which have represented and still con-
tinue to represent that their peculiar views are approved
of by the great body of the mechanics and working men,
knowing at the same time, that a committee, appointed
for that special purpose, was in progress, preparing a
report
This attempt to forestall public opinion, and to coun-
teract the efforts of the committee, we consider in direct
opposition to the principles which should govern all
true democrats, and savors much of real Tammanyism.
While your committee do not wish to induce any per-
son to join our cause, by the tempting doctrines of an
equal division of property, and of boarding and cloth-
ing all children in the land, they strenuously contend
for a republican system of education, but upon a plan
that shall leave to the father and the affectionate mother
the enjoyment of the society of their offspring.
If the committee are allowed to proceed in their de-
liberations, without further encroachments, they are
satisfied that in due time, they will be enabled to pre-
pare a report that will be satisfactory not only to the
committee, but to the public generally. Your commit-
tee, in accordance with this view of the subject, have
prepared the following resolutions:
five] NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 177
RESOLVED, that the report on the subject of education,
submitted to your committee by a minority, embracing
a system of guardianship and support, is unwise in its
details, impolitic in its operations, at variance with the
best feelings of our nature, and based upon the doc-
trines of infidelity.
RESOLVED, that the report be rejected.
RESOLVED, that we utterly disapprove of those jour-
nals which have endeavored to palm upon the public
this system as one that is approved of by the great body
of the working men.
RESOLVED, that this report and these resolutions be
signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and published.
H. G. GUYON, Chairman- A. L. BALCH, Secretary.
<. FRANCES WRIGHT ON "THE PEOPLE AT
WAR"
Extract from an article by Frances Wright in the Free Enquirer, Nov.
27, 1830, p. 38.
THE PEOPLE AT WAR. What a season of deep interest
is the present! . . .
What distinguishes the present from every other
struggle in which the human race has been engaged, is,
that the present is, evidently, openly and acknowledged-
ly, a war of class, and that this war is universal. It is no
longer nation pitched against nation for the good pleas-
ure and sport of Kings and great Captains, nor sect cut-
ting the throats and masting the carcasses of sect for the
glory of God and satisfaction of priests, nor is it one
army butchering another to promote the fortunes of
their leaders -to pass from a James to a George or a
Charles to a Louis Philip the privilege of coining laws,
money and peers, and dividing the good things of the
land among his followers. No ; it is now every where
the oppressed millions who are making common cause
against oppression; it is the ridden people of the earth
who are struggling to throw from their backs the "boot-
ed and spurred" riders whose legitimate title to starve
as well as to work them to death will no longer pass cur-
rent; it is labor rising up against idleness, industry
against money, justice against law and against privilege.
And truly the struggle hath not come too soon. Truly
there hath been oppression and outrage enough on the
one side, and suffering and endurance enough on the
other, to render the millions rather chargeable with ex-
cess of patience and over abundance of good nature
FRANCES WRIGHT
Champion of the Cause of Labor, of Free Education, and of
Woman's Rights
(From an oil painting in the possession of her grandson^ Wm* M. Gitthm
ofSewanee, Tennessee)
NEW YORK WORKING MEN'S PARTY 181
than with too eager a spirit for the redress of injury,
not to speak of recourse to vengeance.
It has been long clear to me that in every country the
best feelings and the best sense are found with the labor-
ing and useful classes, and the worst feelings and the
worst sense with the idle and the useless. Until all
classes shall be merged into one however by gradual
but fundamental changes in the whole organization
of society, much bad feeling must prevail every
where. . .
6. PROSPECTS OF THE WORKING MEN
Editorial from the Working Man's Advocate, Dec. n, 1830, p. i, col 2.
PROSPECTS OF THE WORKING MEN- The beneficial
effects which have resulted from the efforts of the Work-
ing Men of this state to gain their just rights, have never
been more apparent than they are at this moment. The
prospects of ultimate success have never been more fair
and flattering. Hungry expectants, with pack saddles
prepared, and ready, booted and spurred, to ride them
into office, have been disappointed in their anticipa-
tions-sycophantic presses, whose reward depended on
success, are seeking new fields for adventure -unsuccess-
ful parties are divided and discouraged, and the dom-
inant one is tottering to its foundation- while those who
remained firm in their principles are flattered and
courted. Many of the reforms called for by the Work-
ing Men are now acknowledged to be just and reason-
able, and are even advocated by several of the presses
which have hitherto supported the party in power, and
there is little doubt that the ensuing session of the legis-
lature will relieve them from a share of their oppressive
burdens. This partial success in the harbinger of future
triumphs, and affords the greatest encouragement for
perseverance. The measures are founded in truth and
justice; and "Truth is powerful, and will prevail."
Whether these measures are carried by the formation of
a new party, by the reform of an old one, or by the abol-
ishment of party altogether, is of comparative unim-
portance; but we can see no reason why the Working
Men should not persevere in the course they have hith-
erto pursued, retaining for their motto, "Measures -
not men."
IV
THE NEW ENGLAND
ASSOCIATION OF FARMERS,
MECHANICS AND OTHER WORKING MEN
INTRODUCTION
Though not exclusively a wage-earners' movement,
the New England Association of Farmers, Mechanics
and other Working Men was similar in general charac-
ter to the working men's party as it developed in the
smaller cities of New York, Pennsylvania and Dela-
ware. The organization of the New England Associa-
tion was, moreover, preceded and accompanied by a po-
litical movement, and in Massachusetts the working
men's party was a distinct factor in politics from 1830
to 1834. There were organizations, moreover, of farm-
ers, mechanics and working men, not only in Boston,
but in a number of the smaller towns of Massachusetts,
Maine, Vermont, Rhode Island and Connecticut.
At the spring election of 1830 the working men of
New London, Connecticut, elected two representatives
and a senator to the state legislature. 80 But it was the
working men of Woodstock, Vermont, who appear to
have given the real impetus to the New England move-
ment A meeting was held at Woodstock on July 7,
1830, and its proceedings were widely distributed
throughout New England and were read at meetings in
Boston, Massachusetts; Burlington and Middlebury,
Vermont ; Calais, Maine ; and other places. Later there
was published at Woodstock the Working Man's Ga-
zette, which printed at the head of its editorial column
a list of "Working Men's Measures" practically identi-
cal with the list published by the Mechanics' Free Press
of Philadelphia. Similar meetings were held and reso-
30 Mechanics' Free Press, April 17, 1830.
1 86 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
lutions adopted at Dedham, Northampton, and Dor-
chester.
The first meeting in Boston was held in August, and
the resolutions adopted prove that the movement made
a wider appeal to the community, to small employers
and tradesmen, as well as to farmers and mechanics,
than did the platforms of the New York and Philadel-
phia working men. In December, 1830, the Boston
working men nominated candidates for municipal of-
fices, 31 and the next spring had a full ticket of sixty can-
didates in the field. One candidate, who was also, how-
ever, on the Independent ticket, received 443 votes. 82
The movement spread to other parts of New England
and in December, 1831, .a meeting was held at Provi-
dence, Rhode Island, of delegates of "mechanics and
workingrnen," which voted to call a convention to meet
in Boston the following February. At this convention
Dr. Charles Douglass was made president, and a consti-
tution was adopted for the New England Association
of Farmers, Mechanics and other Working Men. A
communication, moreover, was received from a meet-
ing of mechanics and working men in New York, and a
report was adopted on education in manufacturing dis-
tricts which excited considerable comment throughout
New England. In September of the same year another
convention was held in the State House at Boston which
set before itself as part of its immediate business "the
expediency of a National Convention . . . repre-
senting the Working Men of the United States." Other
conventions were held in October, 1833, at Boston, and
in September, 1834, at Northampton, Massachusetts.
Meanwhile, the working men had obtained some po-
litical success, notably at Charlestown, and in 1833 and
^Mechanics' Free Press> Dec. 4, 1830.
32 Boston Chronicle, May 14, 1831.
five] NEW ENGLAND ASSOCIATION 187
1834 they nominated candidates for state offices in Mass-
achusetts. Their candidate for governor in each of
these years was the Hon. S. C. Allen, who, in accepting
the first nomination, issued a letter which was incorpor-
ated in the proceedings of the 1833 New England con-
vention, and was somewhat widely copied and noticed
for its radical sentiments. At the 1833 election Allen
received 504 votes in Boston as compared with 2,734 f r
Davis, the successful candidate, 33 and in 167 towns, 1,966
votes, as compared with 18,931 for Davis. 34 In Cam-
bridge the working men elected one representative.
In 1834 the Massachusetts state convention was held
at Northampton immediately after the convention of
the New England Association, and probably overshad-
owed, if it did not practically absorb, the latter. Nev-
ertheless, it was stated by an opposition paper that there
were only fourteen persons present at the state conven-
tion. This paper added, after the election, that the votes
received by Allen were "about in the same proportion;
they are hardly worth naming as scattering -not as
many, by considerable, as he obtained last year." 85
By this time, however, the trade-union movement had
arisen in Boston and throughout New England, and
the working men abandoned the more general protest
against existing conditions for the clear-cut demands of
the trade-union policy.
33 Boston Courier, Nov. 12, 1833.
34 Boston Daily Advertiser and Patriot, Nov. 14, 1833.
35 Boston Courier, Nov. 19, 1834.
i. THE BOSTON WORKING MEN'S PARTY
(a) ITS PLATFORM
Boston Courier, Aug. 28, 1830, p. 2, col. i. Resolutions adopted at a
meeting of "Working Men, Mechanics, and others friendly to their
interests," in Boston, August 17, 1830.
1. That we are determined by all fair and honorable
means, to exalt the character, and promote the cause, of
those who, by their productive industry, add riches to
the state, and strength to our political institutions.
2. That we exclude from our association none, who,
by their honest industry, render an equivalent to society
for the means of subsistence which they draw therefrom.
3. That we regard all attempts to degrade the work-
ing classes as so many blows aimed at the destruction of
popular virtue -without which no human government
can long subsist.
4. That we view with abhorrence every attempt to
disturb the public peace by uniting with political doc-
trines any question of religion or anti- religion,
5. That the establishment of a liberal system of edu-
cation, attainable by all, should be among the first efforts
of every lawgiver who desires the continuance of our
national independence.
6. That provision ought to be made by law for the
more extensive diffusion of knowledge, particularly in
the elements of those sciences which pertain to mechani-
cal employments, and to the politics of our common
country.
7. That, as we hold to the natural and political equal-
ity of all men, we have a right to ask for laws which
shall protect every good citizen from oppression, con-
tumely and degradation.
8. That we are opposed to monopolies, under what-
NEW ENGLAND ASSOCIATION 189
ever guise they may be imposed on the community -
whether in the shape of chartered institutions for private
gain ; or in that of taxes, levied, nominally for the public
good, on the many for the advantage of the few.
9. That we regard the multiplication of statutes, and
the mysterious phraseology in which they are ordinarily
involved, as actual evils, loudly demanding correction.
10. That the people have a right to understand every
law made for their government, without paying enor-
mous fees for having them expounded by attorneys -by
those perhaps who were instrumental in their construc-
tion, and in rendering them incomprehensible, even to
themselves.
11. That every representative chosen to declare the
sentiments of the people, is bound to obey the popular
voice, and to express it, or resign his trust forthwith.
12. That we are resolved to advocate, as one of our
leading objects, the entire abrogation of all laws author-
izing the imprisonment of the body for debt- at least
until poverty shall be rendered criminal by law.
13. That we will endeavor by all practicable means
to obtain a reform in our militia system.
14. That for the purpose of securing these objects, we
will adopt a system of social discipline : hereby organiz-
ing ourselves under the title of Working Men of Boston.
15. That, for the furtherance of this plan, we recom-
mend that a general meeting of our brethren and friends
in the city, be held at an early day, for the purpose of
selecting two delegates from each Ward, and two from
South Boston, in order to constitute a General Execu-
tive Committee.
(b) A LIBEL ON THE COMMUNITY
Boston Courier, Sept. 17, 1830, p. 2, col. 3-4, from the Springfield
(Mass.) Republican. Editorial on "The Working Men's Party."
This new party which commenced in the city of New-
1 90 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
York about a year since, has spread to many other places
in that State, and to some cities and villages in New-
England. The only places in this Commonwealth in
which we recollect to have noticed an organization of
this party, are at Boston and Northampton. The avow-
ed objects generally seem to be, to abolish imprisonment
for debt; the abolishment of litigation, and in lieu there-
of, the settlement of disputes by reference to neighbors ;
to establish some more equal and universal system of
public education; to diminish the salaries and extrav-
agance of public officers ; to support no men for offices
of public trust, but farmers, mechanics and what the
party call "working men;" and to elevate the character
of this class by mutual instruction and mental improve-
ment, so as to qualify them for distinction in society.
Much is said against the wealth and aristocracy of the
land, their influence, and the undue influence of lawyers
and other professional men.
The most of these objects, as avowed, appear very
well on paper, and we believe they are already sustained
by the good sense of the people. We have not been able
to see the pretended magnitude of the evils complained
of by the "working men," (.although professing to be of
that class,) at least in this part of the country, or the ne-
cessity of correcting them by the organization of an ex-
press party. And we can think no better of the objects
and motives of some who agitate this party, than we do
of the anti-masonic party. What is most ridiculous about
this party is, that in many places where the greatest
noise is made about it, the most indolent and most worth-
less persons, men of no trade or useful occupation, have
taken the lead. We cannot of course answer for the
character for industry of many places where this party
is agitated ; but we believe the great body of our own
community, embracing every class and profession, may
five] NEW ENGLAND ASSOCIATION 19 1
justly be called working men ; nor do we believe enough
can be found who are not such, to make even a decent
party of drones. The very pretension to the necessity
of such a party, is a libel on the community. . .
2. NEW ENGLAND CONVENTION OF 1832
(a) CALL FOR THE CONVENTION
Columbian Centinel (Boston), Feb. 15, 1832, p. 3, col. i.
Notice is hereby given, that according to a vote of the
delegates from various parts of New England, assem-
bled at Providence, R.L, on Monday the fifth day of
December, 1831, a General Convention of Mechanics
and Working Men, will be holden at Marlborough
Hotel, in Boston, to-morrow. The object of that Con-
vention is, to mature measures to concentrate the efforts
of the laboring classes, to regulate the hours of labor,
by one uniform standard, to promote the cause of edu-
cation and general information, to reform abuses prac-
tised upon them, and to maintain their rights, as Amer-
ican Freemen. It was resolved, at the meeting in De-
cember last, that the Mechanics and Working Men of
New England, generally, be requested to send delegates
to represent them in the Convention at Boston, to-mor-
row. It is hoped that the importance of the object will
stimulate all concerned, to adopt early and decisive
measures, to carry it into effect By order of
C. W. SAUNDERS, Chairman -J. FRIEZE, Secretary.
(b) THE CONSTITUTION
The Co-operator (Utica, N.Y.), April 3, 1832.
CONSTITUTION, New-England Association of Farm-
ers, Mechanics, and other Working Men.
ARTICLE i. This Association shall be called the New
England Association of Farmers, Mechanics and other
Working Men.
ARTICLE 2. This Association shall consist of such
persons of good moral character, as may sign this consti-
NEW ENGLAND ASSOCIATION
tution, under such restrictions or regulations, as may
hereafter be incorporated into the By Laws.
ARTICLE 3. Each and every person that shall sign
this constitution, except practical farmers, shall, so long
as he may remain a member of the Association stand
pledged on his honor, to labor no more than ten hours
for one day, unless on the condition of receiving an extra
compensation, at the rate of one tenth part of a day's
wages, for each extra hour he may labor, over and above
the said ten hours per day. And any member offending
against the provisions of this article, shall forthwith
be expelled.
ARTICLE 4. No person while a member of this Asso-
ciation, shall submit to any deduction in a bill by an
employer, nor consent to accept, as payment in full for
any bill, a less sum than the full amount thereof -un-
less by the decision of a court of law, or by a body of
referees, jointly appointed, unless his bill shall be found
erroneous, either in its details or total amount And
every member offending against the provisions of this
article, shall be forthwith expelled.
ARTICLE 5. In each town and manufacturing village,
where there may be fifteen members of this Association,
they shall constitute an auxiliary branch of the same.
They shall organize themselves, elect such officers as
they may deem expedient, and frame and adopt their own
By Laws not repugnant to the Constitution and By Laws
of this Association. And the members less than fifteen,
residing in any town or village, may unite themselves
with any auxiliary branch they may think proper.
ARTICLE 6. Each auxiliary branch thus duly organ-
ized, shall hold a meeting annually, op or before the
first Thurday in August, for the appointment of one or
more delegates to represent them in the general Con-
vention. And the Secretaries of such auxiliary associ-
AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
ations, shall furnish the delegates thus chosen, with cer-
tificates of their election, the number of their members,
the number received, and the names of those expelled
during the preceding year, -and also such votes, resolu-
tions, instructions, &c. as those bodies may have passed
or adopted, relative to the meeting or doings of the Gen-
eral Convention. All of which shall be handed over
to the General Secretary at the annual meeting of the
General Convention. It shall also be the duty of such
Secretaries, to correspond with the General Secretary
from time to time, as they may be directed by their re-
spective association, and whenever they think proper.
ARTICLE 7. The General Convention shall consist of
one or more delegates from each auxiliary association,
and hold a meeting annually on the first Thursday in
September, at such place as may have been determined
on at the next previous annual meeting; and may ad-
journ, from time to time, to such time and place as the
majority may determine. Fifteen members shall con-
stitute a quorum to transact business but any member
may adjourn from time to time, till a quorum be formed.
ARTICLE 9. For the purpose of defraying the neces-
sary expenses, and to create a fund for the relief of
distressed members, and meet future exigencies, each
auxiliary asociation shall levy and collect a tax of fifty
five cents, annually, on each of its members. And the
money thus collected shall be paid into the general
Treasury, at the annual Convention, to be vested, se-
cured and disposed of, as the Convention may deter-
mine.
ARTICLE 12. At each annual meeting, there shall be
an auditor appointed, whose duty it shall be to receive
all demands presented against the Association, and to
examine them, and to decide on their correctness and
justice, and when of opinion that they should be liqui-
five] NEW ENGLAND ASSOCIATION 195
dated, he shall write on the face of them the word audit-
ed, to which he shall affix the day and date of the month
and year, together with his signature, and no demand
shall be liquidated by the Treasurer that is not thus
audited.
ARTICLE 13. There shall be a Committee appointed
by each Auxiliary Society, who shall have power to
relieve the distresses of any member of this Association,
who may have been thrown out of employ, by having
conformed to the provisions of this constitution, and
draw on the General Treasurer for reimbursement of
the sum or sums thus paid out
ARTICLE 14. Any alteration or amendment may be
made in this constitution, at any annual meeting of the
General Convention, each auxiliary association or its
Secretary, having been notified of the same in writing,
at least four weeks previous to the meeting at which
such alteration or .amendment may be proposed, two
thirds of the members present voting in the affirmative.
(c) REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION
Free Enquirer, June 14, 1832. This report on education was also pub-
lished in the Co-operator^ April 3, 1832, and in other contemporary
journals.
The Committee appointed to take into consideration
the subject of the education of children in manufactur-
ing districts, have attended to that duty, and beg leave
to report:
That from statements of facts, made to your commit-
tee, by delegates to this body, the number of youth
and children of both sexes, under sixteen years of age,
employed in Manufactories, constitute about two fifths
of the whole number of persons employed. From the
returns from a number of manufactories, your commit-
tee have made up the following summary, which, with
some few exceptions and slight variations, they are fully
I9 6 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
persuaded will serve as a fair specimen of the general
state of things. The regular returns made, include
establishments in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and
Rhode Island; which employ altogether, something
more than four thousand hands. Of these, sixteen
hundred are between the ages of seven and sixteen
years. In the return from Hope Factory, Rhode Island,
it is stated that the practice is, to ring the first bell in
the morning, at ten minutes after the break of day, the
second bell at ten minutes after the first, in five min-
utes after which, or in twenty five minutes after the
break of day, all hands are to be at their labor. The
time for shutting the gates at night, as the signal for
labor to cease, is eight o'clock by the factory time, which
is from twenty to twenty five minutes behind the true
time. And the only respite from labor during the day,
is twenty five minutes at breakfast, and the same number
at dinner. From the village of Nashua, in the town of
Dunstable, N.H., we learn that the time of labor is
from the break of day, in the morning, until eight
o'clock in the evening; and that the factory time is
twenty five minutes behind the true solar time. From
the Arkwright and Harris Mills in Coventry, R.I., it is
stated that the last bell in the morning rings and the
wheel starts, as early as the help can see to work; and
that a great part of the year, as early as four o'clock.
Labor ceases at eight o'clock at night, factory time, and
one hour in the day is allowed for meals. From the
Rock-land Factory in Scituate, R.I., the Richmond Fac-
tory, in the same town, the various establishments at Fall
River, Mass., and those at Somerworth, N.H., we col-
lect similar details. At the numerous establishments
in the village of Pawtucket, the state of things is very
similar, with the exception of the fact that within a few
weeks, public opinion has had the effect to reduce the
five] NEW ENGLAND ASSOCIATION 197
factory time to the true solar standard. And in fact,
we believe these details to serve very nearly, to illus-
trate the general practice.
From these facts, your committee gather the following
conclusions -i. That on a general average the youth
and children that are employed in the Cotton Mills,
are compelled to labor at least thirteen and a half, per-
haps fourteen hours per day, factory time. And 2.
That in addition to this, there are about twenty or twenty
five minutes added, by reason of that time being so
much, slower than the true solar time- thus making a
day of labor to consist of at least fourteen hours, winter
and summer, out of which, is allowed, on an average
not to exceed one hour, for rest and refreshment. Your
committee also learn, that in general, no child can be
taken from a Cotton Mill, to be placed at school, for
any length of time, however short, without certain loss
of employ; as, with very few exceptions, no provision
is made by manufacturers, to obtain temporary help
of this description, in order that one class may enjoy
the advantages of the school, while the other class is em-
ployed in the mill. Nor are parents, having a number
of children in a mill, allowed to withdraw one or
more, without withdrawing the whole ; and for which
reason, as such children are generally the offspring of
parents, whose poverty has made them entirely depend-
ent on the will of their employers, and are very seldom
taken from the mills to be placed in school.
From all the facts in the case it is with regret, that
your Committee are absolutely forced to the conclusion,
that the only opportunities allowed to children general-
ly, employed in manufactories, to obtain an education
are on the Sabbath, and after half past 8 o'clock of the
evening of other days. To these facts however, your
Committee take pleasure in adding two or three others
198 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
of a more honorable character. It is believed that in the
town of Lowell, no children are admitted to the labors
of the mills, under twelve years of age; and that the
various corporations provide and support a sufficient
number of good schools, for the education of those that
have not attained that age. In the Chicopee Factory
Village, Springfield, Mass., and also in the town of New
Market, N.H., we also learn that schools are provided,
and the children actually employed in mills, allowed the
privilege of attending school, during a portion, say about
one quarter of the year. Your Committee mention these
facts as honorable exceptions to the general rule, with
a desire to do justice to all concerned, and the hope that
others may be inspired by their example, to go much
farther still, in their efforts to remove the existing
evils. A few more instances of the above character may
exist; but if so, they have not come to the knowledge of
your committee, and they have every reason to believe
them to be extremely rare.
Your committee cannot therefore, without the viola-
tion of a solemn trust, withhold their unanimous opin-
ion, that the opportunities allowed to children and
youth employed in manufactories, to obtain an educa-
tion suitable to the character of American freemen, and
the wives and mothers of such, are altogether inadequate
to the purpose; that the evils complained of are unjust
and cruel; and are no less than the sacrifice of the
dearest interests of thousands of the rising generation
of our country, to the cupidity and avarice of their em-
ployers. And they can see no other result in prospect,
as likely to eventuate from such practices than genera-
tion on generation, reared up in profound ignorance,
and the final prostration of their liberties at the shrine
of ,a powerful aristocracy. Deeply deploring the existing
evils, and deprecating the dreadful abuses that may be
five] NEW ENGLAND ASSOCIATION 199
hereafter practiced, your committee respectfully rec-
commend the adoption of the following resolutions :
RESOLVED, that a committee of vigilance be appointed
in each state represented in this convention, whose duty
it shall be to collect and publish facts respecting the
condition of laboring men, women, and children, and
abuses practised on them by their employers: that it
shall also be the duty of said committee, as soon as may
be, to get up memorials to the Legislatures of their
respective states, praying for the regulation of the
hours of labor, according to the standard adopted by
this Association, and for some wholesome regulations
with regard to the education of children and youth em-
ployed in manufactories; and to make report of their
doings at the meeting of this body, on the first Thurs-
day of September next . .
GENERAL TRADES
UNION OF NEW YORK AND VICINITY
INTRODUCTION
The General Trades' Union of New York City and
Vicinity grew out of a carpenters' strike in the spring
of 1833. The carpenters demanded an increase in wages
from $1.37^ to $1.50 per day, and were supported in
their demand by a number of other trades, including
the printers, tailors, masons, brush-makers, and tobac-
conists. After about a month's struggle, they won their
strike. Soon afterwards the printers, 3 ' who had been es-
pecially active in support of the carpenters, issued a
circular calling upon the various trade societies to send-
delegates to a general convention of the trades. At the
first meeting of this convention, on July 15, delegates
were present from nine trade societies, and three others
sent communications approving of the formation of a
General Trades' Union.
The following December there was held a general
meeting and procession of the Trades' Union in which
twenty-one societies and about four thousand persons
participated. About fifty banners were carried in the
parade, including the general standard of the Union,
"a tasteful painting, representing Archimedes raising
the globe with a fore shortened lever resting on the
peak of a mountain for a fulcrum." S7 The next year, at
its first anniversary celebration, the New York Trades'
Union was joined by the Newark societies, and formed
s The "Typographical Association of New York" was itself only about
two years old at this time.
37 Pennsylvania?!, Dec. 9, 1833, p. 3, col. i.
204 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
a procession a mile and a half long. 38 The second anni-
versary celebration appears to have been equally impos-
ing. 30
The first president of the Union and its orator upon
a number of public occasions was the Hon. Ely Moore,
of the Typographical Association, who in the fall of
1834 was nominated for Congress by Tammany, and was
finally elected after a lively campaign in which "the
mechanics, artizans and working men" took an active
part. In the same year, Ely Moore was elected the first
president of the National Trades' Union. Thus Tam-
many catered to the working men, and thus the work-
ing men of New York supported the bank policy of
Jackson's Administration. 40
The Trades' Union appears to have been strength-
ened rather than weakened by the political success of
its "favorite son." It made no efforts, however, in the
direction of independent political action, and was ap-
parently satisfied to allow its members to follow in the
wake of Tammany. Nevertheless, when the State Pris-
on Commissioners, of whom Ely Moore was one, issued
a report which was unsatisfactory to a large number of
the members of the Union because it recommended the
employment of prisoners under certain conditions on
various public improvements, whereas the unions gen-
erally demanded the total abolition of prison labor, the
excitement was carried into the Trades' Union conven-
tion. A number of trades even expressed their dissatis-
faction by demanding the resignation of Ely Moore
as president of the Union. The official organ, however,
the National Trades' Union, stood by him, and the storm
38 National Trades' Union, Sept 27, 1834.
39 New York Evening Post, Aug. 31, 1835.
40 For accounts of political meetings of working men and resolutions passed,
see The Man, April 4, 1834, the New York Evening Post, April 3, and May
8, 1834, and the Working Man's Advocate, Oct. n, 1834.
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 205
finally subsided, though not without having seriously
injured the popularity of labor's first congressman.
Fairly complete proceedings of the Union from the
middle of 1834 to the middle of 1836 have been pre-
served, and these show that its activities were almost
wholly industrial. During that period it supported
strikes of the bakers, hatters, rope-makers, sailmakers,
cabinet-makers, stone-cutters, cordwainers, weavers,
curriers, leather-dressers, tailors, and other trades in
New York, and strikes of various trades in Poughkeep-
sie, Brooklyn, and Newark. It also furnished aid to
strikes in Boston, Philadelphia, and other cities. The
New York Journal of Commerce stated that "the differ-
ent Trades are combined together in what is called a
'Trades' Union,' and each in its turn is supported by
the others in striking for higher wages.'' 41
Most of the strikes in New York City and its neigh-
borhood were for increases or against decreases in wages.
The ten-hour day was already established, and some
trades in New York even enjoyed a nine-hour day.
Strikes on account of wages, however, were common in
1835, and increased in frequency in 1836, when the ad-
vance in prices began to be seriously felt The advance
in rents and prices was mentioned in that year in wage
demands of the journeymen tin-plate and sheet-iron
workers, slaters, shipwrights and caulkers, coach-mak-
ers, masons, riggers, carpenters, and others. The car-
penters, in March, 1836, demanded an increase to $1.75
per day, and three months later a further increase to
$2.00 per day. The second increase was probably not
obtained, as in March, 1837, the journeymen renewed
the same demand. 42
One of the most powerful unions in New York City
41 New York Journal of Commerce, April 3, 1835.
42 Morning Courier and New York Enquirer, March 9, June 13, 16, 1836,
March 4. and 17, 1837,
20 6 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
at the time of the organization of the Trades' Union
was that of the journeymen tailors. A strong beneficial
society of tailors, which appears to have regulated
wages, 43 had existed for many years, and in January,
1833, the Union Trade Society of Journeymen Tailors
was formed, apparently backed by the beneficial society.
About three months after the organization of the Trades'
Union, the tailors struck for higher wages, with the ap-
proval of the union. Their financial support, however,
appears to have come from the different societies.
In January, 1836, the tailors again went on a strike,
this time against a reduction in wages. They were sup-
ported by the Trades' Union, the United Benevolent
Society of Journeymen Tailors, the Ladies' Cordwain-
ers, the carpenters, the bookbinders, the pianoforte mak-
ers, the rope-makers, the cabinet-makers, the hatters, and
a number of other trades, including the tailors/ and book-
binders of Philadelphia. On the other hand the em-
ployers appear to have combined and decided to make
a test case of the tailors. Twenty* of them were ar-
rested for conspiracy, and, after a trial which was at-
tended by large crowds, were convicted. Their friends
immediately paid theft fines, but the trial and decision
created intense excitement. The daily papers took sides,
denouncing and defending the judge. An inflamma-
tory placard, afterwards known as the "Coffin Hand-
bill," called for a mass meeting in the Park, upon the
day when the sentence was to be pronounced. Later a
meeting was held in the Park which was attended, ac-
43 A writer in the Morning Courier and New York Enquirer, May 28,
1833, spoke of the Tailors* Society as "now many years in existence; and per-
haps the only one, in this city, enabled to ensure the privileges of the hard-
working mechanic." "The wages of tailors in New York," he said, were
better, "comparatively speaking, than those of any other class."
* See report of this case, vol. iv, 315-334.
i. THE CARPENTERS' STRIKE
(a) THE JOURNEYMEN'S STATEMENT
Morning Courier and New York Enquirer for the country, May 21, 1833,
p. 3, col 3. Preamble and Resolutions adopted at a meeting of jour-
neymen house-carpenters, May 17, 1833. Other meetings were held at
which similar resolutions were passed.
. . . To THE CITIZENS OF NEW YORK. We, the
Journeymen House Carpenters of the city of New York,
have struck out for our rights, and are determined to
stand till we obtain them. As we have been imposed
upon a long time by the Master Builder?, we are de-
termined to bear it no longer, and we think that the pub-
lic, if acquainted with our situation, will coincide with
us, and lend us a helping hand towards obtaining our
end. We ask no more than justice, and are determined
to have it We leave it to a discerning Public to de-
cide for us.
RESOLVED, that in the estimation of every honest jour-
neyman mechanic, who considers that a fair and equiv-
alent compensation ought to be awarded to them by
their employers for their services, they cannot refrain
from expressing their decided disapprobation against
the high handed measure adopted by a few interested
individuals who have assumed the power to control and
dictate to the great body of independent Journeymen
House Carpenters of the city of New York.
RESOLVED, that as the Independent Journeymen
House Carpenters of the City of New- York have no
object in view, whereby they will be the cause of pro-
crastinating the finishing of buildings now under pro-
gression, they disclaim all insinuations that may be ad-
vanced to the contrary, honestly declaring, as they now
NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 209
do, that their only desire is to obtain from their employ-
ers a remuneration equal to the services rendered.
RESOLVED, that having no wish to create dissention or
animosity between themselves and their employers; and
having every desire to lend their aid in advancing the
rapid improvements now in contemplation in the city,
the Journeymen House Carpenters fully expect that, in
justice to the community at large, their employers will
see the propriety of "rendering justice where justice is
due." ANDREW TURNBULL, Chairman.
WM. E. ERRETT, Secretary.
(b) "THE AMERICAN SYSTEM AMONG THE
JOURNEYMEN"
New York Journal of Commerce, June i, 1833, p. 2, col i. Editorial.
We see by notices in the papers, that the Journeymen
of various other branches of business are rallying to
sustain the Carpenters. Well, their cause is .as good and
worthy of support as the combinations for the same pur-
pose in any other occupation. Just as good as the com-
binations, where they exist, among lawyers, or doctors,
or merchants, or manufacturers, or newspaper editors,
or any body else. Yet we .apprehend that many will
condemn the combination of Journeymen, who think it
very right for employers to combine to keep up the
prices of their commodities, or even to keep down the
price of labor. But according to our notions of the
obligations of society, all combinations to compel others
to give a higher price or take a lower one, are not only
inexpedient, but at war with the order of things which
the Creator has established for the general good, and
therefore wicked. . .
The means resorted to, to cement and sustain the com-
binations, whether they are simple individual pledges,
or legislative enactments, or menaces and violence, are
all wrong, and in spirit equally so. The plans of each
2 1 o AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
class have their distinctive evil features. The combi-
nations of journeymen and others whose income is from
labor, are characterised with less craft and studied plot,
but with more of direct appeals to force or fear. Dis-
guise it as the associates may, no such combination is
sustained but by threats at least. There will always be
a large number who are indisposed for the combination.
These will keep up the operations of the trade, and un-
less forced into the ranks, render the combination abor-
tive. It is surprising how such persons are deprived of
their self possession, and drawn into the general league.
The principal threat is, that the combinants will never
again permit those who do not join them, to have em-
ployment. The expedient to accomplish this, is the
same to which the doctors and lawyers resort for the
same purpose, viz, that the combinants will never con-
sult- work with one who is not of their number. . .
Combinations among journeymen are usually set on
foot by the dissolute, improvident, and therefore rest-
less; and in the outset chiefly sustained by the second
and third rate class of hands. There is one thing about
this infatuation at which we confess our astonishment.
It is, that prime hands so readily enter into combina-
tions for a general average of price. It is a partner-
ship in which some put in capital and others bank-
ruptcy, yet all are to take out and share alike. Men
whose wages would go up to the desired point, if they
would but go upon their own merits, consent to stand in
the attitude of lifting up the unworthy, though they
sink themselves proportionably.
Turn-outs are always miserably profitless jobs. If
they are successful they cannot in the long run benefit
the class whose wages are raised; for the diminution in
the quantity of occupation and the increased number of
labourers drawn to the spot, will more than compensate
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 2 1 1
for all the gains. If a day's work receives a higher
reward, that advantage will be more than counterbal-
anced by days spent in idleness for want of occupation.
The journeymen carpenters, now, in .a harvest time,
when all hands were employed, have turned out for an
additional shilling. For this, they throw away the cer-
tainty of eleven shillings. They have stood out some
twenty days, so that their certain loss is already more
than equal to the gain they demand, upon six months
labor: and they are in no little danger of being dis-
placed altogether by workmen who are coming in from
surrounding places, and who, not being acquaintances
of the turn-outs, are effectually beyond the reach of
their influence. To the master-carpenters, we repeat
what we said some days ago, that it is their duty, and the
duty of all good citizens, to set their faces like a flint
against all such combinations. . .
2. THE GENERAL TRADES' UNION
(a) TYPOGRAPHICAL ASSOCIATION CIRCULAR
Rise and Progress of the General Trades' Union of the City of New
York and its Vicinity, by John Finch, 1833. John Finch, president
of the Typographical Association, laid this circular before that body
on June 22, 1833, and requested that a committee be appointed to
assist in forming a " General Union of Trades." The circular was
approved and the committee appointed.
CIRCULAR. To the Journeymen Mechanics and Arti-
sans of New- York.
The time has now arrived for the mechanics of our
city to arise in their strength and determine that they
will no longer submit to the thraldom which they have
patiently borne for many years, nor suffer employers to
appropriate an undue share of the avails of the labourer
to his disadvantage. This is evident from the noble
and energetic efforts which they recently made to sus-
tain their brethren, the Independent Journeymen House
Carpenters, when demanding their rights. They have
now become alive to the necessity of combined efforts
for the purpose of self-protection; and a few enterpris-
ing men have determined to call a meeting to effect a
general union of the Journeymen Mechanics and Arti-
sans of every branch, in this city.
On account of the many facilities which Printers pos-
sess for disseminating information, and their decided
conviction of its utility, the "Typographical Associa-
tion of New York," appears destined to take the lead
in this grand movement, and its members, as far as is in
their power, will use their utmost endeavours to con-
summate so desirable an object The Committee, there-
fore, submit the following as their view of the manner
in which this design may be attained.
NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION
213
1. Let each Society, Trade, or Art in the city, call a
meeting of its members, and appoint three delegates to
meet in General Convention, to hold office for one year.
2. Let this Convention appoint from its own body,
a President, Vice-president, Recording and Corre-
sponding Secretaries, and a Treasurer.
3. For the purpose of enabling this Convention to
render efficient aid, in case they should be called on by
any branch of mechanics or artisans who may be there
represented, a capitation tax of one cent, or more, per
week, shall be levied on every journeyman in the city,
which, in case of a strike, shall entitle all paying it to
such sum, weekly, as the Convention may determine can
be afforded from the funds.
4. When the members of any trade or art shall feel
aggrieved, and wish to advance their wages, they shall,
by their delegates, make a representation of their griev-
ances to the Convention, who shall deliberate on the
same, and determine whether or not it is then expedient
for the members of such trade to demand an advance;
and should they determine that a resort to a strike is
necessary, then all of this trade who shall have contrib-
uted to the funds their regular quota, shall be entitled
to receive a specific sum until their difficulties are .ad-
justed. If a combination of employers should in any
manner be entered into, to reduce the present rate of
wages, the Convention shall be always bound, to the
extent of their means, to sustain the journeymen in their
efforts to repel all such attempts.
This Committee would respectfully suggest that the
first meeting of delegates should take place on Monday
evening, July 15, 1833, at 7 o'clock, p.m., at StonealFs,
corner of Fulton and Nassau streets. All trades ap-
proving the sentiments of this Circular, will please to
appoint their delegates accordingly, and address a note
214 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
signifying the same, with the names of their delegates
to either of the undersigned Committee.
JOHN FINCH, EDW. S. BELLAMY, WILLOUGHBY LYNDE.
(b) PRELIMINARY CONVENTION
Morning Courier and New York Enquirer, July 26, 1833, p. 2, col. 6.
The formal organization of the union was said to have taken place
on August 28, 1833, but the proceedings of this meeting have not
yet been found.
To the Journeymen Mechanics and Artisans of New-
York and Vicinity.
In compliance with a call from a circular issued by
the " Typographical Association of New- York, 5 ' invit-
ing the different trades to appoint delegates to meet in
Convention, at Mr. Stoneall's Shakespeare Hotel, to
form a general union of trades, for the protection of
their mutual rights, a meeting was held on Monday
evening, i5th inst, at which Mr. Isaac Odell was called
to the chair, and Messrs. James McBeath and John H.
Bowie appointed Secretaries.
Delegates from the following Trades and Associa-
tions appeared ,and took their seats, viz : Union Society
of Journeymen House Carpenters, Typographical As-
sociation of New York, Journeymen Book-Binders' As-
sociation, Leather Dressers' Association, Coopers' So-
ciety, Carvers and Gilders, Bakers' Society, Cabinet
Makers' Society, Journeymen Cordwainers' Society,
(men's branch).
Communications were received from the Sail Mak-
ers' Society, from the New York Tailors' Society, and
from the Journeymen Tailors of Brooklyn, all of which
expressed sentiments favorable to the formation of such
a union.
On motion it was unanimously resolved, that we form
a Convention, to be called a " General Trades 7 Union."
Resolved, that a committee of one from each Delega-
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 215
tion be appointed to draft articles of organization for
the Convention; and that the following persons com-
pose said Committee, viz: Ely Moore, of the Typo-
graphical Association; Rob't Townsend, Jr., House
Carpenters; Rob't Beatty, Book Binders; John H.
Bowie, Leather Dressers; Wm. McDonald, Coopers;
John J. Heim, Carvers and Gilders; Philip Ryan, Bak-
ers; J. D. Pearson, Cabinet Makers; Henry Walton,
Cordwainers. Resolved, that a committee of three be
appointed to publish the proceedings of this meeting,
and also to invite the different Mechanics and Artisans
of New York and vicinity, who are not now represent-
ed in this Convention, to appoint three Delegates to at-
tend at our next meeting, which will be held on Wed-
nesday Evening, July 3131, at Mr. Cronly's House, 15
Park Row. Resolved, that the Secretaries and Mr.
Billings Hayward, compose said Committee. . .
(c) CONSTITUTION
National Trades' Union, Aug. 9, 1834, p. i, col. 1-2. This constitu-
tion was adopted on August 14, 1833.
ARTICLE I. This association shall be called the "Gen-
eral Trades' Union of the city of New- York, and its
vicinity."
ARTICLE II. The business of the Union shall be con-
ducted by a Convention, to consist of three delegates
from each Trade or Art ; to be elected by, and to belong
to the body they represent. Each delegation shall hold
office for one year.
ARTICLE m. The officers of this Convention shall
consist of a President, Vice President, Recording and
Corresponding Secretaries, a Treasurer, & a Finance
Committee of seven (including the Vice President,)
to be elected annually by ballot
ARTICLE IV. The President shall preside at all meet-
2 1 6 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
ings of the Convention, and preserve order therein;
shall put all questions, and announce the decision ; and
in case of an equality of votes, shall give the casting
voice. He shall also direct the labors of the Corre-
sponding Secretary; call, in conjunction with the Secre-
taries, all meetings of the Convention ; and do all other
things that may of right appertain to his office.
ARTICLE V. The Vice President shall officiate in the
absence of the President He shall also, by virtue of
his office, preside at all meetings of the Finance Com-
mittee, whose accounts, when audited, he shall authen-
ticate by his signature.
ARTICLE vi. It shall be the duty of the Recording
Secretary, to keep correct minutes of all meetings of
the Convention, and to read the minutes of the last at
each successive meeting. He shall sign the call for all
meetings of the Convention.
ARTICLE VII. The Corresponding Secretary shall, by
direction of the Convention, or the President, conduct
all the correspondence of the Union, and keep a correct
copy of the same. He shall also assist the Recording
Secretary at all meetings of the Convention, and sign
all calls for such meetings.
ARTICLE vin. The Treasurer shall receive all moneys
from the Finance Committee, and pay all drafts ap-
proved and passed by them. He shall keep a correct
account of all expenditures, and of the funds in hand;
and when they amount to one hundred dollars, he shall
report accordingly to said Committee, and hold the
same subject to their order. He shall report at every
regular meeting of the Convention.
ARTICLE ix. The Finance Committee shall meet
monthly, and shall receive the dues of the members
from the delegates, and pay the same over to the Treas-
urer, taking his receipt. When the funds amount to
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 217
one hundred dollars, they shall report the same to the
Convention, and deposite the same according to the di-
rection of said Convention. The committee shall give
an order on the Treasurer for all the necessary expenses
of the Convention, not to exceed ten dollars; but all dis-
bursements above that sum, must be first agreed to by
said Convention. The Committee must also receive
and take charge of all bonds and documents, and all
other property committed to their care. The Commit-
tee shall keep true minutes of their proceedings, and
submit the same to the Convention at each regular meet-
ing. No officer (except the Vice President) shall be
a member of this Committee. No two members of this
Committee shall be chosen from the same delegation.
ARTICLE x. Each delegation shall make out, from
time to time, as occasion may require, a correct list of
the names of all members of the Union, in their respec-
tive Trades or Arts, and report the same to the Conven-
tion. They shall also receive the monthly dues from
their body, and deliver the same to the Finance Commit-
tee at their monthly meetings, taking their receipt there-
for.
ARTICLE XL The members of each body belonging
to the Union, shall, through their delegates, pay the
sum of six and a fourth cents monthly, into the funds
of the Convention.
ARTICLE xil. The funds of the Convention shall be
appropriated to defray all necessary expenses; to main-
tain the present scale of prices to all members who are
fairly remunerated ; to raise up all such as are oppressed ;
to alleviate the distresses of those suffering from the
want of employment; and to sustain the honor and inter-
est of the "Union."
ARTICLE XIIL Each Trade or Art may, through their
2 i8 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
delegates, represent their grievances to the Convention,
who shall take cognizance thereof, and decide upon the
same,
ARTICLE XIV. No Trade or Art shall strike for high-
er wages than they at present receive, without the sanc-
tion of the Convention.
ARTICLE XV. The Convention shall have the power
to call a general meeting of the members of the Union,
whenever they shall deem it expedient.
ARTICLE xvi. The regular meetings of the Conven-
tion shall take place on the last Wednesday of every
month. All extra meetings shall be called by the Pres-
ident and Secretaries ; notice thereof to be published two
days previous to such meeting.
ARTICLE xvil. The members of any Trade or Art
may join this Union at any time, by organizing them-
selves, sending their delegates, and conforming to the
rules and regulations agreed to by the Convention.
ARTICLE XVIII. This Constitution shall not be altered
or amended, except at a regular meeting of the Con-
vention, due notice of such amendment to be given in
writing, at least one month previous thereto, with the
exception of the nth Article, which may, in case of a
strike, be altered or amended at a regular or special
meeting. All amendments, or alterations, must receive
the sanction of two thirds of this Convention. . .
/ (d) PROCEEDINGS, 1834-1836
The Man, June 15, 1834, P- 3> col. i.
GENERAL TRADES' UNION. At a meeting of the Con-
vention held last evening, it was unanimously -
RESOLVED, that the different trades represented in this
Convention, and the Mechanics and Working Men gen-
erally, be requested to hold meetings as early as possi-
ble in order to take the most effective measures that can
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 219
be adopted, in order to sustain the journeymen bakers
in their present attempt to obtain their rights,
RESOLVED, that an appeal be made to the public to
know at once whether a few individuals are to be sus-
tained in their endeavors to keep their journeymen in a
worse condition, bodily and mentally, than that of the
beast.
RESOLVED, that a Committee be appointed to draft
the same, and that said committee consist of the follow-
ing persons, viz. Robert Townsend, Eli Moore, John H.
Bowie, David Scott, Wm. Howitt, and Robt. Beaty.
ELI MOORE, President
JAMES MCBEATH, JOHN H. BOWIE, Secretaries.
June i3th, 1823 [1833].
The undersigned committee of the Trades' Union
recommend to the Public, and the Mechanics and Work-
ing Men in particular, as the most effectual means of
assisting our cause, to bestow their patronage on those
employers, and those only, who give their men the full
wages.
WILLIAM HEWITT, THOS. BONNER, DAVID SCOTT,
ROBT. BEATY, JOHN H. BOWIE.
[Names and addresses of thirty-three employers, who
gave full prices, omitted.]
National Trades' Union, Aug. 30, 1834, p. 2, col. 4.
The following persons have been elected officers of
the " General Trades Union," for the ensuing year:
Ely Moore, president, David Scott, vice president,
James McBeath, recording secretary, James B. Ander-
son, corresponding secretary, John Brown, treasurer.
Finance Committee : William B. Smith, Seth T. Clark,
Richard Sharp, Ephraim Aurniss, Henry Ennis, Henry
E. Insley.
National Trades' Union, Nov. 8, 1834, p. 2, col 3.
[October (misprinted November) 29] ... Cre-
220 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
dentials were received from the House Carpenters' So-
ciety, appointing Ebenezer Ford, and Barnes Bennetas
delegates to fill the vacancies of Robert Townsend, Jr.
and William B. Paddon, whose term of service expired
on the 28th of August, and from the Cabinet Makers, ap-
pointing Thomas M'Donald a delegate in the place of
Richard Smith, resigned; also from the Cordwainers'
Society, of Poughkeepsie, appointing Thomas Haight
as their delegate to the General Trades' Union.
The credentials were, on motion, approved, and the
delegates were invited to take their seats in the Con-
vention. . .
Mr. Isaac Odell then arose, and after a few prelim-
inary remarks, offered the following resolution, which
was, on motion, adopted, viz : resolved, that a special
committee be appointed to examine our financial con-
cerns for the past year, and make a full report thereon.
The committee was ordered to consist of five persons,
who were appointed by open nomination, as follows:
Isaac Odell, John H. Bowie, James B. Anderson, Ora-
mel Bingham, Barnabas S. Gillespy.
It was then resolved, that the Finance Committee re-
port the proceedings of their meetings, and if any mem-
ber be absent for two successive meetings without a sat-
isfactory excuse, he shall be considered as having vacat-
ed his seat in the Finance Committee, and the Conven-
tion shall proceed to fill such vacancy. . .
The Secretary then read the names of those Societies
who have returned a list of all their members and of
those who have not, in order to obtain a complete list
from each Society, (from which arose a discussion to
settle the time they should make their proper returns,)
and also how we are to determine who are members of
the Union, and entitled to draw from the funds.
Whereupon it was resolved, that a Committee of five
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 22 1
be appointed to investigate the law, regulating the re-
turns of members, and to devise equitable rules to dis-
tribute the funds in case of strikes, &c. The following
persons were appointed said Committee, by open nom-
ination, viz : John H. Bowie, Henry Ennis, Ephraim
Ford, Robert Beatty, James M. Glover. . .
National Trades' Union, Dec. 6, 1834, p. 2, col. 5, 6.
[November 26] ... A communication from the
Sail Maker's Society, was then read, stating the appoint-
ment of John Brown, William Herren, and John C.
Zimmerman, ,as their Delegates for the ensuing year.
A communication was received from the Stone Cutters,
appointing Mr. Samuel Smith, as a delegate in the
place of John Keane, resigned. Also, a communication
from the Cordwainers (men's branch) stating the ap-
pointment of Jeremiah W. Clark and Henry M. Jack-
son, as their delegates in the place of Henry Walton
and Ephraim Furniss, resigned. The credentials were
approved, and the Delegates invited to take their seats
in the Convention.
The special committee on Finances presented a
lengthy report on the subject, containing the different
amounts paid in by each Society, as dues or subscrip-
tions, and all other monies that have been received, with
an account of the expenditures during the year, stating
the different items in the account of expenditures. The
Report was, on motion, accepted and the committee dis-
charged.
The committee appointed to examine the Law to
regulate membership, and to devise a plan for the equit-
able distribution of the funds in cases of strikes, &c. re-
ported the result of their deliberations, which were ac-
companied by four additional sections to the By-Laws,
bearing on the subject for which they were appointed.
The following was the first which was, on motion,
222 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
adopted, viz: "Each Delegation shall furnish the Re-
cording Secretary, with a correct list of all the Mem-
bers of the Union in their respective Trades, every three
months. 55 The others, after being read, were laid over
for further consideration till next meeting. . .
The President then read a letter he received from
Captain Partridge, offering proposals to deliver a
course of lectures on Political Economy, &c. before the
members of the Trades' Union. After considerable
discussion on the subject, the President was instructed
to return our thanks to Capt Partridge, and inform
him that we deem it inexpedient to accept his propos-
als at present . .
National Trades' Union, Dec. 20, 1834, P- 2 > col- 4 5- Special meeting.
[December 15] . . . The Corresponding Secretary
explained the call of the meeting by stating that the
Journeymen Hat Makers are at present labouring un-
der difficulties with some of their employers. The del-
egates from the Hatters were then called upon for some
explanation. They stated that the employers, who are
the cause of the present difficulties, did at the formation
of their Society discharge (for a short time) all the
journeymen in their employ who became members;
they afterwards gave them employment, but began to
complain of the list of prices. The journeymen made
the alteration in prices they wished, and all was appar-
ently settled: the employers then found another ground
for objection to the list of prices, which the journey-
men readily altered to meet their views; the employers
then came out with what was evidently their intentions
in the first instance, and declared that they would not
employ any journeymen who belonged to, or was con-
nected with the " General Trades' Union;" they there-
fore discharged all such men from their employ.
It was then stated that two delegates from Newark,
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 223
N.J., on business with the Hatters, were in the house;
they were, on motion, invited up in the room by Mr.
Commerford, who was appointed for that purpose. The
delegates from Newark stated that they were not from
the Hatters of Newark, but from two of the different
branches of the Cordwainers, who having received in-
formation from the Secretary of the Hatters' Society of
their grievances, and soliciting aid to support them in
their stand, their Societies have met, and they have in
their possession an amount of money appropriated for
the benefit of the Hatters' Society; they also stated that
the other Trades in Newark were making exertions to
support them in their stand.
A Committee of three, in conjunction with the dele-
gates from the Hatters, were requested to retire, and
draft some suitable resolutions on the occasion. Messrs.
Bowie, Commerford, and Gillespy, composed said
Committee. The Committee having returned, report-
ed through Mr. Bowie, who stated that the employers
were wholesale dealers, and not engaged in the retail
business, therefore they could not adopt at present any
resolutions that would directly meet them on their own
grounds ; but they have no doubt that the journeymen's
rights are infringed upon; they have prepared a rough
draft of resolutions, which will require some revision.
The resolutions were submitted to a committee of five,
who were appointed by the chair as follows, viz. : J. H.
Bowie, Jno. Commerford, Barnabas S. Gillespy, Robt
Beatty, and John Todd, who withdrew to make the
necessary revision.
A communication from the Bakers' Society was then
read, which stated the appointment of John Todd and
John Hovill as their delegates for the ensuing year. A
communication from the Chair Makers, appointing
John Commerford, Chas. S. Wright, and Thomas Man-
224 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
ahan, as their delegates for the ensuing year; also, a
communication from the Tailors, appointing Mr. D.
Rose as a delegate, in the place of G. G. Clarkson, re-
signed. The credentials were approved, and the dele-
gates invited to take their seats in the Convention.
The Corresponding Secretary then read two com-
munications from the " Trades' Union" of Boston, on
the subject of Machinery for spinning Rope Yarn,
which is about to be introduced into the public service,
near Boston, with a memorial on the same subject, ad-
dressed to the Navy Department of the U.S., which
memorial is intended to be signed by the delegates of
the "Trades' Union," and forwarded to the Hon. the
Secretary of the Navy. After some discussion, the
Memorial, &c. was ordered to be laid on the table till
the regular monthly meeting, which takes place next
week.
The Committee on resolutions having returned, re-
ported the following, viz. : resolved, that when any Em-
ployer undertakes to say whether a man shall, or shall
not, belong to ,any particular Society, we consider it an
attempt at proscription, and a direct infringement of
personal rights, which merits our decided reprobation.
Resolved, that we will sustain the Hatters as far as we
can individually. Resolved, that this Convention rec-
ommend that the various Societies, belonging to the
Union, meet as soon as possible, and adopt such meas-
ures as they may deem necessary to sustain the Hatters
in their present struggle. Resolved, that if the employ-
ers persist in endeavoring to destroy the Association of
Hat Makers, we will consider it our duty to resort to
such measures as will enable us effectually to reach
their interest. After the resolutions were read, they
were, on motion, unanimously adopted. . .
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 225
National Trades' Union, Jan. 17, 1835, p. 2, col. 2. Special meeting,
[January 7] ... A communication from the
"House Carpenters" was read, stating the appointment
of Andrew E. Turnbull, as a Delegate in the place of
Isaac Odell, resigned. A communication from the
"Brush Makers" was then read, appointing Henry E.
Insley, Joseph Hufty, and James Adams, as their dele-
gates for the ensuing year. Also a communication from
the "Silk Hatters," appointing George Barrow and
Samuel Stinson, as delegates, in the place of Joseph
Dean and Thomas Ridley, resigned. The credentials
were all approved, and on motion, the delegates were
invited to take their seats in the Convention.
To a call being made for the Report of the Finance
Committee, the members present of said Committee,
stated that the Chairman and acting Secretary were
both absent, they were therefore unable to make any
satisfactory report, further than the Committee have
never met for organization. The Resolution adopted
in October last, providing for the filling of vacancies in
the Finance Committee, in cases of neglect of duty, was
then brought forward, and after some discussion on its
Constitutionality, the subject was laid over till the next
meeting.
The memorial from Boston, on " Machinery for spin-
ning Rope Yarn," was then brought up for considera-
tion, when a discussion ensued, on the utility of " Labor
saving machines" in general, and their effects on the
working classes; this being a subject they were not
called upon to investigate at present, they returned to
the original question. It was then proposed that the
delegates sign the memorial, and amended by substitut-
ing an approval of the memorial to be signed by the
officers in behalf of the Trades 7 Union.
The additional articles to the By-Laws, as reported
226 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
by the Committee at the last monthly meeting, was then
taken into consideration, viz :
ad. In cases of strikes, stands, or turn-outs, refer-
ence must be made to the list of the trade on the strike
given into the Convention at least three months previ-
ous to said strike. Those whose names are found on
said list, who have continued paying members up to the
period of said strike, shall be entitled to receive from
the funds of the Union, the weekly allowance already
agreed upon ; also all persons who have been members
of their society for three months, whose accounts are
settled on the books of their society, who may have left
the city, but returned again, and become members pre-
vious to the strike, shall receive the usual weekly allow-
ance, and none others whatever shall have any claim
upon the funds of the Union.
3d. In case of any member of the Union wishing to
leave the city during a strike of the trade to which he
belongs, he may draw one months' allowance in ad-
vance, provided he will guarantee to the Union that
he will not return until the matter is settled.
4th. In all cases where the assistance as above pre-
scribed is insufficient to sustain any trade, the Conven-
tion may grant them a loan or gratuity, but this must
be sanctioned by the approval of two-thirds of the so-
cieties represented in the Union, the vote of two of the
delegates to be considered the vote of the society they
represent.
Article ad (article ist having been read and adopted
at a previous meeting) was read, and on motion adopt-
ed. Article 3d was then read, and after some discus-
sion, was on motion ordered to be expunged. Article
4th was read, and on motion adopted.
Mr. Hovil, from the Baker's society, stated that his
society was laboring under some pecuniary embarrass-
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 227
ments, and there being a balance due them from the
Union he wished to come to settlement, he was referred
to the Finance Committee, who are fully empowered to
adjust their claims. . .
National Trades' Union, Jan. 31, 1835, p. 2, col. 2, 3,
[January 28] . . . Communications were received
from the following Trades, viz : "The Rope-Makers
of Brooklyn" and the " Block and Pump-Makers," ap-
pointing their delegates for the ensuing year; also, from
the " Sail-Makers' Society" appointing one delegate to
fill a vacancy. The candidates were .approved, and the
delegates invited to take their seats in the Convention.
The report of the Finance Committee, stating the
receipts since the first of November last, was presented
and approved. The Treasurer presented his report of
receipts and disbursements, since November last, show-
ing a balance in hand of $255.09^ -approved.
The resolution, offered in October last, directing va-
cancies in the Finance Committee, to be filled in cer-
tain cases, was brought up, decided to be agreeable to
the constitution and adopted.
The delegates from the "Journeymen Hat- Makers"
made a favourable report, in regard to their present
struggle to sustain themselves as a Trades' Union So-
ciety.
The delegates from the " Rope-Makers of Brooklyn"
reported to the Convention, that Messrs. Schemerhorn
and Banker have made a reduction of the Journeymen's
wages from $1.50 to $1.25 per day, and discharged all
their Journeymen, who would not consent to such re-
duction. They stated that from this procedure of
Messrs. Schemerhorn and Banker nine or ten hands
were out of employ. Upon the reception of this re-
port, it was resolved, that the " Rope-Makers of Brook-
lyn" be authorized to draw upon the Finance Commit-
228 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
tee for the usual allowance for their members, who are
at present out of employ as represented.
The following amendments to the Constitution and
By-laws were presented by Mr. Oramel Bringham, and
ordered to be published in the " National Trades' Un-
ion."
AMENDMENT TO ARTICLE and. Section ist The
business of this Union shall be conducted by regularly
appointed delegates from each Trade or Art; to be
elected by, and belong to the body they represent and
to hold office for one year.
Section 2nd. The number of delegates appointed by
each society, shall be in proportion to the number of
members comprising such society, as follows: each so-
ciety whose members do not exceed twenty, shall be rep-
resented by two delegates, and every society consisting
of a larger number than twenty shall be entitled to one
delegate for every additional twenty-five members until
the number amounts to ninety-five, after which one del-
egate shall be added for every additional fifty.
ARTICLE 3d. The officers of this Convention shall
consist of a President, Vice-president, Recording and
Corresponding Secretaries, a Treasurer and a Finance
Committee, all of whom, except the Finance Commit-
tee, shall be elected .annually by ballot.
ARTICLE 5th. Section ist The Vice-president
shall, in the absence of the President, preside at all
meetings of the Convention, and shall perform all du-
ties belonging to that office.
Section 2nd. He shall preside at all meetings of the
Finance Committee, but shall not vote on any question,
unless the Committee should be equally divided, in
which case he shall have the casting vote. He shall
also authenticate the accounts of the Finance Commit-
tee, with his signature.
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 229
ARTICLE 9th. Section i st The Finance Commit-
tee shall consist of one member from each society, to be
appointed or elected by such society from the number
of its delegates, and no member of said committee shall
be eligible to any other office under this Constitution.
Section and. They shall each deliver to the Vice-
president of this Union at every stated meeting, the
amount due from their respective societies, who shall
authorize the Secretary of the Committee to give a re-
ceipt for the same, and then pay the amount received
to the Treasurer, taking his receipt for the whole
amount
Section 3d. They shall hold regular monthly meet-
ings on the Wednesday evening preceding the stated
meetings of the Convention, and shall present a written
report of all their proceedings, at such stated meeting.
Section 4th. When the funds amount to one hun-
dred dollars, over and above the necessary expenses of
the Union, they shall report to the Convention, and
said Convention shall authorize at least three of the
Committee to receive the amount from the Treasurer
and deposit it at the direction of the Convention.
Section 5th. The committee must also receive and
take charge of all bonds or documents and all other
property of the Union committed to their care.
ARTICLE ioth. Each delegation shall procure from
their Secretaries, a correct list of all the members of
the Union, in their respective societies, once in three
months, and present the same to the Secretary of the
Finance Committee.
BY-LAWS -ARTICLE 2nd. At the hour of meeting,
the Recording Secretary shall call the roll, and if a
majority of the societies comprising the Union shall be
represented by one delegate it shall form a quorum.
ARTICLE i5th. If any society, or association, shall
230 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
be in arrears for dues for three months, notice thereof
shall be given by the Corresponding Secretary to the
Secretary of said society, or association, and if at the
expiration of the fourth month they shall still be in
arrears, they shall be suspended from all pecuniary ad-
vantages in case of a strike, and shall not be entitled to
a voice in the proceedings of the Convention. . .
The Man, March 2, 1835, p. i, col. i ("Reported for The Man 11 ). Also
in National Trades' Union, Feb. 28, 1835, p. 2.
[February 25] ... A communication from the
Hat Makers' Society was then read, stating the appoint-
ment of Matthias F. Spencer, as a delegate, in the place
of James M. Glover, resigned. Mr. Spencer being
present, was, on motion, invited to take his seat in the
Convention.
On a call being made for the Finance Committee's
Report, they stated that they were not able to present a
full report at this time, but would read the minutes of
their meetings, which was, on motion, considered satis-
factory.
The Treasurer read his Report of receipts and dis-
bursements for the past month, leaving a balance on
hand of $307.84^. The Corresponding Secretary, in
making his report, read several communications, among
which was one from the Corresponding Secretary of the
Trades' Union of Albany and its vicinity, which con-
tained a defence of the Report of the Commissioners
appointed to investigate our State Prison system, with
regard to its interference with the labor of the honest
mechanic. Whereupon, Mr. Bowie arose and stated
his views of said report in very strong language, and
offered the following resolution, which was adopted by
a rising vote, viz: resolved, that a committee of five
be appointed, to draw up resolutions expressive of our
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TUflJPEgJJNION 23 1
opinions of the State Prison Monopolies, and especially
of the Report from the Commissioners lately appointed
on that subject- said resolutions to be reported at the
next meeting. The following persons were by open
nomination appointed on the committee: John Com-
merford, Oramel Bingham, Barnabas S. Gillespy, John
Crygier, and Henry E. Insley. Mr, Moore made some
explanations respecting his course as one of the Com-
missioners, and several of the delegates expressed their
opinions on the subject
A communication was then presented for reading,
from the Stone Cutters' Association, but it having no
signature attached to it, was necessarily excluded. The
Secretary of said Society being in the room immediate-
ly signed it, when it was again presented to be read.
Some of the members present being partially acquaint-
ed with its contents, and considering its language to be
very indecorous, objected to having it read. After
some discussion, which was conducted with much
warmth and feeling, the question was taken, which de-
cided that it could not be read.
Mr. Hays, of the Typographical Association, stated,
that some of their members had come to a stand against
a decrease of wages. It was resolved, that the subject
be referred to the Finance Committee, with powers.
The Rope Makers' delegates reported that their stand
had concluded to their satisfaction. The Hat Makers'
delegates reported that they are situated the same as at
last report Mr. Gillespy then stated that he had no-
ticed a store in the Bowery with a sign purporting it
to be "Trades' Union Hat Store;" he wished for some
information on the subject It was then stated that said
store belonged to Elisha Bloomer, (of State Prison
Monopoly notoriety,) who has assumed that sign to
232 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
obtain custom. It was resolved, that this Convention
publish a disclaimer against the " Trades' Union Hat
Store. 55
It was then resolved, that the Finance Committee re-
ceive from the Treasurer all the funds in his possession
over and above $50; and that three of them, as trustees,
deposite the same in the Mechanic's Bank. Mr. Gil-
lespy offered the following Resolution, which was laid
on the table till next meeting. Resolved, that it is ex-
pedient that we establish a room as an Intelligence Of-
fice, or Room of Call, where the journeymen out of em-
ploy, who belong to this Union, may call and leave their
names and trade, and the employers wanting hands are
to be directed there for them.
The Man, March 17, 1835, p. i, col. 3. Also in National Trades'
Union, March 14, 1835, p. 2, col. i. Special meeting.
[March 12! . . . The object of the meeting was
principally to take into consideration the situation of the
Cabinet Makers. Mr. Gillespie explained the nature
of their case. It was to establish their new Book of
Prices, the old Book, adopted in 1810, having been
found deficient in various particulars ; the new Book,
he stated, was calculated, he thought, to obviate all the
difficulties growing out of the old Book. After some
further remarks from one or two more of the members
of that branch of business, the proceedings of the Meet-
ing of the Cabinet Makers (heretofore published) were
read. In these proceedings, the Cabinet Makers ex-
pressed their determination to unite in establishing the
new Book of Prices. A resolution was offered and
adopted, requesting the employers to leave the room.
A Committee of seven was, on motion, then appointed,
to confer with the Cabinet Makers, and requested to
report at the next Meeting. The following Delegates
were appointed by open nomination: O. Bingham, H.
NEW YORK GENERAL TRADED
R Insley, A. E. Turabull, C. S. Wright, H. M. Jack-
son, Ely Moore, and J. Commerford
The Committee appointed at the last Meeting to
draw up resolutions relative to the State Prison Mon-
opoly, and especially of the Report of the State Prison
Commissioners, reported that they were not able to
agree.
Mr. Bowie offered some remarks in relation to the
communication from the Stone Cutters, which was pre-
sented at last meeting and excluded. He stated that,
notwithstanding it might, in the estimation of some,
contain indecorous language, the Convention had no
right to deny it a reading. After some further dis-
cussion, a motion was made that the minutes of the last
Meeting be read, which was carried. They were, on
motion, unanimously adopted.
After which, Mr. Bowie rose to enquire why a reso-
lution adopted at the last Meeting had been withheld
from publication. He was informed by the Chairman
of the Publishing Committee, that the resolution In
question was suppressed by order of a majority of the
Committee. Mr. Bowie replied, that such power was
never given the Committee by the Convention. Mr.
Howard briefly stated in answer, that the specific duty
of that Committee was, to superintend the reported
journal of their proceedings, and determine what part
should be published. Here the discussion ended. . .
The Man) March 30, 1835, p. i, col. i, 2; quoted from National
Trades' Union, March 28, 1835, p. 2.
[March 25] . . , A communication was received
from the Stone Cutters, which stated the appointment of
John Keane as a delegate, in the place of Gilbert Cam-
eron withdrawn. After the communication was read,
Mr. Gillespie presented a document, which he stated
was a protest from Mr. Cameron, against the accept-
234 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
ance of Mr. Keane. He wished it to be read previous
to acting upon Mr. Keane's credentials. The chair-
man decided that reading said document would be out
of order at this stage of our business, but would be at-
tended to in proper time. A communication was re-
ceived from the " Leather Dressers," appointing Wil-
liam Murphy as a delegate, in the place of Charles
Reynolds resigned. Also a communication from the
" Curriers," appointing John H. Bowie and James Pot-
ter, in the place of J. H. Bowie and Thomas McDan-
nell resigned. The credentials were all approved, and
the delegates were, on motion, invited to take their
seats in the Convention.
The Committee on the subject of State Prison Mon-
opolies, and the Commissioners 5 Report, being now
called upon, their report was read by the chairman of
said Committee. It contained our sentiments respect-
ing State Prison Monopolies, as have already been ex-
pressed, particularly in our Memorial to the Legisla-
ture on the subject, and with respect to the " Commis-
sioners' Report," they are decidedly opposed to their
views of the subject, and their plans for relieving the
Mechanics from their present intolerable burden. The
report and resolutions, taken altogether, was not such
as would meet the sanction of the Convention, it was
therefore referred back to the Committee, for them to
report again at our next meeting. The Committee ap-
pointed at last meeting to confer with the Cabinet Mak-
ers, reported, that they have met with the Cabinet Mak-
ers, who have explained the nature of the grievances.
The Committee approve of their principles, consider-
ing them founded in justice, and recommend that the
Convention sanction their strike.
It was then unanimously resolved, that the contem-
plated strike of the Cabinet Makers, to establish their
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 1 UNION 235
New Book of Prices, be sanctioned by this Convention,
and that the Committee of Conference be continued to
act with a committee from the Cabinet Makers during
said strike.
The Finance Committee read the proceeding of their
meetings during the past month, showing the receipts
and expenditures, from last report, and the Treasurer
his account of receipts and disbursements, all of which
were on motion approved.
The Corresponding Secretary then submitted the fol-
lowing communications, ist. A communication from
the Curriers' Society, which instructs their delegates
to use their influence to procure the resignation of Mr.
Ely Moore, as President of the Union, it being the
opinion of the Society, that he has deserted the cause
of the Mechanics and Working-men. 2d. A com-
munication from the Stone Cutters, containing a series
of resolutions, objecting to the Commissioners' report
on the State Prison Economy, and urging the resigna-
tion of Mr. Moore, as President of the Union, and also
a resolution adopted at a subsequent meeting of their
Society relative to regulating their list of Prices. 3d.
The communication from Mr. Cameron was then in
order, which contained an exposition of his conduct,
and the cause which led to his removal as a delegate.
After some few remarks it was proposed that Mr.
Cameron have permission to withdraw his communi-
cation, when after a warm discussion it was decided by
a rising vote, that Mr. Cameron be permitted to with-
draw his communication. Mr. Bowie then called up
the communication from the Curriers, and after enter-
ing largely upon Its merits, wished that it might be laid
on the table till next meeting. The communication
from the Stone Cutters was then in order for acceptance
or rejection, to decide which, led to an animated dis-
236 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
cussion, which was abundantly spiced with personal re-
marks, &c. On taking up the question the document
was divided -that part relating to the State Prison be-
ing the first part, and that relative to trade the second
part. The question on accepting the first part was then
taken by a rising vote and lost; the second part was
unanimously accepted.
The amendments to the Constitution and By Laws,
as proposed at last meeting, were called up for consid-
eration, when it was resolved that they be referred to a
special committee to consist of five, who are to report
at next meeting. The following persons were appoint-
ed said committee by open nomination, viz : O. Bing-
ham, B. S. Gillespie, Jeremiah Clark, Jacob Low, and
Jas. B. Anderson.
A communication was then presented from the
"Leather Dressers' Society," on the subject of their
returns of members and their dues, there being a dif-
ference of opinion between them and the Finance Com-
mittee on the subject, and they wished some action of
the Convention on the affair. Whereupon it was re-
solved that a special committee of five be appointed to
meet the Finance Committee and investigate the sub-
ject The following persons were appointed said com-
mittee by open nomination, viz: Wm. Masterton, S. B.
N. Scott, J. Commerford, J. B. Anderson, and EL M.
Jackson.
National Trades' Union, May 2, 1835, p. 2, col. i, 2. Special meeting.
[April 24] . . . The Secretary then read the call
of the meeting, being a request from the Delegates of the
Stone-cutters' Society. The call of the meeting was on
motion approved, and the Delegates from the Stone-
cutters were called upon to state the nature of their
grievances. Whereupon, Mr. Gallagher arose, and
stated that the object of their Society is, to establish a
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 1 UNION
Bill of Prices, for such of their members as work at
piece-work, that will be equal in amount to the wages
of those who work by the day. They have at present
no regular scale of prices for piece-work: as it is now,
the employers give such prices for the work done, as
they please; some will give one price, and some another,
which will differ materially with the journeymen at
the end of the week, in the amount of wages. The ob-
ject of the Society is therefore to regulate and establish
a List of Prices, which will give to those who work at
piece-work an equal compensation with those who work
at day's-work.
After a few remarks on the subject, it was resolved,
that a Committee of seven be appointed to confer with
the Stone-cutters on the subject of their grievances, and
the remedy to be applied to obtain relief. The follow-
ing persons were appointed said Committee -viz:
Thomas McDonald, John H. Bowie, Samuel B. N.
Scott, Andrew E. Turnbull, Jacob Lowe, Matthias F.
Spencer, and William Murphy.
Having now gone through with the business for
which the meeting was called, the Delegates from the
Cabinet-makers were requested to state the progress
they have made towards establishing their New Book
of Prices. They stated, that nearly all the employers
have conformed to their wishes, but there are a few who
hold out against the Journeymen. They also stated,
that the Journeymen Cabinet-makers are grateful to
the House-carpenters for their generous conduct in
assisting to procure employment for the Cabinet-mak-
ers at their business, by which a large number were
immediately employed; also to the Ship-joiners and to
the Piano-Fofte-makers, who assisted them to procure
employment at their respective branches, and otherwise
encouraged them in their strike.
238 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [VoL
It was then on motion- resolved, that the Correspond-
ing Secretary return the thanks of this Union (through
the public press) to the before-mentioned Trades for
their generous conduct manifested towards the Cab-
inet-makers, under their existing difficulties. . .
[April 29] ... A communication from the Typo-
graphical Association, was then read, which stated the
appointment of Charles A. Davis, as a delegate in the
place of Alexander H. Hayes, resigned. Also a com-
munication from the "Journeymen Locksmiths," stating
the appointment of James Quin, Abram H. Green, and
Levi D. Slamm, as their delegates for the ensuing year.
The credentials were approved, and the delegates were
invited to take their seats in the Convention.
The committee appointed to draw up resolutions on
State Prison Monopolies, and the Commissioner's Re-
port, having been called upon, stated they were not
ready to report at this meeting. The committee ap-
pointed to confer with the Cabinet Makers, reported
favorably. The committee appointed to confer with
the Stone Cutters, reported that they have attended to
the business assigned them, and from an investigation
of the affair, they consider their demands reasonable
and just, and do recommend that the convention sanc-
tion their contemplated strike. The report was on mo-
tion approved. . .
The Corr. Sect'y read a number of communications
which were disposed of as follows, viz : A communi-
cation from the Sup't of the Society for the Promotion
of Knowledge and Industry,'' with proposals to estab-
lish a House of Call, for the benefit of the Union, was
referred to a committee of three, Messrs. Bowie, Slamm,
and Lowe. A communication from the Cordwainers
(ladies branch,) ordered that the Corr. Sec'y. answer
the same, A communication from the Typographical
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES* UNION 23.9
Association, on the subject of procuring a "Trades'
Union Hall," was referred to a committee of three,
Messrs. Insley, Murphy, and Anderson. A communi-
cation from the Typographical Association on the sub-
ject of a General Certificate of Membership, referred
to a committee of three, Messrs. Davis, Green, and
Gallagher. A communication from the Corr. Secty.
of the Trades' Union at Washington relating to the
number of hours constituting a day's labor. The Corr.
Secty. was instructed to answer the same. The resig-
nation of Messrs, Howard and Commerford as mem-
bers of the supervising committee being laid over at
the last monthly meeting, was brought forward and ac-
cepted : and it was resolved that said committee be dis-
pensed with.
A communication having been read at a previous
meeting from the Corr. Secty. of the Trades' Union at
Albany, informing us of its formation, &c. It was pro-
posed, and on motion adopted -that our Corr. Secty.
answer the same, and that a committee of three be ap-
pointed to draft a resolution to be forwarded to Albany.
The committee was composed of Messrs. Commerford,
Slamm, and Gallagher, who retired a few moments
and presented the following, which was on motion ap-
proved. ''Resolved, that this convention view with
pride, the successful efforts of our fellow mechanics of
Albany, and its vicinity, to establish a Trades 1 Union
Association, and congratulate them on the apparent
unanimity existing among them." . .
It was then resolved, that the societies at Pough-
keepsie be requested to send their delegates to the con-
vention, monthly, instead of quarterly, as formerly, dur-
ing such part of the year as the communication will
permit. The delegates from the House Carpenters
stated, that there was some difficulty existing in their
24 o AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
financial concerns with the convention, and presented
a certificate of their members with the amount they
have paid, &c. The Finance committee were instruct-
ed to make a settlement agreeable to said certificate. . .
National Trades' Union, May 23, 1835, p. 2, col. 3, 4. Special meeting.
[May 20] . . . The Secretary read the call of the
meeting, being a written request from the Cordwainers'
Society, (ladies' branch.) The call of the meeting was
on motion approved, and the Delegates from the Cord-
wainers were called upon to state the nature of their
grievances. They stated, that their Society have con-
cluded upon a strike for an advance of wages -consid-
ering the present prices inadequate to support their
families, owing to the continued increase of expenses
they are subject to. They wish the sanction of this
Convention, considering that it would be of importance
to them; and what makes them more anxious at present
is, the trade in Newark are in difficulties with their
employers. It was resolved, that a Committee of seven
be appointed to confer with a Committee from the Cord-
wainers. The following persons were appointed by
open nomination on said Committee, viz: J. H. Bowie,
A. H. Green,A.E.Turnbull,W. Murphy, A. Keane,
J. Commerford, and H. M. Jackson -who withdrew to
meet the Cordwainers' Committee.
Notice being given, that a Delegation from the
Trades' Union of Newark was in the house, they were
invited forward, and presented their credentials, which
were on motion approved. The Delegation consisted
of Messrs. Schenck and Manahan, who informed the
Convention of "the signs of the times," by stating, that
the "Ladies' Shoe and Pump-makers' Society of New-
ark" did, about a month ago, strike for an advance of
12 per cent, on their wages, in order to enable them
to support their families. They have made the same
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 241
known to the public who are nearly unanimously in
favor with them, in the course they have taken; and
even the Employers are not so much against the ad-
vance of wages, as they are against the formation of a
"Trades' Union" among the Journeymen -which they
are determined to oppose with their united influence.
The Delegation wish an expression of the sentiments of
this Convention in their case. Whereupon, it was re-
solved, that a Committee of three be appointed, to draft
resolutions expressive of our sentiments respecting their
present struggle. Messrs. Bingham, Anderson, and
Bowie, were appointed said Committee, and they re-
tired to accomplish said object
The Committee appointed to confer with the Cord-
wainers, having returned, reported as follows: "The
Committee appointed to confer with the Committee
from the Ladies' Cordwainers' Society, respectfully re-
port, that having investigated the nature of their griev-
ances, are satisfied of the justice of soliciting this con-
vention to sanction their strike, we believe that in aid-
ing them, by approving of an effort on their part to
advance their wages to a living standard, we shall be
rendering them that support which should always be
rendered when the demands of any trade are founded
on apparent justice. Considering this to be fully the
condition of the Ladies' Cordwainers' strike your Com-
mittee would respectfully recommend the concurrence
of this Convention to sustain them." The report was
adopted, and said Committee continued to confer with
the Cordwainers during their strike.
The Committee, on resolution, having returned, re-
ported the following, which were approved, and or-
dered to be published, also an authenticated copy to be
forwarded to the Trades' Union of Newark: "Where-
as, information having been received by the Conven-
242 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
tion of the General Trades' Union of New York and
its vicinity, that the Cordwainers of Newark, NJ.,have
struck for what they believe to be a fair remuneration
for their labor, and that the other mechanics have ex-
pressed their approval of this strike- and understanding
that the Employers have threatened to discharge all
those who belong to various Societies, or to the Union,
now therefore resolved, that the Trades' Union of the
city of New York recognize the justice of the recent
proceedings of the Newark Trades' Union, in relation
to the strike referred to in the above preamble -and
hereby pledges itself to use every honorable means to
render the same effective."
The Stone-cutters delegates being called upon for in-
formation in their case, reported that they are still in
the field, their members however are in good spirits,
being conscious of the justice of their demands, they
also detailed an account of an attempt by some of the
employers to effect a division among them thereby ex-
pecting to cause them to yield from the position they
have taken: the plot however, was discovered in time
to frustrate their designs. The following persons were
appointed a committee of conference with the Stone-
cutters with powers, viz: C. A. Davis, J. Commerford,
L. D. Slamm, B. S. Gillespie and D. Rose.
The Corresponding Secretary, reported a letter re-
ceived from Poughkeepsie, but in consequence of the
delegates being absent no action was taken on the sub-
ject
National Trades' Union> May 30, 1835, p. 2, col. 2, 3.
[May 27] . . . Communications were received
from the Cordwainers of Poughkeepsie, stating the ap-
pointment of Stephen R, Harris and James Gable, as
Delegates to the "General Trades' Union."
The Committee appointed at a former meeting on
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TILADES^UNION 243
State Prison Monopolies and the Commissioners 1 re-
port, made a few remarks on the subject, and then
wished to be discharged from further services. Their
request was on motion granted, and the Committee dis-
charged. The Committee on revising the Constitution,
presented their report, which was accepted* and laid
on the table. The Committee on the subject of a House
of Call, reported favorably to the proposals of the "So-
ciety for the Promotion of Knowledge and Industry,"
The Committee on a General Certificate, reported prog-
ress. The Committee on a Trades' Union Hall, not be-
ing prepared with a report, a separate report from one
of the Committee was read, and was on motion referred
back to the Committee.
The Finance Committee then read the minutes of
their proceedings, which were approved; and the Treas-
urer presented his report, which was accepted.
The Corresponding Secretary made his report, by
reading the following communications - viz : i . From
the Cordwainers of Poughkeepsie, on the subject of an
advance in their prices. A Committee of five was then
appointed to investigate the affair, consisting of Messrs.
J. Commerford, O. Bingham, J. Short, L. D. Slamm,
and A. Howard, who retired, in conference with a Com-
mittee from Poughkeepsie. 2. From the House-Car-
penters' Society, on the subject of our receipts and dis-
bursements, wishing particular information on the ex-
penses attending the publication of Mr. Moore's Ad-
dress. The whole was referred to a Special Committee
of seven, who were appointed by open nomination, as
follows -viz: H. M. Jackson, J. Commerford, C. 8.
Wright, A. Green, H. Gallagher, A. E. Turnbull, and
A. Howard. 3. From the Corresponding Secretary of
the Trades' Union of Albany, giving information of a
contemplated celebration, with an invitation to Mr.
244 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
Moore and the Delegates to attend the same; also a re-
quest for the loan of our Grand Standard, to be used on
the occasion. The invitation was accepted, and per-
mission was granted to the Finance Committee to loan
the Banner. It having been stated that the Banner was
at present unfit for use, a communication from Mr.
Liebenau on that subject was then read, which elicited
some remarks from Mr. Scott, by way of explanation.
The communication was then about to be referred to a
Committee; but previous to taking the question, it was
resolved, that Mr. Liebenau have permission to with-
draw his communication. The Finance Committee was
then instructed to have the Banner put in proper order
for use.
The Committee of Conference with the Cordwainers
of Poughkeepsie having reported favorably in their
case, it was resolved, that this Convention approve of
the contemplated strike of the Cordwainers of Pough-
keepsie, .and sanction the same ; and that the Committee
of Conference be continued with powers. It was then
resolved, that the monthly dues of the Cordwainers
(ladies' branch) for the past month be remitted.
The Stone-cutters reported, that they have not yet
come to terms with their employers, and do not know
when they shall ; the men, however, are still determined
to maintain the position they have assumed.
The Chairman then stated, that a circumstance re-
cently occurred, which was calculated to reflect no very
great credit on the persons engaged therein; and it
might be supposed by some who are unacquainted with
the matter, that the General Trades' Union was a party
concerned in the affair. He had reference to the strike
of the Journeymen Horse-shoers ; and after a few re-
marks, it was considered necessary to disclaim our con-
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 1 UNION 245
nexion with said Society. The following resolution was
presented, and the Corresponding Secretary was in-
structed to make it the subject of a communication to
the public: Whereas, a notice having appeared in sev-
eral of the papers of this city, purporting to have emana-
ted from the Journeymen Horse-Sheers' Trades' Union
Society, relative to an increase of wages; and whereas,
the said Society not being a member of this Union, and
while on their strike, not acting with that propriety
becoming good citizens -therefore resolved, that we dis-
claim all connexion with the above-mentioned Society,
as they have never conformed to the rules and regula-
tions by which the Trades' Union is governed- . .
National Trades 9 Union, June 13, 1835, P* 2 col. 4.
[June 10] . . . A communication from the Leath-
er-dressers was then read, stating the appointment of
Jonathan Barnes as a delegate, in the place of John
Priestly, resigned. The credentials were approved, and
Mr. Barnes was invited to.take his seat in the Conven-
tion.
The Stone-cutters' delegates were then called upon
for a report. They stated that they have concluded
their strike, having received from the employers all that
they wished for. It was then resolved, that a vote of
thanks be presented to the Stone-cutters, for their firm-
ness in sustaining their just rights; and also, resolved,
that their monthly dues be remitted.
A member of the Cordwainers of Newark being pres-
ent, was requested to inform us of the progress they have
made towards accomplishing their object. He stated,
that they have succeeded to their utmost satisfaction,
the Employers having granted all that the Journeymen
asked ; he also stated the course they adopted, and pur-
sued during their strike. A vote of congratulation was
246 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [VoL
then passed in favor of the Cordwainers of Newark, for
the success that has crowned their efforts in attempting
to better their condition.
The corresponding Secretary then read a letter from
the Cordwainers of Poughkeepsie, stating the fact of
their strike, and the prospects of success they have be-
fore them; and that the Employers are not so much op-
posed to the advance of wages asked, as they are to the
existence of a Society among the Journeymen. Also, a
letter from the Corresponding Secretary of the Trades'
Union of Albany, giving us notice of a postponement of
their procession, &c. and their thanks for the loan of our
banner, the use of which was granted to them at our
last meeting. The President having resigned the chair
to the Vice President, it was on motion resolved, that
a Committee of three be appointed to proceed to Pough-
keepsie, to assist and encourage the Cordwainers in their
present struggle to sustain their rights. The following
persons were appointed by open nomination -viz: John
Commerford, Oramel Bingham, and David Scott
The delegates from the Cordwainers (ladies' branch)
being called upon to make a report, stated, that they
have concluded their strike, and that the men are all in
employment. A vote of thanks was then presented to
the Cordwainers, for their manly conduct during their
strike; also ,a vote of thanks to the Cabinet-makers, and
a vote to remit their monthly dues during the time they
were on a strike.
The amendments to the Constitution and By-Laws
being now in order, were taken up for consideration.
Article 2, as proposed to be amended, was then read.
A lengthy discussion ensued, during which several ad-
ditional amendments were proposed; but the hour for
adjournment having arrived, no question was taken
thereon.
five] NEW YORK ...... gg^ UNION 247
The Mm, June 29, 1835, p. 2, 3. Alto in NmtwmMl Trades* Umlom,
June 27, 1835, p. 2.
. . . The following communications were then
read, viz. : A communication from the "Carpenters of
Poughkeepsie," stating the appointment of William
Wadsworth, Henry Titeman, and Joseph K. Phelps as
their delegates to the "General Trades* Union."
A communication from the "Cordwainers" (men's
branch) appointing Richard Howkins as a delegate
in the place of Jeremiah W. Clark, resigned. Also, a
communication from the "Cabinet Makers" appointing
James D. Meeker, as a delegate in place of Thomas
McDonald, resigned. The credentials were approved,
and the delegates were on motion invited to take their
seats in the Convention. The "Staten Island Indepen-
dent Journeymen House Carpenters" having appointed
delegates to the Convention, Mr. John Hayt and Thom-
as Houston presented themselves as such without their
credentials, they being in the possession of an absent per-
son. The fact of the appointment being established by
evidence, they were invited to take their seats in the Con-
vention. The President having arrived in the room,
the Vice President resigned the chair.
The Committee on a "Trades' Union Hall" being
called upon for a report, stated the chairman of said
committee was absent > and they were unable to report
The committee on a general certificate, reported favor-
ably to the object, and recommended the appointment
of a committee to procure a suitable design, and ascer-
tain the probable expenses that would be incurred. The
report was on motion accepted. The committee to
whom was referred the resolutions from the Carpenters,
on the Financial concerns of the Convention, being
called upon, the Chairman stated he had not been able
to get a sufficient number of the Committee together
to do any business. The Committee was on motion
248 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
discharged. The Committee appointed to visit the
Poughkeepsie Cordwainers, reported that they attended
to their duty as directed; they found them still on the
strike. A general meeting of the Mechanics was held,
in which they all expressed themselves favorable to the
principles .adopted by the Cordwainers. The Commit-
tee urged the necessity of sustaining them. Their dele-
gates reported that the Employers continue opposed to
the measures of the Journeymen, and the Journeymen
are still firm in their determination to sustain their
rights. Several propositions were made for their relief,
all of which were referred to the committee of confer-
ence, with powers. . .
The amendments to the Constitution were then taken
up for consideration. The first article, relative to rep-
resentation according to numbers, was read, and a
lengthy discussion ensued, which resulted in the adop-
tion of a motion to lay the subject on the table.
Mr. D. Scott, from the Tailors, stated that there was
a movement among their society for the purpose of
forming a bill of prices, as they have none at present;
and they wish the sanction of the Convention to sustain
them, in case they cannot come to any reasonable com-
promise. It was resolved, that a Committee of seven
be appointed to confer with them on the subject ; Messrs.
Gallagher, Short, Green, Howard, Bennett, Spencer,
and Brown were appointed said committee by open
nomination.
The Leather-Dressers stated that some of their mem-
bers were in difficulty, by an attempt made to reduce
their wages -and wished the Convention to take some
order on the subject. A committee of three was ap-
pointed to investigate the matter- viz: Messrs. Bowie,
Sharp, and Curley.
Mr. Scott, Chairman of the Finance Committee,
TRADES 1 UNION 249
called the attention of the Convention to the importance
of attending to such Societies as are in arrears for dues,
and suggested the propriety of taking some pains to col-
lect the same, &c. A committee of one was proposed,
and amended, by adding two more. Said committee-
consisting of Messrs. D. Scott, BL Gallagher, and B. S,
Gillespie, were appointed by open nomination, Mr,
Bennett, from the Carpenters, called for the reading of
a resolution received from their Society at our last
meeting. The resolution was then read and the subject
of Finances and Expenditures was again agitated. After
considerable time was taken up in discussing the sub-
ject, the resolution from the Carpenters was referred
to the Finance Committee.
Mr. Jackson then proposed that a resolution be adopt-
ed to censure such members of committees who neglect
to attend to the duties to which they are appointed. He
was instructed to prepare a by-law on the subject, and
present the same at our next meeting.
The Stone Cutters 7 Delegates wished to know if the
Convention intended to celebrate their second anniver-
sary by a procession, &c. It was then proposed that the
anniversary celebration be dispensed with. After some
discussion the motion was withdrawn, but was imme-
diately renewed by another member. The further con-
sideration of the subject was proposed to be laid on the
table -and that was also withdrawn, to give place for
the original motion, which on taking the question was
lost. It was then resolved, that we celebrate our second
anniversary by a procession, &c. It was then resolved,
that a Committee of arrangements, to consist of seven,
be appointed to procure a person to deliver an address
on the occasion, &c. The following persons were ap-
pointed by open nomination: Messrs. Bingham, Com-
2 5 Q AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [VoL
merford, Green, Gallagher, Gillespie,D. Scotland R.
Sharp. . .
The Man, July 6, 1835, p. 2, col. 2. Also in National Trades' Union,
July 4, 1835, P- 2-
[July i] . . . A communication from the Cur-
riers 7 Society, stating that they had re-elected John HL
Bowie, James Potter, and elected Noah H. Cram, as del-
egates for the ensuingyear. The credentials were ap-
proved and the delegates invited to take their seats. A
communication was also received from the Associated
Hand Loom Weavers of N.Y. and vicinity, stating that
they had organized a society, consisting of 197 members,
and appointed Joseph Thompson, John Johnson, and
Joseph Paterson as delegates to the Convention. A mo-
tion to accept their credentials was carried, and the
delegates took their seats in the Convention.
The committee of conference with the Tailors, re-
ported favorably, and presented their bill of prices;
which report was approved. The committee appointed
to confer with the Leather Dressers, reported that there
were four men working below the regular price. They
have struck; and the committee are satisfied that they
will procure the prices. The report was approved, and
the strike sanctioned.
The committee of arrangements for celebrating the
second anniversary, reported B. S. Gillespie as Orator
of the day, and recommended the invitation of the Al-
bany and Newark Trades' Unions to join them on that
occasion. The report so far as related to the Orator
was rejected. It was proposed that an election for Ora-
tor should then take place, the person elected to receive
the majority of the votes, and the selection to be restrict-
ed to the members of the Union. Messrs. Commer-
ford and Bowie were nominated in open meeting. The
following gentlemen were elected inspectors of election
fivt] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 1 UNION 25 1
by open nomination: L* D. Slainm, O. Bingham y and
Jacob Lowe. Upon sorting and counting the votes, Mr.
John Commerford was declared duly elected. Mr.
Commerford then rose and stated, that he being of die
committee which recommended Mr. Giliespie, he did
not wish to accept the appointment until he could con-
sult Mr. G. on the subject The Convention, however,
were urgent to know whether Mr. C. would serve or
not, and objected to all delay, whereupon he signified
his acceptance of the appointment.
A communication was handed in by Mr, Bingham,
from the Poughkeepsie Cordwainers, returning a bad
$5 bill ; which was, on motion of Mr. Short, ordered
to be refunded, and the bill returned to the Treasurer.
Mr. Jackson reported a By-Law to affect delinquent
committeemen. A proposition to lay it on the table
till next meeting was lost The By-Law was then
adopted. . .
National Trades? Union, Aug. i, 1835, p. 3, col i, 2. Special ineetirjg.
[July 27] . . . A communication from the House
Wrights of Boston, was read, informing us of the ap-
pointment of a Delegation from that body, to this Con-
vention, said delegation consisting of Messrs. Seth
Luther, Thomas E. Osgood, and Samuel Virgin; their
credentials being, on motion, accepted, a committee
consisting of Messrs. Commerford, Davis and Quinn,
was appointed to invite them up in the room.
A communication was received from the Journeymen
Cordwainers of New Brunswick, stating the appoint-
ment of A, W. Mayo, J. C. Pullis, and Wm. Robinson,
as their delegates to the General Trades' Union for the
ensuing year; their credentials were, on motion, ap-
proved, and they invited to take their seats in the con-
vention.
The delegates from Boston were then introduced, and
252 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [VoL
Mr. Luther addressed the convention on the subject
of their mission, in which he detailed the particulars
of the present difficulties, existing among the Carpen-
ters of Boston, in consequence of their adopting the sys-
tem, which recognizes Ten Hours labour as a day's
work; and solicited the co-operation and assistance of
the Mechanics of N. York, to accomplish their object
The delegation had visited Newark and Paterson in
N.J., and the Trades' Union of Newark, held a special
meeting, at which they adopted Resolutions in favour
of the stand taken by the House Wrights of Boston;
they also appointed a committee of one to proceed with
the Boston delegates to Philadelphia, provided the New
York Union appointed a similar committee. Where-
upon it was resolved, that a committee of three, be ap-
pointed to retire and prepare resolutions, expressing
our sentiments in the case of the House Wrights of
Boston; Messrs. Slamm, Commerford and Gallagher,
were appointed said committee, who withdrew to pre-
pare said resolutions.
The Committee having returned, presented the fol-
lowing Preamble and Resolutions, which were accept-
ed, and previous to adopting them, the delegation from
Boston left the room. Whereas, the Mechanics of
Boston have determined upon introducing in that place,
the Ten Hour system of labor, and believing that they
have the right to sell their labor in such quantities and
at such prices as may to them appear necessary to their
health and morals, and the adequate support of their
families, therefore, be it resolved, that this Convention
highly approve of the decided stand our fellow mechan-
ics of Boston have taken, relative to a revolution in their
system of labor-believing and knowing it to be founded
on justice and the rights of man. Resolved, that while
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 253
we indignantly deprecate the cause which has forced
them to strike, viz. -the hostile efforts of their aristo-
cratic employers, to keep them in a state of vassalage -
but little better than that of the serfs of Russia -we will
use our united exertions to sustain them in so good and
glorious a cause. Resolved, that in furtherance of the
above object, (should the case demand it) we will call
upon the different societies which are members of the
Trades' Union, to aid them with money sufficient to
furnish the work they have so gloriously commenced.
Resolved, that a committee of be appointed to pro-
ceed with the Boston delegation, and that the expenses
of said Committee be defrayed by this convention.
L. D. SLAMM, J. COMMERFORD, H. GALLAGHER
[Committee],
The Resolutions were then adopted, and the blank
No. of the committee to accompany the delegates, was
filled with one-that he be paid $1.50 per day, besides
travelling expences. It was then resolved, that we pro-
ceed to elect said committee by ballot ; Messrs. Commer-
ford, Gallagher, D. Scott and Gillespie, were nominat-
ed as candidates, and Gillespie, Brown and Davis, ap-
pointed inspectors of the Election ; who, on counting the
votes declared that Mr. John Commerford was duly
elected. The following Resolutions was then offered,
and on motion adopted, viz : resolved, that this conven-
tion recommend to the delegates attached to the Union,
the propriety of urging upon their respective Societies,
the necessity of coming forward at this time, to sustain
the manly efforts of the Journeymen House Wrights of
Boston, to obtain those rights, which will Enable them
to partake in the benefits so generally extended to those
who have demanded the Ten Hour System -else-
where. . .
254 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
Some misunderstanding of the case existing in the
minds of a few of the members of the Convention, it was
proposed that the Boston delegation be recalled to make
some further explanations ; this however, was opposed,
on the presumption that enough had been already said,
to give every member of the Convention all the infor-
mation that was necessary [Part of the record is missing.]
to answer every question that might be put to them.
After a lengthy discussion the question was taken and
decided in the negative. A committee of conference
was then appointed by open nomination to receive the
delegation on their return to the city. Messrs. Gal-
lagher, Bennett, S. B. N. Scott, Slamm, Jackson, Bing-
ham and Brown, were appointed said committee. The
Boston Delegation were then invited up in the room,
and heard a report of the proceedings of the meeting.
They expressed themselves very grateful for the inter-
est manifested in their welfare, and declared that they
would return us the same favours, whenever it might
be in their power. . .
[July 29] ... A Communication from the
Book-Binders Association was then read, which stated
the appointment of James McBeath, John B. Parks, and
Thomas Trotter, as their delegates for the ensuing year.
The credentials were approved, and the delegates were
on motion invited to take their seats in the Convention.
Credentials from the "N.Y. Weavers' Society" were
then read stating the appointment of two persons as
delegates from that body to the Trades' Union; but
there being delegates already in the convention, from
the associated Hand Loom Weavers of N.Y. who are
of the same trade or art, a question arose on the propri-
ety of receiving two sets of delegates from persons whose
interests are the same. It was resolved that the subject
be referred to a committee of five for investigation ; said
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 1 UNION 25 5
committee consisted of Messrs. Jackson, Slamm, Gilles-
pie, Bingham and Davis.
The Committee of Arrangements for our Anniver-
sary being called upon, stated they were not prepared
with any report, and they were unable to proceed
until the day was specified for holding the cele-
bration. When it was on motion, resolved, that, as the
28th of August was the day on which the Union was
organized, it be the day on which the celebration shall
take place. The Finance Committee and the Treasurer,
then presented their reports, which were on motion ac-
cepted,
A Letter from the Poughkeepsie Cordwainers was then
read, the subject of which was referred to the Confer-
ence Committee with powers. Mr. Scott from the Pam-
phlet Committee reported his proceedings, which re-
port was on motion accepted, and referred to the Finance
Committee,
The delegates from the Leather Dressers reported a
stand against a reduction of wages, which was sanc-
tioned by the Society, and they wished the Convention
to take some order on the subject Whereupon it was
resolved, that this Convention highly approve of the
course adopted by the Leather Dressers to sustain their
just rights.
Mr. D. Scott then stated that an advertisement ap-
peared in the National Trades Union for 150 Journey-
men Stone Cutters, which was calculated to do injury to
the Journeymen Stone Cutters already here, by enticing
a surplus of men to the city; while the advertisers
only wanted a few men to work at State Prison Stone,
which is contrary to the rules of the Trade. A Com-
mittee of three was appointed to wait on the Editors of
the Trades' Union for an explanation of the matter.
256 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [VoL
Messrs. Slamm, Gallagher and Murphy were appoint-
ed said Committee, who withdrew to make inquiry of
the Editors immediately.
Mr. Bingham from the Cordwainers (ladies' branch)
stated that his society wished the Convention to remit
their monthly dues for the two past months, in conse-
quence of the heavy expenses attending on their recent
strike. It was on motion resolved, that said dues be re-
mitted.
The Committee having returned, stated that they
have had interview with the Editors, who informed
them, that they were not aware of its injurious effect;
and if it is injurious to the Journeymen Stone Cutters,
it should be discontinued, and an explanation of the
affair published. It was resolved, that the Editors pub-
lish a disclaimer and an explanation of the .affair. . .
National Trades' Union, Aug. 15, 1835, p. 3, col. i, 2.
[August 12] . . . Credentials were received from
the United Trade, and Benevolent Society of Journey-
men Tailors, appointing David Scott, Saml. B.N. Scott,
and James Kneringer, as their delegates for the ensuing
year; from the "Curriers" .appointing John Fell as a
delegate in the place of N 1 . H. Crane, resigned; and
from the Tailors of Brooklyn appointing Richard
Sharp, Richard Carpenter, and William B. Bliss, as
their delegates for the ensuing year. The Credentials
were approved, and the delegates were on motion in-
vited to take their seats in the Convention.
Mr. John Commerford, the delegate appointed to
proceed with the Boston delegation to Philadelphia,
reported that on their arrival they were met by a Com-
mittee from the Philadelphia Trades Union, who es-
corted them to their lodgings, and that .a special meet-
ing of the Union was called the same evening, to which
they were introduced by a Committee appointed for
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 1 UNION 257
the purpose; there was also a General Meeting of the
Members of the Union called on Saturday in Indepen-
dence Square, where a large number assembled, and
after being addressed by some of the members adopted
a number of spirited resolutions in favor of the Boston-
ians; he also stated his own views of the subject, and
urged the necessity of supporting the House Wrights
of Boston in their present struggle. Notice was there
given, that delegates from Phil Paterson and Albany,
and also the Boston delegation who had returned to the
City were in attendance. It was resolved that a Com-
mittee of three be appointed to invite them up in the
room. Messrs. Quinn, Commerford, and Davis com-
posed said Committee, who withdrew for that purpose.
While the Committee were out, credentials from the
Union Trade Society of Journeymen Tailors were read,
appointing Jonathan Belong, Henry Falkner, and Wil-
liam Livingston, as their delegates to the Trades' Union,
There being a constitutional objection to receiving two
sets of delegates from the one Trade or Art, the subject
was referred to a Committee of five, viz: Messrs. B ing-
ham, Gallagher, Patterson, Slamm, and Sharp, who
were to report at next meeting.
The Committee having returned with the foreign del-
egates, Mr. Luther stated the success they have met with
during their absence, and expressed their hearty thanks
for the encouragement they have met with both here and
elsewhere. He was followed by the delegate from
Philadelphia, who urged the importance of union among
the working classes, in order to protect themselves
against oppression, and particularly urged the necessity
of encouraging, and fostering the interests of those
working men called labourers, whose interests have
heretofore been neglected by the mechanics. The del-
egate from Paterson stated, that it was not intended
25 8 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
that he should occupy the meeting with many remarks,
in the place of which he would refer the attention of the
convention to a statement of facts, published in the Pat-
erson Courier; being the report of a committee of two
respectable individuals who are entirely disinterested
in the subject, to whom a series of questions were pro-
posed relative to the present struggle of those employed
in the Factories, in endeavoring to obtain a reduction
in the hours of labour. Mr. Scott read said report, and
also stated his own observations while visiting Paterson,
of the tyranny and oppression exercised over the unfor-
tunate females and children, who are connected with the
manufactories. It seems that at the time of the strike,
there were three weeks wages due, the payment of which
was refused unless they would give a receipt in full on
receiving the amount of two weeks wages. Some were
driven by sheer necessity to agree to this plan of their
villanous employers to rob them, and received their
pay; but there are now two cases pending in a Court of
Law to test the validity of those receipts, he also stated
other incidents which tends to prove that the town of
Paterson offers a large field for labour to the philan-
thropist.
The delegate from Albany, stated the progress of their
Union, which was very encouraging; he also felt happy
in hearing such flattering accounts from different parts
of the country, of the success .attending the union of the
working classes.
After the different delegates had expressed their sen-
timents before the convention, they withdrew, and the
Committee of arrangement for the anniversary, were
called upon for a report The chairman stated that they
had not done much since last report; they have made ap-
plication for Delancy St. Church, and have no doubt but
it can be procured, although they will not get a definite
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 1 UNION 359
answer 'til to-morrow evening. Mr. Commcrford, hav-
ing been appointed Orator, declined being a member
of the Committee of arrangements, and Mr. Jacob
Lowe was appointed in his place. Mr. Asa Howard,
from the Society of Cabinet Makers, was, on motion,
appointed Grand Marshal of the day, with power to ap-
point his aids. It was then resolved, that the Grand
Marshal be added to the Committee of arrangements,
Mr. Jacob Lowe was then appointed Marshal for the
Convention.
The Committee appointed to investigate the affair of
the New York Weavers' Society, presented a written
report of their proceedings, by which it was ascertained
that they were two societies of the same Trade or Art;
and that their ^interests were inseparably connected.
The Committee referred the subject to the Convention
for its decision. The report was accepted ; but previous
to taking order on the subject, the chairman vacated
the chair in favor of Mr. Gillespie; a discussion of the
subject ensued, in which it appeared that an article of
the constitution prohibited the acceptance of two sets of
delegates from any one Trade whose interests are so in-
timately connected. It was on motion resolved, that they
have the privilege of withdrawing their credentials. . .
A Communication from the President of the Trades'
Union of Philadelphia, was then read, which introduced
a delegation from the Journeymen Saddlers of Phila-
delphia, who informed us of the difficulties existing
among them and their employers in consequence of a
strike for an advance of wages, and wishing the senti-
ments of the convention on the subject The Communi-
cation was accepted, and the following resolution was
on motion adopted: resolved, that this Convention ap-
prove of the determined stand of the Journeymen Sad-
dlers of Philadelphia in endeavoring to advance their
260 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
wages to a living standard; the opposition manifested
by their aristocratical employers to the contrary not-
withstanding. . .
National Trades' Union, Aug. 22, 1835, p. 3, col. i.
[August 19] ... Credentials were received from
the "New York Journeymen Glass Cutter's Society" ap-
pointing Howard Hill, John Camblen and John Prim-
rose, as their delegates to the General Trades Union;
from the Society of Journeymen Cabinet Makers, ap-
pointing B. S. Gillespie, Wm. Smith and Timothy
Daly, as their delegates for the ensuing year; and from
the N.Y. Union Society of Journeymen House Carpen-
ters, appointing Barnes Bennett, Isaac Odell and Wm.
N. Marsden, as their delegates for the ensuing year.
The credentials were approved, and the delegates were,
on motion, invited to take their seats in the Convention.
The committee of arrangements, being called upon,
reported the hour for forming the line and the route
of march. Also, the terms on which they can procure
the Church, and a band of music, &c. The report was
on motion approved, and the Committee were instructed
to invite the Trades' Union of Albany, Newark and
Schenectady to unite with us in the celebration. It was
then resolved, that we draw lots for stations in the line,
which resulted as follows: i, Hat Makers. 2, Tailors.
3, Cabinet Makers. 4, Book Binders. 5, Stone Cutters.
6, Cordwainers (men's.) 7, Glass Cutters. 8, Leather
Dressers. 9, Associated Weavers. 10, Sail Makers. 11,
Brush Makers. 12, Cordwainers (ladies'.) 13, Lock
Smiths. 14, Printers; 15, Curriers. 16, House Car-
penters. 17, Tailors of Brooklyn. 18, Chair Makers.
The delegates from the Cordwainers then stated, that
an agreement existed between their Societies for them
to walk together in the line; therefore, No. 6, would
fall back, and form on the right of No. 12, in doing
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES* UNION 26 1
which they would not Infringe on the rights of any other
society. After which, it was resolved, that our arrange-
ments be published in four of the daily papers, and that
it be inserted twice in each paper, and also be published
in such other papers as will publish the same gra-
tuitously.
The Committee appointed at last meeting to investi-
gate the case of the Union Trade Society of Tailors,
being called upon for a report, the chairman stated,
that he had called a meeting of the Committee, at
which there was not a quorum present, and he declined
acting any further on the subject; he proposed that the
committee be discharged, and another committee was
appointed, which consisted of Messrs. Slamm, Gilles-
pie, Short, Murphy and Trotter, who are to report at
the next meeting.
It was then resolved that the Convention meet on
Friday, August 28th inst at 8 o'clock, a.m. for celebra-
ting our second anniversary. . .
National Trades' Union, Aag. 29, 1835, p. 2, col, 3,
[August 26] . . . Credentials were received from
the Cordwainers' Society, (men's branch,) appointing
John Short, Richard Howkins, and Lewis Judson-f rom
the ladies' branch of the same trade, appointing David
Kilmer, Edward McKeeby,and Amos Waring -from
the Carpenters' Society of Poughkeepsie, appointing
Samuel W. Hester and Thomas Remington -from the
Cordwainers of Poughkeepsie, appointing Thomas
Haight, James Cable, and Stephen R. Harris -from the
Typographical Association, appointing Charles A.
Davis, Hiram Tupper, and Herman D. Bristol, as Del-
egates for the ensuing year. The credentials were ap-
proved, and the delegates invited to take their seats.
The committee appointed at the last meeting to in-
vestigate the case of the Union Trade Society of Tailors,
262 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [VoL
made their report, which was accepted, afid laid on the
table. The Committee of Arrangements for the Cel-
ebration on Friday, (yesterday,) made a report in re-
gard to music, &c. A letter from the Trades' Union of
Newark, in reply to the committee's invitation, was also
read, which stated their inability to join us in our cele-
bration.
The regular business before the Convention being
finished, a motion to proceed to the election of Officers
for the ensuing year, was adopted. The President ap-
pointed Messrs. Haight, Bennett, and Short, inspectors
of election -who, after canvassing the votes, declared
the following persons duly elected : John Commerf ord,
president, Barnabas S. Gillespie, vice president, Her-
man D. Bristol, rec'g secretary, Levi D. Slamm, Corr'g
secretary, John Brown, treasurer, Edward McKeeby,
Thomas Trotter, Hiram Tupper, Richard Sharp, Wil-
liam Murphy, and Jacob "Low- finance committee.
The result of the election having been announced,
Mr. Moore observed, that it was proper for him now
to vacate the chair. A committee was thereupon
appointed -consisting of Messrs. Slamm, Short, and
Haight- to wait upon the President elect, and conduct
him to the chair. On the approach of Mr. Commerf ord,
the late President addressed him in his usual happy and
eloquent tone, congratulating him on his accession to
the responsible office of President of this Union. Mr.
Moore, upon taking leave, as presiding officer of the
Convention, made a neat acknowledgment for the many
kindnesses which he had received at their hands -re-
ferred, in felicitous terms, to the inauspicious circum-
stances under which this Union (the first experiment
in the country) had been formed- the almost insur-
mountable obstacles against which they had to contend -
the misrepresentations and vile slanders of our enemies,
five] ^_ NEW YORKGENERAL TRADES* UNION 263
(the only weapons they had wielded against us) ; and
concluded, by urging the friends of the Union to be-
ware of their enemies in disguise, who endeavor to sow
the seeds of discord among them; closing the figure by
observing, that the lordly oak may withstand the winds
and the tempests of heaven, but withers and dies by the
gnawings of the worm at its core, Mr. Slamm offered
die following resolution, which, on motion, was adopt-
ed: Resolved, that the thanks of the Convention be
presented to Mr. Ely Moore, for the very able and im-
partial manner with which he has filled the office of
President ; and that he has our best wishes for his health
and prosperity on his retirement from that chair which
he has so satisfactorily occupied. It was then resolved,
that the Corresponding Secretary be Instructed to for-
ward a copy of the above resolution to Mr. Moore, and
also a similar one to the other officers who had retired
from office.
Mr. Odell presented the following: resolved, that
the Treasurer present, at the next monthly meeting,
a full account of all moneys received and the amount
of expenditures for the past year: also, the items for
which the expenditures were made.
The report from the Committee on the Tailors' bus-
iness was taken up and read again; when a discussion
ensued on its adoption, and a motion prevailed to refer
it back to the committee, and Messrs. Howkins and
Parks were added to the Committee,
The Committee of Arrangements were instructed to
procure badges for the Convention. . .
National Trades' Union, Sept. 5, 183 $, p. 2, col. r.
The Convention met on Friday, Aug. 28, 1835, at
8 o'clock, a. m. for the purpose of celebrating the Sec-
ond Anniversary. The weather appearing unpropitious
for our celebration, much doubt existed in relation to the
264 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [VoL
course to be pursued; but at a subsequent hour appear-
ances being more favorable, it was, on motion resolved,
that the members of Societies present be requested to
proceed to their respective Societies, and prepare for
the celebration. It was then resolved, that the Marshal
of the Convention be authorized to appoint standard
bearers .and supporters for the Grand Standard of the
Union.
A committee of three was then appointed to wait on
Mr. Moore, and the President and Vice President of
the Trades' Union of Albany, and other delegates who
were in the City, to invite them to unite with the Con-
vention in celebrating the anniversary of the Trades'
Union. Messrs. Murphy, Bennet and Brown were ap-
pointed said committee.
After returning from the procession the Convention
met with the President in the chair, when a vote of
thanks was tendered to the Grand Marshal and his aids
for their services during the day. It was then on mo-
tion resolved, that a committee of three be appointed
to wait on Mr. Ely Moore, and request a copy of his
valedictory address before the Convention, and the com-
mittee were instructed to furnish a copy of said address
to the editors of the N.T. Union for publication, and
likewise to all other editors who are friendly to our
interests. Messrs. McBeath, Slamm and Commerford,
were appointed said Committee. . .
National Trades' Union, Sept 12, 1835, P 2 > col. 2.
[September 9] ... Credentials were received
from the Society of Hatters, appointing Matthias R
Spencer, John Curley, and George Eldrige, as their Del-
egates to the Trades' Union for the ensuing year. Creden-
tials were also received from the Associated Weavers, an-
nouncing that Robert Foster and James Thompson had
been elected Delegates, in the place of Joseph Thomp-
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES^ UNION 265
son and Joseph Patterson, resigned. On motion, the
credentials were approved, and the Delegates above
named were invited to take seats in the Convention.
The President then stated that the meeting had been
called for the purpose of taking into consideration the
strike of the Cordwainers at Poughkeepsie. After con-
siderable desultory conversation, by the way of elicit-
ing information on the matter, it was resolved, that a
Committee be appointed to confer with the Cordwain-
ers of Poughkeepsie. Messrs. B. S. Gillespie, Levi D.
Slamm, and Amos Waring, were openly nominated,
and appointed said Committee. The aforesaid Com-
mittee were instructed to proceed to Poughkeepsie, in-
quire fully into the situation and prospects of the Cord-
wainers, and report the same to the Convention*
On motion, resolved, that a Committee be appointed
to procure a suitable room for the purpose of holding
the session of the National Convention of Trades on
the first of October next Messrs. Commerf ord, Slamm,
and Odell were appointed said Committee. . .
Nmti&ml Trades' Urnm^ Oet 3, 1835, p. 2, col. 3, 4.
[September 30] . , . Credentials were received
from the Curriers, announcing that John B. Atwell had
been elected a Delegate to the Convention, in the place of
John Fell resigned. Credentials were also received
from the Brash Makers, appointing Alfred Brewer a
Delegate, in the place of Henry E. Insley resigned.
Credentials were likewise received from the Rope
Makers of Brooklyn, appointing John Denyse, Jabez
Ross, and Lorenzo Cuddy, as their Delegates for the
ensuing year. On motion, the Credentials were ap-
proved, and the above-named Delegates invited to take
seats in the Convention.
The Corresponding Secretary then read a communi-
cation from the Albany Trades' Union, relative to the
266 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
late Anniversary Celebration. The Committee appoint-
ed to visit Poughkeepsie made a Report of their doings,
in which they stated that the strike of the Cordwainers
in that place had been concluded satisfactorily. Report
adopted. Mr. Odell, from the Committee appointed
to procure a room for the use of the National Conven-
tion on the ist of October, stated, that application had
been made to the Common Council for the use of a
room, to which no definite reply had been made up to
this evening. It appeared that one Board of the Com-
mon Council had referred this application to the Stand-
ing Committee on Lands and Places ; but as the Com-
mittee of the Convention had heard of no answer to their
request, they were thus left to conclude that a room had
been denied them.
It having been stated, that several of the Delegates
to the National Convention were now in the city, a res-
olution was adopted, appointing a Committee (consist-
ing of Messrs. Bennett, Tupper, Hufty, and Waring)
to invite them to take seats in this Convention. After
the Delegates to the National Convention had been in-
troduced, and after some conversation on the disap-
pointment arising from the refusal of the Common
Council to allow the use of a room for the proposed
session, it was decided that the National Convention
meet at 15 Park Row, to-morrow morning at nine
o'clock.
Several highly interesting addresses were made by
the Delegates from Philadelphia, Baltimore, Newark,
Albany, &c. giving cheering accounts of the prospects
of our fellow mechanics in those places, and furnish-
ing proof of the increase and success of Trades' Union
principles. . .
The Finance Committee were not wholly prepared
to make a full Report, embracing all the items ; but read
five] NEW YORK_GENERAL TRADES' UNION 267
the minutes of their various meetings, giving an account
of the receipts and disbursements for the last month,
which was accepted.
Mr. M'Keeby, gave notice that he should, at the next
regular meeting, call up the proposed amendments to
the Constitution and By-laws, which had been lying
on the table for some time. . .
BL D. BRISTOL, Secretary.
Nfftt&ml Trades' Union, Oct. 17, 1835, p. 2, col. 3. 'Special meeting.
[October 7] . . . After some discussion on the
affairs of the Sail Makers, the following resolution was
adopted. Resolved, that this Convention approve of the
recent strike of the Sail Makers for an advance of wages
and congratulate them on the happy result of their ef-
forts. After some remarks from Mr. Odell and others,
it was resolved, that a Committee of seven be appointed
to consider the propriety of erecting a Trades 1 Union
Hall, and report thereon. Messrs. Odell, McBeath,
Gillespie, Gallagher, Hawkins, Tupper, and Spencer,
were appointed. On motion, the President was added
to the Committee,
The Report of the Committee on the affairs of the
Tailors, being brought up, was, after some explanation
by D. Scott, recommitted. Messrs. Hawkins and Mur-
phy having declined serving any longer on this Commit-
tee, Messrs. Gallaglier and Potter were elected to fill the
vacancy.
Amendments to the Constitution of the General
Trades 5 Union, to be brought up at their next regular
meeting:
ARTICLE II. Section i. The business of this Union
shall be conducted by regularly appointed delegates
from each Trade or Art; to be elected by, and belong
to the body they represent and to hold office for one
year.
268 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
Section 2. Any Society of forty members and under,
shall be entitled to two delegates ; over forty, and not
over one hundred, to an additional delegate, and for
every fifty over one hundred members, one delegate
shall be added.
ARTICLE III. The officers of this Convention shall
consist of a President, Vice-President, Recording and
Corresponding Secretaries, a Treasurer and a Finance
Committee, all of whom, except the Finance Commit-
tee, shall be elected annually by ballot.
ARTICLE V. Section i. The Vice-President shall,
in the absence of the President, preside at all meetings
of the Convention, and shall perform all duties belong-
ing to that office.
Section 2. He shall preside at all meetings of the
Finance Committee, but shall not vote on any question,
unless the Committee should be equally divided, in
which case he shall have the casting vote. He shall also
authenticate the .accounts of the Finance Committee
with his signature.
ARTICLE IX. Section i. The Finance Committee
shall consist of one member from each society, to be ap-
pointed or elected by such society from the number of
its delegates, and no member of said committee shall
be eligible to any other office under this Constitution.
Section 2. They shall each deliver to the Vice Presi-
dent of this Union at every stated meeting, the amount
due from their respective societies, who shall authorise
the Secretary of the Committee to give a receipt for the
same, and then pay the amount received to the Treasur-
er, taking his receipt for the whole amount
Section 3. They shall hold regular monthly meetings
on the Wednesday evening preceding the stated meet-
ings of the Convention, and shall present a written re-
port of all their proceedings, at such stated meeting.
fiw] NEW YORK GENER^^
Section 4. When the funds amount to one hundred
dollars, over and above the necessary expenses of the
Union, they shall report to the Convention, and said
Convention shall authorise at least three of the Com-
mittee to receive the amount from the Treasurer and
deposit it at the direction of the Convention.
Section $. The committee must also receive and take
charge of all bonds or documents and all other property
of the Union committed to their care,
ARTICLE X. Each delegation shall procure from their
Secretaries, a correct list of all the members of the
Union, in their respective societies, once in three months,
and present the same to the Secretary of the Finance
Committee.
BY-LAWS. ARTICLE n. At the hour of meeting, the
Recording Secretary shall call the roll, and if a major-
ity of the societies comprising the Union shall be rep-
resented by one delegate it shall form a quorum.
ARTICLE XV. If any society, or association, shall be
in arrears for dues for three months, notice thereof shall
be given by the Corresponding Secretary to the Secre-
tary of said Society, or association, and if at the expira-
tion of the fourth month they shall still be in arrears,
they shall be suspended from all pecuniary advantages
in case of a strike, and shall not be entitled to a voice in
the proceedings of the Convention. .
National Trades' Union, Oct. 31, 1835? P* a > <*>! 3 4- The report of the
committee sent to the Common Council is also found in the Evening
Post of the same date.
[October 28] . , . Credentials were read from the
following Societies: From the Leather Dressers, ap-
pointing Seth T. Clark, William Murphy and Law-
rence Walsh, as their Delegates for the ensuing year.
From the Glass Cutters, appointing James Westewater
in the place of John Primrose, resigned. From the
270 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
Sailmakers, returning Thomas W. Lewis as a Delegate.
Trade Society of Journeymen Tailors, appointing Wil-
liam Hemma, William Daniels, and Dennis McAuley,
as Delegates. On motion, the credentials were ap-
proved, and the above named delegates severally invit-
ed to take seats in the Convention.
The committee appointed to inquire into the cause
of the refusal, by the Common Council, of the use of a
room, for the purpose of holding the session of the Na-
tional Convention, lately convened in this city, made the
following report which was adopted, and ordered pub-
lished in the National Trades' Union, New York Tran-
script, and Evening Post, and such other papers as are
friendly to our cause. The Committee of Inquiry ap-
pointed at a regular meeting of the Convention of the
General Trades' Union of the city of New York and
its vicinity, held op the evening of September 30th,
1835, to elicit information relative to the disposal of
the application made by this Convention for the use of
one of the public rooms, to hold the meetings of the
National Trades' Union Convention, report, that they
have endeavoured, as far as their limited time and diffi-
cult access to, the Honorable Fathers of our city would
permit, to ascertain the real causes which led to the re-
jection of the application made by this Convention.
The Committee first waited upon Silas M. Stillwell,
Esq. Alderman of the i^th Ward, to whom the appli-
cation had been given for presentation ; and he informed
them, that he had performed the duty requested ; that,
as usual with such applications, it was referred with
power to the "Committee on Publick Places and Re-
pairs," consisting of John Delamater of the 9th, Egbert
Benson of the ad, and Samuel Purdy of the loth Wards;
and that such applications from any general body of
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 1 UNION 27 1
citizens were always granted ; and gave it as his opinion,.
that a refusal at that time Was unprecedented.
Your Committee, through their chairman, then ad-
dressed the following note to John Delamater, chair-
man of the Committee, to whom the application was
referred:
Sir -At a meeting of the Convention of the "General Trades*
Union of the City of New York and its Vicinity," held 3Oth Sept
1835, ^ e following resolution was unanimously adopted:
Resolved, that a committee of three be appointed to enquire into
and report the reasons which urged the Common Council of this city
to refuse the application of this Convention for a public room, to hold
the meetings of the National Trades* Union Convention,
In conformity with the above resolution, it becomes mj duty to
address you, as chairman of the Committee to whom the application
was referred, and request of you a statement of the reason* which
led to the rejection of the application above referred to. With great
respect, I remain, &c. L, D. SLAMM,
JOHN DELAMATER, Esq.
Your Committee waited several days, and no answer
having been received, they wrote again, and yet they
received no answer; which circumstance forced them to
the conclusion, that, if the honorable gentleman had
received the communication, he considered it beneath
his dignity to correspond with men, for whom he has
no particular respect, except at particular seasons. Be-
ing thus thrown into the dark, relative to the disposal
of your application, your Committee were obliged to
take and make use of such information as they were able
to gather, other than that expected through the chair-
man on "Public Places and Repairs." They were in-
formed, that the application was sent, among other
papers, from the Board of Aldermen to that of the
Assistants, and referred to the like Committee, consist-
ing of George Paulding of the 8th, Thomas Brady of
the 6th, and Alexander Stewart of the ijth Wards:
27 2 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
and the usual mode of doing their business is by a joint
meeting of the two committees, and they there take
such action, upon subjects referred to them, as their wis-
dom may suggest. One of your Committee, while in con-
versation with Aid. Samuel Purdy on the subject, was in-
formed, that the two committees had never been called
together; "And indeed," said this faithful public ser-
vant: "it had altogether passed my recollection; and,
had the Committee been called together, I should have
went any way the majority might have determined."
Your Committee, with the little information they
have been able to gather, are of opinion, that a majority
in the Common Council were actuated by motives of
opposition to the interest of the mechanics ; or, the Com-
mittee of "Public Places and Repairs" grossly neglect-
ed the business referred to them, or meditated the refusal
of your application, and had not the moral courage and
honesty to make public their intentions.
Your Committee, as members of the General Trades'
Union, a body formed not for party political purposes,
regret the occurrence of any event which would cause
any allusion to the party politics of the day; but a prop-
er respect for themselves, and the great body of the me-
chanics of this city, impels them not to forego this op-
portunity of exposing the hypocrisy made manifest by
this act of Common Council. At the time of their elec-
tion, they pretended great indignation at the conduct
of the individuals then in office; they branded them as
a set of aristocrats, unworthy the suffrages of the
people; they proclaimed them opponents to the best
interests of the mechanics ; and they called louidly upon
the working classes to assist in hurling from office those
contemners of the people's wishes. But mark' and con-
trast the course pursued toward the mechanics by the
Common Council upon whom so much of malignity had
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 1 UNION 273
been heaped, and that of the other who cried aloud that
they should be the people's choice and that they, and
they alone, could administer righteously our municipal
affairs. The one in an open and manly manner, and
without equivocation, lent a listening ear to the request
of the mechanics, and granted their application, afford-
ing emphatic proof that the loud-mouthed denuncia-
tions showered so plentifully upon them, were but the
empty and wicked bellowings of designing political
demagogues.
The present democratic (!) Common Council, on
whom the great majority of the mechanics bestowed
their support, on being applied to for the use of one of
the public rooms, referred the application to their com-
mittees; those committees took no notice of the refer-
ence, but, in an undignified and cowardly manner,
treated it with contempt Yes! treated with contempt
an application made in a respectful manner, by the
delegates representing a numerous and respectable, but
poor portion of the inhabitants of this city.
Had the two Committees on "Public Places and
Repairs" given the simple application a fair consider-
ation, and made public their objections, if any they had,
then would the people been able to judge whether those
objections were valid; and your Committee would have
had no occasion to have thus made public the hypocriti-
cal professions of these pretended friends of the people.
But fearful of the ordeal of public opinion, they, like
mute criminals, anticipating the judgment of their peers,
if their weak and vacillating conduct were made known,
remained speechless. Such alone is the conclusion your
Committee, with the information they have been able
to gather, have arrived at
Numerous instances can be adduced, where the differ-
ent city legislatures have granted to the members of
274 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
other professions, aside from the mechanical, a room to
hold meetings for public purposes ; and their right or
policy so to do, has never been questioned. Nor does
your Committee complain that such has been the course
pursued towards other bodies of citizens ; but they com-
plain, that upon the mechanical part of the community,
that part which gets the least benefit from the present
mode of legislation, that upon them, and upon them
alone, have the Honourable Common Council seen
cause to refuse so small a request.
Your Committee, therefore, would recommend the
adoption of the following resolutions:
RESOLVED, that it be commended to the several soci-
eties composing the Trades' Union of this city, to con-
vene and express their opinions of the insult offered
them by the Common Council of this city, and especially
by the men composing the Committees on "Public
Places and Repairs," consisting of John Delamater,
Egbert Benson, Samuel Purdy, George Paulding,
Thomas S, Brady, and Alexander Stewart, for treat-
ing with contempt an application made by the mechan-
ics of this city; and for grossly neglecting the duties of
their office, to gratify their own vindictive feelings.
LEVI D. SLAMM, JOHN COMMERFORD,
CHARLES A. DAVIS [Committee],
A letter was received from John Ferral, President
of the National Trades' Union, introducing the Presi-
dent of the United Hand Loom Weavers of Philadel-
phia, to the notice of the Convention, and stating that
there had been a strike against a reduction of wages by
that trade. After some remarks from the gentleman,
and several members, a motion prevailed, appointing a'
committee, consisting of Messrs. Slamm, Johnson, and
Smith to retire and draft resolutions expressive of the
sense of this Convention on the subject.
iw] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 1 UNION 275
This committee reported the following: Whereas,
his Convention view with feelings of strong indigna-
ion, the attempt now making by the employing Hand
1/oom Weavers, of Philadelphia, to reduce the already
oo much depressed prices the journeymen receive for
heir labor; and whereas, we consider that a reduction
) the prices they now receive (being about one dollar
: or fourteen hours close application to their toil) to be
lot only unjust, but cruel in the extreme ; therefore, be
t resolved, that the delegates of this Convention be re-
juested to lay the same before their respective societies
forthwith, and urge the propriety of taking up subscrip-
ions to assist their fellow-mechanics of Philadelphia,
low groaning under the oppressive and cruel burdens
leaped upon them by their unfeeling and aristocratic
employers. Resolved, that a committee of three be ap-
pointed to receive such monies as may be subscribed,
md forward the same to the Journeymen Hand Loom
Weavers, through the Philadelphia Trades' Union.
The following gentlemen were then appointed a com-
mittee for the purpose above specified: B. S. Gillespie,
Isaac Odell, John H. Bowie. This committee gave
notice that they would meet on Monday evening, Nov.
2, at seven o'clock, and also on Friday evening, 6th
November, at Cronley's, 15 Park Row, for the purpose
3f receiving contributions, &c
The Treasurer made a Report of the financial affairs
af the Convention for the last year which, on motion,
was accepted. . .
National Trades* Union, Nov. 28, 1835, p. 2, col. 2.
[November 25] . . . Credentials were received
from the Chair-makers and Gilders' Society, returning
John Commerford, John C. Hedenburgh, and John
Goodwin, as delegates. Credentials were also received
from the United Society of Journeymen Sail-makers,
276 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
appointing John Davis a delegate, in the place of John
Zimmerman, whose term of service had expired. On
motion, the credentials were approved, and the above-
named delegates invited to take seats in the convention.
A communication was received from Poughkeepsie,
stating that the House Carpenters in that place were
now on a strike against ,a reduction of wages. After
some conversation, the following resolution was offered
and adopted: resolved, that a committee of two be ap-
pointed, to proceed to Poughkeepsie, and investigate
the affairs of the House Carpenters in that place, and
report thereon to this convention on Monday evening
next Messrs. Gillespie and Odell were appointed the
committee. . .
National Trades' Union y Dec. 5, 1835, p. 2, col. 6.
[November 30] . . . The Committee appointed
to visit Poughkeepsie, made a report respecting the
House Carpenters of that place, which, on motion, was
accepted.
The convention then proceeded to take up and discuss
the amendments to the constitution and by-laws. . .
National Trades' Union, Dec. 12, 1835, p. 2, col. 5.
[December 9] ... Credentials were received
from the Hand Loom Weavers, appointing John Ken-
nedy, and Joseph Thompson as Delegates, in the place
of James Thompson and Robert Foster. Credentials
were also received from the Brush Makers, returning
James Adams, Francis Moulien, and James Mills, as
Delegates for the ensuing year. On motion, the creden-
tials were approved, and the Delegates invited to take
seats in the Convention.
The Corresponding Secretary read a Communication
from the House Wrights of Boston, which was accepted.
On motion, the Convention then proceeded to take
up and discuss the proposed amendments to the Consti-
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES* UNION 277
tution and By-Laws, and several important alterations
and amendments were carried, and a copy of the same
ordered to be prepared for publication) and submitted
to the next regular meeting, (By the amended Consti-
tution, each Trade, or Art, that has a regularly organ-
ized Society of fifty members or under, will be entitled
to three Delegates; to an additional Delegate for the
next fifty members; and to another additional Dele-
gate for the fifty succeeding members; another Dele-
gate for the next seventy-five members ; and to one more
Delegate for every hundred members thereafter. -EDS.
National Trades* Union.}
Nati&nal Trale? Union, Jan. 2, 1836, p. 2, col. a, 3,
[December 30] . . . Credentials were received
from the Cordwainer's, Ladies 1 Branch, appointing John
C. Cunningham, Henry Ennis,andOramel Bingham, as
Delegates. From the Tailors of Brooklyn, returning
Wm. J. Leary, and Andrew M. Bennet, in the place
of Richard Sharp, and Richard Carpenter, resigned.
From the Cordwainers of New Brunswick, appointing
Emery Ladd in the place of A. W. Mayo, resigned.
The Credentials were approved, and the Delegates in-
vited to take seats in the Convention.
The Constitution and By-Laws, as amended, were
read, accepted and laid on the table. The resolution
adopted at the last meeting according the Secretary of
the Finance Committee, a salary of two dollars per
month, was, on motion, added to the By-Laws.
Mr. Gillespie gave notice of the following, as an ad-
ditional Section to Article 2, of the Constitution, which
was laid on the table : "If a split shall take place in any
society or trade, represented in the Union, upon appli-
cation of the society so splitting, the Convention shall
consider the subject, and if it appears that the interests
of the trade will be promoted by said division or split,
2 7 8 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
they shall be eligible to admission. If the society from
which they secede shall vote against their admission,
they shall not be eligible, except they satisfy the Con-
vention that they have at least double the number of
members, and also superior regulations in trade."
Mr. Marsden gave notice of the following as amend-
ments to the Constitution :
ARTICLE 2d. The business of this Union shall be con-
ducted by Delegates, elected annually, by the different
associations of artizans and mechanics, composing the
same. Every association of thirty members or under,
shall be entitled to send one Delegate -over thirty and
under fifty to two Delegates -fifty and under one hun-
dred to three Delegates - one hundred to four Dele-
gates -and for every fifty above one hundred to one
additional Delegate.
ARTICLE lyth. No Association shall be admitted in-
to this Union, unless it be regularly organized, and con-
sist of twenty or more members of the same Trade or
Art. Any association wishing to be admitted, shall
make application in writing, and shall therewith send
a copy of its constitution to the Convention. The ques-
tion of admission shall be decided by a majority of the
Convention, within one and three months after such
application has been made -but if an association from
the same Trade or Art, shall at such time be in connex-
ion with the Union, a majority of two thirds, shall be
necessary to admit the association into the Union. . ,
In consequence of some remarks from Messrs. Haw-
kins and Short, Messrs. Gillespie, John Commerford,
Amos Waring, L. D. Slamm, and Wm. Murphy wen
appointed a committee to confer with the Men's Branch
of Cordwainers. The Corresponding Secretary report-
ed the correspondence for the last month, among whict
was a communication from the House Carpenters o)
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 279
Poughkeepsie stating that their late strike had termi-
nated satisfactorily, and they were now receiving the
full wages contended for. A communication from the
House Carpenters of New York was read and referred
to a committee consisting of Messrs* Murphy, Biegham,
and Slamm.
The following communication from theBoston House
Wrights was read and ordered published.
Boston, Nov. 30th s 1835.
To the PRESIDENT OF THE TRADES* UNION OF N. YORK*
Sir, It affords peculiar pleasure to communicate the enclosed reso-
lutions, adopted by the Journeymen House Carpenters* Association of
this city. It is with deep regret, that we have not earlier acknowl-
edged our obligations, but unavoidable circumstances have prevented
us. We are obliged to acknowledge the defeat of our fondest wishes
and our most ardent desires; but we trust that our defeat will retard
our success for a short rime only as the impressions we have produced
must necessarily render success inevitable at no distant period. We
cherish the liveliest hopes that measures will be taken during the
ensuing winter, that will secure the realization of our just demands,
and that in an amicable manner. As the nature of our demand be-
comes known, the public mind will appreciate the justice thereof,
and as justice is the actuating motive of the disinterested we may in
future justly expect a powerful cooperation of public opinion. Yours,
&c. FRANCIS A. SAWYER.
Whereas, in our recent though unsuccessful straggle for the estab-
lishment of our just and legitimate rights, we were induced to appeal
to our fellow workingmen of New York and Philadelphia, for aid
and support in the righteous cause in which we were engaged ; and
whereas, they having liberally responded to our appeal, it now be-
comes a duty to make known to them our feelings and the grateful
sentiments which this Association entertains for their generosity, and
the sacrifices which they have made in our behalf, and for the furth-
erance of the great cause of human emancipation. Therefore
RESOLVED, that we view the liberal and open hearted course
pursued by the Mechanics of New York and Philadelphia In rela-
tion to us, as the precursor of the most happy and beneficial results,
not only beneficial to us but to them, inasmuch as it will tend to enlist
the hearty co-operation of all in the cause of thp oppressed by extend-
2 8o AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [VoL
ing the intercourse and uniting the physical and intellectual energies
of the workingmen of the United States.
RESOLVED, that the hospitality with which our delegation was re-
ceived, and the facilities rendered by the Trades' Unions of New
York and Philadelphia, merit our warmest thanks and gratitude.
RESOLVED, that it is with the liveliest sense of gratitude that we
acknowledge the aid afforded by the Trades' Union of New York
to our delegation for the prosecution of the objects of their mission.
RESOLVED, as the undivided sense of this Association, that in ac-
knowledging the aid received from the House Carpenters' and Lock-
smiths' Associations of New York, and the Associations of House
Carpenters, Weavers, (Nos. i and 2) Hatters, Tailors, Cordwainers,
(both branches), Bricklayers, Bookbinders, and Day Laborers, of
Philadelphia, we cannot accord to them our gratitude in terms
sufficiently expressive.
RESOLVED, that in acknowledging the extended and proffered aid
which we have received, we acknowledge a paramount obligation to
persevere with a fixed and unalterable determination in the cause
in which we have been engaged.
RESOLVED, that we deplore the circumstances which have prevented
that early and prompt expression of our feelings in relation to the
subject of these resolutions, which justice to our benefactors and our-
selves demands.
RESOLVED, that a copy of these resolutions signed by the President
and Secretary, be transmitted to each of the Trades' Unions and
Associations herein named, and that they be published in such papers
as may deem it expedient.
FRANCIS A. SAWYER, Pres't. - JOHN CUSHMAN, Sec'ry.
Information was received from Philadelphia, that
the struggle of the Hand Loom Weavers had happily
terminated, after a strike of ten weeks.
On motion, resolved, that each of the Societies rep-
resented in this Union, be requested to appoint one of
their delegates as a member of the Finance Committee,
and send notice thereof at the next meeting of the Con-
vention.
After some conversation, the following resolutions
were offered and adopted : resolved, that a Committee
of three be appointed to confer with the editors of the
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 1 UNION 28 1
National Trades' Union on the expediency and propri-
ety of establishing a daily newspaper, and that they be
instructed to report at the next meeting. Resolved, that
the Delegates be requested to lay the subject before their
respective Societies. Messrs. Bingham, Gallagher, and
Bristol were appointed the Committee, .
National Trades' Union, Jan. 16, 1836, p. a, col. x.
[January 13] . . . Credentials were received
from the Hand Loom Weavers, appointing Robert But-
tersley, Thos. Righay, and James Davis, as additional
delegates to the Convention. Credentials were also re-
ceived from the Cabinet Makers, returning Asa How-
ard and Nicholas Welsh as delegates, and appointing
Asa Howard a member of the Finance Committee,
Credentials were likewise read from the Chair Makers,
announcing that John C. Hedenburgh had been ap-
pointed a member of the Finance Committee. Creden-
tials from the Locksmiths announced that Edward
Moore had been appointed a member of the Finance
Committee.
The Committee appointed at a previous meeting, to
confer with the Editors of the National Trades' Union
concerning the propriety of establishing a daily news-
paper, made a report which was ordered to be printed
for the use of the Delegates, who were requested to
obtain instructions from their several Societies respect-
ing the same by the next meeting of the Convention.
The minutes of the National Convention were then
taken up, as unfinished business, read, and accepted. On
motion, a Committee, consisting of Messrs. John Com-
merford, Joseph Thompson, and B. S. Gillespie, was
appointed to select such parts of these proceedings as
may require the special action of this Convention.
A Committee (consisting of Messrs. Commerford,
Murphy, Bristol, Gillespie, and Patterson,) was ap-
282 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
pointed to look over the Constitution, and report if any
further amendments or alterations were required. Af-
ter which the Convention adjourned. . .
National Trades' Union, Jan. 30, 1836, p. 2, col. 2, 3.
[January 27] . . . Credentials were received
from the following Societies : From the Journeymen Um-
brella Makers, requesting admission into the Union,
and appointing John Witz, John Doughty, and Wm.
Kilsby as their Delegates for the ensuing year. From
the Bookbinders, appointing Richard Wier, as an ad-
ditional Delegate, and announcing that John B. Parkes
had been elected a member of the Finance Committee.
From the Cordwainers of New Brunswick, appointing
Francis A. Gordon a Delegate, in the place of William
Robinson, resigned. From the Ladies' Cordwainers,
appointing John Fricke, and Asahel Reed, as Delegates
in place of Edward McKeeby and David Kilmer, re-
signed; and also announcing that Oramel Bingham had
been elected a member of the Finance Committee.
From the House Carpenters, appointing Wm. N. Mars-
den a member of the Finance Committee. From the
Typographical Association, announcing that Hiram
Tupper had been elected a member of the Finance Com-
mittee. Op motion, the Credentials were accepted, and
the Delegates invited to take seats in the Convention.
The following resolution was offered and adopted:
resolved, that such of the Societies composing the Union
as have neglected to appoint one of their Delegates a
member of the Finance Committee, be requested to at-
tend to the same immediately; and that the Delegates
so appointed are hereby requested to attend a meeting
of the Finance Committee, at 15 Park Row, on Wed-
nesday, Feb. 17, 1836, at seven o'clock, precisely. . .
Considerable discussion took place upon the amend-
ments to the Constitution, proposed at the last meeting,
five] NEW YORK GENERAL
which ended in the appointment of a Special Commit-
tee (consisting of Messrs. Marsden, Witz, Bristol, War-
ing, and Gillespie,) to whom the whole matter was re-
ferred.
The Committee to whom had been referred the com-
munication from the House Carpenters, received at the
last meeting, reported. The Committee to whom was
referred the communication from the u Union Society
of Journeymen House Carpenters," respectfuly report:
That they have given the communication an impar-
tial examination, and mature consideration, and believe
that It would be impolitic for this Convention to alter
the part of the Constitution referred to in that docu-
ment; inasmuch as that part of the Constitution which
they request may be altered, has been under discussion
for some months, and caused a variety of propositions
as to the manner in which the Societies should be rep-
resented in the Convention. After a long and protract-
ed debate the members of the Convention unanimously
voted for the article as it now stands ; as it reads the
principle of representation according to numbers is ac-
knowledged, and the larger Societies have elected addi-
tional Delegates. The Convention has now a sufficient*
number of members to transact the business. So as the
Constitution now stands the smaller Societies have con-
ceded much, and it behooves the larger ones to grant a
little, and then all cause of complaint will be removed.
As our object is mutual protection, your Committee
believe it would be ungenerous to accuse any Society
represented in the Union of an assumption to power
which they wished to use unjustly, or to the detriment
of another. If the smaller Societies have a majority
of Delegates in the Convention, it is not from any pow-
er of themselves that they have acquired it, but from the
founders of the Union.
284 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
Were all the Journeymen House Carpenters of the
cities of N'ew York and Brooklyn to unite, they would,
under the present article, be entitled to twenty-two Del-
egates, admitting their number to 1800 between the two
places, and your Committee are of opinion that that
would be sufficient for any trade or art.
It should be borne in mind by the Delegates, that in
all governments and communities, every person is
obliged to yield a little to the other, by the sacred
bond that unites them together ; if this was not the case
we would find anarchy and confusion raging through
the social compact. Whenever there is any thing justly
obnoxious or unjust in the Constitution that affects any
part of the members of the Union, it should be removed ;
but your Committee cannot conceive that the part of the
Constitution referred to in the Memorial requires any
alteration.
All of which is respectfully submitted. (Signed)
WM. MURPHY, LEVI D. SLAMM, ORAMEL BINGHAM.
The Report of the Committee respecting the estab-
lishment of a daily newspaper was then taken up, and
after a discussion of considerable length, the following
Resolutions were adopted: resolved, that it is expe-
dient for this Convention to establish a Daily Penny Pa-
per, conceiving it to be highly necessary to "sustain the
honor and interest of the Union." Resolved, that a com-
mittee of five be appointed to report a plan for the estab-
lishment of the Paper, and also a Prospectus, and sub-
mit the same to the Convention at its next meeting.
Messrs. Bingham, Commerford, Bristol, Murphy, and
Slamm were appointed the Committee. . .
National Trades' Union, Feb. 6, 1836, p. 2, col. 2.
[February 3] ... Credentials were received
from the Hat makers, appointing M. F. Spencer a mem-
ber of the Finance Committee.
five] NEW YORK GENERALTRADES* UNION 285
The Corresponding Secretary read a communication
from the Philadelphia Trades' Union, introducing to
the notice of the Convention, the Delegates from the
Bookbinders of Philadelphia. On motion, Mess0. J , B.
Parks, and Wm. Murphy, appointed a Committee to
wait on and invite them to take seats in the Convention.
After the delegates had arrived, and stated their case
to the meeting, a committee (consisting of Messrs.
McBeath, Slamm, Parks, Murphy, and Bingham,) was
appointed to retire and draft resolutions, expressive of
the sense of this Convention on the subject
After a short recess, the committee returned and re-
ported the following: Whereas the Journeymen Book-
binders of Philadelphia, are at present struggling under
the tyranny and oppression of their employers, who have
made an attempt at reducing their wages, far below
what they conceive to be a fair remuneration, (and much
less than they have received for years,) which reduction
has been spurned with becoming dignity by the Jour-
neymen, they therefore appeal to their fellow mechan-
ics of New York and vicinity, to assist them in their
present difficulties: therefore, resolved, that this Con-
vention highly approve of the determined stand taken
by the Journeymen Bookbinders of Philadelphia,
against a reduction of wages. Resolved that the dele-
gates of the different Trade Societies, attached to this
Union, be instructed to lay the subject before their
respective Societies, and urge the necessity of support-
ing their fellow mechanics, who are at this inclement
season, driven to a stand for their rights, against aris-
tocratical tyranny.
J. MCBEATH, L. D. SLAMM, J. PARKS,
W. MURPHY, O. BINGHAM- Committee.
RESOLVED, that the several societies who may feel dis-
posed to contribute for the aid of the Bookbinders of
286 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
Philadelphia, be requested to transmit the same, as
soon as possible, to James McBeath, Treasurer of this
Convention, who is authorized to forward all sums re-
ceived for their use.
The Committee appointed at the last meeting, to pre-
pare and report a plan and prospectus for the establish-
ment of a daily penny newspaper, made their report
which was read twice, and .after a protracted discussion
the whole matter was approved, and the report and pros-
pectus ordered to be printed for the use of the Dele-
gates. . .
National Trades' Union, Feb; 20, 1836, p. 2, col. i, 2. The report of the
committee on the tailors' strike is also found in the Evening Post,
Feb. 15, 1836, p. 2, col. 6. Special meeting.
[February 12] ... Credentials were received
from the Brush Makers, announcing that James Mills
had been elected a member of the Finance Committee.
The Corresponding Secretary read a letter from
Richmond, Va., respecting the formation of a Trades'
Union in that place, and requesting a copy of the Con-
stitution, and such other information respecting this
Union as may be deemed useful to them in forming
their contemplated Union. On motion, -accepted, and
the Secretary instructed to attend to the same.
A Committee from the Journeymen Tailors now on
the turn-out for wages, having addressed the Conven-
tion, on motion, a Committee of Five was appointed to
retire and draft resolutions expressive of the sense of the
meeting on the subject. The President, and Messrs.
Gillespie, Hemma, Bingham, and Lewis, were appoint-
ed the Committee, who immediately entered on the duty
assigned them.
On motion, a recess of thirty minutes took place. The
Convention having reassembled, the Committee made
the following report:
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 1 UNION 287
Whereas, a combination of men, styling themselves
the "Master Tailors/ 1 have through various newspa-
pers declared that they "will not receive into their em-
ploy any man who is a member of the Union Trade So-
ciety of Journeymen Tailors of this city/ 5 we, the dele-
gates of the different Trades in Convention assembled,
considering that by the above avowal of proscription,
these said masters are arrogantly attempting to coerce
the independent spirited men who have taken upon
themselves the unquestionable right of affixing a value
to their own labour.
Viewing this scheme of these would-be masters as em-
inently calculated to impoverish and degrade whoever
will bend to the unhallowed demand, the delegates be-
longing to this Convention, feel themselves warranted
in pledging the united aid of every society in assisting
the Journeymen Tailors to resist the spirit and the
terms of disgrace proposed by the above styled Master
Tailors. In upholding the men who are on the strike
against this low, mean and dictatorial surrender of their
privileges in the "pursuit of happiness/' it is necessary
to recur to the fact, in order that the public may proper-
ly appreciate the very philanthropic spirit of these most
kind and protecting masters. In the first place, the
Journeymen are not seeking an advance of wages ; on the
contrary, it is the Employers who have formed a com-
bination, pledging themselves to forfeit a specific sum
if they shrink from putting into execution a reduction
of prices. Finding that the men stand firm and yield
not, the masters attribute this unmeasured hardihood to
a confidence in Union. Unable to make the reduction
which they have so magnanimously pledged themselves
in forfeits to secure, they become nervously exasperated,
and administer another dose of forfeit, which demands
of each of the high contracting parties, that he will
288 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
never, never employ any man who belongs to the "Union
Society."
Having thus given the outlines of the matter at issue,
we will leave the decision with the public. The un-
prejudiced cannot fail to see which scale should pre-
ponderate. We will leave the case of the journeymen
and their employers, with those who really regard the
happiness of all, as essentially necessary for the preser-
vation of true and sound liberty. In this struggle, we
behold the employer assuming to himself, that which
he would justly and strenuously resist in others; he
would not abandon the position that he and he alone,
has the right of putting a price on the article which he
offers for sale to the consumer. Yet, strange contradic-
tion and wilful injustice, this same employer arrogates
to himself the privilege of dictating to the real producer
the price of which the said employer's avarice shall be
the graduator.
If the public were to form a combination, pledging
themselves not to buy from the master tailors, unless
they sold their goods at a reduced price, we should then
hear a most lamentable story from these said masters.
The next question which we would press the public
to examine, is, whether the public can be benefitted by
the reduction of the wages of the men. The employers,
it will be seen, are not acting for the public, but for their
own immediate gain. They have not proposed that the
amount of the contemplated reduction shall benefit any
but themselves.
Another consideration is, whether the nature of the
times will equitably admit of a curtailment of wages.
We find house rent advancing, and every necessary of
life additionally taxed. We would therefore respect-
fully ask every person who feels an interest for his fel-
low beings if this is a proper time for the master tailors
fiw] NEW YORK GENERALTRAPES 1 UNION 289
to be encouraged In the ungenerous stand which they
have taken? With these considerations in view, your
committee submit the following resolutions :
RESOLVED, that this Convention recommend the dif-
ferent Societies attached to this Union to take the pre-
paratory steps as soon as convenient to ensure additional
means to support the United Society of Journeymen
Tailors while on the strike.
RESOLVED, that the Corresponding Secretary of this
Union be instructed to open immediate correspondence
with the different Unions of the United States, appris-
ing said Unions of the struggle of the Journeymen Tai-
lors.
RESOLVED, that the above preamble and resolutions
be signed by the officers of this Convention and pub-
lished in the Evening Post, Evening Star f Sun, and
Transcript. . .
The above report, after being read, was unanimously
adopted. . .
N&twiwl Trait/ Utfat, Feb. 27, 1836, p. 2> col x, a.
[February 24] . . . Credentials were received
from the Saddlers' Society, requesting admission into
the Union, to date their membership from the last month,
and appointing Andrew T. Stewart, Horatio M. Hincfi-
man, and Cornelius Clark, as their Delegates to the
Convention for the ensuing year. From the Cordwain-
ers of New Brunswick, appointing Cornelius Ten
Broeck a Delegate in the place of John C. Pallis, re-
signed. From the Curriers, appointing John Albright
a Delegate in the place of John B. Atwell; and announc-
ing that James Potter had been elected a member of
the Finance Committee. From the Tailors, announcing
that William Hemma had been appointed a member of
the Finance Committee. From the Stone Cutters, ap-
pointing Robert Mein a member of the Finance Com-
290 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
mittee. From the Rope Makers, appointing John
Denyse a member of the Finance Committee. On mo-
tion, the credentials were approved, and the Delegates
elect invited to take their seats.
The Committee appointed to confer with the editor
of the National Trades' Union, made a Report, which
was, on motion, accepted. . .
The Corresponding Secretary read the correspond-
ence he had held during the last month, among which
were letters from the Washington Trades' Union, Phil-
adelphia, Albany, and several other places.
One of the Delegates from New Brunswick, submit-
ted a statement of the grievances of the Cordwainers in
that place; and, on motion, Henry Ennis, Oramel Bing-
ham, and B. S. Gillespie, were appointed a Committee
to confer with them and report to this Convention. A
letter from the Bookbinders of Philadelphia was read,
stating that they were still on a strike.
A Committee from the Tailors now on a stand against
a reduction of wages, having requested an interview,
and addressed the Convention, the following resolution
was offered and adopted : "Resolved, that the different
Societies composing this Union be requested to hold
special meetings immediately, to take measures to raise
funds to sustain the Journeymen Tailors of this city in
their present struggle against a reduction of wages."
At the request of one of the Delegates from the Cur-
riers, a Committee (consisting of Messrs. Welsh, Reed,
and Slamm) was appointed to confer with that Society.
Mr. Gillespie offered the following: "Resolved that the
Delegates be requested to lay before their respective
Societies the propriety of raising their dues to I2j4 cents
per month."
The following Report, submitted at a previous meet-
ing, was then taken up : The Committee appointed to
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES 9 UNION 29 1
devise a plan for the establishment of a daily penny pa-
per, and draft a prospectus therefor f report:
That they have had under their consideration several
plans, and have come to the conclusion to submit the fol-
io wing, as the one most likely to elicit the approbation
oi the several societies composing the Union. That the
paper be established as a stock concern between those
Unions and Societies that may wish to purchase shares ;
the whole amount to be limited to $1000; Unions or So*
cieties to purchase any amount not to exceed $203 worth
of the stock, and to share the dividends in proportion
to the amount of their investment, provided that such
Societies are members of a Trades' Union, and shall for-
feit their shares in case of a withdrawal from their
respective Unions. In order to carry this plan into
effect as soon as possible, your committee recommend
that the Corresponding Secretary be directed to make
the proposition to such Unions as shall be deemed prop-
er by the Convention, and request their answers as soon
as practicable. Also, transmitting to them a prospectus
and the plan for the general government of the paper -
the same to be submitteed by the delegates to their sev-
eral Societies -and report, if possible, at the next regu-
lar meeting of the Convention.
The following is recommended as a plan for conduct-
ing its publication: It shall be under the control of
five directors, to be chosen by the Convention from
among the number of its delegates, who shall be em-
powered to employ an Editor, Agent, Reporter, &c as
they may consider necessary; said directors to report
monthly, or oftener if required, to the Convention, the
amount of receipts and expenditures, and their proceed-
ings generally in relation to the paper; a copy of said
report to be transmitted to such Union or Societies as
may be connected with the concern. The directors to
292 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
be removed from office at the discretion of the Conven-
tion, and their terms of service to expire on the last
Wednesday in August of each year; at which time others
shall be elected, Your committee recommend that the
directors be immediately elected, and that $100 be ap-
propriated as the share of this Union. The directors to
be empowered to proceed in the publication as soon as
they have $400 in hand. All monies received for the
above purpose to be placed in the Treasurer's hands,
from whom a majority of the directors shall have power
to draw the same.
Your committee also recommend the following Pros-
pectus for your consideration :
"THE UNION," a daily penny paper, devoted to the interests
of the producing classes, will be issued as soon as sufficient encour-
agement shall warrant the undertaking.
The Trades' Union of the city of New York, feeling a deep in-
terest in the welfare of the producing classes, feel it incumbent upon
them to establish a daily paper. Their object is not so much that
it may become a source of pecuniary profit, but rather serve as a
shield against the misrepresentations of the principles and motives
that govern Trades' Unions, echoed and re-echoed hy designing men,
whenever an opportunity offers itself, merely to keep, if possible, the
oppressed laborer in more degrading servitude.
Our object in the formation of Trades Unions was not to trample
upon the rights of the employer, was not to create a feeling of enmity
against the non-producers, was not, as is often charged, to tear down
the whole social system; it was merely to advance the moral and
pecuniary interest of the oppressed mechanic - to narrow, if possible,
the line of distinction between the employer and employed; in a
word, to raise in the estimation of themselves and others, those who
are the producers of the necessaries and luxuries of life, who have
been, as by right, long kept in a state of abject vassalage.
To assist in producing this much wished-for reformation, it has
been considered necessary to establish a daily paper, as a vehicle of
communication between Trades' Unions and the public.
The leading objects to which this paper will be devoted, are, to
five] NEW YORK GEN gRALTRADES > UNION 29 j
advocate the cause and defend the rights of the producing clashes, to
encourage and facilitate the formation of Trades' Unions, and to
promote concert of action and harmony between those already formed
It will be the appropriate duty of this paper, also, to correct misrep-
resentations of the objects or acts of the Trades" Unions generally,
or of slanders against individuals belonging to them.
The general plan upon which we propose to conduct this paper,
Is, ist. To devote its columns extensively to subjects of political
economy and general politics ; under which head it will be our duty
to inquire into the whole extent of evils under which the producing
classes are suffering. 2d. To publish such Congressional and Leg-
islative proceedings as our limited space will admit, $d. To give
a general view of foreign and domestic news. 4th. To note im-
provements in the mechanic arts, and scientific discoveries; and 5th.
To furnish biographical, historical and literary notices, and such oth-
er miscellaneous matter as may be deemed useful* instructive, and
entertaining. Party politics, and religious or irreligious discussions
wiU be excluded from Its columns. Subscribers are respectfully solicited.
All of which is respectfully submitted.
O, BINGHAM, H. D. BRISTOL, LEVI D. SLAMM,
WILLIAM MURPHY, JOHN COMMERFORD.
This Report, after being read, underwent a discus-
sion of much length, which ended in the adoption of
the Report, and, on motion, resolved, that the Conven-
tion proceed to the election of five Directors. Messrs,
Tupper and Hemma were appointed Tellers, and the
Convention proceeded to nominate candidates. The
roll was then called, and the members deposited their
votes as their names were announced. The President
having vacated the chair in favor of the Vice President,
the Tellers announced that the following gentlemen
had been elected : Charles A. Davis, Oramel Bingham,
Levi D. Slamm, William Smith, B. S, Gillespie.
On motion, the Directors were then instructed to pro-
ceed on their duty, and five hundred copies of the Pros-
pectus were ordered to be printed. . .
294 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
National Trades' Union> March 12, 1836, p. 2, col. 4.
[March 9] . . . Credentials were received from
the Chair-makers, announcing that Ralph Ward had
been elected a Delegate in the place of John C. Heden-
burgh, resigned; and that he had likewise been appoint-
ed a member of the Finance Committee. Credentials
were also received from the Tailors of Brooklyn, ap-
pointing George W. Hand a Delegate in the place of
Wm. B. Bliss, resigned. On motion, the credentials
were approved, and the Delegates elect invited to take
their seats.
On motion, Messrs. Bingham, Tupper, and Slamm
were appointed a Committee to wait on and invite the
Delegates to the Convention of Cordwainers, now hold-
ing in this city, to take seats with the meeting this even-
ing. A large number of the Delegates thus invited,
appeared and took seats with the Convention. After
being greeted with welcome by the President, Mr.
English replied thereto, and gave a long and interesting
account of the late proceedings of the Philadelphia
Trades' Union, which was listened to with much appar-
ent satisfaction by the numerous assemblage.
Mr. Reed, from the Committee appointed at the last
meeting to confer with the Curriers, made a report,
which was accepted. Mr. Bingham, from the Commit-
tee appointed to confer with the Cordwainers of New
Brunswick, stated that they were now standing out for
wages. He also submitted some printed documents
both from the employers and the journeymen, thus plac-
ing before the Convention "both sides of the story."
Mr. Gillespie offered the following: resolved, that
a Committee of three be appointed to investigate a doc-
ument purporting to be a decision of Judge Savage upon
the law of combinations, and recently published in
some of the daily papers: first, for the purpose of ascer-
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 295
taining whether the document be genuine; secondly,
whether if said document emanated from Judge Savage
it was issued in his capacity of Judge or as a feed coun-
sellor, and to examine its contents and report thereon.
Messrs. Gillespie, Commerford, and Slamm, were ap-
pointed the Committee. Resolved that the above Com-
mittee have power to call a special meeting of the Con-
vention whenever they shall be ready to report.
Mr. Gillespie having tendered his resignation as one
of the Directors elected at the last meeting to superin-
tend the publication ef a daily newspaper, proposed to
be established by the Convention, a motion was made
that an election be forthwith held to fill the vacancy.
Messrs. Marsden and Gillespie were appointed Tellers,
and the Convention proceeded to ballot, which resulted
in the election of John B. Parkes.
Reports were then received from several Societies,
who wished to take stock in the concern, and the money
received given in charge of the Treasurer, On motion,
resolved, that the several Societies who may wish to take
stock in the daily paper, about to be established by this
Convention, are requested to forward the amount they
intend investing to James McBeath, Treasurer as soon
as possible.
After some conversation, a Committee (consisting of
Messrs. Commerford, Cunningham, and Gillespie) was
appointed to wait on the Societies of Piano-Forte mak-
ers, and Comb makers.
It having been stated that the Union Trade Society
of Journeymen Tailors, now on a stand against a reduc-
tion of wages, had opened an establishment and com-
menced business on their own account, the following res-
olution was offered by Mr. Davis, and unanimously
adopted: resolved, that this Convention cheerfully rec-
296 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
ommend to the several Societies of which it is composed
and to the mechanics generally, to extend whatever
patronage they may have to prefer in the tailoring line
of business, to the establishment of the Union Trade So-
ciety of Journeymen Tailors, conducted by Messrs.
Faulkner and Levingston, at 164 Broadway.
After some desultory conversation, the Convention
adjourned.
National Trades' Union, March 26, 1836, p. 2, col. 2. Special meetings.
[March 23] . . . Credentials were received from the
Glass Cutters, announcing that Howard Hill had been
appointed a member of the Finance Committee. Cre-
dentials were also received from the Umbrella Makers,
announcing that John Witts had been appointed a mem-
ber of the Finance Committee.
Mr. Commerf ord, from a Committee appointed at a
previous meeting, to examine and report upon a docu-
ment, purporting to be a decision by Judge Savage, of
the Supreme Court of this state, read some portions of a
Report, but stated that it was not intended as a full Re-
port. . . On motion, resolved, that this Convention rec-
ommend that a general meeting of mechanics and
workingrnen be called, to take into consideration the
late decision of Chief Justice Savage, and to adopt such
measures as may be deemed expedient to advance the
interests and support the cause of the producing classes.
Resolved, that a Committee of three be appointed to
make the necessary arrangements. Messrs. Gillespie,
Slamm, and Waring were appointed the Committee.
At the request of Mr. Murphy, a Committee, (con-
sisting of Messrs. Bingham, Gallagher, and Parkes,)
was appointed to confer with the Curriers. Messrs.
Fricke, Marsden, and Doughty were also appointed a
Committee to confer with the Brush Makers. On mo-
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 297
tion of Mr. Thompson, a Committee, (consisting of
Messrs. Slamm, Waring, and Mein,) were appointed a
Committee to confer with the Weavers-
Mr. Fricke, from the Committee appointed to confer
with the Cordwainers of New Brunswick, stated that
their strike still continued, and moved the appointment
of a Committee to proceed to that place, and report the
state of their affairs to the Convention on Wednesday
evening next. This motion was adopted, and Messrs.
Bingham and Gillespie were appointed the Committee,
After considerable debate, and various propositions,
the following resolutions were adopted : resolved, that
the nth Article of the Constitution be so amended as
to make the dues of members twelve and a half cents
per week, until further notice. Resolved, that the dele-
gates be instructed to take immediate measures to in-
form their several Societies of these proceedings^ and
request them to make the necessary arrangements re-
specting the same.
The Committee appointed to confer with the Weav-
ers, made the following Report, which was adopted:
The Committee appointed to confer with the Weavers,
report- that they are fully of opinion that the prices
now received by the Journeymen Weavers to be utterly
inadequate to the support of their families. The wages
they now receive does not on an average exceed six dol-
lars per week. The advance they anticipate by their
new list of prices, will only add the paltry sum of twelve
and a half cents to their present daily compensation;
and for the inadequate compensation they now receive,
they are obliged to work from twelve to fourteen hours
per day. The Committee believe that the situation of
the Weavers to be far inferior to that of any other class
of mechanics in the country, and they would therefore
propose, that should the Union sanction their anticipat-
298 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
ed strike, that the concentrated energies of the Union be
put forth to sanction this: much oppressed class of me-
chanics in their strike for their just demands. The
Committee therefore propose the following resolution
for adoption: resolved, that this Convention, viewing
the present compensation of the Weavers to be such as
would make it utterly impossible for them to live as
men should live -and believing that the anticipated ad-
vance of their wages to be so moderate that we not only
willingly sanction the strike of the Weavers, but we
will use all our means and influence in sustaining them,
should circumstances require it.
LEVI D. SLAMM, AMOS WARING, ROBERT MEIN.
The Committee appointed to confer with the Leather
Dressers, also made a Report, which was adopted. The
Committee appointed to confer with the Brush Mak-
ers, also made a Report, which was likewise adopt-
ed. ..
National Trades' Union, April z, 1836, p. 3, col. 2, 3.
[March 30] . . . Credentials were received from
the following Societies : From the Saddlers, appointing
Richard A. W. Fisher a Delegate and member of the
Finance Committee in the place of Alexander T. Stew-
art, resigned. From the Cordwainers, of New Bruns-
wick, appointing John Pulis. and James Graham as Del-
egates in the place of Emery Ludd and Francis A. Gor-
don, resigned. From the Hatters, appointing Amos
Perigo a Delegate in the place of M. T. Spencer, re-
signed. From the Ladies' Cordwainers, appointing
John Worrall a Delegate in the place of John C. Cun-
ningham, resigned. From the Rope Makers, appointing
Wm. Marshall a Delegate in the place of Jabez Ross,
resigned. On motion, the Credentials were approved,
and the Delegates invited to take their seats.
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 299
Mr. Commerford, from the Committee appointed at
a previous meeting to report upon a Document purport-
ing to be a decision of the Supreme Court of this State,
by Chief Justice Savage, read a long Report, which was
unanimously adopted, and ordered to be published in
the New York Transcript and National Trades'
Union.
On motion, Messrs. Gillespie, Slamm, and McBeath,
were appointed a Committee to confer with the Typo-
graphical Association respecting their Scale of Prices.
Messrs. Gallagher, Walsh, and Hill were also appoint-
ed a Committee to confer with the Ladies' Cordwainers
for the like purpose. Messrs. Odell, Doughty, and
Hemma, were likewise appointed a Committee to con-
fer with the Chair Makers.
Mr. Marsden, from the Committee on Revising the
Constitution, made a Report, which was accepted, and
laid on the table. . .
Mr. Bingham, from the Committee appointed to visit
New Brunswick, made a Report stating that the Cord-
wainers in that place were still standing out for wages.
The Committees appointed in the early part of the
meeting, to confer with the Typographical Association,
the Ladies' Cordwainers, and the Chair Makers, made
favorable Reports respecting the different Societies,
which were unanimously adopted. . .
National Trades' Union, April 9, 1836, p. 2, col. 2.
[April 6] ... Credentials were received from
the Ladies' Cordwainers appointing Alonzo Judson and
Thomas Dwyer, as Delegates in place of Amos Waring
and Asahel Reed, resigned. Credentials were also re-
ceived from the Cabinet Makers, appointing Thomas
O. Butler a Delegate in the place of Nicholas Welsh,
resigned. On motion, the credentials were approved,
3 oo AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
and the delegates elected invited to take seats in the
Convention.
Messrs. Goodwin, Howard and Hemma, were ap-
pointed a Committee to confer with the Saddlers, at the
request of one of the Delegates from that trade, Mr.
Pullis, reported that the difficulties between the Cord-
wainers of New Brunswick, and their employers were
still unsettled, and that Society in that place were at
present engaged in commencing an establishment upon
their own account, which he hoped would give employ-
ment to at least a part, if not the whole, of the journey-
men who were now idle. Reports were also made by
different Delegates respecting the affairs of Weavers,
Curriers, and several other Societies.
Considerable conversation was had respecting the
Daily newspaper on the eve of being established by the
Convention, and several Societies sent in their money
which they had appropriated for stock in the concern,
and it was 1 placed in the hands of the Treasurer. . .
National Laborer , May 28, 1836, p. 39, col. 4.
[May 23] . . . A communication and credentials
were received from the Society of Morocco Beamsmen,
announcing that they had resolved to join the Trades'
Union, and had appointed George Harris, Thomas Wil-
son, and John McElwain, as their delegates. Creden-
tials were also received from the Cabinet Makers, ap-
pointing James S. Gordon a delegate in place of Thomas
O. Butler, resigned. Also, from the Ladies' Cordwain-
ers, appointing William Masterson a delegate in place of
John Fricke, resigned. On motion, the credentials were
accepted, and the delegates invited to take seats in the
Convention.
The committee appointed at a previous meeting to
draft a preamble and resolutions expressive of the sense
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 301
of this Convention in relation to the dictatorial con-
duct of the Employing Leather Dressers, reported the
following, which were unanimously adopted, and or-
dered to be published in the proceedings:
Whereas, The Employing Leather Dressers of the
cities of New York and Brooklyn, in a spirit of tyranny
and dictatorial impudence unequalled in the annals of
American mushroom .aristocracy, have taken it upon
themselves to publicly announce that no man in their
employ shall have the privilege of belonging to an asso-
ciation for the better protection of his interest; and in
obedience to such annunciation have discharged their
workmen -thus, virtually declaring that it is their pre-
rogative, that they who labor for them, shall, as in duty
bound, think with them ; and whereas, such an assump-
tion of power on the part of these employers, is an at-
tempted violation of the constitutional and natural
rights of American citizens -subversive of the funda-
mental principles of our government- a degradation
which, if -acquiesced in by the laboring men, would
place them on a level with the serfs of the Russian
autocrat, and make dark the republican atmosphere of
this boasted land of liberty, for a long and a wicked
reign of anarchy and despotism. And whereas, such a
result is one much to be deprecated, it therefore be-
hooves us, the representatives of the different mechani-
cal branches of this city, in Convention of the General
Trades' Union assembled, to exert all our energies to
sustain these men who are now battling against the ene-
mies of the rights of man. Therefore
RESOLVED, that the conduct of the employers in ques-
tion is such as merits the indignant reprobation of all
men who love freedom and hate oppression; inasmuch
as they have endeavored to abridge those rights for
which our fathers of the revolution so gloriously con-
302 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
tended and so emphatically achieved; and to sacrifice
one jot or tittle of them would make all the boasted lib-
erties and privileges of the working man, but "like the
baseless fabric of a vision," and place in the hands of
an ignorant and contemptible aristocracy the power to
feed or starve us, whenever they as the kind and gener-
ous dispensers of good or evil, should consider it their
interest so to do.
RESOLVED, that this Convention solemnly recommend
to the individuals composing the Society thus perse-
cuted, to stand fast and tremble not ; and though the out-
pourings of fury of their "lordly dictators," should be
mighty in the extreme, let them firmly resist such an at-
tempted innovation upon their rights as did the patriots
of olden times, even unto death! and the members of
this Union pledge themselves, so far as in them lies, to
sustain them in their manly efforts.
RESOLVED, that it be recommended to the different
Trades' Unions in the United States to publicly request
the members of the trade now standing against insolent
tyranny, to withhold coming here, until after the diffi-
culties shall have been settled ; and that all such Unions
be also requested to take immediate measures to aid in
sustaining these poor men, as the principle involved ef-
fects equally, all who earn their bread by the sweat of
their brows.
RESOLVED, that to carry into effect the objects of the
.above resolutions, the Corresponding Secretary be di-
rected to open forthwith a correspondence with all the
Unions in the country, and that he urge upon them the
absolute necessity for their immediate action upon this
subject.
The following resolutions were then offered, and
unanimously adopted: resolved, that all Trades' Union
Societies who have taken, or may hereafter take one
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 303
hundred dollars worth of stock in the daily penny paper,
shall be entitled to one director. Resolved, that the del-
egates from the different Societies be requested to use
their exertions in their several Societies, to increase the
subscription list of "The Union" newspaper, and that
they also, if practicable, endeavor to get published the
notices for their meetings, instead of the usual mode of
serving them. . .
(e) A TYPICAL STRIKE -THE BAKERS
(i) The Demands.
Working Man's Advocate, June 14, 1834, P- * col. 2. Resolutions passed
at a meeting of the journeymen loaf -bread bakers early in June,
1834. The Bakers' Trades' Union Society was said to be composed
of about 300 members.
. . . RESOLVED, that the old system of working by
the week be abolished, and that the Society deem it ex-
pedient that the following rules be adopted, as the most
equitable between the employer and the employed, by
which to regulate the Loaf Bread Business in this City
hereafter, and they were accordingly adopted.
i st RESOLVED, that we consider $i per barrel a fair
and reasonable equivalent for our labor.
ad. RESOLVED, that we consider 9 barrels per week
for each hand, a fair average, and that no man or men
be compelled to work at a lower rate.
3d. RESOLVED, that we consider it as conducive to the
welfare of the Trade, that no employer retain more than
one Apprentice at one time, and him under indenture
for no less than five years; and said Apprentices' em-
ployer to be paid as he progresses.
4th. RESOLVED, that we deem it expedient, in ac-
cordance with the customs of man, sanctioned by the
laws of God, that there be one day out of seven set apart
as a day of peace and rest, on which every man may
follow the dictates of his own conscience; and therefore
34 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
5th. RESOLVED, that no sponge be ready before 8
o'clock on the Sabbath evening. . .
(2) Action of the Trades' Union.
New York Evening Post, June 10, 1834, p. 3, col. i.
STRIKE OF THE JOURNEYMEN BAKERS. To the Pub-
lic: the undersigned Committee, appointed by the Gen-
eral Trades' Union, having now before them a well
attested statement of facts which sufficiently prove that
the condition of the Journeymen Bakers in this city has
been for some time in reality much worse than that of
the southern slaves, submit for the inspection of the
public a few instances taken from a very long list.
i st. Three men and a boy have had to bake 60 bar-
rels per week, have had to labour 1 15 hours each week,
(doing six men's work) and have received about 50
cents per barrel.
and. Four men have had to bake 54 barrels per week,
have had to labour 112 hours each week, (doing nearly
six men's work) .and have received about 60 cents per
barrel.
3rd. Five men have had to bake from 65 to 70 bar-
rels per week, have had to labour 1 15 hours each week,
(doing nearly seven men's work) and have received
about 40 cents per barrel.
The above facts undoubtedly prove all that we have as-
serted, and we now call upon the public to know wheth-
er those employers who persist in requiring from their
men much more than their nature can long bear, viz:
from 1 8 to 20 hours labour out of the 24 -are to be sus-
tained in their demands, or whether they will not assist
the oppressed Journeymen in their present attempt to
procure a fair equivalent for their labour.
We have also to state that the General Trades' Union
have resolved to support the Journeymen Bakers in their
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 305
present course, and are determined by all just and hon-
orable means, to raise them if possible to a fair stand-
ing among the other mechanics of the city.
In conclusion we respectfully suggest, that the public
in general can in no way more effectually support our
cause, than by bestowing their patronage on those em-
ployers who have nobly agreed to give the wages re-
quired. In order to accomplish this end, we give below
a list of those employers, as far as we have ascertained,
and shall continue to do so from day to day, until all
difficulties are adjusted.
WILLIAM HEWITT, THOS. BONNER,
DAVID SCOTT, ROBT. BEATTY,
JOHN H, BOWIE,
Committee of the General Trades Union.
New York, June loth, 1834.
[List of twenty-three employers omitted.]
(3) Appeal to the Bakers of the United States.
Working Man's Advocate, June 14, 1834, P- 3i c l- 4- Also published in
the New York Evening Post, June 12, 1834, p. i, col. 4.
GENEAL TRADES' UNION. To the Journeymen Bak-
ers throughout the United States.
The employers in this city having advertised for
hands and promised you work, it becomes necessary that
you should know the circumstances under which your
brethren here are at present laboring.
A statement of facts has been submitted to the Gener-
al Trades' Union, showing that the Journeymen em-
ployed at the Loaf Bread business have for years been
suffering worse than Egyptian bondage; they have had
to labor on an average from eighteen to twenty hours
out of the twenty-four, and have not received more on
the average than seven or eight dollars per week; the
Trades' Union, after mature deliberation, appointed a
Committee of five persons to commune and advise the
306 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
Bakers relative to the best means to be pursued in order
to obtain that which every man is entitled to, a fair
equivalent for his labor; and the Journeymen Bakers,
with the unanimous sanction of this Committee, have re-
quired from their employers the following, viz : one dol-
lar per barrel for baking, and that nine barrels per week
be a fair average for one man's work: to this demand a
great many of the employers have assented as just and
reasonable -and I believe every unprejudiced man will
admit it to be such, when he is aware that the hard
bread or biscuit Bakers receive one dollar per barrel,
and have much less trouble attendant on their opera-
tions, as they have no sponge to set.
The question then is, whether the Journeymen Bakers
in other parts will come to this city, in order to perpet-
uate, on their brethren and themselves, a state of things
worse than the condition of negro slaves, or whether
they will not rather spurn the proffered offer of their
oppressors, and allow us to accomplish the noble work
thus began.
To the members of the different Trades' Unions and
the mechanics and working men generally throughout
the Union, I now take the liberty of addressing myself.
I would call upon you all individually and collectively,
to use every means consistent with honor and the laws,
to prevent any Journeymen Bakers from coming here
at present, and sustain those who may chance to be un-
employed as far as lies in your power. By so doing, you
will be entitled to, and will receive, the heartfelt grat-
itude of the Trades' Union, and the working men gen-
erally in this city. Yours respectfully,
JOHN H. BOWIE, Cor. Sec'y, General Trades' Union.
New York, June 8th, 1834.
All Editors friendly to our cause will please to re-
publish the above. jero It
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 307
(4) The Remedy - Trade Agreements.
The Man, June 16, 1834, P- 3> col 2.
That the public may be acquainted with the reasons
why the Trades' Union have given its sanction to the
strike of the Journeymen Bakers, and also the justice
of their demands, we present the two following facts
selected from among others. William B. Humbert,
whose name honorably heads the list of those who have
acceded to the demands of the journeymen as being
nothing more than a just compensation for their labor,
has baked on an average fifty-eight barrels per week;
for the manufacture of which into bread he has been
in the habit of paying $54.50, and employing six men
and two apprentices. Mr. Mumby, of Mott street, one
of those who refused to accede to their demands, and
declares that he will renounce the business rather than
succumb, has baked also on an average fifty-eight bar-
rels per week, for the manufacture of which into bread
he has been paying $31, and employing three men and
one boy, thus putting into his own pocket twenty-three
dollars and fifty cents per week, which sum Mr. Hum-
bert was dividing among his journeymen, and thus an-
nually appropriating to himself $1,222, which in jus-
tice belongs to those he employed. To enable him to
accumulate annually this sum, the men have had to labor
from 1 10 to 1 20 hours per week, and sometimes 24hours
without cessation, deprived, also, of the privileges of
the Sabbath, in consequence of which their constitu-
tions have been destroyed, and they have prematurely
become tenants of the alms house or potters' field.
The Trades' Union now appeals to the justice and hu-
manity of the public, to second its efforts to ameliorate
the condition of our fellow producers, the Journeymen
Bakers, who are forced by necessity into the employ of
such men.
3 o8 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
The Trades' Union assures the public that in giving
its sanction to strikes it will always be governed by the
maxim, "live and let live," and while it is willing that
employers shall have a just and equitable profit from
the labor of those they employ, it will always endeavor
to obtain for those who labor a just remuneration for
their services, and always stand ready to succor to the
utmost those who may suffer from the oppression of the
selfish and avaricious; believing that these efforts will
meet with the approval of all just ,and honorable men.
The Convention trust that the day is not far distant
when the just and honorable among the employers will
see the necessity of obliterating the line of demarkation
still existing between employer and employed, and by
friendly conferences doing away the necessity of those
frequent strikes which are alike detrimental to them-
selves and to the public. Signed in behalf of the Conven-
tion.
ROBERT TOWNSEND, ELY MOORE, JOHN H. BOWIE,
DAVID SCOTT, WILLIAM HEWITT, ROBERT BEATTY.
jei6 It
(f ) THE FRUITS OF TRADES' UNIONS
New York Journal of Commerce, June 10, 1835, p. i, col. i. Editorial.
The turn-outs which are taking place among the dif-
ferent classes of mechanics in all our large cities are the
legitimate fruits, and no doubt the concerted results, of
Trades Unions. At this moment hundreds of men in
this city and Philadelphia, are spending their time in
idleness, because their late employers would not permit
them to make both sides of the bargain. They are
aping the degenerate practices of English operatives,
and like them will find that after all, they have mistaken
their true interests. We consider it the bounden duty
of employers to resist the demands of such combinations.
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 309
At the same time, we wish to see all men, mechanics as
well as others, receive an adequate compensation for
their labor. What is an adequate compensation in any
particular case, is not likely to be determined justly,
by the separate judgment of the employers or the em-
ployed. If employers should combine to depress the
price of labor, or check its advance, we should remon-
strate as loudly .against their conduct, as we now do
against the employed. The true regulator of prices,
whether of labor, goods, real estate, or any thing else,
is demand. If men abandon this guide, and seek to
force prices either up or down, by combinations and
turn-outs, the effect will inevitably be a reaction. For
instance, if shoe-making is by any artificial means ren-
dered more profitable than other mechanical employ-
ments, there will be a rush into that business; and then
there will be too many shoe-makers for the work to be
done. The Trades Unions endeavor to counteract this
consequence, by attempting to force up the price of all
mechanical labor simultaneously, or nearly so. .
(g) THE EMPLOYERS ORGANIZE
(i) The Curriers and Leather Dealers.
Preamble and resolutions adopted at a meeting of the "Employers,
Curriers and Leather Dealers, of the city of New York and Brook-
lyn," on March 24, 1836, from the Morning Courier and New York
Enquirer, March 26, 1836, p. 2, col. 6. Similar resolutions passed
on March 21 by the employers of Newark were published in the
same issue of the Courier and Enquirer.
. . . Whereas certain journeymen of the cities of
New York, Brooklyn and Newark, have connected them-
selves with the society called "The Trades Union So-
ciety," and have conspired together to raise their wages,
and to dictate to their employers what price they shall
pay for the services of such journeymen curriers, on
and after the 21 st of March, instant- and
Whereas we consider all such combinations danger-
3 1 o AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
ous, because they threaten violence to those who do not,
and absolute pauperism to those who do comply with
their rules and regulations -illegal, because they are
injurious to trade, and prevent us from coming into suc-
cessful competition with other manufactories of a sim-
ilar kind in our neighboring towns and cities, unequal
and unjust in their operations because they compel us
to pay the same wages to the ordinary labourer as to
the most skillful - unnecessary, because labour, like
every other commodity, will seek its own level, and its
true value, in an open and unfettered market; and in a
country where individual rights, freedom of trade, of
action, and employment, are guaranteed to every citi-
zen -and impolitic, because they take from the honest
and industrious mechanic, every incentive to superior
skill, and renewed exertions, by bringing down their
services to a level with others of less merit, and by tak-
ing from their hard earned wages, a portion to support
the idle and unemployed members of the Society; and
because they give to the slothful and careless, encour-
agement in their idleness and inattention, by giving
them relief when unemployed; and full wages for their
negligence when employed.
Therefore, RESOLVED, that while we acknowledge the
right of every man, in his individual capacity, to de-
mand whatever price he chooses for his labour- and
while we are willing to give our journeymen such wages
for their services as shall amply compensate them, and
enable them to prosper, and ourselves to compete suc-
cessfully in open market, with our neighbors -yet, we
deny the rights, and deprecate the policy of combining
and conspiring to dictate terms on which journeymen
shall be employed -or by which their labour shall be
regulated,
RESOLVED, that we will not consent to give the bill
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 3 1 1
of prices demanded on and after 2ist inst by the jour-
neymen curriers, members of the Trades Union Society
and that we will not be compelled to pay the same price
to ordinary workmen, as to the more skilful, merely
because they are members of said Society.
RESOLVED, that we will protect our own rights, and
interests of our fellow-citizens, against the destructive
influence of the Trades Union Society, and that we will
not employ any man who is known to be a member of
that or any other society which has for its object the
dictation of terms or prices for which workmen shall
engage themselves.
RESOLVED, that we will especially protect all jour-
neymen curriers who are now or hereafter may be in
our employ, who are not members of the Trades Union,
or of any similar society.
RESOLVED, that the preamble and resolutions be pub-
lished in such papers as the committee think advisable,
LOSEE V. NOSTRAND, President -EDWIN SMITH, Sec'y.
11126 3t
(2) The Cordwainers,
Resolutions adopted at a meeting of the manufacturers and retailers of
the ladies' branch of the boot and shoe business on April 8, 1836,
from the Morning Courier and New York Enquirer, April n, 1836,
p. 2, col. 5. Other employers 1 associations were formed about the
same time.
At a meeting of the manufacturers and retailers of
the ladies' branch of Boot and Shoe business in the city
of New York at Congress Hall, on Friday evening, 8th
inst, the meeting was called to order, Thomas Lane in
the Qbair. The meeting being addressed by Mr. Tay-
lor and others, it was therefore
RESOLVED -that we form ourselves into an association
to be called The Manufacturers and Retailers Associ-
ation and that a Committee of seven be appointed to
draft by-laws for the same. Whereupon the following
3 i2 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
gentlemen were chosen: David Peeks, Mathias Lock-
man, Nathan A. Rogers, William H. Lane, William
Stokely, William Taylor and P. Snedecker.
2. RESOLVED, that we are determined not to submit
to the coercive measures adopted by the journeymen-
that while we are willing to pay a fair remuneration for
labor, we declare ourselves free and independent to act
for ourselves.
3. RESOLVED, that in the present state of our business
affairs, that we act with unanimity and good faith to-
wards each other.
4. RESOLVED, that we do not recognize the right of
workmen to levy a list of wages upon us, for the support
of the fund of the Trades Union, or to the fund of any
individual trade society.
5. RESOLVED, that we will no longer be made sub-
missive agents to carry out the purposes and designs of
such regulations.
6. RESOLVED, that we take all fair and lawful means
to oppose the same.
7. RESOLVED, that we cordially invite the employers
on the men's branch to form a Society forthwith to
unite with us maintaining our rights as good and free
citizens, and to oppose every injurious combination
connected with the Trades Union.
8. RESOLVED, that we cordially invite the employers
in the different branches of the mechanic arts to hold
meetings expressive of their views in relation to the op-
pressive operations and proceedings of the Trades
Union, and such other matter as they shall deem ex-
pedient for their future welfare.
9. RESOLVED, that we deem it expedient to carry our
object into effect, to call upon the different societies of
employers to appoint delegates to hold a general con-
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 3 j 3
vention at such time and place as may be hereafter
determined. . . [Forty signatures omitted.]
The first regular meeting of the Association will be
held on Monday evening, i8th inst. at Congress Hall,
corner of Bower and Hester-st. ail It *
3. THE TAILORS' STRIKE OF 1836
(a) NOTICE TO TAILORS OF THE UNITED STATES
Evening Post, Feb. 8, 1836, p. 3, col. i.
To JOURNEYMEN TAILORS -This is to inform Jour-
neymen Tailors throughout the United States, that the
regular men in the City of New York are on the strike
against the employers, who have attempted to reduce
their wages, more than a dollar on a Coat The pur-
port of this advertisement is to counteract the effects
of the one published by the Merchant Tailors, who wish
to bring men from distant places to render them sub-
servient to their purposes.
The Boston Palladium, Philadelphia Inquirer, Balti-
more American^ Albany Evening Journal, New Haven
Palladium, Hartford Courant, and Troy Budget, will
publish the above twice a week for two weeks, and send
their bills to the office of the Courier & Enquirer, New
York. J30 2aw2w
(b) RESOLUTIONS OF THE MASTER TAILORS
Morning Courier and New York Enquirer, March 9, 1836, p. 2, col. 5.
The National Trades' Union, March 26, 1836, p. 2, col. 3, stated that
the employers had bound themselves "in the sum of one hundred dol-
lars," not to pay anything over the new list of prices they had adopted.
The Society of Master Tailors in the city of New
York having understood that some misapprehension ex-
ists in relation to their resolutions of the 9th inst., have
deemed it necessary to set forth the grounds upon which
said resolutions were adopted, and have accordingly
unanimously passed the following preamble to said res-
olutions :
Whereas within the last two years a Society has been
established in the city of New York, consisting of Jour-
NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 315
neymen Tailors, called the Union Trade Society of
Journeymen Tailors, for the avowed purpose of regu-
lating the trade for the city of New York: and
Whereas certain of the regulations of said Society are
subversive of the rights of individuals, detrimental to
the public good, injurious to business, restrictive of our
freedom of action, and unjust, and oppressive towards
industrious journeymen, who are not members of the
said society: therefore,
RESOLVED, that the members of this Society will not
receive into their employ any man who is a member of
the "Union Trades Society of Journeymen Tailors in
the city of New York" and furthermore,
RESOLVED, that we will protect all men that are now,
or may be hereafter in our employ. . . figtfis
(c) THE TRIAL FOR CONSPIRACY
(i) Appeal for Aid.
National Laborer, April 23, 1836, p. 19, col. 4, 5.
To the PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS of the Journeymen
Tailors' Society of the City of Philadelphia.
Gentlemen: The circumstances under which we la-
bor, render it imperatively necessary to make an appeal
to our fellow tradesmen in particular, and mechanics
in general, and make known to them the peculiar situ-
ation in which we are placed.
We have been on a stand out against a reduction of
wages since the 23d of January last; the attempt by our
would-be "Masters" to reduce our wages, commenced
in the middle of an inclement and unusually tedious
winter, when provisions, fuel, .and every domestic re-
quisite, rose to an unprecedented price hitherto un-
known in the city of New York, and rents not only al-
ready high, but raising the coming year to an average
of 20 per cent!
3 l6 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
Such was the period chosen by our tyrant employers
to attempt to crush us. Not satisfied with thinking to
starve us into a compliance, they have brought to the aid
of their unhallowed purpose, the petty minions of the
law. Those minions, clothed with authority, have in-
sulted and knocked down some of our members in the
public streets, and dragged them like common felons
to the police office.
To be brief -five and twenty of our members are ar-
raigned and are to be tried on Friday next, for com-
bination, conspiracy, and God knows what else! !
During our present struggle, our finances have been
munificently enriched by the liberal donations of the
various trades of this city, as likewise by you, which we
gratefully acknowledge. But, owing to the inclement
season, the demand on our treasurer by our members, the
price of innumerable advertisements and circulars to
repel the foul misrepresentations of our tyrant "Mas-
ters," the fees of lawyers, &c. have drained our treas-
ury so low as needs this present appeal. We wish it to
be understood, that almost every trade in this city are
on the strike for an advance of wages (while we are
only resisting a reduction) and although it is their wish
to help us through our present difficulty, yet such is the
demand on their own funds, that it cannot be reasonably
expected they can assist farther than they have done, as
yet. Fellow tradesmen, we are compelled again to ap-
peal to you, and solicit contributions from you to enable
us to meet our tyrant "masters" boldly at the coming
trial, and, aware that you feel that our cause is your
cause, we sanguinely submit it to your well known gen-
erous consideration.
In order that we might be the more substantially
assisted, the committee have been directed by the so-
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 3 1 7
ciety to respectfully request you to submit our cause
to the different Mechanics' Societies convenient to you,
and to send your remittances as soon as possible.
Signed in behalf of the Society, M. FlTZPATRlCK,
C. MICAIN, J. H. FARGIE, Corresponding Committee.
P.S. The Journeymen Tailors bill of indictment
against the employers for combination, conspiracy, &c.,
was presented to the Grand Jury on Friday 8th inst,
and, as was expected, ignored; consequently, rendering
the Savage decision null and void!
(2) The "Coffin Handbill," from the Morning Courier and New York
Enquirer, June 8, 1836, p. 2, col i; quoted from the Commercial
Advertiser, June 7, 1836.
The men were not sentenced until several days later, and the crowd
which had assembled dispersed quietly. The Common Council of-
fered a reward for the apprehension of the originator of this hand-
bill.
JOURNEYMEN TAILORS. A placard was seen in var-
ious parts of the city on Sunday, which contained with-
in the representation of a coffin, the following words:
"The Rich against the Poor I Judge Edwards, the
tool of the Aristocracy, against the People! Mechan-
ics and workingmen! a deadly blow has been struck at
your Liberty ! The prize for which your fathers fought
has been robbed from you ! The Freemen of the North
are now on a level with the slaves of the South! with
no other privileges than laboring that drones may fat-
ten on your life-blood! Twenty of your brethren have
been found guilty for presuming to resist ,a reduction
of their wages! and Judge Edwards has charged an
American jury, and agreeably to that charge, they have
established the precedent, that workingmen have no
right to regulate the price of labor! or, in other words,
the Rich are the only judges of the wants of the Poor
Man! On Monday, June 6, 1836, these Freemen are
to receive their sentence, to gratify the hellish appe-
3 r 8 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
tites of the Aristocracy! On Monday, the Liberty of the
Workingmen will be interred! Judge Edwards is to
chant the Requiem! Go! Go! Go! every Freeman,
every Workingman, and hear the hollow and the mel-
ancholy sound of the earth on the Coffin of Equality!
Let the Court-room, the City-hall -yea, the whole Park,
be filled with Mourners! But, remember, offer no vio-
lence to Judge Edwards! Bend meekly, and receive
the chains wherewith you are to be bound ! Keep the
peace! Above all things keep the peace! . . ."
(3) Great Meeting in the Park.
National Laborer, June 18, 1836, p. 50, coL 3-6; quoted from the New
York Union.
A VOICE FROM THE PEOPLE! Great Meeting in the
Park!! New York.
Agreeably to public notice, the Mechanics and Work-
ing Men assembled in immense numbers in the Park,
fronting the City Hall, on Monday afternoon, for the
purpose of expressing their opinions of the high-handed
measures taken by Judge Edwards to destroy the Rights
of the producing classes.
The meeting was organized by the appointment of
the following officers: Robert Townsend, Jr., pres-
ident; vice presidents -Amos Waring, Hiram Tupper,
Almon Roff, John W. Brown, Asa Howard, James
Westwater, James Mills, James McBeath, Charles S.
Wright, Barnes Bennett, Thomas J. Fisher, William
Masterson, Robert Butcher, senr. ; secretaries -Levi
D. Slamm, Hugh Gallagher, Wm. L. Churchwell, Wm.
Smith.
The following preamble and resolutions were then
read by Mr. John H, Bowie, prefaced by some perti-
nent and eloquent remarks. The meeting was also
eloquently addressed by Alexander Ming, Jr., and Wil-
liam Murphy, at considerable length, which was re-
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 319
ceived with loud and reiterated cheerings from the vast
assemblage.
The resolutions were then adopted by acclamation,
as follows:
Whereas the Mechanics and Workingmen of this
city, cannot view the late attacks made upon their
rights, by men in whose hands has been entrusted the
administration of the laws, but with feelings of deep
and heartfelt indignation; being fully of opinion that
it is a concerted plan of the aristocracy to take from
them that Liberty -which was bequeathed to them, as
a sacred inheritance by their revolutionary sires -an in-
heritance purchased by their blood, and consumated
by their patriotism and wisdom; and, whereas, the re-
cent conduct of Ogden Edwards, presiding judge at the
trial of the Journeymen Tailors for Conspiracy ( ?) in
the court of Oyer and Terminer, was manifestly par-
tial and unjust, inasmuch as he would admit of no evi-
dence on the part of the Workingmen to prove that the
employing tailors, not them, were culpable- that they,
if any, were the conspirators -that they, in a season
noticed for its inclemency, conspired to reduce the
wages of their workmen -and that such conspiracy was
the cause of the stand out of the journeymen: thus, man-
ifesting his well-known partiality for the Rich, and his
notorious injustice to the Poor; and whereas, the charge
as delivered to the jury, and the sentence as pronounced
by him, to the convicted laborers, embodied distinc-
tions and principles utterly at variance with the spirit
and genius of our Republican government, assertions
not justified by the evidence, and constructions of the
laws distorted and tortured into such hideous form that
they threaten tyranny to the people, and destruction to
the State; thus grasping at authority that was never in-
tended to be given him- making laws instead of declar-
3 2o AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY [Vol.
ing them- and claiming to unite in his imbecile person-
age, not only judicial but legislative power! and where-
as, when such innovations upon the Rights of the
People are openly proclaimed from the bench- adopted
by the aristocracy-swallowed by an "impartial jury!" -
and hung o'er our heads as a "grim skeleton" to fright-
en us into a still deeper vortex of degradation, that we
may become but mere tools to build up princely fortunes
for men who grasp at all and produce nothing- it be-
comes us at such a time to speak in a voice that will
admit of no doubt, no misgivings as to the course we
are determined to pursue. We have before us an ex-
ample worthy of imitation, that holy combination of
that immortal band of Mechanics, who despite the in-
jury inflicted upon "trade and commerce," "conspired,
confederated, and agreed," and by overt acts did throw
into Boston harbor the Tea that had branded upon it
"Taxation without Representation." This now is the
substance of our grievances. We are taxed but not rep-
resented, our legislators, our judges, are men, whose sit-
uation in life, will not admit of sympathizing with the
"back bone of the body politic." Legislative combina-
tions are yearly created that draw from the poor their
very life blood; and when the producers of all the neces-
saries and luxuries of life, are by combinations of Bank-
ers, of Merchants, and dealers in all exchangeable
commodities who operate upon the currency, and the
prices of articles requisite for our very subsistence -
compelled by actual want to act in defence, the hideous
yells of wolves, "learned in legal lore," are immediately
heard; and the strong arm of tyranny and injustice is
interposed to crush the toil worn laborer. And as our
laws, by an insidious aristocracy, are so mystified that
men of common understandings, cannot unravel them-
construction is forced upon construction -mystification
five] NEW YORK GENERAL TRADES' UNION 3 2 1
is heaped upon mystification, and precedent furnished
upon precedent, to show that what the people thought
was liberty, bore not a semblance to its name. There-
fore, in the name of liberty and equality, be it
RESOLVED, that to all acts of tyranny and injustice,
resistance is just, and therefore necessary; and the vain
declarations of the omnipotence of the decisions of Sav-
age and Edwards, and the imperious doctrines of the
necessity of absolute submission, is indeed impotent to
men who feel that such acts are equally intolerable,
whether they be exercised by domestic traitors or for-
eign foes!
RESOLVED, that the construction given to the law, in
the case of the Journeymen Tailors, is not only ridic-
ulous and weak in practice, but unjust in principle, and
subversive of the rights and liberties of American citi-
zens ; and he who would so far forget his oath to admin-
ister the laws faithfully, as did Judge (?) Edwards in
Jiis charge to the jury, is no longer entitled to the con-
fidence of the people, and as such should no longer be
allowed to disgrace that bench, from which nought
should emanate but common sense, honesty, and equal
and impartial justice, as well to the murderer as to the
honest citizen.
RESOLVED, that from the close alliance which we have
witnessed between the leaders of the two great political
parties of this State, to crush the laboring men, we are
led to believe that our rights can at all times be best ad-
vanced and defended by such men as have shown by
their acts that they have some sympathy for the rights
and happiness of their more humble and oppressed fel-
low citizens. Therefore, be it
RESOLVED, that viewing as we do our present griev-
ances flowing from a partial administration of the laws
engendered by unequal legislation, it becomes us to ar-
322 AMERICAN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY
rest the evils proceeding therefrom, by the constitu-
tional and safe antidote of the ballot box. Therefore,
RESOLVED, that this meeting recommend to our fellow
mechanics ,and working men throughout the State, that
a Convention be held at Utica, on the i$th day of Sep-
tember next, to take into consideration the propriety
of forming a separate and distinct party, around which
the laboring classes and their friends, can rally with
confidence.
RESOLVED, that a Corresponding Committee be ap-
pointed by this meeting, to advise with our fellow me-
chanics in the different counties, consisting of the fol-
lowing persons: Robert Townsend, Junr., Levi D,
Slamm, Hugh Gallagher, John H. Bowie, Isaac Odell,
John B. Parks, Alexander Ming, Junr., F. Byrdsall,
William Smith, John W. Brown, Wm. Boggs, James
McBeath, Seth Clark, Robert Beaty, James A, Pyne,
J. L. Stratton, Darius Darling, Charles A. Davis, Hi-
ram Tupper, Robert Taylor.
RESOLVED, that the members of the Corresponding
Committee be requested to meet on Wednesday even-
ing next, to organize for business. . .
