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Full text of "The Documentary history of the state of New-York : arranged under direction of the Hon. Christopher Morgan, secretary of State"

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1644, 19 


Secretary Van Tienhoven, 1650, 25 

Mode of clearing and cultivating the wild land, 30 ; of the huilding of 
houses at first, 31 ; of the necessary cattle and their prides, 32 ; neces- 
sary supplies for the fanner, 33 ; conditions on which land was at 
first granted, 35. 
rV. JOURNAL OF THE SECOND ESOPUS WAR; By Capt. Kregier, 1663,... 3T 

v. BREEDEN RAEDT ; Extracts from the, 1649, , 99 

VI. DESCRIPTION OF NEW NETHERLAND ; From Montanus, 1671, 113 

Discovery of New Netherland, 115; Rivers, ib. ; Trees and Vines, 116; 
Fruits and Mines, 117; Animals, 118; Birds, 122; Fishes, 123; 
Rattlesnakes, ib. ; Native tribes, 124; Their clothing and houses, 
125; their manners and customs, 126; their language, money and 
nature, 128 ; Weapons, laws, councils, 129 ; Religion and belief, 130 ; 
Colonization of the country, 131. • • 

First Emigrants to New Netherland fBQpi Baudartius, 132 

VII. TRIAL FOR WITCHCRAFT, In New-York, 1665, 133 

Of Bushwick, 141; of Breukelen, 144; of Flatbush, 150; of Flatlands, 
155;- of N. Utrecht, 158. 


Queries relating to His' Majesty's Prov. of N. Y., 165 ; Cadwallader 
Colden's Observations on the Soil, Climate, Water Communications, 
&o., of New-York, 169 ; Lt. Gov. Clark's answer to the queries of 
the Board of Trade, 180 ; Return showing the commerce of the Port 
of New-York in 1738, 182 ; Population returns of each county in the 
Province, 184 ; Names of the heads of families in Flatbush, 188 ; in 
Flatlands, 191 ; in Brooklyn, 195 ; in Bushwyck, 198 ; in Suffolk 
county, 200 ; Names of the officers and privates in the several com- 
panies of Militia in the Province, 203; Indians, of New-York and 
Canada, 240. 




A list of early Missionaries among the Iroquois, 292 

1756. Jan. 18. Rev. J. C Hartwick to Sir AVm. Johnson; with a project for 

better peopling and governing America, 294 

15. Address of Rev. J. C. Hartwick to the Mohawks, 296 

Proposed Address of the Seven Nations to the king in favor of 

Rev. J. C. Hartwick, 298 

May 14. Rev. Mr. Ogilvie of Albany, to Sir Wm. Johnson; necessity 
of forts among the Indians ; Washington surrounded ; Pa- 
troon's mills burnt, 301 

1761. March 1. Sir AVm. Johnson to Rev. Jean B. Robault, enclosing him ten 

pounds and requesting him to use his influence with the 

Abenakes of his flock, 303 

27. Rev. Mr. Brown to Sir Wm. Johnson, apologizing for not 

being able to go to Fort Hunter, 304 

Nov. 17. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Dr. Wheelock; Kirtland leamiug 

the Indian language ; Joseph Brant's education commenced, 305 

1762. Feb. 8. Rev. Mr. Oel to Sir Wm. Johnson, cannot consent to the Bos- 

toniers introducing their Presbyterian church among the 

Indians, 307 

March 7. Gen. Amherst to Col. Bradstreet; first Presbyterian church in 

Albany, 309 

13. SirWm. Johnson to Rev. Mr. Barclay; respecting Mr. Bennet, ib. 
April 5. Rev. David Zeisberger to Mr. Peters relative to his journey to 

Wyoming, 310 

10. Edw. Johnson, teacher at Tuscarora, to Sir Wm. Johnson, 

with a report of his progress among the Indians, ib. 

Isaac, a Tuscarora Indian, and his wife, to Sir AVm. Johnson, 312 
Aug. 20. Rev. Dr. Wheelock to Sir Wm. Johnson relative to moving his 

Indian school from Lebanon, 313 

Sept. 8. The same to the same ; obtains a portion of Sir Peter AA^arren's 
^_., legacy ; the Boston Society desires to set up English schools 
"'", '■ among the Indians; Dr. AV. wishes to remove to the Mo- 
hawk country, 314 

Rev. Dr. Pomroy to Sir Wm. Johnson in favor of Dr. Whee- 

lock's school, (enclosing) , 316 

Jnly 10. Letter from the clergy of divers churches in New England, 
recommending Dr. AVheelock's school to the patronage of 

the public, ." 317 

Oct. 16. Sir Wm. Johnson to Dr. Pomroy, in favor of Dr. Wheelock's 

qualifications, 320 

The same to Dr. AVheelock ; is opposed to local schools among 

the Indians, ib. 

The same to Rev. Dr. Barclay, respecting a new Indian 

prayer-book, 321 

1763. Jan. 20. Dr. AVheelock to Sir AVm. Johnson; some account of Mr. 

C. JcfTcry Smith, and the Lebanon school ; Brant, (with,) 322 
18. C. .Tcflcry Smith to Sir AV. Johnson; proposes visiting the 
„ Mohawk country as a missionary ; much attached to Brant, 325 


■■" PAGE. 

. 763. April 2. Mr. Weyman, printer, to Dr. Barclay, concerning the Indian 

prayer-book, 3^6 

2. Dr. Wheelock to Gen'l Amherst ; asks for four townships on 

the west side of the Susquehannah for his school, 328 

29. Sir Wm. Johnson to Dr. Barclay about the Indian prayer-book, 330 
May 16. Dr. "Wheelock to Sir Wm. Johnson about Mr. Smith and Brant, io. 
23. Gen'l Amherst to Dr. Wheelock, advises him to apply to the 

king, 332 

Aug. 8. Dr. Barclay to Rev. S. Johnson; the Boston commissioners, 
offer; Mr. Bennet catechist to the Mohawks; Palmer; 

Punderson, . ib. 

Oct. 20. Mr. AVeyman to Dr. Barclay about the Indian prayer-book,. . 334 

Dec. 29. Rev. Mr. Lappius to Sir Wm. Johnson ; requiring aid, 335 

[No date.] Rev. Mr. Robaud to the same ; hopes the English will retain 

Canada, &c., 336 

1764. Mar. 22. The schoolmaster at Canajohary to Sir Wm. Johnson; the 

Indians will not allow the children to be chastised, 339 

Sept. 17. Mr. Weyman to Sir Wm. Johnson; Indian prayer-book; death 

of Dr. Barclay, 340 

^' ^^■■* Oct. 24. Dr. Wheelock to the same; Kirtland; WooUey, 341 

Nov. 27. Mr. Weyman to the same; the Indian prayer-book, 343 

Dec. 10. Circular of the N. Y. Soc. for promotion of the arts, 344 

1765. Jan. 4. Sir Wm. Johnson's answer to the foregoing circular, 346 

[No date.] Rev. Mr. Brown to Sir Wm. Johnson; proposes visiting the 

Mohawk castle, 347 

Feb. 27. Sir Wm. Johnson to the Society for promoting the arts ; sub- 
1 ., scribes and gives an account of the state of Agriculture in the 

Mohawk country, 348 

Mar. 23. Dr. Wheelock to Sir Wm. Johnson thanking him for his favor 

to Kirtland ; reports the progress of his school, 350 

April 29. Dr. Wheeloek's address to the sachems of the Six Nations,.. . 352 
.^,^ .|. The same to Sir Wm. Johilson, giving an account of proposed 

' ' ' ' new Missions among the Indians, 356 

, June 17. Rev. S. Kirtland to Sir Wm. Johnson; giving his experience 

. at Canadesage, 358 

Oct. 21. Dr. Wheelock to the same; with the thanks of the Connecti- 

J, cut Board of Missions, 360 

''„ ' ' ' Nov. 7. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Thos. Barton; consents to become a 

" " ' ;jj member of the Society for Prop, the Gospel, ib. 

^ ^ Dec. 20. Churchwardens of Schenectady to Sir Wm. Johnson inviting 
"' him to be a trustee, * 362 

1766. Feb. 18. Rev. S. Kirtland to the same; with an account of affairs at 


Mar. 25. Mr. Weyman to the same; Rev. Mr. Ogilvie will superintend 

the Indian prayer-book, 364 

May. V. Dow, Mayor of Albany, to Dr. Wheelock in favor of his 

efforts for christianizing the Indians, ib. 

July 4. Dr. Wheelock to Sir Wm. Johnson' introducing other Mis- 
sionaries, Ac., 366 

Sept. IS. Rev. ^Ir. Brown to the same ; proposes a visit to the Indians, 368 



1766. Oct. 10. Rev. Mr. Chamberlain to Rev. Mr. Brown, complaining of 

his re -baptizing children already baptized by the Presby- 
terians, ' • • • 368 

Dec. 4. Churchwardens of Schenectady to Sir Wm. Johnson, 371 

29. Rev. Mr. Chamberlain to Sir Wm. Johnson explanatory of 

his motives for complaining of Mr. Brown's proceeding, .... ib. 

1767. Jan. 30. Rev. Mr. Brown to the same; church at Great Barrington, . . 373 
May 29. Rev. Mr. Hanna to the same; is about to practice law at 

Schenectady, ib 

1768. Jan. 6. Mr. Arbo, secretary to the Moravians, to the same, praying his 

protection, 374 

Feb. 1. Rev. Dr. Burton, Sec. of Society for Propagating the Gospel, 

to the same ; enquiring what would be the proper allowance 

for a missionary among the Indians, 376 

Mar. 21. Corporation of Albany to. Dr. Wheelock, encouraging him to 

remove his school to the vicinity of their city, 377 

April 8. Dr. Wheelock to the corporation of Albany; is invited to 

establish his school elsewhere, 379 

May. Rev. Mr. Barton to Sir Wm. Johnson; state of affairs on the 

Pennsylvania frontier, 381 

Aug. 5. Mr. J. W. Brown to the same; inviting Rev. Mr. Murray to 

the church at Schenectady ; Presbyterians anxious for Mr. 

Bay, 383 

26. Hugh Gaine to the same ; giving an account of the state of the 

Indian prayer-book, 384 

Sept. 8. Sir Wm. Johnson to Hugh Gaine ; on the same subject, 386 

17. Hugh Gaine to Sir Wm. Johnson; same subject continued,. . . . ib. 
Oct. 19. Mr. J. W. Brown to the same about the Schenectady church, 387 

16. Memorial of Dr. Wheelock to the commissioners at the treaty 

of Fort Stanwix, 388 

17. Caveat of two New England Missionaries against the treaty at 

Fort Stanwix, .^ 390 

Parson Johnson to Sir Wm. Johnson ; is a friend to the Indians, 391 

22. The same to the commissioners defining his allegiance, 392 

30. The same to the same ; hopes a door will be kept open for the 

propagation of the gospel among the Indians, 394 

31. Speech intended to be delivered by Parson Johnson to the 

Indians at Fort Stanwix, 395 

Nov. 19. Hugh Gaine to Sir Wm. Johnson; the Indian prayer-book, . . 396 
24. Sir AVm. Johnson to Gen'l Gage; intrigues of the New Eng- 
land Missionaries at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, 397 

28. Dr. Shuckburgh to Sir Wm. Johnson; Indian prayer-book, . . 398 
Dec. fi. Mr. J. W. Brown to the same; progress of the Church at 

Schenectady, 399 

1769. Jan. 3. Sir Wm. .Johnson to Rev. Dr. Smith; thanks him for the care 

of his son, and for his election as member of the Philosophi- 
cal Society, ' 401 

24. Joseph Chew Esq., to Sir Wm. Johnson; Connecticut Assem- 
bly applied to for a deed of the Susquehanna lands; dissent- 
ing missionaries excluded from the Indian country, 402 

CONTENTS. iiliai 


1769. Jan. 25. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Dr. Anchmuty; the election; foot- 
ing of the Church of England in the Province, 403 

Feb. 2. Hugh Gaine to Sir W. Johnson ; Indian prayer-book completed, 405 

25. Churchwardens of Schenectady to the same ; (enclosing,) .... 405 
JaJi. 31. Letter from Rev. Mr. Murray, declining the Church at 

Schenectady, • 406 

Mar. 17. Pass to Messrs. Danforth and AVillard to observe transit of 

Venus, 407 

April 3. John Rand to Rev. Dr. Auchmuty, is willing to accept the 

school at Johnstown, 408 

12. Rev. Harry Munro to Sir Wm. Johnson; proposes to visit the 

Indians, 409 

22. Hugh Gaine to the same ; Indian prayer-book, 411 

30. James Adair to the same; origin of the N. A. Indians, 412 

[No date.] Same to the same; his work patronized in New-York, 413 

May 10. Sir Wm. Johnson to Mr. Adair, forwarding subscriptions to 

his work on the Indians, ; 415 

List of scholars at the Free school at Johnstown, 416 

Aug. 28. List of scholars at the Mohawk school. Fort Hunter, 417 

31. Hugh Gaine to Sir Wm. Johnson ; Indian prayer-book, ib. 

Nov. 9. James Adair to the same; regarding his progress in obtaining 

subscriptions to his work on the Indians, 418 

16. Geo. Croghan to the same; introducing Rev. Mr. Andrews,.. 419 

18. Secretary Banyar to the same ; on the same subject, 421 

Dec. 10. Mr. Andrews to the same ; proposing that Episcopal clergy be 

introduced from Ireland into New York, *. . . . ib. 

1770. Jan. 28. Same to the same ; returns to Ireland, 423 

May 11. Rev. Dr. Auchmuty to the same; introducing Rev Mr. Forbes, ib. 

20. Same to the same; on the principles of a true .churchman ; 

American Episcopate ; Convention of the clergy, 424 

27. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Dr. Auchmuty; in answer, 426 

Nov. Same to Rev. Mr. Inglis; numbers of the Six Nations of 

Indians ; Dr. Wheelock's success ; Rev. Mr. Stuart ; Mr. Hall, ib. 

1771. Feb. 28. Same to Dr. Arthur Lee; customs, manners and languages of 

the Indians, 430 

Same to Rev Mr. Barton; state of religion, 438 

Mar. 1. Same to Rev. Messrs. Cooper and Inglis; Rev. Mr. Griffith 

invited to Schenectady, 440 

27. Same to Rev. Charles Inglis; the dissenters not to be diso- 
bliged ; religious wajits of the Indians ; Lutheran minister at 

Stonearabia desirous to conform, 441 

April 4. Same to Rev. Dr. Auchmuty; Mr. Stuart; Mr. Andrews; the 

Lutheran minister at Stonearabia, 444 

May 4. Same to the same concerning Rev. Mr. Hanna, (enclosing,) . . 446 

Rev. Mr. Hanna's testimonials, 447 

June 11. Rev. Dr. Auchmuty to Sir Wm. Johnson; the Lutheran.min- 

ister ; Mr. Hanna ; American Bishop, • 4^9 

25. Rev. Harry Munro to the same; Bjant; state of the Ch. at Alb., 452 

July 4. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Mr. Infj^lis on his memorial for 

ehristianizin';- the Indians, '^^3 


1771. July 4. Same to Rev. Dr. Auchmuty; on the state of religion; the 

Lutheran minister, &c., 455 

Aug. 19. Rev. Mr. Inglis to Sir Wm. Johnson; on the memorial &c.,. . 457 
Vote of thanks from the Commissioners for Propagating the 
Gospel in New England to Sir Wm. Johnson, 460 

22. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Mr. Kirtland, requiring of him the 

subject of his letter to the Boston commissioners, ib. 

Sept. 10. Same to Rev. Mr. Inglis on the memorial, 461 

21. Rev. Chas. Inglis to Sir Wm. Johnson ; on the same 

subject, 462 

28. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Mr. Inglis; on the same subject,.. 465 

,i'-^' Rev. Mr. Andrews to Sir Wm. Johnson; grammar school in 

fit Schenectady, 466 

Oct. 23. Rev. Mr. Inglis to the same ; on the memorial, 467 

Nov. 5. Rev. Mr. Andrews to the same; opens an academy, 470 

18. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Mr. Andrews ; in answer, 471 

1772. Jan. 27. Same to Rev. Chas. Inglis; on the fund for support of ladies 

whose husbands or relatives have served the state, 472 

May 18. John Cottgrave to Sir Wm. Johnson ; with suggestioi)s for the 

improvement of the church and school, 473 

June 25. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Mr. Andrews; expects a missionary 

for the church at Johnstown, 475 

July 20. Rev. Mr. Hanna to Sir Wm. Johnson; receives orders in the 

Church of England, 476 

23. Rev. Mr. Andrews to the same ; offering to ofiBciate occasion- 

ally at Johnstown, 480 

Oct. 2. Sir Wm. Johnson to the Rev. Dr. Burton; about Rev. Mr. 

Moseley, 481 

15. Letters of ordination of Rev. David Jones, 482 

Nov. 12. Rev. Harry Munro to Sir Wm. Johnson; state of the church 

in Albany, 484 

1773. Mar. 12. Rev. Matthew Graves to the same; Mr. Moseley; Narra- 

gansett church, 485 

Aug. 11. Col. Henry Babcock to Rev. Dr. Cooper; on establishing an 

academy in the Indian country, 487 

16. Rev. Mr. Andrews to Sir Wm. Johnson; resigns the Schen- 

ectady church to Mr. Doty, 493 

Sept. 17. Same to the same; reception in Virginia; wishes to be ap- 
pointed to Johnstown, 495 

Nov. 19. Sir AVm. Johnson to Col. Babcock, with his opinion on the 

proposed Indian academy, 497 

Dec. 28. Col. Babcock to Sir Wm. Johnson ; on the Indian 

seminary, 498 

1774. March 8. Sir Wm. Johnson to Rev. Dr. Hind; state of the church on 

theMohawk, 500 

21. Churchwardens of Schenectady to Sir Wm. Johnson, 602 

April 1. Sir Wm. .Johnson to the churchwardens of Schenectady, 503 

11. Rev. Mr. Moseley to Sii- Wm. Johnson, thanking him for his 

past kindness, 504 

Memoir of the Rev. Dr. Stuart, missionary at Fort Hunter, 505 




Anno 1768, 521 


1749. Nov. 17. Gov. Wentworth of N. Hampshire, to Gov. Clinton of New- 

York, advising him that he is about to make grants west 
of the Comiecticut river, and enquiring how far north and 

east the province of New-York extends, (enclosing,) 531 

1741. July 3. Extract of Gov. Wentworth's commission setting forth the 

bounds of New Hampshire, 632 

1750. April 25. Gov. Wentworth to Gov. Clinton acknowledging receipt of the 

minutes of council to the effect that the River Connecticut 
comprises the east bounds of New-York ; has however issued 
letters patent for the township of Bennington twenty-four 
miles east of Albany, 533 

June 6. Gov. Clinton to Gov. Wentworth; explanatory of the west 
bounds of Connecticut and Massachusetts ; The land in 
Bennington has been already granted by New -York; 
is surprized that he was in such a hurry in passing that 
patent, 534 

June 22. Gov. Wentworth to Gov. Clinton, is not disposed to have any 
dispute with New-York; proposes a reference of the matter 
to England, 535 

July 25. Gov. Clinton to Gov. Wentworth; accepts the reference, pro- 
poses to exchange representations with New Hampshire, .... 536 

§ept. 2. Got. Wentworth to Gov. Clinton ; accepts the oflfer to exchange, 
and promises to communicate a copy of his representation 
■■ when perfect, 637 

1751. Oct. Report of the Attorney-General of New-York on the case be- 

tween the latter province and New Hampshire respecting 

their boundary, 537 

, Opt. 14. Cadwallader Coldenis observations on the Attorney-General's 

report, 646 

1752. Aug. 14. Extract from the report of the Attorney and Solicitor-General 

on the state of the case with respect to certain townships in 

New England, 547 

. . ,Dec. 22. Secretary of the Board of Trade to the agent for the Province 

of New-York, (enclosing,) 548 

1751. Mar. 23. Extract of a letter from Benning Wentworth, governor of' 
New Hampshire, to the board of trade, containing his pro- 
posal that the line of New Hampshire run as far west as that 
of Massachusetts, ib. 

1753. Nov. 14. Report of the committee of the Provincial Council and the 

commissioners on the eastern boundary of New-York, in 
answer to Gov. Wentworth's letter to the board of trade, . . . 560 

1759. Sept. 31. Proclamation of the Lieut. Governor of New-York for forming 

settlements between Fort Edward and Lake George, 556 

1763. Mar. 15. AflSdavit of Alex. McLean to the eifect that New Hampshire 
is laying out lands at Crown Point and on the east of Lake 
Champlain, bbl 



1763. Dec. 28. Proclamation of Lient. Gov. Golden, asserting the Connec- 

ticut River to be the east bounds of the Prtiv. of New-York, 558 

1764. Jan. 20. Lt. Gov. Golden to the Board of Trade reviewing the dispute 

betweeen New-York and New Hampshire, and sustaining 

the claim of the former to the territory in question, 560 

Feb. 8. The same to the same ; remonstrating further against the 
most surprizing and extravagant encroachments of New 
Hampshire, which has already granted 160 townships west 
of the Gonnecticut River ; encloses copy of his proclamation, 567 

Mar. 13. Gounter proclamation of Gov. Wentworth in vindication of the 

New Hampshire grants, 570 

April 12. Lt. Gov. Golden to the Board of trade, enclosing copy of Gov. 
AVentworth's proclamation whose grants are hawking around 
New Jersey, &c., at low rates for the purposes of raising 
money, asks for a speedy decision, as he wishes to settle the 
discharged soldiers in the vicinity of Lake Ghamplain, 572 

July 20. Order of the king in council declaring the Gonnecticut river the 

boundary between New-York and New Hampshire, 574 

Aug. Sheriff Schuyler to Lt. Gov. Golden; the New Hampshire 
people have ejected several farmers in Hoosick out of pos- 
session of their lands ; some of the aggressors arrested, 575 

Sept. 4. Minute of council ; Gov. Wentworth complains of the arrest of 
sundry inhabitants of the town of Pownal by the sheriff of 
Albany, and signifies his disposition to submit the question 
of jurisdiction to the king; the Lt. Governor of New-York 
advised to decline interfering in the matter, as the question 

is already before his Majesty, 576 

765. May 22. Order of the government of New-York in favor of the occu- 
pants under New Hampshire who settled before this date, . . 577 

Oct. 9. Petition praying that the northern part of the Province be 

divided into five counties, 578 

15. Another prajnng for th« erection of a new county on the Con- 
necticut river, 680 

22. Another on the same subject, 681 

Report of the Council of New-York on the preceding petitions, 683 

Dec. 18. Return of the names of the several persons living in the 
townships of Pownal, Bennington, Shaftsbury, Arlington, 

Sunderland, Manchester, Droper and Danbey, 584 

1766. Jan. 20. Thomas Chandler to Gov. Moore, with a return of the number 

of men in his and Col. Bayley's districts fit to bear arms, . . . 586 

June 6. Order of the Governor and Council of New-York that the 
claimants under New Hampshire sue out their grants by a 
limited time, 587 

July 11. Ordinance establishing courts in the county of Cumberland in 

the Province of New-York. (Title only given.) ib. 

Nomination of the civil officers for said county, 588 

1767- Feb. 12. Order of the Gov. and Council of New-York suspending all 
proceedings on y etitions for land on the west side of the 
Connecticut rivor nliondy granted by New Hanipshiro, until 
.Tno or more ot' tlio rTopriotors of inch township.' appear,. ... ib. 



1767. April 11. Lord Shelburne to Gov. Moore; on petition from the Society 

for the Propagation of the Gospel and of the people of Ben- 
nington; no new grants of the lauds patented by New 
Hampshire are to be made by New-York, and no persons to 
be molested in their possession under title from the former 
province until further orders, 589 

June 9. Gov. Moore to Lord Shelburne; in answer to the representa- 
tions from Bennington and the Society for Propagating the 

Gospel, ••••• 590 

10. The same to the same ; in further defence of New-York, 591 

July 24. Order of the king in council forbidding the governor of New- 
York to make grants of any lands already patented by New 
Hampshire ; with the opinion of the council of New -York on 
the construction to be put on the same, 609 

1768. April 7. List of Judges and other civil officers for Cumberland county, . . 611 

1769. Aug. 10. Gov. Moore to Lord Hillsboro' forwarding petitions from re- 

duced soldiers and others for land east of Lake Champlain, 
and urging the settlement of that country, ib. 

Sept. 14. Clergy of Connecticut to Sir AVm. Johnson recommending Par- 
tridge Thatcher Esq., to be the first governor of the new 
province to be erected west of the Connecticut River, 614 

Oct. 19. Representation of James Brackenridge and Samuel Robinson 
to the Governor of New Hampshire as to what occurred be- 
tween them, and the commissioners for dividing the Wallum- 

schack patent. 


Dec. 12. Proclamation of the government of New-York for the arrest 
of Brackenridge, Robinson and others, for riotously obstruct- 
ing the partition aforesaid, ^15 

1770 ; Jan. 4. Lt. Gov. Golden to Lord Hillsboro" recommending that the 
grantees under New Hampshire obtain confirmations from 
New-York on payment of a reduced scale of fees, 619 

Feb. 10. Gov. J. Wentworth to Lt. Gov. Colden complaining of being 
obstructed in his duties as Surveyor-General of the king's 

forests by Judge AVells, (enclosing,) 621 

Memorial of J. Wentworth to Lt. Gov. Colden complaining of 
certain trespassers on the king's domain on the west side of 
the Connecticut River, town of Windsor, (with,) 624 

Jan. 1. Deposition o^Benj. AVhiting in support of the statements con- 
tained in Gov. Wentworth's memorial and letter, 626 

1769. Nov. 15. Deposition of Benj. Wait to the same effect, 629 

Dec. 30. Deposition of Amos Tute to the same effect, 633 

1770. Feb. 28. Order in council for the erection of the county of Gloucester on 

the west side of the Connecticut River, • • • 634 

Mar. Civil officers for Gloucester county, 635 

July 19. Rev. Drs. Auchmuty and Cooper to Lt. Gov. Colden recom- 
mending certain persons to the command of the militia of 

the county of Gloucester, 636 

Aug. 9. Petition of John Grout, attorney at law, to Ch. Just. Hprs- 
manden for leave to bring an action for damages against 
certain persons for injuries set forth in an, *"• 



1770. Aug. 9. Affidavit of the same, of false imprisonment which he suffered 

at the hands of certain New Hampshire men, 637 

Affidavit of S. Wells, with an account of a riot in Cumberland 

court house, . . . .' 641 

Sept. 29. Report of His Majesty's Prov. Council of New-York on Gov. 

Wentworth's accusation against Judge Wells, (with,) 645 

June to Sept. Affidavits of sundry individuals in defence of Judge Wells, . . . 647 
Nov. 1. Proclamation of Gov. Dunmore for the arrest of Hatheway, 
Robinson and others rioters, for obstructing the partition of 

the Wallumschack patent, 691 

Petition to the king of the inhabitants of the counties of Cum- 
berland and Gloucester complaining of the riotous obstruc- 
.,„. tions of the courts of law and other irregularities by the 

government and people of New-Hampshire, 663 

Dec. 3. Petition of the inhabitants on the west side of the Connecticut 
river to the Earl of Dunmore, praying a confirmation of their 

patents on reduced fees, 668 

18. Order in council for the prosecution of Silas Robinson, 671 

1771. Jan. 27. Petition from New Hampshire to the king complaining of the 

oppressions experienced from New-York by the people on the 
grants, and requesting that the latter be annexed to New 

Hampshire, 672 

Mar. 9. Extract of a letter from Gov. Dunmore to Lord Hillsborough, 
stating that the disorders which prevail in the grants are 
designedly created and fomented by persons in New Hamp- 
shire ; forwards report of the Attorney-General, (with 
proofs,) in answer to the New Hampshire petition and calls 
for a revocation of the order suspending grants of land in 
that quarter ; from the people of which he now transmits a 
petition praying to be continued under N. York, (covering,) 675 
4. Certificate of the Surveyor-General that reservations have 
been made in favor of the New Hampshire occupants settled 

before the 22d May, 1765, 67P 

Feb. to Mar. Sundry affidavits in support of the statements contained in 

Gov. Dunmore"s letter and the Attorney-Generals report, . . 67? 
May 15. Return of the number of Inhabitants in the county of Cum- 
berland, 70? 

^ 17. Return of the number of inhabitants in the county of 

Gloucester, ib 

A list of the heads of families in the several towns in the 

county of Gloucester, 709 

30. 'Squire Munro to Secretary Banyar, giving an account of ill 
treatment recently experienced by the " Yorkers " from the 
settlers of Princetown, with affidavits in support of his 

report, 710 

June 6. Report of the Board of Trade to the Lords of the Privy Coun- 
cil, enumerating the difficulties attendant on the settlement 
of the various claims to the lands in the northeast part of the 
pro\inep of New- York, and submitting their decision 
thereupon 712 

CONTENTS. j^ill 


1771. Aug. 24. Gov. Tryon to Major Skene and other magistrates ordering 

them to grant legal relief to Donald Mclntire and others, 
recently dispossessed of their lands by Robert Cochrane and 

other rioters, 720 

Sept. 18. Judge Wells to Attorney -General Kemp, acquainting him 
with a fraud committed by the persons employed by the 
N. H. government to siurvey the upper Connecticut River, 

(with,) 721 

Affidavit of Nehemiah Howe in support of the same, 722 

20. Memorial of John Munro praying to be appointed sheriff of 

the city and county of Albany, 723 

23. Deposition of Samuel Gardenier, a settler on the Wallum- 
schak patent giving a detail of the ill usage he received from 
sundry persons disguised as Indians, who destroyed his crops 
and threw down his fences, as he did not hold under New 
Hampshire, 724 

30. Order of the Council of New -York for the apprehension of Seth 

Warner and others of the Bennington mob, 729 

Oct. 2. Governor of New-York to the Governor of New Hampshire, 
relative to the ex parte survey of the Connecticut River, 
and remonstrating against the riots recently committed by 
persons claiming to be encouraged by New Hampshire, . . , . 731 
Sundry afiBdavits to prove that the sheriff of Albany has been 
violently resisted at Bennington in the execution of his 

duty, 732 

Nov. 6. 'Squire Munro to Gov. Tryon; the same factious spirit pre- 
vails throughout his neighborhood ; the rioters are not 
afraid of any force sent against them ; another man dispos- 
sessed, 744 

12. Affidavit of Charles Hutchesson setting forth the destruc- 

tion of his house and property by Allen, Baker, Cochran, 
and others, as "a burnt sacrifice to the Gods of the 

world," 745 

'Squire McNachton to Secretary Fanning (?) ; the rioters and 
traitors have gone to the mountains where it is impossible 
to arrest them, ,. 747 

13. Gov. Wentworth's letter to Gov. Tryon touching the riotous 

conduct of the New Hampshire grantees laid before the 
w: Council and minutes thereon, ...f 748 

27. Minute of council ordering a proclamation to be issued offering 
a reward for the arrest of Ethan Allen, Remember Baker, 

and other rioters, 749 

Deo. 9. Proclamation of Gov. Tryon to the above effect. [Not printed.] 

11. Proclamation of Gov. Tryon setting forth the title of New- 
York to the territory west of the Connecticut river, recapit- 
ulating the encroachments of New Hampshire, and re-assert- 
ing the rightful claim of New-York, 759 

1772. Jan. 8. Gov. AVentworth to Gov. Tryon, (enclosing.) 

Minute of the New-Hampshire council declining to publish 
Gov. Tryon's proclamation of the 11th ultimo, 755 



1772. Jan. 29. Judge Lord to Gov. Tryon, giving an account of a great riot at 
Putney, in Cumberland county, on 27th of January, and 

resigning his office, 757 

Feb. 6. Judge Chandler to the same, with an account of the above riot, 
objecting to Judge Lord's resignation and in favor of divers 

loyal subjects in his vicinity, 759 

'Squire Munro to the same, with an account of the progress of 

'•V»- ■ - the rioters at Bennington, (and enclosing.) 762 

Jan. 24. Information given by Benjamin Buck as to what occurred at a 
meeting of the rioters in Bennington in the beginning of the 
month, 793 

28. Information of Jonathan White as to the temper of the Ben- 

nington people, 764 

Feb. 16. Judge Lord to Gov". Tryon acquainting him that he had expe- 
rienced every assistance from the New Hampshire authori- 
ties in arresting the persons who had committed the riot at 

Putney, ; 765 

17. Order of the governors of King's College, New-York, for the 

division and settlement of their township of Kingsland, .... 767 

List of civil officers for Glouc'fester county, 768 

Mar. 23. Gov. Wentworth to Gov. Tryon, requesting a patent of con- 
firmation for B. Wentworth Jr., of 5,000 acres of land in 

the town of Rockingham, 769 

26. Minute of council setting forth that Allen, Baker, &c., have 
retired to the neighboring government ; the people will not 

submit, 770 

April 3. Secretary Banyar to Judge Lord ; his conduct approved of; 

his resignation cannot be accepted, ib. 

7. Col. Reid to Gov. Tryon, with an extract of a letter from Lord 

Dunmore offering to build a court house and any other pub- 
lic buildings that may be required for Charlotte county, 
should his township be selected as the county town, 771 

8. Petition requesting that Socialborough be declared the county 

town of Charlotte county, and offering to pay for the erec- 
tion of the public buildings, 773 

List of civil officers appointed for Cumberland county, 775 

15. An account of the temper of the rioters in the eastern part of 

the province, 776 

May 9. Examination as to the causes of the riots at Bennington ; the 
inhabitants of that quarter to be invited to lay the grounds 

of their behaviour before the council of New-York, 777 

19. Minute of council setting forth that the rioters had brought to 
Bennington two pieces of cannon, and a mortar from the 
fort at East Hoosick, with powder and ball ; further outrages, 778 
Gov. Tryon to the inhabitants of Bennington, inviting 
them to send delegates to New-York to explain their 
grievances, ib. 

29. Examination of Jonathan Wheate, stating who are the rulers 

at Bennington, and that he had been obliged to abandon 

his home, 78» 



1772. June 3. •Minute of council setting forth the continued riotous spirit pre- 
vailing among the people on the N. II. grants, 781 

9. Petition from the inhabitants of Guilford praying for letters 

patent, 782 

15. List of townships formerly granted under New Hamp- 
shire and since confirmed by New-York ; list of town- 
ships for which confirmations have not issued, though long 
since advised to be granted; list of townships formerly 
granted by New Hampshire, for which applications have 
been made for letters of confirmation to be granted whenever 

his majesty's instructions permit, 785 

2b. Minute of council setting forth the application on the part of 
the people of Charlotte county &c., for protection against the 

Bennington rioters, 786 

July 1. Report of the committee of His Majesty's council on the letter 
received from the inhabitants of Bennington, and recom- 
mending that all further prosecutions against them be 
suspended until His Majesty's pleasure be known, on con- 
dition that the said inhabitants do for the future pay respect 

to the laws, ib* 

I 15. Report of a public meeting held at Bennington on receipt of 
the aforesaid minute of council; and of the public rejoicings 
at that place in consequence ; promising future obedience, . . 792 
Aug. 11. Gov. Tryon to the inhabitants of Bennington complaining of a 

breach of faith on their part, and a violation of their promise, 793 
Sept. 8. Minute of council respecting the conduct, and giving the sub- 
stance of the answer, of the people of Bennington, 794 

29. Minute of council to the effect that Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire are preparing petitions to the king for the 
extension of the jurisdiction of the latter west of Connec- 
ticut river; the answer from Bennington declared to be 
insolent ; the growing evil cannot be suppressed without the 
aid of regular troops ; further application to be made to his 

majesty, 795 

Oet. 7. Gov. Tryon to Lord Hillsborough, urging a termination of the 
controversy and that the New Hampshire grants be con- 
firmed on half fees, 797 

21. Minute of council setting forth renewed violences committed by 
Ira Allen and others on Onion river, and recommending a 

reward to be offered for their arrest, 799 

21. Jehiel Hawley to Col. Skene, notifying him that he (H.) had 

been appointed agent on behalf of the people on the grants, 800 
Not. 24. 'Squire Munro to Gov. Tryon, informing his excellency of the 
arrest of a number of counterfeiters and their subsequent 
escape on their way to jail; the country from Jersey to 

Cowas full of them ; Munro's potashery destroyed, ib. 

25. Minute of council ; letter received from Col. Skene acquaint- 
ing the government that Hawley and Brackenridge are 
ibout visiting England on behalf of the people of Benning- 
ton ; councils' opinion of these several parties, 802 



1772. Deo. 3. Keport of the Board of Trade to tne uords Committee of Hx 

Privy Council, with a plan for the settlement of the diffi- 
culties respecting the New Hampshire grants, 803 

9. Lord Dartmouth to Gov. Tryon, discountenancing the interpo- 
sition of any military force in the existing dispute relative 

to the grants, 815 

23. Petition of the freeholders of Cumberland county praying for 

the privilege of electing representatives to the Assembly, ... ib. 

1773. Feb. Petition of the freeholders of Charlotte praying that Skenes- 

boro be the county town, 818 

Petition to the king from the inhabitants of Gloucester and 
Cumberland counties, praying that the grants from New 
Hampshire in said counties, be confirmed by New-York, .... 821 
20. Affidavit of Capt. Wooster setting forth his experience in 
endeavoring to eject intruders on his lands on the east banks 
of Lake Champlain, and the determination of the people 
there to resist his majesty's troops should they be sent to 

support the authority of New-York, 824 

April 10. Lord Dartmouth to Gov. Tryon communicating the proposi- 
tions made by the Board of Trade, and approved by his 



28. Deposition of Philip Nichols setting forth the destruction of 
his fences and his own ejectment from his farm at Social- 
boro' by the mob, and the order of council thereupon, 830 

Jnly !• Gov. Tryon to Lord Dartmouth, setting forth the objections to 
the report of the Board of Trade, and submitting his recom- 
mendations, 831 

Aug* 12. James Henderson to Mr. Mackintosh ; Col. Reid"s mill and 

settlement on Otter creek destroyed by the mob, 842 

22. 'Squire Munro to Gov. Tryon ; the mob has broke loose ; all 

his pot and pearl ashery destroyed, 843 

81. Order in council that the governor request the commander of 
his majesty's forces to occupy forts Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point with a sufficient body of troops for the purpose of aid- 
ing the civil magistrate in the execution of the laws, ib. 

Sept. 1. Gen. Haldemand to Gov. Tryon, declining to furnish troops as 
required, unless he persist in his request ; in such case de- 
mands that the expense attendant on their transportation be 

provided for, 844 

8. Minute of council in answer to Gen. Haldemand's letter; a 
court of common pleas and general sessions established near 
Fort Edward for the county of Charlotte, 845 

26. Sundry affidavits detailing the outrages committed by the mob 

on Col. Reid's lands ; the destruction of his mill, crops, &C-, 846 

27. Adolphus Benzel to Gov. Tryon, giving an account of a man 

having been unmercifully whipped by a party of New 

Hampshire rioters, 854 

29. Opinion of the council on receipt of a letter from Gen. Halde- 
mand offering to station troops at Crown Point and Ticon- 
deroga for a limited period, 866 



17T3. Oct. 14. Lord Dartmouth to Gov. Tryon disapproving of his requisitioft 

on Gen. Haldemand for troops, 856 

1774. Feb. 2. Petition of Benj. Hough, giving details of various illegal acts 
committed "by the Bennington rioters and asking protection, 

(with,) a. 

1773. Deo. 6. Deposition of Benj. Spencer, Jacob Marsh, Benj. Hough, and 

others, as to various indignities they suflfered at the hands 

of Ethan Allen, Remember Baker, Seth Warner, &c., 859 

1774. Feb. 4. Report of the grand committee of Grievances to the New- York 

Assembly on the preceding papers, 869 

Mar. 9. Proclamation of Gt)v. Tryon offering a reward for the arrest of * 
Ethan Allen, Seth Warner, Remember Baker, and other 
rioters, 871 

Aug. 4. Affidavit setting forth that Amos Chamberlain had been cited 

before the judgment seat of the Bennington mob, 873 

Sept. 1. Petition of Benj. Hough in behalf of himself and the other 
settlers of Durham and Socialboro', setting forth other vio- 
lent outrages by the mob, and stating that the rioters had 
commenced erecting forts, &c., (with,) 875 

Aug. Sundry depositions in support of the said petition, 878 

Sept. 1. B^nute of council advising the governor to apply to Gen. Gagfe 
for a military force to support the civil magistracy and keep 

the peace in Charlotte county, 884 

19. Gen. Gage to Gov. Tryon declining to furnish the required 

troops, 885 

Oct. 4. Lieut. Gov. Golden to Lord Dartmouth with an account of the 

events above narrated, 88i 

Dec. 1. Petition of the freeholders of Chaxlotte county, praying to be 
allowed to elect representatives to the New-York As- 
sembly, 888 

10. Lord Dartmouth to Lieut. Gov. Colden, expressive of the hope 

that things will mend, 889 

1775. Mar. 9. Petition of Benj. Hough, with an account of a most cruel 

whipping and other barbarous treatment he received at the 

hands of the mob, 891 

7. Depositions in support of the statements contained in the above 
petition, one of which has the certificate of Hough's punish- 
ment signed by Ethan Allen and Seth Warner, .....; 893 

21. Minute of council relative to a riot attended with loss of life at 

Westminster, in Cumberland county, 908 

Sundry affidavits containing the particulars of the above occur- 
rence, 904 

April 5. Lieut. Gov. Colden to Lord Dartmouth, communicating an 
account of the whipping of 'Squire Hough, and of " a dan- 
gerous insurrection" in Cumberland county, S14 

7. Petition of Benj. Hough and Daniel Walker, praying for leave 

to solicit relief from the humane and benevolent, 916 

M»y 4. Petition of Samuel Wells and others; "Had it not been for 
the late unhappy difference in Massachusetts Bay," peace 
had been restored to the county of Cumberland, 917 

Vol. it. B 



1775. June 7. Lieut. Gov. Golden to Lord Dartmouth ; His Majesty's forts at 

Tinonderoga and Crown Point seized, and the garrison taken 
prisoners by the lawless people called the Bennington fliob, 919 

July 20. Ethan Allen to the Provincial Congress of New-York [from 
.{jt ,,..,.. Tinonderoga,] expressive of hopes of reconciliation, thank - 

-f ing them for their respectful treatment not only of Mr. 
Warner and himself, hut of the Green Mountain boys in 
general, ib. 

Sept. 25. Declaration of a Convention held at Dorset, 920 

1776. Memorandum of the opinions of some members of Congress 

respecting the establishment of a new state on the Connec- 
ticut river, 922 

' ■* Sept. 26. Mr. Clay to the sub-committee at Putney, directing that the 

opinions of the people of Cumberland county on revolting 

from New-York be sent to the Provincial Congress, ib. 

Nov. 20. Minute of a conversation which took place at Windsor, with 

the delegates from the west side of the Green Mountains, . . 923 
[No date.] Remonstrance against the appointment by Congress of Cols. 

Allen and Warner to raise troops independent of N. Y., . . . . 924 

1777. Jan. 20. Report to the New-York Committee of Safety on the appoint- 

ment of Seth Warner as Colonel in the service of the Conti- 
nental Congress, and protesting against the same, 925 

Hon. A. Ten Broeck to the president of Congress, enclosing 

the aforesaid report, 928 

Feb. 19. Gen. Bayley, of Newberry, to the President of the New-York 
Convention; a number has declared independency of the 

»i« . State of New- York, 930 

Max. 1. Hon. A. Ten Broeck to the president of Congress in opposi- 
tion to the pernicious project of those who have fomented 

insurrection in the State of New -York, 932 

[No date.] Brief considerations on the subject of the independence of 

Vermont, 933 

April 11. Thomas Young to the people of the grants, recommending the 
constitution of Pennsylvania as a model for that of the new 

state, and that they send delegates to Congress, 934 

25. Declaration by the people of Brattleboro' of their allegiance to 

New-York, 936 

May 10. Report presented to the New -York Provincial Congress on the 
state of the counties of Cumberland, Gloucester and Char- 
lotte, • . . • 937 

28. Hon. P. Van Cortland to the president of Congress, complain- 
ing that a faction in the northeastern part of this state, who 
have declared themselves independent, are countenanced by 

certain members of Congress, 941 

Jnne 23. John Williams to secretary McKisson ; the grants declared an 

independent state by the name of New Vermount, 942 

27. Resolutions of the Council of Safety of New-York on receiving 

the above intelligence, 943 

SO. Resolutions of the Continental Congress dismissing the appli- 
T • *-* cation of Vermont for admission into the confederacy, 944 



1777. July 17. Resolutions of the New-York Council of safety directing the 

resolutions of Congress to be sent to the several counties in 

the grants, 946 

28. Certificate from Capt. James Clay that he has distributed the 

resolves of the Continental Congress, 947 

Aug. 10. Warrant from the Council of Vermont to arrest James Clay,. . ib. 
16. Repoit of Capt. Clay, giving an account of his arrest and de- 
tention for having acted under the State of New-York,. . . . 948 
Sept. 2. Minutes of the committee of the county of Cumberland, where- 
in complaint is made of the proceedings of the " Pretended 
Council of the pretended State of Vermont,-' and authorizing 
Capt. Clay to be their delegate to New-York, ib. 

4. John Sessions to Secretary McKesson on the aspect of aSairs 

on the Connecticut River, 950 

1778. Feb. 3. Proclamation of Gov. Clinton offering certain terms to the peo- 

ple of the grants for the settlement of the said disputed 
lands in peaceable subjection to the authority of the state of 

New-York, 951 

Oct. 17. Petition of Col. Spencer and other inhabitants of Durham to 
the legislature of New-York, complaining of ill-treatment 
received from the pretended state of Vermont and demand- 
ing protection, 956 

1779. May 4. Petition from Cumberland to the same demanding aid, 967 

5. aterson to Gov. Clinton, informing him that the Green 
Mountain boys are expected on Connecticut river to reduce 

the townships there under Vermont, 96(f 

14. Gov. Clinton to Samuel Minot Esq., communicating his views 
as to the course the friends of New-York in Vermont should 

pursue at the present conjuncture, 962 

18. Gov. Clinton to John Jay, president of Congress, with copies 
of preceding papers to be laid before congress ; New-York 
cannot much longer continue a silent spectator of the 

violences committed on her citizens, 964 

26. Samuel Minot Esq., to Gov. Clinton, giving an account of the 
visit of Ethan Allen and his Green Mountain boys to Brat- 
tleborough, and his conduct whilst there, .' 965 

29. Gov. Clinton to president Jay, enclosing Mr. Minot's 

letter, 966 

Gov. Clinton to the New -York delegation in Congress ; intends 
to send an armed force to repair the outrage committed at 

Brattleborough, 967 

Jane 1. President Jay to Gov. Clinton; Congress intends to send ? 
committee to the grants to inquire why the inhabitants re- 
fuse to continue citizens of the states which formerly exer- 
cised jurisdiction over them, ib. 

New-York Delegation in Congress to Gov. Clinton on the 
same subject, and discountenancing all idea of shedding 

blood, 968 

3. President Jay to Gov. Clinton, transmitting to him the names 
* of the committee recently appointed by Congress, 969 



1^79. Juno 7. Gov. Clinton to Samuel Minot in answer to his of the 25th 
May ; is obliged to take the field against the common enemy 

recommends firmness and prudence, 970 

Gov. Clinton to the President of Congress, complaining of the 
J ..,' . late conduct of Ethan Allen, a colonel in the continental 
.,■ - service, and of certain resolutions of Congress ; " The mea- 
sure of the sufi"erings of this State is nearly full," 971 

Gov. Clinton to the New-York delegation in Congress on the 

same subject, 974 

Gov. Clinton to Gen. Washington ; will soon be called on to 
vindicate the authority of the State ; applies for the restora- 
tion of the six pounders loaned to Congress in 1776, 975 

16. Resolves of Congress recommending the immediate release of 
the persons taken prisoners by Ethan Allen at Brattle - 
borbugh, &c., 976 

23. The committee of Congress to Samuel Minot Esq., recom- 

mending him and the other friends of New-York to raise 
their quotas for the defence of the frontiers (and enclosing,) 977 
^ Letter of Gov. Chittenden recommending the suspension of all 
prosecutions against those who acknowledge themselves sub- 
jects of the state of New-York, 978 

24. Gov. Chittenden's answers to the queries of the committee of 

Congress, 979 

July 23. Petition to Congress of the several towns composing Cumber- 
land county, complaining of various oppressions experienced 
•. from the Vermont faction; , declaring their allegiance to 
New- York, and praying that the New Hampshire grants re- 
turn to their allegiance, 981 

Aug. 27. Instructions to the New-York delegates in Congress relative 
to the disorders prevailing in the northeastern parts of the 
state of New-York, 98T 

Sept. 24. Kesolutions of Congress recommending the states of New 
Hampshire, Massachusetts and New -York to empower Con- 
gress to hear and determine all differences between them 

respecting boundaries, «fcc., 992 

Charles Phelps to the legislature of New- York ; state of opinion 
in Congress, 996 

Oct. 2. Message of Gov. Clinton to the legislature of New-York, with 
the act of Congress for settling the disturbances in the 
northeastern district of the state, 1000 

1780. Feb. Charles Phelps to Gov. Clinton recapitulating his services as 

agent at Philadelphia, and applying for further remune- 
ration, ib. 

Jane 12. Petition of Micah Townsend and others of Cumberland county, 
for compensation for loss of property Ac, on account of their 
fidelity to New-York, 1003 

1781. Articles of union agreed to at Cambridge, N. Y., 1004 

1782> Feb. 24. Judge Yates to Gov. Clinton advising him of the arrest of 

sundry persons adherents to the state of Vermont ; with list 
«)JV> of the persons in custody and the charges against fkem, .... 1006 


1782. Mar. 1. Petition of the people of Cambridge regretting the deception 
they have been subject to, praying pardon and to be allowed 

to return to their allegiance under New- York, 1007 

4. Submission of the people of Granville and White Creek, 1009 

* May 6. Gov. Clinton to the Committee of Cumberland county assuring 

them that every attention will be paid to their wishes, 1010 

. , Sept. 15. Gov. Clinton to Joel Bigelow Esq., on the subject of recent 
aggressions committed by the opponents to the state of 
New-York on the grants, and recommending abstinence 
from all violence unless in cases of self defence, 1012 

27. Gov. Clinton to the committees of Cumberland county with an 

account of the progress of their affairs in Congress, 1013 

1786. Feb. 26. Petition of Col. Church and other inhabitants of Cumberland 
county to the legislature of New-York praying for compen- 
sation for their past losses and sufferings under "Vermont, . . . 1014 

28. List of civil and military officers in Cumberland county com- 

missioned by New-York, who have been either imprisoned, 
banished, or had their effects taken from them by authority 

of Vermont with the estimated amount of their losses, 1015 

Mar. 1. Concurrent resolutions of the New -York legislature authorizing 
the laying out of a township eight miles square for Col. 

Church and his fellow sufferers from Vermont, 1016 

List of sufferers in opposing the government of the pretended 
state of Vermont, with the proportion of land adjudged to 

each, 1017 

Dec. 12. Petition of Col. Patterson and others to the legislature of the 
state of New-York praying for a grant of land in compensa- 
tion for their losses under Vermont, 1020 

1797. Feb. 3. Extract from the petition of Theophelack Bache and others, 
explaining the mode in which the Vermont controversy 

with New-York was terminated, 1023 

1799. April 23. Names of the claimants who are entitled to compensation for 
losses under Vermont, with the sums allowed them by the 
New -York commissioners, and the division of the thirty 

thousand dollars paid by Vermont, 1024 

List of authorities which may be consulted on the preceding 

difficulties, 1026 

Petition of Sam'l Robinson and others to the king, dated 

November, 1766, 1027 

Organization of the Court of Glocester county, May, 1770, . . . 1033 

Census of the several towns in Cumberland county, 1771, • • • • 1034 

XV. MEMOIR OF JAMES DELANCEY, Lieut. Gov. of the Prov. of New-York, 1035 


First Church in New Netherland. 

Christmas on the Mohawk River; 1769. 

First Episcopal Church in Poughkeepsie. 

First Mail west of Albany. / 

First Weekly Mail to Albany. 

Library of Sir Henry Moody, Bart- 

New -York Libraries destroyed by the British. 

G«>neral Frazer. 



XVI. MEMOIR OF HON. JAMES DUANE ; Judge of the U. S. District Court 

of New-York, -^ 1061 

Clergy of the City of New -York in 1796, 1084 


NEW-YORK, 1085 

Father White's Indian Grammar. A Relic, 1088 


of Trinity Church, N. Y., 1089 


I. Papers relating to the Iroquois and other Indian tribes. 

II. Papers relating to the first settlement at Onondaga, and the discovery of the Salt Springs 
at Salina. m 

III. Papers relating to De Courselles' and De Tracy's Expeditions against the Mohawk In- 
dians, 1665-6. 
rv. Reports on the Province of New- York, 1669-1678. 
V. Papers relating to M. De La Barre's Expedition to Hungry Bay, 1684. 
VI. Governor Dongan's report on the slate of the Province, 1687. 

VII. Papers relating to Denonville's Expedition to the Genesee Country and Niagara, 1687. 

VIII. Names of the Male Inhabitants of Ulster Co., 1689. 

IX. Papers relating to the Invasion of New-York and the Burning of Schenectady by the 

French, 1690. 
X. Civil List of the Province of New- York, 1693. 

XI. Papers relating to Frontenac's Expedition against the Onondagoes, 1696. 
XII. New- York Army List, 1700. 

XIII. Census of the Counties of Orange, Dutchess and Albany, 1702, 1714, 1720. 

XIV. Cadwallader Golden on the lands of New- York, 1732. 
XV. Papers relating to the Susquehannah River, 1683-1757. 

XVI. Papers relating to Ogdcnsburgh, 1749. 
XVII. Papers relating to Oswego. 

XVIII. Papers relating to the Oneida Country and the Mohawk Valley, 1756, 17S7. 
XIX. Papers relating to French Seigniories on Lake Champlain. 
XX. Boundary Line between the Wliites and the Indieins, 1765. 
XXI. Papers relating to the City of New- York. 
XXII. Papers relating to Long Island. 

XXIII. Statistics of Population, 1647—1774. 

XXIV. Statistics of Revenue, Imports, Exports, etc., 1691—1768. 
XXV. Papers relating to Trade and Manufactures, 1705—1757. 

XXVI. Report of Gov. Tryon on the state of the Province, 1774. 


I. Papers relating to Lt. Gov. Leisler's Administration- 

n. Early rate lists of Long Island. 
ni. Manuscripts of Sir Wm. Johnson. 
rv. Early Steam Navigation. 

V. Papers relating to Western New-York. 

1 '.I 


I. Champlain's Expeditions to Northern and Western New- York, 1609, 1615. 
n. Papers relating to the First Settlement of New- York by the Dutch, 
in. Papers relating to the Restoration of New- York to the English ; and to the Charge." against 

Captain Maiming for its Previous Surrender to the Dutch, 1674, 1675. 
IV. Papers relating to the State of Religion in the Province, 1657—1712. 
v. Papers relating to Kings County, L. I. 
VI. Papers relating to the Churches in Queens County. 
VII. Papers relating to Suffolk County. 
Vnl. Papers relating to the City of New- York. 
IX. Papers relating to the Palatines. 

X Papers r^'ating to the Manor of Livingston, including the First Settlement of Schoharie, 
XI. Census of Slaves, 1755. 

Xn. Papers relating to Albany and Adjacent Places. 
Xin. Papers relating to Westchester County. 
XIV. Papers relating to Ulster and Dutchess Counties. 
XV. Papers relating to Quakers and Moravians. 
XVI. Rev. Gideon Hawley's Journey to Oghquaga, Broome Co., 1753. 
XVII. Slate of the Anglo-American Church, in 1776. 
XVin. Prices of Land in the State of New- York, 1791. 
XIX. Report of a Committee appointed to Explore the "Western Waters in the State of New- 
York, 1792. 
XX. Journal of Rev. John Taylor's Missionary Tour through the Mohawk and Black River 
Countries, in 1802. 
XXI. Rectors of St. Peter's Church, Albany. 
XXII. Appendix. 

XXIII. Medals and Coins. 

XXIV. MisceUany. -■«^ 

.11 m J.': 



(Prom Plates loaned by Pierre Van Cortlandt Esq.) 


I. Seal of New Netherland. 1623. 

II. Seal of the Duke of York. 1684. 

rV. Seal of William and Mary. 1691. 

V. First Seal of Queen Anne. 1705. 

Second Seal of Queen Anne. 1710. 
VI. Seal of George I. 1718. 
VII. Seal of George II. 
VIII. Seal of George III. 1767. 




PORTRAIT OF REV. JOHN OGILVIE, D.D., formerly of St. Peter's Church, 

Albany, and afterwards of Trinity Ch:N. Y., 302 

(From Plate loaned hy the Vestry of Trinity Ch.) 

1758, 625 


OF NEW-YORK ; illustrating the controversy between that State and New 







Mmtm>:un m m^m 

.Oli is 34M4V iv'j' 

r» .-; 


No. I. 
Seal of New Netherland. 
This is the first public seal of the Province, and is thus de- 
scribed: Argent^ a Beaver, proper ; Crest^ a Coronet; Legend^ 
SiGiLLvM. Novi. Belgii. Iu a paper by Van der Donck entitled, 
" Further observations on the Petition of the Commonalty of 
New Netherland," it is stated, that New Netherland was called a 
Province, because it was invested by their High Mightipesses 
with the arms of an Earl. ^ The engraving is copied from an 
impression of the seal in the office of the Secretary of State. ^ 
It was in use until 1664, and afterwards, we presun^e, under 
Gov. Colve in 1673, 4. 


Seal of the Duke of York. 
This is a copy of the Royal arms of the House of Stuart 
which Burke thus describes — Quarterly, first and fourth, France 
\ and England quarterly ; second, or, a lion rampant, within a 
double tressure, flory counter flory, gu. Scotland ; third, az. a 
harp, or, stringed, ar. Ireland. ' Motto^ " Honi. soit. qui, mal. y 
pense." Legend^SiGWA.. Provine Novi. Eborac. Crest^ a Coro- 
net composed of crosses and fleur de lis, with one arch ; which, 
Burke adds, the Duke of York was directed to use, by a Royal 
Warrant dated 9th Feb. 1662. There are several impressions 
of this seal in the first Vol. of Land Papers, in the Sec'ys office. 
They are incumbent, but those to the Patent of Renselaerwyck 
(1685,) and to the charter of the city of Albany (1686,) are 
pendant. The earliest impression in the Sec'ys office is to a 

1 Hoi. Doc. IV. 39. 2 Land Papers, I. 

3 Burke's Eneyc. of Heraldry. Royal Armory. 


patent dated 20th August, 1670, and from the fact that the 
patents issued by Governor NicoUs are sealed only with his 
signet, it is inferred that the Great Seal now reproduced was 
received in October, 1669, at the same time as the seal presented 
by Gov. Lovelace to the city of New- York. > It was in use until 
1687, with the exception of Colve's brief administration in 1674. 


Seal or James II. 
/fe have not been able to find an impression of this seal, the 
Warrant for which bears date 14th August, 1687. It is de- 
scribed therein as having " on the one side our Royal effigies on 
Horseback in Arms over a Landskip of Land and Sea, with a 
Rising Sun, and a Scrole containing this motto, Aliusq: et Idem. 
And our Titles round the circumference of the said Seal \ There 
being also engraven on the other side Our Royal Arms with the 
Garter, Crown, Supporters and Motto, with this Inscription 
round y® Circumference Sigillum Provincije NosxRiE Novi 
Eboraci etc., in America."^ Despatches of the above date 
were received in New York on the 21st November following j^ 
the seal was in use, it is supposed, until Leisler's usurpation in 
June 1689. .U 

■■■"■■'^ ■'■■iv.- ■ 

Seal of King William and Queen Mary. 
The warrant for this seal, which was brought over by Gov. 
Sloughter, bears date 31st May, 1690.'* It served as the model 
for all the Great Seals of New- York subsequently received from 
England, and has, on one side, the effigies of the King and Queen, 
and two Indians kneeling oJBfering as presents — the one, a roll of 
Wampum, the otlier a Beaver skin. Around the circumference 
are tlieir Majesties titles — Gvlielmvs III. et Maria. II. Dei. 
Gra. Mag. Brit. Fran. Hib. Rex et Regina. Fid. Def. On the 
reverse are the Royal Arms with the Garter, Crown, Supporters 
and Motto, and this inscription — Sigillvm Proving. Nostr. Nov. 

1 Vftlentine'3 Manual of the Com. Counc of N. T. for 1849. 343. 

2 LondDoc. V. 1:5!). 

5 Counc. Min. V. 213. ' 4 Book of CommisdonSj Sec'ys Off. II. 16. 


EflOR. ETC. IN America. These arms are, it will be remarked, 
the same as tliose on the Stuart seal, with the addition, however, 
of an escutcheon of pretence, containing a Lion rampant, for the 
arms of Nassau, of which house King William was a member. 
It has some other peculiarities worthy of attention. Much im- 
portance has been attached to this seal from the fact that it was 
affixed to several patents in this country after the King's death. 
But the objections made to the validity of those patents, on that 
account, must disappear when the fact is understood, that this 
seal was not superseded until Sept., 1705 — three years and a 
half after the King's demise. The engraving is from the Seal 
attached to the original Charter of Trinity Church, N. Y., 1697, 
in the State Lib., and to the Commission of Johannis Abeel, 
Mayor of Albany, 1694, in the Albany Institute. 

Seal of Queen Anne. 
There were two Great Seals for the Province in this reign. 

1 . The first, tlie warrant for which bears date the 3d May, 
1705,' was brought out by Col. Nott, of Virginia,^ and was 
received on 6th September following when that of William and 
Mary was defaced, ^ and sent back to England broken. * On the 
one side are the Queen's effigy and the Indians oflering their 
tokens of submission, as before, with the Royal titles Anna. Dei. 
Gra. Mag. Brit. Fran. et. Hib. Regina. Fid. Defen. On the 
reverse, the Stuart arms as already described, (see II.) — the 
escutcheon of Nassau having been removed on the death of the 
King — with Crown, Garter, Supporters and Motto, and this 
Inscription, Sigillvm. PROviNciiE. Nostrje. Novi. Eboraci. in. 
America. Motto — Semper Eadem. The Engraving is copied 
from the Seal in the State Library to a Patent of Anne Bridges 
and others for a tract in Westchester Co., dated 25th Sept., 

2. The Union between England and Scotland, in 1706, ren- 
dering a new Seal requisite, a second one was ordered on 29th 
October, 1709, and received on the arrival of Gov. Hunter, 14th 

1 Lond. Doc. XVI. 183. 2 Ibid XVI. 275. 

3 Counc. Min. IX. 563. 4 Lond. Doc. XVI. 311. ?/ .,^,,/'(ii^., j ^ 


June, 1710, when that of 1705 was broken. > The Queen's 
effigy, the Indians with the Royal titles, are the same as on 
the first seal ; on the reverse, the Royal arms, now changed in 
consequence of the Union ; on the first and fourth quarters, 
England empales Scotland ; on the second are the lilies of 
France J on the third the Harp for Ireland, and the former 
Motto, Semper Eadem. Around the circumference is the 
inscription Sigillvm. Provinci^. Nostra. Novi. Eboraci. in. 
America. This seal was not superseded until July 1718, four 
years after the Queen's death. 


.! Seal of George I. 

This seal was ordered 8th Octob. 1717, and received '.'by 
Hopkins" on 1st July, 1718, when that of Queen Anne was 
broken, 2 and returned to the Board of Trade.' On the one 
side are, the effigy of his Majesty, two Indians offering presents ; 
and around the circumference the royal titles — Georgivs. D. G. 
Mag. Brit. Fran. et. Hib. Rex. Brvn. et. Lvn. Dvx. Sa. Ro. 
Im. Arc. Thes. et. Prin. Elec. On the reverse, the royal 
arms, Garter, Crown, Supporters and Motto, and this inscription, 
Sigillvm. PROviNCi.a:. Nostra. Novi. Eboraci in. America. The 
" Semper Eadem" of the last seal is replaced by Dieu et Mon 
Droit; and on the escutcheon we have, first, the arms of Eng- 
land empaling those of Scotland ; second France ; third Ireland ; 
fourth gu. two lions passant guard, in pale or, for Brunswick ; 
impaling, or, semee of hearts gu. a lion ramp. az. for Lunen- 
burgh, on a point in point gu. a horse courant ar. for Saxony; 
on the centre of the fourth quarter an escutcheon gu. charged 
with the Crown of Charlemagne, or, as Arch-treasurer of the 
^ply Roman Empire. * 

.':)<'-*« VII. 

Seal of George II. 
This Seal is a finer specimen of the arts tlian the last, and 
exhibits a progressive cliange in the dress and drapery of the 
principal figure. The kneeling Squaw is introduced here for the 

1 Counc. Min. X. 519. 2 Ibid. XI. 405, 497, 498. 

3 Lond. Doc. XXI. 44. 4 Burke's Encyclop. of Heraldry. 


first time nude, and great care is bestowed in delineating the 
skin she offers, in which we can ahnost trace the perfect outline 
of tlie animal to which it belonged. Tliere is another improve- 
ment worthy of remark — the inscriptions on this and the next 
seal are on tlie sides opposite to those they heretofore occupied. 
The words " Sigillvm. Provincije. NosxRiE. Novi. Eboraci. in. 
America," are appropriately on the side representing American 
gifts ; whilst the Royal titles — " Georgius. II. D. G. Mag. Bri. 
Fr. EX. HiB. Rex. F. D. Brun. ex, Lun. Dux. S. R. I. Arc. Th. ex. 
Pr. El." surround the Royal arms on the reverse side. These 
arms are the same as those last described, but their design and 
finish are immensely Superior. This engraving is, also, from 
an impression in the State Library. 


Seal of George III. 
The warrant for this seal bears date 9th July, 1767; it was 
received on the following 3d October' (seven years after tlie 
death of Geo. II.,) and the preceding seal was returned to the 
Colonial office. The principal side, where the Indians are 
offering their gifts to tlie King, is surrounded by the inscription 
" Sigillum. Provinci^. Nosxr^. Novi. Eboraci. in America;" on 
the reverse are the Royal arms (as last described,) with the 
royal titles — Georgius III. D. G. Mag. Bri. Fr. ex Hib. Rex. 
F. D. Brun. ex. Lun. Dux. S. R. I. Ar. Thes. ex El This was 
the Great Seal of the Province of New-York down to the 

1 Cotinc. Min. XXVI. 106. 

+ ,..>, 

i:; ^?r z-;^ \:t ^f"^':" ''r^f^ 


, jL ■&£ IT E ^r= :^ E T H E R L All D 
1<8)S5 TO l©0.4i. 

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S-MIS AT ;S'E1.1L 


K-n^rai-t^ .(, l-r,ni>J fy fEi 

of tfeiH 

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off flke 

170S TO I'ZIO, 

h:n4rayitl.t PrinUa.hy JiCiiintt 


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1L710 TO 17118 


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l'^67 T0» THE RECOIL lUTIOI^r 


IRi Q) V I isr (C K .0)f ' W E W Tf 'Ci M K 

1767 TOTEE ItEVOLlUTirO'ir 


£jto r.Ti^^d l-IVintfa^T, j:ji.A3f!7: 

♦, * 




"Written in the years 1641, 1642, 1643, 1644, 1645 and 1646 
[Translated from Hoi. Doc. III.] 

Vol. IV, 


Brief Description of JYeio JVetherland.. 

New Netherland (so called 1)ecause it was first frequented 
and peopled by free Nether landers) is a province in the most 
northern part of America lying between N. England (which 
bounds them on the N. E. side) and Virginia lying to tlie S. W. 
The Ocean is confined along its whole lengtli by a clean sandy 
coast, very similar to tliat of Flanders or Holland, having except 
the rivers few bays or Harbors for ships, tlie air is very temperate, 
inclining to dryness, healthy, little subject to sickness. The 
four seasons of the year are about as in France, or tlie Nether- 
lands the difference is, the Spring is shorter because it begins 
later, the Summer is warmer because it comes on mure suddenly, 
the Harvest is long and very pleasant, the Winter cold and 
liable to much snow ; two winds ordinarily prevail : the N. W. 
in Winter and the S. W. in Summer ; the other winds are not 
common ; the N. W. corresponds with our N. E. because it 
blows across the country from the cold point as our N. E. does. 
The S. W. is dry and hot like our S. E. because it comes from 
the Warm countries ; the N. E. is cold and wet like our S. W. 
for similar reasons. The character of the country is very like 
that of France ; the land is reasonably hilly and level. To wit, 
broken along the coast by small Rocky hills unfit for agriculture ; 
farther in the interior are pretty high Mountains (generally ex- 
hibiting great appearance of minerals) between which flow a 
great number of Small Rivers, in some places there are even 
some Lofty ones of Extraordinary Height, but not many ; its 
fertility falls behind no province in Europe in excellence as in 
cleanness of fruits and seeds. There are three principal rivers, 
to wit: the Fresh, nhe Mauritius 2 and the South ^ River all three 
reasonably wide and deep, adapted for the navigation of large 

1 Connecticut. 2 Hudson. 3 Delaware. 



ships twenty five miles up ' and of common barks even to the 
falls, from the river Mauritius off to beyond the Fresh river 
stretches a Canal that forms an Island, forty miles long, called 
Long Island, which is the ordinary passage from N. England to 
Virginia having on both sides many harbours to anchor in so 
that people make no diflSculty about navigating it in winter. 
The Country is generally covered with trees, except a few valleys 
and some large Flats of Seven or Eight miles and less ; the trees 
are as in Europe — viz. Oak, Hickory, Chestnut, Vines. The 
animals are also of the same species as ours, except Lions and 
some other strange beasts, many Bears, abundance of Wolves 
which harm nobody but the small cattle. Elks and Deer in 
abundance. Foxes, Beavers, Otters, Minx and such like. The 
birds, which are natural to tlie Country are Turkeys like ours, 
Swans, Geese of three sorts. Ducks, Teals, Cranes, Herons, Bit- 
terns, two sorts of Heath fowls or Pheasants. The River fish is 
like that of Europe, viz. Carp, Sturgeon, Salmon, Pike, Perch, 
Roach, Eel, &c — In the Salt waters are found Codfish, Shellfish, 
Herring and so forth, also abundance of oysters and muscles. 

The Indians are of ordinary stature. Strong and broad 
shouldered ; olive color, light and nimble of foot, subtle in dis- 
position, of few words which they previously well consider, 
hypocritical, treacherous, vindictive; brave and obstinate in 
self defence, in time of need right resolute to die. They seem to 
despise all tlie torments tliat can be inflicted on them without 
once uttering a sigli — go almost naked except a lap wliicli hangs 
before their nakedness, and on the shoulders a deer skin or a 
mantle, a fatliom square of woven Turkey feathers or peltries 
sewed together, they make use now greatly of Duffels, Cloths 
Blue or Red, in consequence of the frequent visits of the 
Christians. In winter they make shoes of Deer Skins, manufac- 
tured after their fashion. Except their chiefs, they have 
generally but one wife whom they frequently change according 
to caprice ; slie must do all the work, as well corn planting as 
wood cutting and whatever else is to be done. They are divided 
iUto various nations. They differ even in Language, which 

1 Dutch miles one of which is equal to three English; Tr. 


would be altogether too long to be narrated in this short space. 
They dwell together mostly from friendship, in tribes over which 
commands a chief who is General and is generally called Sackema 
possessing not much authority and lit.tle advantage, Unless in 
their dances and other ceremonies. They have hardly any 
knowledge of God, no Divine Worship, no Law, no Justice, the 
Strongest does what he pleases and the Youths are master. 
Their weapons are the Bow and Arrow, in the use of which they 
are Wonderful adepts. They live by Hunting and Fishing in 
addition to maize which the Women Plant. 

By Wfiom and How JYew J^etherland was peopled. 

The subjects of the Lords States General had frequented this 
Country a long time ago solely for the purpose of the fur trade. 
Since the year 1623 the Incorporated West India Company 
caused four Forts to be erected in that Country — Two on the 
Kiver Mauritius and one on each of the other [riversj ; the 
biggest stands on the Point formed by the Mauritius river and 
the other mentioned heretofore ; their Honors named it New 
Amsterdam ; and six and thirty miles upwards another called 
Orange that on the South river is Nassaw and that on Fresh 
River, the Good Hope, the Company hath since continually 
maintained garrisons there ; In the beginning their Honors had 
sent a certain numl:)er ol Settlers thither, and at great expense had 
tliree Sawmills erected, which never realised any Profit of conse- 
quence, on account of their great charge, and a great deal of money 
was expended lor the advancement of the country, but it never 
began to be settled until every one had liberty to trade with the 
Indians, inasmuch as up to this time no one calculated to remain 
there longer than the expiration of his bounden time, and there- 
fore did not apply themselves to Agriculture. Yea, even the 
Colonic of Renselaerwyck was of little consequence but as soon 
as it [the trade] was opened, many Servants, who had prospered 
under the Company, applied for their discharge, built houses and 
formed plantations, spread tliemselves broad and wide, Each 
seeking the best land, and to be nearest the Indians in order thus 
to trade witli them advantageously, others bought Barks with 


which to trade goods at the North and at the South, and as the 
Lords Directors gave free passage from Holland thither, that also 
caused many to come : On the other liand, the English came 
both from Virginia and N. England. Firstly, divers Servants, 
whose time with their masters had expired, on account of the 
good opportunity to plant Tobacco here — afterwards Families 
and finally entire Colonies, forced to quit that place both to enjoy 
freedom of conscience and to escape from the Insupportable 
Government of N England and because many more commodities 
were easier to be obtained here than there, so that in place of 
Seven Bouweries and Two @ three plantations wliich were here, 
men saw thirty Bouweries^ as well cultivated and stocked as in 
Europe. A Hundred Plantations whicli in Two or three [years] 
would become regular Eouweries. For after tlie Tobacco was 
out tlie ground, Corn Was planted there without ploughing. In 
winter men were busy preparing new lands. Five English 
Colonies which by .Charter had [settled] under us on equal terms 
as tlie otliers. Eacli of tliese was in appearance not less than a 
hundred fiunilies strong, exclusive of tlie Colonic of Rensselaers 
Wyck which is prospering, witli that of Myndert Meyndertsz 
and Cornells Molyn, wlio began first. Also, the Village {Vleck) 
N. Amsterdam around tlie fort, a Hundred families, so that there 
was appearance of producing supplies in a year for Fourteen 
thousand Souls, without straining tlie Country, and were there 
no w^ant of laborers or Farm servants twice as much could be 
raised, considering that fifty lasts uf Rye and fifty lasts of Peas 
still remained over around the fort after a large quantity had 
been l)urnt aiul destroyed by the Indians, Who in a short time 
quickly brouglit this Country to nought and had weU nigh 
destroyed this good hope. In manner following — 

The Cause of the JYew JYetherland War and the Sequel thereof. 

We have already stated that the cause of the population of N. 
Netherland was the Liberty to trade with the Indians. We shall 
now prove that it also is th<' cause of its ruin, producing two 
contrary effects, ami that not without reason as shaU appear from 
the following. 


This Liberty then which in every respect was most gratefully 
received, of which use should have been made as of a precious 
gift, was very soon perverted to a great abuse. For Every one 
thought that now the time had come to make liis fortune, with- 
drew himself from his Comrade, as if deeming him suspected and 
the Enemy of his Desire, Sought communication with the Indians 
from whom it appeared his profit was to be derived. That 
created first a division of power of dangerous consequence, in 
opposition to their Mightinesses' Motto > — produced altogether 
too much familiarity with the Indians which in a short time 
brought forth contempt, usually the Father of Hate — not being 
satisfied with merely taking them into their houses in the cus- 
tomary manner, but attracting them by Extraordinary attention, 
such as admitting them to the table, laying napkins before them, 
presenting Wine to them and more of that kind of thing, which 
they did not receive like Esop's man, but as their due and desert, 
insomuch that they were not content but began to liate when 
such civilities were not shewn them. To this familiarity and 
freedom succeeded another Evil. As the Cattle usually roamed 
through the Woods without a Herdsman, they frequently came 
into the Corn of the Indians which was unfenced on all sides, 
committing great damage there ; this led to frequent complaints 
on their part and finally to revenge on the Cattle without sparing 
even the horses, wliicli were valuable in this Country. More- 
over many of our's took the Indians into service, making use in 
their houses of those in their employ. Thus laying before tliem 
our entire circumstances, and sometimes becoming weary of tlieir 
work, they took leg-bail and stole much more than the amount 
of their wages, This freedom caused still greater mischief, for 
the inhabitants of Rensselaer wyck who were as many traders as 
persons, Perceiving that the Mohawks were craving for guns, 
which some of them had already received from the English, pay- 
ing for each as many as Twenty Beavers and for a pound of 
powder as raucli as Ten to Twelve guilders, they came down in 
greater numbers than was their wont where people were well 
supplied with Guns, purchasing these at a fair price, thus realizing 

> 1 " Eeridiacht maakt macht" Union censtitutes Strength Tr. 


considerable profit ; afterwards they obtained some from their 
Heer Patroon for their self defence in time of need, as we suppose. 
This extraordinary gain was not kept long a secret, the traders 
coming from Holland soon got scent of it, and from time to time 
brought over great quantities, so that the Mohawks in a short 
time were seen with firelocks powder and lead in proportion. 
Four Hundred armed men knew how to use their advantage, 
especially against their enemies dwelling along the river of 
Canada, against whom they have now achieved many profitable 
forays where before they derived little advantage ; this causes 
them also to be respected by the surrounding Indians even as far 
as tlie Sea Coast, wlio must generally pay them tribute, whereas, 
on the contrary, tliey were formerly obliged to contribute to 
these, on this account the Indians endeavored no less to procure 
Guns, and through the familiarity which existed between them 
and our people, tliey began to Solicit them for Guns and powder, 
but as such was forbidden on pain of Death and it could not 
remain secret in consequence of the general conversation, they 
could not obtahi them. This added to the previous contempt 
greatly augmented the hatred which stimulated them to conspire 
against us, beginning first by insults which they every where 
indiscreetly uttered raiUng at us as Materiotty (that is to say) 
the Cowards — that we might indeed, be something on water, 
but of no account on land, and tliat we had neither a great Sachem 

nor Cliiefs. 

[Here two pages are wanting.^ 

he of Witqueschreek living N. E. of the Island Manhatans,' 
perpetrated another murderous deed in the house of an old man^ 
a wheelwright. With whom he was acquainted (having been in 
his son's service) being well received and supplied with food, 
pretending a desire to buy something and whilst the old man was 
taking from tlie Chest the Cloth the Indian wanted the latter 
took up an ax and cut his head oif, further plundering the house 
and ran away. This outrage obliged the Director to demand 
Satisfaction from the Sachem who refused it, saying, that he was 
sorry that twenty Christians had not been murdered* and that 

1 In Westchester county — Tr. 2 Named Claes Cornells Swits. 
• Note A. Capt. Patricx letter 21. August 1641. 


this Indian had only avenged the death of his Uncle who had 
been slain over one and twenty years by the Dutch. Whereupon 
all the Commonalty were called together by the Director to con- 
sider this ajffair, who all appeared and presently twelve men 
delegated from among them* answered the propositions, and 
resolved at once on war should the murderer be refused ; that 
the attack should be made on them in the harvest when they 
were hunting ; meanwhile an effort should be again made by 
kindness to obtain justice, which was accordingly several times 
sought for but in vain. 

The time being come many obstacles arose and operations 
were postponed until the year 1642, when it was resolved to 
avenge the perpetrated outrage. Thereupon spies looked up the 
Indians who lay in their Village suspecting nothing, and eighty 
men were detailed under the command of Ensign Hendrick Van 
Dyck and sent thither. The guide being come with the troops 
in the neighborhood of the Indian Wigwams lost his way in con- 
sequence of the darkness of the night. The Ensign became im- 
patient, and turned back without having accomplished any thing. 
The journey, however, was not without effect, for the Indians 
who remarked by the trail made by oui people in marching that 
they had narrowly escaped discovery, sought for peace which 
was granted them on condition that they should either deliver 
up the murderer or inflict justice themselves ; this they promised 
but without any result. 

Some weeks after tliis Miantenimo, principal Sachem of Sloops 
bay' came here with one hundred men, passing through all the 
Indian Villages! soliciting them to a general War against both 
the English and the Dutch,J whereupon some of the neighbouring 
Indians attempted to set our powder on fire and to poison the 
Director or to inchant him by their devilry, as their ill wiU was 
afterwards made manifest as well in fact as by report. Those of 
Hackingsack, otherwise called Achter Col, had, with their neigh- 
bours killed an Englishman, a servant of one David Pietersen, 

• Note B. Their answer and resolution dated the 29th August, 1641. 

1 Narragansetts. 

t Note C. The English Manifest, Page 2. 

X Note D. Capt. Patricx letter dated 2 Jan'y, 1642. 


and a few days after shot dead in an equally treaclierous manner 
a Dutcliman, wlio sat roofing a house in the Colonic of Meyndert 
Meyndertz* having settled there against the advice of the Director 
and will of the Indians, and by tlie continual damage whicli their 
cattle committed caused no little dissatisfaction to the Indians, 
and contributed greatly to tlie War. The Commonalty began 
then to be alarmed, and not witliout reason, having the Indians 
daily in tlieir houses. The murderers were frequently demanded, 
either living or dead, even with a promise of reward ; they 
always returned a scoffing answer laughing at us. Finally, the 
Commonalty seriously distrusting the Director, suspecting him 
of conniving with the Indians, and that an attempt was making 
to sell Christian blood ;f yea, tliat the will of the entire Com- 
monalty was surrendered to him, and in as much as he would 
not avenge blood tliey sliould do it, be the consequences what they 
may. The Director advised Pacham tlie Sachem, who interested 
liimself in this matter, warning him that we should wait no 
longer inasmuch as no satisfaction had been given. 

Meanwhile God wreaked vengeance.on those of Witquescheck 
without our knowledge tlirough the Mahicanders dwelling below 
Fort Orange, wlio slew seventeen of of them, and made prisoners 
of many Women and Cliildren, the remainder fled through a 
deep snow to tlie Christians' houses on and around the Island 
Manhatens. They were most humanely received being half dead 
of cold and liunger ; they supported them for fourteen days, even 
some of the Director's corn was sent to them. A short time after, 
anotlier panic seized the Indians which caused them to fly to 
divers places in the vicinity of the Dutch. This opportunity to 
avenge innocent blood, induced some of the twelve men to re- 
present to the Director that it was now time, whereupon they 
received for answer tliat they should put tlieir request in writing 
which was done by three in tlie name of them all,J by a petition 
to be allowed to attack those of Hackingsack in two divisions — 
on the Manhatens and on Pavonia. This was granted after a 
protracted discussion too long to be reported here, so that the 

• Note E. The order in the Director's letter and in the deposition thereupon. 
t Note F. Resolve of the 12 delegates dated 21 Jan'y, 1042. 
X Note G Their Petition dated 24th Feb. 1Ci43. 


Design was executed that same night, the Burghers slew those 
who lay a small mile from the fort, ' and the soldiers those at 
Pavonia, at which two places about Eighty Indians were killed 
and thirty taken prisoners. Next morning before the return of 
the troops a man and a woman were shot at Pavonia who had 
come tlirough curiosity either to look at, or plunder, the dead ; 
the soldiers had rescued a young child which the woman had in 
her arms. 

The Christians residing on Long Island also requested by peti- 
tion* to be allowed to attack and slay the Indians thereabout ; 
which was refused, as these especiall}^ had done us no harm, and 
shewed us every friendship — (Yea, had even voluntarily Killed 
some of the Raritans, our enemies, hereinbefore mentioned) ' 
Yet, notwithstanding! some Christians attempted secretly with 
two waggons to steal maize from these Indians which they per- 
ceiving endeavored to prevent, thereupon three Indians were shot 
dead, two houses standing opposite the fort were in return forth- 
with set on fire. The Director knowing nought of this sent at 
once some persons to enquire the reason of it. The Indians 
shewing themselves afar off, called out — Be ye our friends 1 ye 
are mere corn stealers — making tliem also parties. This 
induced one of the proprietors of the burnt liouses to upbraid 
therewith one Maryn Adriaenzen, who at his request had led the 
freemen in the attack on tlie Indians, and who being reinforced 
by an English troop had afterwards undertaken two bootless 
Expeditions in the open field — imagining that the Director had 
accused him, he being one of tlie signers of the petition he 
determined to revenge himself.| With this resolution he pro- 
ceeded to the Director's liouse armed with a Pistol, loaded and 
cocked, and a hanger by his side ; coming unawares into the 
Director's room, he presents his Pistol at him, saying. What 
devilish lies art thou reporting of me? but by the promptness of 
one of the bystanders, the shot was prevented, and he arrested. 
A short time after. Marine's man and another entered the fort, 

1 At Corker's Hook. Tr. 

* Note H. Their petition and the answer theretO; dated 27 Feb. 1643 

t Note I. Contains the information thereupon. 

tNoteK. His trial therefor. 


each carrying a loaded gun and pistol — the first fired at the 
Director who having had notice witlidrew towards his house, the 
balls passing into the walls alongside the door behind him ; the 
sentinel firing immediately on him who had discharged his gun, 
brouglit liim down. Shortly afterwards some of the Common- 
alty collected before the Director, riotously demanding the 
prisoner ; they were answered that their request should be pre- 
sented in order and in writing, which about 25 men did, they 
therein asked the Director to pardon the Criminal. The matters 
were referred to them to decide conscientiously thereupon. In 
such wise that they immediately went forth, without hearing 
parties or seeing any complaints or documents : They condemn 
him in a fine of Five Hundred guilders^ and to remain three months 
away from the Manhatens, but on account of the importance of 
the affair and some Considerations, it was resolved to send the 
Criminal, with his trial to Holland which 

In this Confusion mingled with great terror passed the winter 
away ; the Season came for driving out the Cattle ; this obliged 
many to desire Peace. On the other hand the Indians seeing 
also that it was time to plant maize, were not less solicitous for 
peace so that after some negotiation. Peace was concluded in May 
A-°. 1643 only in consequence of the importunity of some and the 
opinion entertained by others that it would be durable. 

The Indians kept still after this Peace, associating daily with 
our People, Yea, even the greatest Chiefs came to visit the 
Directed . Meanwhile Pachem a crafty man, ran through all the 
villages urging the Indians to a general massacre, thereupon it 
happened that certain Indians called Wappingers, dwelhng six- 
teen miles up the River ,with whom we never had any the least 
trouble, seized on a boat coming from Fort Orange wherein were 
only two men, and full four hundred Beavers. This great Booty 
stimulated* others to follow their example, so that they seized 
two boats more, intending to overhaul the fourth also, from wliich 
they were driven off" with the loss of six Indians. Nine Christians 
including two women were murdered in these Captured barks, 
one woman and tw«» children I'emaining prisoners. Tbe other 

• Note. M. Their acknowledgment made before the English 16 January, 1643 ; 
English style- 


Indians, so soon as ^eir maize, was ripe — followed this example, 
and through semblance of selling Beavers killed an old man and 
woman, leaving another man with five wounds who however fled 
to the fort in a boat with a little child on his arm, who in the 
first outbreak had lost Father & Mother, And now grandfather 
and grandmother, being thus twice through God's merciful bless- 
ing rescued from the hands of the Indians, first when two years 
old ; Nothing was now heard but murders most of which were 
committed under pretence of coming to put the Christians on their 

Finally they took the field and attacked the bouweries at 
Pavonia. There were here at the time, two ships of war and a 
privateer who saved considerable Cattle and Grain. Probably 
it was not possible to prevent the destruction of four bouweries 
on Pavonia, which were burnt, not by open force, but by 
stealthily creeping through the brush with fire in hand thus 
igniting the roofs which are all either of reed or straw ; one 
covered with plank was repeatedly saved. 

The Commonalty were called together, they were sore distressed. 
They chose eight, in tlie stead of the previous Twelve,* persons 
to aid in consulting for the best ; but the occupation every one 
had to take care of his own, prevented anything beneficial being 
adopted at tliat time — nevertheless it was resolved that as many 
Englishmen as were in the Country should be enlisted who were 
indeed now proposing to depart ; the third part of these were to 
be paid by the Commonalty ; this promise was made by the 
Commonalty but was not followed by the pay. 

Terror increasing all over the land the eight men assembled, 
drewf up a proposal in writing wherein they demanded that dele- 
gates should be sent to the North, to our English neighbours, to 
request an auxiliary force of One hundred and fifty men, for 
whose pay a bill of Exchange should be given for twenty five 
thousand guilders, and that N. Netherland should be so long 
mortgaged to the English as security for the payment thereof 
(one of the most influential among the eight men had by letter| 

* Note N. Resolve of 1 3 Sept'r. 1643. '"" 

t i^ofe 0. Dated 6th Octob. 1643. » ' 

t Note P. Dated 9th March, 1643. 


enforced by precedents previously endeavofed to persuade the 
Director to this course, as they had also a few days before 
resolved* that the Provisions destined for Curacao should be 
unloaded from the vessels and the major portion of the men 
belonging to them detained, and to send the Ships away thus 
empty. This was not agreed to nor considered Expedient by 

the Director. 

[Here four pages are wanting.^ 

[An expedition was despatched consisting of soldiers] 

under the command of the Sergeant, XL Burghers under their 
Captain Jochem Pietersen, XXXV Englishmen under Lieutenant 
Baxter, but to prevent all confusion, Councillor La Montague 
was appointed general. Coming to Staten Island, they marched 
the whole night ; the houses were empty and abandoned by the 
Indians ; they got 5 or 6 hundred skepels of corn, burning the 
remainder without accomphshing any thing else. 

Mayane, a Sachem, residing 8 miles N. E. of usj between 
Greenwich (that lies within our jurisdiction) and Stantfort, whicli 
is English, — a fierce Indian who alone dared to attack with bow 
and arrows, three Christians armed with guns one of whom he 
shot dead ; whilst engaged with the other, he was killed by tlie 
third Christian and his head brought hither. It was then known 
and understood for the first time, that he and his Indians had 
done us much injury, though we never had any difference with 
him. Understanding further that they lay in their houses very 
quiet and without suspicion in the neighborhood of the English, 
it was determined to hunt them up, and attack them and one 
hundred and twenty men were sent thither under the preceding 
command. The people landed at Greenwich in tlie evening 
from three Yachts, marched the entire night but could not find 
the Indians, either because the Guide had given warning or had 
himself gone astray. Ketreat was made to the Yachts in order 
to depart as secretly as possible, passing through Stantfort some 
Englishmen were encountered who offered to lead ours to the 
place where some Indians were, thereupon four scouts were Sent 
in divers directions, to discover them, who at their return, 

• Note Q. In their resolution 30th September, 1G43 


reported that the Indians had some notice of our people by the 
salute which the Englishmen gave us, but without any certainty, 
whereupon five and twenty of the bravest men were at once 
commanded to proceed thither to the nearest village, with great 
diligence they made the journey killing 18 or 20 Indians, 
capturing an old man, two women and some children, to exchange 
for ours. The other troops on coming hither immediately in the 
yachts, found the huts empty. 

The old Indian, captured above, having promised to lead us to 
Wetquescheck which consisted of three Castles, sixty five men 
were despatched under Baxter and Pieter Cock, who found them 
empty though thirty Indians could have stood against Two 
Hundred Soldiers inasmuch as they were constructed of plank 
five inches thick nine feet high and braced around with thick 
balk full of port holes. Our people burnt two, reserving the 
third for a retreat. Marching 8 or 9 miles further, they 
discovered nothing but some huts, which they could not surprize 
as they were discovered — they came back having killed only 
one or two Indians, taken some women and Children prisoners 
and burnt some corn. Meanwhile, we were advised that 
Pennewitz, ' one of the oldest and most experienced Indians in 
the Country, and who, in the first Conspiracy, had given the most 
dangerous Council, To wit, that they should wait and not attack 
the Dutch until all suspicion had been luUed, and then divide 
themselves equally tlirough the houses of the Christians and 
slaughter all these in one night — was secretly w aging war against 
us with his tribe who killed some of our people and set fire to 
the houses. It was, therefore, resolved to send thither a troop 
of one hundred and twenty men, the Burghers under their 
Company, the English under the Sergeant Major Van der HyP 
(who within a few days had offered his services and was accepted), 
the veteran soldiers under Pieter Cock, all under the command 
of Mr La Montague, to proceed hence in three Yachts, Land in 
Scouts Bay on Long Island, march towards Heemstede (where 
there is an English Colonie dependant on us.) Some sent forward 
in advance dexterously killed an Indian who was out as a Spy ; 

1 CMef of theCanarsee tribe, KmgsCo.,L. I. Ed, 

2 Capt. John UnderhUl. Ed. .■' .c'r,.M.L, - , 


our force was divided into two divisions— Van der Hil with 
fourteen English towards the smallest, and Eighty men towards 
the largest village named Matsepe, both which were very 
successful, kiUing about one hundred and Twenty men ; of ours 
one man remained on the field and three were wounded. 

Our forces being returned from this expedition, Capt Van der 
Hil was despatched to Stantfort, to get some information there 
of the Indians. He reported that the Guide who had formerly 
served us, and had gone astray in the night, was now in great 
danger of his hfe from the Indians of whom there were about 
five hundred together. He offered to lead us there, to shew that 
the former mischance was not his fault. One hundred and thirty 
men were accordingly despatched under the aforesaid Geni Van 
der Hil and Hendrick van Dyck Ensign. They embarked in 
three Yachts, landed at Greenwich, where they were obliged to 
pass the night by reason of the great Snow and Storm ; in the 
morning they marched N. W. up over Stony Hills over which 
some must creep, in the evening about eight o'clock they came 
within a mile of the Indians, and inasmuch as they should have 
arrived too early and had to cross two Rivers, one of Two 
hundred feet wide and tliree deep, and that the men could not 
afterwards rest in consequence of the cold, it was determined to 
remain there until about ten o'clock. The order was given as 
to the mode to be observed in attacking the Indians — they 
marched forward towards the houses, being three rows set up 
street fashion, each Eighty paces long, in a low recess of the 
mountain, affording complete shelter from the N. W. wind. The 
moon was then at the fuU, and threw a strong fight against the 
mountain so that many winters days were not brighter than it 
then was. On arriving there the Indians were wide awake, and 
on their guard, so that ours determined to charge and surround 
the houses, sword in hand. They demeaned themselves as 
soldiers and deployed in small bands, so that we got in a short 
time one dead and twelve wounded. They were also so hard 
pressed that it was impossible for one to escape. In a brief space 
of time there were counted One hundred and Eighty dead outside 
the houses. Presently none durst come forth, keeping within 
the houses, discharging arrows through the holes. The General 


remarked that nothing else was to be done, resolved with Sergeant 
Major Van der Hil, to set the huts on fire, whereupon the Indians 
tried. every means to escape, not succeeding in which they 
returned back to tlie flames preferring to perish by the fire than 
to die by oui- hands. What was most wonderful is, that among 
this vast collection of Men, Women and Cliildren not one was 
heard to cry or to scream. According to the report of the 
Indians themselves the number then destroyed exceeded five 
hundred. Some say, full 700, among whom were also, 25 
Wappingers, our God having collected together there the greater 
number of our Enemies, to celebrate one of their festivals, from 
which escaped no more than eight men in all, of whom even three 
were severely wounded. 

The fight ended, several fires were built in consequence of 
the great cold, the wounded, 15 in number, dressed, and sentinels 
being posted by the General the troops bivouacked there for the 
remainder of the night. On the next day, the party set out 
much refreshed in good order, so as to arrive at Stantford in the 
evening. They marched with great courage over that wearisome * 
mountain, God affording extraordinary strength to the wounded 
some of' whom were badly hurt; coming in the afternoon to 
Stantfort after a march of two days and one night and little rest. 
The English received our people in a very friendly manner, 
affording them every comfort. In two days they reached here. 
A Thanks-giving was proclaimed on their arrival. 

[The remainder is wanting.^ 








By Father Isaac Jooues, Jesuit Missionary. 

The Rev. Isaac Jogues, the author of the following early notice of New York 
was born at Orleans in France 10th Jany 1607, in which city he received the 
rudiments of his education. He entered the Jesuit Society at Rouen in Oct. 
1624 and removed to the College of La Fletche in 1627. He completed his 
divinity at Clermont College, Paris, and was ordained Priest in February 1636 in 
the Spring of which year he embarked as a Missionary for Canada and arrived at 
Quebec on the 2nd of July. After a sojourn of a few weeks in that city he 
proceeded to the Huron country on the 24 Aug. and arrived at the new field of 
his labors about the 12th September. In 1641 he visited Pauoitigoueiuhak, or 
" the place of the Shallow Cataract," as the Falls of St Mary were originally 
called, on an invitation of some 0-jibways but made only a brief stay there and 
returned to Quebec in 1642. He reembarked on the first of August of that year 
for the Huron Mission but, on his way, was captured by a party of Mohawks who 
had lain in ambush for his party, and \vas hurried ofi" a prisoner to the enemy's 
country. Here he suffered every torture short of the stake, and had to witness 
the cruel deaths of many of his companions. On the 31st July 1643, after a 
year's captivity he succeeded in evading the vigilance of his captors, and escaped 
to the Dutchat Fort Orange (Albany) by whom he was most cordially received 
and most humanely treated. Tliither his Savage masters followed him, but the 
Dutch preferred ransoming to surrendering him and forwarded him to New 
Amsterdam, where he was suitably receiv^ed by Gov. Kieft, furnished with every 
necessary and a passage to France. After having been shipwrecked on the coast 
of England and again stripped of all he had, he finally reached the French coast 
in utter destituticai. 

His stay in New Netherland from August 1642 to Nov. 1643 enabled him to 
draw up the present interesting sketch of that country. 

After recruiting his shattered strength, and experiencing every attention at 
Court and at the hands of his religious Superiors, he returned to Canada and was 
stationed at Montreal. On peace being concluded with the Mohawks, Father 
Jogues was selected as ambassador to their country to exchange ratifications. 
He set out 16th May 1646, passed through Lakes Champlain and George (to 
the latter of which he gave the name of St &acrement) , and reached Fort Orange 
on 4th June, and proceeded thence t-o the Village of Onewgiwre. He tarried 
here but a short time, having left on the 16th, on his return to Three Rivers, 
where he arrived on the 29th. 

He set out again on the 27th September for the Mohawk country in his true 
character, as a Missionary of the Gospel, with a deep presentiment of not returning. 
He entered Gandawage or Gannawage, the scene of his former captivity, on the 
17th October and was received with blows ! A revolution had passed over the 
Savage mind. Jogues, <on his departure in June, had left a box in one of the 
lodges, containing some trifling necessaries. Harvest came but it was discovered 
that the worm had visited the Indians' fields and devoured the crop. Jogues' 
box it was to their humble capacities that contained the Evil Spirit which thus laid 
waste their country, and in revenge the Cliristian Missionary was doomed to die. 
In the evening of the 18th he was invited to sup in one of the cabins. On entering 
the door he received a blow on the head and fell dead on the ground. His lifeless 
body was at once decapitated ; the head fixed on the palisades of the village and 
the "trunk cast into the Mohawk river. 

Thus fell, in the 40th year of his age, the first Catholic Missionary in New 
York It is supposed that he was slain at Caughnawaga, in Montgomery co., 
which in the Annals of Religion was afterwards known as the" Mission of the 
Martyrs." A copy of the original French MS. and the following Translation, 
were presented to the Regents of the University, by the Rev. Father Martin 
Superior of the Jesuits in Canada. Ed. 


By Rev. Isaac Jogues, S. J. 

New Holland which the Dutch call in Latin Jfovum Belgium: 
in their own language Nieuw Nederland, that is to say, New 
Low Countries, is situated between Virginia and New England. 
The mouth of the river called by some Nassau river or the great 
North river (to distinguish it from another which they call the 
South river) and which in some maps that I have recently seen 
is also called, I think, River Maurice, is at 40° 30'. Its channel 
is deep, fit for the largest ships that ascend to Manhattes Island, 
which is seven leagues in circuit, and on which there is a fort to 
serve as the commencement of a town to be built there and to 
be called New Amsterdam. 

This fort which is at the point of the island about five or six 
leagues from the mouth, is called Fort Amsterdam ; it has four 
regular bastions mounted with several pieces of artillery. All 
these bastions and the curtains were in 1643 but ramparts of 
earth, most of which had crumbled away, so that the fort could 
be entered on all sides. There were no ditches. There were 
sixty soldiers to garrison the said fort and another which they 
had built still further up against the incursions of the savages 
their enemies. They were beginning to face the gates and 
bastions with stone. Within this fort stood a pretty large 
churcli built of stone ; the house of the Governor, whom tliey 
called Director General, quite neatly built of brick, the store- 
houses and barracks. 

On this island of Manhate and in its environs there may well 
be four or five hundred men of different sects and nations ; the 
Director General told me tlmt there were persons there of 
eighteen different languages ; they are scattered here and there 
on the river, above and below as the beauty and convenience of 
the spot invited each to settle, some meclianics liovvever who 
ply their trader are ranged under the ibrt : all the others were 


exposed to the incursions of the natives, who in the year 1643, 
while I was tliere actually killed some two score Hollanders and 
burnt many houses and barns full of wheat. 

The river, which is very straight and runs due north and 
south, is at least a league broad before the fort. Ships lie at 
anchor in a bay which forms the other side of the island and can 
be defended from the fort. 

Shortly before I arrived there three large vessels of 300 tons 
each had come to load wheat ; two had found cargoes, tlie third 
could not be loaded because the savages had burnt a part of 
their grain. These ships came from the West Indies where the 
West India Company usually keeps up seventeen ships of war. 

No religion is publicly exercised but the Calvinist, and orders 
are to admit none but Calvinists, but this is not observed, for 
there are, besides Calvinists, in the Colony Catholics, English 
Puritans, Lutlierans, Anabaptists, here called Mnistes &c. 

When any one comes to settle in the country, they lend him 
horses, cows &c, they give him provisions, all which he repays 
as soon as lie is at ease, and as to the land he pays in to the 
West India Company after ten years the tenth of the produce 
which he reaps. 

Tliis country is bounded on the New England side by a river 
they call the Fresche river, which serves as a boundary between 
tliem and the English. The English however come very near 
to them, preferring to hold lands under the Dutch who ask 
nothing from them rather than to be dependant on English 
Lords who exact rents and would fain be absolute. On the 
other side southward towards Virginia, its limits are the river 
wliich tJiey call the South river on which there is also a Dutch 
settlement, but tlie Swedes have at its mouth another extremely 
well provided with men and cannon. It is believed that these 
Swedes are maintained by some merchants of Amsterdam, who 
are not satisfied that the West India Company should alone 
enjoy all the commerce of these parts. It is near tliis river that 
a gold mine is reported to have been found. 

See in the work of the Sieur de Laet of Antwerp the table and 
article on New Belgium as he sometimes calls it or the map ; 
.N'ova Jinglid., JVofu Belgiu/u et Virginia. 


It is about fifty years since the Hollanders came to these parts. 
The fort was begun in the year 1615: they began to settle about 
twenty years ago and there is already some little commerce 
with Virginia and New England. 

The first comers found lands fit for use, formerly cleared by 
the savages who previously had fields here. Those who came 
later have cleared in the woods, which are mostly of oak. The 
soil is good. Deer hunting is abundant in the fall. There are 
some houses built of stone ; they make lime of oyster shells, 
great heaps of which are found here made formerly by the 
savages, who subsisted in part by this fishery. 

The climate is very mild. Lying at 40|° degrees ; there are 
many European fruits, as apples, pears, cherries. I reached 
there in October, and found even then a considerable quantity 
of peaches. 

Ascending the river to the 43<i degree you find the second Dutch 
settlement, which the flux and reflux reaches but does not pass. 
Ships of a hundred and a hundred and twenty tons can ascend 
to it. 

There are two things in this settlement, which is called Rense- 
laerswick, as if to say the colony of Renselaer, who is a rich 
Amsterdam merchant : P* a wretched little fort called F* 
Orenge, built of logs with four or five pieces of cannon of Bre- 
teuil and as many swivels. This has been reserved and is main- 
tained by the West India Company. This fort was formerly on 
an island in the river, it is now on the main land towards tlie 
Hiroquois, a little above the said island. 2ndiy, a colonie sent 
here by this Renselaer, who is the Patroon. Tliis colonie is 
composed of about a hundred persons, who reside in some 25 or 
30 houses, built along the river, as each one found it most con- 
venient. In the principal house resides the Patroon's agent, tlie 
minister has his apart, in which service is performed. There is also 
a kind of bailiff here whom they call Seneschal, who administers 
justice. All their houses are merely of boards and thatched. 
As yet there is no mason work, except in the chimneys. The 
forests furnishing many large pines, they make boards by means 
of their mills wliich they have for the purpose. 

They found some pieces of ground all ready, wliich the 


savages had formerly prepared and in which they sow wheat 
and oats for beer and for their horses, of which they have a 
great stock. There is little land fit for tillage, being crowded by 
liills which are bad soil. This obliges them to be seperated the 
one from the other, and they occupy already two or three 
leagues of country. 

Trade is free to all, this gives the Indians all things cheap, 
each of the Hollanders outbidding his neighbor and being satis- 
fied provided he can gain some little profit. 

This settlement is not more than twenty leagues from the 
Agniehronons^ who can be reached either by land or by water, 
as the river on wliich the Iroquois lie falls into that which 
passes by the Dutch ; but there are many shallow rapids and a 
fall of a short half league where the canoe has to be carried. 

There are many nations between the two Dutch settlements, 
which are about thirty German leagues apart, that is about 50 
or 60 French leagues. The Loups, whom the Iroquois call 
Agotsogenens^ are the nearest to Renselaerwick and F^ Orange. 
War breaking out some years ago between the Iroquois and the 
Loups^ the Dutch joined the latter against the former, but four 
liaving been taken and burnt they made peace. Some nations 
near the sea having murdered some Hollanders of the most dis- 
tant settlement, the Hollanders killed 150 Indians, men, women 
and children ; the latter having killed at divers intervals 40 
Dutchmen, burnt several houses and committed ravages, esti- 
mated at the time that I was there at 200,000 liv. (two hundred 
thousand livres) troops were raised in New England, and In 
the beginning of winter the grass being low and some snow on 
tlie ground they pursued them with six hundred men, keeping 
two hundred always on the move and constantly relieving each 
otlier, so that the Indians, pent up in a large island and finding 
it impossible to escape, on account of the women and children, 
were cut to pieces to the number of sixteen hundred, women 
and children included. This obUged the rest of the Indians to 
make peace, which still continues. This occurred in 1643 and 

Three Rivers in New France, ? 
August 3^, 1646. \ 





By CoRNELis Van Tienhoven, 

Secretary of the Province. 


Traofilated from the Dutch. 


.! Ifaj-'ifeHOTl' 

BOWERIES. 1650. 

[Hoi. Doc. v.] ' 

If any man be disposed to begin either by himself or others, 
Colonies, Bouweries or Plantations in New Netherland, lying in 
the Latitude of one and forty degrees and a half, he shall first 
have to inform himself fully of the situation of the lands lying 
on rivers, havens and Bays, in order thus to select the most 
suitable and particularly the most convenient grounds : It is 
therefore to be borne in mind that the lands in New Netherland 
are not aU level & flat and adapted to raising of grain, inasmuch 
as they are, with the exception of some few flatts, generally 
covered with timber, in divers places a]s(^ witli large & small 

In order, then first to describe those lands which are actually 
the most convenient and best adapted for early occupancy, where 
and how located, I shall enumerate tlie following places, and 
commend the remainder to the consideration of proprietors of 
this country. 

I begin then at the most easterly corner of Long Island, being 
a point situate on the Main Ocean, inclosing within, westward, 
a large inland sea' adorned with divers fair havens and bays, fit 
for all sorts of craft ; this*Point is entirely covered with Trees, 
without any flatts and is somewhat hilly and stoney, very 
convenient for Cod fishing, whicli is most successfully followed 
by tlie Natives during the Season. 

This Point is also well adapted to secure the trade of the 
Indians in Wampum (tliemine of New Netlierland) since in and 
about the abovementioned sea and the islands therein situate, lie 
the cockles whereof Wampum is made from which great profit 
could be reaUzed by those who would plant a Colonie or hamlet 

1 Gardner's Ba\-, Tr. 


on the aforesaid hook for the cultivation of the land, for raising 
all sorts of cattle, for fishing, and the Wampum trade. 

It would be necessary, in such case, to settle on tlie aforesaid 
land some persons thoroughly conversant with agriculture and 
others with tlie fishery. 

Oyst.erbay, so called from the great abundance of fine and 
delicate oysters wliich are found there. This bay is about a 
short mile across, or in widtli at tlie mouth ; deep and navigable, 
without either rocks or sands, runs westward in proportion, and 
divides itself into two rivers, which are broad and clear, on 
which said rivers lie fine maize lands, formerly cultivated by the 
Indians, some of which they still work ; they could be had for a 
trifle. This land is situate on such beautiful bay, and rivers that 
it could at little cost be converted into good farms fit for the 
plough ; there are here, also, some fine hay valleys. 

Martin Gerritsen's hay or Muriinnehouck, is much deeper and 
wider than Oyster bay, and runs westward in, divides into three 
rivers, two of which are navigable ; the smallest stream runs up 
in front of the Indian village called Martinne houck, where they 
have their plantations. This tribe is not strong, and consists of 
about 30 families. In and about this bay there were formerly 
great numbers of Indian Plantations, which now lie Avaste and 
vacant. This land is mostly level and of good quality, well 
adapted for grain and rearing of all sorts of cattle ; on the rivers 
are numerous valleys of sweet and salt meadows ; all sorts of 
river fish are also caught there. 

Schoufs bay, on the East river, also very open and navigaoie, 
with one river running into it ; on sajd river are also fine maize 
lands, level and not stony, with right beautiful valleys. Beyond 
said river is a very convenient hook of land, somewhat large, 
encircled by a large valley and river, where all descriptions of 
cattle can be reared and fed, such convenience being a great 
accommodation for the settlers, who otherwise must search for 
their cattle frequently several days in the bush. 

The country on the East river between Greenwich and the 
island Manhattans, is for the most part covered with trees, but 
yet fiat and suitable land, with numerous streams and valleys, 


right good soil for grain, together with fresh kay and meadow 

Wiequaeskeck, on the North river, five miles above New 
Amsterdam is very good and suitable land for agriculture, very 
extensive maize land, on which the Indians have planted — pro- 
ceeding from the shore and inland 'tis flat and mostly level, 
well watered by small streams and running springs. This land 
lies between the Sintinck and Armonck streams situate between 
the East and North rivers. ' 

In tlie Bay of the North river, about two miles from Sandy 
Hook, lies an inlet or small bay ; on the south shore of said bay, 
called Neyswesinck, there are also right good maize lands which 
have not been cultivated by the natives for a long time. This 
district is w^ell adapted for raising and feeding all sorts of cattle, 
and is esteemed by many not ill-adapted for fislieries ; a good 
trade in furs could also be carried on there, and 'tis likewise 
accessible to all large vessels coming from sea, which are often 
obliged to lie to or anchor behind Sandy Hook, either in conse- 
quence of contrary winds, or for want of a pilot. 

The district inhabited by a nation called Raritangs, is situate 
on a fresh water river, tliat flows through the centre of the low 
land which the Indians cultivated. This vacant territory lies 
between two high mountains, far distant the one from the other. 
This is the handsomest and pleasantest country that man can 
behold, it furnished the Indians with abundance of maize, beans, 
pumpkins, and other fruits. This district was abandoned by 
the natives for two reasons ; the first and principal is, that find- 
ing themselves unable to resist the Southern Indians, they 
migrated further inland ; the second, because this country was 
flooded every spring like Renselaer's colonie, frequently spoiling 
and destroying their supplies of maize which were stored in holes 
under ground. 

Through this valley pass large numbers of all sorts of tribes, 
on their way north or east, tliis land is therefore not only adapted 
for raising grain and rearing all description of cattle, but also 
very convenient for trade with the Indians. 

1 Westchester County. Ta 


On both sides of the South bay and South river also Jie some 
handsome lands, not only suitable but very convenient for agri- 
culture and trade. 

I have already stated where the first Colonists should, in my 
opinion, settle, regard being had to the convenience of those 
lands in the possession of which other nations being anticipated, 
they would not be able to extend their pretended limits further, 
and great peace and security would be aflbrded to the inhabitants. 
I shall liere further state the time when those emigrating lience 
to and arriving in New Netherland will take up land, and how 
each shall afterwards earn a hving and settle in the most econo- 
mical manner according to the fashion of the country. 

Boors and others who are obhged to work at first in Colonies 
ought to sail from this country in the fore or latter part of win- 
ter, in order to arrive with God's help in New Netherland early 
in the Spring, as in March, or at latest in April, so as to be able 
to plant during that summer, garden vegetables, maize and beans, 
and moreover employ the whole summer in clearing land and 
building cottages as I shall hereafter describe. 

All then who arrive in New Netherland must immediately set 
about preparing the soil, so as to be able, if possible to plant 
some winter grain, and to proceed the next winter to cut and 
clear the timber. The trees are usually felled from the stump, 
cut up and burnt in the field, unless such as are suitable 
tor building, for palisades, posts, and rails, which must be pre- 
pared during winter, so as to be set up in the spring on the new 
made land which is intended to be sown, in order that the cattle 
may not in any wise injure the crops. In most lands is found a 
certain root, called red Wortel, which must, before ploughing, 
be extirpated with a hoe, expressly made for that purpose. 
This being done in the winter, some plough right around the 
stumps, should time or circumstances not allow these to be re- 
moved ; others plant tobacco, maize and beans, at first. The 
soil even thus becomes very mellow, and they sow winter grain 
the next fall. From tobacco, can be realized some of the 
expenses incurred in clearing the land. The maize and beans 
help to support both men and cattle. The farmer having thus 
begun, must endeavour, every year, to clear as much new land 


as he possibly can, and sow it with such seed as he considers 
most suitable. 

It is not necessary that the husbandman should take up much 
stock in the beginning, since clearing land and other necessary 
labor do not permit him to save much hay and to build barns for 
stabling. One pair of draft horses or a yoke of oxen only is 
necessary, to ride the planks for buildings or paUsades or rails 
from the land to the place where they are to be set. 

The farmer can get all sorts of cattle in the course of the 
second summer when he will have more leisure to cut and 
bring home hay, also to build barns and houses for men and 

Of the building of houses at first. 

Before beginning to build, it will above all things be necessary 
to select a well located spot, either on some river or bay, suitable 
for the settlement of a village or hamlet. This is previously 
properly surveyed and divided into lots, with good streets accord- 
ing to the situation of the place. This hamlet can be fenced all 
round with high palisades or long boards and closed with gates, 
which is advantageous in case of attack by the natives who 
heretofore used to exhibit their insolence in new plantations. 

Outside the village or hamlet other land must be laid out which 
can in general be fenced and prepared at the most trifling 

Those in New Netherland and especially in New England, who 
have no means to build farm houses at first according to their 
wishes, dig a square pit in the ground, cellar fashion, 6 or 7 feet 
deep, as long and as broad as they think proper, case the earth 
inside with wood all round the wall, and line the wood with the 
bark of trees or something else to prevent the caving in of the 
earth ; floor this cellar with plank and wainscot it overhead for 
a ceiling, raise a roof of spars clear up and cover the spars with 
bark or green sods, so that they can live dry and warm in these 
houses with tlieir entire families for two, three and four years,* 
it being understood that partitions are run through those cellars 
which are adapted to the size of the family. The wealthy and 
principal men in New England, in the beginning of the Colonies, 
commenced their first dwelling houses in this fashion for two 

83 M*'.^ INFORdMAl'IorN RELAtlVE TO 

reasons ; firstly, in order not to waste time building and not to 
want food the next season ; secondly, in order not to discourage 
poorer laboring people whom they brought over in numbers 
from Fatherland. In the course of 3 @ 4 years, when the country 
became adapted to agriculture, they built themselves handsome 
houses, spending on them several thousands. 

After tlie houses are built in the above described manner or 
otherwise according to each person's means and fancy, gardens 
are made, and planted in season with all sorts of pot herbs, prin- 
cipally parsnips, carrots, and cabbage, which bring great plenty 
into the husbandman's dwelling. The maize can serve as bread 
for men, and food for cattle. 

The hogs, after having picked up their food for some months 
in the woods, are crammed with corn in the fall j when fat they 
are killed and furnish a very hard and clean pork ; a good arti- 
cle for the husbandman who gradually and in time begins to 
purchase horses and cows with the produce of his grain and the 
increase of his hogs, and instead of a cellar as aforesaid, builds 
good farm houses and barns. 

Of the necessary Cattle. 

The cattle necessary in a Colonic or private Bouwery in New 
Netherland, are good mares and sound stallions. 

Yoke oxen for the plough, inasmuch as in new lands full of 
roots, oxen go forward steadily under the plough, and horses 
stand still, or with a start break the harness in pieces. 

Milch cows of kindly disposition and good bulls, sheep, sows, 
etc. Fowls are well adapted to Bouweries. 

These Cattle are abundant in New Netherland and especially in 
New England and to be had at a reasonable price, except sheep 
which the English do not sell and are rare in New Netherland. 

Prices of Cattle. 
Ik New Netherland ; a young mare with her 2d or third foal 

costs fl. 150 to 160= |60 

A 4 to 5 year old stallion about 130 =52 

A milch cow with her 2^ or 3d calf, 100 =40 

A year old sow, 20 @ 24 = 8@10 

A sheep, being an ewe, 20 @ 24 


In New England ; a good mare sells for, 11. 100 @ 120 

A stallion, 100 

A milch cow, 60 @ 70 

A yearling sow, 12 @ 14 

Sheep are not sold here. 

It is to be observed that in a Colonie each Farmer has to be 
provided by liis Landlord with at least one yoke of oxen or with 
two mares in their stead two cows, one or two sows, for the 
purpose of increase, and the use of the farm and the support of 
his family. 

If the above cattle multiply in course of time with God's 
blessing the Bouweries can be fully stocked with necessary 
cattle, and new Bouweries set off with the remainder, as is the 
practice in Renselaer's Colonie and other places, as so on denovo, 
so as to lay out no money for std'ck. 

All farming implements necessary for the land must be also 
procured, except wagon and plough which can be made ther^. 

And as it is found by experience in New Netherland tiiat 
farmers can with difficulty obtain from the soil enough to pro- 
vide themselves with necessary victuals and support, those who 
propose planting Colonies must supply their farmers and families 
with necessary food for at least two to three years, ifnot altogether 
it must be done at least in part. 

J^ecessary supplies for the farmer. 
If no wheat or rye can be had for bread, maize can be 
always had in season from the Indians at a reasonable price. 
The skepel costs ordinarily 10 @ 15 stivers when bought fronji 
the Indians. 

Meat Vinegar 

Pork Pease, and 

Butter or Oil instead ; Beans. 

Salad oil and vinegar are not easy to be had in that country 
except at an excessively high price .from the Dutch traders. 

All this being arranged it must be noted what description of 
people are best adapted for agriculture in New Netherland and 
to perform the most service and return the most profit in the 

Vol. IV. 3 


First, a person is necessary to superintend the working men ; 
he ought to be acquainted with farming. 

Industrious country people, conversant with the working and 
cultivation of land, and possessing a knowledge of cattle. 

It would not be unprofitable to add to these some Highland 
boors, from the Veluwe,' Guhck,^ Cleef,3-and Berg.* 

Northerners are a people adapted to cutting down trees and 
clearing land, inasmuch as they are very laborious and accus- 
tomed to work in the woods. 

Northerners can do almost anything, some can build much, 
others a little, and construct small craft which they call yawls. 

Carpenters who can lay brick. 

Smiths conversant with heavy work, curing cattle and pro- 
vided with suitable medicines. 

One or more surgeons, according to the number of the people, 
with a chest well supplied witli all sorts of drugs. 

One or more Coopers. 

A Clergyman, Comforter of the sick, or precentor who could 
also act as Schoolmaster. 

A Wheelwright. 

All other tradesmen would [be required] in time ; the above 
mentioned mechanics are the most necessary at first. In order 
to promote population through such and other means, the people 
must be provided with Freedoms and Privileges so as to induce 
them to quit their Fatherland, and emigrate with their families 
beyond the sea to this far distant New Netherland. And as poor 
people have no means to defray the cost of passage and other 
expenses, it were desirable that wealthy individuals would expend 
some capital, to people this country or at their own expense 
remove themselves like the English of New England, with funds 
and a large body of working men, and provide those without 
means, with land, dwelling, cattle, tools and necessary support ; 
and that, until they could derive the necessary maintenance from 
the soil and the increase of cattle, after which time they would 

J The district of Arnhem, in the Province of Gelderland. 

2 A German town west of Keulen. 

3 Between the Rhine and the German frontier. 

4 The Duchy of Berg is about four or five miles S. East of Arnhem. 


be able to pay yearly a reasonable quit rent to their Lords and 
Masters from the effects in their possession. 

By the population and cultivation of the aforesaid lands those 
who shall have disbursed funds for the removal of the laboring 
classes the purchase of cattle and all other expenses, would, in 
process of some years, after God had blessed the tillage, and the 
increase of the cattle, derive a considerable revenue in grain, 
meat, pork, butter, and tobacco, which form at first the earliest 
returns, in time can be improved by industry, such as the making 
pot and pearl ashes, clapboards, knees for ship building, staves, 
all sorts of pine and oak plank, masts for large ships, square 
timber, and ash and hickory planks in which a staple trade could 
be established. The English of New England put this in prac- 
tice, as is to be seen, after the land had been first brought to 
proper condition ; they sell their provisions at the Caribbean 
Islands, staves at Madeira and the Canaries, Masts and Fish in 
Spain and Portugal, and bring in return all sorts of commodities, 
so much of which returns as they do not consume are again 
distributed by them thoughout all the Islands known and inhab- 
ited in the Northern part of America. So that tlirough the 
variety of the returns, which of necessity was received, a profita- 
ble trade is already established in New England, which can also 
be right well set on foot by the Netherlanders, if the population 
of the country were promoted. 

The following is the mode pursued by the West India Company in 
the first planting of Bouweries. 

The Company, at their own cost and in their own ships 
conveyed several boors to New Netherland, and gave these the 
following terms : — 

The farmer, being conveyed with his family over sea to New 
Netherland, was granted by the Company for the term of six 
years a Bouwery, which was partly cleared, and a good part of 
which was fit for the plough. 

The Company furnished the farmer a hou^, barn, farming 
implements and tools, together with four horses, four cows, sheep 
and pigs in proportion, the usufruct and enjoyment of u iiich the 
husbandman should have during the six years, and on the 


expiration thereof return the number of cattle he received. The 
entire increase remained with the farmer. The farmer was 
bound to pay yearly one hundred guilders ($40) and eighty 
pounds of butter rent for the cleared land and bouwery. 

The country people who obtained the above mentioned 
conditions all prospered during their residence on the Company's 

Afterwards the cattle belonging to the Company in New 
Netherland were distributed for some years among those who 
had no means to purchase stock. 

The risk of the Cattle dying is shared in common and after the 
expiration of the contract, the Company receives, if the Cattle 
live, the number the husbandman first received, and the increase 
which is over, is divided half and half, by which means many 
people have obtained stock and even to this day, the Company 
have still considerable cattle among the Colonists, who make use 
on the above conditions of the horses in cultivating the farm ; 
the cows serve for the increase of the stock and for the support 
of their families. 

The foregoing is what is necessary to be communicated at 
present respecting the establishment of one or more Colonies and 
relative to supplies. What regards the government and preser- 
vation of such Colonies ; and what persons ought to be in 
authority there and who these ought to be, I leave to the wise 
and prudent consideration of your noble High Mightinesses. 
Meanwhile I pray the Creator of Heaven and Earth to endow 
your High Mightinesses with the Spirit of grace and wisdom, 
so that all your High Migtinesses' dehberations may tend to the 
advantage of the Country and its Inhabitants. 






With an account of the Massacre at Wildwyck, 
(now Kingston,) 

1 the names of those killed, wounded, and taken prisoners, by the Indiana ( 
that occasion. 


Translated from the original Dntch MS 

. f 

g'Ju fb-|;tCr Ii:i:(^^"-"- •■>!.'': 1)->1 :i!mi G-fT' 


The Court at Wildwyck to the Council of JY. JVetherland. 

Right Honorable, most respected, wise, prudent and very dis- 
creet Lords. 

We, 'your Honors' faithful subjects have to report, pursuant 
to the order of the R* Honb^e jjeer Director General, in the form 
of a Journal, that in obedience to his Honor's order, received on 
the 30th of May last, we caused the Indian Sachems to be noti- 
fied on the 5th of June, to be prepared to expect the arrival of 
the Rt Honbie Heer Director General, to receive the promised 
presents, and to renew the peace. This notification was com- 
municated to them through Capt. Thomas Chambers, to which 
they answered — " If peace were to be renewed with them, the 
Honbie ffggj' Director General should, with some unarmed per- 
sons, sit with them in the open field, without the gate, as it was 
their own custom to meet unarmed when renewing peace or in 
other negotiations." But they, unmindful of the preceding 
statement, surprized and attacked us between the hours of 1 1 
and 12 o'clock in the forenoon on Thursday the 7th instant. 
Entering in b^nds through aU the gates, they divided and scat- 
tered themselves among all the houses and dwellings in a friendly 
manner, having with them a little maize and some few beans to 
sell to our Inhabitants, by which means they kept them within 
their houses, and thus went from place to place as spies to dis- 
cover our strength in men. And after they had been about a 
short quarter of an hour within this place, some people on horse- 
back rushed through the Mill gate from the New Village, crying 
out — " The Indians have destroyed the New Village !" And with 
these words, the Indians here in this Village immediately fired 
a shot and made a general attack on our village from the rear, 
murdering our people in their houses with their axes and toma- 


hawks, and firing on them with guns and pistols ; they seized 
whatever women and children they could catch and carried them 
prisoners outside the gates, plundered the houses and set the 
village on fire to windward, it blowing at the time from the 
South. The remaining Indians commanded all the streets, firing 
from the corner houses which they occupied and through the 
curtains outside along the highways, so that some of our inha- 
bitants, on their way to their houses to get their arms, w^ere 
wounded and slain. When the flames were at their height the 
wind changed to the west, were it not for which the fire would 
have been much more destructive. So rapidly and silently did 
Murder do his work that those in diSerent parts of the village 
were not aware of it until those who had been wounded hap- 
pened to meet each other, in which way the most of the others 
also had warning. The greater portion of our men were abroad 
at their field labors, and but few in the village. Near the mill 
gate were Albert Gysbertsen with two servants, and Tjerck 
Claesen de Wit ; at the Sheriff's, himself with two carpenters, 
two clerks and one thresher ; at Cornelius Barentsen Sleght's, 
himself and his son ; at the Domine's, himself and two carpen- 
ters and one labouring man ; at the guard house, a few soldiers ; 
at the gate towards the river, Henderick Jochemsen and Jacob, 
the Brewer; but Hendrick Jochemsen was very severely 
wounded in his house by two shots at an early hour. By these 
aforesaid men, most of whom had neither guns nor side arms, 
were the Indians, through God's mercy, chased and put to flight 
on the alarm being given by the Sheriff", Capt. Thomas Cham- 
bers, who was wounded on coming in from without, issued 
immediate orders (with the Sheriff" and Commissaries,) to secure 
the gates ; to clear the gun and to drive out the Savages, who 
were still about half an hour in the village aiming at their per- 
sons, which was accordingly done. The burning of the houses, 
the murder and carrying off of women and children is here 
omitted, as these have been already communicated to your 
Honors on the lO'** Juno. After these few men had been col- 
lected against the Barbarians, by degrees the others arrived who 
it has been stated, were abroad at their field labors, and we 
found ourselves when mustered in the evening, including those 

m,tOJ!!b M6PV^ 'WAR. 4l 

from the new village who took refuge amongst 11s, ih fliimiber 
69 efficient men, both qualified and unquahfied. The burnt 
pahsades were immediately replaced by new ones, and the peo- 
ple distributed, during the night, along the bastions and curtains 
to keep watch. 

On the 10th jnst., 10 horsemen were commanded to ride down 
to the Redoubt' and to examine its condition. They returned 
with word that the soldiers at the Redoubt had not seen any 
Indians. They brought also with them the Sergeant, who had gone 
the preceding morning to the Redoubt, and as he heard on his 
return of the mischief committed by the Indians in the village, 
he went back to the Redoubt and staid there. In addition to 
the Sergeant they brought the men who had fled from the new 

On the 16th, towards evening. Sergeant Christiaen Niessen 
went with a troop of soldiers, sent us by your Honors, being 42 
men, and three wagons, to the Redoubt, with letters for the 
Manhatans, addressed to your Honors, and to bring up ammu- 
nition from the Redoubt. On their return, the Indians made 
an attempt, at the first hill, to take the ammunition from these 
troops. The Sergeant having divided his men into separate 
bodies, evinced great courage against the Indians, skirmishing 
with them from the first, to past the second hill, and defending 
the wagons so well that they arrived in safety in the village. 
He had, however, one killed and six wounded. The dead man 
was brought in next morning, having been stripped naked, 
and having had his right hand cut off by the Indians. Some of 
the Indians were also killed, but the number of these is not 
known. This skirmishing having been heard in the village, a 
reinforcement of horse and foot was immediately ordered out, 
but before they arrived the Indians had been put to flight by 
the above named Sergeant. 

This, Right Hon^'i'^ Lords, is what we have deemed necessary 
to communicate to you in the form of a journal as to how and in 
what manner the Indians have acted towards us and we towards 
them in the preceding circumstances. And we humbly and 

1 Rondout. 


respectfully request your Honors to be pleased to send us hither 
for the wounded by the earliest opportunity, some prunes and 
linen witli some wine to strengthen them, and whatever else not 
obtainable liere your Honors may think proper ; also, carabines, 
cutlasses, and gun flints, and we request that the carabines may 
be Snaphaunce, as the people here are but little conversant with 
the use of the arquebuse (vyer roer) ; also some spurs for the 
horsemen. In addition to this, also, some reinforcements in men 
inasmuch as harvest will commence in about 14 days from date. 
Herewith ending, we commend your Honors to God's fatherly 
care and protection. Done, Wildwyck this 20*^ June 1663. > 


the mark of Albert Gysbertsen, 

TiERECK Classen deWitt, 
Thomas Chambers, 
Gysbert Van Imbroch, 
Christiaen Nyssen, 
Hendrick Jochemsen. 


Barent Gerretsen murdered in front of his house. 

Jan Alberts " in his house. 

Lechten Dirreck " on the farm. 

Willem Jansen Seba " opposite his door. 

Willem Jansen Hap " in Pieter van Hael's house. 

Jan the Smith " in his house. 

Hendrick Jansen Looman " on the farm. 
Thomas Chambers' negro " on the farm. 
Hey Olferts " in the gunner's house. 

Hendrick Martensen on the farm 

Dominicus in Jan Alberts' house. 

Christiaen Andriesen on the Street. 

second esopus war. j.|i3 


Lichten Dirreck's wife burnt, with her lost fruit, behind Barent 

Gerritsen's house. 
Mattys Capito's wife killed and burnt in the house. 
Jan Albertsen's wife, big with child, killed in front of her 

Pieter van Hael's wife shot and burnt in her house. 

Jan Alberts little girl murdered with her mother. 
Willem Hap's child burnt alive in the house. 

Taken Prisoners. 
Master Gysbert's wife. ^ Hester Douwe. 
Sara the daughter of Hester Douwe. 
Grietje, Domine Laer's wife. 

Femmetje, sister of Hilletje, being recently married to Joost 

Tjerck Claessen de "Witt's oldest daughter. 
Dominie Laer's child. 
Ariaen Gerritsen's daughter. 
Two little boys of Mattys Roeloflfsen. 

Killed in the New Village: 

Marten Harmensen found dead and stript naked behind the 
Jacques Tyssen beside Barent's house. 
Derrick Ariaensen shot on his horse. 

H-^Tfl^v Taken prisoners: 

m •»--••<.- Men. 

Jan Gerritsen on Voloikert's bouwery. 

1 Surgeon Imbroch's wife was the daughter of the Honble Mr. La Montagnie, 
Vice Director of fort Orange. 


Jbu^mt o^ '1«fi 

Of Louwis du bois, 

Of Mattheu blanchan, . . . . 
Of Antoni Crupel, .... ». 
Of Lambert Huybertsen,, 
Of Marten Harmensen, . , 

Of Jan Joosten, 

Of Barent Harmensen, . . . 
Of Grietje Westercamp, . , 

Of Jan Barents, 

Of Michiel Ferre, > , 

Of Henderick Jochems, . 
Of Henderick Martensen, 
Of Albert Heymans, . . . . , 



1 «l 
3 ;s 




Of Michiel Ferre, 1 

Of Willem Hap, 1 

Of Mattys Roeloffsen, ..... 1 

Of Albert Gerretseu, 1 

Of Lichten Dirrick, 1 

Women 8 Ch'n 26 
Houses burnt in Wildwyck. 

Of Hans Carolusen, 1 

Of Pieter van Hael, 1 

Of Jacob boerhans, 2 

Of Barent Gerretsen, ..... 2 

Of Mattys, 1 

Houses 12 
The new village is entirely destroyed except a new uncovered 
barn, one rick and a little stack of reed 

Wounded in Wildwyck. 

Thomas OhambeKi, 

shot in tiie woods. 

Henderick Jochemsen, 
Michiel Ferre,^ 
Albert Gerretsen, 
Andries Barents, 
Jan du parck. 

in his house. '-^ 

in front of his house. '• 

in front of his house. 

in front of his house. 

in the house of Aert Pietersen Tack 

Henderick the Heer Director General's Servant in the street in 
front of Aert Jacobsen. 

Paulus the Noorman in the street. 

1 Sic in Orig. Qu. Frere 1 

2 Died M'his wounds on the 16th June. 



On the 4th July we entered the Esopus Kill in front of the 
Redoubt wiih. tlie two Yachts, and sent the Sergeant Pieter Ebel 
with 40 m«n up to the village Wildwyck to fetcli wagons ; he 
returned %o the river side about 2 o'clock in the afternoon 
accompanied by Serjeant Christiaen Nyssen, 60 men and 9 wagons; 
they loaded these and departed with them to the Village where 
I arrived towards evening. Saw nothing in the woiid except 
three Indians on a high hill near the Redoubt. 

5<h ditto. Retui-ned to the water side with 60 men, 10 horse- 
men, and 9 wagons to bring up supplies, but saw scarcely any- 
thing on the way. 

6"» ditto. Made another journey to the shore with 10 wagons 
and brought up tlie remainder of the supplies, but did not per- 
ceive anything. In the evening went for grass with 12 wagons 
30 Soldiers and 10 horsemen ; then saw 10 or 12 Indians calling 
to each other but nothing further transpired. 

7th ditto. Went again twice for grass with 50 men and 12 
horsemen but saw nothing. Two Indians arrived at the fort 
about 2 o'clock in the afternoon with a deer and some fish. Said 
they came from the river side and that they had been at the 
Redoubt where they had traded some fish for tobacco ; that they 
had left their Canoe at the Redoubt, & that they are Wappinger 
Indians. Meanwhile detained them and conveyed them to the 
guard house. 

8th ditto. Sunday. About noon came 5 Indians near our fort 
— they called out to us to know if we had any Indians in the 
fort ? To which we answered. Yes : They asked, why we de- 
tained them as they were Wappinger Indians 1 To which we 
answered, they ought to keep at a distance as we could not dis- 
tinguish one tribe of Indians from another, and if we found that 
they had not done any injury to the Dutch, we should release 
them. We told them also, that they must keep away from here, 
and go home, for if we should meet them in the woods we would 
kill them as well as the other Indians — if they were desirous to 
come here to ^eak to us, they must stick up a white flag. 


Whereupon they answered, 'Tis well, adieu; and thereupon 
went their way. Immediately after their departure, sent out 40 
soldiers and 10 horsemen to look after the cattle, whether they 
had not been near them, but on reaching these they did not 
remark any mischief— they, therefore, returned with the cattle 
to the fort. After the afternoon sermon we examined the oldest 
Indian as to whether he was not acquainted with some Esopus 
Indians and whether he would not lead us to them — gave him 
fair words and promised him a present ; for the Dutch at the 
Esopus had told us that some Indians dwelt about two miles 
from there, wherefore we were resolved to go in search of them 
the same evening with 50 men. But this Indian said to us — Go 
not there, for the Indians have gone thence and dwell now back 
of Magdalen Island ' on the main land in the rear of a Cripple 
bush on the east side of Fort Orange river, and number 8 men 
9 women and 11 children ; and he even offered to guide us 
tliither if we had a boat to put us across the river. Whereupon 
it was resolved by the Council of War tQ despatch two parties 
that same evening to procure some craft to put us over the river. 
I, therefore, sent Sergeant Christiaen Nyssen and Jan Peersen, 
each with 16 men, to look up a boat. The same old Indian 
betrayed his companion who had come with him on the preced- 
ing day into the fort — stating that he had assisted the Esopus 
Indians against the Dutch, and for so doing liad received in hand 
6 fathom of Sewan, [wampum] ; that 9 Wappingers and 30 
Manissings were with the Esopus Indians and aided them — also 
that lie said they were together about 200 Indians strong. 

9^1' ditto. Monday I marched very early, [with 40 Soldiers] 
and 10 horsemen to tlie water side to ride up and planks 

to construct a Cabin to store the provisions and ammunition. 
About o'clock the two detacliments, I had sent out in the 
eveniug, to look for craft, came to me at tlie Redoubt, but they 
saw neitlier Indians nor boat. They were marched all togetlier to 
fort Wildwyck 'dnd arrived thereabout 12 o'clock Then sent 30 
men with 10 horsemen out scouting, who returned about 4 

1 Magdalen island is situate between the Upper and Lower Red Hook Landings. 
These Indians must therefore have been in the town of Redlgjok — Dutchess co. 


o'clock ; had seen nothing. About 6 o'clock Peiter Wolfertsen' 
and Lieutenant Stilwil arrived here with their troops ; I then 
immediately called a Council of War and it was resolved unani- 
mously to set out in the evening with 20 Soldiers and 1 2 Indians 
under the command of Christiaen Niesen and Peiter Wolfertsen 
in order to visit the East shore near Magdalen Island, to see if 
they could not surprize tlie Esopus Indians who were lying there ; 
they took the old Indian along as a guide, who well knew where 
they lay. 

lO'h dito. I have gone again to the river side with 40 Soldiers 
and 10 horsemen to fetch plank. In returning, the horse men 
on the right flank rode too far from the foot soldiers and alongside 
the mountain on which 12 to 15 Savages lay in ambush who 
simultaneously fired a at the horsemen one of whom they shot 
through the boot, and grazed a horse. On hearing this, we 
immediate ty reinforced the cavalry with 25 men, pursued the 
Indians through the mountain a good half hour, but they would 
not once make a stand ; we therefore returned to the wagons 
where I had left 1 5 men and marched together to the Village of 
Wildwyck. In the afternoon, the scouting party went out 
again ; I sent therewith Lieutenant Stilwil with 1 5 men of his 
Company and Sergeant Pieter Ebel with 28 men & 20 Indians 
with 10 horsemen. They discovered nothingexcept a path which 
the Indians found by which Savages had recently passed to their 
fort ; they followed this a long way, but saw nothing. Mean- 
while, they returned all together. 

11th ditto. Again sent out a party to the Mountain near the 
water side, but they saw nothing ; they returned in the evening. 

12th ditto. Pieter Wolfertsen & Sergeant Niessen returned with 
their troops, bringing with th6m one Squaw and three children 
whom they had captured ; they killed five armed Indians and a 
woman ; the Esopus Captain ( Weldoverste) was among the slain ; 
they cut of!" his Imnd whicli they brouglit hither. Had not the 
Indian led them astray and missed the houses, they would have 
surprized all the Indians who w^ere there to the number of 28, 
with women and children. For through the mistake of tlie 
Indian, our people first came about midday where they found 
1 Yan Couwenhoven. ^ '^^^ ^X^ 


the Indians posted and in arms. They immediately fell on the 
latter and routed and pursued them. In the chase one of our 
soldiers was slain. Meanwhile the huts were plundered wherein 
they found 19 Blankets 9 Kettles a lot of Sewan. and 4 Muskets 
belonging to the Indians who were killed. They returned on 
board witli the plunder and four prisoners, and arrived safe 
except one of our Soldiers who was bit in the leg by a rattlesnake. 
About 5 o'clock in the afternoon, I went with 60 men to the 
river side, to bring up the boaty and prisoners ; returned to 
the fort in the evening ; encountered no harm, 

13th ditto. Examined the Squaw prisoner and enquired if 
she were not acquainted with some Esopus Indians who abode 
about here 1 She answered that some Cattskill Indians lay on 
the other side near the Sagers Kill, but they would not fight 
against the Dutch ; says also that an Indian on the preceding 
evening before our people attacked them, had brought news 
from the fort of the Esopus Indians that many Dutch, English 
and Indians liad gone from the Manhatans to the Esopus and 
that they should be on their guard, for the Hackinsack Indians 
had brouglit the news to the fort of the Esopus Indians. Then 
Long Jacob, the Cliief who lived there with the Indians, demanded, 
What should they do 7 Should they fly toward their fort or 
I'-ot 1 They then concluded to remain there, for the Chief said, 
Were the Dutch to come to the Fort and we also were in it, we 
should be aU slaughtered ; tis best for us to remain here on the 
opposite shore ; the Dutch would not learn much of us ; States 
also further, that the Indian liad said that 40 Manissing Indians 
had arrived at their fort, and tliat 40 more were to come on the 
next day ; further says, that each night they conveyed the 
prisoners always to a particular place without tlie fort and 
remained themselves therein ; says also that tliey were resolved 
to make a stand in their fort, and that they liad, moreover, in 
their fort 9 horses with whicli they draw palisades, and had sold 
a horse to the Mannissing Indians ; that the Indians had also 
three houses in which they reside, these were 4 hours farther off; 
says also, tliat one Sachem in the fort would advise them to 
negotiate peace, but the other Sachems would not listen to it ; 
says also, that the fort is defended by three rows of palisades. 


and the houses in the fort encircled by thick cleft palisades with 
port holes in them, and covered with bark of trees ; says that 
the fort is quadrangular but that the Angles are constructed 
between the first and second rows of palisades and that the 
third row of palisades stands full eight feet off from the others 
towards the interior, between the two first rows of pahsades and 
the houses, and that the fort stands on the brow of a hill and all 
around is table land. 

Sent also for M^". Gysbert's wife ' and asked her if it were so 1 
She answered, it was true, and said they had built a point near 
unto the water to secure it. Then again examined the Wappin- 
ger prisoner and asked, why he had aided the Esopus Indians 1 
Said it was not true and that his mate, the old Indian, had belied 
him. Asked him if he would guide us to the fort of the Esopus 
Indians'? Answered, Yes; and says the Esopus Indians are 
about 80 warriors strong, but does not know how many have 
come there belonging to other tribes. Says also that the fort is 
defended with triple rows of pahsades, as the Squaw had stated. 
Whereupon the council of war decided, firstly to await news 
either from above or below as to what the Mohawks had resolved . 
respecting the prisoners — whether.they could have them restored 
before our troops should proceed against the fort to achieve the 
self same thing. On the same day two detachments went out ; 
one to scout, the other on an expedition, but they returned in 
the evening, having seen scarcely any thing. 

14* ditto. 50 men were out again in the woods behind the 
new burnt village and a scouting party, but hardly any thing 
occurred, nor was any thing seen. 

15th ditto. The Heer de Decker arrived here with Jan Da vets 
and 5 Mohawks ; had them conducted from the river side by 50 
men and 10 horsemen. Nothing else transpired. 

16th ditto. The Heer de Decker assembled the Council of 
War and it was resolved that Jan Davets accompany the 5 
Mohawks to the fort of the Esopus Indians to see on what terms 
the Christian prisoners will be restored, but after divers dis- 
courses Jan Davets declined going with them, although the Heer 

1 She had been taken prisoner as before stated by the Indians on the burning 
of the Village of Wildwyck bnt had effected her escape— Ed. 

Vol. IV. 4 


de Decker had, the day before, drawn up and prepared an 
Instruction for him, but before the time appointed lie refused to 
go. Meanwhile it is resolved that the Mohawks should go 
thither, and they requested of us that they might take with them 
some of our prisoners to present them to the Esopus Indians as a 
suitable introduction to obtain some of their prisoners in return, 
or to induce them to surrender them. The Council concluded 
tliat a Captive Girl should be given to the Mohawks and about 
63 guilders in Sewan in order to ascertain what they could accom- 
plish tliereby ; for it was reported at Fort Orange, as the Heer 
de Decker informed us, that the Esopus Indians had said — If 
they could obtain payment for the land, named the Great Plot 
{ket groote Stuck,) then they should give up all the prisoners. 
Now, it is impossible to determine whether this be so or not. 
Meanwhile, the Mohawks who were going thither were directed 
to inquire about it, and they promised us to bring us an answer 
the next day about noon. Had 3 parties out in the interim ; one 
to the shore to bring cattle, another for wood and a third, scout- 
ing. They returned all at the same time ; experienced no 

17th ditto. Three parties were out tn ambush, but saw 

18th ditto. Six sloops arrived here from the Manhatans in 
which Juriaen Blanck brought up provisions for our troops ; had 
them conveyed up under a guard ; a party was also in the field 
to protect those reaping the Barley and a party lay in Ambush. 
They returned towards evening ; saw nothing. 

19th ditto. Sent out 40 Soldiers and 10 Indians scouting, they 
did not meet any one. In the evening about 7 o'clock, the three 
Mohawks returned from the Esopus Indians. They had brought 
three Indians and two Dutch women and 2 Children whom they 
left about two hours from Wildwyck ; said, they had been freely 
given, and had they not been so tired, they should have brought 
them with them to the fort ; said the Esopus Indians had aban- 
doned the fort, and had retired to the Mountains where they 
were mostly dispersed here & there hunting. 


20"> ditto. Sent Jan Davets with 2 Mohawks to the 3 Esopus 
Indians who were in the woods with the abovenamed prisoners, 
to see if he could get, and bring with him the four prisoners from 
here, and have a talk with the Indians relative to the other pri- 
soners; whether they wiU not restore these to us ; returned about 
noon with a woman whom one of the Mohawks had fetched ; 
but he, liimself, had not been with the Indians as one of the 
Mohawks had been taken sick and he was obliged to remain with 
him. In the afternoon one of the Mohawks returned thither, he 
took with him half a loaf for the prisoners who remained with 
the above mentioned Esopus Indians. Being come there, he 
asked the Esopus Indians whether they would not entrust 
the 3 prisoners to him to convey them to the Dutch ; where- 
upon they allowed him to take the 3 prisoners, with whom 
he arrived at the fort about 11 o'clock at night, but under 
promise as they informed us, that they should have in return 
their three prisoners whom we held. The prisoners told us that 
the Esopus Indians had fled to a high mountain through fear of 
the Dutch, and that they lay herfe and there in small bands, and 
that the prisoners were also distributed and dispersed among 
them here and there, and were not together and that they would 
not trust them in their fort, and that the Indians daily threatened 
them — Should the Dutch come thither, we will give you a Knock 
and Kill you all at once. Were thus a long time in terror. 
Meanwhile we had some scouting parties out, who returned hav 
ing seen nothing — had also a party to cut barley ; came back 

2lst ditto. Three Sloops have come from the Manhatans, with 
which a supply of provisions for this garrison has arrived in Rut 
Jacobsen's Yacht. Sent three convoys to the water side and 
parties to cut corn ; but they saw nothing. Sent for the 5 
Mohawks and Jan Davets acting as Interpreter, informed them 
what insults the Dutch of Esopus had from year to year experi- 
enced and suffered from the Indians, and that they now even 
this last time, had murdered and carried off our people, when 
we had given them no provocation. Whereupon they an- 
swered. Come, give us a piece of duffels ; we shall afterwards 
go with it and see whether we shall not be able to recover all 


the prisoners. It was accordingly resolved by the Heer de 
Decker and Council of War, that a piece of duffels should be 
brought up from the river side and given them ; which being 
done, they took the piece of duffels, cut it into three parts, and 
thus departed with it about 11 o'clock in the forenoon ; mth 
them went Jan Davets with the Squaw and 2 children who had 
been captured by us and were released in exchange for the 2 
Dutch women and 2 children whom the Indians had brought 

i 22^ ditto. A scouting party went out, but saw nothing. 
(■■- 23d ditto. A Party went to the river side to bring up supphes, 
and three, to cut and draw grain. They experienced no inter- 

24th ditto. Sent for all the wagons to make a journey to the 
river side to bring up the provisions which had been sent hither 
by the Executive government ; but only 4 wagons came. As I 
required ten, I excused these ; Some refused to work for the' 
Company ; some gave for answer, if another will cart I also shall 
cart 5 some said, my horses are poor, I cannot cart ; others said, 
my horses have sore backs, and other such frivolous answers that 
I was thus unable, this time, to bring up the Company's stores. 
Whereupon it was resolved by the Council of War, that the 
farmers should not be furnished with any men for their protec- 
tion in the fields, unless they would assist in bringing up the 
Company's SuppUes from the water side. Nay, further — one 
Tjerck Claesen de Wit, himself a magistrate, would turn Lieut. 
Stilwil's Soldiers out of a smaU house they occupied — he said, 
he had hired it, though he had, notwithstanding, neither posses- 
sion of nor procuration for it, I gave him for answer, that I 
should remove them on condition that he, as a magistrate, would 
have them billetted in other houses as the men could not lie 
under the blue sky, and as they had been sent here by the Chief 
government for the defence of the Settlers. But he made no 
answer to this ; and so there are other ringleaders and refractory 
people in this place. Meanwhile the convoy which was ready 
to conduct the provisions, was dismist each to its own post until fur- 
ther orders. At noon I went with a troop of Dutch and Indians to 
the New Village where the Heer de Decker himself was ; met with 


no interruption. A party was also out with the reapers. In the 
evening Jan Da vets and the 5 Mohawks returned from theEsopus 
Indians — they brought with them a female prisoner ; they would 
not at present release any more prisoners, evinced great fierceness 
and repeatedly tlireatened to kill them, both the Mohawks and 
Jan Da vets told — them they should not release any more prisoners 
unless they should secure peace thereby, and that Corlaer and 
Rentslaer should come to their fort, and bring goods with them 
to conclude peace and to redeem the prisoners ; said that they 
must be within ten days in their fort to conclude peace ; said, 
that they demanded a truce during that time. Jan Davets also 
informed us, that he had seen but 4 prisoners in the fort, and 
that the others were scattered far and wide ; says, there are 
about 30 warriors in the fort, and that the others dwelt without 
here and there ; they also said they were determined to make a 
stand in the fort, whereupon we have resolved to go in search of 
them on the first opportunity. 

25*^ ditto. The Heerde Decker left to-day for the Manhatans 
in the company's yacht, taking with him two of the wounded, 
and Jan du Parck, Surgeon, and two soldiers to take care of the 
sick ; two sick Indians left also ; sent along with them a convoy 
and 9 wagons to bring up the remainder of the goods. They 
retm-ned and saw nothing. Also sent out two detachments with 
the reapers ; they did not remark any thing. Convened the 
Council of War and it was unanimously resolved to send out an 
expedition against the Esopus Indians, which should start the 
next day, if the weather were favorable. 

26'i> ditto. The following troops set out against the Esopus 
Indians, having as a Guide a woman who had been prisoner 
among them, to wit — of Captain Lieutenant Cregier's Company, 
91 men ; of Lieutenant Stilwil's, 30 men ; Lieutenant Couwen- 
hoven with 41 Indians ; ' volunteers from the Manhatans, 6 ; 
volunteers from the Esopus, 35 men, of whom 11 were horse- 
men, and 7 of the Hon^ie Company's negroes, with two pieces 
of cannon and two wagons, the whole party provided each with 
one pound of powder and a pound of ball, 2ibs of hard bread 

1 These Indians were of Long Island. 


and I a soft loaf, with 2ibs of pork and i a Dutch cheese ; left 
in garrison at Wildwyck 36 soldiers and 25 freemen. Marched 
out about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, and came in the evening 
about two great miles from Wildwyck^ where we remained until 
the moon rose. "We then started anew, but could not march 
more than a long half hour on account of the cannon and wa- 
gons, which we could not get through the woods at night. We 
then bivouacked until day break. 

27'h ditto. We got on the right road when day dawned and 
continued our march. On the way we passed over much stoney 
land and hills, and had to tarry at the swampy, long, broken 
and even frequent kills where we halted and must cut trees to 
make bridges to pass over, and divers mountains were so steep 
that we were obliged to haul the wagons and cannon up and 
down with ropes. Thus our progress was slow. When about 
two miles from the Indian fort, sent forward Capt. Lieutenant 
Couwenhoven, Lieutenant Stilwil and Ensign Christiaen Niessen, 
with 116 men to surprise it. I followed, meanwhile, with the 
remainder of the force, the guns and wagons, but on coming 
within a short mile of the fort, found the way so impassable 
that I was under the necessity of leaving the cannon, as I could 
not get it farther. I left 40 men there and gave them orders to 
fortify themselves and set palisades around, which they did, and 
I followed the preceding troop with the remainder towards the 
Indian fort. On arriving there, found our people in possession 
of it, as it had been abandoned by the Indians two days before. 
Our Indians had caught a Squaw in the corn-field, whither she 
was coming to cut maize. Now the evening falling, for it was 
about 6 o'clock when we came to the fort, we passed the night 
there, having found 3 horses at their fort. 

28ih ditto. The Council of War assembled at the breaking 
of the day and unanimously resolved to go in search of the Indians 
to the mountain where the above mentioned female had been a 
prisoner, and to take the captured Squaw along. Whereupon 
Lieutenant Couwenhoven and Lieutenant Stilwil and Ensign 
Niessen were detached with 140 men, and remained in the fort 
with about 29 men. The above named troops then set forth 
towards the mountain and arrived where the Indians had been ; 


they had left that place also. The captured Squaw being asked 
if she did not know where the Indians had fled to, said they 
were on a great, high mountain, which she pointed out to them, 
distant about 2 miles, whither they had fled with the seven pri- 
soners they had with them ; whereupon the ofiicers resolved to 
go to the other mountain in search of them, which they after- 
wards did with their troops, after experiencing vast difficulty, 
but found no Indians there. The Squaw being again questioned 
whether she did not know where they were 1 said they had 
moved to another mountain, which she pointed out, about 4 
miles from there, but there was no path thither. Being on the 
brow of the hill our people saw 9 Indians coming towards them, 
whereupon they fell flat, intending thus to surprise the Indians 
on their approach, but they did not succeed, our people being 
noticed at a distance of about 2 musket shots. Eight of them 
ran off" in an oblique direction, and the ninth attempted to run 
back to the place whence they had come. As our force was 
discovered on all sides, and even our Indians said that no 
savages could be cauglit at this time as they were every where 
fuUy informed of us, it was resolved to return to the fort, where 
they arrived about one o'clock. After they had taken some rest, 
I convened the Council of War to determine what was now best 
to be done. They unanimously resolved to cut down their corn 
and burn it, together with last year's maize, which they still 
had in pits in great abundance in their corn-fields and around 
their fort. Whereupon I went out of their fort with 50 men to 
a distance of a full half mile ; there cut down several plantations 
of maize, threw into the fire divers pits full of maize and beans, 
returned to the fort at sun-down and saw that divers Indians 
and horsemen found some pits with plunder in the vicinity of 
the fort, which they brought in. Meanwhile I had the whole 
party called together, and told them that all the plunder that 
was or should be found was to be in common, and was so un- 
derstood by the Council of War before we started from our fort. 
Whereupon one of the liorsemen stepped out of the troop and 
said to me, What we've found we'll keep and divide among us 
horsemen. To which I said, that they should not do that, for 
they were under command. Wliereupon the liorseman, named 

56 JOURi^AL of TtiE 

Jan Hendricksen, answered — They are under the command of 
no man but Long Peter, whom they, forsooth ! called their Cor- 
net, and uttered divers unmannerly words in presence of all the 
oflEicers. Upon which I gave him 2 or 3 slaps of a sword, and 
he seemed as if he would put himself in a posture against me. 
But I being close up to his body he could not act as he wished, 
and I said to him that I should bring him to an account. This 
said Jan Hendricksen, with one Albert Heymans Roose, acted 
insolently on the 7*^ July. Whilst we were examining the two 
Wappinger Indians, in the presence of the Schout and Commis- 
saries, in Thomas Chambers' room a messenger came in and said 
that two or three boors were without the door with loaded guns 
to shoot the Indians when they came forth. Whereupon I stood 
up and went to the door — found this Albert Heymans Roose 
and Jan Hendricksen at the door with their guns. Asked them 
what they were doing there with their guns 1 They gave me 
for answer, We will shoot the Indians. I said to them, you 
must not do that. To which they replied, We wiU do it though 
you stand by. I told them in return, to go home and keep 
quiet or I should send such disturbers to the Manhatans. They 
then retorted, I might do what I pleased, they would shoot the 
Savages to the ground, even though the^ should hang for it ; 
and so I left them. This Albert coming into the Council told 
the Commissaries that one of them should step out. What his 
intention with him was I can't say. This by way of memoran- 
dum. Meanwhile arrested Jan Hendricksen. 

29^ ditto. Four parties went out again to cut down the corn 
and to burn the old maize. About o'clock in the afternoon, 
Some Indians made their appearance on a high hill near the fort and 
called out to us, that they would come and fight us on the morrow 
whereupon we brought the captive Squaw out of the fort to speak 
to them, and they called out to her that they should now come and 
fight the Dutch, for the Dutch had now come and taken their 
ibrt, cut their corn and burnt all their old maize and that they 
should die of himger. I said to them, the Dutch had gone in 
search of you to the mountain but ye always ran away and dare 
not make a stand. But the Indians would not give any answer, 
and so went away 


30*'' ditto. We, in two large parties, each of 80 men, cut 
down all the corn and burnt the old maize which remained in 
the pits. Returned to the fort, all together, in the evening, and 
made preparations to set out in the morning. Meanwhile the 
Indians who the day before had called out that they would come 
& fight us, did not make their appearance. We cut down nearly 
one hundred morgens ^ of Maize and burnt above a hundred pits 
full of corn and beans. 

31s' ditto. In the morning at the dawn of day set fire to the 
fort and all the houses, and while they were in full blaze marched 
out in good order, Capt Lieutenant Couwenhoven forming the 
van guard. Lieutenant Stilwil's Company the centre, and I with 
my company the rear guard. So arrived in safety at our fort 
about 9 o'clock in the evening with our cannon and wagon:.. 
Remarked scarcely anything on the way. The road or course 
from Wildwyck to the fort of the Esopus Indians lies mostly 
south west, about 10 [Dutch] miles from our fort. 

1st August. In the morning heard two shots from the Redoubt 
on the river side. Sent off Ensign Christiaen Niessen with 50 
men. He found there the Hon^'®- Company's yacht in which the 
Heer Secretary van Ruyven had come. Had him escorted to the 
Village of Wildwyck, and did nothing more as it was a day of 
Fasting and Prayer. 

2'^ ditto. Notliing occurred as it rained during the whole day 
and night. 

3<i ditto. The Heer Secretary departed on his return to the 
Manhatans, accompanied by Lieutenant Couwenhoven and the 
Indians being 41 in the whole, who would not remain any longer ; 
also 5 of the Hon^'^ Company's Negroes. Through great inter- 
cession and promise of better behavior in future, the Council of 
war pardoned Jan Hendricksen the faults committed by him and 
he is released from confinement. Meanwhile I had two parties 
in the field with the reapers and one in Ambush. They saw 
nothing and returned in the evening. I this day sold, by public 
beat of drum, the three horses which we had brought with us 
from the Indians' fort. 

1 About 215 Acres — Ed. 


4th ditto. A Mohegan Indian came from fort Orange ; he had 
a pass from Monsieur Montagnie ; brought two letters, one to 
M"" Gysbert and one to Hendrick Jochems ; there was hardly 
any news in them except that they were longing to receive some 
intelligence relative to the condition of the Esopus. Convened 
the Council of war and invited thereto the Commissaries of the 
village Wildwyck, and made this Ordinance and read it to the 
people, both freemen and military, and had a copy affixed to 
each Beat or Post. It is, word for word, as follows : — 

" Ordinance made and enacted by the Captain Lieutenant 

and the valiant Council of war at present commanding 

the troops and Military in the Esopus or Wildwyck. 

" Whereas we learn by daily experience that many, as w^ell 

military as freemen, are removing from the ViUage Wildwyck, 

witliout tlie consent of the Capt Lieutenant and Commissaries 

of tliis Village, Therefore it is necessary that timely provision 

be made therefor, so that none may at any time fall into the 

hands of the barbarous Indians, our enemies ; And tliat families 

every day unnecessarily waste and fire oif powder and ball. 

Therefore the Captain Lieutenant and valiant Council of 

war, wishing to provide for and prevent all inconveniences and 

mischiefs which may arise therefrom, have ordered and directed, 

as they do liereby order and direct. 

^^ Firstly, That no one, whether military or freeman shall, 
without the consent of the Captain Lieutenant, Council of war 
and Commissaries of this place, depart from this Village of 
Wildwyck, eitlier in large or small bodies, whether to cut grain 
or for any other business whatsoever it may be, lest any of them 
may chance to fall into the hands of the barbarous Indians, our 
enemies ; and if any one remove beyond this village of Wild- 
wyck without consent or proper convoy, whatever the business 
or occasion may be, he sliall pay a fine of five and twenty guilders 
for tlie first offence ; for the second fifty guilders and for the 
third offence an arbitrary punishment ; A.nd should any one, in 
violating and disobeying this order, happen to be captured by 
the. Indians, our enemies, no expence or trouble shall be incurred 


for him, inasmuch as he, by his perverse and stififnecked course, 
contrary to this Ordinance, will have brought down this 
misfortune on himself. 


" If any one unnecessarily & perversely waste or fire off his 
powder and ball, be it on the departure or arrival of convoys or 
otherwise, he shall, for the first offence, pay a fine of three 
guilders for each shot ; for the second offence six guilders and 
for the third offence suffer arbitrary punishment, unless when 
desirous to discharge his gun, being out of order or wet, he shall 
ask permission therefor from his superior or inferior oificer. 
And for the better observance and obedience of this ordinance, 
the Captain Lieutenant and Council of War hereby particularly 
and imperatively command all Superior ofl&cers, Serjeants, and 
Corporals to pay strict attention that this Ordinance be observed 
and respected. Thus done in the village of Wildwyck by the 
Captain Lieutenant, Council of War and the proper Commis- 
"saries of said village, on the 4th of August 1663." 

Same date a letter is also sent by tlie Mohegan Indians to 
Christoffel Davids at fort Orange requesting him to be pleased to 
come down to the Esopus on important business which we should 
then explain and communicate to liim. 

5th ditto. Thomas the Irishman arrived here at the Redoubt 
from the Manhatans. Meanwhile nothing was done as it was 
Sunday, and no detachments were sent out. 

6th ditto. Sent a party of 32 men to lie in ambush, and two 
detachments with the reapers. They returned in the evening ,• 
perceived nothing. 

7th ditto. Three detachments were sent out with the reapers ; 
returned in the evening without having seen anything. 

8* ditto. Sent out Ensign Niessen wdth a detacliment to lie 
in ambush behind the New Village which was burnt, and observe 
the Indians. Also two parties with the reapers. They came 
back in the evening without having noticed anything. 

9tii ditto. Three detacliments were again sent out ; two in the 
field with the reapers and one in ambush. They returned 
towards evening having perceived nothing. 


IQth ditto. Sent out two detachments ; one in the field with 
the reapers, the other in ambush behind the recently burnt vil- 
lage, under tlie command of Ensign Niessen. They came in 
towards evening without having observed anything. Some 
yachts also touched at the Redoubt bringing letters from the 
Manhatans which they left at the Redoubt and then sailed up- 
wards for fort Orange. 

11 *h ditto. Received this morning the letters which the 
Yachts left at the Redoubt ; had two parties in the field with 
the reapers ; tliey returned in the evening without having seen 

12^'! ditto. Sunday. Nothing occured except sending two 
convoys to the Redoubt to relieve tlie men who lay there and to - 
bring up some stores with M^. Gysbert's wife coming from fort 
Orange who brings news that the Northern Indians had killed 
some Mohawks and a Mohegan, whereupon the Mohegans have 
obtained the consent of the Mohawks to build a fort. Notliing 
else occurred liere. 

13^ ditto. Sent out two detachments with the reapers and 
one to lie in ambush. They returned in the evening ; saw 
nothing. On tjie same day is made & enacted by tlie Captain 
Lieutenant and tlie valiant Council of War the following Ordi- 
nance for tlje maintenance as far as possible of better order, and 
the observance and enforcement of discipline among the MiUtary, 
and read the same before the Military and freemen and affixed 
it at each post. It is word for word as follows : — 

" Ordinance made and enacted by the Captain Lieutenant 

and the valiant Council of War commanding the Military 

in the Esopus and Village of Wildwyck. 

" Whereas some in this Village of Wildwyck who follow the 

trade of selling strong drink to the military suffer some of them 

to get drunk not only on week days but especially on the Lord's 

Rest and Sabbath day, unfitting tliem for their proper duties, & 

more especially creating confusion and disorderly conduct ; the 

Hon^ie Company's Servants not hesitating to sell, pawn and 

pledge their own necessaries for strong drink to the traders in 

intoxicating liquors ; the traders also receiving the same ; yea, 


even not hesitating to give them more credit and trust whether 
they have any thing to the good or not. Therefore the Capt. 
Lieutenant and valiant Council of War desirous to prevent as 
much as possible all disorders and mischiefs, have therefore 
ordained and directed as tliey hereby direct and ordain : — 


" That none of the military, be his rank whatever it may be, 
presume to sell or to pawn for any strong drink any of the stores 
advanced to him by the Hon^ie Company on his monthly wages, 
for his needs and support, under a fine of one month's wages. 

■ " No one, whether military or freeman, following the business 
of selling strong drink, shall presume to take in pledge or en- 
deavor to embezzle any property belonging to the military in 
exchange for strong drink, under the forfeiture of the tapped 
drink and to return to the owner free of cost and charges the 
received property and pay in addition a fine of twelve guilders 
as often as he is discovered so doing. 


" All those who follow the trade of selling strong drink are 
further warned not to sell nor furnish any strong drink on the 
Lord's Rest and Sabbath day much less entertain any clubs, 
whether before or after tlie sermon on pain of forfeiting the strong 
drink tapped on that occasion, and in addition a fine of five and 
twenty guilders as often as they shall be caught in the act. 


" Those who sell strong drink are also further warned they 
take heed not to sell any to the military either on credit or on 
account, be it in what manner it may be, on pain of not being 
paid therefor, unless on order of his superior officer. Thus done 
by the Capt. Lieutenant and Valiant Council of War in the Vil- 
lage Wildwyck, this 13th August 1663." 

14'h ditto. Sent out fifty reapers to the burnt village, called 
the Great Plot, and sent with them about thirty wagons and Ensign 
Neissen with a convoy of Eighty men ; gave him orders to remain 
there all night with the reapers and binders, and the major part 
of the wagons and forty men per convoy. The remaining forty 



men returned to Wildwyck, and said Ensign with about one 
hundred and twenty men, as well reapers and binders as convoys, 
passed the night at the Great Plot because it was so distant, and 
they could not make up more than one sheaf for they could 
not begin the work as fresh as they wished. Brought the grain 
to Wildwyck as soon as it was cut down. Kept six parties by 
the way in ambusli to protect the said wagons. However 
nothing occured on this day. 

15^'' ditto. Brought more grain from the burnt Village where- 
fore I kept two parties in ambush and one with the reapers and 
two on the road for tlie protection of the wagons which went 
through and fro. Returned in the evening altogether ; observed 

16th ditto. Two parties are again sent out to the field with 
the reapers ; came back in the evening without having seen 

17th. Two parties were again sent into the field with the 
reapers. Returned in the evening without seeing anything. 
The Heer Decker arrived liere at the Redoubt from fort Orange ; 
had him escorted to the Village Wildwyck^ but he did not tarry 
here long as his Honor was in a hurry to depart again. Had 
the said Heer de Decker escorted back to the river side and then 
he returned to the Manhatans. Nothing occurred this day. 
Gave three Englishmen leave to go to and return from the Man- 
hatans. They belong to Lieutenant Stilwil's Company. 

18''' ditto. Had three detachments again in the field with the 
reapers ; they returned in the evening ; saw nothing. The 
Council of War resolved and concluded to send a party three 
miles from Wildwyck to some plantations of Esopus Indians 
planted with maize ; whereupon Ensign Niessen was sent thither 
with fifty-five men. Tliey went forth from Wildwyck about ten 
o'clock at night, and had a Dutchman named Jacob Jansen 
Stoutenborgh for a guide. 

19'h ditto. Was this morning with fifty men and sixteen 
Wagons to the burnt Village to fetch grain ; came back to Wild- 
vyyck about eight o'clock. Did not see anything. About noon 
Ensign Niessen returned with his troop from the Indian maize 
land. Neither saw nor noticed any Indians. About three 


o'clock in tlie afternoon Christoffel Davids came from the Man- 
hataiis in a canoe. Brought with him a letter from the Heer 
General, dated 14^^ August, brought also a letter from Pieter 
Couwenhoven who lay with the Sloop in the Danskanier.^ The 
letter was dated 17'h August, and addressed to me. Its contents 
were, That I should be on my guard for he was advised that the 
Esopus Indians together with the Manissings and Wappingers 
were prepared to attack and surprize our fort in about two days 
with four hundred men, and that they also daily threatened him 
in an insufferable manner ; he daily expected the arrival of the 
Sachem who had already been four days gone about the captured 
Christians to learn wliat lie should then do and wliat should be 
the issue of it. But he had not received any intelligence in all 
that time. He also writes — That tlie Indians who lay there- 
about on tlie river side made a great uproar every night, firing 
guns and kintekaying,^ so that the woods rang again ; and he 
hoped to be with me in two days. — His letter contains divers 
other circumstances. Christoffel Davids informs us, that 
he slept one night with the Indians in their wigwams 
— that some Esopus Indians and Sachems were there who 
had four Christian captives with them, one of wliom, a female 
captive, had secretly told him, Davids, that forty Esopus Indians 
had already been near our fort to observe the reapers and the 
other people. Whereupon the Council of war resolved to send 
for the Sheriff, who being come, an order was handed him 
directing him to warn all the Inhabitants not to go from the fort 
into the fields without a suitable escort, as directed in the pre- 
ceding Ordinance of the 4"i August. Said Christoffel Davids 

1 Six miles north of Newburgh, Orange co. Ed. 

2 The Delaware word, Gent'keh'n, to dance, seems to be engrafted here into 
the Dutch language. The term is also to be found in Van der Donck's Beschry- 
vinge van Nieuw Nederlandt, where spiking of the amusements of the Indians, 
he says — " The old and middle aged conclude with smoking and the young with 
a Kintecaw." N. Y. Hist. Coll. 2d Ser. i. 204. Again in the Breeden 

. Raedt we read, " The first of these Savages having received a frightful wound, 
desired them to permit him to dance what is called the Kinte Kaeye, a religious 
custom observed among them before death. ..... He then ordered him 

to be taken out of the fort and the Soldiers bringing him to the BeaverS path (he 
dancing the Kinte Kaeye sA\ the time). Ed. 


also informed us, — that the Indians had on shore several bowls 
and gourds with brandy, which they obtained daily from the 
Sloops, as the Indians had informed him they could get as much- 
as they required and wliatever powder and lead they wanted. 
Now, we cannot determine what this may amount to, but this I 
understand that the woman who is on board the sloop with 
Lieutenant Couwenhoven brought four ankers of brandy with 
her from the Manhatans, but none of it came ashore here. 

20th ditto. Lietenant Couwenhoven arrived with the yacht 
at the Redoubt; brings a Christian woman and boy with 
him ; says he gave about Eighty guilders for the youth, and 
promised to give our captive Squaw for the woman. Left ninety 
guilders in pledge for her ; the Council of War disapproved of 
his having promised the Squaw in exchange as such was not 
contained in the Director General and Council's Instruction to 
him. Says, the Indians promised him to bring in, within two 
days, all the prisoners they had, and that he should return with 
her to them witliin that time. Says also, that two Mohawks 
coming from fort Orange in a canoe passed his yacht in the 
Wappingers Kill. They had full four hundred pounds of lead 
and over three hundred pounds of powder in the canoe. He 
would have them on board but they would not ; so they passed 
by. The Dutcli woman, who had been taken prisoner, was 
brought to bed of a young daughter on entering the Esopus Kill. 
Notliing occurred during the day as it rained almost incessantly, 
and the farmers could not go out in the fields to reap or to bring 
in the grain. 

21 St ditto. The Council of War resolved to send Lieutenant 
Couwenhoven down again with the Sloop. I victualled the yaclit 
and gave him five Soldiers additional for his defence ; also 
resolved to give him the two Indians and the Squaw whicli we 
had prisoners, but he is not to leave them out of his hands before 
we have our prisoners back. Furnished him also witli an 
Instruction as to how he should act therein. It reads, word for 
word as follows : — 



" Instruction ybr Lieutenant Pieter Couwenhoven. 

"^HEREAs Lieutenant Couwenhoven, sent by the Hon^ie 
Dh\ I J, .^^eral & Council to release the Christians captured by 
the Esopus Indians, lay several days near the Wappinger Indians 
who acted as mediators in the affair, and as yet could not eftiect 
much except releasing one child and a woman for which woman 
he promised to exchange the Squaw who had been captured by us, 
on condition that they should then bring aU the Chiristian Captives 
to the river side and release them ; and also promised the Wap- 
pinger Indians to take down with him the two Indians whom we 
captured. The Council of War, therefore, resolved and con- 
cluded to surrender the two Indians & the Squaw, but on certain 
conditions and also by express order of the Heer Director Gen- 
eral and Council, according to instruction accompanying the same, 
that no prisoners should go, or be released, unless we first had 
all our Christians, prisoners, out of their hands, 

" Therefore, the said Council of War recommend and order 
Lieutenant Couwenhoven not to surrender nor give up any 
Indian or Squaw unless our Christian Captives be first released 
and exchanged and placed in our hands, but he is at hberty to 
promise the Indians, if they discharge all our prisoners and 
restore them to us, that they shall then again have and regain their 
prisoners, either in exchange or in some other manner as shall 
then be agreed to and arranged. 

" Should Lieutenant Couwenhoven see no probability of obtain- 
ing back, receiving or releasing our captives, and the Indians be 
obstinately opposed to the discharge or release thereof he may 
watch his time and opportunity to seize as many Esopus Indians 
as possible, either on land or by inducing them with fair words 
to go on board, according as opportunities shall then offer ; or if 
many Esopus Indians should come thither with the Christian 
Captives and refuse to surrender or give these up, lie shall then 
endeavor to detain them on shore, wliether by means of intoxi- 
cating hquors or by any other means he shall at the time judge 
most expedient, and tlien advise us immediately thereof by a 

Vol. IV. 5 


yacht that may come there, in order that we may regulate our- 
selves accordingly as much as lies in our power so as to surprize 
and seize them. Done, Wildwyck, the 21 ^t August IB/^j^ch. 

Escorted said Couwenhoven to the Redoubt onth^'jrtrr.Y»tP'Side 
and he sailed again to the Wappingers in the yacht. A party 
was also in the field with the boors ; they returned home without 
seeing anything. 

22nd ditto. Sent out one escort with the reapers and two 
parties to lie in ambush, but it commenced raining about noon 
and they came in. The rain came down in such torrents that tlie 
boors were obliged to take up the Bridge lest it be carried away 
as it was three weeks ago. It is to be feared that considerable 
grain will be destroyed in the field for want of reapers, in conse- 
quence of the great rain that has fallen, for a great deal of grdin 
lies under water and the farmers on an average have not harvested 
above one fourth part of it. Nothing else occurred to day, 
except that the great rain carried away several of the pahsades 
of the fort. 

23<i ditto. Sent an Order to the Sheriff and Commissaries and 
directed them to have the palisades of the fort replaced. It 
reads word for word as follows : — jimbnf 

" Acte. 
" The Sheriff and Commissaries of this Village of Wildwyck 
are hereby ordered and directed to have replaced and repaired 
the palisades of this Fort, which were washed away by tlie 
water, and the same is urgently required. Done, Wildwyck* 
the23d August, 1663." 

The Answer of the Court of the Village of Wildwyck. 
The Court of this Village Wildwyck having seen and read 
this, find that it cannot be done at present, inasmuch as the 
grain in the field is almost ruined, and it is necessary to draw it 
home as soon as possible with the aid of all hands. Wildwyck, 
23<i August, 1663, (was subscribed) Roelof Swart wout. 
Lower stood — By order of the Worshipful Court of the Village 
of Wildwyck, (signed) 

Mattys Capito, Secretary. 


Two detachments were out in the field with the reapers ; did 
not remark any thing. 

24"» ditto. Sent out two detachments with the reapers and 
one in ambush. They returned in the evening, having seen 
nothing. Received a letter at night from Lieutenant Couwen- 
hoven, which he had sent up from the Wappingers creek by an 
Indian, a Dutchman and two captive christian children belong- 
ing to the wife of the gunner who was on board the sloop with 
said Couwenhoven ; and as the Indian told me he had given tlie 
captive Squaw, whom we had entrusted to said Couwenhoven, 
in exchange for these two children, without any hope of a gen- 
eral redemption ; and that he had so thoughtlessly and contrary 
to orders surrendered this Squaw for the two children on an 
uncertainty, not knowing whether he should receive another 
prisoner or not ; now let him defend himself to tlie Director 
General and Council. Said Couwenhoven's letter was to this 
effect : That he hopes to get all the prisoners, but that he should 
be in want of supplies ; for the powder he has is good for 
nothing, and the cry among the Indians is all for powder and 
brandy ; requests me to send him some, as it was for the 
public good ; that the Sachem had gone with five men into the 
interior, and had promised him to return with all tlie christian 
captives ; had given him the Squaw in order to succeed tlie 
better for us, and he had a fair prospect for a good delivery. 
In case it happened otherwise then he should acquaint me of it, 
and so forth, as appears by his letter. It is Dated the 25'ii 
August, but I received it on the 24^'* August ; this happened 
through a mistake of his in writing. Domine Blom departed 
hence to-day, with his wife, for the Manhatans; had him 
escorted to the river side by Ensign Niessen and forty men. 
Experienced no harm on the way. 

25th ditto. Sent down the Indian and the Dutchman again to 
the sloop lying by the Wappingers, with some bread. Also 
sent a letter to Lieutenant Couwenhoven, which reads as follows : 
" Good friend. Lieutenant Couwenhoven. Your letter came to 
" hand, and I have noted its contents. As regards your surren- 
" der of the Squaw before you had in exchange all our prisoners, 
"in my opinion it is not well done. But you, yourself, must 


*' vindicate that act. In answer to your request for Sewan and 
" Brandy, I have none, as you well know, and the Council of 
" War does not consider it prudent to furnish our enemies witli 
" powder at this conjuncture. You promise to do your best for 
" our Cliristians in captivity, and to get these out of their hands. 
" Should you not succeed, you will act according as you have 
" been already instructed and told. I send you some bread and 
" request you not to go to the Manhatans, but first come here to 
" take off the sick and wounded. You can see whether you 
" will not be able to obtain some sewan and brandy from the 
" passing sloops, for if I had any and should send them to you, 
" they would run great risk of being plundered on the way by 
" the Indians. Done, Wildwyck the 25»h August, 1G63." Had 
three parties out ; two witli the reapers and one in ambush. 
They returned in tlie evening having seen nothing. 

26th ditt^. Two escorts were down to the river-side to bring 
up supplies and some soldiers' wives coming from the Manhatans ; 
a party lay in ambush behind the newly burnt village ; returned 
in the evening without having remarked any thing. 

27*'^ ditto. There were two detachments with the reapers in 
the field and one in ambush, returned in the evening without 
meeting any thing. 

28*b ditto. Had two parties again in the field and one in 
ambush ; returned in the evening having seen nothing. 

29'h ditto. Two detachments were out again in the field with 
the reapers, and one in ambush. Saw nothing. A soldier of 
Lieut. Stilwil's Company was wounded by his Sergeant in some 
dispute respecting orders. Said soldier was arrested and after- 
wards examined by tlie court martial, and it was found that the 
Sergeant was as blameworthy as the soldier. The soldier, who 
is named Thomas Coeck, is condemned by the court martial to 
stand sentry with six muskets for the space of three days, and 
during one hour each day. 

30'h ditto. Lieutenant Couwenhoven returned from the 
Wappingers at the Redoubt with the yacht, and arrived in Wild- 
wyck witli his people and the two Wappinger Indians, but 
released and liberated the Squaw there ; could not obtain any 
more Christian captives from the Esopus Indians. The 


Wappinger Sachem had been with the Esopus Indians at their 
fort, (which they were erecting anew,) in order to ascertain if 
he could not obtain the release of the Christian captives. But 
when he had been two to three days with them in their new fort, 
to negotiate with them respecting the prisoners, two Mohawks 
and one Minqua came there with Sewan and a long message, 
which rendered tlie Esopus Indians so ill disposed towards the. 
Wappinger Sachem that they caused him to depart. He tlien 
returned without receiving any other Christian Captives. He 
came on board of Lieutenant Couwenhoven and told the same 
to him, and said Lieutenant reported it to me. Now, I cannot 
imagine what there is in it. Convened the Council of War and 
they resolved and concluded to attack with one hundred and 
twenty men the Esopus Indians who reside in their new fort about 
four hours farther than tlieir first fort which we had burnt. We 
take with us as a guide one of our captured Wappinger Indians. 
Meanwhile issued rations to the people, and orders to start on 
the expedition this evening or to-morrow morning ; but as it 
began to rain in the afternoon we did not set out to day. Sent 
an Order to the Sheriff, Commissaries, and Superior officers of 
the Village of Wildwyck, whicli reads as follows : — 

" Whereas anotlier expedition is on foot against our enemies, 
the Esopus Indians, the Sheriff, Commissaries ond Superior 
offi.cers of the Burghery are requested to furnish twenty horse 
men from the hired men (Knechts) of this village of Wildwyck 
to accompany the military in the attack on the Indians. Done, 
Wildwyck the 30*^ August, 1663." 

Answer of the Court to this Order. 
" The Court and Superior officers of this Village of Wildwyck 
having read the communication sent them by the Captain 
Lieutenant and Council of War have at their request convoked 
the farmers and read to them the aforesaid demand, whereunto 
they gave for answer that they were well disposed to do their 
best for the public interest, but find at present that the horses 
fatigued from the harvest, are unfit to be rode by men. The 
Court having heard this answer, hereby request the Captain 
Lieutenant and Council of War, if it can be possibly done 


without prejudice to the public Service, that the expedition "be 
postponed for six or seven days until the harvest be completed as 
the grain yet in the field is already injured. Done, Wildwyck, this 
30th August 1663, (was subscribed) Roelof Swartwout. (Lower 
Stood) By Order of the Sheriff, Commissaries and Superior 
ofl&cers of the Burghery in Wildwyck (signed) Mattheus Capito, 
Secretary." Nothing else occurred to-day. 

31st ditto. It rained somewliat all this day, therefore the 
expedition must rest for the present ; sent an escort to the river 
side and victualled the people at the Redoubt and Sloop. 
Asked the Sheriff and Commissaries, verbally, whether they could 
not get some horses to accompany us in the attack so that we 
may be able to place the wounded on them if we happen to have 
any. After great trouble tliey obtained six horses from a few, 
but spiteful and insulting words from many. One said. Let 
those furnish horses who commenced the war. Another said, 
I'll give 'em the Devil — if they want any thing they will have 
to take it by force. The third said, I must first have my horse 
valued and have security for it ; and so forth with much other 
foul and unbecoming language, not to be repeated. 

1st September. Thomas the Irisliman and Claesje Hoorn 
arrived with their yachts at the Kill from the Manhatans ; sent 
an escort to the river side ; intended to set forth to day but the 
arrival of the yachts and the escort to the river side prevented 
this, and the weather was so lowering and threatened rain so' 
much that we concluded to start next night towards the break 
of day; but as it rained the whole night we could not set out. 
Nothing else occurred to day, A party was out in the field with 
the farmers, but nothing happened. 

2^ ditto. Sunday. The weather continued lowering, and 
heavy rain fell. In the afternoon very heavy rain fell again so 
that we could not stir out. Nothing occurred during the entire 

3d ditto. About one o'clock in the afternoon we started from 
fort Wildwyck, having of my company two and twenty men ; of 
Lieutenant Stilwil's company, four and twenty men, and seven 
freemen, with two of the Hon''i« Company's Negroes. We took 
as guide the young Wappinger Indian, and Christoffel Davids as 


Indian interpreter, and promised the Indian his freedom with a 
cloth coat, on condition that he brought us truly to the Esopus 
Indians. We got eight horses with very great difficulty from 
the farmers, as they were so very unwilling and could not be 
brought to give us any horses, except Thomas Chambers, who, 
without any solicitation, presented me with two for the expedi- 
tion. Several of the others, who would not give any, used 
much offensive language to the Sheriff and to the company's 
officers, saying — " They will have horses ; they may see if they 
can get them." Marched that afternoon abmit three miles from 
our fort to the creek which runs past the Redoubt ; lay there that 
night, during which we had great rain. 

4'ii ditto. Found such high water and swift current in the 
Kill that it was impossible to ford it ; sent six men immediately 
on horseback to our fort Wildwyck to fetch rope and axes to 
make a raft or some other convenience to cross the creek ; they 
returned to us about ten o'clock ; brought three axes and rope. 
Passed tlie rope over the stream in order to hold fast to it so 
that the people may not be swept far down the creek. Crossed 
over with all the men about two o'clock in the afternoon and 
marched about four miles further on, where we bivouacked 
during the night. Considerable rain fell this afternoon. 

5th ditto. Set out again at day break, and about noon came 
to their first maize field where we discovered two Squaws and 
a Dutch woman ; who had come that morning from their new 
fort to get corn. But as the creek lay between us and the corn- 
field, though we would fain have the women it was impossible 
^o ford the stream without being seen and then discovered. We 
therefore, adopted the resolution to avoid the cornfield and the 
road, and turned in through the woods so as not to be seen. 
Arrived about two o'clock in the afternoon within sight of their 
fort, which we discovered situate on a lofty plain. Divided our 
force in two — Lieutenant Couwenhoven and I led the right wing, 
and Lieutenant Stilwil and Ensign Niessen the left wing. Pro- 
ceeded in this disposition along the hill so as not to be seen and 
in order to come right under the fort ; but as it was somewhat 
level on the left side of the fort and the soldiers were seen by a 
Squaw, who was piling wood there and who sent forth a terrible 


scream which was heard by the Indians who were standing and 
working near the fort, we instantly fell upon them. The Indians 
rushed forthwith through the fort towards their houses, which 
stood about a stone's throw from the fort, in order to secure their 
arms, and thus hastily picked up a few guns and bows and arrows, 
but we were so hot at their heels that they were forced to leave 
many of them behind. We kept up a sharp fire on them and 
pursued them so closely that they leaped into the creek which 
ran in front of the lower part of their maize land. On reacliing 
the opposite side of "the Kill, they courageously returned our fire, 
which we sent back, so that we were obliged to .send a party 
across to dislodge them. In this attack, the Indians lost their 
Chief, named Papequanaeheu, fourteen other warriors, four 
women and three children, whom we saw lying both on this and 
on the other side of the creek but probably many more wene 
wounded, when rushing from the fort to the houses, when we did 
give them a brave charge. On our side three were killed and 
six wounded and we have recovered three and twenty Christian 
prisoners out of their hands. We have also taken thirteen of 
them prisoners, both men and women, besides an old man who 
accompanied us about half an hour but would not go fartlier. 
We took liim aside and gave him his last meal. A Captive 
Indian Cliild died on the way, so that there remained eleven of 
them still our prisoners. The enemy being conquered, we 
reviewed our men; found we had one wounded more than we had 
horses. Convened the Council of War ; submitted to them 
what was now best for us to do relative to cutting down the 
maize. ThS Council of war decided that we could indeed cut 
it down, but were any more of our men wounded, how could 
they be removed liaving already one more than we had horses, 
and tliis one must be borne, with great trouble, on a litter by two. 
Resolved to let the maize stand for the present ; plundered the 
houses wherein was considerable booty, such as bear skins, deer 
skins, notassen, blankets, elk hides, besides several otlier smaller 
articles many of which we were obliged to leave behind that we 
could not bring along with us, for we could well fill a sloop. 
We destroyed as much as we could ; broke tlie kettles into 
pieces ; ij;ot also twenty four or fiieiiuns, more than the half of 


which we smashed and threw the barrels here and there in 
the stream, hacking and breaking in pieces as many as we could. 
Found, also, several horns and bags of powder, in all about 
twenty pounds ; got also thirty one belts and some strings of 
wampum ; took the best of the booty along and resolved to set 
off Placed the wounded on the horses and had one carried in a 
blanket on poles by two soldiers in turns. Set out thus in good 
order on our return and marched that day full two miles from tlie 
fort. The fort was a perfect square with one row of palisades 
set all round being about fifteen feet above, and three feet under 
ground. They had already completed two angles of stout pali- 
sades, all of them almost as thick as a man's body, having two 
rows of portholes, one above the other ; and they were busy at 
the third angle. These angles were constructed so soMd and 
strong as not to be excelled by Christians. The fort was not so 
large as the one we had already burnt. The Christian prisoners 
informed us that they were removed every night into the woods, 
each night to a different place, through fear of the Dutch, and 
brouglit back in the morning ; but on the day before we attacked 
them, a Mohawk visited them, who slept with them during the 
night. When they would convey the Christian Captives again 
into the woods, the Mohawk said to the Esopus Indians — What! 
do you carry the Christian prisoners every night into the woods? 
To which they answered — yes. Whereupon the Mohawk said. 
Let them remain at liberty here for you live so far in the woods 
1;hat the Dutch will not come hither, for they cannot come so far 
without being discovered before they reach you. Wlierefore 
they kept the prisoners by them tliat night. The Mohawk 
departed in the morning for the Manessings and left a new blanket 
and two pieces of clotli which fell to us also as booty ; and we 
came just that day and fell on them so that a portion of them is 
entirely annihilated. Wherefore praise and thanks be given to 
God Almighty, The course lies about South South West to the 
Indians new fort wliich is distant about 12 miles' . The way is 
somewhat stoney and hilly, but the road for the greater part is 

1 This line leadsto about Bloominburg, in the town of Mamakating, Sullivan Co. 
in the vicinity of which village it is presumed the above battle was fought. Ed. 


good. After leaving their fort we marched that day two miles 
where we passed the night. Perceived the Indians on the road. 

6th ditto. Early in the morning we started anew ; were 
obliged to cross a rapid, stoney creek, and came this day just 
beyond the Esopus Kill, which runs by the Redoubt, where we 
remained this niglit, and there died the Indian child, which we 
threw into the creek. Saw scarcely any Indians that day on 
the road. 

7'h ditto. Started again and arrived about noon at Wildwyck; 
did not remark any thing by the way. 

8*11. An escort attended the reapers in the field ; returned 
in the evening without having seen any thing. Christoffels 
Davids departed. 

9th ditto. Sunday. Lieutenant Stilwil and Lieutenant Cou- 
wenhoven left for the Manhatans with the sloop ; sent with 
them seven wounded and some sick, together with seventeen 
of Lieutenant Srilwil's men and twelve of my company ; had 
them escorted to the river side. Nothing else occurred to-day. 

IQth ditto. Two detachments were out with the reapers and 
those driving the teams. Nothing occurred. They returned 
about three o'cloclc in the afternoon, as it commenced raining 
liard and they saw notliing. 

11th ditto. Nothing new ; it rained the entire day. 

12th ditto. Two yachts arrived at the Redoubt from Fort 
Orange ; had Reyntje Pietersen and Hans Carolussen escorted 
up ; detached a party in Ambush and one in the field with 
those pulling Hemp, but nothing happened. 

13th ditto. Nothing occurred as it rained the whole day. 

14th ditto. Sent an escort to the Redoubt by the river side. 
Nothing else transpired, as it rained again nearly the entire day. 

ISt** ditto. Maet Seen arrived at the Redoubt with his boat 
and eiglit soldiers and some letters from the Heeren Councillors, 
dated ISf* September. Had him conducted up to the village 
of Wildwyck. An ordinance is enacted by the Council of War ; 
it reads as follows : 


" Ordinance made and enacted by the Captain Lieutenant and 
valiant Council of War Commanding the Military troops at 
Wildwyck in the Esopus. 

" Whereas it is found by daily experience that several of the 
military do, without permission of the Serjeant or Corporal, leave 
their posts or stations either to work with the farmers or on 
some other pretence. Wherefore the Captain Lieutenant and 
valiant Council of War being desirous to provide therefor, have 
ordered and directed, as they do hereby order and direct — 


" That no one shall presume to quit his post or station without 
permission of the Segeant or Corporal in command, under the 
penalty of twenty stivers for the first otfence, 40 stivers for the 
second, and arbitrary punishment for the third. 


" No person shall presume to take or steal another's gun, 
powder or lead in any manner whatsoever, on pain of corporal 
punishment, according to the gravity of the case. 


" Neither shall any person, be he who he may, commence or 
begin any quarrel on guard, much less come drunk or to drink 
there, under a penalty of twenty stivers for each offence. 

"Every one shall hold himself in readiness with his gun, 
duly provided with powder and ball, to appear immediately, 
or on the first command of the superior or inferior ofiicer, 
wherever he may be required, then to await further orders, and 
whoever acts contrary or disobeys herein shall be arbitrarily 
punished according to his deserts, pursuant to the sentence of 
the Court Martial. 


" No one shall go from one guard or post to another without 
taking with him his proper hand and side arms, so that he may 
be immediately;, prepared to defend himself in case of alarm, 
under a penalty of twenty stivers for each offence, and as often 
as he shall be found disobeying herein. Thits done by tlie Cap^ 



Lieutenant and valiant Council of War, in Wildwyeky this 15 
September, 1663." 

Nothing else occurred, inasmuch as it was again rainy 

16th ditto. Sunday. Nothing occurred and no detacliment 
was sent out. 

17th ditto. Maet Seeu left again with his boat ; took with 
him two sick, Peter Andriessen and Jan Coppenou and two 
horses for Monsieur Verlet and sundry empty barrels for the 
Hon^ie Company ; had him escorted to the Redoubt by 32 men. 
Thomas tlie Irishman arrived to day, at the Redoubt and a small 
straw cabin in wliich a soldier resided was burnt, but nothing 
can be ascertained as to how the fire originated. Meanwhile 
the Soldier lost all his property. Nothing else occurred this 

18'h ditto. Presented the following request to the Magistrates 
of this village of Wildwyck : — " Whereas the Heer Director 
General and tlie Heerm Councillors have written to us here that 
it is t]ieir intention to send hither, by the first opportunity, addi- 
tional Soldiers and a party of Marseping Savages,' to seek out 
and subdue as much as possible the Esopus Indians, our enemy, 
tlje Captain Lieutenant and Council of War, therefore, request 
the Slieriff and Commissaries of this village of Wildwyck to be 
pleased to allot two or three houses in this village to lodge, pro- 
visionally, the aforesaid force whenever it sliall arrive. This 
doing, our friendship shall follow. Done, Wildwyck, 18*^ Sepf* 
1663." Answer of tlie Court as follows :— " The W. Court hav- 
ing looked around at the request of the Capt. Lieutenant and 
Council of War for proper lodgings for the coming forces, have 
induced Pieter Jacobsen to give liis mill for 40 to 50 Soldiers, 
and the W. Court will do its best to find out quarters for the 
Savages. Done, Wildwyck, this 18''' September 1663. (was sub- 
scribed) RoELOF SwARTwouT. (Lowcr stood) By order of the 
W. Court in Wildwyck aforesaid. Mattheus Capito, Secretary. 
Two detiicliments were out, to day, with the reapers in the field 

1 These were Queens Co. Indians. Thompson calls them Marsepeagues, and 
says their principal settlement was at Fort Neck. Ed. 


and at the Great Plot, and 20 men in ambush. Returned in the 
evening ; saw nothing. 

19th (jitto Thomas the Irishman sailed for the Manhatans; 
liad liim escorted. Two detachments were out in the field with 
the reapers, but saw nothing. 

20*'* ditto. Two detachments were out at the Great Plot by 
Tjerck's to cut oats and to plough ; they returned in the even- 
ing having seen nothing. 

21st ditto. Two detachments went out again; one with the 
ploughers, the other with tliose drawing home the oats, but they 
did not see any thing. 

22^ ditto. Another detachment was out in the field with the 
ploughmen ; saw nothing. Sent a party about midnight along 
the KiU where some maize lay ; distant South from Wildwyck 
about 2 hours' march ; but on arriving there found only a small 
patcli of maize, as it had all been plucked by some straggling 
Indians or bears. Our people took away the remainder, but 
'tw^s of little value. The Indian prisoners wliom we hold had 
first informed us, to day, that a small spot of corn had been 
planted there principally to supply food to stragglers who went 
to and fro to injure the Christians. Should they come again 
they'll not find any food. 

23^ ditto. Sunday. Nothing particular. Towards evening 
sent a convoy to the river side to bring up bread for the garrison. 
About eleven o'clock that night sent out a party to the Sagerh 
little kill in an easterly ' direction from our village of Wildwyck 
about three miles from our fort, having been informed that there 
was some maize there, to see if they could not remove it thence, 
either by land or water. 

24*'* ditto. Monday. The party that was sent out in the 
night returned liome about two o'clock in the afternoon ; they 
were at Sager's Kilktie^ on the Indians' maize plantation, but 
saw no Indians nor any thing to indicate that they had been 
there for a long time, for the maize had not been hoed, (aange- 
hoocht) and could not come to its full growth, but had been 

1 Oostlyck. , This must evidently be an error, as they could not go 3 Dutch 
or 9 English miles from Kingston, in an easterly direction. It is presumed that 
'northeasterly" was intended, in which direction Saugerties lies. Ed 


much injured by the wild beasts ; neither will any of it reach 
perfection, except one plantation which was good, having been 
hoed by the Indians. 'Twas, however, much injured by the 
wild beasts ; each of our people brought a load of it home on 
his back, and left some more standing, which we will when 
convenient bring liither. They also say that it is beautiful 
maize land, suitable for a number of bouweries and for the im- 
mediate reception of the plough. Had an escort in the field to 
bring in the oats and buckwheat, and sent one to the Redoubt, 
as Domine Blom had arrived in the Spaniard's yacht, and some 
supplies had also been sent from the Manhatans by the Heerm 
Councillors for the troops in the Esopus. Otherwise, nothing 
particular occurred to-day. 

25^** ditto. Had an escort in the field with the ploughmen, 
and sent one to the river side to fetch up supphes or provisions. 
A soldier named Jurien Jansen fell out of a canoe at the Redoubt 
and was drowned ; he was reaching for a squirrel and the canoe 
thus upset and he was drowned. Nothing else occurred to-day 
except sending some horses and wagons to fort Orange which 
were required by the owners. 

26^^ ditto. Lieutenant Couwenhoven arrived at the Redoubt 
and Wildwyck with some Marseping Savages. Sent a detach- 
ment to the water side to fetch up some supplies. Inasmuch as 
Lieutenant Couwenhoven has arrived at Wildwyck, and the 
gunner's wife has again brought a quantity of strong drink 
along, which she retails as well to Indians as to Christians, with- 
out making any exception as to habitual drunkards, and fur- 
nishes tliem with so raucli tliat they cannot distinguish even the 
door of tlie liouse, and then, coming out, fight with and strike 
the Indians. Therefore, desirous to prevent all mischiefs wliich 
might arise from strong drink, the rather as an expedition is 
again about to set out, according to letters from the Supreme 
Council, and in order to have sober and proper men to march at 
the first command of the officers, the Cap' Lieutenant and 
valiant Council of War have, for the present, sent an order to 
the Sheriff' of tliis Village, which reads as follows — " The Cap' 
Lieutenant and valiant Council of War having orders from the 
Supreme government to get up another expedition, and the 


entire military, and the Natives our friends, the Marseping 
Indians, being here also holding themselves in readiness to set 
out at the first command of the ofiicers. The Cap' Lieutenant 
and valiant Council of War do therefore hereby authorize and 
order Sheriff Swartwout of this village to notify and forbid the 
tappers or retailers of strong drink who follow the profession of 
selling liquor in this village, that they do not under present cir- 
cumstances sell strong drink to any one, be he Christian or 
Indian, under tlie forfeiture of the intoxicating liquor tliat may 
be found in his house.. Done, TVildwyck, 26^^ September, 
1663." Meanwhile, nothing else occurred to-day. 

27*'* ditto. An escort was in the field with the ploughmen 
and one to the river side to fetch up provisions. Nothing else 

28"' ditto. Tlie Council of War engaged Derrick Smith to 
remain at the Redoubt with liis yacht until we return with the 
troops from the expedition, in order to carry back the forces and 
Marseping Indians, and agreed with said Smitli that he shall have 
in Seawan eight guilders light money per day. A detachment 
was out in the field with the ploughmen ; 10 to 12 of our Indians 
were out in the bush shooting. They returned in the evening ; 
say that they have discovered signs of where the Indians are 
gone to. Nothing else occurred to day. 

29"^ ditto. Convened the Council of war and resolved and 
concluded to set out on another expedition against the Esopus 
Indians next Monday being the l^t of October, and each man 
shall be furnislied witli three pounds of biscuit, one pound of 
powder and one pound of ball for the expedition. An order is 
also given to the Sheriff and Commissaries as follows — " Whereas 
by orders from the Director General and Council of New Nether- 
land an expedition is about to set out against the Esopus Indians, 
our enemies and sixteen horses are required to accompany and 
to be used by said expedition, the Capt. Lieutenant and Valiant 
[Council of War,] therefore request the Sheriff and Commissaries 
of this Village of Wildwyck to supply said horses from the 
inhabitants by the first of October proximo, being next Monday. 
Done, Wildwyck the 29th September 1663." A detachment waa 


in the field with the ploughmen, and one to the river side ; Saw 

30*^ September, Sunday afternoon, caused powder and ball to 
be distributed to the soldiers and Indians ; one pound powder, 
one pound lead each, with three pounds biscuit for this expedi- 
tion. Nothing else happened to day. 

1st October being Monday, we marched from Wildwyck with 
these following troops ; of the Military 102 men ; of the 
Marseping Indians 46 men ; of the freemen 6 ; with 14 horses 
obtained from the farmers of Wildwyck for the use of the 
expedition so a's to be able to accommodate the wounded, should 
we have any. Marched with these troops about 9 hours and 
arrived in the evening about 7 miles from Wildwyck where we 
passed the night. Experienced scarcely any trouble through the 
day ; had considerable rain in the night. 

2"^ ditto. Started again with our troops and about two o'clock 
in the afternoon came to the fort of the Esopus Indians where 
we had attacked them on the 5*^ September and there found five 
large pits into which tliey had cast their dead. The wolves had 
rooted up and devoured some of tliem. Lower down on the 
Kill were four other pits full of dead Indians and we found, 
futher on, three Indians with a Squaw and a Child that lay 
unburied and almost wholly devoured by the ravens and the 
wolves. Sent out, immediately a party of Dutch men and Indians 
four miles beyond the fort in a South westerly direction where 
our guide presumed some Esopus Indians would be, but on 
coming there discovered nothing but some wigwams which had 
been a long time abandoned by the Indians. Meanwhile I had 
been over the Kill with a party of men and pulled off the corn 
and threw it into the Kill. The troops returned in the evening 
without having seen any Indians. About two miles from the 
fort perceived the trail of two Indians who had gone across the 
mountain ; supposed to be strange Indians ; The trail was a day 

3<i ditto. Early in the morning despatclied a party of soldiers 
and Indians int(^ the woods to see if they could not find any 
Indians ; sent a detachment again over the Kill to pull up tlie 
maize and throw it into the Kill. In the afternoon sent two 


other detachments into the corn fields to throw the maize into 
the creek, as the corn which stood about the fort was all thrown 
into the Kill by the evening. After sundown our party return- 
ed, without having captured or discovered any thing. 

4*^ ditto. We pulled up the Indian fort and threw the pali- 
sades, one on the other, in sundry heaps and set them on fire, 
together with the wigwams which stood around tlie fort, and 
thus the fort and houses were destroyed and burnt. About 10 
o'clock we marched thence down along the creek where lay 
divers maize plantations, which we also destroyed and cast the 
corn into the creek. Several large Wigwams stood also tliere 
which we bui-nt. Now, having destroyed every thing, we 
marched that day, on our return, about four miles further, 
where we remained with the troops that night by a small creek, 
the rain falling the entire time. Two Hackinsack Indians who 
had come up with the Marsepings staid behind at the fort. 
They told the Chief that they should return home from tlience, 
as they could reach Hackinsack as soon as Esopus ; but the 
Chief did not mention it to us until we had marched back some 
two miles. These two Indians had, each, a gun from the Esopus, 
which they took away with them. 

5tb ditto. Still raining incessantly ; but we again resumed 
our homeward march to Wildwyck. This night one of the far- 
mers' horses strayed away ; searched for it this morning every 
where, but could not find it. Meanwhile continued our march, 
and arrived in the evening at Wildwyck. Saw nothing on the 
road. The course from Wildwyck to the Indians' burnt fort 
lies mostly South Southwest across several large creeks, some of 
which are breast-high, some not so deep. The way is very bad 
and hilly ; in some places is very fine land. 

6t^ ditto. Had two escorts to the river side ; nothing else 
occurred to-day. 

T^ ditto. Sunday. At break of day sent out forty soldiers 
with twenty Indians to the Sagers Killetje, lying easterly ( Oost- 
waerts) from Wildioyck, where there were two fields planted 
with maize, for the purpose of destroying this and throwing it 
into the creek ; they returned in the evening each with a load 
of maize having thrown the remainder into the creek. About 

Vol. IV. 6 


noon, to day, a girl was brought up from the Redoubt who, the 
day before had arrived on the opposite bank there and was im- 
mediately conveyed across [the stream]. When the girl came 
to Wildwyck she was forthwith asked, where she came from 1 
Said, she had escaped from an Indian who liad taken her pri- 
soner, and who resided in the mountain on the other side of the 
creek about three miles from Wildwyck where he had a hut and 
a small patch of corn which he had pulled and had been there 
about three weeks to remove the corn. The Council of War 
forthwith resolved to send thither forty men to try and catch him, 
whereupon Ensign Niessen w-ith 36 soldiers and Lieutenant 
Couwenhoven with 5 Indians w^ere ordered out. They marched 
from Wildwyck about noon and crossed over at the Redoubt, 
They reached the hut about sunset which, having completely 
surrounded, they surprized, but found it empty. The Indian had 
abandoned it before their arrival. They found a lot of corn 
near the hut, and another lot at the kill, part of which they burned 
and brought a part here. Remained in the hut during the night 
and watched there. 

8^^ ditto. About ten o'clock the troops returned to Wildwyck. 
Convened the Council of War and resolved and concluded to 
send off Lieutenant Couwenlioven and the Marseping Indians 
and about forty of our soldiers to the Manhatans on the morrow 
being the ninth of October. The Council of War also resolved 
to send down all the Indian prisoners likewise to the Manhatans 
being eleven Esopus Indians, big and little and one Wappinger, 
making twelve in all, as there is no probability of their being 
redeemed here, none of the Esopus Indians coming here to speak 
to or enquire after them. Nothing else occurred to day. 

G'** ditto. Lieutenant Couwenhoven departed in Dirick Smith's 
yacht, took with him all the Marseping Indians and 40 of the 
military. Sent no escort to the river side with them. Nothing 
else happened. The horse which we left on the expedition 
returned back to Wildwyck to day. 

IQth ditto. A detachment was out in the field with the 
ploughmen — they returned about noon as it began to rain hard. 
Louis, the Waloon, went to day to fetch his oxen which had 
gone back of Juriaen Westphaelen's land. As he was about to 


drive home the oxen, three Indians, who lay in the bush and in- 
tended to seize him, leaped forth. When one of these shot at 
him with an arrow but only shghtly wounded him, Louis, having 
a piece of a palisade in his hand, struck the Indian on the breast 
with it BO that he staggered back, and Louis escaped through 
the kill, and came thence and brought the news into the fort, 
whereupon two detachments were instantly despatched to attack 
them, but they had taken to flight and retreated into the woods. 
And although a party searched for them an hour they could not 
discover them ; they thereupon returned to Wildwyck. No oth^r 
harm was done by the three Indians. This evening the Com- 
pany's yacht arrived at the Redoubt. Nothing else occurred to 

ll^h ditto. Two detachments were in the field with the 
ploughmen and one in ambush ; returned in the evening without 
seeing any thing. 

12th ditto. Two parties were again in the field with the 
ploughmen. About noon, to day, Reyntje Pieters came from fort 
Orange with his yacht in which also arrived Thomas Chambers 
and Evert Pels. Brought news that Peter the Fleming, residing 
on the East shore opposite Bethlehem had been warned by a 
Mohawk to depart if he wish not to be killed, for he said that all 
the Indians on the East side of fort Orange river had assembled 
and were to come in five days to attack fort Orange. This 
Indian had given him this warning, he being his great J\''ytap ' 
and the Mahicanders and the Cattskill Indians had all abandoned 
their maize plantations ; yea. had offered to sell divers maize 
plantations to the Dutch for a piece of cloth. Peter the Fleming 
brought this news to Fort Orange on Monday, being the T^ of 
October, the day before he left fort Orange with the yacht. 
Now, the result hereof time will determine. I also received a 
letter from Cattskill, from Elbert Herbertsen which I enclose 
to your Honors. It is dated 26th September. In like manner 
Capt Thomas Chambers informs me that many of the Dutch of 
Fort Orange are removing in canoes the corn from the Indians' 
plantations which had been abandoned by the Indians. This 
Mohawk had also said that five Indian Nations had assembled 

1 An Algonkin word meaning, " Friend." Ed. 


together ; namely the Mahicanders, the Catskills, the Wappin- 
gers, those of Esopus besides another tribe of Indians that dwell 
half way between Fort Orange and Hartford. Now, time will 
tell what there is herein. He said their place of meeting was on 
the east side of the fort Orange river, about three miles inland 
from Claverack, and that they were about five hundred strong. 
Sent two escorts to the river side to fetch up the Hon^ie Com- 
pany's goods. They returned to Wildwyck together witli the 
detachments that had been out in the field with the plouglimen. 
Saw nothing. 

13 ditto. The Company's yacht returned to the Manhatans; 
the same day two yachts also arrived from the Manhatans and 
sailed for fort Orange, after Imving touclied at the Redoubt. A 
detachment was out in the field with the plough men and one 
in ambush, and I sent an escort to the river side. The beer sent 
up by the Heer General was likewise distributrd, to day, to the 
soldiers. Nothing else occurred. 

14*^ ditto; Sunday — nothing to note except that I sent a convoy 
in the evening to the river side to drive up some cattle which 
had arrived from Fort Orange. 

15 ditto. Communicated another Order to tlie W. Court 
relative to the non repairs of the fortress of Wildwyck. .It is 
verbally as follows : — 

" Whereas an ^icte dated 23'* August has been communicated 
to the Schout & Commissaries of this Village Wildwyck respect- 
ing the repair of this fortress of Wildwyck and nothing resulted 
therefrom to this date, the Capt. Lieutenant and Council of War 
do, therefore, again recommend and order the W. Court of this 
Village of Wildwyck to cause the said fortress to be properly 
secured by the Commonalty of this Village against all unexpected 
attacks as necessity requires it, and the fort lies open at divers 
points as the W. Court can itself see in what state it at present 
is : Wherefore the W. Court of this ViUage of Wildwyck is 
again condescendingly requested to be pleased to give orders to 
repair the above mentioned fort in a proper manner, and in 
default thereof the Capt. Lieutenant and Council of War do 
hereby protest, should any attack be made by our enemies on 
this fortress, tliat they hold themselves guiltless tliereof, this 


fortress being at present incapable of defence — and there appears 
no disposition as yet to repair it — although the said Capt. 
Lieutenant and Council of War will perform their duty with the 
force entrusted to them by the Supreme Government and shall 
constantly hold themselves in readiness, both in garrison and in 
the field, to maintain this place for the public interest, trusting 
that the W. Court will please to give order herein to their Com- 
monalty for the proper reparation thereof, wliich awaiting &c. 
Done, Wildwyck 15th sber 1663." 

Two convoys were out in the field with the ploughmen and 
one in ambush ; saw nothing during the day. Hans the Norman 
arrived at the Redoubt with liis yacht from fort Orange ; reports 
that full seven thousand Indians had assembled at Claverack, on 
the east side, about three miles inland, but he knows not with 
what intent. Now what this can mean, whether it be true or 
not, we cannot determine, but in my opinion it looks somewhat 
like fiction. Meanwhile, nothing else occurred. 

16th ditto. Two detachments were again in the field with the 
ploughmen, and an escort was also down to the river side. 
They returned and nothing else happened. 

17ih ditto. Two detachments were again abroad with the 
ploughmen, and likewise one in ambush and had another as an 
escort to the river side. Nothing occurred to-day. An Ordi- 
nance was, this day, drawn up by the Council of War for the 
Soldiers at the Redoubt and posted there. It reads as follows : 

" Ordinance made by the Capt. Lieutenant and Valiant 
Council of War commanding the military troops at 
Wildivyck, and dependancies, for the military sta- 
tioned at present at the Redoubt. 
" Whereas by daily experience we learn that some remove 
from the Redoubt to the village of Wildwyck without the consent 
or order of the Capt. Lieutenant or other officers, the Capt. 
Lieutenant and Valiant Council of War, therefore, wishing to 
prevent all irregularities and infractions of military discipline 
herein order and direct the officer and the military under his 
command stationed at the Redoubt, not to remove himself, from 
the Redoubt, much less to send any of his command hither to 


the Village of Wildwyck without proper consent of the Capt. 
Lieutenant or other Commander who represents him for the 
time, nor without being accompanied by a proper escort on pain 
of being arbitrarily punislied by Court Martial. Thus done by 
the Capt. Lieutenant and Valiant Council of war in the fortress 
Wildwyck the 17th S^er, 1663." 

18t'' ditto. Received an answer from the Court of this village 
to the Order sent to them the 15'h October, respecting the non- 
repair of the fortress Wildwyck. It reads as foUows : 

"TheW. Court having read the order dated the 15*^ S^er, 
sent hither by the Capt Lieutenant to the W: Court, wliich is 
therein requested to repair and renew the palisades of this Vil- 
lage of Wildwyck^ so that the same may be in a state of defence, 
the W. Court finds that necessity requires that tliis village be 
properly secured and protected by setting up of good pahsades ; 
the W. Court, therefore, orders and directs that each farmer 
shall duely set up and repair the old, with new, palisades in 
front of his lot ; and the others, being inhabitants or Burghers 
occupying 34 lots in this village, shall be obhged properly to 
repair and set up new palisades in place of the old, from the 
Water gate along the curtains' unto the lot of Arent Pietersen 
Tack, the new palisades being at least two feet in circumference, 
but the thicker the better, and 13 feet in length, according to 
the circumstances of the case to be determined by the W. Court. 
This renewal and setting up shall commence next Monday, 
being the 22'^ October. Wherefore every inhabitant is hereby 
notified to appear at 7 o'clock on the day aforesaid, at the gate 
near Hendrick Jochemsen's, there, as his name is called, to pro- 
ceed to work aforesaid, and to continue at it until the same shall 
be completed, on pain, in case of neglect or unwillingness, of 
paying for the first offence three guilders ; for the second offence 
double as much, and so on adding three guilders. Thus done 
at the Court of the Sheriff and Commissaries of this village 
Wildwyck^ this 16th October, 1663, (Under written) By order of 
the Slieriff and Commissaries aforesaid. (Signed) Mattheus 
0APITO, Secretary. 

Two detachments were out in the field to-day with the 


ploughmen, and one at the Redoubt by the river side. Nothing 
else was done to-day. 

1 9^ ditto. Two detachments were out again with the plough- 
men, and one to the river side ; a party was, also, in ambush to 
make some discovery ; but did not see any thing. 

20'i» ditto. Three detachments were out in the field again 
with the ploughmen, and one in ambush, but did not remark 
any thing. An escort was also down to the river side at the 

21st ditto. Sunday ; nothing occurred. 

22d ditto. Three detachments were again out with tlie 
plouglimen, and one in ambush as scouting. An escort was 
likewise sent down to the river side ; they did not see any thing. 

23<i ditto. Tliree detachments were again out with the 
ploughmen, but saw nothing. 

24th ditto. Two parties were again out in the field with the 
ploughmen, and I was until evening with a party in ambush, 
but did not perceive any thing. 

25^ ditto. Two escorts were again in the field with the 
ploughmen, and one to the river side. Nothing happened. 

26 "1 ditto. An escort was in the woods with those cutting 
palisades, and another party was in ambush, but saw nothing. 

27th ditto. An escort was in the field with the ploughmen, 
and one in ambush, and another to the river side. Nothing else 
was done. 

28^^ ditto. Sunday. Nothing occurred. 

291'' ditto. Two parties were out ; one with the wood cutters, 
the other in ambush — but saw nothing. 

30*^ ditto. A detachment was in the woods with those cut- 
ting pahsades, and a party to the river side, and also a troop in 
the woods scouting ; did not see any thing. 

31st ditto. Gerrit Abel was tried before the Valiant Court 
Martial for his offence committed on the 29ti' October and is 
sentenced by the Court as follows : — 

" Whereas Gerret Abel being in command at the Redoubt, 
hath in contravention to the ordinance dated 17'^ S^er enacted 
by the Valiant Council of War and posted at the Redoubt, pro- 
ceeded to the village of Wildwyck on last Monday the 29'h Octo- 

i88 ' aroeRBTAL of the 

ber, without leave, escort or any necessary business, but merely 
to get drunk, as actually happened, which being notified to the 
Capt Lieutenant, he caused him to be placed under arrest, and 
to be tried this day, 31st October, before the Valiant Court Mar- 
tial and prosecuted for this his committed offence, for which 
the Capt Lieutenant demands the Valiant Council of War duly 
to punish the accused Gerret Abel. 

" The accused gave as an excuse for his coming here to Wild- 
wyck that lie wanted to get a skepel of wheat ground, and as it 
could not be immediately ground for him, he was to a friend's 
with whom he drank half a pint. And the accused having 
heard tlie charge aforesaid, acknowledges to have transgressed 
tlie ordinance above mentioned, and supplicates herein, not jus- 
tice, but mercy. 

" The Valiant Council of War having maturely considered 
this matter ; that a soldier and more especially one who is in 
command over others hath deserved punishment for his com- 
mitted offence according to the complaint and confession ; seeing 
that the prisoner's excuse hath no foundation, sentence the 
aqcused Gerret Abel, to be dismissed from his post of Cadet 
{Adelhorst) and to be reduced to the ranks {Schildergastendienst 
te doen) at 8fl. per month, and to remain at the Redoubt until 
further orders, he Gerret Abel being unfit to perform the duty 
of Cadet. Done at Wild wyck the 3 1st October 166 3. (Subscribed) 
Marten Cregier, Christiaen Niessen, Thomas Chambers, Evert 


Same day, a detachment was out in the woods with the wood 
cutters and one in ambush scouting, but they did not see any 

November the 1^*. A party was in ambush, and a detach- 
ment with the wood cutters ; saw nothing. 

2nd ditto. A detachment was out with the wood cutters and 
another in ambush to scout. 

3d ditto. A detachment was down at the river side to carry 
rations to the people at the Redoubt, and another party was at 
the Great Plot, but did not notice any thing. 

4th ditto. Sunday. Nothing done 

5*^ ditto. An escort was down to the river side to bring up 


some supplies and people that had arrived from the Manhatans 
in Lucassen's yacht, they being freemen belonging to Wildwyck. 
A party was also out in the bush with the wood cutters. No- 
thing else happened. 

6* ditto. Ordered two soldiers to accompany Arent Moes- 
man to Beeren island near fort Orange. ' An escort was also to 
the river side and being near the Redoubt lay there in ambush 
until the evening, but saw nothing. Another party 25 in num- 
oer was at tlie Great Plot ; they returned in the evening, without 
having remarked any thing. 

7*^ ditto ; Wednesday. This being a day of Prayer (Bededag) 
nothing was done. In the evening Pieter Wolfertsen arrived at 
the Redoubt with Rut Jacobsen's yacht ; brought with him two 
Christian children which he had in exchange from tlie Esopus 
Indians for a Squaw with a big girl ; brought back the other 
Indian prisoners ; brought also the Wappinger Sachem whom 
Couwenhoven had detained in tlie yacht ; says a Cliristian woman 
is kept a prisoner by the Wappingers, and that he had detained 
the Cliief in her stead until they should surrender the Christian 
woman. ^Nothing else occurred. Sent an escort to the river 
side to bring up the two captive children. Couwenlioven said 
that he lias concluded a ten days' truce with the Esopus Sacliem. 

8^^ ditto. Have been, myself, with an escort to the river side 
to bring up to Wildwyck the Esopus Indian prisoners & the 
children with the Wappinger Indian captive, being in all 9 in 
number. On arriving at the shore, found the Wappinger Chief 
and also one of his Indians on board Rut Jacobsen's Yacht. 
Asked Lieutenant Couwenhoven, what were these two Indians 
for'? Said it was the Sachem of the Wappingers with one of his 
Indians whom he had brought along but not as a prisoner — had 
come willingly on board as a friend. Asked him, If he would 
wi^h to return home and endeavor to let us have the female 
christian captive? To which he answered, yes ; says, he will 
bring her himself in six or seven days. Whereupon the Council 
of War decided that he and the Indian with him, should be 
released, and as they were at present our friends and had re- 
newed peace we promised him if he brought back the Cliristian 

1 This island is opposite Coeymans. Ed. 


woman we should then let his brother go together with another 
prisoner. Whereunto he said, 'Tis well; gave him a bark 
canoe & let Mm go. Nothing else happened to-day as it rained 

9^^ ditto. It still rained considerably. Sent an escort to the 
river side ; Rut Jacobsen sailed with his Yacht for fort Orange. 
Nothing else happened, 

IQt'' ditto. A detachment was out with the wood cutters; 
nothing else occurred. 

lit"* ditto. Sunday, nothing was done except sending a party 
to the river side with bread for the people in the Redoubt. 

12''* ditto. A detachment was out in the bush with the 
woodcutters. Nothing else transpired. 

ISt'' ditto. The Company's Yacht arrived ; brings some pro- 
visions for the garrison ; also arrived at the Redoubt a Wappin- 
ger Sachem with eight Indians, bringing a female Christian 
Captive whom he had purchased from the Esopus Indians and 
which he had promised us on the 8*^ inst. on board Rut Jacob- 
son's Yacht. The Council of War resolved that he and his 
attending Indians should be brought up to Wildwyck; they were 
accordingly conducted up by Lieutenant Couwenhoven and 
Captain Thomas Cliambers and brought to Wildwyck. Sent for 
him to the Council of War and asked, what he had to commu- 
nicate? He answered, I am come to perform my promise which 
I gave on board tlie Yacht at the Redoubt, to bring in the 
Christian Woman whom I bought from the Esopus Squaw, and 
I bring and present her to you now, because we are both friends, 
Whereupon we thanked him and said, that we should speak to- 
getlier on the morrow. Lodged them in Capt. Chambers house 
and liad food furnished them. Meanwhile a detachment went 
down to the river side. Otherwise nothing occurred to-day. 

U^^ ditto. The Council of War met again and resolved to 
release tlie Wappinger Indian, and to give him back to the Chief 
with one of tlie Esopus captive Squaws, pursuant to our pre- 
vious promise, made on the eight of November to the Wappinger 
Chief, on l)oar(l the Yaclit at the Redoubt. Invited the Chief 
and liis Indians into the Council chamber and presented him 
the Esopus Squaw and a little sucking iulant, which they tpok ; 


presented him also with two pieces of cloth in token of friend- 
ship. The Chief then requested that we should live with him 
in friendship, which should be preserved by him. He gave us, 
in token thereof, a Bow and arrow and said, I will not make war 
against the Dutch, but live in peace with them. We promised 
him likewise ; gave each other the hand, and the said chief pro- 
mised us to do his best to obtain back for us all the prisoners 
from the Esopus Indians that a mutual exchange should be made; 
for to morrow being Thursday, the Esopus Sachem would then 
come with the prisoners according to the promise he gave Lieu- 
tenant Couwenlioven and the provisional truce agreed upon for 
ten days with him, for he had promised to fetch the Christian 
prisoners to the Redoubt in the space of ten days, to be then 
exchanged one for the other. Now, what the result will be, 
when the ten days are expired, time will tell. So they again 
departed well satisfied. Gave them an escort to conduct them 
to the river side, and the Council resolved that the sloop shall 
remain until the expiration of the time agreed upon between 
Lieutenant Couwenhoven and the Esopus Sachem on the b^'^ 
November, on board the Sloop in the Wappinger Creek, to wit : 
that the Esopus Chief should bring up all the Christian prisoners 
to the Kedoubt to exchange them then, one for another, where- 
upon a ten days' truce was mutually agreed to. A soldier named 
Jurien Helm died to day. An escort was also down to the river 
side. Notliing else occurred to day. 

15* ditto. A vessel arrived from fort Orange with cattle; 
sent a convoy to tlie river side. Nothing else happened. 

16tii ditto. Another detachment was down to the river. A 
yacht bound for the Manhatans arrived from fort Orange to day. 
Nothing else occurred. 

17* ditto. Arranged every thing in order and departed with 
some of the Military for the Manhatans leaving in Wildwyck 
about sixty soldiers under the command of Ensign Christiaen 
Niessen. * 

18* Sunday. After Capt Lieutenant Martin Cregiers de- 
parture yesterday, Jan Hendricksen Van Baal came the fourth 
person up to Wildwyck. He arrived from the Manhatans in M'. 

* That part of tlje Jouiiial hetv\-een Asterisks is by Ensign Niessen. Ed. 


Abraham's' yacht and reported that two Dutchmen were killed 
by the Savages between Gemonapa^ and the Maize land. Had 
them escorted, on their return, to the river side. Nothing else 

19tii ditto. Sent another party to the Redoubt and had 
provisions brought up. Discharged one man at the Redoubt and 
sent two others thither ; also, distributed powder to the men, 
half a pound to each. Nothing else done. 

20* ditto. Sent a detachment to the woods to draw out 
timber. Tliis was all that occurred. 

21 »* ditto. Nothing happened. '^"'^ 

22d ditto. Sent a detachment to the river side. Otherwise 
nothing occurred. 

23<i ditto. The only thing done to day was to send another 
party to the river side with grain. 

24*^ ditto. The yaclits of Reyndert Pietersen and the Spaniard 
arrived at tlie Redoubt ; sent an escort thither. No other 
occurrence took place. 

25*^ ditto. Sunday. Nothing happened. 

26th ditto. Sent down an escort to the river side to fetch up 
the Honbie Company's supplies. No other circumstance oc- 

' ' 27* ditto. Sent another convoy to the river side to take down 
grain. Otherwise nothing happened. 

28* ditto. About one o'clock in the afternoon a Wappinger 
Indian came to Wildwyck with a flag of truce ; reports that a 
Wappinger Sachem lay at the river side near the Redoubt with 
venison and wished to have a wagon to convey the venison up 
for sale, which was refused. The said Indian told me that the 
Sachem liad not much to say ; added further, that the Hacking- 
sack Indians had represented that four of the Esopus Indians, 
prisoners in our hands, had died. Whereupon the Indian 
prisoners were brought out to the gate to him, to prove to 
him that they were still living and well. Sent him down 
inmediately to liis Sachem at the river side, to say to him that 
we should come to him to morrow. 

1 Abraham Staats. 

2 Now Commnnepaw N. J. 


29th ditto. At day break had notice given that those who were 
desirous of purchasing venison from the Indians should go along 
with the escort to the river side. Accompanied the detachment 
to the shore and conversed with the Sachem in the presence of 
Capt Thomas Chambers and Sergeant Jan Peersen. He said, he 
had been to receive the Christian prisoners and should have had 
them with us before, had he not unfortunately burnt himself in 
his sleep when lying before the fire ; shewed us his buttock with 
the mark of the burn which was very large ; Also said, that six 
Christian Captives were together at the river side, and gave ten 
fathom of Sewan to another Indian to look up the seventh 
Christian who is Albert Heyman's oldest daugliter, promising us 
positively that he should restore all the Cliristian prisoners to us 
in the course of three days, provided it did not blow too hard 
from the North ; otherwise, he could not come before tlie fourth 
day. We, then, parted after he had, meanwhile, sold his venison. 
He left immediately in his canoe. 

SOth Sent an escort to the river side with grain. Nothing 
else occurred. 

P' December. The only circumstance that happened to day 
was the sending away tlie three Indians with a letter to the 
Hon^^ie i/eer Director General and Council of New Netherland, 
to whom the following was \\ritten in haste. 

" Noble, Respected, Riglit honourable, Wise, Prudent and 
most discreet Lords- 

" To be brief, we could not omit advising Your Honours that 
three Indians arrived here yesterday, being come, as they said, 
from the Manliatans, witli an open letter, being a pass not to 
commit any hostility against their people to this date. But we 
cannot determine what sinister design these Indians may have 
recourse to under cover of this pass. We maintain that such 
and other Indians resort here with such passes, to spy out this 
our place. Meanwliile, we being on our guard, placed sentinels 
every where before them, to prevent them passing through the 
village to examine and pry into it, as they are strongly inclined 
to do. In the meantime we inform your Honours that on the 
day before yesterday t1ie Wappinger Sachem came with venison 
to the Redoubt, and we have had a talk with him, and he prom- 


ised us, among other things, to bring us hither all the Christian 
prisoners, within three or four days, according to the entries in 
our daily journal which Your Honors shall receive from us by 
the first Yacht. Done, Wildwyck this first December 1663. 
(Was subscribed) Christiaen Niessen, Thomas Chambers." 

2d ditto. Sunday. Nothing happened, except that on account 
of the hard frost, I requested the skippers of the vessels to go 
down to the Redoubt to examine their Yachts which they con- 
sented to do. In the afternoon, after tiie Sermon, sent a party 
to the sliore to take down grain and to put it on board. 

3d ditto. The military Council having met, the following 
resolution was adopted : — 

" Ensign Cliristiaen Niessen proposes to send down, pursuant 
to despatches from the Honbie Director General and Council, 
the saddles, pistols, liolsters & carbines, the best whereof was 
left by Capt. Lieutenant Martin Cregier and remains with the 
Clerk, Mattheus Capito, as appears also by letters from the 
Capt. Lieutenant aforesaid together with the three metal guns 
and their accoutrements as they were used in the field, and 
also one sail. 

"The Military Council decided that it was impossible, in 
view of the approacliing winter, to send the articles down at 
present as here at Wildwyck we have no smith suflficiently ex- 
pert to repair tlie arms, and as the Wappingers come almost 
daily under pretence of exchanging Christians, to spy out this 
place which already liath suft'ered massacre enough, and conse- 
quently, if the articles in readiness were sent away (which 
would be publicly seen by other tribes of Indians) two massacres 
(which God forbid!) may occur through want of all adequate 
means, save God's Providence. 

" 2iniiy, The Ensign aforesaid moves, inasmuch as the setting 
out of the palisades is found as yet to be for the greater part 
inadequate and not in accordance with the Capt. Lieutenant's 
request, and as in many places palisades have been removed 
ifrom the curtains and not replaced by otliers, much less atten- 
tion paid to setting out the same, to the imminent ruin and de- 
struction of this Village of Wi/dwyck, which God forfend ; and 
demands further that the inliabitants of Wildwyck may be noti- 


fied by the W. Court to put the fort in a suitable state of defence 
within the space of three days, and in default or neglect thereof, 
that he do it with the best means he may at present find at hand, 
and demand repayment therefor when done from the W. Court 
at Wildwyck. 

" The Military Council unanimously resolved that for the due 
execution of said proposal, it be forthwith communicated to the 
W. Court in Wildwyck, and that they answer the same without 
delay. (Signed) Thomas Chambers, Hendrick Jochems, Jan 
Peersen, Evert Pels, Jonas Rantsou, Walran du Mond, Anto- 
nie delava." 

Also, sent a convoy down in the morning with grain to the 
river side, which on returning brought up the Wappinger 
Sachem and his wife, and Splitnose, tlie Indian last taken by us. 
Which Sachem brought witli liim two captive Christian children, 
stating to us tliat he could not, pursuant to his previous promise 
of the 29th November, bring along with him the remainder, 
being still five Christian captives, because three were at their 
hunting grounds, and he could not find them, but that anotlier 
Indian was out looking for them ; tlie two otliers are in his 
vicinity, the Squaw who keeps them prisoner will not let them 
go, because she is very sick and hath no children, and expects 
soon to die ; and when he can get Albert Heymans' oldest 
daughter, who is also at the hunting ground, and whom he hath 
already purchased and paid for ; then lie shall bring the remain- 
der of the Christian captives along. For the two Cliristian chil- 
dren which he liath brought with him, an Indian child is given 
him, being a little girl, and three pieces of cloth, with which he 
was content. In the afternoon, Jeronimus Ebbing, Nicolaes 
Meyer and Frederick the Hon^ie Company's late carpenter, 
went down unescorted to the Redoubt, with six wagon loads o^ 
grain, not being willing to wait for the writings and letters 
which should be sent by them to the Heeren Director General 
and Council of N. Netherland ; and the Skipper Lucas Andries- 
sen, also, said that he would not wait for the Director General's 
nor any man's letters but be off, as the wind was fair.* 

• Capt. Cregier now resumes and concludes the Journal. — ^Ed. 


19tii ditto. About three o'clock in the afternoon we started 
from the Manhatans for the Esopus in the Hon^ie Company's 
Yacht, with a W. S west wind ; ai-rived that night at Ta[ppan]- 
hook,^ where we cast anchor as it was calm and the ebb was 
running against us. 

20'h ditto. Weighed anchor about eight o'clock and drifted 
upward with the flood, but about 10 o'clock the wind came up 
from the North — so that we could make sail and weathered the 
Highland to day, where we came to anchor anew, as the flood 
was again gone ; saw an Indian paddle across the river in a 
canoe, but he was a full half mile from us. Nothing else oc- 
curred to day. 

21st ditto. The flood set in about two hours before day ; ran 
through the Higlilands ; having got through which, we caught 
a southern breeze but at day break it became calm again ; so 
ran by the Kamer and arrived this night about 10 o'clock at the 
mouth of the Esopus Kill. Despatched a man up with a note 
to Ensign Nyssen to send down some wagons in the morning 
with an escort to convey up the Hon^ie Company's supplies 
whicli were sent for tlie garrison. 

22^^ . About 9 o'clock the escort arrived at the beach with 
the wagons ; entered the kill with the yacht in order to discharge 
the goods ; remained this night, in the kill in front of the Re- 
doubt ; it froze during the night so hard that the yacht was 
hemmed in by the ice ; arrived at Wildwyck about noon ; sent a 
convoy to haul stone. 

23<i ditto. Sunday. No business. 

24'h ditto. Monday. Assembled the Sheriff and Commissa- 
ries of the Village Wildwyck and handed them tlie letter sent to 
them by tlie Honbie Director General and Council and discharged 
SJ^erifl" Swartwout from his office and put [Mattheus Capito] 
provisionally in his place and presented him to the Court of 
Wildwyck according to order, wliom the said Commissaries con- 
gratulated and were well pleased with ; they promised honestly 
to obey what the Heer Director General and Council liave been 
pleased to order. A party was sent to the Great Plot to cut 
oats which happened to be late in ripening, as an opportunity 

1 Qii. — Wliat is now Teller's point. 


now presented to cut it and draw it home. The farmers thi-ashed 
some of it also, and the vijm [a hundred and four sheafsj pro- 
duced five skepels of clean oats. 

25^^ ditto, Tuesday. Nothing happened except that Reyntje 
Pieters came from the river side • he informs us the kill at the 
Redoubt was still fast. 

26tii ditto. No occurrence. 

'HT^ ditto. A party was out on the Great Plot hauling stone ; 
nothing else occurred. 

28*11 ditto. The Captain and Lieutenant of the Burghery of 
Wiltwyck requested to have a drum according to the promise 
given them by the Heer General. By permission of the Military 
Council a Drum and appurtenances were given to the officers of 
the burghery of Wildwyck. A party was down to the river side 
to see if circumstances would admit of the sloop leaving the kill. 
The party returned and stated that there was no way as yet to 
go out of the kill. 

28'''. The officers of the Burghery presented a petition ; it 
reads as follows : — We the undersigned, Tomas Chambrets Cap- 
tain and Hendrick Jochems, Lieutenant of the Burghery in Wild- 
wyck^ hereby request the Hon^ie Valiant Heer Marten Kregier, 
Cap* Lieutenant to be pleased to furnish a keg of gunpowder 
with lead in proportion on the village account, to be distributed 
and used in time of need for the safety of this place, and we 
await your Hone's favorable answer. Done Wiltwyck this 28 '^ 
Xber 1663. (Signed) Tomas Chambres, Hendrick Jochems. The 
answer thereto is as follows — Petitioners' request is granted. 
Whenever they require it at the public expense or for their own 
defence, it shall be furnished them from the Honb'^ Company's 
Magazine by the officer who will be here. Done, Wiltwyck this 
28th December, 1663. 

29th ditto. The Military Council resolved to issue an Ordi- 
nance against the gunners who usually run about firing on New 
Year's day or night, which was also published and affixed. It 
reads as follows : — 

" Whereas we find by Experience that some persons presume 
from year to year to discharge guns on the day of the new incom- 
ing year thus wasting powder unprofitably both in the morning 

Vol. IV. 7 


and throughout the day and sometimes to the great danger of 
each other and to their own destruction, both in wounding or 
destroying their own persons which frequently occurs therefrom; 
and whereas there are here many ricks and barns full of grain 
and straw, and as great disorder and rashness prevail in many 
places especially on this day, both in the morning and through- 
out the day, by firing of guns which is practised and prevails 
more particularly in this place on the above mentioned New 
Tear's day; Therefore the Captain Lieutenant and valiant 
Council of War order and forbid all persons whom it may con- 
cern that no one shall presume on New Year's day, being the 
first of January to discharge any gun or other fire arms in front 
of any houses or any other places where it is not absolutely ne- 
cessary, unless for some approaching enemies, and that under 
the penalty of six guilders foT each shot fired by the person. 
Both the Sheriif and military officers are ordered to pay strict 
attention hereunto so that this our order may be duly obeyed. 
Thus done and enacted by the Captain Lieutenant and Valiant 
Council of War in Fort Wiltwyck this 29th xber 1663." 

Have been down with a party to the river side to bring away 
the guns and other munitions of war. Nothing else occurred. 

30th. Sunday. Nothing done as it rained almost the entire 
day and the kill became again open. 

31st. Left the Esopus again in the Honbie Company s Yacht 
for the Manhatans, the wind Southerly. Weathered the Long 
Reach where we came to anchor in the night about twelve o'clock. 

1664. 1st January. The wind continuing southerly, tacked 
to-day as far as the entrance of the Highlands where we anchored 
about 9 o'clock in the evening ; the flood being spent weighed 
anchor and passed through the Highlands where we again cast 

2<^. Weighed anchor again, and drifted with the ebb as far 
down as Tappaen. 

3d. Having weighed anchor again, drifted down anew with 
the ebb to the end of Manhatans island, where we made sail 
about 8 o'clock in the morning, the wind being westerly, and 
arrived about twelve o'clock at the Manhatans. 
.^,,,, Martin Kregier. 






Translated from the Dutch Original 



•,• In the year 1649, delegates were sent from New Netherland to Holland 
to obtain redress of various grievances of which the Colonists of the day com- 
plained. A number of representations were made by the complainants as well as 
by the government. Of these Van der Donck's Vertoogh and Secretary Van 
Tienhoven's answer, have been published in the Collections of the N. Y. Hist. 
Soc, 2d. Ser. ii. The ''Breeden Raet" or Full Information to the United 
Netherland Provinces, is another of the publications called forth by the same 
circumstance. It was printed at Antwerp originally in 1649. It consists of a 
Dialogue between eight persons and appears to be a strong attack on the adminis- 
trations of Directors Kieft and Stnyvesant. A brochure, made up of Extracts 
from this work having recently appeared in Amsterdam, a copy was obtained for 
the State Library which is now reprinted. Hitherto, the work has been unknown 
to bibliographers. 


B. Passing over several minor abuses, in order to come to the 
tyrany which ruins the whole country, you must know that 
Governor Kieft had for a long time secretly intended to begin a 
war with the savages of New Netherland, because they had 
refused, on reasonable grounds, to give him a certain contribu- 
tion, alleging they were not obliged to give it to the director, or 
to the Dutch : 

1. Not for the sake of the soldiers, since they did them no 
service, in case of war with other tribes ; for that they crept, 
together like cats upon a piece of cloth and might be killed a 
thousand times over, before news could be got to the fort, which 
was at a great distance from them -, still less that they could be 
delivered or seconded in time by its soldiers. 

2. Further, that they had allowed us to remain peaceably in 
their country, that they had never demanded a recompense from 
us, and that, for that reason, we were under obhgations to them, 
and not they to us. 

3. Item, that when our nation, having lost a ship there had 
built a new one, they had supplied them with victuals and all 
other necessaries, and had taken care of them for two winters, 
till the ship was finished ; consequently we were under obliga- 
tion to them, not they to us. 

4. For that reason they asked why they should supply us 
with maize for nothing, since they paid as much as we asked, 
for every thing they came to purchase of us. 

5. If we, said they, have ceded to you the country you are 
living in, we yet remain masters of what we have retained for 

Have we not supplied you Swannekens (i. e. Germans or 
Dutchmen) on your first arrival here and when you had no 
mochols (i. e. ships,) with provisions for two whole winters, and 
had we not you would have died of hunger ? 


The delegates from all the savage tribes, such as the Raritans, 
whose chiefs called tliemselves Oringkes, from Orange, the Hac- 
quinsacks, the Wappenas, Hogelanders, Wicquasgecks, Recke- 
wacke, Mereckewacks, Tappanders, Massapeins, Zinkeeuw, and 
others, liad got as many objections to make, as there were points 
to discuss. They, however, separated peaceably, contenting 
themselves with giving us no contributions nor asking any from 
us. Director Kieft, seeing himself deprived of this contribution 
which he was very greedy of by so many reasons, and also 
because it would disgrace him in the eyes of his countrymen, 
" ■ invented other means to satisfy his insatiable avaricious soul. 

E. Well, skipper, how did all that end 1 

B. When in the year 1643, about Shrovetide, the savages were 
surprised by some other tribes (which were too powerful for 
them) and obliged to retreat they took refuge in our territory, 
not suspecting they had any thing to fear from us. About the 
same time there was a feast at the house of Jan Janssen Damen, 
at which the director, in a significant toast, communicated his 
intended attack on the savages to three inconsiderate boors, viz : 
Maryn Adriaensz, Jan Janszand Abraham Plancy, who present- 
ed a (pretended) request, composed by secretary Tienhoven, to 
the governor, begging him to allow them to take revenge on the 
savages, who killed the servant of Mr. v. Nederhorst, which 
crime had not been punished ; this retribution being necessary 
to maintain the reputation of our nation. 

K. Was that true 1 

B. I will tell you sir. A certain savage chief named Hacquin- 
sacq, who was considered as heedless even by the savages them- 
selves, having been intoxicated with brandy by our men, being 
asked wliether lie was able to make a good use of his bow and 
arrow when in that state, in reply pointed his arrow at a certain 
man called Gerrit Yansz, a servant of the deceased Mr. van 
Nederhorsts, whom he actually killed, asking whether he was 
able or not. To revenge this man's death several savages had 
been killed, and our people were again in peace with them ; so 
that at the time the director ordered this massacre, the same 
tribe who had killed the deceased Mr. v. Nederhorsts servant, 
7 had been visited some weeks before by the director himself, and 


supplied with all necessaries ; this pretent was therefore altogether 
a specious one. 

K. Was it then in the power of one man to begin a war or 
massacre for that ? 

B. That it might appear plausible, they had such a petition 
presented; to which, on Feb. 25. 1643 was answered that they 
authorised Maryn Adriaensz, with his company, to make an 
attack on the Savages, camped at Curlers plantation, and to treat 
them as time and circumstances required. 

E. Who ever gave such an authorisation ? Who could have 
been the author of that authorisation 1 

B. Why secretary Cornelius van Tienhoven, who is now 
returned home to make a report on New Netherland ; the same 
who had, composed the petition. 

C. A child might see that that was but a pretext. The secre- 
tary deserved to be torn to pieces by four horses as a traitor ; 
and as for the three boors, according to law they had forfeited 
their lives. In the mean time were the settlers warned to be on 
the alert, tliat they might not run any risk either by assistance 
or resistance ? 

B. Nobody at all was warned but the three before mentioned. 
The settlers were not so much as thought of. The secretary 
himself went to reconnoitre the camp of the savages the day 
before the attack, and if the settlers had known what was intend- 
ed, supposing there had been reasons for it, not one of the savages 
would have escaped ; but if, as was really the case, there had 
been no reasons, tlie director would never liave been able to 
commit such a murder, if even he had such traitors as secretaries. 

J. By what I understand of the affair, the secretary is the 
principal cause of what followed. But how did they proceed ? 

B. Between the 25 and 26 Febr. 1643, at midnight 80 and odd 
savages were murdered at Pavonia, by 80 soldiers. Young 
children, some of them snatched from their mothers, were cut in 
pieces before the eyes of their parents, and the pieces were 
thrown into the fire or into the water ; other babes were bound 
on planks and then cut through, stabbed and miserably massacred, 
so that it would break a heart of stone ; some were thrown 
into the river and when the fathers and mothers sought to 


save them, the soldiers would not suffer them to come ashore but 
caused both old and young to be drowned. Some children of from 
5 to 6 years of age, as also some old infirm persons, who had 
managed to hide themselves in the bushes and reeds, came out 
in the morning to beg for a piece of bread and for permission to 
warm themselves, but were all murdered in cold blood and 
thrown into the fire or the water. A few escaped to our settlers, 
some with the loss of a hand, others of a leg, others again holding 
in their bowels with their hands, and all so cut, hacked and 
maimed, that worse could not be imagined ; they were indeed in 
such a state that our people supposed they had been surprised 
by their enemies, the tribe of the Maquaes. After this exploit 
the soldiers were recompensed for their services, and thanked 
by the director Kieft in person. In another place, on the same 
night, at Curler's Hook, near Curler's plantation, about forty 
savages were surprised in their sleep in the same way, and 
massacred like the others. 

D. Did ever the duke of Alba do more evil in the Nether- 
lands ? 

F. Certainly you have such Dutch Governors or directors who 
honour and respect the duke of Alba. 

B. Yes sir, it is a scandal for our nation ; and if silence would 
have remedied it I should never have mentioned it. But 
information has been given of it in the proper quarter, and not 
only it has not been remedied, but it has gone still worse as you 
shall hear directly. 

H. But did the savages suffer this so quietly 7 

B. Oh no sir. As soon as they found how the Swannekens 
treated them, they killed all the men they could lay hands on, 
but I never heard that they did any harm to the women or 
cliildren. Besides this they burned and destroyed all the houses, 
farms, barns and everything they could come at, so that they 
began a declared and destructive war. 

C. Quicquid delirant reges plectuntur achivi. 

B. I am told for a fact that a certain skipper Isaac Abraham- 
sen, having saved a young boy, and hidden liim under the sails 
in order to give him to one CorneUus Melyn, towards morning 
the poor cliild, overcome with' cold and hunger, made some noise 


and was heard by the soldiers, 18 Dutch tigers, draggea from 
under the sails in spite of the endeavors of the skipper, who 
was alone against 18, cut in two and thrown overboard. 

F. But what did the inhabitants say of the massacre ? 

B. They were not only much displeased but took notes of 
all that passed from time to time, for those of the country (plant- 
ers) were all ruined, and in the forts there was little provision 
and little strength. This they wrote and sent to government 
relating the causes and occasions of the war, with all the circum- 
stances as they had occurred. 

J. How did you do in the meanwhile, before an answer ar- 
rived ? 

B. We had but a choice of evils. The Director robbed and 
murdered wherever he could, and in the manner already related 
1600 savages were killed in the years 1643 and 1644 ; some of 
them were settled among the Enghsh, at a distance of from 10 
to 20 miles from us, who were most of them surprised in their 
sleep, many of them never having seen a Dutchman much less 
ever having done them any harm. 

In April of the year 1644, seven savages were arrested at 
Heemstede (where an Enghsh clergyman, Mr, Fordam, was 
governor), on a charge of kiUing two or three pigs, though it was 
afterwards discovered that some Enghshmen had done it them- 
selves. Director Kieft was informed by Mr. Fordham, that he 
had just arrested seven savages, who were confined in a cellar, 
but whom. he had not dared to treat inhumanely, as he could 
not answer for the consequences to himself, because such things 
are not to be winked at there, or perhaps because the English 
nation wish to cause a general dislike among the savages to our 
people. Kieft immediately sent ensign Opdyk with an Enghsh- 
man, John Onderhill, and 15 or 16 soldiers, who killed three of 
the seven in the cellar. They then took the other four with 
them in the saihng boat, two of whom were towed along by a 
string round their necks till they were drowned, while the two 
unfortunate survivors were detained as prisoners at fort Am- 
sterdam. When they had been kept a long time in the corps de 
g arde, the director became tired of giving them food any longer, 
and they were delivered to the' soldiers to do as they pleased 


with . The poor unfortunate prisoners were immediately dragged 
out of the guard house and soon dispatched with knives of from 
18 to 20 inches long, wiiicli director Kieft liad made for his sol- 
diers for sucli purposes, saying that the swords were too long 
for use in the huts of the savages, when they went to surprise 
them ; but tliat tliese knives were much handier for bowelling 
them. The first of these savages having received a frightful 
wound, desired them to permit him to dance what is called the 
Kinte Kaeye, a religious use observed among them before death ; 
he received however so many wounds, that he dropped down 
dead. The soldiers then cut strips from the other's body, be- 
ginning at the calves, up the back, over the shoulders and down 
to the knees. While this was going forward, director Kieft, 
with his councillor Jan de la Montaigne, a Frenchman, stood 
laughing heartily at the fun, and rubbing his right arm, so much 
delight he took in such scenes. He then ordered him to be 
taken out of the fort, and the soldiers bringing him to the Beaver's 
path (he dancing the Kinte Kaeye all the time) threw him down, 
cut off his partes geriitales, thrust them into his mouth while still 
alive, and at last, placing him on a mill stone, cut off his head. 
H. What shameful barbarity ! 

E. What I tell you is true, for by the same token there stood 
at the same time 24 or 25 female savages, who had been taken 
prisoner at the N. W. point of the fort ; and when they saw this 
bloody spectacle, they held up their arms, struck their mouth, 
and in their language exclaimed: " For shame! for shame! such 
unheard of cruelty was never known, or even thought of among 
us." The savages have often called out to us from a distance: 
what scoundrels you Swannekens are; you do not war upon us, 
but upon our wives and' children, whom you treacherously 
murder; whereas we do no harm either to your wives or your 
children, but feed and take care of them, till we send them back 
again to you. 

K. Well, skipper, you know more news, if they were only 
good news, than all of us put together. How did they get on? 

B. Director Kieft, not content with this causing the hunted 
savages to be surprised, engaged some English spies to accom- 
pany liis soldiers as guides, into places unknown to our people, 


by which many poor inoffensive savages were cruelly and trai- 
torously massacred. 


B. The state's general being informed of all those evils, 
ordered the governors (of the West India Company) to remedy 
them; and the latter, conscious of having trifled too long with 
director Kieft, with whom they were thoroughly acquainted, 
chose a certain Petrus Stuy vesant, formerly director of Curasao, 
the son of a minister in Vriesland, to supersede him. This same 
Stuy vesant robbed the daughter of his host, and being discovered 
would have had to suffer for the crime, but that he was forgiven 
for sake of liis father. 

E. How in the world did the company manage to find se 
many rascals? Why they must have whole magazines full of 

B. Their High Mightinesses now thought that the governor 
would take care that there should be no more complaints of an 
oppressive or tyrannical direction ; we are however informed in 
•wliat manner the same governors who had intrigued with Kieft, 
instructed the new director, to the dechne and ruin of New 
Netherland, to maintain Kieft and vex the inhabitants under any 
appearance or pretext whatever. Neither could he contain him- 
self till he had time and opportunity, but even upon his passage 
threatened tliat when he arrived in New Netherland, he would 
teach them better to know their plans. As however he had 
promised their high mightinesses by oath, that he would punish 
the faults of director Kieft according to their deserts, and pro- 
perly support tlie inhabitants ; the result however has shown 
quite the contrary of these fine promises, according to the 
instructions given him by the governors (which he has shown to 
several persons), in which he is ordered to do as he afterwards 

J. Is not that the same Stuyvesant who some time before at- 


tempted to take fort St. Martin for the company, and trho lost 
liis leg in the attempt? 

B. The very same; the governors looked upon that as quite a 
piece of Roman courage. 

J. Yes, but all who attended that expedition will tell another 
story; how he burnt all our powder in firing salutes during the 
whole of the voyage, so that when the time for action arrived, 
there was none to be found; and every thing relating to that 
expedition was so disorderly, that the like was never seen. In- 
deed when we broke up the seige and retired, without efifecting 
any thing, only because of his leg, which was shot off by the first 
cannon shot from Fort St. Martin, we left every thing behind, 
and among other things 5 or 6 field pieces. Was that a fine 
Roman achievement? Who knows how much that expedition 
cost the company? Such a prudent hero deserved indeed to be 
advanced to director, and chosen and» sent to New Netherland 
as redresser-General of all abuses. 

B. When he comes thence, the governors may send him as 
president to Brazil, in order to spoil the little that stiU remains 
there, just as he is always used to do. 

J. He is now, however, getting older, and ought to improve 
his conduct in order to wipe out former faults. How does he 
get on in New Netherland? 

B. Improve do you say, messmate? Like old wolves and old 
ships, worse from day to day. 

J. Does he still foam and rage and storm as much as he used 
to do, even to striking and beating? 

B. In all that he is just the man he has always been ; and so 
there is no change to be expected but for the worse. 

J. What was his reception in New Netherland? 

B. There was so much shouting on all sides, that they were 
obliged to send to another place to buy powder for exercising 
and in case of need. 

J. I could have guessed as much, but how did he treat the 
Inhabitants from the very first? 

B. As soon as he arrived, some of the principal inhabitants 
coming bareheaded to welcome their new director, he let them 
wait for several liours bareheaded, he himself keeping his hat 


on his head, as if he was the Czar of Moscovy; nobody was 
offered a chair, while he seated himself very comfortably on a 
chair, the better to give the welcomers an audience. 

J. You speak in so lively a way of liis manner of acting, that 
I can fancy I see it all passing before my eyesj go on telling 
about that unlicked bear. 

B. In a word, when he was to take the direction from Kieft, 
the whole community being called together for that purpose, 
Kieft began by thanking them all for their fidelity to him, whicli 
he much exaggerated in hopes that the community would una- 
nimously have thanked him; but some of them said boldly that 
they would not thank him as they had no reason to do so; among 
these were Joachim Pieterz Kuyter and Cornells Melyn. Stuy- 
vesant, under the canopy of heaven, declared loudly that every 
one should have justice done to him, which assurance was very 
agreeable to the community ; a few days afterwards, however, 
being well persuaded and led away by Kieft, Stuyvesant began 
to assemble a court of justice, had the letter of the 8 deputed 
petitioners to the chamber of Amsterdam laid before it, and 
having chosen the side of Kieft, and wishing to take care that 
afterwards no similar charge should be brought against him, he 
considered these 8 chosen men as private persons, and regarded 
aU their conduct and the whole process between Kieft and them 
in no other light. 

In his opinion it was treason to petition against one's magis- 
trates whether there was cause or not. What Kieft simply 
denied was considered as of more weight than the proofs 
produced by his antagonists. 

And when the arbiters produced divers memorials, points and 
persons to prove the truth of what was written, their statements 
were either entirely rejected or a part of what came to light was 

And what was more, the other persons who had subscribed 
two letters were prevailed upon and obliged by high authority 
and severe menaces as also by fair promises, not to divulge what 
would be communicated to them, to revoke what had been 
written, or at least in order to give it another appearance to 
declare they had been bribed to subscribe it and had been mis- 


informed, not knowing what they subscribed, but having only 
done it at the earnest entreaties of some who persisted in 
subscribing it and still maintained their signature. 

So dire<?tor Stuyvesant passed sentence against Joachim 
Pietersz and Cornelis Melyn, whom he charged with having 
accused, by libellous letters their legitimate governor and chief 
director Kieft, in a clandestine and lying way; with having 
censured and calumniated him, the which he and his counsil 
desiring to prevent in the well ordered commonwealth of New 
Netherland, and executing justice in the name of their High 
Mightinesses the states General, His Highness the Prince of 
Orange, and the General chartered West India Company, con- 
demned Joachim Piertsz Kuyter to a banishment of three 
consecutive years and a penalty of a hundred and fifty guilders, 
one third for the fiscal, one third for the poor and one third for 
the church. Cornelis Melyn was charged in his sentence with 
more crimes and punished more severely, (because Kieft had 
formerly flattered himself that he should have a part with him 
in Staten Island, and finding liimself deceived, he had been 
obliged to make other conditions with other persons ; and Kieft 
played him this trick, as was afterwards proved) and in virtue 
of the preceding arguments was found guilty of Crimen laesae 
Majestatis, crimen falsi, crimen of libel and defamation, and on 
that account was to forfeit all benefits derived from the company 
or which he might stiU claim, a penalty of 300 guilders, to be 
applied as above, and to be banished from New Netherland for 
the term of 7 years. So that those who had accused Kieft 
were kicked out and sent away by Stuyvesant. It is well known 
that when director Kieft was reminded that these suits would most 
probably, have taken another turn in HoUand, he rephed ; why 
should we alarm each other with justice in Holland ; in this case 
I only consider it as a scare crow. And Stuyvesant replied ; if 
I was persuaded that you would appeal from my sentences 
or divulge them, I would have your head cut off, or have you 
hanged on the highest tree in New. Netherland. He also repre- 
sented Kieft's affair in so favorable a light, inveighed so furiously 
against the constant arbiters, that the foam hung on his beard. 
To show still more clearly that he did not at all intend to follow 


the orders of their High Mightinesses or fulfil the promises he 
made them, or to satisfy the community, he immediately appoint- 
ed Jan Jansen Damen, (one of those who had signed the request 
to slaughter the savages) as churchwarden. 

E. A very nice churchwarden that, one with bloody hands. 

B. It is to be feared that if the united Provinces, their High 
Mightinesses and his Highness do not take measures to prevent 
the occurrence of such injustice, their reputation will sufifer,not 
only among the savages but through all Christendom and it is 
disgraceful enough already that this* has not yet been done ; 
there-fore those who have the prosperity of the Netherlands, of 
New Netherland, of its inhabitants and of its government at 
heart, ought to strive to redress such grievances. 

J. But was that sentence executed ? 

B. Most assuredly ; for that was now of as much consequence 
to the new director Stuyvesant as his own honour, reputation, 
even his own life. They were brought on board like criminals 
and torn away from their goods, their wives and their children. 
The Princess was to carry the director and those two faithful 
patriots away from New Netherland, but coming into the wrong 
channel it struck upon a rock and was wrecked. And now this 
wicked Kieft, seeing death before his eyes, sighed deeply and 
turning to these two, said: Friends, I have been unjust towards 
you, can you forgive me 1 Towards morning the ship was 
broken to pieces. Melyn lost his son, the minister Bogardus ; 
while Kieft, captain John de Vries and a great number of otlier 
persons were drowned. Much treasure was also lost, as Kieft 
was on his return with a fortune of four hundred thousand guil- 
ders. Joachim Pietersz Kuyter remained alone on a part of the 
ship on which stood a cannon, which he took for a man, but 
speaking to it and getting no answer he supposed him dead. 
He was at last thrown on land, together with the cannon, to the 
great astonishment of the English, who crowded the strand by 
thousands, and who set up the pine or ordinance as a lasting 
memorial. Melyn, floating on his back, fell in with others who 
had remained on a part of the wreck till they were driven on a 
sandbank which became dry with the ebb. They then took 
some planks and pieces of wood, fastened them together and 


having made sails of their shirts, etc., they got at last to the 
Mainland of England. As these persons were more concerned 
for their papers than for any thing else, they caused them to be 
dragged for, and on the third day Joachim Pietersz got a small 
part of them, which are in being to this day. 

C. How people are sometimes bufifetted about the world ! 
How will these persons ever get justice 1 

B. According to what they told me, when they arrived in 
Holland, the Dutch directors much lamented the loss of the ship 
and its rich cargo, and were doubly pained that while so many 
fine men were lost, two rebellious bandits should survive to 
trouble the company with their complaints. 

J. Was that all the comfort they got 1 

B. That was not all their comfort, but some of the directors 
undertook to prevent them from getting a hearing from their 
High Mightinesses. 

J. 'Twas better to send such scoundrels to the devil. Who 
dared to undertake that 1 

B. Those who had always corresponded with those wicked 
children of Belial, van Beeck Perquin ; they got a hearing, 
however, and set their affair in such a light before their H. M. 
that it was resolved to prevent such unrighteous proceedings, 
dispatched letters of inhibition, ordered Stuyvesant either to 
appear in person or by proxy, in order to hear his sentence 
maintained, confirmed or annulled ; or else to await it there, 
and to that end their H. M. supphed the complainants with all 
necessary orders, safeguards, acts and instruments. 






Translated from De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld: of Beschryving van America 
en 't Zuidland: door Aenoldus Mohtakus. Amsterdam, 1671. 

Vol. IV. 


New Netherland bounded on the south west by Virginia^ 
Description and strctches ou the north east to JVew England, on the 

discovery of New " ' 

Netherland. uofth it Is washed by the river Canada^ and on the 
coast by the Ocean : north westerly, inland, it remains wholly 
unknown. The first Who discovered this counti-y was Henry 
Hudson. Engaged by the East India Company to find out a 
passage to China north of America^ he set Sail with the Yacht 
Half Moon, in the year sixteen hundred and nine. In front of 
J^ewfoundland he took a course directly southwest ; entered a 
large river ; there [met] two men clothed in Elk skins, and sub- 
sequently arrived safe at Amsterdam. JVew JYetherland being 
thus discovered, divers traders set about establishing a stable 
trade here. Wlierefore they sought for and obtained a charter 
in the year sixteen hundred and fourteen, from the States Gen- 
eral at the Hague, to trade to JYew JVetherland to the exclusion 
of all others. Earnestly, now, was the trade prosecuted. 
Adriaen Blok and Godyn soon discovered here divers coasts, 
islands, harbours and rivers. Among the rivers is the Manhat- 
tans or Great river, by far the most important, which disem- 
bogues into the Ocean by two wide mouths, washing the mighty 
island Matouwacs. The south entrance was called Port May 
or Godyn' s Bay : Midway lies Staten Island, and a 

River Manhattans. ,. , „ , , ,, , 

little lurther up, the Manhattans, so called from 
the people which inhabit the mainland on the east side of the 
river. These are cruel and wicked men, enemies of the Dutch, 
as well as of the Sanhikans who dwell on the west side. Higher 
up lie the Makwaes and Mahikans, who are constantly at war 
with each other : in like manner all the inhabitants on the west 
bank of the Manhattan river frequently make war on those resi- 
ding on the east side. And the latter in like manner entertain 
constant animosity against the Dutch, with whom the other 
nations to the west maintain good friendship. On a little island 


adjoining the Makwaes shore, formerly stood a fort furnished 
with two guns and eleven stone pieces, but it was finally aban- 
doned. On the Man/iattans island stands .JVeiu Amsterdam, five 
miles from the Ocean : Ships run up to the harbour there from 
the sea with one tide. The city hath an earthen fort. Within 
the fort, and on the outermost bastion towards the river, stand 
a. wind mill, and a very high staff, on which a flag is hoisted 
whenever any vessels are seen in Godyn's bay. The church 
rises with a double roof between which a square tower looms 
aloft. On one side is the prison, on the other side of the church 
the governor's house. Without the walls are the houses mostly 
built by Amsterdaraers. On the river side stand the gallows 
and whipping post. A handsome public tavern adorns the 
farthest point. Between the fort and this tavern is a row of 
suitable dwelling houses : among which stand out the ware 
houses of the West India Company. JVew Jfetherland hath, 
moreover, divers remarkable water falls tumbling down from 
lofty rocks, broad creeks and kills, fresh lakes and rivulets and 
pleasant springs and fountains, which smoke in 

Wholesome waters. . . i -i i . i i i 

wmter, are right cold m summer, and, nevertheless, 
are much drank. Meanwhile the inhabitants are at no time 
much incommoded by floods, nor by the sea, inasmuch as 
at spring tide the water scarcely ever rises a foot higher ; nor 
by freshets {op water) which cover only some low lands for a 
short while and enrich them by their alluvium. The sea coast 
rises hilly out of sand and clay, wherefore it produces abund- 
antly all sorts of lierbs and trees. 

The oak usually grows sixty to seventy feet high, for the most 

part free of knots, for which reason it is well adapted 
ees, w at sort. ^^ ^^.^ buildiug. The Hickory trees furnish a hot 
and lasting fire, and a curious appearance whenever the bush is 
cut away either for the purpose of more open hunting or for clear- 
ing the ground for a bouwery . Some plants sent hither from Hol- 
land thrive better than even in Holland ; namely, the apple, pear, 
quince, cherry, plum, currant, apricot, buckthorn, medlar, peach 

and onion. Vines grow wild everywhere and bear in 

abundance blue and white muscatels and pork grapes 
{spek-druiven). Some time since, the wine press was successfully 


introduced. The wine was equal to any Rhenish or French 
Wine. Every vegetable known to the Dutch is cultivated in 
Water melons ^^^^ gardcus. Water melons as savory as they are 

wholesome,- are, when ripe, as large as a cabbage. 
The English extract a liquor from them which would be no wise 
inferior to Spanish wine did it not turn sour too soon. Gourds 
when cleaned out serve as water vessels. Tobacco produces leaves 
five quarters long. Pumpkins grow luxuriant and agreeable. 
^^^^ Corn sowed in hills six feet apart, sprouts up readily 

and prosperously if properly weeded. Turkish 
beans, planted beside the corn, wind themselves around the stalk. 

Grey peas prosper here so well that two crops are 

*^ gathered in the year from one field. Medicinal 

plants and indigo grow wild in abundance. The barley can 

be tied above the head. Furthermore, all sorts of flowers 

have a pleasant odor and appearance. The hills consist 

of fullers earth, or clay, fit for making dishes, pots 

Nature of the hills. ' *" ^ ' -^ 

and tobacco pipes. There is, besides, abundance 
of rock crystal and Muscovy glass. Other hills furnish marble, 
serpentine, blue and hearth stone. A.nd although the Dutch 
have not taken much trouble to dig for minerals, either on 
account of not being numerous enough, or in order not to i»ake 

other folks' mouths water, it is nevertheless incon- 
Goid and Silver trovcrtible that the subterranean cavities in the hills 


conceal gold and silver. When Wilhem Kieft, tlie 
governor, employed, in the year sixteen hundred and forty five, the 

Indian interpreter Agheroense, with a view, tlirougli 
iGefi's experiment him to terminate the difficulties which had arisen 

about gold. 

between the West India Company and the cruel 
tribe, the Makwaes, he observed that the said interpreter streak- 
ed his face with a glittering yellow paint. Kieft suspected some 
valuable mineral to be concealed in this operation, proposed to 
satisfy Agheroense ; subjected it to the crucible ; obtained two 
pieces of gold worth three guilders. He kept the matter secret ; 
obtained fortunately from the mountain pointed out by Aghe- 
roense, a bucket full of the material, for it furnished gold. 
Kieft now imagined he had made a great discovery & despatclied 
Ai-end Corsen from New Haven to Holland with the stuff. But 


as the ship never made its appearance — which was 
Why it failed. ^jg^ ^^^ ^^^^ subsequently of the fly boat, the 

Princess, in which the governor was a passenger, who had a 
supply of the abovementioned mineral, all further exploration 

ceased. The natives divided into various tribes 
Jaimi^gs""'^'' mutually agree in respect to painting their bodies, 

shields, war clubs and the lath work within their 
huts. For this they use colours extracted either from plants or- 
from finely cruslied stones. The principal plant is not unlike 
the Orach or Golden lierb, except that tl\e stalk has many shoots 
and red-brown berries ; the juice of which collected in the inner 
bark of trees, is laid in the sun to dry, and when dried is preserved 
in httle pouches. The inhabitants temper the paint with water, 
and then streak the body ; it produces the most beautiful purple 
that can any wliere be found. Their pictures represent canoes, 
trees and animals, but very indifferently executed. Instead of 

plumes they bedeck themselves with hair tied with 

Their omameiils. 

small bands. The hair is of a scarlet colour and 
surprizing brilliancy which is permanent and ineffaceable by 
rain. The horses in A^ew JYetherland are brought 
from England or from the diocese of Utrecht ' . 
Those from the bishopric far excel the English. Both are subject 
to a curious desease whereof many die within a few 
ease. j^QQjg^ The samc disease attacks horned cattle that 
are pastured on new ground. But hay grown in salt meadows 
is found to be a remedy against this. Hogs fatten exceedingly in 
the woods ; those fed on Indian corn give the sweetest pork. 
Sheep, though very thriving, are not numerous, 
^^^' because the settlements cannot spare any persons to 

keep watch against the wolves. Besides, venison is so abund- 
ant that the slieep can on this account be the more easily 
dispensed with. Fowls, turkeys, geese, ducks, pigeons and 
other feathered game are, also, easily obtained. Lions, whose 
skins tlie Indians bring to market, are caught on 
a higli moimtain, situated fifteen days journey to 
the southwest.* Here, also, are many pitcli black 

1 In fornipr times, this diocese included the provinces of Overijssel and 
Utrecht. Sec, Martinet's Beschryving dcr Nederlanden, ii., 205, 206 

2 This animal is doubtless the Panther. — En. 


o^iiSt <»anffw-bears, shy of men, but which, when attacked, spring 
on the hunters ; they first stop the wound with a 
pledget of leaves, and if the hunter, meanwhile, takes refuge in 
a tree, climb after and above him, then stick the head between 
the legs and fall downward. They sleep during winter, lying 
six weeks on one side and an equal time on the other, sucking 
their paw. A cripple bush or hollow mountain serves them 
for a sleeping place. On the borders of Canada 
^umaS'"''"^ animals are now and again seen, somewhat resem- 
bling a horse ; they have cloven hoofs, shaggy 
manes, a horn right out of the forehead, a tail like that of the 
wild hog, black eyes, a stag's neck & love the gloomiest wilder- 
nesses ; are shy of each other so that the male never feeds with 
the female except when they associate for purposes of increase. 
Then they lay aside their ferocity ; as soon as the rutting season 
is past, they again not only become wild but even attack their 
own. South of Kew J{ ether land are found numer- 
ous elks, animals which according to Erasmus Stella 
constitute a middle class between horses and deer. They appear 
to derive their Dutch appellation {eelanden) from elende (misery), 
because they die of the smallest wound, however strong they 
may otherwise be ; also, because they are frequently afiiicted 
with epilepsy. They have broad, branching horns, a short tail, 
a shaggy neck, variable hair, according to the difference of the 
season, wide and long ears, prominent lips, small teeth, a thick 
hide, which cannot be easily pierced. The females separate 
from the males, when they have shed their horns. Both can 
be easily tamed. When hunted they spew hot water out on the 
the dogs. They possess great strength of hoof, so as to strike a 
wolf dead at a blow. Their flesh, either fresh or salted, is very 
nutritious ; the hoofs cure the falling sickness. But no game 
is more abundant here than deer, which browze 
every where in large herds. When flying before 
wolves or hunters tliey oft times head towards streams, betake 
themselves to tlie water, where they are taken in great numbers, 
for whilst swimming across they get frightened by the echo from 
the mountains raised by the liunters on the opposite bank ; they 
dare not, consequently, approach land : meanwhile the hunters 


tie branches together, by which the deer, after being chased, are 
sometimes dragged down. J^ew Ketherland also produces many 
muskcats, especially in marshy ground. The animals are parti- 
cularly beautiful ; the skin by its black spots has a handsome 
appearance ; the mouth is full of sharp teeth, the tails trail far 

behind. Many learned men dispute respecting the 
Social!'''""* " civet, namely, whether it be the seed of the civet 

cat. Cardanus so maintains, but he is thoroughly 
refuted on this pomt by Julius Scaliger Matthiolus, whose opin- 
ions many embrace ; 'he affirms the civet to be the sweat of the 
cat, inasmuch as it was gathered most plentifully whenever these 
animals, wearied by excitement, pant for breath. But whilst 
the sweat dropt from the whole body, yet as it did not impregnate 
the whole with musk, it cannot be musk. Others consider the 
civet to be an secretion of the cat. These divide all secretions 
into unprofitable, such as sweat, pus, excrement ; or into useful, 
as milk, and semen for production. Civet must be classed 
among the latter, for it is, probably, nothing more than a secre- 
tion from the glands in the vicinity of privy parts, generated in 
the same way as the hver secretes the blood ; udders and 
women's breasts, milk ; the ears, wax ; and adders produce 
poison between their fangs. In the meantime cats are embar- 
rassed with their civet, whereof they rid themselves by rubbing 
against trees, and evince friendship for those who, in the sheep- 
fold, rub it oif with a spoon. But in addition to other wild 
animals Mew JVetkerland furnishes, according to the occular 
evidence of Adriaen van der Donk, full eighty thousand beavers 
n, rv. o« o^ year Pli7iy relates how these animals castrate 

PLny, lib. 32 cap. 3. ^ 

themselves, and leave these parts to the hunters, 
inasmuch as they are much sought after, being an efiectual 
remedy for mania, retention of the afterbirth, amenorrhcea, diz- 
ziness, gout, lameness, belly and tooth aches, dullness of vision, 

poisoHHjg and rheumatism. But Pliny commits a 
fer'^'r?ma"rk"abie^ gravc eTvoT ; tor thc Bcavers have very small testi- 
Beaver "^ ^'^ clcs fastened in such a manner to the back bone 

that they cannot remove them except with life. 
Moreover, they live in the water and on land together in troops, in 
houses built of timber over a running sti-eam. The houses excite 


no common admiration ; they are thus constructed — the Beavers 
first collect together all the drift wood which they find along the 
river, and whenever this falls short, they gnaw away, in the next 
adjoining wood, the sweetest bark all around with the front teeth, 
of wliich they have two in the upper, and two in the lower gum, 
they then cut right around the trunk until the tree falls ; when 
they also shorten the pieces in like manner, to adapt them to the 
proposed building. The females carry the pieces on the back, 
the males support it behind so that it may not fall off. The 
houses rise ingeniously to the height of five stories ; they are 
smeared above with clay to protect them from the rain ; in the 
middle is a convenient aperture through which to dive into the 
water as soon as they perceive any person. Wherefore, one of 
the troop keeps watch by turns, and in the winter a second keeps 
the water open by constant beating of the tail. The tail is flat- 
tish without hair, and most dainty food which in some places is 
served up as a rare delicacy. The beavers go with young sixteen 
,weeks ; they bear once a year four young, which cry and suck 
like young children ; for the mother rises on her hind paws and 
gives each two a breast as she has only two breasts between the 
fore legs ; these legs resemble somewhat those of the dog ; the 
hindmost, like those of geese, lap in some measure over each 
other. On both sides of the privy parts lie two swellings 
enclosed in separate membranes. From the privy parts oozes 
an oleaginous humor, with which they smear all the accessible 
parts of the body in order to keep dry. Inwardly they resemble 
a cut up hog ; they live on leaves and bark ; are excessively at- 
tached to their young ; the wind-hairs which rise glittering above 
the back, fall oft' in the summer, and grow again by the fall ; they 
are short necked, have strong sinews and muscles ; move rapidly 
in the water and on land ; attacked by men or dogs, they bite 
Castor what * fiercely. The pure Castor, so highly prized by 
physicians, consists of oblong follicles, resembling 
a wrinkled pear which are firmly attached to the os pubis of 
the female beaver ; the Indians cut up the little balls of 
the males with their tobacco as they afford no castor. 
The air of New Netherland abounds with all sorts of birds. 


Besides falcon, sparrow-hawks, fish-hawks, and 
Snd'" ^' ^^^' other birds of prey, there are here numbers of 

Eagles differing from each other ; for some are 
greyish, others browner, except the head, neck, tail and striking 
feathers, which are of a snow white color. All have a strong 
body, bones without marrow, claws as long as a man's finger, 
the bill strong and crooked, the brains dry, the eyes small and 
hollow, the feathers hard, the right foot bigger than the left, 
both ill-looking, the blood gross, the excrements highly offen- 
sive. They build their nests in old groves where the ground is 

clear of underwood ; also beside water ; as they 
Eaglets; their ^^^^ ^^ gg|^ ^^^^ dcvour all sorts of fowls, and even 

rabbits, hares, tortoises and other four footed game 
that sleep in the open air ; yea, when ahungered, they attack 
each otlier. Some eagles strike tlieir prey at mid-day, others at 
the rising of the sun. They fall like lightning on the game they 
pursue, as the blood of animals serves them for drink. They 
are excessively lascivious, so that they go together more than 
thirty times a day, not only with their own kind, but even with 
the female hawks and she wolves (wolvinnen). They hatch out 
the large eggs in thirty, and the small in twenty days. They 
usually breed two to three young, whose eyes they turn towards 
the sun's rays. If these regard the light of heaven without 
blinking they bring them up, otherwise, those that cannot stand 
such a test are drove from the nest. The young, as soon as they 
begin to fly, are taken up into the air and, left there to them- 
selves, are sustained by the old birds, who drive them away 
whenever they are fit to strike at game. Their sharp sightedness 
is most remarkable, for lifted up in the clouds far beyond the 
eye of man, they perceive the smallest fish in the river, and a 
skulking hare in the stubble. Their breath stinks badly, wliere- 
fore the carcasses on which they feed rot rapidly, and though 
lascivious they are long lived : they die mostly of hunger, as 
the bill becx)mes by age so crooked tliat tliey cannot open any 
thing. Whereupon they finally fly to the highest regions 
towards tlie sun, tumble down into tlie coldest stream ; they 
pluck out their featliers, clammy witli sweat, and thus breathe 
their last. But, besides the enumerated birds of prey, there is 


here an innumerable amount of herons, bitterns, ravens, crows, 
owls, swallows, finches, king fishers, hedge sparrows, woodcocks, 
pheasants and wrens. The wood peckers excel 
peXr'."^ " the most in beautiful plumage and crests. These 
peck large holes in the trees, and thus make a noise 
as of wood cutters laboring in the forest. The pigeons fly in 
Pi eons ^^^^^ flocks that the Indians designedly remove to 

their breeding places, where the young birds, 
pushed by hundreds from their nests, serve for food during a 
long month for the whole family. JYew JYetherland hath, more- 
over, a wonderful httle bird, scarcely an inch Ions:, 

A pretly httle bird. . , .„. ,. . ' *' °' 

quite briJhant of plumage, and sucking flowers hke 
the bee ; it is so dehcate that a dash of water instantly kills it, 
and when dried it is preserved as a curiosity. But this country 

particularly abounds in turkeys, whose number 

Turkeys • i i 

excites no less admiration tlian their rich flavour 
and their large size ; for they go together in flocks of thirty and 
forty : they weigh some thirty and more pounds ; they are shot 
or are caught with a bait concealing the hook. The waters 
here swarm, in the spring and fall, with swans, geese, wild ducks, 
teals, widgeons, divers, spoonbills. and pelicans, besides another 
strange species, unknown in Europe. The streams and lakes, 
rich with fishes, furnish stui-geon, salmon, carp, 
bass, pike, roach, bleak, [N. Y. shiners ?] all sorts 
of eel, smelt, sun fish, which resembles the bull head in taste, 
and little codfish, which are caught near water falls. The sea 
provides crabs, both hard and soft shelled, gurnets, sea horses, 
seals, codfish, shell fish, whiting, herring, makerel, thornbacks, 
plaice, flounders, bream, turtles and oysters, some a foot long 
containing pearls, but few of a brown color. Among the poison- 
ous reptiles wliich invest JVew JYetherland is the dreadful rattle- 
„ , . snake. This is variegated, hath a thick head, four 

Rattlesnake. n 

long, sharp fangs, and a horny tail with joints 
doubled over each other, more or less according to age, for the 
tail increases one joint each year. The shaking of the tail 
causes a hideous drumming preliminary to its biting. The 
rattle-snake then opens wide its jaws ; the upper one is arched 
and hath a blue membrance doubled over, from which it shoots 



along the fangs a deadly poison. A person woundied by this 
reptile would be cured with diflBleulty, did the field not produiee 
a wholesome antidote, Which the Indians carry constantly with 

them. This people is divided into divers nations 
nCw NeiheHandere.all well sliapcd and strong, having pitch-black and 

lank hair, as coarse as a horse's tail ; broad 
shoulders ; small waist ; brown eyes and snow white teeth ; they 
are of a sallow color ; abstemious in food and drink. Water 
^^ . , ^ satisfies their thirst ; high and low make use of 

Their food. ' ° 

Indian corn and beans, flesh meat and fish prepared 
allahke. The crushed corn is daily boiled to a pap called by 
them sappaen. They observe no set time for meals. Whenever 
Imnger demands, the time for eating arrives. Beavers' tails are 
considered the most savory delicacy. , Whilst hunting they live 
some days on roasted corn carried about the person in a little bag. 

A little corn in water swells to a large mass. Henry 
hxTyoyngT^^"'" Hudson relates, that he entered the river Montaines 

in the latitude of forty degrees and there went 
ashore ; the Indians made strange gambols with dancing and 
singing ; carried arrows, the points of which consisted of sharp 
stones, fastened to the wood with pitch ; they sleep under tlie 
blue sky on little mats of platted leaves of trees ; suck strong 
tobacco ; are friendly but very thievish. Hudson sailed up thirty 
miles higher ; went into a canoe with an old Indian, a chief over 
forty men and seventeen women, who conducted him ashore. 
They all abode in one house well built of the bark of oak trees. 
Around lay drying more than three ship loads of Indian corn 
and beans ; besides the crop that stood luxuriantly in the field. 
Hudson scarcely had his head under tlie roof, but he was seated 
on two mats sprtead out on the floor. Two men immediately 
had orders to shoot game. In the twinkle of an eye these 
brought in pigeons they had killed. A fat dog which had been 
very expertly skinned with shells, was laid also on the fire. 
Other preparations were, likewise made for Hudsoji's good enter- 
tainment, but as lie did not intend to pass the night there, he 
did not profit by them; notwithstanding tlie Indians broke their 
arrows and cast them into the fire so that Hudson may rid himself 


of all tear. The clothing of the Mew JSTetherlanders 
Ne^riij?de?s^ ^^"^ ^^ ^^^^ sumptuous. The women ornament tliem- 

solves more than the men. And although the 
winters are very severe, they go naked until their thirteenth 
year; the lower parts of the girls' bodies only are covered. All 
wear around the waist a girdle made of the fin of the whale or' 
of seawant. The men wear between the legs a lap of duffels 
cloth, or leather, half an ell broad and nine quarters long ; so 
that a square piece hangs behind over the buttocks and in front 
over the belly. The women wear a petticoat down midway the 
leg, very richly ornamented with seawant so that the garment 
sometimes costs three hundred guilders. They also wrap the 
naked body in a deer's skin, the tips of which swing with thin 
points. A long robe fastened on the right shoulder with a knot, 
at the waist by a girdle, serves the men and women for an upper 
ornament, and by night for a bed cover. Both go, for the most 
part, bare headed. The women bind their hair behind in a 
plait, over which they draw a square cap thickly interwoven 
with seawant. They decorate the ornaments for the forehead 
with the same stuff. Around the neck and arms they wear 
bracelets of seawant, and some around the waist. Shoes and 
stockings were made of Elk hides before the Hollanders settled 
here. Others made shoes even of straw. But since some time 
they prefer Dutch shoes and stockings. The men paint their 
faces of many colors. The women lay on a black spot 
only here and there. Both are uncommonly faithful. Their 
houses are for the most part built after one plan :— they 

differ only in the greater or smaller length : the 

breadth is invariably twenty feet. The following 
is the mode of construction. They set various hickory poles in 
the ground according to the plan of the size of the building. 
The tops are bent together above in the form of a gallery, and 
throughout the length of these bent poles, laths are fastened. 
The walls and roof are then, covered with the bark of elm, ash, 
and chestnut trees ; the bark is lapped over each other as a 
protection against a change of weather, and the smooth side is 
turned inward. The houses lodge fifteen families together, more 
or less, according to the dimensions. Each knows its proper- 



tion. Their forts stand mostly on steep mountains, 
beside a stream of water. The entrance is only on 
one side. They are built in this wise. They set heavy timbers 
in the ground, with oak palisades on both sides, planted cross- 
wise one with another. They join timbers again between the 
cross-trees, to strengthen the work. Within- the enclosure they 
commonly build twenty or thirty houses, some of which are a 
liundred and eighty feet long, some less. All are crammed full 
of people. In the summer they set up huts along the rivers, in 
order to pursue fishing. In the winter they re- 

Removiiig. i , 

move into the woods to be convenient to the hunt- 
ing and to a supply of fire-wood. Plurality of wives is not in 
vogue here, except among the Chiefs, who take three or four to 
themselves. And such harmony exists among tliese, that they 
are never at variance. Minors do not marry, 
except with the advice of their parents or friends. 
Widowers and widows foUow their own inclinations: regard is 
only had to each other's condition and 'children. Th^ bride- 
groom must make a present to the bride. On the slightest mis- 
understanding, the wife, paid right off, is put by 
the husband out of doors, and she marries another. 
Thus some of them have a fresh wife every year. In cases of 
separation, the children follow the mother, after whom the off- 
spring also are called. They consider adultery, especially if 
committed in the open air, to be sinful. Fornica- 
wd Md" tion, however, is lawful for young women, provided 
oommen a e. ,^ ^^ ^^^ money. Whcrcfore, no person objects to 
marry such persons. Yea, the married boast of the numbers 
they slept with whilst unmarried. Whoever is inclined to 
marry, covers the whole body, and thus bemopped sits on the 
way side. A passer by ere long releases ' the pig 
Curious custom of j^ ^^^ ^^^ , ^j^^^ preguaut, the woman takes 

pregnant women. ^ x- o 7 

great heed, in order that the embryo may not be 
injured. On the approach of the birth of the child, which she 
precisely knows, she retires to a lonely place in the woods, even 
in the severest cold, erects a hut of mats, separates the child with- 
out any one's aid, washes it in the water, and wraps it around 
with matting. In a few days she turns homeward, and brings 


the suckling carefully up; a child is never put out to nurse. 
As long as a woman suckles, or is pregnant, she admits of no 
connection. The catamenia do not appear. In sickness they 
are very faithful to each other. The next of kin closes the eyes 

of the deceased. After being waked for a few days, 
&l!d^^^^ they are thus interred. The body hath a stone 

under the head; it is placed in a sitting posture; 
they place beside it a pot, kettle, a platter, spoon, money, and 
provisions, to be made use of in the other world. They then 
stow wood all around, which they cover with planks; on the 
planks, which are covered with earth and stones, palisades are 
fastened in such a manner that the tomb resembles a little house, 
to which they pay divine reverence; wherefore they consider it 
a great profanation to violate such places. The men make no 
noise over the dead, but the women carry on uncommonly; they 
strike their breasts, tear their faces, call the name of the de- 
ceased day and night. 
The mothers make the loudest lamentations on the death of their 

sons They cut off their hair, which they burn on 

Very remarkable . /. n i ■■ . -rr 

mo.uming for the the gravc m the presence of all the relatives. Wives 

do the same on the death of their husbands, in 
addition to painting the face pitch black ; and thus in a deer 
skin jerkin they mourn the dead a whole year, notwithstanding 
they sometimes lived unhappily together. On some occasions 
they have meetings for devil-worship. Here conjurors act a 

wonderful part. These tumble, with strange con- 
of^^^conf^'OTs!" tortious, head over heels ; beat themselves, leap, 

with a hideous noise, through and around a large 
fire. Finally, they all raise a tremendous caterwauling, when 
the devil (as they say) appears in the shape of a ravenous or 
harmless animal : the first betokens something bad ; the other 
good : both give information respecting coming events ; but 
obscurely, which they attribute to their own ignorance, not 
understanding the Devil's right meaning when matters turn out 
differently. They, moreover, bewitch some in such 
witched.' *" wise that they foam at the mouth, throw themselves 

in the fire and smite themselves unmercifully ; and 
as soon as they whisper any words in the ear of the bewitched 


the enchantment ceases. The language of this 
&NliheriJ?ders.people is verj various, but they can be classed into 

four principal tongues, namely, Mahatans, Wappdr 
noo, Siavanoo, and Minquaes ; they are very difficult for strangers 
to learn, as they are spoken without any principles. Their 

money consists of zeawant, [wampum] which is 
^^^ " nothing more than the inside little pillars of the 

conckshells, which the sea casts up twice a year. These pillars 
they pohsh smooth ; drill a hole through the centre ; reduce it 
to a certain size, and string the pieces on tlireads. The strings 
fill the place of gold, silver and copper coin. Great faults, as 

well as virtues, are remarked in the inhabitants,; 
Keri^ders!''"for bcsidcs bciug slovcnly and slothful, they are 

also found to be thievish, head-strong, greedy and 
vindictive. In other respects they are grave, chary of speech, 
which, after mature consideration, is slowly uttered and long 
remembered. The understanding being somewhat sharpened 
by the Hollanders^ they evince sufficient ability to distinguish 
carefully good from evil. They will not suffer any imposition. 
No wise disposed to gluttony, they are able patiently to endure 
cold, heat, hunger and thirst. They are remarkably addicted 

to the use of sweating baths, made of earth and 

lined with clay. A small door serves as an entrance. 
The patient creeps in, seats himself down, and places heated 
stones around the sides. Whenever he hath sweated a certain 
time, he immerses himself suddenly in cold water ; from which 
he derives great security against all sorts of sickness. Though 
this people do not make such a distinction between man and 
man as other nations, yet they have high and low families ; infe- 
rior and superior chiefs, whose authority remains hereditarily 
in the houses. The military offices are disposed of only accord- 
ing to the valorous prowess of each person. The commander 

does not divide his soldiers into regiments, compa- 
o e war. ^.^^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ \esids them on merely to overreach 

the enemy from an ambuscade. They undertake the most of 
their expeditions in the night. They do not maintain their 
position long against a sudden onslaught, unless surrounded, 
then they fight to the last man. Whenever they anticipate any 


danger, the women and children are placed in a secure hiding 

place. Their weapons used formerly to be the arrow, bow and 

war club. They now use the snap-haunce at which 

Weapons. ^ 

they are very expert. A square shield covers the 
body up to the shoulders. A snake skin is tied around the 
head from the centre of which sticks up a fox's or bear's tail. 
The face is not recognizable on account of its variety of colors. 
Prisoners' hves are rarely spared, unless that of 
Sent^of pri^oiierl' womcu and children, who are treated by the con- 
querors in the same manner as tlieir own, in order 
thus to recruit their numbers. If, however, a prisoner be not 
put to death immediately after the battle, but handed over to 
some person whose relative had been formerly killed by the 
conquered party, he is roasted three days long before he gives 
up the ghost. It excites uncommon admiration if the sufferer 
constantly sing in the midst of liis torture. Not- 

Laws. "" ^ 

withstanding misdemeanors are not punished, 
wicked acts are of rare occurrence. Stolen property, whenever 
discovered, is ordered by the Chief to be restored. The next 

of kin of the murdered man may kill the murderer, 

Death punishment. 

if he overtake him within four and twenty hours. 
But if he avenge himself later, he is subject to be slain by the 
relative of the second victim, within the limit of the stated time. 
All obligations acquire their force from the accept- 
SSof pea'^e^ ancc of prcscnts. They proceed thus : They take 
as many little sticks as there are conditions in their 
proposals. If they agree on all, each party, at the conclusion, lays 
his presents at the feet of the other. They sometimes hang up 
the presents, whilst they deliberate earnestly on the proposal 
during three days. If the present be accepted, the negotiation 
is firmly concluded ; but if not, they proceed no further in the 
matter, unless the applicant change the conditions and tlie pres- 
ent. On occasions of importance, a general assem- 
ic counc . j^jy j^ j^^j^ ^^ ^^^ house of one of the chiefs; in order 

that the sachems there assembled, may explain what has 
been concluded. Then the most eloquent rises and endeavours 
to render the determination popular with the masses. It some- 

VoL. IV. 9 


times happens that a ringleader will admit of no reasoning, 
whereupon some of the chiefs strikes the mutineer on the head 
with an axe. No one is so bold as to dare to mutter a 
word in such a case. No trace of divine worship 
Worship can hardly be discovered here. Only they ascribe 

great influence to the moon over the crops. The 
Sun, as all seeing, is taken to witness as often as they take an 
oath. They pay great reverence to tlie Devil, be- 
Devii worship, causc they fear great trouble from him when 
hunting and fishing : wherefore the first fruits of 
the chase is burnt in his honor, so that they may not receive 
injury. If they experience pain in any part, they say — A Devil 
lurks in there. They fully acknowledge that a 
riS^u^f ' ""''^ God dwells beyond the stars, who, however, gives 
himself no concern about the doings of Devils on 
earth : because he is constantly occupied with a beautiful God- 
dess, whose origin is unknown. She once came down from 
heaven into the water (for before the creation all was water,) 
and would have sunk, unless land had suddenly bubbled up 
under her feet. The land waxed bigger, so that 
weSfon?*^^^ erelong a whole globe was perceptible, which 
quickly produced all sorts of vegetables and trees. 
Meanwhile, the goddess brought forth a deer, bear and wolf, 
and again cohabited with these animals : She thus became 
pregnant, and lay in of divers sorts of creatures at one birth. 
From this arises the variety not only of animals, but also of men, 
which in color are either black, white or sallow ; in disposition 
either timid as the deer, revengeful as bears or rapacious as 
wolves. After she had thus acted the Universal mother re- 
turned up to Heaven, where she enjoys perfect bliss with the 
Sovereign Lord, whom they know not nor ever saw ; wherefore 
they will be held less responsible than the Christians ; pretend- 
ing to acknowledge him a punisher of all wicked deeds which 
they commit notwithstanding, and it is with more difficulty that 
they can be brought from these adopted vices to Christianity. 
Regarding the souls of the Dead, they beUeve : 
SSJwtd!^"^^ that those who have done good enjoy every sort 
of pleasure in a temperate country to the South, 


where the bad wander about in misery. They believe the loud 
bowlings which wild animals make at night, to be the wailings 
of the ghosts of wicked bodies. ^ 

The fertility and situation of JVew J^etherland induced the 

Burgomasters of Amsterdam to send a colony 
NewNeitrii^d. thlthcr. Whcreforc they agreed with the West 

India Company with the approbation of tlie States 
General at the Hague. In the year sixteen hundred and fifty 
six, they shipped accordingly over to J^ew JVetherlayid seventy 
families, to whicli they added three hundred Waldenses who 
had been driven out of Piedmont. These embarked on the 
fifteenth of December by beat of drum. ^ Colonization prospered. 
Meanwhile, when the war between the English crown and the Uni- 
ted Netherlands broke out, the Dutch found themselves, after ten 
years possession, so powerless against the English that they sur- 
rendered to this nation. Kew Amsterdam obtained consequently 
the name of JVew York. The conquered inhabitants experienced 
great inconvenience inasmuch as Trade was suddenly brought 

to a stand. 



[ From Baudartius. ] 

Inasmuch as the multitude of people, not only natives but 
foreigners, who are seeking a livelihood in the United Provinces is 
very great, so that v/here one stiver is to be earned there are ten 
bands ready to seize it, especially in Holland which is the 
reservoir of divers kingdoms and countries. Many are obliged, 
on this account, to go in search of other lands and residences 
where they can obtain a living more easily and at less expense. 
Accordingly, in the year 1624, as in previous years, divers 
families went from Holland to Virginia in the West Indies, a 
great portion of them being English, called Brownists, whom 
King James will not permit norsuffertolive in his land, because 
they hold and maintain divers points of religion improbated by 
the present church of England. 

1 The preceding part of this article seems to have heen horrowed from Van 
dor Donck's Beschryving van Nieuw Nederlandt, published in Holland in 
1656. Ed. 

2 They settled in what is now the State of Delaware. Ed. 


A ship arrived in August from that part of Virginia called 
New Netherland, which had conveyed some families from Holland 
thither. This vessel brings many and various letters from 
private individuals, each written to friends and acquaintances, 
whereof this is mostly the tenor — 

" We were much gratified on arriving in this country ; Here 
we found beautiful rivers, bubbling fountains flowing down into 
the valleys ; basins of running waters in the flatlands, agreeable 
fruits in the woods, such as strawberries, pigeon berries, walnuts, 
and also voor lahrusten or wild grapes. The woods abound with 
acorns for feeding hogs, and with venison. There is considerable 
fish in the rivers ; good tillage land ; here is, especially, free 
coming and going, without fear of the naked natives of the 
country. Had we cows, hogs, and other cattle fit for food 
(which we daily expect in the first ships) we would not wish to 
return to Holland, for whatever we desire in the paradise of 
Holland, is here to be found. If you will come hither with your 
family, you will not regret it." 

This and similar letters have roused and stimulated many to 
resolve to emigrate thither with their families, in the hope of 
being able to earn a handsome livelihood, strongly fancying that 
they will live there in luxury and ease, whilst here on the con- 
trary, they must earn their bread by the sweat of their brow. 
Baudartius' Gedenkwaardige Geschiedenissen zo kerkelyke als 
wereldlyke. 2 vols. fol. Arnhem. 1624. 

We translate the above from the Sheboygan JVieuwshode of 1 5 
Sept. 1851. Gulielmus Baudartius (or Baudart) the author of 
the work from which it is borrowed, was Minister at Zutphen 
for a period of thirty six years. He was originally a native of 
Deinse in Flanders, and was selected at the Synod of Dort as one 
of the translators of the Old Testament — so great was his 
reputation as a Hebrew Scholar. He died at Zutphen in 1640, 
at the age of 66 years. A list of his works will be found in the 
Biog. Universelle ; Biog, Diet. Watts &c. The Gedenkwaardige 
Geschiedenissen, or Remarkable ecclesiastical and political Events, 
from 1603 to 1624, is represented as a sort of Supplement to Van 
Meteren's History. Ed. 



[Court of Assize Book.] 

At ye Court of Assizes held in New Yorke 
ye 2d day of October 1665 &c. 
The Tryall of Ralph Hall and Mary his wife, upon suspicion 
of Witchcraft. 

The names of the Persons who served on the Grand Jury. 
Thomas Baker, fforeman of y® Jury, of East Hampton. 
Cap* John Symt)nds of Hempsteed. 
Mr Hallet ) 

Anthony Waters S ^^^^^^ 
Thomas Wandall of Marshpath Kills. 
Mr Nicolls of Stamford 
Balthazer de Haart 
John Garland 
Jacob Leisler 

Anthonio de Mill > of New Yorke. 
Alexander Munro 
Thomas Searle 

The Prisoners being brought to the Barr by Allard Anthony, 
Sherifife of New Yorke, This following Indictm* was read, first 
against Ralph Hal] and then agst Mary his wife, viz*. 

The Constable and Overseers of the Towne of Seatallcott, in 
the East Riding of Yorkshire upon Long Island, Do Present for 
our Soveraigne Lord the King, That Ralph Hall of Seatallcott 
aforesaid, upon ye 25*'' day of December ; being Christmas day 
last, was Twelve Monthes, in the 1 5*'' yeare of the Raigne of our 
Soveraigne Lord, Charles y® Second, by the Grace of God, King 


of England, Scotland, ffrance and Ireland, Defender of theffaith 
&c, and severall other dayes and times since that day, by some 
detestable and wicked Arts, commonly called Witchcraft and 
Sorcery, did (as is suspected) maliciously and feloniously, prac- 
tice and Exercise at the said towne of Seatalcott in the East 
Riding of Yorksliire on Long Island aforesaid, on the Person of 
George Wood, late of the same place by w^^^ wicked and detesta- " • " 
ble Arts, the said George Wood (as is suspected) most dangerously 
and mortally sickned and languished. And not long after by the 
aforesaid wicked and detestable Arts, the said George Wood (as 
is likewise suspected) dyed. 

Moreover, The Constable and overseers of the said Towne of 
Seatalcott, in the East Riding of Yorkshire upon Long Island 
aforesaid, do further Present for our Soveraigne Lord the King, 
That some while after the death of the aforesaid George Wood, 
The said Ralph Hall did (as is suspected) divers times by ye 
like wicked and detestable Arts, comonly called Withcraft and 
Sorcery, Maliciously and feloniously practise and Exercise at 
the said Towne of Seatalcott, in the East Riding of Yorkshire 
upon Long Island aforesaid, on the Person of an Infant Childe 
of Ann Rogers, widdow of y^ aforesaid George Wood deceased, 
by w'* wicked and detestable Arts, the said Infant Cliilde (as is 
suspected) most dangerously & mortally sickned and languished, 
and not long after by the said Wicked and detestable Arts (as 
is likewise suspected) dyed. And so y^ said Constable and Over- 
seers do Present, That the said George Wood, and the s^ Infante 
s'^ Childe by the wayes and meaues aforesaid, most wickedly 
maliciously and feloniously were (as is suspected) murdered by 
the said Ralph Hall at the times and places aforesaid, ag^t ye 
Peace of Our Soveraigne Lord y^ King and against the Laws of 
this Government in such Cases Provided. 

The like Indictm^ was read, against Mary the wife of Ralph 

There upon, severall Depositions, accusing y« Prisonrs of y« 
fact for which they were endicted were read, but no witnesse 
appeared to give Testimony in Court vive voce. 

Then the Clarke calling upon Ralph Hall, bad him hold up 
his hand, and read as fbllowes. n>K 


Ralph Hall thou standest here indicted, for that having not 
ye feare of God before thine eyes. Thou did'st upon the 25th 
day of December, being Christmas day last was 12 Moneths, and 
at seu'all other times since, as is suspected, by some wicked and 
detestable Arts, commonly called witchcraft and Sorcery, mali- 
ciously and feloniously practice and Exercise, upon the Bodyes 
of George Wood, and an Infant Childe of Ann Rogers, by 
which said Arts, the said George Wood and the Infant Childe 
(as is suspected) most dangerously and mortally fell sick, and 
languisht unto deatli. Ralph Hall, what dost thou say for thy- 
selfe, art thou guilty, or not guilty 7 

Mary the wife of Ralph Hall was called upon in like manner. 

They both Pleaded not guilty and tlirew themselves to bee 
Tryed by God and the Country. 

Where upon, their Case was referr'd to ye Jury, who brought 
in to the Court, this following verdict vizt. 

Wee having seriously considered the Case committed to our 
Charge, against y« Prisoni"s at the Barr, and having well weighed 
y« Evidence, wee finde that there are some suspitions by the 
Evidence, of what the woman is Charged with, but nothing con- 
siderable of value to take away her life. But in reference to 
the man wee finde nothing considerable to charge him with. 

The Court there upon, gave this sentence. That the man should 
bee bound Body and Goods for his wives Apperance, at the 
next Sessions, and so on from Sessions to Sessions as long as they 
stay wMn this Government, In the meane while, to bee of yo 
good Behavior So they were return'd into the Sheriffs Custody, 
and upon Entring into a Recognizance, according to the Sen- 
tence of the Court, they were released. 

[Orders Warrants Letters, II.] 

A Release to Ralph Hall & Mary his wife from 
y^ Recognizance they entred into at the Assizes, 
These Are to Certify all whom it may Concerne That Ralph 
Hall & Mary his wife (at present living upon Great Minifords 
Island) are hereby released & acquitted from any & all Recogni- 
zances, bonds of appearance or oth^' obligations — entred into by 
them or either of them for the peace or good behavio^ upon 


account of any accusation or Indictemt upon suspition of Witch 
Craft brought into the Con of Assizes against them in the year 
1665. Tliere haueving beene no direct proofes nor furth^ pro- 
secucon of them or eith'" of them since — Giuen und»' my hand ^t 
Fort James in New Yorke this 21th day of August 1668. 


r [Court of Assize Book.] 

An Ord^' for Katherine Harrison to Remove from 

Wliereas Complaint hatli beene made unto me by y^ Inhabit- 
ants of Westchestr agt Katlierine Harrison late of Wethersfeild 
in his Maties Colony of Connecticott widdow. That contrary to 
ye consent & good liking of y« Towne she would settle amongst 
them & she being reputed to be a person lyeing undr y^ suppo- 
sicon of Witchcraft hath given some cause of apprehension to ye 
Inhabitants there, To y® end their Jealousyes & feares as to this 
perticuler may be removed, I have thought fitt to ord' & appoint 
that ye Constable & Overseers of ye Towne of Westchest^" do 
giue warning to ye said Katherine Harrison to remove out of 
their p^'cincts in some short tyme after notice giuen, and they 
are likewise to admonish her to retorne to ye place of her 
former abode, that they nor their neighbours may receive no 
further disturbance by her, Given und»' my hand at ffort James 
in New Yorke this 7ih day of July, 1670. 

'^ An Ord^" for Katherine Harrison & Captn Richard 

Panton to appeare at y® ffort before ye Governor. 
Whereas Complaint hath beene made unto me by ye Inha- 
bitants of Westchesf ag* Katherine Harrison widdow That she 
doth neglect to refuse or obey my late Ord"" concerning her 
removall out of ye said Towne, These are to require yo" that yo" 
give notice unto the said Katherine Harrison as also unto Capt^ 
Richard Panton at whose house she resydetli, That they make 
their personall appearance before me in this place on Wednesday 
next being ye 24*^ of this Instant montli, when those of ye 
Towne that have ought to object ag* them doe likewise attend, 


where I shall edeavo^ a Composure of this difference betweene 
them. Given uud' my hand at ffort James in New Yorke this 
20th day of August 1670. 

To ye Constable of Westchestr. 

A warrant to ye Constable of Westchestr to take 
an Account of ye Goods of Katherine Harrison. 
These are to require yo^ to take an Account of such Goods as 
haue lately beeue brought from out of his Mat'es Colony of Con- 
necticott unto Katherine Harrison & having taken a note of ye 
pticulers that yo" retorne ye same unto me for ye doeing where- 
of this shall be yo"- warrant, Given und^ my hand at ffort James 
in New Yorke this 25*^ day of August 1670. 
To ye p^sent Constable of Westchester. 

An Ordr concerning Katherine Harrison. 
Whereas seuerall Adresses haue beene made unto me by some 
of ye Inhabitants of Westchesf on behalfe of ye rest desiring that 
Katherine Harrison late of Wethersfeild in his Mat'es Colony of 
Connecticott widdow at pi'sent residing in their Towne may be 
ordered to remove from thence & not permitted to stay w^i^in 
their Jurisdiction upon an apprehension they have of her 
grounded upon some troubles she hath layne und^ at Wethers- 
feild upon suspition of Witchcraft, the reasons whereof do not 
so clearly appeare unto me, Yett notw^^^standing to giue as much 
satisfaction as may be to ye Compi's who p^tend their feares to 
be of a publique Concerne I have not thought fitt absolutely 
to determyne ye matf at p^sent, but do suspend it untill ye next 
Gen^'i* Cort of Assizes, when there will be a full meeting of y® 
Councell & Justices of ye peace to debate & conclude ye same. 
In ye meane tyme ye said Katherine Harrison w^h her Children 
may remaine in the Towne of Westchest^ where she now is 
w^hout disturbance or molestation, she having given sufficient 
security for her Civill carriage & good behaviour. Given und^ 
my hand at ffort James in New York this 25"' day of August in 
ye 22th yeare of his Mamies Raigne Annoq Domini 1670. 



An" 1670. 

Appeals, Actions, Presentmts &c. Entred for Hear- 
ing & Try all at y« Gen*" Co"*' of Assizes to bee 
eld in New Yorke beginning on the first Wednes- 
ay of Octob'^ 1670. 
Katherine Harry son bound over to appeare upon ye Comp^* 
of the Inhabitants of Westchester upon suspicon of Witch-craft. 
In the case of Katherine Harryson Widdow, who was bound 
to the good Behaviour upon Complt of some of the Inhabitants 
of Westchester untill y^ holding of this Court, It is Ordered, that 
in regard there is nothing appears against her deserving the 
continuance of that obligacon shee is to bee releast from it, & 
hath Liberty to remaine in the Towne of Westchester where 
shee now resides, or any where else in the Governm* during her 








Translated from the Original Dutch MS. 

•.• The Assessment Roll of Kings County for the year 1676, will be found 
the Doc. Hist, of N. T.. Vol. II. 

.?M ibmfl ientsifO ::.!ft nun] hnUihuivi'T 



PiETER Parmentir : 3 polls, 2 horses, 3 oxen, 
6 cows, 2 ditto .of 3 yrs., 3 ditto of 2 yrs., 

2 ditto of 1 year, 4 hogs £148 .10 

32 morgens of land and valley 64 


Jan Cornelise Dame : 1 poll, 4 horses, 6 cows, 

1 ditto of 3 years, 2 ditto of 2 yrs, 3 ditto 

of 1 yr., 16 sheep, 8 hogs £124 

28 morgens of land and valley 56 


JoosT Koeckwytt : 1 poll, 2 horses, 8 cows, 

2 ditto of 3 yrs., 1 ditto of 2 yrs., 2 ditto '' ' 
of 1 yr., 6 sheep, 1 hog £99 

1 5 morgens of land and valley 30 


Pieter Janse Witt : 3 polls, 3 horses, 1 ditto 

of 3 yrs, 7 cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs, 4 ditto 
of 2 yrs. 8 ditto of 1 yr. 3 hogs, 1 3 sheep £175,10 
' 50 morgens of land and valley 100 


WouTTER GisBERSE '. 1 poll, 3 horses, 4 cows, 

3 ditto 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 

1 yr. 2 sheep £96 

18 morgens of land and valley 36 


Jan Paris : 1 poll, 2 horses, 6 cows, 3 ditto 

of 2 yrs. 15 sheep, £86 

23 morgens of land and valley 46 


Charles Fonttein : 1 poll, 1 horse of 3 yrs. 

2 oxen, 10 cows, 4 ditto of 3 yrs. 6 ditto 

of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 4 hogs £122 

40 morgens of land and valley 80 * 



EuERT Hedeman : 1 poll, 1 horse, 2 oxen, 3 

cows, 1 hog j£53 

13^ morgens of land and valley 27 

Jaques Cossartt : 1 poll, 2 cows, 1 hog, 5 

sheep, X31 

5 morgens of land 10 


PiETER Schamp: 1 poll, 2 cows, 1 sheep, 3 „, 

morgens of land *. 34 . 10 

Adriaen de la Forge : 1 poll, 1 cow, 1 ditto 

of 2yrs 25.10 

GisBERT Theunisse : 2 polls, 3 horses, 2 ditto 

of 2 yrs.»2 ditto of 1 yr. 4 cows, 2 ditto 

of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 

I hog, 10 sheep jei29 

22 morgens of land k valley 44 

— 173 

Charles Housman : I'poll, 1 horse, 3 cows. . £46 

II morgens of land & valley 22 


Stas de groott : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 cow 35 

CoRNELis Jansen : 1 poll, 1 horse of 3 yrs. 1 

cow 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 2 yrs X37 .10 

4 morgens of land and valley 8 



Jan Cornelise Zeuw : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 

cows, 5 sheep, 54 

17 morgens of land and valley, 34 

Caspeert Jansen : 2 polls, 2 horses, 1 ditto 

of 1 yr. 1 cow j£73 

3 morgens of land 6 


PiETTER Jansen Zeuw : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 

ditto of 2 yrs. 1 cow 40 

Onfre'Kley : 2 polls, 2 horses, 3 ditto of 3 

yrs. 6 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr. £126 
12 morgens of land and valley 24 


ri()a . 1 Incorrectly printed, " Oufie" in Vol :. II. 

OF king's counts. 143 

Jan Jansen : 2 polls, 1 cow of 2 yrs. 1 hog. 39.10 

Jan Jorese : 1 poll, 2 horses, 5 cows, 3 sheep, 

1 hog, £80.10 

5 morgens of land 10 


Alexander Coqueuertt : 1 poll, 1 horse, 2 

sheep, 1 hog i:32 

2 morgens of laud 4 


VoLCKERT DiERCKSE : 2 polls, 3 horses, 1 d^ 
of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of I yr. 5 cows, 4 d^ of 

3 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr. 6 sheep, 2 hogs. . . .£129 
25 morgens of land & valley 50 


Jan Ariaensen : 1 poll, 3 cows, 1 do of 3 yrs. 

2 do of 1 yr. 3 hogs, 2 sheep £44 

3 morgens of land 6 


Arie Cornelise Vogel : 2 polls, 3 sheep .... 37. 10 

Amador Foupier : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 

2 yrs £47 

21 morgens of land & valley 44 


Seimen Haeckx : 1 poll, . , ^ 18 

Jabecq Jansen : 1 poll 18 

Nelttie Jans : 2 cows, 3 sheep 11 

Jan Jansen Kuiper : 1 poll, 18 

Dierck Volckerse : 1 poll, 3 horses, 1 of 2 
yrs. 2 of 1 yr. 3 cows, 1 of 3 yrs. 1 of 1 

yr. 6 sheep £88 

36 morgens of land & valley 72 


Jabecq Dierckse : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 ditto of 

3 yrs. 1 cow, 1 sheep, £43 .10 

5 morgens of land 10 



Hendrick Barense Smitt : 1 poll, 4 horses, 
2 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 6 cows, 
4 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 5 ditto 
of 1 yr. 3 hogs, 3 sheep j£154 

Of 20 morgens of land & valley 40 

Joseph Hael : 1 poll, 1 cow, 

WiLLEM Jacobse : 1 poll 

Theunes Gisberse Bogaertt : 8 morgens of 

The valuation of the Real and personal pro- 
perty in Boswyck amounts to 




THE 20tli AUGUST, ANNO. 1675. 

Theunes Jansen: 3 polls, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 
1 yr. 2 oxen, 4 cows, 4 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 
ditto of 2 yrs. 4 ditto of 1 yr. 5 hogs,. . , jE169 
23 morgens of land and valley, 46 


Claes Arense : 3 polls, 1 horse, 4 cows, 1 ditto 

of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. £94 

14 morgens of land and valley, .... 28 


Mattheis Brouwer: 1 poll, 2 cows, 28 

1 1 morgen valley, 3 


Paulus Vander Beecke: 2 polls, 2 horses, 4 

cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. . . . X93 .10 

20 morgens of land and valley, 40 


Jan Pietterse, the Elder : 1 poll, 4 oxen, 6 

cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 4 ditto of 1 year, £85 . 10 

^' 16 morgens of land and valley 32 


OF king's county. %i^ 

Jan Cornelise Buis : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows, 

1 ditto of 2 yr. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 12 sheep 59 

Dierck Stoorm : 1 poll, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 3 

yrs. Ihog,.. 33 

Nicklaes Backer : 1 poll 1 horse, 3 cows, 3 

ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 6 hogs, ... X61 . 10 
18 morgens of land and valley, 36 . 

Joost Fransen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 4 cows, 1 
ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 2 yr. 2 ditto of 
1 year ^76.10 

, 10| morgens land and valley 21 

Cornells Corse Vroom: 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 
ditto of 1 year, 3 cows, 2 ditto of 2 years, 

1 ditto of 1 year, 4 sheep, 2 hogs .£70 

22 morgens of land and valley , . . . 44 

/an Pietterse Mackelyck :^ 1 poll, 4 oxen, 4 

cows, 1 ditto of 1 yr., 2 hogs £6b . 10 

12 morgens land and valley 24 

Dierck Cornelise Hooglantt : 3 polls, 2 horses, 
6 cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs., 3 ditto of 1 yr., 

2 hogs .. ..,.•••.• •• jeilQ.lO 

8 morgens of land and valley ; 16 

Paulus Mickielse Van der Voortt : 1 poll, 1 
horse of 3 yrs., 2 oxen, 3 cows, 1 ditto 

of 3 yrs., 1 ditto of 1 yr ^£58 . 10 

10 morgens of land and valley 20 

Willem Willemse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 oxen, 
6 cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs., 4 ditto of 1 yr., 

1 hog £96 

13i morgens of land and valley 27 

i' . til I ^ Incorrectly printed " Mackenzie " in the second volume. 

Vol. IV. 10 




89 10 




Dierck Hattum : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 1 cow, 1 ditto 

of 2yrs 37.10 

11 morgen of land 3 

Rliem Jansen : 3 polls, 5 horses, 8 cows, 4 
ditto of 3 yrs., 4 ditto of 2 yrs., 4 ditto 

of 1 year, 2 hogs =£188 

19 morgens of land and valley 38 

Frederick Lubberse : 1 poll, 6 cows, 1 ditto 

of 2 yrs., 2 ditto of 1 yr., 7 sheep i;56 . 10 

1 5 morgens of land and valley 30 

Pietter van Neestt : 1 poll, 5 cows, 2 hogs ... 45 
51 morgens land and valley 11 

Pietter Jansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 5 cows, 3 

ditto of 2 yrs., 4 ditto of 1 yr .£80 .10 

8 morgens of land 16 

Big Jan : 2 polls, 2 oxen, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 2 

yrs., 1 ditto of 1 yr 44 

^' ■ 2 morgens of valley 4 

Johannes Christeflfel : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 2 cows. 40 
6 morgens of land and valley 12 








Thomes Jansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows ... 52 

Conradus vander Beeck : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 3 

cows £45 

14 morgens of land and valley 28 


Ackeys Jansen : 1 poU, 1 cow 23 ,, 

Paiilus Dierckse : 2 polls, 2 horses, 2 oxen, 7 
cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs., 5 ditto of 1 yr., 

3 hogs £122.10 j 

12 morgens of land and vaUey 24 

.ouw/uT ;..:. 146.10 

^ Of -7 

OF king's county. "147 

Dierck Pauluse : poll, 1 horse of 3 yr. 3 
cows, 4 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr. 1 

hog, £56.10 

2 morgens of land and valley, 24 

Weynantt Pietterse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows, 

1 ditto of 2 yr. 2 ditto of 1 yr M2 .10 

5 morgen of land 10 



Adam Brouwer : 2 polls, 2 cows, 3 ditto of 3 

yrs. 3 sheep, 1 hog £60 

1 ^ morgen of valley 3 


Johannes Marcuse : 1 poll , 18 

Euertt Hendrickse : 1 poll «< 

Gerritt Croesen : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 4 cows, 2 
ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 

1 yr. 3hogs £71.10 

14 morgens land & valley 28 


Egbert Steuense : 1 poll 18 

Seimen Aersen : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 3 cows, 2 

ditto of 1 yr. 3 hogs £51 

10 morgens of land and valley 20 


Pietter Pietterse : 1 poll 1 horse 30 , 

Lambert Jansen Dortlantt : 1 poU 4 cows . . . £38 

8 morgens of land and valley 16 

54 ■'• 

Jerom de Rappallie : 3 polls, 3 cows, 1 ditto of 

lyr.l horse £82.10 

8 morgens of land and valley 16 ^ f 


Daniel de RappaUie : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 cow . . 35 '• ' 

Seimen Claessen : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 cow 1 do 

of 3 yrs. 2 hogs £41 

6 morgens of land 12 

Theunes Gisbertse Bogaertt : 3 polls, 4 horses, 
1 ditto of 1 yr. 2 oxen, 14 cows, 6 ditto 



of 3 yrs. 6 ditto of 2 yrs. 10 ditto of 1 

yr, 6 hogs -£247 

40 morgens of land and valley 80 

Hendi'ick Theymese : 1 poll, 1 liorse, 3 cows ^645 
. "3 morgens of land . . . .^ 6 

Thomes Lamberse : 2 polls, 3 horses, 1 ditto 
of 1 year, 6 cows, 2 ditto of 3 year, 4 
ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 6 sheep, 

1 hog £129.10 

23 morgens land and valley 46 

Jan Gerrittse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 2 
yrs. 3 cows, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 

1 yr. 2 sheep, 1 hog ^£71 

11^ morgens of land and valley 23 



Susanne Dubbels : 2 oxen, 5 cows, 3 ditto of 

2 yrs., 3 ditto of 1 yr ^£49 

8 morgen of land and valley 16 


Pietter Corse : 1 poll 18 

Hendrick Corse : 2 polls, 2 horses, 2 sheep. . Ml 

10 morgens of land and valley 20 

Dierck Janse Voertman : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 

cows ^57 

9 morgens land and valley 18 






Jean Aersen : 1 poll, 4 horses, 3 cows, 1 ditto 

of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 year, 1 hog 8^.10 

Juflfw Potters : 1 horse, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 4 

cows, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 

2 hogs. ^£44. 10 

18 morgens of land and valley 36 



OF king's county. * 149 

Maerten Ryerse : 1 poll, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 3 
years, 6 cows, 1 ditto of 3 years, 2 ditto 

of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 1 hog £115.10 

31^ morgens of land and valley 63 


Catherine Jeronimus : 1 ox, 1 cow U 

Jabeck Gisbertse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows, 1 

ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto ' 

oflyr. 2hogs £67 

8 morgens of land and valley 16 

Jan Frederickse : 1 poll, 2 cows, 1 morgen of 


Baerent Hegberttse : 1 poll, 1 cow, 3 ditto of 

3 yrs. 1 ditto of 2 years, 2 ditto of 1 

year .£40 . 10 

4 morgen of land and valley 8 

Jan Hansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 4 cows, 2 ditto 
of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 

4 hogs , .... £80.10 

10 morgens of land and valley 20 

Pietter Jansen : 1 poll, 1 horse, 3 cows . • • • . £45 

8 morgens of land and valley 16 




Michil Hansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 4 cows, 2 

ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs £75 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 

. 115 

Wouter Geisse : 1 poll 18 

Andries Jurianse : 2 polls, 4 horses, 6 cows, 

3 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 4 sheep. £124.10 
28 morgens of land and valley 56 

180 10 

Jan GiUese : 1 poll, 1 hog 19 


Joores Jacobse : 3 polls, 5 horses, 1 ditto of 1 
yr. 5 cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 

yrs. 4 ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs £167 

40 morgens of land and valley 80 

(•» 247 

Total amount of the valuation of the jurisdiction 
of Breuckelen <£5,204 


Titus Sirix : 3 polls, 3 horses, 3 ditto of 1 yr 
7 cows, 6 ditto of 3 yrs. 4 ditto of 1 yr. 

9 hogs JE173 

25 morgens land and valley 50 


Dierck Jansen van der Vliett : 2 polls, 3 

horses, 4 cows, 2 ditto of 2 years 1 ditto 

of 1 yr ^£98. 10 

16 morgens of land and valley 32 


Stoffel probaskij : 1 poll 1 horse, 1 ditto of 3 

yrs. 3 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 

yr. 1 hog X61 

16 morgens land and valley 32 


Gerrit Luberse : 1 poll, 3 horses, 6 cows, 5 

hogs ■ 89 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 


Seimen Luberse : 1 poll, 3 horses, 3 cows, 2 

ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 

1 yr. 1 hog £84.10 

13 morgens of land and valley 26 


OF king's county. 151 

Aucke Janse : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 4 cows, 5 sheep, £52 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 

Reyn Jansen : 2 polls, 3 horses, 3 cows, 2 

ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs jE92 

13 morgens of land and valley 26 

Dierck Jansen Hoglant : 1 poll, 2 horses, 4 
cows, 1 ditto of 2 years, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 

Ihog ^£67 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 

Joores Willemse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows, 2 

ditto of 3 yrs. 2 hogs ^£62 

1 5 morgens of land & valley 30 

Barteltt Claesse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 
2 yrs. 2 cows, 4 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 

1 yr. 1 hog je77 

12 morgens of land & valley 24 




Arie Reyerse : 1 poll, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 3 
yrs. 5 cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 2 

. years, 1 ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs £109 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 


Dierck Jansen : 1 poll . ., ., 18 

Claes WiUekes ; 1 poll 18 

Jan Harmense : 1 poll 18 

Aers Jansen : 1 poll, 3 horses, 3 cows 2 ditto 

of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs ^£83. 10 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 


Jan Barense : 1 poll, 1 horse, 3 cows 45 

'Hans Christofifel : 1 poU, 2 horses, 3 cows, 1 

hog 58 

Hendrick WiUemse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows, 

2 hogs 4. £59 

1 5 morgens of land and vaUey, 30 






Jabecq Hendrickse : 1 poll, 4 horses, 3 cows, rv^^l . ►^V^uA 

^ 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 year ^90 ■ '"' '* 

16 morgens of land & valley 32 


Elder tt Luberttse : 1 poll, 3 horses, ,4 cows, 

2 hogs, je76 

16 morgens of land & valley 32 

108 ^^ 

Louis Jansen : 1 poll i8 

Jockem Woutters : 1 poll, 1 horse, 6 cows, 

1 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 hog ^£63 .10 

17 morgens of land & valley ♦. 34 


Minne Johannes : 3 polls, 1 horse, 1 cow ... 71 

Reyn Aersen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 4 cows, 2 ditto 

of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 1 hog 73 . 10 

Jan Jansen : 1. poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 
.2; oxen, 5 cows, 5 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto 

of 1 yr. 3 hogs jeil3 ..;, 

17 morgens of land and valley 34 a. 


Arie Lambertse : 1 poll, 3 horses, 4 cows, 1 

^ ■ (iitto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 

1 yr. 4"hogs....... ^£88. 10 

24 morgens of land & valley 48 

. 136.10 

Annetie de Bruin : 2 horses, 2 cows ........ £34 

7 morgens of land 14 

*"— 48 

Pietter Loott : 1 poll, 2 horses, 6 cows, 4 ditto 

Of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 vr. 

2 hogs je96.10 

16 morgens of land & valley 32 

. 223 1 ) 

Leffertt Pietterse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows, 

1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr j£57 ,10 

1 7 morgens of land & valley 34 

91. 1« 

Jan Jansen Feyn : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 2 cows, 3 

ditto of 2 yrs » 47.10 

OF king's county. ' 1 53 

Willem Jacobse : 2 polls, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 
3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 2 oxen, 7 cows, 

2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr j£124. 10 

24 morgens of land & valley 48 


Jan Auckes ■: 1 poll, 1 liorse, 1 cow 35 

Pietter Guilliamse : 1 poll, 6 oxen, 5 cows, 

2 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 hogs ^687 

1 9 morgens of land and valley 36 


Willem Guilliamse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 oxen, 

7 cows, 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr . . jei04 . 1 
16 morgens of land & valley 32 


Lambert Jansen : 1 poll - 18 

Jan Streicker : 3 polls, 3 horses, 1 ditto of 

1 yr. 12 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 

2 yrs. 5 ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs .£178 

30 morgens of land and valley 60 


Hendrick Streicker : 1 poll, 2 horses ^£42 

12 morgens of land 24 


Barentt Barense : 1 poll 18 

Arie Hendrickse : 1 poll, 2 horses of 1 yr. 

1 cow, 1 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 

Ihog 34 ' 

Ame Andriese : 1 poll, 1 hoi-se, 1 cow 35 

Gerritt Suedeger : I poll, 4 horses, 1 ox, 

6 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. ,- 

5 hogs jeil7.10 

20 morgens of land and talley 40 

Cornells Janse Zeuw : 1 poll, 3 horses, 5 cows ^£79 
30 morgens of land & valley 60 

Caterine Hegemans : 3 polls, 5 horses, 4 oxen, 
10 cows, 6 ditto of 3 years, 4 ditto of 

2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 4 hogs ^£229 

36 morgens of hmd & valley 72 





Hendrick Joorese : 1 poll, 3 horses, 11 cows, :'// 

3 ditto of 2 yrs. 5 ditto of 1 yr ^6124 

1 7 morgens of land and valley 34 


Gisbert Jansen : 1 poll 13 

Cornells Berry : 1 poll, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 

1 yr. 7 cows, 2 ditto of 1 yr. 3 sheep. . . JElOS 

23 morgens of land & valley 46 


Cornehs Jacobse : 1 poll 28 

Hendrick Cornelise Slechtt : 1 poll, 2 cows, 

1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 year, 4 hogs, ^£37 .10 

. 3 morgens of land. 6 

^ , 43.10 

Jacob Jansen : 1 poll Ig 

Cornelis Barense : 1 poU, 3 horses, 1 ditto of 

1 yr. 5 cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 

2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr. 1 hog jei04 . 10 

1 5 morgens of land and valley 36 

Jan Sebringh : 2 polls, 4 horses, 1 ox, 6 cows, ^^^ ' ^^ 

2 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr. 4 hogs. . i:i32 
1 9 morgens of land and valley 38 

— 170 

Balttes Barense : 1 poll, 2 cows 28 

Claes Barense : 1 poll, 1 horseof 3 yrs. I'^w 

of 2 yrs 28.10 

Stoffel Jansen : 1 poll, 1 horse of 3 yrs 26 * 

Total amount of the valuation of the property 

of Middelwout ^£5079 10 


OF king's county. 155 

UP 24th AUGUST, 1675. 

Gerrit Rienniers : 2 polls, 4 horses, 7 cows, 2 

,^, ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr ^125.10 

23 morgens of land and valley 46 


Harmen Hendrickse : 1 poU, 3 horses, 5 cows, 

1 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 2 yr. 1 hog. . £86 .10 

25 morgens of land and valley 50 


Albert Albertse : 2 polls, 3 horses, 2 ditto of 

3 yrs. 6 cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs jei25 . 10 

29 morgens of land and valley 58 


Steuen Coertten : 2 polls, 4 horses, 1 ox, 8 

cows, 6 ditto of 2 years, 2 hogs £147 

30 morgens of land and vaUey 60 


Hans Jansen : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 4 cows, 1 ditto 

of 1 year £51.10 

17 morgens of land and vaUey 34 


Pietter Hendrickse : 1 poll, 1 horse 30 

Swaen Jansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows £52 

5 morgens of land 10 

"'• 62 , 

Dierck Jansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows .... £57 ' 

7 morgens of land 14 


Abraham Joorese : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 

1 yr. 2 oxen, 14 cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 '■ 

ditto of 2 yrs. 5 ditto of 1 yr £151 . 10 

35 morgens of land and valley 70 


Willem Jansen van Berckelo : 1 poll, 1 horse, 

1 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 cows 45 


Hendrick Pietterse : 1 poll, 3 horses, 4 cows, 

3 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 hog . . £92 
19 morgens of land and valley 38 

Seimen Jansen : 2 polls, 4 horses, 1 ox, 8 
cows, 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 

ditto of 1 yr. 6 sheep, 2 hogs £lb8A0 

32 morgens of land and valley 64 

Coert Steuense : 1 poll, 4 horses, 3 oxen, 6 
cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 

3 ditto of lyr jei34 

44 morgens of land & valley 88 

Willem Gerritts : 2 poUs, 3 horses, 2 ditto of 
.3 yrs. 1 ditto of 2 yr. 6 cows, 2 ditto of 
4 yrs. 3 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 

ditto of 1 yT.2hQgs £157.10 

28 morgens of land and valley 56 

Dierckie Roeleffse : 1 horse, 2 cows, 1 ditto 

of 2 yrs. 1 liog ^ £25.10 

4 morgens of land. 8 

Willem Dauittse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 

1 yr. 4 cows, 2 ditto of 1 yr £68 

12 morgens of land & valley 24 

Jan Roeleffse : 2 polls, 4 horses, 1 ox, 10 
cows, 1 ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 

2 ditto of 1 yr. 6 sheep, 2 hogs £1 56 . 10 

52 morgens of land and valley 104 




Pieter Monfortl] : 1 poll 18 

Jan Kiersen : 2 polls, 2 horses, 2 ditto of 2 
yrs. 4 cows, 4 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 

lyr. 4 sheep £105 

31 morgens of land and valley .,. 62 






Albertt Alberttse, Jun^ : 1 poll, 1 horse, 3 

cows, 1 ditto of 2 yrs 47 . 10 

OF king's county. 157 

Jacob and Gerritt Streycker : 3 polls, 3 horses 
5 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 6 hogs, and 1^ 
morgens of land .132 

Pietter Cornelise : 2 polls, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 

1 yr. 6 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 4 ditto of 

2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr. 2 hogs jei41 .10 

24 morgens of land & valley 48 


Jan Theunisse , 1 poll 1 lioTse 30 

Hendrict Assuerus : 1 poll 18 

Adam Michilse : 1 poll 18 

Fernandes van Cickel : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 

cows 57 

Luyckes Steuense : 1 poD, 3 horses, 4 cows 1 

ditto of 1 yr £75 . 10 

20 morgens of land & valley. . , 40 

Claes Pietterse : 2 horses, 1 ox, 4 cows 1 

ditto of 3 yrs. 1 hog .£55 

7 morgens of land 14 


Jan Poppen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 cow 47 

Jan Maerttense : 1 poll, 2 horses, 3 cows, 1 

ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 1 yr <£62. 10 

10 morgens of land & valley 20 



Willem Willemse : 1 poll, 4 horses, 4 cows . . .£86 
1 1 morgens of land & valley 22 


Willem Huycken : 1 poll, 3 cows 33 

Jan Brouwer : 1 poll, 1 horse, 1 cow, 1 ditto 

of 1 yr 36.10 

Pietter Claessen : 2 polls, 4 horses, 1 ditto of 
2 yr. 10 cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 3 ditto 2 

yrs. 4 sheep, 2 hogs ^£158 , 

'59 morgens of land & valley 118 



Gilles Jansen : 2 polls, 2 horses, 2 oxen, 3 cows 

1 ditto of lyear £88.10 

10 morsjeus of land & vaUey 20 


Ariaen Pietterse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows . . . £b2 

8 morgens of land & valley 16 


Total amount of the whole property of Ams- 

fort.. £4008.10 

MADE UP 24tti AUGUST, 1675. 

Jan Hansen : 1 poll, 3 horses, 4 cows, 2 ditto 

of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr X80 . 10 

40 morgens land and valley 80 


Barent Joosten : 1 poU, 3 horses, 1 ditto of 2 
yrs. 7 cows, 4 ditto of 2 yrs. 5 ditto of 1 

yr. 3 hogs 114 10 

Anthony Theunisse : 1 poll, 1 horse 30 

Theunes Jansen van Peltt : 2 poUs, 4 horses, 

4 cows £104 

32 morgens of land and valley 64 

■ 168 

Jacob Bastiaense : 1 poll 18 

Crein Jansen : 1 poU, 2 horses, 1 ditto of 1 

yr £45 

12 morgens of land 24 

^ Jan Gisberttse : 1 poll 18 

Jean Van Cleff : 1 poll, 1 horse, 4 cows, 2 ditto 

of 1 yr. £55 

40 morgens of land and valley 80 

OF king's county. 159 

Jan Jansen Van Dyck : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 

cows, 1 ditto of 1 yr £53. 10 

16 morgens of land 32 

Gisbert Theyse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows, 1 

ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs Ml 

18 morgens of land and valley 36 

Hendrick Mattheise : 1 poll, 4 horses, 3 cows, 

3 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr £9'i 

20 morgens of land and valley 40 




Carel Jansen van Dyck : 2 polls, 2 horses, 3 

cows, 3 ditto of 2 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. . . .£84 
24 morgens of land and valley 48 


Huibert Jansen Stock : 1 poll 18 

Jan Jansen van Rheyn : 2 polls, 1 horse of 2 

yrs. 5 cows, 2 ditto of 1 year .£69 

20 morgen of land 40 


Pietter Jacobse : 1 poll, 2 cows 28 

Theys Jansen : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 2 cows, 1 ditto 

. of 3 yrs. 1 ditto of 1 yr. 1 hog £46 . 10 

12 morgens of land 24 


Jan Clement : 1 horse, 2 cows, 1 ditto of 1 

yr 41.10 

Jan Musserol : 1 poll, 2 oxen, 2 cows £40 

12 morgens of land 24 

Anthony Van der Eycke : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 

cows, 2 ditto of 3 yrs. 1 hog £61 

12 morgens of land 24 



Jan van Deuenter : 2 polls, 2 horses, 1 ditto 

of 3 yrs. 3 cows, 1 ditto of 1 yr, 2 hogs . 86 . 10 

Luyckes Mayerse : 1 poll, 2 horses, 1 cow, 4 

ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 3 hogs. . £67 

20 morgens of land 40 



Jan Verckerck : 3 polls, 5 horses, 2 ditto of 1 

yr. 4 cows, 10 sheep <£144 

' 72 morgens of land and valley 144 

0! 288 

Rutger Joostten : 1 poll, 5 horses, 4 cows, 8 
ditto of 3 yrs. 2 ditto of 2 yrs. 2 ditto of 

1 yr. 13 sheep, 1 hog ^144 . 10 

73 morgens of land and valley 144 


Jan Gerrittse : 24 morgens of land 48 

Jacob Gerrittse : 24 morgens of land 48 

Ackeys Jansen : 12 morgens of land 24 

Laurens Jansen : 1 poll, 2 horses, 2 cows .... £52 
24 morgens of land 48 

Hans Harmense : 1 poll, 3 horses, 5 cows, 3 
ditto of 2 yrs. 3 ditto of 1 yr. 5 sheep, 1 

hog £94: 

24 morgens of land 48 

Arie Willemse : 1 poll, 4 horses, 6 cows .... JE96 

M morgens of land and valley 48 



Total amount of the entire property of New Uytrecht, £2,852*. 10 
«r itr . ,^^ ' 


Pounds, sh. Guild, st. 

3,174.10.0, valuation of Boswyck, at 

1 stiver in the pound . 158.14.8 £13. 4.6 
5,204. valuation of Breuckelen. 260. 4. 21.13.8 
5,079.10.0, valuation of Middelwout 253.19.8 21. 3.4 
4,008.10.0, valuation of Amsfortt. .. 200.8.8 16.14. 
2,852.10.0, valuation of New Uy- 
trecht 142.12.8 11.17.8 

Total,20,319. valuation of the 5 Towns 

, @ 1 stiv. per pound.. 101 5. 19. £84.13.2 

or king's county. 


The valuacon of all the five Dutch villages amounts, as you 
see above, to 2031 pounds Sterl'g, reckoning the county rates 
at 1 penny in the pound, they amount to 84 pounds 13 shillgs 
and 2 pence Sterl'g, or in current pay to 1,015 guilders 13 shillgs; 
property being rated as follows : 

Each man @ .£18. 

Each horse @ 12. 

Each 3 year old @ . . . 8. 
Each 2 year old @ . . . 5. 
Each yearling @ . . . . 3. 
Each ox @ 6. 

Each cow @ 

Each 3 year old @ 
Each 2 year old @ 
Each yearling @ . . 

Each hog @ 

Each sheep @ . . . . 



Each morgen of land @ 2 pounds Sterling. 
The whole account, errors excepted, most 
carefully examined by 

Your affectionate servant 

X Clerk. 

Vol. IV 


' ■ . ■* 

Mi.::. .'i 

J' -.,.: J; 

0.8 %.... 'v 









[CouncUMin: XVII. ] 

In Council ; New York 5t*» Jan^y 1737. 
His Honor (Lt Gov Clark) laid before the Board several 
Queries being Twenty in number relating to this Province, 
which were sent to him by the Lords of Trade which having 
been read were ordered to be entered in the Minnits and are as 
follow viz*. 

.. , , Qumes relating to His Majesty's Province ofJVeu) York. 

No 1 . What is the situation of the Province under your Gov- 
ernment, the nature of the Country soil & Climate, the Latitudes 
& Longitudes of the most considerable places in it, or the neigh- 
bouring ffrench or Spanisli settlements 1 Have those Latitudes 
& Longitudes been settled by good observations, or only by 
common Computations, and from whence are the Longitudes 
Computed 1 

2. What are the Reputed boundaries, and are any parts there- 
of Disputed, what parts & by whom ? 

3. What is the Constitution of the Government 1 

4. What is the Trade of the Province, the number of shiping, 
their tunnage, and the number of sea-fearing men with y® 
respective Increase or Diminution within ten years past 1 

5. What Quantity & sorts of British Manufactures do the 
Inhabitants annually take from hence 1 

6. What Trade has the Province under y^ Govemm* with 
any foreign Plantations or any part of Europe, besides Great 
Britain, how is that Trade carried on, what commoditys do the 
people under your Government send to, or receive from foreign 
plantations 1 

7. Wliat metliods are there used to prevent illegal Trade, and 
are the same eflectual 1 , ,, , , i. . . . . .: . . 


8. What is the Natural produce of the Country staple-Com- 
moditys and Manufactures, and what valine thereof in sterling 
money may you annually Export 1 
9. What mines are there 1 

10. What is the number of Inhabitants white and Blacks ? 

Ih Are the Inhabitants Increased or decreased within the 
last ten years, how much and for what reasons 1 

12. What is the number of the Militia ? 

-13. What fforts and places of Defence are there within your 
Government, and in what Condition ? 

14. What number of Indians have you and how are they 
inclined ? ' >r 

, 15. What is the strength of the neighbouring Indians 1 

16. What is the strength of your neighbouring Europeans 
ffrench or Spaniards 1 

17. What effect have the ffrench or Spanish Settlements on 
the Continent of America upon His Majesty's plantations, espe- 
cially on your province ? 

18. What is the Revenue arising within your Government 
and how Is it appropriated '? 

19. What are the ordinary and extraordinary Expences of 
your Government 1 

20. What are the Estabhshments civil & military within your 
Government, and by what authority Do the officers hold their 
places 1 

And to tlie End His Honor may be enabled to give their 
Lordships the greatest satisfaction concerning them and the 
most certain distinct and perfect answers thereto that possibly 
can be procured or made. It is Ordered that the two first 
Queries be sent to CadwaUader Colden Esq"" His Majesty's Sur- 
veyor General of Land for this Province for him to make an 
answer thereto and transmit the same to his Honor. 

That the 4*^ 5*^ 6»h 7th 8th be sent to the Collector of His 
Majesty's Customs and that he return an answer thereto. 

As to the lOtfi Query that Orders issue to the Sherriflfs of the 
several Countys within this Province, to transmit a particular 
and exact account of the number of Inhabitants, both Whites 
and Blacks in their respective Countys, Distinguishing in 


Columns for that purpose to be made, the number of Whites, 
Males and Females above and under Ten, and the number of 
Blacks, Males and Females above and under that age, so that a 
particular account may appear not only of the whole number of 
Inhabitants in each respective County, but also of the particular 
species or kind of Inhabitants of both Colours and sexes above 
and under the age aforesaid ; and for their better guidance and 
direction in the doing thereof. It is Ordered that the Clerk do 
send to each of the Sherriffs respectively a sample or Form, in 
which such accounts are so to be taken and made ; and that 
the same may be taken with as much certainty, as the nature of 
the Thing will possibly admit ; It is Ordered that the Sherriffs 
of the said several Countys be directed to Issue their Precepts 
or Summons's to the Constables, or other under officers of the 
several Towns, Parishes, Districts and Precincts, in each of their 
respective County's, requiring them to transmit to each of the 
Sherriffs respectively as soon as conveniently may be a particu- 
lar account of the number of Inhabitants in manner as aforesaid, 
in each of their respective Towns parishes precincts or Dis- 

As to the 12th Quere — That orders be sent to the CoUonells 
of the several Kegiments of miUtia in the several Countys within 
this province, for them to send a particular account of the num- 
ber of Men, Horse and ffoot in each of their respective Regi- 

As to the 14th 15 16th & I7'i> Queres Ordered that the same 
be sent to the Commissioners of Indian affaires for them to 
return an answer thereto. 

:^. 'htm .'A-:-''^.^ ■ u; t*^iiM'«?wj <{'>!!;? ;'!':.■ 

'U-M-H^.u «>t*,l Vi'U'J viui-^nts;* Mti'*> iii i.mim yji ■■n'^/i- 
•p,r;W ^5Ti4-^•Jq8*i^: i^'M^I '\<' i]::r.-} iii. UhUi i\nii tMri^Ai ,.ii'*l«' Jo 1 fid 







By Cadwallader Colden Esq. 
Surveyor General 


[Prom a MS. in the hand witing of the Author.] 

f .iW'f^riA orTiHrt ii-: ■'- r.vo;!;'^] 

PROVINCE OF NEW YORK. FEb'y 14*^^ 1737 | 8. 

To the Honourable George Clarke Esq Lieut* Gouver- 
neur of the Province of New York &c. 

May it please your Honour. 

In obedience to your Honour's Order in 
Council, of the 5th of the last month referring to me the follow- 
ing Queries from the Lords of Trade & Plantations viz — 

No. 1. "What is the Scituation of the Province under your 
" Government, The Nature of the Country, Soil, & 
L'ds of rTade and "Climate — The Latitude & Longitude of the most 
"considerable places in it, or the neighbouring 
"French or Spanish Settlements! Have those Latitudes and 
"Longitudes been settled by good Observations; or only by 
" common Computations, and from whence are the Longitudes 
computed ? 

No. 2. " What are the reputed Boundaries and are any parts 
" thereof disputed : what parts & by whom ? " 

I shall, that Answer may be made thereto, mention such par- 
ticulars as occur to me, from my own knowledge, or the Credi- 
ble Information of others, on the Subject Matter of their Lordp^ 
Queries, & Class them in the same order observ'd in the Queries. 

The Scituation of the Province of New York is to the East- 
ward of the Provinces of New Jersey & Pensylvania 

Scituation of the •' •' 

Yo°rk"'*'^ °f ^^^ & of the Indian Countries lying to the Northward 
& Westward of Pensylvania ; To tlie Southward of 
Canada and the Indian Countries claimed by the French, & To 
the Westward of the Colonies of Massathusetts Bay & Connecti- 

The nature of the Country is more uneven, hilly, stony, & 

rocky, than that of the Provinces to the Southward 

coXrVin reject 6f it. lu somc parts it Is mountainous. At about 

40 miles from the City of New York Northward, a 

Mountains. chalu of Mouutains of abo\it 10 miles in Breadth, 

commoly called tlie Highlands, cross Hudson's River running 


many miles from the Northeast Southwestward. About 90 miles 
Northward from New York another body of Mountains rise on 
the west side of Hudson's Kiver, at about 10 miles from the 
River, & are commonly called the Kaats kill Mountains or Blew 
Hills. From these Mountains the most northerly 
Head of Delaware & jQiaiu Brauches of Delaware River, some Branches 

River. ' 

of Susquehana River, and several of Hudson's 
River take their rise. 

The Southern part of the Country, that is, from the sea on 
both sides of Hudson's River to within 20 miles of 
Albany, is generally cover'd with oaks of several 
sorts, intermixed with Wallnuts, Chesnuts & allmost all sorts of 
Timber, according to the Difference of the Soil in several parts. 
I have seen in several parts of the Country large quantities of 
the Larix tree from whence Venice Turpentine is made, about 
Albany, & as I am inform'd, a great way up the Eastern Branch 
of Hudson's River, the Land is generally cover'd with Pines of 
several sorts. The Mohawk's Country or that part of this Pro- 
vince lying on both sides the Western Branch of Hudson's River, 
is generally cover'd with Beech, Maple & Elm. 

The settlements extend in Lenth, from the Ocean northward, 
along Hudson's River and the eastern branch of it, 
uemTntT.'"*''"^"'" to about 40 mOes to the Northward of Albany, & 
westward along the western Branch, to about four 
score miles west northwest from Albany, so that the settled & 
improved part of New York extends about 200 miles in lenth. 
But there are few settlements any where to the Northward or 
Westward of Albany at any distance from the Branches of Hud- 
son's River. 

In the Mohawks Country, the Level of the Land seems to be 
at the greatest heigth above the sea : for in that 
wdusKf^^' part of the Country, at about 50 miles west north 
mountai.^ above ^^^^ ^^^^ Albany, & 12 mlles west from the Mo- 
hawks River, some Branches of the largest Rivers 
in North America, k which run contrary courses, take their rise 
within 2 or 3 miles of each otlier, viz pt a Branch of Hudson's 
river, vvhick tails into the sea near New-York, after having run 
about 250 miles. 



2. The Oneida River running Northward falls into the Oneida 
Lake, which empties itself into the'Cadarackui Lake at Oswego: 
from this Lake the great River S' Lawrence takes its rise, which 
passing Montreal & Quebec empties it self into the Ocean 
opposite to Newfoundland. S^^y a Branch of Susquehana River, 
which running Southerly passes through Pensylvania & Mary- 
land, and empties it self into Cheasaspeak Bay in Virginia. 
The Province of New York has, for the Conveniency of 

Commerce, advantages by its Scituation beyond any 
mvlT^ZfAt other Colony in North America For Hudson's River, 
^iwcoiltci!'^ running through the whole extent of this Province, 

affords the inhabitants an easy Transportation of 
all their Commodities, to & from the City of New York. From 

the Eastern Branch there is only land Carriage of 

Hudson's River. 

sixteen miles to tlie Wood Creek, or to Lake S*. 
Sacrament, both of which fall into Lake Champlain, from 
whence Goods are transported by water to Quebec. But the 
Chief advantages are from the western Branch of Hudson's 
River. At 50 miles from Albany the Land Carriage from the 

Mohawks river to a lake from whence the Northern 
Susquehana River, •j^j.^j^^i^ ^f Susquehaua takcs its rise, does not 

exceed 14 miles. Goods may be carried from this lake in Battoes 
or flatt bottomed Vessels, through Pennsylvania, to Maryland & 
Virginia, the current of the river running every where easy, 
without any cataract in all that large space. In going down this 
River two large branches of the same River are met, which come 
from the westward, & issue from the long ridge oi' mountains, 
which stretch along behind Pensylvania, Maryland, Virginia & 
Carolina, commonly call'd the Apalachy Mountains. By either 
of these Branches Goods may be carried to the Mountain & I 
am told that the passage through the Mountains to the Branches 
of the Misissipi which issue from the West side of these Moun- 
tains, is neither long nor difficult ; by which means an Inland 
Navigation may be made to the Bay of Mexico. 
From the Head of the Mohawks River there is likewise a short 
■ land Carriage of four miles only, to a Creek of the 
SL^seU"^"'"' Oneida lake, which empties it self into Cadarackui 
Lake at Oswego : and the Cadarackui Lake, being 

174 .1?; STATE OF THE /osm 

truely an Inland sea, of greater breadth than can be seen by the 
eye, communicates with Lake Erie, the Lake of the Hm-ons, 
Lake Michigan & the Upper lake, all of them Inland seas, By 
means of these Lakes, & the Rivers which fall into them. Com- 
merce may be carried from New York, through a vast Tract of 
Land, more easily than from any other maritime Town in North 

These advatages I am sensible, cannot be suflS.ciently under- 
stood, without a Map of North America. The best which I have 
seen, is M"". De L'Isle's Map of Louisiana, published in French 
in the year 1718. For this reason I frequently use the French 
names of places, that I may be better understood. 

There are great Quantities of Iron oar in several parts of 

the. Province, Large Quantities of Sulphur in the 

Mohawks Country Salt Springs in the Onondaga 

Country. Lead oar has likewise been found in several parts of 

the Province, but no where as yet sufiScient to pay the Expence 

of working. 

The Soil is less uniform, as the Surface is more unequal, than 

in the more Southern Provinces; & consequently 

Nature of the soil. ,- , . • ^ ^ -i • ^ j. j, 

there is a great variety of soil m several parts of 
the Province. It is generally proper for most sort of Grain, as 
wheat. Rye, Barley, Oats, Maiz or Indian Corn & Buckwheat. 
The wheat of this Province is generally heavier than that of the 
Provinces more to the Southward & yields a larger quantity & 
better kind of Flower. 

The soil is likewise more fit for pasturage running naturally, 
assoon as it is clear'd of the woods into clover and other good grass, 
& is almost every where intermixed with good meadow grounds. 
These in several parts are of a deep rich black mold & have when 
suflB.ciently drain'd produced Hemp to great advantage. What 
I say of Hemp is grounded on what has been done in New Jersey, 
& tho' the experiment has not been sufficiently tried in tjiis 
Province, I can see no reason to doubt of the hke success. 

On many of the Branches of Hudson's River, & near Albany 
on Hudson's river it self, there is a kind of soil made by the 
Rivers & extends about half a mile in breadth along the Rivers. 
This being made by the soil, which the Rivers let fall is exceed- 


ing rfch, yields large crops of the best Wheat, and the repeated 
overflowings of the Rivers keeps it always in strenth. 

The Soil of the Mohawks Country is in general much richer 
& stronger, than that of the more Southern parts of the Province 
& exceeds any soil that I ever saw in any part of America. I 
am told, the same kind of soil extends through the countries of 
the Oneydoes, Onondagas, Cayugas, & Senekas. This soil, I am 
persuaded, will produce any thing, that can be produced in a 
Climate where the Winters are very cold. 

The Climate of the Province of New York, confining it to 
the present christian Settlements, extends from the 
Tje^natureofthe 40th degree and 30 mint, of Latitude to the 43«i 
degree & 30 minutes. It is much colder in Winter 
than those parts of Europe, which ly under the same parallels 
of Latitude, The Alterations in the Thermometer, are very con- 
siderable, as great perhaps as in any part of the world : but the 
changes in the Barometer are not so great, the Mercury seldom 
descending so low as in Brittain. The changes of Heat & Cold 
pass through all the degrees of the Thermometer. I have 
observ'd the Cold so great, that the Spirit in Patrick's Thermo- 
meter, which is fixed to his portable Barometer, descended the 
space of 8^ Gradations below all the Graduations marked on the 
Thermometer : at the same time, the Spirit in my Florentine 
Thermometer was included intirely within the Ball : But so 
great a degree of Cold happens seldom. The Peach & Quince 
trees were in many places killed by it, but the Apple & Pear trees 
are never hurt by the Cold. Hudson's River, so far as it is 
fresh is froze every year, so as to bear Horses & Carriages. The 
Excesses in Heat & Cold seldom continue a week together, or 
more than two or three days. The greatest cold is in January, 
& Heat in July & August. Since the Country has been settled 
& Clear'd the Seasons are become more moderate. 

The spring comes late, it is seldom sensible before April. 
This it is probable, is occasioned by great quantities of snow to 
the northward, which every where are cover'd from the Sun by 
thick Forests, & by melting slowly produces cold northerly 
winds. The spring being late of consequence is short, the suc- 
ceeding warm weather produces a quick growth so that the 

face of the country, in a short time, becomes surprisingly changed 
In the summer exceeding heavy Dews fall almost every night. 
The wheat harvest is in the beginning of July. 

The Fall of the leaf is the most pleasant season in this coun- 
try. From the beginning of September to December we have 
moderate weather with a serene sky the Horizon being seldom 
cover'd with clouds in that time. 

d m 
KShf ^s"t^" The Citv of New York is in Latitude . . 40 .42 

eousiderable piaees. * LoUgitudc. 74.37 

Sandy Hook, a Cape in the Ocean at the Entrance into the 

Bay into which Hudson's River empties itself, Lat. . 40.2'5 

Long 74.37 
Albany, the second City in New York & most consider- 
able place for the Fur trade, Lat.. 42.48 

Long. 74.24 
Ohswego, a Fort on Cadarackuy lake. From whence the 
Fur trade of Albany is carried on with the Western 
Indians, Lat.. 43.35 

Long. 76.50 
PhOadelphia, Lat.. 39.58 

Long. 75.40 
Boston, Lat.. 42.25 

Long. 71 M 
Quebeck, the Capital of Canada Lat. . 46.46 

Long. 69.48 
Montreal, the second Town in Canada & nearest New 

York, Lat.. 45.52 

Long. 74.10 
Crown Point, 'the place where the French have built a 

Fort, near the South end of Lake Champlain, Lat. . . 44.10 

Long. 74.00 
i^om whence^the^^The Lougitudc of aU thcse places is computed 

westward from the Meridian of London. 
The Latitude & Longitude of New York is from my own obser- 
vations, which I am satisfied are near enough the 
{here^Lo™cfJs & truth for common use, tho not made with such 
i^irudes ^e<»eter-jjjg^j.^jjj^j^.^g^ ^^^ ^ acuTacy as is necessary where 


the greatest exactness is requisite. The Longitude is from the 
Immersions & Emersions of Jupiter's first Satellite, and the 
Calculations made from D^" Pound's Tables of that Satellite. 

The Latitude k Longitude of Boston are from the observa- 
tions made at Cambridge Colledge in New England, & those of 
Quebeck from the observations of the French there. Those of 
the other places are computed from their distance & scituation, 
with respect to some one or more of these that are determined 
by Observation. 
The Province of New York is bounded. To the southward by 

the Atlantick Ocean, & runs from Sandy hook, 
Efesomew^York.including Long Island & Staten Island, up Hudson's 

River till the 41 ^t degree of North Longitude be 
compleated, which, is about 20 miles above the City of New 
York, East New Jersey lying for that space on the west side of 
Hudson's River. From the 41 ^t degree of Latitude on Hudson's 
River, it runs northwesterly to 41 degrees & 40 min of Latitude 
on the most northerly Branch of Delaware River, which falls 
near Cashiektunk, an Indian Settlement on a Branch of that 
River call'd the Fish kill. Thence it runs up that Branch of 
Delaware River till the i2^ degree of Latitude be compleated or 
to the Beginning of the 43^ degree, Pensylvania stretching along 
the west side of Delaware River, so far northward as to this 
parallel of Latitude. From the Beginning of the 43^ degree 
New York runs westerly, on a Parallel of Latitude, along the 
Bounds of Pensylvania to Lake Erie, or so far west as to com- 
prehend the Country of the Five Nations, (the French having 
by the Treaty of Utricht quitted all claim to these Five Nations) 
Then it runs along lake Erie, & the streights between Lake 
Erie & Cadarackuy lake, & along Cadarackuy lake to the east 
end thereof— From thence it continues to extend easterly along 
the Bounds of Canada, to the Colony of Massathuset's Bay. 
Then Southerly along the Boundaries of the Massathuset's Bay, 
& of the Colony of Connecticut, to the sound between Long 
Island & the main, & then easterly along that Sound to the 
Atlantick Ocean. 

The Boundaries between New York Province & the Provinces 

Vol. IV. 12 


of New Jersey & Pensylvania, are so well Describ-, 
dSL^aie^cerST" ed, In tlic Graiits to the Proprietors of New Jersey 

& Pensylvania, that by determining the proper 
Parallels of Latitude on Hudson & Delaware Rivers, the Boun- 
daries between them may at any time be fixed with sufficient 
certainty. But as this has not hitherto been actually done, 
Disputes now in several parts subsist, between the Proprietors 
of the lands near the line, which is supposed to run between New 
York & New Jersey, from Hudson's Eiver to Delaware River, 
And it is probable the like Disputes will happen, between the 
Inhabitants of the Provinces of New York & Pensylvania, when 
the lands near the line Dividing them shall be settled. 

The Boundaries Between New York & Connecticut are entire- 
ly settled, by agreement between the two Colonies, & by Lines 
run at about 21 miles from Hudson's River, & running nearly 
parallel to the general Course of that River. 
I know no Regulations for Determining the Boundaries between 

New York & Canada. Its probable each will 
Sieral-e^mcwteinendeavour to extend themselves as far as they can. 

The French have lately made a wide step, by 
building a Fort at Crown. Point, which alarm the English Colo- 
nies by its being a Pass of great Importance. By this Pass only 
there is access to Canada firom the English Colonies, k from this 
the French will be able, in War time, to send out parties, to 
harass & plunder the Colonies of Massathuset's Bay, New York 
& Connecticut. The building of this Fort deserves the more 
notice by reason, it is not at half the Distance from the settle- 
ments in New York, that it is from the nearest settlements in 
Canada. If we are to Judge of the Pretentions of the French, 
by the maps lately published in France by Publick Authority, 
they not only claim this part of the Country and the Countries 
of the Five Nations depending on New York ; but likewise a 
considerable part of what is actually settled by the Inhabitants 
of New York. The English maps are such servile copies of the 
French that they mark out the Boundaries between the English 
& French, with the same Disadvantage to the English, that the 
French do. 

The Boundaries between Massathuset's Bay & New York is 


every where disputed. By the Massathuset's Bay Charter, that 
Colony is to extend as far west as Connecticut. The Question 
is whether it shall extend, as far west as to Connecticut, or 
extend as far west as Connecticut does. The Difference is so 
considerable, that it takes in near as great a quantity of Land, 
as the whole of what is not disputed. It is probable, they may 
at last make their claim good, by the numerous settlements they 
have already & are daily making upon it. 

Your Honours knowledge of this Country, will easily discover 
any Errors I may have committed, & will supply the Defects. 
I have endeavour'd that what I have wrote may be of use to 
you, in some maters, wherein you are less conversant, & may 
assist your memory in others. In hopes that it may & in obedi- 
ence to your Commands it is submitted by 

S>- Your most obedient & 
most humble servant 
Cadwallader Colden. 


■ •■(■•:■ 7' » 

TRADE 2 JUNE 1738 

3. The constitution of the Government is such as his Majesty 
by his commission to his Governor directs, whereby the Gover- 
nour with the Council and Assembly are impowered to ^ass 
laws not repugnant to the laws of England. 

13. In the town of New York is an old fort of very little 
defence, cannon we have but the carriages are good for little, 
we have ball but no powder, nor will the board of ordinance 
send any on pretence that a larg quantity was sent in 1711 for 
the danada expedition which is 27 year agoe, much of it has fpr 
many years been trodden under foot in the magazine, the bar- 
rells having been rotten. 

There is a battery which commands the mouth of the harbour 
whereon may be mounted 50 cannon this is new having been 
built but three years but it wants finishing. 

At Albany there is a new stone fort built the same year with 
the Battery at New York. 

And at Schanectady a new fort built at the same time and 
both are sufficient for those places. 

In the Mohocks Country there is an old stockado'd fort of 
little use now the country there was about being pretty well 
settled and nigh Schanectady. 

I have been trying to prevail with the Seneca's to let us build 
a fort at Tierandequat in their country which will more effectu- 
ally secure tlie fidelity of the six Nations and better preserve 
the fur Trade, and I hope at last to prevail. 

18. We have no revenue established at present. 

19. The ordinary and extraordinary expences of the Govern- 
ment are about .£4000 a year. 

20. We have a Militia in every county for the regulating 
whereof there is annually past an act of Assembly. 

The people are generally expert in the use of fire arms. All 
the officers are commissioned by the Governour. 
The Mayors and Recorders of the cities of New York and 


Albany hold their places by commissions under the seal of the 
province so do the Sherrififs Corroners and Clerks of the peace. 

The Chief Justice is usually appointed at home and by the 
King's warrant to the Governour he gives him a commission 
under the seal of the province the second and third Judges have 
no warrant the Governour appointing them liimself under the 
seal of the province the Attorney General the Surveyor General 
of the lands and the Secretary or Agent for Indian affairs are 
appointed as the Chief Justice is by the Icing's warrant &c. . 

The Secretary and receiver General have their Commission 
under th^ great seal of England. 




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Whites males above ten years 3209 

Dtto Fameles above ten 2995 

Dtto males under ten 1463 

Dtto Fameles under ten 1384 

Totall of White 9051 

Black's males above ten 714 

Dtto Fameles above ten 496 

Dtto males under ten 223 

Dtto Fameles under ten 197 

Totall of Blacks 1630 

The whole No of White & Black above & under ten 10681 



Whites Males above Ten years old 940 

Whites females above 10 years old 860 

Whites males under 10 710 

White females under 10 646 

Total of Whites 3156 

Blacks Males above 10 161 

Blacks flemales above 10 42 

Blacks males under 10 37 

Blacks Ifemales under 10 ,,,....,...........,= 22 

Total of Blacks ...,,,.-.,.,..,...,_.,_..., = ., 263 

The number of the Whole in the county Except the 

Highlands ^ - , 3086 



ANNO, 1738. 

Whites Males above ten years old 1175 

Whites Females above 10 years 1681 

Whites Males under 10 541 

Whites Females under 10 ...... 601 

Totall of whites '. 4398 

Blacks Males above 10 378 

Blacks ffemales above 10 260 

Blacks males under 10 124 

Blacks ffemales under 10 110 

Total of Blacks 872 

The numbet- of the whole in the County Except y® 

high Lands 5270 


ORANGE 1738. 







Ye fovre presincts of Orange 









































taU of 













The above is a true aconnt of the ttuinbers of the Whites and Blacks in the County of 
Orange This 20 day of June 1738. W. DUNING, Sheriff. 




o — 

o ,■■■■ 

City and county of 









New-York William 
Cosby Sheriflfe 



























• ^ 













East Ward 











West Ward 




South Ward 




North Ward 









Dock Ward . . . 









Mountgomry Ward. . 




Bowry Ward 









Harlem Ward 





























3f both 



Rettirn'd p WILL: COSBY vid: com: 
Note.— There are several errors in. the, footings of the above which are left uncor- 
rected. — Ed. 




-i t^ 

the names of the towns 

















































f White 



of Blacks. . . 






Whites males above ten years old 2407 

Whites females above teii years old 2290 

White males under ten 1395 

Whites females under ten 1656 

Totall of whites 7388 

blacks males above ten 460 

blacks females above ten 370 

blacks males under ten 254 

blacks females under ten 227 

Total of Blacks 1311 

the number of the whole in the County 8699 

ye 26th ^f j^^^ 1733 j^dm LAWRENCE, Sheriff. 



1 . Whites males above ten years old 2297 

2. Whites females above ten years old 2353 

3. Whites males under ten 1 175 

4. Whites females under ten 1098 

The totall of whites ». . 6833 

5. blacks males above ten 393 

6. blacks males under ten 307 

7. blacks males above ten 203 

8. black females under ten 187 

The Totall of blacks 1090 

The number of the whole in the county of Suffolk 7923 




White Males above 10 years old 488 

Wliite Females above 10 years old 497 

White males under 10 , 289 

White Females under 10 266 

Total of White 1540 

Black Males above 10 132 

Black Females above 10 112 

Black Males under 10 52 

Black Females under 10 53 

Total of Black 349 

The Number of tlie whole in the County &c 1889 



•♦• For the Table showing the total population of the Province in 1738, see Boc. Hist, 
of N. Y., Vol. I, Art. XXIH. 



The names off the masters ofiF 
the house or mistresses &c. 

"s ". 1^ s "^^ i II i 

II le is li II I io ^ 



Jus polhmvs 2 1 1 3 1 

Laraert bennet 2 . . 3 . . 

William Boerrom ....... 3 2 1 . . 

Carl boerrom 2 2 1 1 ,. 

Isaac hegeman 2 . . 1 . . , , 

John Mom 1 .. 1 3 .. 

William bennett.,.. .... 1 3 1 1 .. 


The names off the ma^rs off the |||«|S||||, ^|S 
house or mistresses &Cr o"^ s3 _o ^t^ ^o 2 » 

"3 fa's a =3 "S J^ "S 

Garritt Snedeker 1 1 1 1 

Hendrick wickhot 1 .. 1 2 .. .. 1 

Cornelius wickhof ...... 2 . . .... 1 . . 1 

Nicklas wickhof 1 3 1 2 . . . . 2 " 

Nicklas andrissen, * . 2 

johannis Cornel 2 ,. 1 1 

Isack Snedeker 3 1 .. 1 

Jurey perbasko 1 1 2 2 1 .. 2 

Elbert hegeman, 3 . . 5 

John Van wicklen, 1 .. 2 2 .. .. 1 

Garrit Cosine 1 . . 1 1 

Joseph hegeman 3 1 3 3 

John lot 1 1 1 2 1 .. 2 

John Striker 3 1 3 1 1 .. 1 

Larance detmas 1 1 2.. 1 1 1 1 

Denijs Hegeman 1 . . 2 

John detmas 4 2 2 2 12 2 3 

John uanderuer 3 .. 3 .. 1 .. 

Abraham lott 3 1 3 .. 2 .. 2 1 

inder freeman 1 .. ,1 .. 1 •• 1 2 

JusSadam 2 1 4 .. 2 .. 1 

Jacob Sadam.. 2.. 2 1 2 

Daniel Ramson ♦ 2 .. 1 .. 2 .. 1 .. 

Pieter Stry ker jun^' 1 1 12 . . . . 1 ,•*; 

Corneallas bennum 1 . . . . 1 -■ 

William hogaland . » 3 . . 3 

Cattren uander^eer 3 

Cornealas Sadam ........ 2 . . 1 1 . . • • • • 

John Sadam 3 2 3 1 >-i 

John Vanderwort 1 2 1 ^ . . ... if 

Adrayonn Hageman . . . . . 3 2 1 1 .. .. ?<w»'bi -l 

Martin Simson 1 . . 1 .nold '<n I 



The names off the masters ofiF the 
house or mistresses &o. 


i - 

M^ ^M 

I I 

■^ a; 

Johanas Johnson 3 

Isaac Okey 1 

Born Vande Vandan, .... 2 

Dom Antonadus ....... 1 

Ad" Hegeman 2 

John Waldron 4 

Co'i Peter Stryker 1 

Tryntje | sjolleman 

John Renham 2 

Joseph Renham 1 

John Van Bueren 1 

Giljan Cornel 4 

Cartryna filkin 1 

Marten Adriaansz 1 

Rem Martense 1 

Adriaan Martense 1 

Phillippus Nagel 2 

Ari Van der Bilt 2 

Abraliam hegeman 2 

Cornelius Cornel 3 

Isaac Leffertze 1 

Jan Van der Bilt 5 

Rem hegeman 4 

Peter Lefifertz 4 

Dominicus V D Veer .... 2 

Gerrit Van Duyn 1 

John Verkerck , , 1 

Rolef Verkerck 1 

Peter Lyster 1 

William houerd 2 

Josef houerd 1 

Jus Bloum 3 



.. 1 
1 1 

1 1 

2 1 
4 1 
2 1 



The names off the masters off the 
house or mistresses &c. 

go g <s ,S Jl 

'^Z S >• go 

.■§1 -a -^^ 

p; =2 m 

go f^ 

S § 

Cattrin Lot 

Sarah Lot 2 

Thomas betts 1 

Jacob Ramsen 2 

Robert betts 1 

10 10 


141 59 144 66 39 19 44 27 



The names off the masters off the 
houses or mistresses &c. 





























































































Johannes Lott 03 03 

Marten Schenck 02 00 

hendrick wickof 02 00 

Jacobus Amerman 03 00 

yan Amerman 04 00 

pieter nevyus 02 00 

pieter Wickof jur 01 01 

ijan Stevensen 04 00 

wijllem kovwenoven 04 01 

Steven Schenk 02 00 

gerret hansen 01 00 

pijeter monfoor , 02 02 

wijllem van gelden 05 00 



•The names off the masters off the 
bouse or mistresses &c. 

•2 a> ,2 

S ^Ji. 

t2 o 

Cornelvs van voorhees ... 03 00 

marten Schenck 02 00 

koert van voorhees 01 02 

Lvijcas Stevensen 01 00 

cornlvs van arsdalen 0-1 00 

ijan van voorhees 05 02 

auken van voorhees 04 00 

tevnjs rijennesen 02 00 

cornelys nefevs . .... 02 02 

ijzaack van voorhees 02 01 

ijan elbersen 02 01 

pijeter wycoff. 04 00 

pijtet wijcoff 01 01 

abraham westervelt. 01 00 

ijohannes van sijggelen . . 01 00 

ijan ouken 03 01 

ijan terhvnen 01 00 

wijlhelmus Stothof 01 01 

cornelvs Stevensen 02 01 

harmanus hoogelant 04 02 

roelof van voorhees 02 00 































































































































81 21 70 23 24 1 11 6 







f ; ; 





[■■/*••'; Ui; 

i': ■ 

(j ■ , 



m. ita, fo 




■ .1 

<iU Uit (%i 








a . o 10 . bi m tc • 

.— "'-I .22* ""• M *'2 £ 

The names off the masters off the o S I " '^ " >. ^ t^ >> 

hou£e or mistresses. 

S: Gerritsen 5 .. 2 1 .. 

Bernardus Reyder 3 .. 1 1 1 

Roeloff Ter hunen 2 1 5 2.. 

RichdStiUweU 4 2 11 

Jacobus Strycker 1 1 3 1 1 

Nicklas willams 2 4 2 2 

Samuell Hubbard 2 ,. 2 1 1 

Garret lambertson 2 2 3 1 

Andro Emmans 1 1 .. 1 1 

weedaw Emans 1 1 1 

farnandus: U: sicklen .... 3 . . 2 . . 

Widdeu Courten ........ 1 .. 2 .. 1 

John Boys . o 2 . . 2 . . . . 

Willembouil 1 .. 1 

Nicklas Stilwill 1 1 1 

Cournelas Strikar 1 1 4 , , 1 

John Griggs . . ...... 1 2 5 1 1 

Elizabeth Griggs 1 

Elias Hubbard.......... 3 1 1 

Garret Borland ......... 1 , . 2 

farnandus. V S|cklen .... 3 3 2 

Jacobus Emans 5 2 3 

barnt Jonson 4 1 2 

BanielLake 2 3 12 1 

John Rider 3 3 4 1 

KourtenV. fores... 2 12 4 1 

Peter WiHams^n 2 . . 1 4 

PhebyVanCUft 1 1 1 .. 

John Van CUft. 2 3 2 4 

el 31 60 36 11 

Vol. IV. 13 










• • 



, rt - 



, . 

. . 

. . 

• • 




Ji I 

The names of the master of the ^ ^ s 
house or mistresses &c. " o 

r J 

,^ g 

Samuel Groenen Dyck ... 5 

Cornells Van brunt 2 

grijete bant 1 

rubecha eemans 2 

Sarels berrij 1 

yoost van brunt 1 

elisabet gewout 

myndert ijansen 1 

■ henderick ijaensen 5 

rutgert van brunt 3 

edword dryncwater 1 

aert van Pelt 2 

albert koerte 2 

ijan van pelt .......... 2 

pijeter kartielijou 1 

ailte karteloijou ......... 3 

Jaques Denyes 1 

WiUiam Barkelo ........ 2 

William Ver Done 2 

Thomas Stillwell 4 

John piterSe 3 

Thomas Tan Dick ...... 2 

Cherck Van Dick ...... . 3 

gerret Van Dyck 1 

hendrik Suydam 2 

Rutgert Van Brunt . : 2 

Joseph Ditmars 1 

machijel vanderver 1 












































































































to. S 

The names of the master of the 

house or mistresses &c. Ho >> o „^^o ■= « =■ 

■ ^aP^w §S g 

gerrijt van duijn 1 1 1 l i o 

marija van nuijs 2 

ouken van nuijs 1 5 4 1 

ijacobus van nuijs 2 1 

Wyllem van nuijs 3 1 2 

ijan van dijck 1 

64 34 67 20 36 11 22 15 



The names of ye masters of the •It'i^ gS S^ 'S f. ^ 1^ 
house or mistresses Ac. I a tS!o«2'-'So g 

ss ss si ss s- h 3S 


Jeronymus Rapalje 11301023 

George Rapalje 212 12020 

Isaac Johnson 32 3 10000 

Jacob. Ryerson 410 20010 

Hans Bergen 2 2 3 

Jacob Bergen 2 2 1 1 10 

Jeremias Remsen 1 2 4 1 1 

Gizbart Bogaert 2 2 

Gizbart Bogaert Jun' 2 2 1 2 00 

Cornelius Bogard 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 

Nicasius Couwenhoven .. 3 1 01 1 1 

Marten Vanderhoeven ... 4 1 2 1 

im SfA*E bF THE 

The names of ye masters of the ^ g -3 « | ^ 

house or mistresses &o. g^S'^«25jc;'-' a< 

Gerril Adtiaanse 2 1 2 1 1 

Nicholas Vechten 1 2 2 1 

Fredrick Blaeuw 2 1 1 

John Blaeuw 1 1 1 

Jury en BlaeuW 1 1 1 

Peter Staets 4 3 2 

Adrian Bennet 3 1 

Cornelius Van Duyn, 2 2 1 1 

Johannes Hoist 2 2 3 

John Bennet 3 3 1 1 

JacobBennet 2 2 

Thomas Van Dyck, 2 1 1 1 

Samuel Stellingwerg 10 2 12 

SimonD'Hart 2 3 2 6 

Wouter Van Pelt, ... 4 3 3 

Joseph Hegeman 1 3 3 2 

HendrickVan Dyck,.... 112 1 

Elizabeth Garner 1 1 1 

George Remsen 1110 1 

RemRemsen 2 2 10 

Isaac Sebering 4 2 2 1 1 

AeltjeSebering.... .... 2 2 2 

israeUHorsfield... 3 112 3 

JohnThomps6h 1 1 10 ^ 

Mally Burwouter 2 10 

I'heophilusElsworth.... 4 14 15 

i>etrus Ewetse 1 1 12 2 

JohnRhyn 2 12 10 

•Gabriall Cox ......... . 3 4 2 4 

WRapalje ...'....... 2 1 2 

Thomas Browne 1 1 1 3 

BiUyNicbin 11110 

































The names of ye masters of the -iS-ils^al-S^ ^"si. ^ 
house or mistresses &c. S^i;2ot£oS**' " 

o 15 

-S M' 

g I g-S ;3 J -§ § 


Daniell Bontecoue ...... 1 2 2 1 1 

Aert Middagh 10 1 1 

Breghje Glieiflf 1 10 1 

Hendrick Stryker 2 1 3 1 1 

Cornelius filkin ,. 1 1 2 

Aeltje Provoost 1 2 1 1 

John Middagh 1 1 1 1 i o 1 

Christopher Cod wise ....12 25 2 2 2 

Cornehus Ewetse 7 1 2 1 

John Ewetse 2 2 2 1 

James Harding 1 1 5 1 

Jacob Deklyn .. 10210000 

Rem Remsen 7 4 3 2 1 11 

Everardus Brouwer *2 2 2 2 

Johannes Johnson 3 1 1 

Albertje Johnson 00100000 

George Bergen 1 2 2 2 1 

Jacob Hanse Bergen 10101000 

Cornelius Webbers ...... 1 2 2 

Isaac D'Graw 2 2 2 1 1 

Joost D'Beavois 20510000 

Jacobus Beavois 3 1 1 

John Ellen 1 

Hans Bergen 4 1 6 f 1 

Jacobus Vandewater 31120000 

Benjamin V. D. Water... 30300000 

Styntje Vander Voort.... 10 

Lambert Andriesen 30200000 

Jacobus Leffertze 2 1 3 1 2 1 

George Rapalje 23200110 

Barent Blom 2 2 4 3 10 

Rem V. D. Beeck 2 2 110 10 















£ 2 




The names of ye masters of the 


s ^ 




house or mistresses &c 














John Borland 1 

Hendrick Suydam 3 

Cornelius V. D. hoven ... 1 

Cornelius V. D. hoeven Ju^ 2 

Peter V. D. Voort 1 

Paulus V. D. Voort 1 

John V. D. Voort 5 

John Van Noortstrant .... 2 

Dirck Rapalji 1 

Sara Eapalje 

Jacob Cossauw 5 

Isaac Remsen 7 

Jacob Durrie 3 

Ma thy s Van Dyck 2 

Abraham Brewer 2 

Juryen Brewer 1 


1 ' 




























































199 81 175 92 69 23 43 23 



The names of the masters of the "3 s^ ^ 
house or mistress Ac ^o S 



Johannes Schenck 1 00 1 00 1 00 2 00 

David Sprongh 3 1 3 00 00 00 00 00 


The names of the masters of the gg^ ^ |s ^ |S ^ -^^ * 

house or mistress &c o"=''"«»"=>°o'='^o'^ 

I li'^ll i M I 

i^ s ^ 5 FQ g pq 3 

MarijtieSchenck 4 3 00 1 1 00 1 1 

Jannitie Van Ende 6 100 1 2 00 1 00 

Symon Dorijie 3 00 2 1 00 00. 1 00 

Charel Dorijie 2421 122 00 

folkert folkertse 1 1 100 100 00 00 

Necklaas folkertse 100 4 00 1 00 00 00 

Jacobus Cozyn 2 00 2 00 2 00 1 00 

Pieter Fonck 4 1 2 1 00 1 00 00 

Geertruy Wortman 2 02 1 00 00 00 00 00 

Abraham Coeck 1 1 l 2 00 00 00 00 

Joost Dorijie 1 00 1 00 00 00 00 00 

Jacob Pieterse 2 00 2 2 00 00 00 00 

Arent Stockholum 2 00 5 00 1 00 00 00 

Daniel bodet 2 2 2 1 1 00 00 00 

Jurijen Nagel 2 00 2 00 1 1 2 00 

Hendrick Vande Wtr 1 3 1 00 00 00 00 00 

femmetie anders 2 00 2 00 00 00 00 00 

abraham Liquir 4 00 4 2 00 00 00 00 

Tryntie CaUjer 2 00 2 00 00 00 00 00 

Jacobus Calijer 1 00 1 1 00 00 00 00 

Pieter wit 3 1 4 3 1 100 

Johannis pieter 1 00 2 00 00 00 00 00 

David Cats 1 00 2 3 00 00 00 00 

Alexander berd 2 00 2 00 i 1 100 

Pieter praa 1 00 1 00 4 2 3 00 

Derek Wortman 2 00 1 00 2 1 2 1 

frans Tijtus 2 1 1 2 3 00 2 00 

Thomas fardon 5 00 2 2 1 00 2 2 

Jams Bobijn 100 100 1 1 4 5 

Andris Stockholum 2 1 2 3 1 00 00 00 

Johannis Calijer 3 00 4 1 00 00 00 00 

Jacobus Calijer 2 00 3 00 00 00 00 00 

8' -■•■^" •' l.««i<i|.^„i- 

i tnfe names of the masters of the S§S "3^^ <""^ -^^ * 

' house or mistress &c. «*SL*^ S='f^ '3'"?-> 3° ^ 

: ^- s ■ •; P S So S '^'^ s 

? ._,, ^'~'nJot.^'~'l-.^OK 

I -^..:: ,.-.- g 1 r 1 I 1 r r 

Johannis boechout 3 00 5 1 1 00 00 00 

tuenes Rapellie 1 . 00 1 2 01 00 00 00 

Abraham dorijie 4 .2 3 2 00 00 00 00 

Leffeert Leffertse 1 00 1 3 01 00 00 00 

Jan mesrol 41421 11 00 

Pieter Consellie 2 2 5 00 00 00 00 OO 

Johamiis aberse. 3 00 6 1 1 00 1 00 

92 27 91 39 31 11 27 9 
Compt : 325 Ziele. 



llames Beebe David Moore 

%^illam King: Ju' Walter Brown 

Joshua Curtis Samuel Cohklin 

Charles Glover John Conklin 

Thomas terry Joseph Conklin 

J(]hn King: Ju' Joseph Conklin Jun» 

Gideon Youngs John Conklin Jun' 

Jonathan Youngs peter pain 

Richard Shaw John Budd 

Richard Brown John vail 

Joseph Brown Alsuppain 

Samuel Crook Samuel Landon 

Samuel Erhmons Sylvester Lhummidue 

David Youngs Isreal Moore 

John Racket SamuelGrifl&ng 

Henry tuttle: Jun' Elibenezer Johnson 

Henry Conklin John Youngs 



Thomas Reeve 
James Landon 
John peck 
Jonathan Horton 
John Sahnon 
Thomas Conklin 
Joseph Horton 
Isaac Hubbard 
Samuel Reeve 
Samuel terry 
Joshua Budd 
Benjamin Reeve 
peter Halliock 
John Dickinson 
Nathaniel Youngs 
Samuel Case 
John Goldsmith 
Daniel tuttleiJu' 
Wilham Salmon 
Hazekiah Reeve 
Joshua Horton: Jun' 
Samuel Curwin 
Sylvenus Davis 
Benjamin Case 
Zebulon Hallick 
David Reeve 
William Reeve 
Henry Wells 
Uriah terry 
Thomas Goldsmith 
Jonathan Horton Jun' 
Solomon Wells 
Wilham Benjamin 
Joshua Wells: Jun"^ 
Richard terry 
Thomas Booth 
Gideon Wickhan 
Daniel Osmon 

Constant king 
Barnebus Winds 
John Reeve 
David Horton 
John hudson 
Samuel Clark Jun' 
Caleb Horton 
David Curwin 
Gersham terry 
Daniel Reeve 
James Reeve 
Timothy Hudson 
Thomas Reeve Jun» 
John Howel 
Isaac Howel 
Thomas Clark 
Aaron Howel 
John Cleaves 
David Cleaves 
Daniel Curwin 
Ezekiel pette 
James terry 
Josiah Youngs 
Daniel Youngs 
Samuel Wells 
Daniel Wells 
Nathaniel Welb 
Richard Howel 
Stephen Sweasay 
Joseph Mapes 
David Howel 
peter Hallick 
Richard Swasey 
Elezer luce: Ju-" 
Daniel terry 
Christipher Youngs 
Hezekiah howell 
Jonah Bower 



Obadiah Rogers 
Ichabod Seayr 
Ichabud Cooper 
Thomas Stephens 
Henry person 
Josiah howel 
John foster 
James hearick 
Narthan hearick 
Benjamin hains 
Samuel Jenings 
Thomas lupton 
Job Seayr 
Hugh gilson 
Jonathan peirle 
Steplien herrick 
Gershem Culver 
Jeremiali Culver 
Samuel Ludle 
John Mitchel 
Josepli Rodgers 
Henry Holsey ;,: 

David phithin ' miu)'. 
Samuel hains 
Daniel Moore 
Thomas Sandford 
Ezekiel Sandford 
Abraham peirson 
Josiah peirson 
Stephen tapping 
Josiah tapping 
Job peirson 
Henry wick 
James Cooper 
John lupton 
Thomas Cooper Jur 
Elisha howel 
Elias pette 

Elnathan white 
John moorehouse 
John norris 
Daniel hedges 
Theopple howel 
Thomas holsey 
Constant heavins 
Joseph howel 
Abraham holsey 
Nathaniel holsey 
David burnit 
John Seayr 
James White 
Aaron burnit 
John tapping 
Benjamin howell 
Henry howell 
Zechariah sandford 
Joshua hildreth 
Elias Cook 
Abraham howell 
John peirson 

•' Benjamin Woodruph 

Stephen bower 
Nathaniel Jesup 

/ 'riirjfSi Artter howell 

♦ioi,:.;i>V John Cook 

i/ii.;.;!'«li; Jonathan Cook 
Isaac hildreth 
Timothy mulford 
Jeremiah mulford 
William hedges 
Narthan dayton 
William osman 
Elisha Conklin 
Mathew mulford 
Edward Jones 
Daniel miller 



Eleazer miller 
Samuel persons 
John merry 
Thomas talmag^ 
John talmage 
Lion gardner 
Samuel hedges 
Ephraim burnet 
Samuel hudson 
John mulford 
Josiah miller " 
Henry liudson 
Thomas osmon 
John hunting 
Robert moore 
Jonathan wick 
Ezekiel hubard 
James chittester 
David Kitcham 
Samuel Smith 
Daniel Keeley 
James Keeley 
Obediah Rogers 
David Rogers 
Joseph lewes 
William Jerves 
Natlianiel Kacham 
philip plat 
John Rogers 
Job smith 
Arron Smith 
David Carey 
William row 
Jonathan Jones 
Jacob Munsel 
Piatt Smith. 
Solomon Smith 
Zephaniah plat 

John hockins 
Moses Acerly 
Josiah wicks 
John Scidmore 
Robert Arter 
Joshua Arter 
Timothy tredwell 
Obadiah Smith 
Benjamin Gold 
Daniel Smith 
Richard Smith 
Job Smith 
Ebenezer Smith 
Shubel Marchant 
Timothy Smith 
Joseph Smith 
Edmond Smith 
Richard Smith 
Isaack Mills 
Timothy Mills 
Richard Blidenberg 
James Dickonson 
John Dickonson 
Jonathan Dayton 
John Arter 
William Green 
William phillips 
Amos Willis 
Richard willis 
Richard floyd 
Nichols floyd 
Nathaniel WoodhiiU 
William Smith 
James tutthil 
Danniel Brewster 
James Smith 
Israel Smith 
James Sell 




Joseph roberson 
John robberson 
Hezekiah Dayton 
Nathaniel Dayton 
Noah hallock 
Thomas Green 
William Miller 
Richard Miller 
Andrew Miller 
Robert robinson 
Thomas robinson 
Moses burnett 
Joseph philhps 
Joseph dauis 
Samuel dauis 
Daniel dauis 
Beniamin dauis 
John tucker 
George Norton 
John Mosier 
Henry Dayton 
Hugh Mosier 
Thomas Strong 
George tucker 
John row 
Nathaniel row 
Henry robbins 
Natlianiel brewster 
John wood 
Samuel D'henuar 
William Jean 
Stephen Jean 

Matthews Jean 
Josep brewster 
Nathaniel Liscom 
Nathaniel Sattirly 
George Owen 
Samuel Smith 
Arter Smith 
John hellock 
. Beniamin hallock 
John tucker . 

Samuel thompsdh 
Jonathan Owen 
Nathaniel bigss 
William helms 
Eleazer hockins 
Amos Dickenson 
Henry Smith Esq 
Thomas Chatfield 
Joshua Youngs 
Joseph wickham 
Nathaniel warner 
Mathias burnett 
Daniel Sayr 
William Jenings 
Nathanil Smith 
George phillips 
Richard Woodhull 
Obadiah Smith 
Charles Saxton 
John wicks 
Dauid Corey Sherriff 
The whole amounts to — 328. 





Henry Beekman 
Lowrence Knickerbacker 
Nicholas Hofifman 
Martin\is Hoffman 
Barent Van Benthuysen 
Pliilip Londen 
Hendrick Kip 
Nicholas Row 
Jury Soefelt 
Zacharias Haber 
Fredricke Sipperly 
Johannis Spaller 
Jury Feder 
William Cole 
Hans Heyner 
Johannis P : Snyder 
Johannis Backus 
Hans felte Wollever 
Hans Lambert 
Joseph Rykert 
Hendrick Sheffer 
Peter Oostrander 
Benjamin Van Steenbergh 
Hans felte Sheffer 
Willem Freer 
Teunis Freer 
Jury Ackert 
Evert Knickerbacker 
Nicliolas Bonesteel 
Jacobus Van Etten Jun"". 
Basteaan Trever 
Coenradt Berringer 
Wendell polver 
Peter Van Etten 
William Simon 

William Scott 

Michaell Sipperly 

David Richart 

Jacob Mowl 

Mathys Earnest 

Adam Oostrander 

Simon Kool 

Godfreed Hendrick 

Wendel Yager 

Jacob Drom 

Martinus Shoe 

Jury Adam Soefelt 

Philip foelandt 

Andries Widerwox 

Fran Neker 

Christophell Snyder 

Marten Tiel 

Arnout Viele 

Lowrence Tiel 

Jacob Cool 

Philip More 

Jan Van Benthuysen 

Zacharias Smith 

Josias Ross 

Gysbert Westfall 

Andries Hermans 

Michael Polver 

Johannis Weaver 

William Van Vreedinburga 

Johannis Kip . • 

Arie Hendrickse 

WiUem Van Vreedinburgh Jun' 

Isaac Kip 

Roeloff Kip 

Jacob Kip t llmuUf'. 



Abraham Kip 
Mathys Sleght 
Evert Van Wagenen 
Goese Van Wagenen 
Hendrickus Heermans 
Lowrence Oosterhout 
Peter Tippell 
Albartus Shriver 
Stephen Frelick 
Arent Oostrander 
Philip Feller 
Henry Filkin 
Francis Hagaman 
John Gay 
Isaac Filkin 
Jan Ostrom 
Roeloff Ostrom' 
Simon Flegelaer 
Augustine Creed 
Jacob Hoff 
Lowrence Hoff 
Isaac Germain 
Isaac Germain Jun» 
Josias Crego 
Isaac Tietsort 
Richard Sackett 
Gerret E : Van Wagenen 
Isaac Runnells 
Isaac Runnells Jun"^ 
Frans Van Dyck 
Nehemiah RunneUs 
Nicholas Van Wagenen 
Peter Palmer 
Nathaniell Marshall 
Joseph Palmer 
Jacob Van Campen 
John Runnells 
Samuell Palmer 

Joshua Palmer 
Manuell Gonselesduck 
William Palmer 
Peter Lassing 
Isaac Lassing 
William Lassing 
Christophell Van Bomell 
Jacob Van Wagenen 
Lewis Du Bois 
Mathys Du Bois 
Marcus Van Bomell 
Rudolphus Swartwoudt 
Mathewis Van Keuren 
Hendrick Willsie 
Elias Van Buntschoten 
Jacobus Van Bomell 
Thomas Lewis 
Henry Vandenburgh 
John Concklin 
Jacob Low 
Joliaunis Van Kleek 
Simon Freer 
Mosis De Graafif 
Barnardus Swartwoudt 
Johannis Tappon 
Myndert Vandenbogart 
Hendrick Ostrom 
Barent Van Kleek 
Frans La Roy 
Lowrence Van Kleek 
Jacobus van Den Bogart 
Frans Filkin 
Bowdewine La Count 
Lowrence Gerbrantz 
Robert Kidney 
Peter Viele 
John Emons 
Magiel Pells 



Abraham Freer Jun'" 

Peter Parmatier 

Gybsert Peelen 

Arie Van Vliet 

Johannis Van Benthuysen 

William Syfer 

William Smith Secundus 

Alexander Griggs 

Jacobus De Yeo 

James Auchmoty 

Samuell Mathews 

George Ellsworth 

Johannis Dollson 

Jacob De Witt 

David De Dutcher 

John Cook 

John Carman 

Nicholas Koens 

Nicholas Emigh 

Hendrick Ow"" 

Mosis Nautlirup 

Stephen Crego 

Peter Simpson 

John Gamble 

William Humphreys 

Francis Nellson 

Thomas Davinport 

Isaac Van Araburgh 

Peter Du Bois Jun^ 

Cornelis Bogardus 

Jacobus De Peyster 

John Calkin Jun"^ 

Johannis Van Voorhees 

Coert Van Voorhees 

Johannis Van Voorhees Jun' 

Hendrick Philip 

Johannis Middellaer 

John Lessee 

Joliannis Willsie 
Johannis Ter Boss 
Isaac Dollson 
Teunis Van Vliet 
Hendrick Van Tessell 
Hendrick Ter Boss 
Robert Britt 
Jacobus Ter Boss 
Cornehs Van Wyck 
Francis Britt 
Hendrick Rosekrans 
Thomas Langdon 
John Baily 
Christiaan Du Bois 
Jacobus Swartwout 
Theodoras Van Wyck 
Benjamin Hasbrook 
Willem Schutt 
George Brinckerhoff 
Daniell Boss 
Ephraime Bloome 
John Brinckerhoff 
Cornelis Lossee 
Lowrence Lossee 
Jonathan Du Bois 
Jacob Du Bois 
John Montross 
Peter Mufford 
John flewellen 
William Drake 
Joshua Grififen 
William Ver Planck 
Samuell Hallstead 
Daniell Yeomans 
John Rosekrans 
Cornelis Willsie 
Maes Oostrander 
Abraham Swartwoudt 



Isaac Brinckerhoflf 
Baltus J Van kleek 
Baltus B Van kleek 
Simon La Roy 
Ahaswarus Van kleek 
Tennis- Van Buntskoten 
Gideon Ver Veelen 

Dutchess ss August 28; 1740 

The Aforegoing is a True List of the ffreeholders of said 
County To the best of my knowledge. 

JA. WILSON Sheriff 

Peter Outwater 
Jacob Brinckerhoff 
Hendrick Mufibrd 
Marten Shenk 
Mathew Du Bois Jun' 
Abraham De Graeif 



Vincent Mathews Coll 
Sollo Carpenter Let* Coll: 
George Ramsen Major 
Michael Jacson Adej* 
James Tompson Quarts 

first Company 

Ram Renisen Cap* 

Cornelius Smith Liv* 

Eb Smith En sine 

Three Sarjents 

Three Corporalls 

One Drumer 

Sixty. Three private men— in 

2 Company 
Sam" Odel Capt 
Henry Cuyper Liv* 
Benjam: Allison Ensine 


Three Sarjents 
Three Corporalls 
one Drumer 

fifty Eight private men — in all 

3 Company 
John Holly Capt 
Mich Duning Liv^ 

Solomon Carpenter Jun*" Ensine 
Three Sargents 
Three Corporalls 
one Drumer 

one Hundred & Eleven private 
men — in all 121 

4 Company 

Jacobus Swartwoot Cap* 
Johan^ West Brook Liu* 
Johans West Brook Jun"^ Ensine 
Three Sarjents 


Three Corporalls 7 Company 

one Drumer Jacob Vander Bilt Cap* 

fifty five private men — in all 65 Andrew Underdonk Liv* 

5 Company 

Nathaniel Dubois Cap* 
David Sovtherlon Leut 
Isaac Hennion Ensine 
Tliree Shargents 
Three Corporalls 
one Drumer 

Aron Smith Ensine 

Three Sargents 

Three Corporalls 

one Drumer 

fifty private men — In all 60 = 

Troop of Hors 

Henry Youngs Cap* 

Sixty three private men — in aU W'^ Mapes Liv' 


6 Company 

Abra Hearing Ju^" Cap* 

Garret Blawvelt Liv*^ 

John Hearing Ensine 

Three Sargents 

Three Corporalls 

one Drumer 

Sixty two private men — In ^U 72 

The above is a Trew Account of the numbers of y^ Ofl&cers & 
Soldiers boath of Hors & foot under my Command in the County 
of Orange according the Respective Roles I have Received from 
each Respective Cap' 

•This 20 Day of June 1738 VIN^ MATHEWS 

Michael Jacson Corn* 

Two Shargents 

Two Corporalls 

One Trumpeter 

fifty two private men — In aU 60 

The totall 595 

ofl&cers & Soldiers 

Sub officers 56 fibot 



Cap Jaco Hicks 
Lef. Sam'n Seman 
Insi Joshe Barns 
Sa : John Carle 
Sa : John Sovthword 
Sa : Solomo Seman 
Sa : Willi a Pine 
Tho Carman 
Tho Spragg 
Vol. IV. 

Calip Carman 

Nathan Vollintine 

Ben'"- vaUintine 

Tho Lee 

Jose Lee 

Ric^a Townsend 

Siman Searing 

George Gildersleeve 

John Mott V 





Sam Williams 
Eiias Dorlon 
Rob a Williams 
John Bedle 
Sam Bedle 
Jere"! Bedle 
Jolm Jonson 
Will' Langdon 
Josep Langdon 
Samv Langdon 
Samv Carman 
Der'c Brevar 
Tho Manering 
Barns Cornelos 
Davi Pine 
Edw^r Spragg 
Jonat Smith 
Samve Rainer 
Ben'ii Wood 
Ben'^ Wood 
Sam^e Bertsel 
Will : Totton 
Ben' a Britsel 
Jeams Wood 
Abrah Sovtliward 
Char's Abrahams 
John Abrahams 
Jespe Totton 
Robart Lee 

Tho Gildersleeve Drummer 
John Smith 
Mordeca Lester 
Rich Bedle 
Sam^^ Seman J 
Daniel Smith 
Tho Seaman 
This is a tru Copy taken out 

Josep Carman 
Hen Seman 
Jos*p Seman 
Garsh Smith 
Josep Pettet 
George Boldin 
Danii Bedle 
Jearns Smith 
Isaac Jarman 
Jeams Bedle 
Josepli Wood 
John Carle : J 
Ben' a Pine 
Ric^^ Gildersleeve 
jBenia Bedle 
Joseph Bedle 
Adam Mott 
Sam^e Carman 
Richa Maniring 
John Seman 
Jacob Seman 
Jonas fflower 
Richa Totton 
Will. Verity 
John Sovthword. J 
Daniel H^let 
Math a Totten 
Samve Totten 
Robart Marvin 
John Smith J. 
John Rainer 
Jeams Pine 
Ben 'a Smith 
Jeams Seman - 
Jeams Mott 
Samve Seman 
of ye Original Roll by me 





John Brown Capt Lietenant 

Peter Low first ditto 

Wm Harmersly second ditto 

Henry Rew third ditto 

WilUllam Carr 

William Hillton 

Vicktor Beekers 

Zebadiah Hunt 

Henry Ricke 

John Tebout 

William Floyde 

John Turner 

Trances Siluester 

Andrew Law Jun"" 

Beniaman Thomas 

John Braser 

John Golett 

Isreal Chadwick 

John Morschalick 

Tharnett Basley 

Alexander Aliar 

Jacob Golett 

Thomas Hill 

WiUiam Smith 

John Pintard 

James Spencer 

Andrew Bristed 

Phillip Jacob Bomper 

Jeremiah Lattouch 

Thomas Niblett 

Hasewell van Cure 

Abraham PeUs 

John Walker 

Moses Gamboa 

Allbartus Tebout 

John Byuank 
Danel Bonett 
WiUiam Carr 
John Lewis 
Dauid Griffis 
Robert Prouoost 
Peter Pantynier 
Ahasuars EUsnorth 
Joseph Lidle 
John Turman 
Richard Baker 
James Sauers 
Samuel Lawrance 
Isaak Johnson 
Thomas Hunt 
Nicholas Carmer 
Jacob Sarly 
Mathew Woollfe 
Robert Bennett 
Edmond Peers 
Robert Wood 
John Hunt 
Henry Williams 
Peter Demett 
John Lush . 
Andrew Mansfild 
Alexander Phinix 
Samuel Boiirdett 
James Tucker 
Linthorn Ratsey 
Jacob Phinix 
Daniel Bloom 
Robert Ratsey 
Jaob Kip 
Henry Tucknep 



James Hill 
John Bell 
Phillip Brown 
Thomas Tateke 
Richard Barker 
James Skellton 
Richard Jeffers 
William Deen 

William Boyde 
Dauid Goodwine 
Samuel Pay ton 
Jespar Bush 
Vincent Bodine 
James Fauear 
William Bryant 



first Lieutenant & Second Ditto John Delamontanje 
Richd Van Dam & Jacob Miller John Lashly Jun"" 

, both Deed. 
Meyer Insign non resident 

Gerard^ Comford ^ 
Wm Gilbert 
Ger* Harsen 
Danii Gotier 

> Sargants 

Jacobus Quick 
Thos Howard 
Abraham Ten Eyck 
Aron Smith 
John King 
Lewis Nordyn 
Daniel Meker 
James Young 
John Quick 
John Van Gylder 
John Williams 
John Bassett 
Jacob Haraw 
Arie Bogaert 
Peter Marschalk 

David Gallation 
Lucas Kierstead 
John Nicholls 
Richard Bocas 
William Eagles 
John Beekman 
James Davie 
Jacob Wessells 
John Van Deursen 
Jacob De Lamontanje 
Jacob Slover 
David Van Gelder 
David Provoost 
Barent Coerten 
Jacob Trimper 
Collin Bursey 

... Swaen 
John Tiljew 
Walter Heyer 
Charles Missebagh 
Jeremia Sherdewyn 
Peter Rusten 
39 men 





Guln Ver Plank, first Lut^ 

John Killmaster 

Tobias Stoutenburgh second Lutn James Harding 

David Abeel Insigne 

Andrew Hunter 
Henry Carmer 
John Dewint 
Joseph Hayse 
Gilbert Rotery 
Seth Smith 
Samuel Burling 
John Man 

William Freedenburgh 
William Seatly 
John Freedenburgh 
Hannes Snoek 
Lucas Van Veghte 
John Surges 
John Roberson 
George Ellman 
John Tennor 
William Snyder 
Daniel Dyke 
William Dyke 
Abraham Persel 
John Casanie 
Phillip Shaljoth 
Jacob Shareman 
John Grig 
Israel Shadick 
William Roose 
Daniel Revoe 
Joseph Annow 
Standly Homes 
Cornelius Quackenbosh 

Dirk Amerman 
Cohan Jurry Mitter 
Johan franco Waldron 
Thomas Wood 
William Brown 
William Strong 
William Hoppe 
William Home 
Abraham Van Arani 
Phillip Soper 
Thomas Montanjea 
Abraham Poalin 
Petrus Montanjea 
John Ackerson 
Edward Anderson 
Richard Green 
Isaac Van Gelder 
Phillip Young 
Jones Wright 
William Van Syce 
Symon Van Syce 
William Moor 
Joseph Montanjea 
James Louwe 
John Van Wyke 
Theopheles Elswort 
Mathew Redit 
Andrew Redit 
Fredrick Sebrant 
John Coxs 
Baran Juda 
Peter Smith 
Fredrick Becker 



James Simson 
John Meserol 
Marta Bont 
Hendrick Orders 
Tunes Tebout 
John Coxs 
Isaac Demilt 
Martinus Bogaart 
John Balden 
Henry Jenkings 
Aron Magerson 
John Magerson 
Robert Carter 
Frank Moan-y 

George Arter 
Samuel Pell 
John Lawrence 
John Kingston 
Peter Degrot 
Patrick Smith 
Joseph Doty 
John Montanjea 
Esias Smith 
Peter Wyth. 
Isaac Borea 
Thomas Wallace 
Peter Panebaker 
Simon Breasted — 94 

G' Stuyvesant Asq.' Cap* Arnovt Horn 

Lif Jacobus Kip 

Insine Phillip Minthorne 

John Horn 
Marten Van Evera 
Dirrick Benson 
William Waldron 

Christian Hartman 
William low- 
Jacob Tinne 
Fransis Child 
John Minthorne 
Chernalus Child 
Fradrick Webbers 
John Harson 
Charls Dosson 
Jacob Horn 

John Kip 

Isack De Lamantanya 

Andris Anderson 

David De Voor Se' 

David De Voor Ju^ 

Abraham Anderson 

Johnthon Hardmon 

Arron Buse 

William Richson 

Jolm Bas Sc 

John Bas Ju"- 

Abraham De Lamarten 

Mathan Megure 

Burger Van Evera 

John Sprong 

John De Voor 

Robert Greage 

John Waldron Van Hornshoke 



Benjamin Waldron 
John Waldron 
Arron Kortreght 
John Benson 
Abraham Van Bramen 
Isack Mier 
John Sickels 
Omfre Patoo 
Abraham Myer Ju' 
Arron Myer 
John Luis 
David De Voor 
Peter Waldron 
Adovlf Benson 
Adovlf Myer Ju^ 
John Myer Ju^ 
Sammual Waldron J"" 
Jolija Waldron Van hogt 
Jocom Gardener 
Jacob Gardener 
John Dyckman 
Lowrance Low 
Abraham Van Braman 
John Karsse 
Abraham Karsse 
Ressolvert Waldron . 
John Van Oblenes 
Jacob Dyckmen 
Jacob Dvckmen Ju' 

John Nagel Ju^ 
Harm an Van De water 
Addrian Hogland 
John Anderson 
Ghernalus Dyckman 
Edde Van Evera 
Handrick Van Flackra 
Tunnes Van Flackra 
William Dickre 
John Dyckman 
Nicklus Dyckman 
John Fox 
John Wabbers 
Jacob Van Ourda 
Abraham Van Flackra 
Isack Wabbers 
Ghornalus Wabbers 
John Hoppah 
Andris Hoppah 
John Gownoven 
Foulkert Somerindiek 
Isack De Lamter 
William Algalt 
Fradrick Allgalt 
John Duflfeback 
John Mandevele 
Jelyes Mandevele 
Choranlus Wabbers — 86 men 



Paul Richards Esq^^ Joseph Goutey Insigne 

Gornelius Sandford First Lef Moses Gomer Clarke 
Abell Hardenbroock 2d Lef 



Henry Meyer 

Jolin Vangelaer 
Abraliani Vaiigelderl 
Nicholas anthony 
Cornelius Myer 
William Varnall 
James Weyley 
Joseph Waldron 
John Bealy 
Isaac Twenty men 
William Hyer 
Burtoll miller 
James Best 
Andrew Clappar 
John Roerbeek 
Cornelius seabrean 
Wandle Horn 
Richard Anlay 
Samuell Hazard 
William Procter 
John Wright 
Thomas Brown 
John basett 
James Budselott 
Henriques Wessells 
Petter vandick 
Richard vandick 
Daniell Yow 
John Rynders 
John Taylor 
Jacobus Montanie 
Seidney Briess 
Potter Fressneau 
Nathaniell Hazard 
Alexander Weyley 
Cornelius Turk 

Jacob morris 
Hendrikes Bulen 
Serjeants j^j^^^ Ellsworth 

Anthony Lamb 

William Guest 

Albartus Bush 

Jolm Coae 

Henry bedlow 

James Brown 

John Horse 

Joseph Read 

Herry King 

Lawrence Fresst 

Arculas Windfiford 

John Fordham 

James Favier 

William Stone 

Mathias Gonear 

Gerrett & andrew Abrahams 

Ephffriam Braiser 

Jacob Abraham 

Alexander Oglesby 

John Myer 

Isaac Revara 

David Van home 

Isaac Blanck 

Petter Coake 

Daniell Dunscum 

Curoth Covernover 

Thomas Picketh 

Petter Prawboneth 

John Steward 

Denis Hicks 

Andrew^ barhead Senior 

Andrew^ barhead Junior 

John Masiay 



William McDovall 

Ellias Mambrewtt 
John Flasher 

Petter A Voatts 

Stephen Burdet — h73 Men 



Capt Abrah Boelen 24 

Lutt Abrah Van Wyk 25 

Sec. Lut. Henry Beekman 26 

Insign William de Peyster 27 

Sargiants 28 

1 Victoor Heyer 29 

2 Kasper Burger 30 

3 Jno Roome 31 

4 Jno Meyer 32 
Coarprals 33 

5 Walter Heyer 34 

6 Wilham Beek 35 

7 Isack Van Deurse 36 


8 William Baldwin 38 

9 JnoCoo 39 

10 Jno Parmijter 40 

11 Edward Hiter 41 

12 Jno Ten Brouk 42 

13 Arond Heyer 43 

14 William Heyer 44 

15 William Oglesbey 45 

16 Oliver Sioert 46 

17 Cornelius Van Den Berg 47 

18 Johannes Aelstyn 48 

19 Samuel Bell 49 

20 Jno Barlow 50 

21 Abrah A.eylstyn Jun^ 51 

22 Sampson Bensin 52 

23 xibrah Finsher 53 



Jno Couzyn 
Jno Hatton 
Phillip Boiles 
Joseph de Vou 
Thomas Windover 
Samuel Berry 
Henry George 
Harman Bensin 
Gerrit Hyer 
Jno Demmok 
Harman Linch 
Jno Van Home 
Peter Hebon 
Joshua Slyder 
Jacobus Berry 
Jn" Walker 
Vincent Montame 
Walter Hyer 
Cornelius Bussing 
Jeptah Smith 
Gerret Cozyn 
Adriaen Hogeland 
Henry Slyk 
Thomas Welsh 
James Turner 
William Roome 
Peter Roome 
Thomas Lawrence 
Jno Barker 
Daniel Van Deurse 






Samuel Dunscomb 


Machiel Cornelisse 


Thomos Sanders 


Roberd Troop 


William Welsh 


Jno Montayne 


Jno James 


Jacob Roome 


Robberd Sickles 


George Van Home 


William Lattim 


Fredrik Bloom 


Jno Johnson 


Herman Johnson 


Jno Exeen 


Cornelius Van Hook- 


George Willis 

• New York Fet 

>>• 8 Ao 1737 1 8. 




•* Cornel US Van Home 

David Michell 


't Jacob Walton 

Benjamen Loory 

2 Lev* David Provoost 


Phillip Lewis 


ign Henry Rutgers 

John Christian 

r ArieKing 


Samuel Barnhart 

Sericaiii,i3 -> 

J Jacob Kip 

Marthen Myer 

^ J Henry Benson 

Isack Brazier 

(. Aernout Rome 


Abraham Peltrou 
Johannes Pool 


Samson Benson Sam* Son 

John Van Pelt 

James Hyde 

Charles Sprangier 

Abraliam Sanders 

Robbert Provoost 

Samson Benson Thewes Son 30 

Joshua Laplaine 

James Clerck 

Samuell Weever 


Samuel Maghee 

Jonathan Peasley 

Alexander Maghee 

Peter Vergeroa 

John Stephens 

Edward Killey 

John Evvets 


Nicolas Murfey 

Thomas Perdou 

John Bogert John Son 


John Waddell 

Jacobus Quick 

Lodewyck kraan 

Samuell Couwenoven 

John White 

John Robins 




40 Pieter pontenier 
aswerus Elzewaart 
Cap Nathaniel Hinson 
Wynant van Gelder 
Jonathan Right 

45 James Biu-lin 
Richard Gill 
William Hauckshurst 
Lodewyck Bempei 
Daniell Boimtekoe 

50 Abraham Hyat 
Isack Bokee 
James Bussy 
Aarent Gilbord 
John fine 

55 George Joung 

James Codden Jun"" 
George Marschalk 
Henry Van de Water 
Daniell Bonett 

60 Jacob Senjoor 
Wiliara Eckson 
Hugh Wentwort 
Phillip Cetchim 
Gilbord Hyatt 

65 John Chappell 
Isack Varian 
Nathaniell Sackett 
Isack Gardner 
Mozes Tayler 

70 Thomas Fealds 

John Walless 

John Suttin 

Ricliard Durham 

Cornelus Van Gelder 
75 John Saunders 

Jefemia Sherdevine 

Alexander Mackdou 

Robberd Marrell 

Thomas Bradberry 
80 Peter De Groof 

W^iliam Bartled 

Thomas Grant 

Edward Hix 

Orstin Hix 
85 Walter Achter de Long 

Charles Smith 

Thomas Sickels Jun^ 

Richard Waldron 

Hendrick Header 
90 Daniell Vaun 

Joseph North 

John Dunscum 

Joseph Collett 

David Schot 
95 Wiliam Boyd 

John Lake 

Mathew Woodford 

Wiliam Cerlijal 

Abraham Bokee- 

100 Caleb Farley 

101 Daniell Van Vleck— 105 





James Searle l^t 

Wil"! Walton 2^ 

John Vanderspegle Ensign 

Thos Hall 



W'n Colegrove 
Martin Clock 
Samii Sage 
Sam'i Lewis 
Jolm Plamans 
Hutchin Marshal 
Eenjamin Moore 
Humphry Jones 
Sam'i Babington 
John Stout 
Hendrick Cregeer 
Martinus Cregeer Jun' 
Abraham Bargeau 
Jolm Smith 
Benjamin Shoot 
James Wallbritten 
Francis Wessels 
Henry Holt 
Thos Peirce 
James Jarret 
Sam" Levy 
David Robinson 
Jolm Pintard 
Thos Duncan 
Tobias Ten Eyck 
John Hastier 
George Burnett 
Charles Hume 
Joris Brinckerhofif 



Jacob Franks 
Moses Franks 
David Franks 
Thos Willit 
Joseph Leddel 
Joseph Leddel Jun' 
Stephen Calas 
Rob* Crook 
Thos Oaks 
James Bayley 
Thos Tyte 
Sam" Pell 

Gerardus Duyckinok 
John M^Mullen 
Rich^ Ray 
W^ Shermur 
John Swilivan 
W™ Orsban 
W™ Gale 
Barant Bush 
John Wright 
Elijah Heaviland 
George Lamb 
Joseph Watkins 
Charles Sleigh 
John Williams 
Sam" Myers Cohen 
Andries Ten Eyck 
Rich<i Ten Eyck 
Peter Telyew 
Henry Demire 
Rob* Richardson 
Richd Evits 
John Ganter 
Nicholas Ganter 



Thomas Griggs 
Thomas Griggs Jun'^ 
William Colwill 
Isaac Shurdavine 
Rice Williams 
Joliii Lundlakin 
Jacobus Fork 
Richard Fork 
Elias Burger 
Jacob Vandergrift 
Peter Praw Vinsant 
John Gasharee 
Henry Patterson 
Peter Galatian 

Sami^ Brown 
John Dewitt 
John Buckanover 
Franciss Worner 
Rineer Burger 
Daniel Lynsen 
David Walker 
Thos Picks 
Thos Rigby 
Richd Byfield 
Joseph Scott 

Charles Hanley — 91 Men 
97 (officers omitted.) 



Isaac De peyster Leuff 
N W grant Second Leuff 
gaul Du Bous Insine 
Jacobes Stoutenburgh Clarck 

harme Bussingh 
Benjamen Quackenbos 
Christeaen Stuiver 
John Blanck Ser^ 
John Monthanye Drummer 

1 John Eeuwets 

2 franses Barrea 

3 Richard hopper 

4 Isaac Stoutenburgh 

5 John Vredenburgh 

6 odreen Deppye 

7 Walter De Graau 


OF JANUARY 1737 | 8 

8 John oblyne 

9 Jolm Stoutenburgh 

10 Tobias Stoutenburgh 

1 1 Albartus Van de Water 

1 2 henderyckas Van de Water 

13 frerick heyr 

14 Richard Warner 

15 John Bond 

16 Ad ward Linter 

17 John Nicholds 

18 Adam Van de Bergh 

19 Willm Spoor 

20 Aswerus turck 

21 Zacharejas Ziggelse 

22 Richard Baker 

23 Willm Louwdeth 

24 Peter Pruar 

25 Peter Lott 



26 thomas Ellon 

27 Pieter Losie 

28 Corneles Van Vechten 

29 Willm poppelstorf 

30 Alexander Willsen 

31 gerrit Van gelder 

32 Evert pels 

33 Samuel pels 

34 Marchus PefFer 

35 Corneles Cozeijn 

36 JohnWhiler 

37 advvard kimmel 

38 Wilm Croleus 

39 Peter Corsieleus 

40 henderickas oth 

41 Johannes Eemie 

42 Johannes Staat 

43 Johannes pieter Kimpel 

44 gerret de freest 

45 Baltus liejr 

46 John Cure 

47 Robbert Cure 

48 Ducke arrell 

49 Jacob Wickenbergh 

50 Wilm Acklye 

51 John Acklye 

52 Pieter Andriesse 

53 geysbert gerritse 

54 Samuel oths 

55 Wilrapersell 

56 Anthony hem 

57 John Dubs 

58 John Bogert 

59 henry Van Ness 

60 Richard Kip 

61 Isaac Bussingh 

62 Aron Bussingh 

63 Gaspares Blanck 

64 Jolm van orden 

65 John Davis 

66 Jacob Bruar 

67 John Bruar 

68 Abram Bruar 

69 Nicolas tomas 

70 Daniel Burger 

71 Nicholas Rosevelt 

72 Adam king 

73 Willm fisser 

74 John Post 

75 Peter Carbie 

76 henry Stanton 

77 John monthanye 

78 Jacob Monthanye 

79 Anthony Boutser 

80 Barnaba Saruch 

81 Corneles Magielse 

82 Benjamen Watchen 

83 amus Willckenson 

84 Willm Burneth 

85 John huglisten 

86 henry hennejou 

87 Isaac hennejon 

88 Michall Louwerier 

89 Everardus Bruar — 95 Men 


New York ye 10th Aprill 1738. 


Cap' Mathew Clarkson 


David Cox 

Simon Johnson first Leutenant 

; 28 

Isaac Maddox 

Cornelius Wynkoop 2"^ Leuten* 29 

Justis Witfeald 

Jolm Dyer Ensigne 


Henry Witfeald 

JohnHeyer ) 


Daniel Effets 

Jolm Lesher 3 


Gedion Lynsen 

John De Foreest Corp^" 


John De Mercor 

1 Cornelus Bruckman 


Henry Carmor 

2 James Symes 


William Lewis 

3 Adam Dobbs 


James Manna 

4 Samuel Johnson 


Stheven Smith 

5 James Cammel 


Andrew Breasted 

6 Daniel Masters 


William Holton 

7 John Ricliard 


William Dobbs 

8 Peter Wessells 


Anthony Yerrenton 

9 William Brown 


Francis Harding '' ' 

1 Abraliam Isaac 


Dennes Andersin 

11 Henry Breasted 


Nicholas Anthony 

12 James De Hart 


Joseph Simson 

13 John Dunlop 


Thomas Edw^ards 

14 Edward Nickolds 


Henry Biffins 

15 John Cregier 


John Bloom 

16 Harmanis Schuyler 


Abrahan Van Deursen 

17 Richard Nauwood 


Jassa De Foreest 

18 Francis Bratt 


Adam Beeckman 

19 Solomon Myers 


John Blage 

20 John Ten Eyck 


Benjamin Blage 

21 Thomas Routh 


Henry Peek 

22 Jarvis Routh 


James Mecerty 

23 Abraham Marchalk 


John Nickolds 

24 John De Foreest 


William English 

25 Isaac De Foreest 


Garret Heyer— 65 with of- 

26 Nicholas De Foreest 







rid Schuyler l^t Lieuten* 


Thomas De Waite 

St George Talbot Ensiue 


John Brasier 

but since removed 


John Norris 

Isaac Blauck ? g j^ 
Tunis Devour 3 


Robert Griffith 


Wm Griffith 

Tunis Van Wort Corporal 


W>" Pritch 

Private Centinels 


David Griffith 


Cornelius Van De Water 


John Thompson 


Wm Hitchcock 


W" LyeU 


Jacob Van Deursen 


W"' Pearsley 


Matthew Bell Senr 


Aron Van Hook 


Matthew Bell Jun^ 


John Meckilsa 


W" Ellsworth 


Elias Stanbury 


John Claude 


David Goodwin 


John Alwin 


John Steinobuck 


Peter Armant 


Jacob Peek 


Jeremiah Reading 


David Smith 


John Johnson 


John Peterskyder 




Yost Palden 


Cornells Brower 


Gisbert Vy tden Bogert 


Benjamin Kill master 


Jacob Pitt 


James Bodin 


Abraham Pitt 


Joseph De Lome 


Peter Lamerse 


John Johnson 


Robert Harris 


John Morin 


Peter Cobusnyder 


Benja Appleby 


Saunders Rutson 


George Witts 


Surt Olivers 


Anthony Rutgers 


Adam King 


Robert Benson 


Henry Cavalier 


Richard Bradburne 


Paulus Speder 


Henry Beckman 


Paulus Berger 


Matthew Allstine 


Jacob Bush 


Samuel Goodness 


Peter Plowman 


Peter Petersen 


Gisbert Van Deursen 




Sui-fus Fleerinboome 


Hendrick Anthony 


George Prior 


William Cansaly 


Peter Lesser 


John Dennis 


Jacob King 


Gisbert Van Vlecq 


Samuel Browne 


Barent Barhite 


Gisbert Uytden Bogert 


William Morgan 


Cornelius Roomer Sen"^ 


Dirrick Cook Junf 


Cornelius Roomer Jun^ 


Peter Van Norden 


Cornelius Thorp 


John Elnor 


John Clarke 


William Peick 


John French 


Abraliam Blanck 


Abraham Wheeler 


Jacob Bennet 


William Cook 


Garret Defreest 


Lawrence Lamerse 


Thomas Maybourn 


Elbert Hommerman 


Roger Mc Cornet— with 


Abraham Florentine 

iicers 98 




No. Charles Le Roux Esq^" Major 

1738, Augt 15 

1 Abrara Vanwyck Captain in the room of Capt" Le Roux 

2 Guilian Verplanck Cap* in the room of Coll Moore - 

3 Isaac De Peyster Capt in the room of Coll Robinson - 

First Lieutenants. 

1 Henry Beekman - - To Capt. 

2 Jacob kip - - - to Capt 

3 David Provoost - - to Capt, 

4 William Walton Jun' - to Capt 

5 Abel Hardenbrook - to Cap* 

6 Tobias Stoutenburgh - to Cap* 

7 Walter Dubois - - to Cap* 

Abram Boelen - 
. Gerards Stivesant ■ 
. Paul Ricliards - 
Abram Vanwyck 
Gerardus Beekman 
Isaac Depeyster 
Gulian Verplank 

1 Philip Minthorue 

2 David Abeel 

3 John Dyer 
Vol. IV. 

Second Lieutenants. 

to Capt Gerardus Stivesant 
- to Capt Henry Cuyler - 
to Capt Mathew Clarkson - 






4 William Depeyster 

5 John vanderspiegle - 

6 Henry Rutgers - 

7 John Pinhorne 

8 John Dewit 

9 Edward Hicks 

10 Thomas Duncan - 

1 Thos Willet - 

2 Barent Rynders - 

3 Humphry Jones 

4 And"^ Clopper 

5 Barthw Lereaux 

6 Robert Bensen - 

7 John Barberie - 

8 Abram Cortlandt 

9 Gerardus Beekman Jun^' 
10 John Bensen - 

- to Capt Abram Boelen - - 31 
to Cap* Cornel's Vanhorne Sepf 1 

- to Capt Abram Vanwyck - 2 
to Capt Guilian Verplank - 4 

- to Capt Gerardus Beekman 5 
to Capt Paul Richards - - 6 

- to Capt. Isaac Depeyster - 9 


to Capt Guilian Verplank - 9 

- to Capt Henry Cuyler - 11 
to Capt Abram Vanwyck - 12 

- to Cap' Isaac Depeyster - 13 
to Capt Cornelius Vanhorne - 14 

- to Capt Gerardus Beekman 15 
to Cap' Paul Richards - - 16 

- to Capt Mathw Clarkson - 18 
to Capt Abram Boelen - - 1 9 
to Capt Gerardus Stivesant - 20 



CoUo A. Gaasbeek Chambers. 
Let Collo Wessel Ten Broeck. 
Mayor Coenradt Elmendorp. 
Quarter Master Cornells Elmendorp. 

ULSTER SS: ^ List of the Troopers Under the Command of 
Capi Johannis Ten Broeck S''^ Corpor' Arie Van Vliet 

Lieutt Wessel Ten Broeck Junr 4'^ Corpor^ Martie Lamatre 
Cornt Tho's Gaasbeek Chambers 5 Corpora Ffrederick ' Schoon- 
l^t Qr. Mas. Hendrickus Krom maker 

2n<^ Qr. M. Johannis De Lamatre 6 Corpor^ Solomon Haasbrock 
TrumpJ" Abraham ConstapeU Solomon Van Bunschoten 
1st Corpori Richard Wells Jacob Haasbrock 

2i<i Corpor' Gerrit Elraendorph Cornells Depue 



Samuel Bo vie 
Benjamin Depue 
Egbert Brinck 
Jan Ffreer 
Cornelis Ten Broeck 
Johannis Wynkoope Jun"" 
Daniel De Bois 
Danill Haasbrock 
Arent Ploegh 
Samuel Schoonmaker 
Tjerck Schoonmaker 
Arie Oosterliout 
Wessel Broadhead 
Simon Jacob^ Van Wagenen 
Simon Van Wagenen 
Jacob Van Wagenen 
Egbert De Witt 
David Burliance 
Edward Wliittaker Jun' 
Jacobus Schoonmaker 
Thomas Nottingham 
Abraham Van Wagenen 
Cornelis De Witt 

Cornelis New Kerck 
Petrus Ten Broeck 
Abraham de Lamatre 
Wilhelmus Van Hooghtyling J"* 
Joghem Schoonmaker Jun^" 
Wessel Jacobs Ten Broeck 
Jan Tuenis Oosterliout 
Martie Middagh 
Johannis Dubois 
Petrus Tappen 
Coenraedt Elmendorph Jun' 
Abraham Hardenbergh 
Gysbert Hendk Krom 
Leonard Hardenbergh 
Cornelis New Kerck 
Jacob Rutsen Jun» 
Harraa Rosekrans 
Philip Dumon 
Lucius Elmendorph 
Abraham Kiersted 
James Scott 
William Krom Jun' 
tot" 60 

ULSTER ) A list of the foot Company of Militia of the Corpora- 
COUNTY i ration of Kingston Under the Command of 

•Cap' John Persen 
Lievte. Peter Oosterhout 
Ensign Edward Whittaker 
Sarja Aarey Newkerk 
Sarja Ned Devenport 
Sarj=i Jacobus Van Dyck 
Corpo Samuel Nights 
Corpo Nathan Dubois 
Corpo Solomon Freer 
Dromer Andries Van Leven 

Christian Myre 
William Legg 
Jacobus Debois Jn^ 
Samuel Debois 
William Whittaker 
Jacobus Whittaker 
John Davenport Jn"" 
Johanes Schram 
Corn« Longing Dyck 
Abra Hardenberge 



Samuel Wood 
Jacobus Roosa 
Coenradt Elmendorp 
Jacobus Persen 
Peter Van Leven 
Nemiah Debois 
Ricard Davenport 
Andris Hoof 
Phillip Hoof 
Hendricus Oosterliout 
Daniel Whittaker 
Samuel Davenport 
Gornelus Persen 
William Myre 

Anthony Sleght 
John Legg Jn"^ 
Humphy Devenport 
Mosas Youman 
Brure Decker 
John Decker 
Tobias Winekoop 
Johanes Humble 
Godfrey Woolf Jn' 
Fredrick Row 
Michel Planck 
Jurian Tappen 
Robert Bever 
Totall 47 


A list of the foot Company of Militia of the Corpora- 
tion Kinston Under the Command of Capt. Tjrck 
Van Keuren. 

Cap* Tjrck Van Keuren 
Lievten^ Abraham Low 
Ensign Dirck Winekoop 
Sergt William Swart 
Sergt Tobias Van Bueren 
Corpi Petrus Smedes 
Corpi Ephraim Dubois 
Corpi Marynis Van Aken 
Dromr Corni Jansen 
Willem Eltinge 
Peter Van Aken 
Thomas Beekman 
Cornells Van Kueren 
Cornells Sleght 
David De Lametter 
Evert Bogardus 
Nicolas Bogardus 
Jan Heermans 

Tennis Van Steenbergh 
Abra' Van Steenbergh 
Hendrikus Slegh 
Joliannis Dubois 
Abr* De Lametter 
Johans Ba : De Witt 
Hiskiah Dubois 
Evert Winekoop Ju^ 
Tobias Van Steenbergh 
Jan Van Aken 
Johannis Chonsalisduck 
Jan Perse Ju^ 
Petrus Low 
Isaac Van Wagenen 
Abra Van Kueren 
Gerett Freer 
Corni Perse 
Robert Beever 



Mooses Jorck 
Giedeon Van Aken 
Frans Hendrick 
Joseph Chonsalisduck 
Thimoteos Van Steenbergh 
Jacobus De loo 
Dirck Teerpen 
Maas Bloemendal 
Jacob Turck 
Jacobus Eltinge 
Jan Lome 
Johannis Felter 

Jame Letsin 

Peter Vanderline 

Petrus Eltinge 

Corni De Lametter Ju» 

Abr*^ Lome Ju' 

Jacobus Van Kueren 

Willem Krom 

Petrus Van Aken 

William Deen 

Dirck Van Vleet Ju' 

Benjamin Van Vleet 

Johannis Van Vleet— tot" 60. 

ULSTER COUNTY A List of the foot Company of Militia of 
the Corporation of Kingston under the Command of 

Capt Tjrck Dewitt 

Left Petrus Bogardus 

Ins'' Igenas Dumont 

Serjt Jury Snyder 

Serjt William Wells 

Serjt Petrus Viele 

Corpo Lukas Dewitt 

Corpo Peter Dumont 

Corpo Wilhelmus Hoghteling 

Clark Jarman Pick 

Phillip Viele Ju' 

Sam" Wells 

Corn*^ Viele 

Corn^ Marston ♦ ' 

John Hasten 

Gerritt Viele 

Jacobus Dumond 

Benja Marten 

John Maclene 

Antony Plofifman ' 

Hendr Vankuren 

Teunis Ploe^h 

Zacryas Hoffman Ju^ 

Petrus Edmundus Elmendorp 

Lenard Hardenbergh 

Jacob Hardenbergh 

Peter Leebonte 

Dirck Shepmoes 

Johanes Viele 

Gerritt Van Steenbergh 

Corn® Van Kuren Ju^" 

Johanis Masten 

John Waters 

Henry EUis 

Jacob Mauris 

Isaac Wheeler 

Humph Davenport 

Peter Burgar 

Isaac Dubois 

Johans Shepmoes 

Gerrett Davenport 

Art Masten 

Coenra Vanburen 

Albert Becin 


Dirck Teerpening 
Jacobus Deyoe 
Johans Degrave 
Corne Vankuren 
Jacobus Vanetten 
Matty s Merkell 
Hendrick Vreligh 
Coeiirad Rechtraire 
Heskia Winekoop 

Christan Derick 
Fredrick Row 
Tobias Winekoop 
William Bell 
Arie Delonga 
Corn® Vandenberglf 
Johans Hoghteling 
Jacob Dubois Ju'" 

ULSTER COUNTY A List of the foot Company of Militia of 

the Corporation of Kingsicm under the Command of 
Capt Hendrick H. Schoonraaker Jacob Brinck 

Leut: John Sleght 

Insjn Lawrens Van Gaasbeck 

Sarj : Edward Wood 

Sarj : Dirck Van Vleet 

Sarj : Jacobus De Lametter 

Corpo Teunis Swart 

Corpo Johanas Snyder 

Corp" William Oosterhout 

Clark Benjamin Sleght 

John Ploegh 

Peter Winne 

Heskiah Schoonmaker 

Teunis A. Swar 

Aarent Ploegh 

John Wittaker 

Abra Burhans 

Cryn Oosterhout 

Jan Peterse Oosterhout 

Aares Van Steenbergh 

Teunis Oosterhout 

Jan Krinse Oosterhout 

Hendrick Brinck 

Lawrens Swart 
Abra Post 
Abra^ Oosterhout 
Jan Woolf 
Joliannis Burhans 
Marta Snyder 
Zachary Backer 
Lawrence Salisbury 
Johannis Burhans Jn^ 
Poules Pelen 
Bowdewine Vanderlip 
Teunis Van Bunschote 
Wilhelmus Demyer 
Jacobus Van Steenbergh 
Hendricus Ploegh Jn^ 
Hendr Krynse Oosterhout 
Petrus Krynse Oosterhout 
Hendricus Ploegh 
Abra Davenport 
Petrus Oosterhout 
Cornr Swart 
Grieg Magriesere — tot^i 46. 



ULSTER COUNTY. Jl List of the foot Company of Militia of 
marbletown under the Command of Capt. Daniel Brodhead. 

Capt Daniel Brodhead 
Liev* John Dewitt 
Ensign John Brodhead 
Serjeant Martin Bogart 
Serjeant Jacobus Bush 
Serjeant Thomas Keator 

Melgart Ketor 
Thos Vandermark 
Augustinus Ketor 
Hendrick Roosa 
Hend"" Vandermarke 
Dirck Keyser 

Corporal Cornelius Van Kampen Samuel Davis 

Corporal Cliristopher Davis 
Corporal Jacob Keator 
Drummer Seter Vandenbergh 
Gierke Ricd Pick 

Lambert Brinck 
Johannes Van Luven 
Andreas Van Luven 
Frederick Davis 
Gysb* Roosa 
Jan Roosa 
Jacob Keyser 
Valentine Smith 
Tuenis Klarwater 
Johannes Bush 
James Robinson 
Mathew Algar 
James Algar 
Hartman Hine 
Arien Vandermarke 
Jacob Vandermarke 
Jacob Middagh 
Jacobus Tack 
Isaac Tack 
Johannes Jansen 
Dirck Bush 

Samuel Cock 
Benja Davis 
Alexander Ennis 
Andrew Kernith 
Isaac Van Kampe 
Samuel Mourits 
Johans Thomas 
Moses Cantien 
Nicholas Keyser 
William Hine 
John Wood 
Johannes Elting 
Anthony Gerrits 
Corne Tack Jn' 
Henry Jansen 
Tho^ Bush 
Fred'' Keator 
Hend-- Bush 
John Price 
Lambert Bush 
Moses Depuy 
Johans Vandermarke 
Thoms Vandermarke 
Nicholas Vandermarke 
Arie Ketor 
Thorns More 

.:«t,!<f7 State of the 

John Krom 
Henry Krom Jn"" 
Robert Maginnis 
Lewis Bevier 
Jolianas Kool 
Andreas Conterman 
Henry Conterman 
Adam Hoffman 
Hendricus Van Steenburgh 
Abr^ Constaple 
Ricliard Lonsberry 
William Ennis 

Angus Vandemarke 
Ephaim Chambers 
Dirck Keyser Jn^" 
Jacob.Keyser Jn' 
Jacob Sleyter 
Nicholas Sleyter 
Nich" Sleyter Jn^ 
Johannes Depuy 
Fredr Schoomker 
Power Easel 
Edward Robason 
John Smith— tot" 89 



Capt John Byard 
Lieyt William Berland 
Ensign William Keils 
Serjt John Newkerk 
Corp" John Miller 
Lendert Coll 
Cornelius Coll 
Barnat Coll 
John Robeson 
James Glispy 
Thomas Glispy 
John Willkine 
William Wilkins 
Andraw Graham 
George OUoms 
John North 
John North Ju' 
Samuel North 
James Young 
Robert Younsc 



Mathew Young 
John Andraws 
James M'^Neill 
John McNeill 
Andraw borland 
John borland 
John M^^Neill Ju' 
James Craford 
John Craford 
Alexander Milligan 
Nathaneill HiU 
Alixd kid 
Archabald Hunter 
James Hunter 
John Wharrey 
Benja^ Hins 
John Mc Neill Senior 
Mathew Prea 
William Craford 
Kv)bcrt hunter 



James Munall 
Gors Monull 
John Munall 
William Monall 
Thomas Neils 
Robert Neils 
John Neils 
Mathew Neils 
Nathaneill jojter 
John Neily Ju' 
Joseph butteltown 
Thomas Colman 
Josepli Shaw 
pathrick broodrick 
William Soutter 
John butfield 
John ISI^ve 
John Jones 
Joseph knap 
Isakiah Gaill 
Celab knep 
Robert M'^Cord 
William fallkne 
Ezrail Rodgr 
Jaremiah Rodgr 
James Rodgr 
James Whit 
John Manly 
francius walls 
Robert Hughy 
Robert banhanan 
James Egar 
Thomas McCollom 
Sojornars Her 
John Haves 
M kam Clein 
Jury burger 

Hugh flenign 
Benja benot 
Patrick M^^ peick 
John Eldoris 
Patrick Galasby 
John Lowry 
Samuel mitli 
Jopth Teal] 
James Craford 
Joseph Sutter 
David Cree 
Edward Andrews 
Samuel Crayford 
Endrew Doell 
Phillip Milsbugh 
Cronamas Mingus 
Stuifel Moll 
Hannas Crane 
John Yong 
Hendrick Newkerk 
Frederick Sanzabus 
Cornelius walls 
Hendrick Crist 
Hunas Crist 
Lowrance Crist 
Mattys Milsbigh 
and his son 
John Mings 
Stevanis Crist 
Jacob bush 
Cronamas falter 
Richard Gatehouse 
John boyls 
Richard boyls 
John Jameson 
John M^Donall 
James Davis — tot'' 114 



ULSTER ? A list of the foot Company of Militia of hurly under 
COUNTY ^ i]iQ Command of Capf. Cornelis Wine Coop. 

Robert Wieler 

Cap' Cornelis Wine Coop 
Lef ' Antonie Crispel 
Insin Abraham Ten Eyck 
Serje Hendrick Konstaple 
Corpi Solomon ter Willege 
Corpi Jacob Vanwagene 
Dromr Marynis Chambers 
Jan Van Duese Clarke 

Nicolas Blailsjan 
Lambert Brinck 
Tuenis Oostrandei 
Jan Roosa 

Hendrick Oostrander 
Gerret Konstapel 
Johannis Crispel 
Johannis Suylandt 
Arie Van Etten 
Harmanus Oostrander 
Antonie Crispel Ju"" 
Jolian^ Konstaple 
Andries Van.Vliet 
Heyman Roosa 
Jan A Roosa 
Gysbert Roosa Ju' 
Jan Crispel Ju^ 
Dirck Roosa 
Gerret Je^ Freer 
Ned Wieler 
Edvart Chammers 
Daniel potter' 

Wouter Sluyter 
Evert Sluyter 
Willem Smit 
Gerret Van Wagenen 
Johans Van Wagenen 
Aert Van Wagenen 
Matys Blansyan Ju"" 
Simon Helm 
Adam Sjeever 
Jefta De Lange 
Chrisstoffel Brosie 
Mattheus Nieukerck 
Benja Nieukerck 
Petrus Crispel 
Jan Ja : Roosa 
Abr^ Roosa 
Nicolas Roosa 
Benj!^ Claerwater 
Jan ter Willege Ju"" 
Jan Van Dense Ju"" 
Jan Brinck 

Johannis Oostrander Ju"" 
Willem Sluyter Ju' 
Hendrick Ja : Freer 
Jan Waters 
Albert Ja : Roosa 
Willem Burhans 
Jacop Clyn 
Jacop Oostrander 
Tot'i 60. 



ULSTER ? A list of the foot Company of Militia of Rocester 
3 wider the Command of Capt. Cornelius Hoomheck. 


Cap* Corflelius Hoornbeck 
Lieu' phillip Dubois 
Ensign Cornelius B : Low 
Serja Johannis Hoornbeck 
Serja John Wesbroeck 
Serja Harmanis Rosekrans 
Corp° Samuel Swarthout 
Corp" Tuenis Middagh 
Corpo Manuel Gonsalis 

Arien Van Vliet 

John Schoonmaker 

Benja van wagenen 

John Robeson 

John Hillmen 

Frans Kelder 

Jacob Kelder 

William Kelder 

Falter Kelder 

Jacobus Quick 

Jacobus Depue 

Joha Hendreickson 

Joh* Krom 

Hendrick Krom 

Daniel Schoonmaker 

Jocham Fra : Schoonmaker 

Johannis Miller 

Josaphat Dubois 

Jacob Vernoy 

Tuenis Oosterhout Ju"" 

Kryn Oosterhout 

Nicholas Ketor 

Petrus Oosterhout 

Hend^ Oosterhout 

Jonathan Westbroeck 
Johannis Westbroeck 
Matlieus Terwillige 
Nicklas Low 
Abra Low 
Cornelius Low 
Jacobus Low 
Johannis Oosterhout 
Jereraia Van Dermerke 
Jacob Dewitt Ju^" 
John Dewitt 
Cornelius Winekoop 
Jacobus Terwillige 
John Terwillige 
Benja Hoornbeck 
Dirck Hoornbeck 
Peter Westbroeck 
Tobias Hoornbeck 
Jacobus Hoornbeck 
Lowrence Cortreght 
Mathew Cortreght 
Peter Cortreght 
Hendrick Cortreght 
Johannis Ketor 
Isaac Van Aken 
Charles Danneson 
Richard Kittle 
Benja Roggers 
Wessel Vernoy 
Coenradt Vernoy 
Michel Helm 
Petrus Low 
Jjawies Bovier Ju^ 
Cornelius Bovier 



Samuel Bovier Ju' 
Jacob Bovier 
Manuel Gonsalls Ju' 
Jacob Middagli 
Abra Middagh 
Isaac Middagh 
Joliannis Middagh 

Janies Simson 
Jacob Vaiidermarke 
Geradus Van Inwegen 
Benja Coddebeck 
William Coddebeck 
Abrfi' Coddebeck 
Peter Jemare — total! 81. 

ULSTER ) A list of the foot Company of Militia of the Pals 
COUNTY \ under the Command of Capt. Zacharias Hoffman. 

Capt Zacharias Hoffman 

Liev* Benjamin Smedes Ju^" 

Ensign Zacharias Hoffman Ju^ 

Serjs Jolm teer penning 

Serjs John Freer 

Serjs Evert Terwillege 

Corpo Christian Dujo 

Corpo Hendrick Dujo 

Corpo Isaac Lefever 

Isaac freer 

Tuenis Terpening 

Jan Une 

Jonas freer 

James Agmodi 

Simon Lefever 

Petrus Low 

Johannis Low 

Josia Elting 

Abra Dujo 

Cornelius Dubois 

Jonathan Dubois 

Hend' Dubois 

Mosis Dujo 

Augusf" Van Dermerke 

Jacob Ge: Decker 

James Piiniick 

Daniel Winfiel 
Mauewel ter Willige 
Johannes Terwilige 
Hendrick Decker 
Petrus Terwillige 
Thoms Janson Ju"" 
William Rosekrans 
Josua Smedes 
Gerett Ja: Decker 
Stevanis Swart 
John Robertse 
Andrew Grames 
Rober Greams 
John Blake 
James Jonston 
Salamon Isrel 
Samuel Sampson 
Roger blamles 
Richard Davis 
Lawrence Eldorp 
Tomas Maccoun 
John Andrew 
Arie Terwillege 
William Schoot 
Cornehus bruyn 
William Ja: Decker 



Jacob Ja: Decker 
Abra Ja: Decker 
Isaac Ja: Decker 
Benja Ja: Decker 
Jacob He: Decker 
Abr* He: Decker 
Abr^ Terwillige 
Isaac Terwillige 
Evert Terwillige Ju' 
Corns Sclioonmaker Ju"^ 
Corns Cool 
Johannis Cool 
Lowis Pontenere 
John Gream 
William Weller 
Hendrick Weller 
Isaac Haasbroeck 
Jacob Haasbroeck Ju 
Benj=^ Haasbroock Ju^ 
Zacbarias klarwater 
Abr* Bovier 

Mathues Bovier 
Jacobus Bovier 
Isaac Bovier 
Abr" Lefever 
Natliael Lefever 
Benj'' Haasbroeck 
Symon Dubois 
Isaac Lefever Ju"^ 
Peter De: jo 

Huge Freer Ju^" 

Hendrick Van Wijak 

Abr* Vandermerke 

Lewis Sa: Bovier 

William Armstrong 

Robert Jong 

Mathew Jong 

Robert Cain 

Robert Hanne 

John Magdonel 

John Jemson 

Johannes Masseker — tot" 94 


j1 list of the foot Company of Militia of the presenk 
of the Higland Under the Command of Capt. Thos. 
I Ellison. 

Capt Thomas Ellison 
Lievt George Harrison 
Ensign John Young 
Serjent David Davis 
Serjent Patrick M^Cloghry 
Serjent Mosas Garitson 
Corpo Jacobus Bruyn Jn' 
Corp° James Stringham 
Corp° Jonathan Hazzard 
Clark Charles Clinton 
John Umphrey 

Jame Gamble 
John Gamble 
CorneUus M'^Clean 
John Umphry Jn» 
James Umphry 
Peter Mulinder 
Robert Burnet ^ 

Archibald Beaty 
Arthar Beaty 
David Olliver 
Mathew Davis 



Alexander Falls 
David Bedford 
William Coleman 
Joseph Sweezer 
Thomas Coleman 
John M^Vey 
John Jones 
Patrick Broderick 
Joseph Shaw 
Calab Curtis 
William Sutten 
Jeremiah Foster 
Cliarles Beaty 
Amas Foster 
Alexander Denniston 
James Young 
James Nealy 
Robert Feef 
Joseph Butterton 
Samuell Luekey 
John Markham 
John Read 
Jeseph M^Mikhill 
David Umphrey 
Johannis George 
Jeremiah Tomkins 
Isaac Tomkins 
William Watts 
Josiah Elsworth 
James Elsworth 
Anthony Preslaer 
Jonathan Tomkins 

John Nicoll Jn' 
Alexander McKey 
Robert Sparks 
Jevriah Quick 
Thomas Quick 
Jacob Gillis 
Joseph Simson 
James Clark 
John Clark 
Lodewick Miller 
Peter Miller 
George Waygant 
William Ward 
Wilham Ward Jn"" 
John Mattys Kimbergh 
William Smith Jn"- 
James Edmeston 
Tobias Waygate 
Jerry Mause 
Thomas Johnston 
Casparis Stymas 
John Monger 
James Luekey 
Thomas Williams 
Robert Banker 
Thomas Fear 
Frederick Painter 
Mosas Elsworth 
John Marie 
Jonathan Owens 
Andrew McDowell 
Daniel Coleman— Tot. 86 





Judges of the Court of Common 

John Le Conte Judge 
Christian Corsen Second Judge 
Gozen Adrianz Third Judge 

Justices of the Peace. 

* Nicliolas Britten 

* Ricliard StilweH 

* Joseph Bedell 

* John Veghte 

* Rem Vander Beek 

* John La Tourrette 

* Thomas Billopp 
Corneillius Corsen 
Joshua Mersereau 
Abraham Cole 
Barent Martling 

Those marked thus (*) are of 
the Quorum. 

Nicholas Larzelere Sheriff" 
John Hillyer Coroner 
Daniel Corsen Clarke 


Military Officers. 
Jacob Corsen Colonel 
Christian Corsen Lieut. Col 
Thomas Billopp Major 

For the Korth Division. 
John Veghte Captain 
Frederick Berge Lieut* 

For the SHh Division. 
Corneillius Stoutholf Capt 
Jacob Berge Lieutenant 
Aris Rvertse Ensign 

For the West Division. 
Nathaniel Britten Cap* 
Matthias Johnson Lieut' 
Abraham Maney Ensign 

For the Troop. 
Peter Perrin Captain 
Gerrett Crosse Lieut 
Wynant Wynants Cornet 
Daniel Wynants Quarter Master 




14. The Six Nations of Indians including tlie River & Schaach- 
kook Indians are about 1 500 fighting men of whicli number | part 
Incline to Frencli Interest. Being partly overaw'd by fear, The 
French have their interpreter continually among the Sinnekes 
who has a great Influence over tliem k they often send messengers 
with presents to the Six Nations. 

15. The Indians living near about Montreal & Quebeck are 
about 1000 fighting men besides a Vast number of other Foreign 
nations amongst uiiom the French have Sixteen Fortifications 
and Settlements : , 

16. The French Europeans settled on the River S*. Lawrence 
in Canada consisting of the three Goverments of Quebeck, Mon- 
treal and the three Rivers are about Ten thousand Fighting men 
Including Thirty Two Companys of Regular Forces. 

Spaniards none. 

17. The Metropohs of New France is Quebeck a well Fortified 
Town being inclosed in a very strong wall & has a Strong Fort 
scituated on a Rock, being the sea Port on the North side of 
River S^ Lawrence. About Sixty Leagues S° West tliereof is 
Montreal on the same side of the River which is regularry forti- 
fy'd & Surrounded with a strong stone wall, having Batteries 
within & a Large Trench round the North, East & West Sides 
thereof & to the South is the River. 

About Seven Leagues South from Montreal is a village called 
Chambley scituated on a River running out of Corlaers Lake 
which is by the French called Cliamplain, & emptys it self into 
the River S*. Lawrence at Soreil there is a good Strong Stone Fort 
at the side of the River at the upper end of a Bason. 

The French have also a very Strong Fort to the west of Crown 
point, at the side & Soutli east end of Corlaer's Lake beforemen- 
tioned called by the French La pointe an la Chevleures, about 
Seventy miles to the Nortliward of our farthest Settlements, built 
in the year 1736 for a retreat when the Frencli at any time 


should come to disturb or Annoy our Frontiers, either in our 
Province or New England. This Fort is scituated on a Rock 
having a very Strong Cittadel Arch'd with Stone three Storys 
high, the wall thereof is about Seven feet thick, it commands the 
Entrance into the Lake beforementioned from the Southward &has 
four Regular Bastions, to the Southward is a Large plain. They 
Likewise by that means Extend their Limitts, having encroached 
upon Land belonging to Ids Majesty. 

They have also a Strong Fort at Cadaruchque at the North 
East End of tlie Lake Ontario whicli emptys it self in the River 
S^ Lawrence, made there not only in order to entice the Six 
Nations of Indians to their Interest & to have an awe over them, 
but also for a retreat to the French when at any time they should 
attack or Annoy the Six Nations & likewise to prevent the said 
Six Nations from going to Canada in time of War. 

They have also a strong Fortification at Niagara which is at 
the South west end of Cadaruchque Lake, below the falls of 
that name about three Leagues, where there is a Carrying place, 
it borders near the Six Nations which in a great Measure com- 
mands the Indian Trade the Westward & overawe the 

They have severall Settlements & Forts as above observed of 
Less note among the Upper Nations of Indians on tlie chief 
passages as tlie Indians come from their hunting in order to In- 
tercept the Furr Trade & to keep an awe & command over them. 

Albany 4th Febry 1737 | 8 

Vol. IV. 16 

'Wj • 









*^* Previous to the year 1743 there was no limit prescribed by Statute to the 
continuance in office of Members of Assembly in the Province of New York. It 
was held to belong to the Royal Prerogative to dissolve the Legislature and to 
order a new election. The consequence was, that the existence of the Assembly 
generally depended on its subserviency to the local Governor and a new appeal to 
the People was made, for the most part, only when the popular branch quarrelled 
with the Executive. Sometimes only a few months intervened between general 
elections ; sometimes a year, but usually a general election came about biennially, 
until the administration of Gov. Hunter, when the Assembly elected in 1716 con- 
tinued its functions until 1726 — a period of ten years and two months. The elec- 
tions for representatives, after this happened, from divers disturbing causes, to be 
annual until Gov.'Cosby's administration, when the Assembly again assumed a 
protracted existence of nine years, vizt: from 1728 to 1737. The leaders in the 
popular branch seeing this tendency to abuse, by the removal of the representa- 
tives from all responsibility to their constituents, determined to remedy the evil, 
and passed a bill in the session of 1734, declaring that no Assembly should con- 
tinue more than Three Years. The Council, however,, did not act upon it, and 
when the Legislature again met in October of the same year, the Assembly sent 
to enquire what had been done with their Bill of the spring. ' It was, thereupon, 
taken up and amended by the Council, but as the Assembly refused to concur in 
these amendments, it was lost, for the Council refused to recede from their posi- 
tion. The Assembly, now (Nov. 28), sent an address to the Governor request- 
ing that they may be dissolved, to which Cosby replied, that as it was a part of 
the prerogative to convene and dissolve them at pleasure, he was determined to 
act in the premises as he thought proper, and not as they desired, and in this 
state of things the session was prorogued. Shortly after the meeting of the Le- 
gislature in the following year, a petition was presented (Nov. 4, 1735) to the 
House from the citizens of New York, complaining of the long continuance of 
the same set of representatives, and praying a dissolution. This petition was 
sent to Gov. .Cosby, who again refused compliance, and he died, in March, 1736, 
"almost universally detested," says Smith. In April, 1737, the Triennial Bill 
was again introduced, but it did not reach a third reading, as the House was dis- 
solved, to the great gratification of the people, on the 3d May, 1737, after its nine 
years' existence. One of the first measures introduced in the new House (June 
16) , was the Bill for the frequent election of Representatives. It was soon passed, 
together with'an address to Lt. Gov. Clarke (to be found at length on the Jour- 
nals), urging on him by strong and unanswerable arguments, the necessity of such 
a reform. His Honor returned a favorable answer, and in compliance, as it were, 
with his disposition, the Council concurred, and the Bill received the Lieutenant 
Governor's sanction on the 16th Dec. 1737. Before the Assembly adjourned, 
they requested Clarke to use his utmost endeavors to obtain his Majesty's assent 
to the Bill. It was sent to England early in the following year, when the Lieu- 
tenant Governor strongly recommended it to the favor of the King's Ministers. 
Some of the arguments in favor of the measure and its ultimate fate, are recorded 
in the folia wing Documents. Ed. 


Memorandum' of some Grounds and Reasons to hope 
that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to grant 
his Royal Assent to the Act for ffrequent Election 
of Representatives lately passed in the General 
Assembly of the Colony of New York. 
That happy Union that is Established between the King and 
his People under the British Constitution, has so closely connected 
their Mutual Interests, that whatever tends to the advancement 
of the peace and prosperity of the People, it may be Humbly 
presumed will be a Good reason why it should meet with his 
I^Iajestyes approbation and Encouragement, but it is Conceived 
that the passing that Law, will tend as much to Advance the 
Interest of his Majestyes Crown, as the welfare of His people if 
it be Considered tliat tlie Scituation of this Colony is in the very 
Heart of the British Dominions in America, that it Contains a 
passage from the Ocean almost all the way by water, to the most 
distant Nations of Indians, which lye Northward of the Bay of 
Mexico. It is near to Canada once the seat of» a dangerous 
Enemy, and now its rival in the flfur trade, wliich is of so much 
Importance to Great Brittain that I'ts in tlie neighborhood of a 
People Extremly Jealous of its Interests, and ever watchfull to 
seize on every Advantage for the Extension of their settlements 
upon the Lands undoubtedly belonging to the British Crown 
(witness the late Settlements, of the ffrench at Crown Point, and 
Niagara, and their late attemps to get a ffboting in the Cinekes 
Country). That a fatal blow will be given to this British Interest 
both in Europe and America, if this Country should ever fall 
into the hands of the ffrench, these and many other weighty- 
considerations, makes the welfare & prosperity of this Colony, of 
the last Consequence to the Crown of Great Brittain, it is gener- 
ally Acknowledged, that not one Plantation in America lias 
greater Advantages than this with respect to the fertility of its 


Soil, healthfullness of its air and Commodiousness of its Scitu 
ation for an Inland and foreign Trade and Navigation. Yet 
under these many Natural advantages, it is a sad trutli universally 
attested, That it has been for many years visibly Declining in its 
Husbandry, Navigation, Trade, Ship Building and other 
Manufactures, Advantagious to Great Brittain, It has been 
deserted by great numbers of its Sea men and other Inhabitants, 
wlio have been obliged to Seek their Bread in tlie ueighboiu'ing 
Colonies, while tlie Lands in tlie Country and the Houses in the 
Cit}-, have been seen to sink to near lialf their fformer Value, 
and its Navigation Almost wholy fallen into the hands of 
Strangers, and at tlie same time, universal Discontent ready to 
break out into publick Tumult and Disorder, and E^tream 
poverty, have overspread the Country and tlireatened its utter 

This is, or very lately was, the Miserable Estate of this Colony, 
which rendered tlie Disolution of the last Assembly Necessary 
both for his Majesty's Honour and tlie Interest of the Country. 
And the present Assembly when chosen, being of Opinion that 
the present and past Miseries of this Country, were greatly 
owing to the want of the frequent election of Assemblys, they 
past the Law in Question, presuming that upon the weighty 
Reasons upon wliich it is founded, it would not fail of the Royal 
Assent. The Assembly observed, that the Great Declension of 
this Country in all its valuable Interests, had hapened during the 
Continuance of the Two last long Assemblies, while at the same 
time no visible Cause could be assigned for it but what it was in 
the power of a ffree and ffrequent Representation of the People 
to prevent. Especially wlien at the same time, the neighbouring 
Colonies of the Masachusets Bay Connecticut and Rhode Island 
on tlie one liand, and Pensilvania on the other, were Increasing 
in People, fflourishing in Trade, and abounding with Wealth and 

The Assembly Observed that those Colonies have the Annual 
Choice of their Representatives, by which General Grievances 
are either happily Prevented, or always Speedily redressed while 
by Experience they liave found, tliat the long Continuance of 
Assemblies in tliis Colony, had an unhappy Tendency to Intro- 


duce Grievances, and Establish them as an Insupportable Burthen 
upon the People. They observed tliat the long Continuance of 
power in the same hands, had always grown up into an oppres- 
sive Domination of a few men, wliich they found to have been 
the fruitfull Parent of all those Evils, under which this Country 
had Visibly Declined ; and which had in some late Instances 
Proved Exceeding Dangerous to the Peace of His Majesty's 
Government witliin this Colony, 

These are the Reasons tlmt Induced the Assembly with great 
Zeal and Unanimity to propose and pass that Law, as a most 
necessary Expedient, to retrieve the Peace and Promote the 
prosperity of this Miserable and Distressed Colony. 

The Just representation of this matter to His Majisty, It's 
believed cannot fail of procuring his assent to this Law, which 
his People here have so much at heart. Tis not doubted but 
His Majisty will think it necessary for His Honor, that His 
Subjects here, sliould live as easy and as happy under His imme- 
diate Government as His Subjects are in tlie Neighbouring Colo- 
nies, under the Charters Granted by His Royal Predecessors. 
Tis verily believed, that nothing can have a more happy Ten- 
dency to Accomplish this, than the passing this law. 

Tis Evident, that the Liberty Ease and Safety of the People 
in the Neighbouring Colonies, who Enjoy tlie Priviledge of 
Choosing their Assemblies yearly, is Attended with the most 
happy Consequences; this causes them to multiply Exceedingly, 
by their Natural Growth, and vast Additions from Protestant 
Countrys abroad, Whereas this Colony is but thinly Peopled, and 
more persons have Deserted it than have come to it for several 
years past. Those Colonies have been fflourishing in Trade, and 
Extending it abundantly while it has been miserably declining 
among us. Twill hardly be beheved in England that those 
Goverments, have so much the Advantage of us, in the Value 
of their Lands, as tliey have. It being a truth Capable of the 
fullest proof, that tlie Lands in Connecticut, will sell for three times 
the price of the Lands in New York, tho tlie Lands are Conti- 
guous, and there is no Difference in tlie Soil, but what proceeds 
meerly from the Partition line that Divides it. This Country 
has an Advantage for Ship Building, raising of Hemp, making, 


of Iron and other Naval Stores, beyond any of the Plantations 
in America. Yet it is evident, that under the Ease and Safety 
of the Charter Goverments, Secured Chiefly by their Annual 
Assemblys Tliese Colonies have flourished to a great Degree in 
those usefull Manufactures, so Advantagious to the Trade and 
Safety of Great Britain, while this Colony has been under such 
Discouragements, as to have done little or nothing in these Man- 
ufactures, but lias seen the Iron Ore carried from lience, to be 
worked up at about 200 miles Distance in New England, tho witli 
Respect to Wood and Water, this Country has as good or better 
Conveniences tlian that, the vast Number of People Inhabit- 
ing the New England Colonies, the sudden and prodigious growth 
of Pensilvania, witli their Annual Assemblies while the finist 
Colony lying between them, under the Kings Immediate Gover- 
raent, that lias been as long Settled as either of them, is Empty 
of People poor and Starving, is generally believed to be chiefly 
owing to tliose Mischiefs, which have arose from the want of a 
frequent Election of Assemblies, and the passing of this Law, 
will Doubtless Tend to the Multiplying of our People, the Ex- 
tension of our flfrontiers, the promoting of the -fur Trade, and 
making this Colony a strong Barrier against the firench, and 
Consequently the Bulwark and Safety of British Interests in 
America. It will make this Colony of more Service to Great 
Britain, by a larger Consumption of its Commodities, by raising 
of Hemp and making of Iron, and other Naval Stores. It will 
raise a spirit of Industry among the People, and Extend our 
Trade, restore our Seamen and Navigation, and remove that 
Discontent, which has always Increased in proportion to the Age 
of Past Assemblies. It will raise the Honour of His Majestys 
immediate Government, as it will greatly advance the happiness 
of His people, tliat live under it, and will make the Neighboring 
Colonies to set a less value upon their Charters. It is a Privi- 
lege Enjoyed by the Provinces of New Hampsliire and South 
Carolina Barbadoes Antigua and the Leward Islands under His 
ISIajestyes Immediate Government to have an Annual Election 
of Assemblies, and North Carolina Enjoys a Biennial Assembly, 
and it may be hoped that his Majesty will not deny to his Loyal 
Subjects in New York, what not only their welfai-e and prosper- 


ity, but also the peace and Honour of His Goverment, the 
Interests of His Crown, and the Trade of Great Britain, and the 
Safety of the Neighbouring Colonies seems to render absolutely 

Memorandum of Some of the Reasons that may be 
offered for obtaining his Majesties Royall Assent 
to the Act for frequent Election of Representa- 
First, For that its the Universal Opinion of the Inhabitants 
of this Colony that the Long Continuance of Assemblys has been 
one of tlie greatest Causes of tlie present Declining State of this 
Colony, which is such that while our Neighbours of Pensilvania 
on the one hand and of Connecticut, Rhode Island and Massa- 
chusets Bay and New Hampshire on the other Hand Do yearly 
greatly Encrease in numbers of People and the value of their 
Lands rise and their Trade flourishes, Yet this Colony which 
has much greater Natural advantages than any of them has for 
several years past decreased in numbers of People, Rents in the 
City of New York have generally fallen near one half, and the 
Lands of this Colony about one third part of the value which 
they have heretofore been at, Our seamen and Ship Carpenters 
have almost wliolly deserted us, and our Navigation is almost 
got into tlie Hands of Strangers to this Colony. Long Assem- 
blys are supposed to be one of the greatest Causes of this Bad 
State, by their not finding Remedies to prevent or put a stop to 
this declining State, by their Suffering tlie People long to Labour 
under Grievances, without obtaining or Endeavouring to 
obtain relief against them. In some Counties even their very 
Representatives have become themselves their greatest Grie- 
vance For while tliey have Suffered and Abetted a Governour 
in Tyrannizing over all they have become Deputy Tyrants in 
their Counties. They have often got into their Hands the Sole 
Recommendation of all Judges, Justices, Officers of the Militia, 
and other Officers in their Counties, those so recommended by 
them they Supported in those Offices tho' often unworthy of 
them, Tlie hopes of being supported encouraged those officers 
to Despise and Oppress the People And thus a Gradation of 


Tyrants lias been often Established and Supported and the Peo- 
ple left Destitute of Relief against their Daily Insults and Inju- 
ries—Which with many other things too many to repeat with 
too much reason lias induced many of the Inhabitants to think 
they had no Liberty at all nor property certain in this Colony, 
and that they had better to remove to the neiglibouring Colonies 
of Either Side wliere such Tyrannizing was fully prevented by 
a yearly Election of Representatives and where the Liberties 
and Properties of tlie People are well preserved — And its uni- 
versally believed tliat a frequent Election of Representatives 
w^ould have the like effect liere, And that the Short duration of 
Assembly s will not only prevent the Representatives themselves 
from Domineering in their Counties by Laying them under a 
necessity to preserve the Affections of tlie People in order to 
preserve their power But will also give the People an Opportu- 
nity from time to time to Chuse sucli men as are Sensible of 
what Grievances they Labour under and as are Capable to obtain 
a Redress of them, and of what has Rendered or is like to render 
the Liberties and properties of the People precarious. 

Secondly — The great Natural advantages which this Colony 
has beyond the neiglibouring Colonies by its Furr Trade, Excel- 
lent Harbours, tlieir nearness to tlie Sea, its Inland Navigation 
to & through every one of the Counties of this Colony and to 
and amongst the Indian Nations as far as the Banks of St Law- 
rence River and i^s Lakes and the fertile soil of tliis Colony, with 
the hopes that this Law often by the people and Assemblies in 
vain endeavoured for might at last be obtained, Tho' tliey have 
not been able to hinder this Colony from greatly Declining while 
its Neighbours with much less Natural Advantages are growing 
and flourishing Yet they have hitherto in great measure hindered 
its being intirely deserted But should his Majestic deny his 
Royal Assent to this Law its to be feared That great numbers 
of the InhabitfTits w'ould fortliwith provide to remove to the 
Neighbouring Colonies where they believe they are more Sure 
of protection for tlieir Liberties and Properties This Colony 
which is the Barrier against the French for the other Colonies 
may thereby in time be Deserted, The French our Rivals in 
the fifur Trade will then get it intirely from us into their Hands 


Great Britain will thereby lose the Exportation of Great Quan- 
tities of Strouds, Blankets and other Woollen Goods which the 
Indians now take in Exchange for their jfifurs, and ffrance will 
acquire the furnishing of them with the Same, And also the 
manufacturing of the ffur and Skins got from the Indians in 
Exchange, and possibly tliis Colony may at last become possess- 
ed by the French as a Derelict (as parts of it on the Banks of 
S' Lawrence and its Lakes already [are] Crown point and Neagara 
are Examples of this) and the other Colonies will by this means 
be exposed to their Insults & Even to be Conquered by tliem 
And unless the Liberties and Properties of the People of this 
Colony are Secured by tliis Law its Conceived not only impossi- 
ble for it to grow as Other the neighbouring Colonies but even 
to hinder the Inhabitants from greatly deserting it 

Thirdly — The neighbouring Colonies of Pensilvania on the one 
hand and of Connecticut, Rhode Island Massachusets Bay & 
New Hampshire on the otlier hand have the Priviledge of 
Annual Assemblies secured to them, By means of whicli. any 
Grievance that Affects the People is their quickly removed 
Their Liberties and properties are by reasonable Laws protected 
and Enjoyed This Encourages their people to Industry and to 
the Extending their Trade This invites not only the people of 
this Colony to them but also great numbers from all Protestant 
Countries in Europe Whereas in this Colony for want of a 
speedy redress of Grievances and the Security of the Liberties 
and Properties of the People foreigners are discouraged to Come 
and Settle with us, and Discontents Do Sometimes arise amongst 
us to a very great Heighth, Insomuch that Insurrections have 
been often not without reason feared The precariousness of the 
Liberties and Properties of the People Curbs tlieir Industry 
This Colony abounds with Iron Oar and with streams of Water 
and timber fitt for melting it and bringing it into Barrs, which 
are intirely neglected while our neighbours with less Conveni- 
ence have got to a great heighth in that manufacture This 
Colony has plenty of Lands fitt for Hemp wliich lies neglected 
while our neighbours have mucli improved in it That precari- 
ousness Cramps the minds of the People from thinking to 
Launch out into trade which has given other Colonies the oppor 



tunity to become almost our Sole Carriers, and should we 
Decrease in our Shippinoj as for some }ears past, they will soon 
be entirely so — 

Fourthly, — If his Majestie will be graciously pleased to give 
his Assent to this Act its hoped and believed, tliat by means of 
it no great Grievance will remain long unredressed, That reason- 
alile Laws will from time to time ])e made to secure the Liber- 
ties and Properties of the Peoi)le. This will its lioped, soon 
invite Back our people that have deserted us — This will induce our 
neiglibors to believe they can be as safe in their Liberties and 
properties and that tliey can live as happily under his Majesties 
immediate Government as under any of their Charter Govern- 
ments, And when they are so Convinced Its not Doubted but 
that-tlie Natural Advantages which this lias Beyond those Colo- 
nies will soon invite many of tliem to settle here and Encourage 
other Foreign Protestants to follow tlieir example. By which our 
Indian Trade and the Settlement of this Colony may soon be 
greatly extended; Its probable the want of bringing this Colony 
into those Circumstances that has obstructed its being settled 
quite to and along the Banks of S<^ Lawrence &* its' Lakes, and 
which has given the Opportunity to the French to make Sundry 
Settlements there which this Colony might have done, so that 
this Colony has but one single Settlement upon the Lakes of 
S' Lawrence, to witt, Oswego & no Settlement within one hun- 
dred & fifty miles thereof to support it. 

But its hoped that this may still be in great measure retrieved 
if this Colony be brought into the Circumstances aforesaid For 
this Colony by its safe and short navigation to Brittain and its 
safe, short and speedy Inland Navigation to the Indian Nations 
and Lakes of S' Lawrence may be Enabled far to undersel the 
French amongst the Indians, and thereby Can in time cut them 
out of all that Trade, which now they will probably cut us out 
of, if this act should be Damned. 

Fifthly — Should it be objected by Enemies to the being of 
this Colony, That tho' our Neighboring Colonies of both Sides 
have Annual Elections, yet they are Charter Governments and 
why should the Kings Government follow their Example. 
Answer, Its Derogatory to hisMajisties goodness and Honour to 


suppose that he would Deny any thing to the Colonies under 
his immediate Government that will tend to their well being 
and prosperity wliich this Act plainly will, and Does in those 
Colonies which Enjoy the Benefit of it, On the Contrary it 
would Greatly tend to his Majesties Honour and Interest that 
the Colonies under his Immediate Government had their Liber- 
ties and Properties Even better Secured by Good Laws than in 
those Cfiarter Governments. The Certain Consequence wliereof 
would be Tliat such Colonies under his Majisties immediate 
Government would flourish more than the Charter Colonies now 
do. That would tend to make those Colonies indillerent as to 
their Charters and in time to give them up and to Chuse his 
Majesties immediate Government in the place thereof. Whereas 
while this Colony remains in its past uncertain State as to the 
Liberties and Properties of the People, Those neigliboring Colo- 
nies get our people from us, and are taught by our Sufferings 
highly to value their Charters and to pity our Misfortunes. 

Sixthly — Its not Charter Governments only that have the 
priviledge of frequent Election of Representatives for their 
General Assembly, — For we are well assured that South Caro- 
lina and North Carolina have likewise that priviledge the first 
an Annual Election and the last a biennial, But as to them it 
may be said, they had those Priviledges while they were Charter 
Governments, But as to that we are informed tliat Barbadoes- Anti- 
gua k the other Leward Islands never were Charter Governments 
and yet they have the Priviledge of an Annual Election Whether 
any and whicli of the other Colonies have such priviledges we 
are unacquainted, But wliither they have or not we Conceive is 
very Little to the Question, which we think is, 

Whether as tliis Colony is Scituated betwixt Colonies on both 
Sides which have it. And as this Colony has greatly Suffered 
and now suffers thro' the want of it, It be possible for this 
Colony to preserve its inhabitants and to prosper, and to keep 
on a footing with the neighbouring Colonies without that privi- 
ledge which they enjoy so much tending to their happyness, 
advantage and prosperity. 

And whetlier the Dechning State of this Colony thro' the 
want of that Law does not tend to the Loss of the Indian Trade, 



to the Dispeopling of this Colony, to the Possessing of it by the 
French, and to the Loss of all the other Colonies in Consequence 
of it. 


Augt 10ti> 1738. 
To the kings most Excellent Majesty 
May it please your Majesty 

"We have had under our consideration an act passed in your 
Majestys Province of New York in December 1737 intitled "An 
Act for the frequent elections of Representatives to serve in 
Gen' Assembly and for the frequent calling and meeting of the 
General Assembly so Elected." 

We have hkewise had the opimon ol M"" Fane one of your 
Majesty's Council at Law, and are of opinion with him that it is 
an Infringment of Your Majesty's Prerogative by taking away 
the undoubted Right which the Crown has always exercised by 
calling and continuing the assembly of this Calony at such times 
and as long as it was thought necessary for the pubhck service, 
and as no reason has appeared to us to require such an Innovation, 
"we humbly lay the sariie before Your Majesty for your Royal 
Which is most humbly submitted 

R. Plumer 
M. Bladen 


Ja. Brndenell 
Whitehall ) 

August lOth 1738 5 




[Council Min. XVII.] 
At the Court of St. James's the SO^ Nov' 1738. 
The Kings most Excellent Majesty. 
Arch Bishop of Canterbury Earl of Abercorne. 
Lord Chancellor. Earl of Selkirk 

Lord President. Lord Harvey. 

Duke of Montagu. Lord Harrington 

Earl of Pembrooke. M"" Speaker 

Earl of Grain tham. S"" Paul Metliuen. 

Earl of Cholmondley Horatio Walpole Esq'^. 

Whereas by Commission under the Great Seal of Great 
Britain, the Governour Council and Assembly of His Majesty's 
Province of New- York, are Authorized and Impowered to make. 
Constitute and Ordain Laws, Statutes and Ordinances, for the 
Publick Peace, Welfare and Good Government of the said 
Province ; which Laws, Statutes and Ordinances are to be, as 
near as conveniently may be, agreeable to the Laws and Statutes 
of this Kingdom, and to be transmitted for His Majesty's Royal 
Approbation or Disallowance ; And Whereas in Pursuance of 
the said Powers, An Act was past in the said Province in Dec. 
1737. Entitled 

" An Act for the frequent Election of Representatives 

" to serve in General Assembly ^nd for the 

" frequent calling and meeting of the General 

" Assembly so Elected." 

Which act together with a Representation from the Lords 

Commissioners for Trade and Plantations proposing the Repeal 

thereof, having been referred to the Consideration of a Committee 

of the Lords of His Majesty's most Hon^ie priyy Council 

for Plantation Affairs, The said Lords of the Committee did this 

day Report to His Majesty as their opinion, that the said Act 

ought to be repealed : — His Majesty taking the same into his 

Royal Consideration, was pleased, with the advice of his Privy 

Council, to Declare his Disallowance of the said Act, and 


pursuant to His Majesty's Royal Pleasure thereupon Exprest, 
the said act is hereby repealed, Declared void, and of none 
effect : Whereof the Governor or Commander inT Chief of His 
Majesty's Province of New York for the time being, and all 
others whom it may concern, are to take Notice and Govern 
themselves accordingly 

Ja : Vernon. 
Albany Octr 7th 1758. 

Note. — A Law, commonly called the Septennial act, was passed in 1743, by 
which the continuance of the Provincial Assembly was limited to seven years. 
This Act remained in force down to the Revolution- — Ed. 


■ * 



1755, 1756. 

Vol. IV. 17 

^ J 

(^ '- '"^ ^■'^■<--=4^M^'=i^3^-^iv^^^ 


.M //. 


VYxy^^yWv^^Y^w^ o/Wn-^Ji :2^ TT Jj J^ ^o//ry// near Art/ff (fn)rof' , <,;r ///r cy'f'r>/''Jr// '/JJJ , /f'/irrc-// '^ondY,^vo^^.iri/// ^r/M^olifT^c;^ 




Set forward in a Battoe from the Encampment, the 14th Sept — 
at about 25 miles distance down the Lake, landed about day 
light, took the Battoe out & hid it, left two Men of Connecticut 
Forces there to watch the Battoe, & Provisions till our return — 
Saw, that morning, Sundry Indian Canoes passing in the Lower 
part of the Lake. Went forward towards Crown Point. 

The 17th day, at evening discovered tlie wheat fields, & four 
houses, about 2 miles Southerly from Crown Point Fort. In the 
night went to tlie Intrenchment, made from the Fort, Encom- 
passing a little Hill, the Trenches not finished, but reaches about 
thirty rods from the Fort. Which Intrenchment begins at the 
Southwest Corner of the Fort, & Trends Southwesterly, about 
two rods wide at the Fort, & widens to about 15, at the other 
End — went into the Trench, & spent the night, for discovery in 
& about there till morning, & then retired to a Mountain, about 
a Mile West from the Fort, where there was a Clear view of all 
the Fort and appurtenances — and saw an addition to the Fort, 
from the Northwest Corner, about 25 rods, which reached to the 
Water side, Inclosing some Buildings — many Tents set up in 

A Windmill about Sixty rods South of the Fort, in which 
Space many Tents were up — had a Clear discovery of the Fort, 
& appurtenances. The Soldiery were Mustered, & Exercised — 
the whole of French, & Indians we Judged were near upon Five 
or Six hundred. 

Their People, some few were at work at the Intrenchmen*s 
seemed unconcerned — hunting Pidgeons &c. all round in the 
Wood. Some of which came within about fifteen rods of the 
Scout — We came off the Hill at night. 


19th. Set homeward, travelled to the Lake, about Six Miles 
from Tionduroque. 

20'h. Set up the Lake, to where we left the Battoe, found that, 
& the two Men (we left) were gone, and we set homeward. The 
23*^ late at night arrived at the great Camp. 

The land is Rough, and Mountainous from the Lower end of 
the Lake, to Crown Point. The distance about 20 miles. And 
we apprehend impracticable to git a feasable Road there — Which 
is the General Account of the discovereys we have made. And 
is humbly submitted by 

Your Honours 

Most Dutifull, and 

Obedient Servant 

Robert Rodgers. 
24th Sepr 1755. 

To the Honi^i^ Joseph Blanchard Esq. Col" of the New Hamp- 
shire Regim* In the Expedition against Crown Point. 
May it please your Honour 

The foregoing is a Report of Capt Robert Rodgers, under your 
direction, sent with a party to Crown Point, to Reconoitre that 
Post. Which is humbly offered by Your 

Most humble Servant 

Joseph Blanchard. 

Lake George 24'^ Sept"- 1755. 

To the Honi^i® General Johnson. 



Sept 27th. P. M. Set forward, in a Birch Canoe. Past that 
night Sundry Indian Fires (their Spyes) by the sides of the Lake. 
Put ashore about 7 miles from the Carrying place, left three 
with the Canoe — two went forward. 

Early on the 28^^ about ten in the morning came in view of 
an Encampment at the lower end of the Lake, at the Carrying 

SIR WM. Johnson's scouts. 261 

place, of about one thousand Frencli and Indians— We Crawled 
thro' their Guards to within about thirty or forty rods of the 

There was no Fort nor Artillery there. We retired & went 
about one Mile & a half further, & discovered tlieir Grand En- 
campment—Crept thro' their Guards to within about Sixty rods, 
found a Fort building there— discover'd a Number of Cannon 
Mounted— we had a Convenient Situation for a View^, w^hich we 
kept till toward night & by the appearance of the Tents & 
Troops, Frencli & Indians we Judged likely to be about three 

Their Situation Comands the passage at the Carrying place, 
k (we tho't) the passage down Champlain from Wood Creek to 
Crown Point. 

Next day, the 29"', returned to our Canoes & found a Large 
Indian Canoe had passed up the Lake with one Frencliman, & 
Nine Indians, wlio on their return we waylayed on a point of the 
Lake — they came in reach of our small arms, at whom we fired 
about Forty Guns. Disenabled or killed six of them, & Chased 
the remaining four, but at their Schrieks three Indian Canoes 
came to their relief which Prevented our bringing them in. 

Returned to our Camps that night. Which is the General in 

formation we are able to give, & is humbly submitted by 

Tour Honours most Obedient 

Humble Servant 

Robert Rodgers. 
Sept 29th 1755. 

To the Honbie Joseph Blanchard Esq. Colo of the New Hamp- 
shire Regt In the Expedition against Crown Point. 

May it please your Honour 

The foregoing is a report of Capt Robert Rodgers, under your 

Direction, sent with a party to Toronduroque to Reconoitre that 

post, which is humbly offered by 

Your most humble servant 

Joseph Blanchard. 
Lake George 29^^ Sept 1755 

To the Hon'^ie General Johnson. 



Haid Quarters Camp Lake George October 

A Return of the persedings of the Detaichment of men ordered 

on the Scout under the Comand of Phihp Lord on Sunday the 

4*h of October we marched about Teen miles to the Eastward of 

this incampment and so sent oute parties of 4 and 5 men to the 

South Easte and North Easte and so Conteueued Begining as 

sun as it was Day Light for the Spase of 3 Days and Returned 

with oute making aney Discouerey of the Inemy. 

T) T S Commander of 

Philip LoHDJ^^^^ Detachmt. 

To Honobie Gener" Jonson 


October the 7th 1755. 
In the Evening Embarkt by order from the Camp at Lake 
George with a partey of aboute 50 men To make Descouery of 
the french at Atianderogoe & wee went by three or four fires & 
in sixteen miles sailing I mist one Batoe it being Dark Could 
Not find it went on with the Rest of the Command And aboute 
brake Day landed our Batoes on y^ East side of y® Lake Georg 
within Twelve miles of the Caring Place at atenderrogo lay their 
that Day Made No Discouery the Eighth Day at Evening 
Landed our Batoes and Boare towards Tianderrogoe & Descouerd 
a fire on an Island put to land & sent of a burtcli Cannoe to see 
whate was their They that was on y« Island Descouerd ye Can- 
noe & Put oute their fires & as we supposed went of In their 
Cannoe then went Down with y° Party witliin aboute 7 miles 
of the Cereing place & landed on a point on ye west side of ye 
lacke George and Drewe up y^ Batoes and secuered them y^ 9^ 
at morning sent off Cap* Putnam with one man and Capt Hunt 
with 3 men more In order to goe to y^ Carring Place and Tian- 
derogoe and make Discouerys their & Returne to the Partey at 

SIR WM. Johnson's scouts. 263 

Evening Cap* Hunt Come back with Two men at Night sent of 
Ens" Putnam with three men and ordered them to make what 
Discouery tliey Could with the Borcli Conew and to goe to the 
Cereing Place Tarry their all Night and in ye morning as soon 
as it was light to Come back To their Command That Night 
Discouerd Several fires on ye shoar of ye lake IQth Day Sun half 
an hour highe In y^ morning our burch Canoe Come in keept 
oute Small Scouts by land and Good Guards for fear of the 
Enemy Coming on our Backs y^ Sun aboute 2 hours high then 
came up 3 burtch Canoes Came by y^ East Shore Came within 
70 Rods of y^ Point w^here wee were weel ambushed for them 
they lay on their oars for ye Best Part of an oure 23 in Number 
then sent oute our burtch Canoe to Decoye them up by the 
Point our Cannoe went Pariled witli them wdthin 30 Rods then 
turud and Padeled Back up by ye Point But they Did not folow 
them but turnd Down y® Lake half a mile and boar ouer to the 
west shore & their landed their Cannoes our Centry and small 
Scouts Come in and said they Discourd Indians and heard tliem 
talk Capt Putnam Instantly Came back with ye account ye 
Indians were on our Backs w^ee found their Partey to stronge 
for us to Encounter with launch^ our Batoes and sat homewards 
15 miles and lodged on an Island ye ll^h Day we arived at lake 
georg the Incampment where wee tooke our Departure from 


This is the Most Correct account of my agurnale on my 
Command till my Returne to this Place this with all the Reporte 
of my Spies I sent oute 


To the Honarble WiUiam Johnson Esqr 
Commander in Chiefe at Lake George . 
Wliich is presented from . , 

Tr Honnours Most obdiont and Humble Servant 

(Endorsed) A Journal of Cap* Rodgers' Proceedings with a 

Command on Lake Georg 

delivd the 12 October 1755. 




Ocf 9th 1755. Then lift Cap* Rogers upon a neck of Land 
upon the west side of Lake George and Set out towards 
tycondorogue to see what Discoveries we Could make and after 
we had march^ about 7 or 8 miles we came upon a Large 
Mountain near the Heither end of the narrows, and when we 
came tliere we Could make no Discovery at all but after sometime 
wee espyed three Barke Cannoes Drew upon the Shore upon a 
point of Land that Ran into the Lake, and then wee espyed two 
Indians Comeing out of the Bushes toward the Cannoes, after 
water, and after sometime we espyed several french and Indians on 
the East side of the Lake and soon after that we heard the noise 
of Cutting, hewing, adsing, and sawing, as tho there was a Large 
Company of men at work, and by their talking and Laughing 
their was amongst them, and then we Espyed about thirty 
Indians Came out of the Bushes on the west side of the Lake 
on the point within a large musket shot of us, and played a spell 
on the Beach, and tlien Returned into the Bushj and from the 
point Eastward, their was almost a Continual fireing and barking 
of Doggs and talking so we tho* it was not safe to proceed to 
Tycondarogue and so Concluded to tarry there all knight and 
see what further Discoveries wee Could make by the fires in the 
knight, and just at the Dusk of the evening their Came four 
Cannoes from the East and went to the west side of the Lake 
and landed on the point where the others were incamped, and 
Drew up their Cannoes on y« Shore and by this time wee began 
to Discover the fires on the point and on tlie East side of the 
Lake, but Could not Discover what number their was, because 
the Bushes were so thick by the Lake but as near as we Could 
best Judge we tho* there was six or seven hundred by the fires 
and Guards set on both sides the Lake and about Day Brake, 
they mustered their men to work and then wee Left the mountain 
and Returned to Cap* Rogers on the point and when we Came 
within sixty or seventy Rods of the point we Espyed thirteen 
Indians pass by within ten Rods of us, towards the pt)int where 

SIR WM. Johnson's scouts. 265 

we left Cap*. Rogers, and after they had passed by us, we Came 
to the point where we left Cap* Rogers, and found all well this 
is the Chef of the Discovery and best acovnt that I am able to 
give Israel Putnam 

To Capt Rodgers 

The Report of Captain Putnen 
(Endorsed) Capt Pitmans Report 

who was sent by Cap* 

Rodgers as a Spy to 


delivd 12 Oct'. 


Laike gorge October the 9th 1755. 
Left Capt Rodgers by His orders to go to tiandrogo and the 
Careing place and macke Discovers then and had two men with 
me and Capt putnom went with me with one man moore and we 
traveld Down the Laike gorge within two miles of the Narros or 
Careing place and se where the friench were at work one the 
Eas Side of the Lake gorge and one the west side there was an 
Eincampment of Abovt one Hundred Indiens A gainst the 
friench Eincampments and the whole that wase one both sids 
of the Laike we Jvded to be about 7 or 8 Hondred men Heard 
the shoot sevrel Gons and see severel Botos Drawed up By 
ther Eincampments Left Cap* pvtnum and one man to geo to 
tiandrogo and Retvrned to Aqvaint ovr Comand of what Disco- 
verey we Had made Come to them Abovt Svn Downe this Is the 
Chef that I can say Consernin the Discovereys that I made who 
is Sir yovr Hvmbl Servent Samll Hunt 

To Cap* Rodgers 
(Endorsed) Report of Capt Himt 

sent as a spy to 

Tionderogo by Cap* 


delivd 12 Octor. 1755 



October the 9th 1755. 

I left Capten Rodgers by His ord' to geo in the Borch Conow 
to make Discovereys of tlie fre at tlie Careying place or whair 
they freiench Incampraents was and took three men with me 
wen abovt 5 or 6 miles downe the Laike and discovred severel 
fiers one tlie wes side of the Laike one a point and went within 
twenty Rods of the fers and see the men by tlie fiers and thee 
Espeyed our Conoo and made Ratling Atho thee ware pvting 
ovt after us we mad ove to the East shore and Lay one ovr ors 
for some time Expecting the Enemy bvt None followed then 
went Downe by there fiers abovt one Quarter of A mile and see 
a Lardge in Campment on tlie East Side of Abovt A thovsand 
men as we Jvdged they spred one the Laike for Half A mile 
and we Come back twoards ovr Comand one mile and went into 
A Coue and Lay till Brak of Day and went Downe witliin Half 
A mile of the fiers and them friesh and then returned to ovr 
Comand whear we found all well this is the chefe that I can say 
Consarning ovr Discovery Timothy Pvtnvm. 

Laike Gorge to Capten Rodgers 

Lake Gorge October the 10 1755 
I marched from this place with fifty men and marched a Bout 
fiue or six mils to the South East and in Camped and sent out 
Scouts toward the South Bay and toward wood Crik and we 
mad No descouery of any Eanmy and Retorned Home this Day 
October the 13. John Taplin. 

Lake George Octo"- 13, 1755 
A Report of the Scout of the West Side of the Lake — Went 
out the lO^h Instant with 50 men reconnoitred the Woods about 
10 or 12 miles from the Camp, discovered no Enemy, returned 
to the Camp the 13tb. 

Pi" Henry Babcock Cap' of the Scout. 



We are now Incamped about three miles from you imedeately 
on our coming here we sent out two Scouts, both came in and 
did not discover any thing towards Evening I posted Century 
out one of w^ was shot and scalpd a liatched was left in his head, 
Shall be glad to receive your farther orders some of my men 
seem frightened and fear some will run off to night as they seem 
much frigliteued I am 
your most humble servant 


I shall stay in this Place till I receive your farther orders. 
I believe some fresh hands would be necessary. 
To General Johnson 

at Lake George 


Camp at Lake George 14 Oct^ 1755 
A Report of the Scout under my Command being in Number 
1 Sergint and 12 Men — Agreeable to orders Came op first with 
the party Commanded by Lut : Van Schaick who was on the 
return back to this Camp and asked the Reason why they re- 
turned so soon or why they had not proceded as an accident had 
happened to one of their men he sayd he was sick and unfit to 
proced on wliich I left him and Came up with the party Com- 
manded by Capt" Syms, who was waiting for orders on which I 
then gave him the orders I Received from gen'' Johnson Aid De 
Camp to March forward upon which all Excepting all to Refused 
to proced and tlien I asked my party to go and take their 
Blanketts and provisions which tliey Denied Except with their 
own Officers and I then Called and said all you that are Cowards 
Come and He take y names Down and they Come so thick that 
I Could see But 10 or 12 Left of the wliole party & they mostly 


Consisting of New Yorkers and tlieni asked the Commander what 
he woud do or whetlier he understood me that he was to go 
forword lie said he believed he would Come back and so we re- 
turned to this Camp 



Monday ye 13'^ Instant Set out from y* Camps about 2, o'the 
Clock in ye afternoon upon Com'^ with Fifty men under my 
Command Travild about three miles upon yo West of y« Lake 
and sent out 3 Scouts according to orders ; and Encamp^ 2 of 
which Performed their orders and return'd without any Disco- 
very, But tliro' mistake the of&cer that was ordered for to send 
yc North Scout, sett only a Centery, who was Placed near 45 
Rods from y^ Encamp* and about half an Hour after sunset lie 
was fired upon as near as We could Judge by a Scout from ye 
Enemy Consisting of four or five Indians, upon which I ordered 
all to arms and to pi'oceed witli all speed to ye Place where ye 
fire was and when I got there to my astonishm* I had but about 
1 5 men with me, I Looked Back and they Cried out for Gods 
sake call us all togeather or we shall be cut off, upon which I 
order'd them to spread and march in a half moon in order to 
Discover y® Ennemy or ye occation of y* Fire and without 
Further Discovery But ye Loss of all Except about six or seven 
Living men which was with me and my Lieuten* Then Returned 
and upon our Return found ye Centery kill'd & sculp'd Took 
him Down to y® Camp and there found y® Rest of my men In 
Great Distress Tying up their Packs ; upon which I Doubled ye 
Guards and ordered all to stand tlieir Ground upon their Perril 
where I with Difficulty kept them Till Furthr orders from your 
Hour upon ye Receipt of whicli I could Prevail upon but 13 
men to Proceed Further and therefore Judged Best and most 
advisable to returne and Report y^ Occation of my not Proceed- 
ing ye Scout out as I have Particularly Informed your Honr 
Worthy S' I now stand ready upon all orders to Pursue your 

SIR wM. Johnson's scouts. 269 

Comrads to a Tittle upon my Part, Provided I can have such 
materials as are fit for y^ Purpose, and When Ever I fail Lett 
me be stigmatized I Remain Your Hone's Most Dutiful and Ob* 
Humi'ie Serv* 

W« Symes. 
Camp at Lake George 

Octob'^ 22d 1755. 
To the Honnorble Willm Johnson Esq 

Lent' Gen'i of y« Army at Lake George 


On the fourteenth Day of October 1755 I Embarked in a 
Burch Canoe at the Camps on the South End of Lake George 
with Four Men beside my self & sailed twenty five miles & Land 
ed on the west side of the Lake then Traveled by Land and on 
the Eighteenth Day I arived on the Mountain on the West side 
of Crown point there I lay that Niglit and all the next Day and 
observed the Enemys motions there & about Crown point and 
observed Ambuseers Built upon the Mount about Thirty Rods 
To the Southwest of Crown point fort in the Evening went Down 
To the Houses that was built upon the lake to the South of 
Crown point & went Into a barn that was well fiUd with wheat 
& left three men & proceeded with one man To make further 
Discoverys at the fort and found a good place To ambush within 
Sixty Rods of the fort & Imediatly went back & took our part- 
ners & ambushd at the proper place we had found & there we 
lay Till about Ten of the Clock & observed several Canoes pass- 
ing up & Down the Lake & sundry men that went out To work 
about their Secular affairs & Judged the whole that was in the 
fort to be about five Hundred at length a french man Came out 
of the fort Towards us without his Gun & Came within fifteen 
Rods of where we lay then I with another man Run up to him 
In order to Captivate him — But he Refused To Take Quarter so 
we kill,d him and Took of his Scalp in plain sight of the fort 
then Run and in plain veiw about Twenty Rods & made our 


Escape the same Night we Came Right West of Tianarago about 
three Miles and upon a Mountain in phiin sight of their fort & 
see large Incampments Round it & heard a vast number of smal 
arms fired Judged there To be Two Thousand men at Tianarago 
& on the Twenty first Day Got To Our Canoes about Eight of 
the Clock in the Morning & found all safe & about Nine of the 
Clock in tlie Evening Arived all well at our Encampments 
where we set out. 

The above account is the Cheif Discovery tliat we made at 
Crown point & Tianaragoe. 

To tlie Honourable WiUiam John- ] j^^^^^^ Rodgers 
son Esq'' Commander in Cheif of I 

the Forces at Lake George tliis [ Jonathan Butterfield 
presented By Your Honours Most 
Humble Serv' 

(Endorsed) Capt Rodgers & C°s Acct of Scout 
to Crown Point 
rec'd 22 Octo' 1755 

Israel Putnam 


Octob"^ 24th 1755 after a tedias march over hills and holes we 
Indeavoured to Disscover ye french on this side of y^ Carrying 
Place but Could not hear any of y® Choping or Shooting or Drum- 
ing we went Down To ye Lake but Could not Disscover them 
Then we Proceeded farther To Tiondaroga where we had a fare 
View of ye french a little before son set They ware at work 
Clearing of Land and Choping of Timber they have Cleared a 
Pint of Land that Looks East a Cross the Water that Runs from 
Lake George and ye South Bay which is To appearance but littk 
more than Quarter of a Mile a Cross they have built no fort as I 
could Disscerne neither have they any Great Guns that I could 
see we Lay aU night within about a mile of them saw them Light 
up ye fires and Beat ye Drums there appears to be about 150 
Tents some small Boarded Housen there may [be] about 1 00 men as 
near as I Can Gess we Design^ to view y™ ye next morning but 

SIR AVM. Johnson's scouts. 271 

was Prevented by ye snow filling y^ are we then Proceeded Back 
on ye 25*^"' to Disscover y^ french on this side ye Carring Place 
if Possable we went to the Lake but not near y™ but Dissern y® 
Buildings but could not Disscover ye strength nor numbers but 
saw that it was on ye west side of ye Lake at a verey Narrow 
Place ye next morning we Determine to make farther Disscoverey 
but was Prevented by a thick fogg our Provision being spent 
Could tarrey no Longer God knows wlieather Ever we Get home 
if we Do I would Humbly Present these fow Lines to Geni Wm. 

Reed 28th Oct. 1755. 


26 ot October 1755 in obedience to my orders I n, arched with 
50 men 5 or 6 miles North Est from this Camp made no 
Discouery of Any Enemy and Set out Sentreys and in camped. 

27 Day Sent out a Scout of 4 men About Day Brake and 
Sundery more Scouts after them the furst Scout Did not Return 
whilst 2 of the clock in the afternoon and tliay said that thay 
Descoured A path whare tliay thought the Enemy had pest gon 
A Long towards wood Crick. 

28 Jest as the Day Brock I went out with 4 men and trauiled 
2 or 3 miles North Est and Came to a Camp which Looked varey 
New and Judged to be made by the Enemey and we went in and 
thare fier was not all out But we Judged that they had begon 2 
Guers or more and they trauiled Right North and maid A Larg 
Road then I Returned to our Camp and sent out a Scout of 10 
men wliich folowred that Road 3 miels and then thay Could Not 
folow No futher for the Enemey Scatrad so that thay could not 
tel which way they went and then thay Returned to the Camp 
our other Scouts mad no Descovery. 

29 Day Send out Sundery Scouts which mad No Discovery 
of Any Enemey and then we all marched for this Camp and on 
our Return made no Descovery of any Enemey Nor No New 
sins. James Reed Cap*. 




May it Please your Honour 

Pursuant to your Orders of y« 29th of October Last I set 
off with ye Party to me ordered and Went Down y^ Lake 
and ye .31 «* made a Discovy of a nomber of fires By night 
Scituated on a Point of Land on y^ West Side of ye Lake, 
upon Wliich we Landed and Secured our Battoes upon ye 
Same Side of ye Lake about a mile & half Distance from their 
Encampment, Next morning Sent out Spies for furtlier Discovery, 
in ye Evening Capt Fletcher one of ye Spies return'd Leaving 2 
of y^ Spies there, and made Report y* there was four Tents and 
Sundry Small fires on S^ Point, and upon y* after Consultation 
it was Concluded advisable to acquaint your Honour of our 
Discovery and Reinforce us if you thought advisable in order to 
Proceed further and Make a Push upon our Enemy, accordingly 
Cap* Fletcher was Dispatch^^ to you with Six men in ye Battoe 
and Six being return'd as Invaleeds Leving me with nineteen 
men only, but being un Easie with the Eeport, I took a Battoe 
with 5 men and went Dow^n within 25 Rods of their Fires 
Discovered a Small Fort with Several Small Log Camps within 
ye Fort wliich I Judged to Contain about ^ of an acre Said Fort 
being open towards ye Water The rest Picketted. Made no 
fiu-ther Discovery there and Returnd to My Party, fonnd all 
well except Cap* Putnam and ye Spie with him, who was not 
returned, The next Morning about 10 o the Clock Cap* Putnam 
return'd and ye Spie with him who Gave much the Same ace* as 
above Saving y* ye Enemies Centrys was sett 20 Rods from y"^ 
Fires and for a more Crittical exaiiaination of y^ Enemies 
Proceedings he went forward till he Came so nigh yt he was 
fired upon by one of ye Centeries within a Rod of him, But 
unfortunately upon Preparing to Fire upon him fell into a Clay 
Pit and wett his Gun made ye Best retreat he was able, hearing 
ye Enemy Close to their Heels, yy made a Tack & Luckely 
escape Safe to our Party, Soon after there was a Discovery made 
of two Frenchmen upon a Hill a Small Distance, who Called to 
us, said Hill overlooked our ambush, in a few minutes they 
retreated, and Two Canoes appeared and went by us & Lay in 

' «:' 

sm WILLIAM Johnson's scouts. 273 

ye middle of y^ Lake about 40 Rods Distance from Eacli other, 
Finding by y* Behaviour, there was a Party Coming by Land 
yt we must inevitably be between 2 Fires. 

Upon Wliich I ordered Two Battoes into y^ Water Leu* Giant 
with 6 men, and I went into y® other with 6 more & Put on 
Board Each a Wall peice and Went out towards y® Canoes, who 
seemed to Ly upon their Paddles as tho' they had a Design to 
Decoy us into some mischief by their Party y*^ was Designed to 
Surround our People on Shore, and then attack us by keeping 
us between y"^ an their Land party find? there Designe attack- 
ed them first put y™ to y*^ Rout and surprised so y* they made 
to ye shore Where Cap' Putnam with ye rest of our Party Lay, 
but unhappy to y^ he was Prepared for y" shot and kill'd y^ 
Cockson; and by our Wall Peices &c; kill'd Divers of y^ Butt 
upon his fireing upon y Canoe, Immeadiatly y^ Enemy Upon 
that was upon his Back fired upon and had but Just time to 
Shove his Battoe into y® Water, and Gett into Before y® Enemy 
appeared upon ye Waters Edge and Made a Brisk fire upon him 
Sliot Thro' his Blanket in Divers Places, and thro' ye Battoe 
and then made to our Battoes for refuge, upon his Escape we 
.ikirsued ye Cannoes with a constant fire upon them tiU we came 
within Eighty Rods of y^ fires. Discovered a nomber of men 
upon Each Side of ye shore within about 40 Rods of us Gave 
. ym Each a Broad side wdiich put y^ to ye Bush, and Gave us a 
Clear Passage Homewards and after we Got fairly into ye Lake Lay 
upon Our Oars and Inquired after the Circomstances of y® Party 
Found none killed, but one Wounded whicli Gave Joy to all of us 
after so Long an Engagement which I Judge was near 2 Hours &c: 

And Then we made ye Best of our Way to our Head quarters 
about half Way, We met With ye Reinforcem* — But upon Con- 
sultation, Thought Best to report What had happend Without 
further proceeding, and accordingly arrived here to ye En- 
campm*^ ye 3^ Instant — All which is Hum Submitted by your 
Dutyfull Serves. Robert Rodgers 

Camp at Lake George Nov 3*^ 1755. Israel Putnam 

(Endorsed) Report of Cap* Rodgers kC° Noah Grant. 
of their Skirmish with the 
Enemys advanced Guard 
reced 3 Nov'" 1755 

Vol. IV. 18 


• < 


Lake George Nov*" y® 2 1755 
I ye subscriber Beeing ordered With a number of men to Go 
Near y« Narrows to Join Cap' Rogers and his men but on my 
way their I met Cap* Rogers Returning home lie Beej'ing Dis- 
couer'd by a Party of the Enemy & attacked & thought Best to 
Return to ye Camp & I als0 Returned Back With him by liis 

Roger Billing Cap' 


Camp Lake George Novem^r 3 : 1755. 

Report of my Procedings on a Scout Towards Tenondorogo. 

So according to your Orders of tlie 31 of Ocf^ I^ast I put of 
from the Camp in the Evening of the same Day about four mil^ 
Down the Lake I saw a fier on the West Shoar and went Nigh 
to it being Informed by the people With me that Our Scouts 
Commonly made fiers Near that place I Proceeded about Seven 
Miles from hear I saw a fier on the East Side on a Neck of Low 
Land and passed it at sum Distance about fourteen Miles 
from hear I saw a fier on the West Shoar Which J passed at two 
or three miles Distance So Proceeded Down the Lake tel about 
four o'clock in the morning the Wind Blew fresh and Rained and 
was very Dark I being unserten how far Wee liad got Down the 
Lake put on Slioar liaird up the Canoe and staid til morning then 
found that we liad not got Within Seven or Eight Miles of the 
Narrows Concluded to travel that Day by Land accordingly at 
Eight o'clock I satt out Lent Waterbery and one man more and 
Left two men with the Canoe Wee Traveled til Past Noon along 
the sides of Mountains allmost Impasable and got on the top of 
a very high Mountain Where I had a fine Prospect of this Lake 
and of the Mountains on Champlainel judged Wee had got about 

SIR WM, Johnson's scouts. 275 

five miles by four hours hard traveling I allso thought I could 
see all from their by the Looks of the Land Within a Little Ways 
of the Narrows and Judged I Could see aney advantagous 
ground this side the Narrows Wliere the Enemy Would be likely 
to post their Guard I could see no Snioak only at a great Distance 
towards Champlain Which I Judged the Products of the Camp 
at Carelon finding tlie Mountains so Bad to pass Concluded to 
Return to the Canoe and go Down the Lake that Night about 
Eiglit miles if I Did not Discouer aney Enemy Soner acordingly 
I did and at Dark Lanched the Canoe and Proceded it Rained 
and Was very Dark so I could have seen aney Light a great Dis- 
tance wee padled Down the Lake about three hours got where 
the Lake was very Narrow Could Discouer no Light Judged 
I had got By where the party was posted acording to what 
Information I had had Looked at it not Safe to Land there that 
Night as it w^as so Near the Enemys Camp knowing Capt Rogers 
had been thar a Day or two before and that Likely he Might 
have alarmed them and that by that means they Might auoyd. 
keeping fires in Order to Lay in Wate for an opurtunity to Dis- 
couer our Spies I Judged that If I should be Discouered in the 
Day time that it was more than an Equil Chance to be taken So 
taking Every Circumstance into Consideration Looked at itBeter 
to Return unsuccessful! then to Run So Big Risk of being 
Discouered as I Looked at it I must Land there and stay 
a nother Day about ten Clock that Night Sett out for hoome 
where I arrived about 12 Clock the next Day aU Well 

Sam Angell. 
To Major Gener Johnson 

(Endorsed) Lake George Nov 3. 1755 
Cap* Angells Letter 




Parted from the Camp 5 Nov'" in tlie Evening & lay by near 
the mouth of the first narrow that night — Ali next day lay still, 
till Evening ab* 7 a Clock, then went on & abUO discovered one 
of the Enemys advanced Fires on the East shore, proceeded & 
came in between 2 of their Flank Fires, then went in upon their 
main Fire & discovered them releiving their Sentrys w^" were 5 
in number then returned about 4 miles in tlie middle of the Lake, 
put in on the East Shoar into a little Creek & lay there tliat night 

The 7 Inst in the Morning lie & two men went by Land & 
concealed themselves in some Spruce Shrubs where the Enemy 
had been felliijg some Timber ab^^ 5 Rod from the Lake side w*'^ 
is there about 300 yards wide, saw the Enemy come down to 
the West side of the Lake & carry away some Timber w^h lay 
there floating & carried it up to their Encamp* upon handspikes, 
heard Workmen Chopping &, hamering. Saw the Guards from 
the Two Advanced Fires upon the Lake side, come in, in Two 
Birch Canoes, each of w^ contained 12 or 13 men. Saw no 
Indians, discovered a Breast work round their Incampt with 
pickets put up like ours here, & several Log houses within it & 
suppose there may be between 150 or 160 men there, lay there 
til it began to rain hard k the Enemy left oflf w^orking w<=h judge 
was between 10 & 11 a Clock yesterday morning, then came 
away & joined the other men at the Battoe lays still till about 
12 a Clock at night, then set off for this Camp, about 3 tliis 
morning struck up a little fire upon a small Island ab* 20 miles 
from hence about half an hour afterwards heard a whooping of 
Indians on the East side of the Lake kept a strict watch till Day 
break when the whooping was repeated more stronly, then set 
off in the Battoe homewards & made no fui-ther Discoveries. 
Camp at Lake George 8 Nov^ Afternoon taken by me 

Peter Wraxall 
(Endorsed) The Report of James Connor 
relating to the Enemys 
Advanced Guard. 

SIR WM. Johnson's scouts. 377 


Camp at Lake George 8'^ Novi" 1755 
Having according to Orders Gone the Distance w^ we Reach'd: 
the 6'h sent out Two Scouts Imediatelj one for South Bay the 
other for wood Crick, the one that went to wood Crick returnd 
the same Evening and acquainted me they had Discoverd Newly 
beating Tracts to the s'^ W^ upon w'' on the 7'^ at day break 
sent four ye same way to reacli the falls of wood Creek But 
being a Rainy day & having no Compass within they went about 
S E as nigh as I can judge from their Information, and In the 
Close of the Evening Came up with a Tract Just Trod which 
they Immediately fbllow'd : & not Long before they discoverd 
the Rise of a smoke from a small hutt on the side of a hiU, they 
made a halt & Concluded to send one forwarded to make what 
discoverys he Cou'd (the other lay in ambush ab* 30 rod off) on 
his Coming near he Discovered Seven Nigh the fire Three 
french and four Indians. On w^ he returned to his party and 
Acquainted them of their Numbers, upon w^ they Concluded 
that as soon as it was Dark to go & attack 'em : in the mean 
Time the person that Had made the discovery went & Lay to 
watch 'em to see if they sett any Sentrys : he had not sett Long 
before it Grew Dark : and he Discoverd four of 'em Come'g 
within a Rod or Two of him, & having a Great Cold Could not 
refrain Coughing : w^ he did at the Time, with his hand to his 
mouth as the first of the four Came across him : upon w^ he 
thinking they had discoverd him. He fires on him & he Dropt & 
Scremd out Bitterly he Imediately made to the party & they 
went of from the place & return'd to me this morning at Ten 
o Clock J the Scout that went to South Bay having reached it, 
Stay'd some Time To make what Discovery they Coud. But 
returned not having Discoverd anything — Nothing more that's 
material has happen'd 

MicH^ Thodey. 




1755. Nov'' 2^'. Encamped upon a large IMountain near tlie Lake; 
•, 3''. Still keeping to tlie westward of Lake George along the 
mountains, and encamped upon a mountain calld Tekaghwean- 
garaneghton, heard firing in the Woods but could not come up 
with any Parties tho came upon several Tracks; imagining to be 
hunting Parties. 

4''. Discovered a French Guard of abt: 30 or 40 men who 
had two Hutts upon a Point of the Lake, they look'd for a place 
of Ambush and enc.amped so near the Guard that they heard 
them speak; 

5 •". Laid still trying to get a scalp 

6^^. Went to tiie Road which goes along the Water side 
towards Tiyondaioga in Order to get a scalp but no Body pass'd 
and they returned, and built up a small fire some Distance from 
tliat Guard, at night observd the fires of an Encampment so 
bright that it appeard to them like Day. 

7**. In the Morning resolvd to discover the Encampment 
nearer accordingly they went, and found it to their surpriz and 
amazement so large that they never seen the like and the 
Encamp' at this Lake was nothing in Comparison did not sfee 
any Indians in tlie Encampm' returned to the Place of Ambush. 

8'^. Laid there this Day for a scalp 

9. Provision growing short resolvd to return and report their 

10. Travelled back 

11. In the Evening arrived at the Camp. 


Lake George 13'^ Nov^ 1755. 
having marcht ab' Twenty five miles to the Eastw^ of this 
Camp being hinderd by the Rain from going farther, Sent Sever- 
all advanc'd Scoutts: But none of us Disco verd any thing 
Nothing more has happen'd. Peiter Becker 

. To Major Gen" Jolmson. 

SIR WM. Johnson's scouts. 279 


Serg* Thompson of the Rhode Island reg^ Went down the Lake 
yesterday with a Battoe & 4 Men between 6 & 7 a Clock in the 
Evening rowed ab* 4 hours came to a little Island ab* 8 miles off 
halted struck up a little Fire & eat some victuals when Connor 
in his Battoe joined them, then set off k stopped at a little Island 
ab* one Mile on this side tlie first Narrows, there went ashoar 
& reconnoitred it, thus went round it twice in a Battoe by wch 
time it was ab' Sunrise, thus supposed were discovered by the 
Enemy, for immediately a large white Flag was hoisted on a 
point of the Main Land on the East side of the Lake from hence 
not above a Mile from where we were & is one of the points of 
Land w^h makes the narrows w^h did not seem to me to be above 
40 yards wide, the Flag continued flying till we were out of 
siglit. Connor thinks the Flag w^as 7 or 8 Miles from the Island 
where they discovered it. 

They say that to tlie Northward of the s^ Wliite Flag, they 
discovered a large Smoak w<^'i appeared to be a Mile long. 


Lake george November y® ISt^ 1755 then set out a Scout with 
two of ye Mohawk officers and two of their Indians and three of 
my men went towards y^ Soutli Bay to See what Descovery we 
Could make of an army Comming against us and traveled about 
East South East til w^e came Avhere our advance guard goes and 
finding their Camps But no body there we Stil Stered about ye 
Same Course til night Came on & we Lookt out for a Conveniant . 
Place to Camp and there Campt ye Next morning we Sent out 
three Scouts & when they Returned one of them thought he saw 
a smoak & a nother heard a gun & then we set out toward where 
they thought they see the Smoak and heard ye gun and there 
we Stopt and Sent out Scouts to see wliat Descovery they Could 
make wlio Returned and made no Descovery and then we set 


out about ye same Course and traveled til Sun about one hour 
high aiid there we Left a party and went to ye South Bay to see 
■ wiiat Discovery we Could make and marclit about two miles 
Down ye Bay & made no Discovery of y" Enimy that was new. 
Bat Saw a Laige Body of Duclis and gees and then we Returned 
to ye party and Lookt out a Conveniant place to Camp and as 
S(jon as Day Light appeard we Set out to y® Bay again with a 
party to see what Descovery w^e Could make and marcht Down 
ye Bay about three miles and saw no Enimy but saw Large In- 
campments wliere they Lauded tlieir Battos and then we Returned 
to ye party and found all well 9,nd then we set out back again to 
ye Came house and marcht til about Sun about one hour 'high 
and then we Came upon another Large incampment that ye 
Enimy had maid and then we marcht about half a mile & Came 
upon ye tract of four Enimy which we supposed to be going to 
fourt Edw^ard and then we marcht homeward about three miles 
where we incampt that night next morning we Set out home to 
our Camp and found all well. 
V'> Israel Putnam Cap* 

Stephen Schuyler 
(Endorsed) Report of Cap* Putnam & Comp^ 
Scout to South Bay. 


November the 15 Day A D 1755 
Set out on a Cout In a Botto By his honers oi'dors Jeneral 
Jonson his honers borders Was for three Battos and twenty for 
Men Bot When Came to Be Redy to Go one third Declind to 
proseed and So I Set of With 2 Battos and 16 men a Bout seuen 
a Clock at Night and proseded til I came a Boue the first Naros 
and stoped on a Island for to Rest and Coming to Examin of the 
popel What prouison the had I found Scasity for one lialf for 
the tim I Desined to Be Gon so I thot proper to Send Back one 
Batto and lialf of tlie Men and take the otlier prouison and So 
prosed Not With Standing I. had Bot one third of the Strengh 

SIR WM. Johnson's sees. 


Instant I lay Stil til 
and Did prosed as far 
the Night Being uery 

perposed By his honer on the 16 Day < 
Sonset and then I Set out for a Dis Coue: 
as the Naros Wliarthe advansed party L 
Light I Sopos they Discouer us forst f We Was Betwen the 
Moon and they and I sopos a Bout threjuartor of a Mild Dis- 
tans When forst Discouered Bov us W(.ay a Spel to Consider 
Wliat was Best Bot they Son Let us N( they Was a Wake By 
fiering a Larem Gon and the other pa' anserd them and It 
Was the General note of the popel t Re torn By Being Dis 
Couered and for Want of provison forp'e had Not any at all 
So We Retorned Witli sped and Mad^o other Discouery of 
Enymy and We Got In on the 17 Day alout 12 a Clock To the 
onrabel Jenerael Jonson Esquire Comnnder and Chef of the 
army at Lake Gorg this Cout proseded 1 David Waterbery L* 
(Endorsed) Report of Lieut Waterbui 

of the Enemy at the Nrows. 17 Nov. 

strength of the Enemy 
irou find the Enemy a 

You are to proceed with the party iider your command to 
Tiondorogo in order view the posture I 
as distmctly as you possibly can. If 
considerable Body you are to dispatch 'jwo of your party hither 
with an acc^ & proceed with the rest tc Crown Point where you 
are to make all the discoveries you ca & if possible to take a 

Given under my had this 16 day of Nov^ 
at ye Camp at Lalje George 1755. 
(Endorsed) Orders to Lieu' Rodgers 
16 Nov^ 1755. 


3y Orders of the Honb'e Major General Johnson Lieut' Rod- 
gers & Claus made the following Discoveries at Diontarogo & 
Cyown Point 

1755 Novr 16th In the Evening sat off in a Battoe with 2 
Mohawk Ind^ and one of the Newhampshire Men, came that 



Night as far as tharge Bay of the Lake, att 12 or 14 miles 
from the Camp wht we Lay that Night. 
17th Travelled oriiscovered nothing. 
18'h Ditto, heard Canon fired ab* 2 or 3 o Clock afternoon. 
1 9th abt 4 in tlie ternoon came where the french advanced 
Guard keeps, Lieut^odgers & €laus with an Indian went on 
top of a mountain oosite the Diontorogo Camp, where they 
discovered at the foo)f it the french advance Guard, seen them 
walk upon the Beechidged their Number abt 40 or 50. 

Observed tlie Smoj of Diandorogo Camp to be at tlie same 
Place Capt liodgers d3overed it, but the Indn^ said it was then 
not to be compared tche smoke he seen when there a few Days 
before, heard frequenfiring of Guns & Drums beating staid till 
dark, & then went bac to our Company. 

20* Early in the mraing all of us went further down towards 
Diondarago ab^ 2 milefrom where w^e encampd and coming to a 
mountain opposite th(Camp w^ent up k laying there a little 
while heard a Gun nea us tried to come up to it but found it to 
be at the advance Guai. ^ 

Hendrick the Indian ;ith Lieu* Glaus went upon an Eminence 
of the Mountain to viw the french Camp, but the Ind" was 
surprised to find such an alteration for he said the smoke he 
seen wlieii there last 'as much larger and he could not but 
thinck the greatest partmarchd off for Want of Provisions, Abt 
noon sat off for Crown pint ; 

21t Abt 3 o Clock aternoon came within fair Prospect of 
Crown Point Fort and tie adjacent Plantations, but could make 
no remarkable Discovers as the Place seemed quite desolate to 
us we could observe m smoke in the Fort or neighbouring 
houses tho' we staid till dark, saw no Body stirring, no Craft 
upon tlie Lake, heard only 2 or 3 Guns fired in the Woods over 
the Lake, We thought to intercept a Prisoner there or burn 
tlieir Grain but seeing nb house inhabited, & no stack w^h Grain 
(wliich article Henry the Indian observed to be too precious to 
the frencli as to leave it upon stacks :) we returned at Dark a 
little ways & encamped. 

22d Weather & Scarcity of Provisions would not permit us to 
lay by any longer, wherefore took to our Retour, had an other 

SIR WM. Johnson's scouts. 283 

view upon an eminent Rock of a Mountain of Diondaroga, heard 
firing of Guns & Cutting of Wood, & seen some smokes on the 
other side of Lake Champlain, when tiie old Indian was convin- 
ced of the Enemy's marching backward as lie said the smoke of 
yc Camp was higher up the Lack when he saw it last, as also 
the firing & beating of Drums ; 

23, 24, 25th Travelled homewards under great deal of hard- 
ships suffered by y® severity of the Weather. 

Which is Report of your Honours 

Most Obedient humble Servants 
Richard Rodgers 
Dani- Claus. 
To The Honobie Major General Johnson 


Monday November y^ 17<h AD 1755 
I marched with a parte of men from these Camps and Went 
on y^ Wagon Rod about 3 miles and then tornd to y^ East and 
marched about . 7 . miles then touren to y^ Nortlierd of the 
Est and marched about . 20 . miles and thar in Campt and a 
Bout Day 11 tin I herd a Bout . 21 . grat gones fird a Bout North 
from us . in y® moring I marched to the North .4 or [ 5 miles 
and then torned and mad homard Rangen ye Woods But Dident 
Discouer an thing at al . 

Eliphalet Fales Capt. 


Fort Wm Henry 29> Jan'T 1756 

You are Hereby Ordered to March the Partay Under your 
Command ye nighest And Best war vou Can to Crown Point 


There Take a View of that Fortress & out works & make minnets 
of the Same if you meet Indieans or any Enemy in your way you 
are to take them Prisoners or Kill them or distress them any 
otlier ways or Means your Prudence shall direct you are to take 
Good Care of your men and not Expose them too much you are 
to use all Immaghiable Protection not to Loos a man if it should 
Snow you are to Return Imedintly to this Fort if you Discover 
any Large Body of the Enemy you are to send off of the most 
Active of your men with Intelligence to me as Soon as you Can 
Preforme this Scoute you are to Return to this Fort with y<mr 
Partey I heartily wish you success 

And am Sr your 
Humble Servant 

B Gleasier 
To Capt Robt Rotgers « 


Fort Wm Henry Jan^y ye 29ti^ 1755 
Set out with a Partey of fifty men with Orders to Look Into 
Crown Point & the Advance Battreys that is Built Round it 
the first Day we mar^J Down the Lake George aboute Eighten 
Miles & Camptl so we Proceed by the west'"*' of the Greate Moun- 
tains And Continud our March until the 2*1 of Feb^y than 
Clamb^d Up a greate Mounton to the west''^ of Crown Point 
about one Mile & Gave it the name of Ogdens Mount there we 
took a Particular View of the s^ Fort & the Ridouts that is Built 
Round it & a Plan of the Same we Laide there untell the Evening 
then went Down tlie Mounten marhti through a small Village 
Aboute half a mile from the Fort to the Suthor^ there we Laide 
in Ambush upon each side of the Roade that leads from the Fort 
through Sa^i Village there we Laide Untill about nine of the Clock 
in Mors and there Came Along one French man which we took 
Prisoner & 2 more were upon the Roade Accomming towards us 
but Discoverd our Ambush & made a Speedy Escape to the Fort 

SIR WM. Johnson's scouts. 285 

& some of my men pursued them within Gun. Shoot of the Fort 
but could not overtake them So we Eeing Discouerd thought it 
needles to waite any Longer for Prisoners but Imedently set fire 
to the Barns & Houses where was abundance of wheat & other 
Graiens & we Kill^ there Cattle, Horses and Hoogs in Number 
Aboute fifty Left none Living in s^* Village to our knowledg 
aboute 1 1 o'clock Ave march^ Home ward Leving the Village on 
fire the 5^^ Inst"' In the Morning one of our men was taken Sick 
so I stooped witli Seven men & sent the Rest Home witli Cap'" 
Cushinn & Liev^ Ogden they Arr'^ at our Fort Aboute 6 In the 
Evening & I got Home the next Day Aboute 4 o'clock In ye 
afternoon with the Remainder of my Parley A true Accoun; by 
your Humble Servant. 

Robert Rodgers 

Seth Gushing 


From Fort William Henry down into Lake Champlain pur- 
suant to an order from his Excellency Major General Shirley to 
Captin Robert Rogers — as followeth — viz^ 

June ye 20*^ 1756 Set out with a party of fifty men in five 
Whale Boats & Proceeded at ab* twenty miles to an Island in 
Lake George were we encamped y^ next day went five miles 
farther Down ye Lake and there landed, hailed out our Boats 
ashore and carried them over a Mountain about six miles to 
South Bay wl^are we arrived y^ 3 ^ July in the afternoon and ye 
Same evening went down ye Lake at about six miles Distance 
from ye Forts. 

July ye 4*^ towards morning we hailed up ye Boats on the East 
side of tlie Lake & Concealed them & lay by untill Evening, 
then set Out again & Passed by Tiantiroga & found we were not 
Discovered by being so near ye Enemy as to hear ye Senterys 
Watch word. We judged from the number of their fires they 
had a body of about two thousand men, & y* ye Lake in this 


Place to be abo'ut Seventy Rods — Continued on till Day light 
about five miles from ye Fort, then hailed up y^ Boats & Con- 
cealed all day on y^ Same Shore and discovered 

30 going loaded r^ , , i i i i i i • i 

from crown point to Suudry Bottoes, Loadcd and unloaded which ware 

Tioondorogo two -/ / 

bark canoes witii Comcing & goiug upou j^ lake — in ye Evening of 

froScondo"o"'o ^^ ^^^'^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ again & attempted to Pass by 
Crownpoint But thought it imprudent to Pursue 

this Intention by Reason of the Clearness & liglit of the Niglit, 
so lialled up ye Boats again & Lay Concealed all 

30 of themsaling ^ '' ° •' 

Boats empty and ])ay belnff of 6*^ Curraut. this Day near one liun- 

going Northward J t> ^ 

3 loaded going (jj-ed Boats Passed us Seaven of Which Came very 

to Ticondorogo 

(near] us and asked to land at the Point Where 
we lay but their officer went fartlier on & Landed about 25 Rods 
from us Where tliey Dined in our View But did not think it 
advisable to Attack them in the Situation we were in — About 9 
in ye Evening Set out again Passed ye fort at Crownpoint & 
went ten miles from it Down ye Lake & hailed up ye Boats about 
brake of Day. 

July 7tii about 10 in ye Morn. 30 Boats Passed towards 
, ^ Cauda also a Light Schooner of about 35 or 40 

Supose part of those *^ ' 

seen the day before. ^y^j-,g ggf; q^^^ again 111 J^ Eveuiug & WCUt 15 

miles farther Down and went ashore about 1 oClock a. m. upon 
a Point on ye East Side of & Immediately Sent a party farther 
Down the Lake for Discovery, who Saw a Schooner at Anchor 
Some Distance from ye Shore about a mile from us And upon 
this Intelligence lightned our Boats & prepared to Board tliem 
but were prevented about 3 of ye Clock by two Lighters Coming 
up the Lake wlio we found intended to Land in ye Place Where 
we Were which Vessels we fired npon immediately and after- 
wards hailled them & offered them Quarters if they would Come 
ashore which they said they would Comply with but Instead 
thereof put off in their Boats to ye opposit Shore but we followed 
them in our Boats & Intercepted them & after taking them found 
twelve men three of which were killed & two wounded one of 
the wounded Could not March therefore put an end to him to 
Prevent Discovery— as soon as ye prisners were Secure we em- 
ployed our. Selves in Destroying & Sinking Vesels and Cargoes— 
Which was Chiefly Wheat & flour Rice Wine & Brandy except- 

SIR vvM. Johnson's scouts. 287 

iag Some few Casks of Brandy & Wine which we hid in very 
secure Places with our Wliale boats at Some Distance on y^ 
opposite Shore the Prisners informed y* about five hundred men 
of wliicli tliey were foremost, were on their Passage at about two 
Legs Distance which occasioned us to set forward on our Return 
ye Morning of the 8"' Currant & persued our Marcli till ye 12tii 
Where we arrived on t'ne West Side of Lake George about 
twenty five miles from Fort Wil™ Henry & Sent Lieut Rogers 
to said fort for Battoes & Provisions to Carry us by water the 
14th in ye evening y^ Lieu^ Returned to us with thirty men and 
ten Battoes Sc y 15t*» at two of the Clock we arrived safe With 
all my Party & Prisners at Fort Wih" Henry. 

Robert Rogers 
To Sir Wilm Johnson 



From Albany to Still Water - - - - 22 mills 

from Still Water to Sariclitoge - - - 14 

from Sariclitoge to the Great Carrying Place - 14 

from the Carrying Place a Cross to Wood Creek 10 

from the Wood Creek Down to the forks - - 6 
from the forks to the Little falls Being tlie end of 

the Wood Creek ------ 24 

from the Little falls to the Narrows in the 

Drowned Lands, where 2 hills are opposite one 

another ------- 9 

from the Narrows to Tjondaroge where Lake S* 

Sacrama falls into tlie River - - - - 21 

from Tjondaroge to Crown point - - - 15 

• 135 








Vol. IV. 19 

1.4 /. 




Paul Ragueneau. Arrived in Canada 28 June 1636; Superior 
from 1650 to 1653; sent to Onondaga 26 July 1657; left 20 
March 1658; died at Paris 3 Sept. 1680. 

Isaac Jogues born in France, 1607; arrived in Canada 2^^ July 
1636; prisoner among the Mohawks from Aug. 1642 to Aug. 
1643; sent a missionary to the same tribe in 1646 and killed, 
(at Caughnawaga as is supposed), 18 Oct. of the same 

Frs. Jos: Lemercier. Arrived in Canada 20 July 1635; Superior 
from 1653 to 1656; sent to Onondaga May 17 of the latter 
year; remained there until 20 March 1658; died in the West 

Frs. Duperron. Arrived in Canada between 1636 and 1638; 
returned to France Aug. 23 1650; came out a second time, 
was missionary at Onondaga from 1657 to 1658, and again 
returned to France 6 Sept. 1658; arrived for the thii-d time 
in Canada June 30 1665, and died at Fort S* Louis, Chambly 
the 10 Nov. following, 

Simon le Moyne. Arrived in Canada about 1638, when he was 
sent to the Hiu-ons; sent to Onondaga 2 July 1654; arrived 
at the Mohawks 16 Sept 1655; remained there until 9 Nov. 
of same year; sent thither again in 1656; returned 5 Nov. 
same year; went to the Mohawks a third time 26 Aug. 1657, 
and returned to Quebec May 21 1658; sent to Onondaga 2 
July 1661, returned to Quebec Sept 15, 1662; sent on 30 
July 1663 to the Senecas, but remained at Montreal. Died 
at Cape de la Magdeleine in Canada 24 Nov. 1665. 


Francois Joseph Bressani. A native of Rome; arrived in Cana- 
da in 1G42 [1638?]; prisoner among the Moliawks from 
Ap'l 30, to 19 Aug. 1644; left for Europe Nov 2, 1650; died 
at Florence 9 Sept. 1672. 

Pierre Joseph Mary Chaumonot. Born near Chatillon sur Seine; 
entered at Rome in 1632; arrived in Canada 1 Aug 1639. 
Sent to Onondaga Sept 19, 1655, abandoned it March 20, 
1658. Founded Lorette, and died at Quebec 21 February 

Joseph Anthony Poncet, Arrived in Canada 1 Aug 1639; pri- 
soner among the Iroquois from Aug 20 to Oct 3, 1652; 

1. started for Onondaga 28 Aug 1657, but recalled at Montreal; 

♦^: left Canada 18^^ Sept 1657; died at Martinique 18 June 

Rene Menard. Arrived in Canada July 8, 1640; was a mission- 
• ary with Lemercier at Onondaga from 1656 to 1658, and 
afterwards among the Cayugas. Is said to have died in the 
woods njear Lake Superior in Aug. 1661. 

Julien Garnier. Was born in 1643; arrived in Canada 27 Oct 

-:• 1662; was ordained Ap'l 1666; sent to the Mohawks May 

•1, 17, 1668; passed to Onondaga, thence to Seneca; on the 

■it mission until 1683. He appears to have been one of the 
Missionaries sent to the Cantons in 1702. "In silvis apud 
Iroquois." Catal. 1703. 

Claude Dablon. Arrived in Canada 1655 when he proceeded 
to Onondaga, and continued there a few years. He labored 

fi.. afterwards among the tribes of the Upper lakes, and was 
Superior from 1670 to 1693. The date of liis decease is 
not known; he was still alive in 1694. 

Jacques Fremin. Was missionary at 'Onondaga from 1656 to 
1658; sent to the Mohawks in July, 1667; left there 10 
Oct., 1668 for Seneca, where he remained a few years. He 
died at Quebec 20 July, 1691. 

Pierre Rafeix. Arrived in Canada 22 Sept 1663; chaplain in 
in Courcelles' expedition in 1665; sent to Cayuga in 1671.; 

'■ thence, on Carheils' return, to Seneca where he was in 1679. 
. ! He was in Quebec in 1702-3 though in an infirm state of 


Jaques-Bruyas. Arrived Aug. 3, 1666. Sent to the Mohawks, 
July 1667, & to the Oneidas in Sept. where he spent 4 
years; thence he returned to the Molmwks in 1672, and 
was at Onondaga in 1679, in 1700 and 1701. He was still 
alive in 1703, at Fort St Louis. 

Etienne de Carheil. Arrived in Canada 6 Aug. 1666; sent to 
Cayuga 1668 — absent inl671, 2; returned and remained 
until 1684. Died at Quebec July 1726. He is said to have 
spoken the Iroquois better than Ms own language. 

Pierre Milet. Was sent with de Carheil to Cayuga; left 
in 1684; was at Niagara in 1688; taken prisoner at Catara- 
couy in 1689 and remained in captivity until October 1694. 
He was alive in 1701 and Charlevoix, who came in 1705, 
says that he lived several years with liim. 

Jean Pierron. Arrived in Canada 27 June 1667; sent to the 
Mohawks tlie following month; returned to Quebec and 
arrived again among the Mohawks 7 Oct. 1668; left in 
1670 and was sent to the Senecas after 1672,3 where he 
still was in 1679. 

Jean deLamberville. A.rrived probably in 1668. At Onondaga 
in 1671,2; left it and was sent to Niagara in 1687; at La- 
prairie in 1690 and in France in 1699. 

Francois Boniface. Sent to the Mohawks in 1668, 9; laboring 
there after 1673; died at Quebec 17 Dec. 1674. 

Frs. Vaillant de Gueslis; arrived prior to 1674. Succeeded 
Father Boniface among the Mohawks about 1674; accom- 
panied the expedition against the Senecas in 1687; on the 
31 Dec. of tliat year was sent to New York and to the 
Senecas in 1703, 4. 

Jacques de Lamberville. Among the Mohawks in 1675-8; 
subsequently at Onondaga whicli place he left in 1686. At 
Montreal in 1700, again among the Iroquois in 1703, and at 
Onondaga in Sept 1708. He was at Cayuga in 1709, whence 
he fled on the breaking out of the war. 

Pierre de Mareuil. At Onondaga in June 1709, when he sur- 
rendered himself to the Englisli in consequence of war 
breaking out between tlie latter and the French, and 


came to Albany where the government caused every 

attention to be paid to him, as appears by Journ. Ass.i., 255. 
Jacques D'Heu was a Missionary among the Onondagas in 1708; 

and in 1709 among the Senecas; is said to have been 

drowned in 1728. 
Anthony Gordon, founded St Regis in 1769, with a Colony from 

Sault St. Loui 

. » 


Francis Picquet. Came to America in 1733; founded Oswe 
gatchie in 1748; abandoned that place in 1760, and died in 
France 15 July 1781. 

Pierre Paul Frs. de la Garde. Succeeded Abbe Picquet at 
Oswegatcliie; died at Montreal April 4 1784. 

*,* We are Indebted to the politeness of Mr. John M. Shea S. J. for the 
preceding list. Ed. 


Honourable Sir, 

May it please Your. Honour. 

Here i make bold to communicate to Your Honour a 
Project for the better peopling governing and defending of the 
Limits of North America, wdch i leave to Your Hon^s Wisdom 
and Discretion, if you could aprove of it Sir, or devise any 
better, i conceive it would be more taken Notice of, if proposed 
to his Majesty, by Way of an Advice of the Indians. I have 
thought Sir, that it would be more for the good of the Planta 
tions in the present Circumstances, if the Cost, wich must be 
spent to tlie Carrying on of a War, were imployed for transport- 
ing settlers, and providing for them for one year at least, besides 
parchasing of Implements and Cattle and that a Circling Line 
might be improved and at convenient Places and Distances Forts 
and Towns erected and a Borroagh Grave or Guard a limit settled 
at Camp Johnson, at Oswego, at Lake Erie and at Ohio, wich 
Borroagh Graves should be immediates that is independents of 
the Respective Goverments but only depending on his Majesty's 
Orders, and only accountable to him. To whom a District suffi- 


cient for its own Defence should be granted and assigned, with 
Power suificient for the Defence thereof, wich at set Times 
should be subject to a Visitation of a Commission of his Majesty, 
whose Power must be more extensive in the Beginning in order 
to make Tryal and subject to Limitations from his Majesty as 
occasion should offer. This i conceive is the Method, by wich 
the German Emperors have preserved their Extensive Territo- 
ries against the Incursions of the Barbarians, in former Times 
You know Sir, it doth not signify, to claim and even conquer 
large Territories, if you can not keep them, and you cannot 
keep them except you can settle them, and that it will cost less 
to settle and improve them tlien in process of time it will cost 
the king and Country to erect Forts keep them in Repair and 
maintain Garrisons at so great a Distance from the Settlements 
It will indeed cost more in the Beginning and at once, but these 
Costs will lessen and determine and instead thereof the Income 
of the Country will increase and the Costs and Troubles of Ware 
will be spared. But then i would also advise That such Bor- 
rough Graves or Guard a limits must settle first in the Eixt 
Line one towards the other, and that in defensible Towns, so 
that the settling must begin at their respective Residences and 
so round about and extending first and principally as much as 
possible from the Residence of one Borrough Grave to the other 
and to secure tlie Communication of the Burggraves with one 
another Forts must be erected at convenient Places and proper 
Distances between them, and a Correspondence by Post and 
express kept. If the Crown would resolve upon this Method it 
would be adviseable to listen at present to the Proposals of the 
French Carl for an accommodation, on Condition that the Forts 
errected on the kings Territories be immediately demolished. 
And if then this Method was immediately put in Execution, we 
would gain upon Canada insensibly so that they would be 
obliged to be in fear of us in place that we must now be in fear 
of them . If Your Honour approves of my sclieme and promote th 
a Subscription of the Indians to the Inclosed Petition i shall, God 
willing undertake a Voyage to England and promote the scheme, 
with all my might. I wish that i miglit be so happy to speak 
with your Honour about it, or to obtain an Answer in Writins; 


But Circumstances bid me conclude Recommending Sir, Your 
Honourable Person, House, Office and circumstances to the 
Divine Favour and Protection, and my self to the Continuation 
of yours i remain with all possible Respect. 
Honourable Sir 
Your Honour 

most obedient Servant 

J. C. Hartwick. 
Staatsborough ye 18*^ Janu'y 1756. 

P. S. Since according to his Majestys Instructions a Fund for 
an Indefinite Salary for the Governor must be provided Quarit 
wether not this scheme might be improved so as to be some - 
thing subservient to it, in such Case it would be advizable that 
sue]] Burggraviates must be subject to the Governors and a 
Deputy Governor resident in the Chief Burgtown. And i have 
forgotten in the Letter to observe that the Inhabitants, who 
must be obligd, by Turns to guard the Forts and defend the 
Frontiers must be exempt from taxes and from bearing a share 
in the Expenses belonging to the Government of the Provinces 
to wich they are the Barrier. I hope Sir you will improve these 
Raw Hints, wich to Day expecting your arrival are come in my 
mind and that you will pardon my Freedom and immature 
Patriotism I wish you, Honourable Sir, an happy New Year and 
if possible Peace, if not, Victory and Success, 


. Beloved Brethren ! 

Grace be unto you, and Peace from God our Father 
and from the Lord Jesus Christ. 

For as much as i have been hindred for a considerable Time, 
both by Reason of Sickness and your absence to see your Face 
or to write to you, and as i apprehend, you might be concerned or 
troubled in your mind about it as i am : i could not forbear 
imbracing an opportunity of Speaking to you in Letters, wich i 


expected the Honourable General Johnson, would give me if i 
or a Letter could hit him at his Return from New York. Dear 
Brethren, i at the same Time will condole and congratulate you. 
that on the victory obtained by you ; this because of the spilling 
of so much noble and brave Blood, in particular that of our 
Brother Henry. But i forbear, saying more about it, least i 
should perhaps make the Wound, wich begiuns to heal soar and 
bleed again. Let it be to your Comfort : That he died in a 
good Cause as a faithfull alhe and a brave Captain, and sleepeth 
on the Bed of Honour, where his Name will be a good Savour, 
as long as a Free Englishman and faithful Mohawk remains over 
And as he hath been your Brother your Father and your Cap- 
tain, it is your Duty to be a Guard to the Bed whereon he 
sleepeth. That no perfidious Frenchmen may disturbe the Rest 
of his Bones, and ashes : And if the French and their Slaves 
will not rest satisfied with the litle Revenge you have taken from 
tliem, and desist from their Incroachments and cruel Ravages, 
and restore what they have unjustly taken : then stand up for 
your and your Bretherns Right and revenge the dear Blood so 
unjustly spilt ! I would also beseech you, Brethern that you 
would not sufier, that some, who are unworthy to be lookd upon 
by you as Brethren or even Men, because they are more cruel 
than Savage Beasts, might spoil the Good name and Fame you 
have of late purchased with your blood. That your Heart 
might not be as a stone but be moved with Compassion and on 
hearing of the more then barbarous Treatment your Brethren 
the English in Pensylvania & parts adjacent have met with. 

And as to the Cognawaghes who are of your Blood, let them 
know that it would have been 100 Times better for them, to 
have accepted your Generous offer of Peace and Friendship then 
to Reject it on so frivolous Excuses ; as -, their having been 
washd with the same Water as tlie French Since there is but one 
Baptism, and you are washd with the same Water as they. 
Since even the Papists do not even repaptize those of the pro- 
tistants that imbrace their superstitious Way of Worship. 

I let you know also beloved, that if you are good spiritual 
Warriors who manfully fight under tlie Banner of your Chief 
Captain Jesus, against your Spiritual Enemies, vidz> wicked 


Spirits & men as also your own bad Inclinations and Habits : 
That then the Great God, who is calld Imraanuel, that is to say : 
God with us will be with you & fight your Battles. 

Lastly my Brethren, Let my tears be wipd of, for the Death of 
my Brother Henry, by a letter to Great King George, wich i be- 
seech you to subscribe in my Behalf, lest i might loose the Fruit 
of so many years' toil, trouble and charges. And i assure you, 
as soon as the Lord shall enable me, you sliall not find me un- 
gratefuU. And as I have not been unmindfull hitherto, but 
remembered you at the Throne of Grace, so i shall in Times to 
come. . 

The Lord be with you and your Love with me, who am 
Beloved Brethren 

your Loving Brother 

Servant and Intercessor by God 
John Christopher Hartwick. 
ye Ib^^ of January 1756. 
(Addressed) To 

Abraham Petersen, Paulus Petersen, 
Niclas and the Rest of the Brethren of 
the Mohawks of the Castle at 



To the Great Sachem of the Brittish Nation George the Second 
of Great Brittain, France and Ireland King, Defender of 
the pure Christian Faith Nursing Father of the seven Indian 
Nations of America 

The humble Address of the Chiefs and others of the Mohawk 
Indians of Canad Schohary 

May it please Your Majesty ! 
Whereas We from a long Experience, are convinced, not only 

of Your Majestys Power and Inclination, to defend your subjects 


from the Insults and Attacks of their Ennemies, but also of your 
Majesty's Faithfullness in Performing your Covenants with your 
Majesty's alliance and Protection before that of the French King 
against all attemts of tlie latter to intice and move us to tlie 
Contrary and therefore both formerly and now in particular 
lately, being moved thereunto, by our Brother General Johnsen 
have renewed the Covenant Chain subsisting between Your 
Majesty and the Six Nations, and increased it, with lincking 
another Nation to it, by wich means Your Majestys Interest is 
become ours, wich now, after the famous and glorious Battel 
and Victory fought and obtained against and over the French 
Army at Lake George, under tlie Wise Conduct of our brave 
Brother General Johnsen, since it costs us a good proportion of 
our best and noblest Blood, our Captain Henry besides 
more being killd in it, to wich Victory on this occasion we take 
the opportunity humbly and heartily to congratulate Your 
Majesty, is become still more so. Hence, and from many consi- 
derations more it is morally impossible for us, That we should 
undertake, do or advize any thing, to the Hurt of Your Majesty's 
or our Brethren's Your Faithful Subjects Interest. 

And whereas We, who live between Your Majesty's and the 
French Kings Territories naturally must know better, what is 
conducive to the Defension of the Fronteer of Your Majestys 
Dominions in America, than those living remoter can know. 

Therefore do we hope, that Your Majesty will graciously in- 
dulge us humbly to advize something concerning the Savety of 
the extreme Parts of Your Majesty's Dominions. 

By long Experience we know, that the Guarding the Provinces 
of Your Majesty against the Incroachments and Insults of a 
foreign Enemy, by Means depending on an Assembly the Mem- 
bers whereof, for the greatest Part live remote from them, is a 
very precarious and ineffectual Method, and therefore humbly 
take upon us, to propose another, vizt. 

That Your Majesty might be pleased, to grant, to such Persons, 
as were Avilling and able to settle and cultivate and to whom we 
should be inclined to sell, Tracts of Land sufiicient to erect 
Towns and Forts thereon, under the Restrictions and Conditions, 
to settle thereon in Towns, and not in so scattered a Manner as 


is done in other Parts of the Country, to Fortify, Garrison nd 
defend such Towns, to settle and maintain Ministers of the Gos- 
pel and Schoolmasters, both for themselves and the Indians living 
about them : and to free such Towns and Precincts from all other 
public Taxes Expenses and troubles, wherein they should not 
particularly be concerned. 

And whereas we find John Christopher Hartwick minister of 
the Gospel inclined and conceive him able to promote both the 
kingdom of Christ and that of Your Majesty: tlierefore after he 
had obtained Your Majestys Lycence to purchase, we have sold 
to him in Your Majestys Name a Tract of Land the remotest, 
that hath been pui-chased yet. And whereas both by Reason of 
the great Distance from markett and because of the Nearness to 
the Enemies Country and the Adjoining Wilderness of the people 
that w^ould undertake to settle it must labour under great Hard- 
ships and Diificulties, arising from the above mentioned Circum- 
stances easily to be conceived and too tedious to mention to 
Your Majesty and whereas the far greater part of the Tract of 
Land aforesaid is not improvable, and what is so is much inter- 
rupted by Hills, so that the good cannot be seperated from the 
bad, without putting the undertaker to insupportable Cliarges, 
the Land must eitlier remain waste to the Detriment of Your 
Majesty's Interest because it cannot make good the charges and 
Fees of Surveying and Patenting, wdch are great, or bring up 
the Quitrent, wich is now^ higher than that wich is paid from 
good and conveniently and savely situated Land, or an Exemp- 
tion must be granted. 

For these Reasons and from sucli Considerations as these, as 
also from the Confidence we put in tlie Grace and Favour, wich 
Your Majesty hath allways been w^ont to bestow upon us We 
have taken upon us to intercede to Your Majesty in Behalf of 
the aforementioned John Cliristopher Hartwick humbly praying 
Your Majesty, to grant to the said John Cliristopher Hartwick 
the Tracts of Land sold to him by us 5 and more particularly 
described in the Deeds of Conveyance and Returns of the Sur- 
veyor, on sucli easy Terras as to Your Majesty in Your Grace 
and Wisdom sliall seem most fit and expedient for the Intents 
and Purposes aforementioned, wich we forbear mentioning at 


Large being confident Your Majestys Wisdom will from this 
Hint easily infer them. 

If Your Majesty shall be pleased to grant these our Prayers 
we shall thanckfully acknowledge it, as a Token of Your Majes- 
tys especial Grace and Favour towards us, and use our best 
Endeavours by a Faithfull Attachment to Your Majestys Crown 
to deserve it all ways praying to the Heavenly Father to support 
Your Majesty in Your oldage,with continual Supplies of Heavenly 
and Royal Gifts, Graces Power and Strength to the longest Period 
of Life, and to crown Your Endeavors for the Happiness of Your 
People and maintaining Peace among Christian Princes, with 
Success, and at last when Your Majesty shall be full of Days to 
leave Your Crown to a Prince of Your Royal Blood, who shall 
not be unworthy to be Son to such a Father and Successor to 
such a king, and to receive a Crown of Glory in the Heavenly 
kingdom that fadeth not. 

Finally, we pray, That Your Majesty would be pleased to 
continue that fatherly Care and Protection wich we have hitherto 
injoyed towards us and our Brethren the Six Nations and to 
receive into the same also the Nation of wich by the 

Care of our Brother Johnson hath been joined with us and linck 
to the Covenant Chain in particular we pray That Your Majesty 
would be pleased to provide for us, to the Glory of God and our 
Souls Wellfare a Churcli and a Minister residing among us; that 
we may more fully enjoy the Light of the Gospel, wich hath begun 
to dawn upon us; That we delivered from the Power of Dark- 
ness may walk in it — and Your Majestys Petitioners shall ever 
pray May it please Your Majesty 

Your Majesty's 
most humble and obedient Servants 


Albany May 14^^ 1756 
Dear Sir — I hope before this you have received the Lines I 
sent to the care of M"" Peterson of Schenectady I inclose a Letter 
I just now rec^ and was in Hopes to have sent you the public 



Papers but none come to Hand. This Morning arrived an Ex- 
press from Virginia, the contents have not yet transpired : I 
imagine the Indians and French have penetrated far into that 
Province by some hints I liave heard. 

I plainly foresee, unless we act with more Vigour & uanimity, 
we shall become a Byword among the Heathen, and the Enemy will 
Laugh us to scorn. I heard Gen' Shirley say that he would order 
Montrosure to plan a Defensible Fort which he intended to send 
to you, as a Model for the Forts among the Indians, and that he 
would order them immediately to be built as he looked upon it 
the only Measure left to secure the Alliance of the five Nations : 
For my part I thought M"" Shirley's Zeal for the public would 
not have left this Measure to be executed at this Time, especially 
as we were told in the public Papers, that the six Nations were 
effectually secured by liis Activity the last Summer : I am very 
apprehensive, from what I hear, that the Dela wares will obstruct 
our building a Fort at Onogquaga, and I fear you'll meet with 
Difficulty in procuring Workmen for that Service. I am quite 
of opinion, that those who undertake that affair should be weU 
guarded. Yesterday S^ I....St L[ege]r was in violent Wrath in con- 
sequence of a Letter from Broadstreet, what the Contents were 
I know not : I believe the Gen' is embarrassed between them 
both : One, I am convinced he must give up, ant I am inclined 
to think he'll in appearance drop Broadstreet, for Material 
Reasons. I am vastly diverted to see Alexander pursuing S^" 
John where ever he goes. I am Sensible their Accounts puzzled 
them confoundedly. I am this minute inform'd That the 
French & Indians had surrounded Winchester & that 
Washington was there only with fifty Men but that the Militia 
of Ten Counties were on their March for it's Relief. Major 
Sparkes sends his Compliments, M^'^ Ogilvie joins in our best 
Wishes Pray make my Compliments to Cap* Wraxal 
I am D"^ Sir yours affectionately 

John Ogilvie. 

P. S. This Minute all the Barracks at the Patrons Mils were 
consumed by Fire by which Means a great Quantity of Wheat 
is lost. 


l)ffilTB"dJAT?t(®™Ao]E'. ir'-. 

Of ji. ff pE.-iSS, /!£&orr 




Fort Johnson, 1st March 1761 

It is but a few days since I had y^ pleasure of receiving your 
most polite and friendly letter. I wish it had been in my power 
when in Canada, to have made you more sensible of my good 
inclination to serve you, or any gentleman in your then unhappy 
scituation, as nothing could ever afford me a more Sensible hap- 
piness than to be able to reward merit & relieve ye distressed. 
Your very Generous and gratefull Sentiments, expressed on ye 
occasion, far exceed anything I could have done for so worthy a 
Person wherefor all I can say in return is, that I shall ever be 
desirous of & wish for a favorable oportunity to convince you of 
my esteem. 

I have on my arrival last Autum acquainted the Loups of 
Orange also the Six JYations with w* passed between me & the 
Abanakis your Flock, concerning that unlucky affair, and desired 
they would all remain quiet until the Spring of the year, when, 
I assured them proper satisfaction would be made for what had 
been done by the Abanakis, they all acquiesced, and now expect 
the arrival of said Indians soon when that happens I shall take 
care to have the afiair properly made up, and a good understand- 
ing settled between both Parties, and in order to enable the 
Abanakis the better to come to Albany unmolested I have ordered 
Lient Glaus now at Montreal my Deputy Agent, to give them a 
Flag w'' they are to carry when coming this way, and at the same 
time, desired he would (on my ace*) advance you for your own 
use Ten pounds, which I hope you will please to accept as a 
small Token of my regard for you. The good disposition of ye 
Indians y way gives me great pleasure, and hope they will be 
sensible enough to continue it, as it will be for their own Interest. 
You may assure them Sir, from me, that as long as they behave 
well, they will have my good wishes, and interest with whatever 
generel may be here, and I flatter myself while they have you 


for their guide, they will not do any thing to forfeit it. I wish 
you all the success imaginable and am with perfect esteem 

Your Sincere friend 
' & very Humble Servant 


*,* Father Jean Basile Eoubault, to whom this letter is addressed, is repre- 
sented as having arrived in Canada in 1742 and remained there until 1764. Ed. 


I proposed being at Fort-Hunter on Simday Next but am 

unhappily disappointed by being so much out of Order that I 

am incapable of undertaking so long a Journey. Besides I have 

Duty to do at Albany to morrow, if I find myself capable. I hope 

you have not acquainted the Indians of my Design of coming, or 

if you have, shall esteem it as a Favour if you will let the Inter- 

pritor acquaint y™ of my Reason for Not coming. Major Rogers 

who favour's me with this, will acquaint you of all the News 

stiring, shall therefore to avoid giving you farther Trouble beg 

leave to subscribe myself 

Y' most obedient-^ 

Hum: Servant 
Albany Friday March 27th T: Brown. 

I received the enclos'd of M^ Corry, & was in hopes of deli- 
vering it into yr own Hands. 

%* Eev. Thos. Brown, of whom there are some few particulars in Doc. His. 
lii, § xxi, was Deputy Chaplain to H. M. 60th Reg't of Foot, or Royal Americans, 
according to his own petition, and not to the 27th regiment, as already erroneously 
Stated. He supplied the Rev. Mr. Ogilvie's place at Albany from 21 Dec. 1760 
to Nov. 1761, when he also was ordered on an expedition. At the desire of St. 
Peter's Congregation he was, on his return, appointed Mr. Ogilvie's successor, and 
continued to have charge of that church until 1767, when he was succeeded by 
Eev. Harry Munro. {Abstract Soc. Prop. Gosp.}, For his subsequent career, 
the reader is referred to the 3d vol. of this work. 



Reverand Sir, 

Yours of the 2^ Ins' I had a few days ago The pleasure of 
receiveing by y® hands of Kirtland,' I am pleased to find ye Lads 
I sent have meritted your good opinion of them. I expect they 
will return, and hope will make such progress in the English 
Language, & their Learning, as may prove to your Satisfaction, 
& the Beuifit of the Indians, who are realy much to be Pittied — 
my absence these four month, has prevented my design of en- 
courageing some more Lads going to you, and since my return 
(which is but Lately) I have not had an opportunity of seeing 
either Old or Young, bing all on their Hunt, when they come 
back, I shall talk with, & advise their Parents to Embrace this 
favourable opertunity of havin their Children instructed, and 
doubt not of their readiness to Lay hold of so kind & charitable 
an offer. 

Kirtlands intention of Learning ye Mohawk language I much 
approve of, as after acquireing it, he could (when qualified) be 
of vast service to them as a Clergy man which they much want, 
and are verry desireous of having. 

The present Laudable design of instructing A number of Indian 
Boys will I doubt not, when more known, lead Several Gentle- 
men to contribute towards it, & enable You thereby to increase 
the number of Scholars, w*"* whom I shall not be backward to 
contribute my mite. 

I have given in charge to Joseph ^ to speak in my name to any 

1 Rev. Samuel Kirtland, afterwards so celebrated as a missionary among the 
Oneidas. His life, by bis grandson, Rev. S. K. Lothrop, will be found in Spark's 
Amer. Biography, 2 ser. XV. 

2 This was the celebrated Joseph Brant, Thay-en-de-nea-ga, since so well 
known through Col. Stone's elaborate biography of him. We find the following 
account of his introduction to 'the Rev. Mr. Wheelock in the latter's Narrative of 
the Indian School at Lebanon, 1763. " The Honourable Scotch Commissioners 
in and near Boston, understanding and approving of the Design of sending for 
Indian Children of remote Tribes, to be educated here, were the first Body, or 
Society, who have led the Way in making an Attefhpt for that purpose. Which 
because of the Newness and remarkable Success of it, and because it may encour- 

VoL. IV. 20 


good Boys he may See, and incourage 'em to accept the Generous 
offer now made them, w^h j^e promised to do, & Return as Soon 
as possible & that without horses — in case tliere sliould not a 
Sufficient number go now, I will on return of y« J-nd^ from Hunt- 
age such a Design in time to come, I suppose it may not be disagreeable, if I am 
a little particular in my account of it: While I was in Boston they passed a Vote 
to this purpose, May 7, 1761, ' That the Rev. Mr. Wheclock of Lebanon be de- 
sired, to fit out David Foidcr, an Indian Youth, to accompany Mr. Sampson 
Occom, going on a Mission to the Oneidas, that said David be supported on said 
Mission for a Term not exceeding 4 Months ; and that he endeavour on his Return 
to bring with him a Number o^ Indian Boys, not exceeding three, to be put under 
Mr. Wheelock^s Care and Instruction, and that 201. be put into Mr. Wheelock's 
Hands to carry this Design into Execution j and that when said Sum shall be ex- 
pended, he advise the Treasurer of it, and send his Accounts for Allowance.' 

" Pursuant to this Vote I cloathed and furnished said David with Horse and 
Money, for his long Tour into the Wilderness, which he set out on June 10th, in 
Company with Mr. Occam, by the Way o{ New-York ; in which Journey he rode 
above a thousand Miles, and by the Advice, Direction and Assistance of Sir Wil- 
liam Johnson, obtained three Boys of the Mohawk Nation who were willing to 
leave their Friends and Country and come among Strangers of another Language, 
and quite another Manner of Living, and where, perhaps, no one of their Nation 
then living had ever been ; and among a People of whom their Nation have been 
of a long Time inclined to entertain Jealousies. Their Names were, Joseph, 
Negyes, and Center. They arrived here August 1st, 1761, but had so much 
Caution in the extraordinary Enterprize, that they brought each of them an Horse 
from their own Country. Two of them were but little better than naked, and 
could not speak a Word of English. The other being of a Family of Distinction 
among them, was considerably cloathed, /n(iia7i-fashion, and could speak a few 
words of English. They let me know^ as soon as I could understand them, that 
Sir Wm. Johnson had told them they should return and visit their Friends in the 
Fall of the Year. I took speedy Care to c/eanse and cloath them. 

« * « « * * * ■ 

" Center^s Countenance, as I thought when he came, discovered that he was 
not in Health. My Suspicions increased, and the Issue proved they were not 
groundless. He continued Avith me till the Fall, when the Physician I employed 
advised me, that his Disorders threatned his Life, and prevailed to such a Degree 
that he looked upon him to be incurable, and that he judged it best to send him 
back to his Friends, and that soon, or it would be too late to send him at all ; and 
according to this Advice I sent him away with Negyes, having furnished them 
with Money -for their Journey into the Mohawk Country, on the 23d Day of Octo- 
ber. Joseph tarried longer to accompany young Kirtland, who was learning the 
Mohawk Language of him, and whom I sent into that Country to obtain six Boys 
of those Nations, to partake of the Benefit of Sir Peter Warren's Legacy, ac- 
cording to the Instructions of the General Assembly of the Province of Massa- 
chusetts-Bay, before mention^. 

" Center reached home, but died soon after. Negyes, I hear, was captivated 


ing, advise them To Send as many as is required also endeavour 
to Send one To the Rev" M"^ Graves, ' wliose offer (if they have 
any common Sence) they will look upon in the friendly & Gene- 
rous light it Deserves. 

As I am very much hurried at present, must beg leave to 
refeu you to Kirtland for any perticulars you may choose to be 
informed of as I had a good deal of Conversation with him, 
regarding the Pre'sent State & Disposition of the Indians in seve- 

I wish you all Success in it undertaking 
And am w^^ truth & Sincerity 

Reverend Sir 
• Your most obedient 

Humble Servant, 
The Reverend Eleazer WHieelock. Wm. Johnson 


uijt mein hauss febr. de 8*® A° 1762. 
To the honorable 
Sir Wilham 

that ij reit these Letter en trouble You bij 
these ijbe forced for it : the Reason is because ij heard yesterdaij 
in the Castle that the Bostoniers were designed to erect schools 

by a young Female and married. Mr. Kirtland and Joseph set out for the Mohawk 
Country November 4th, and returned November 27th, and brought two Mohawk 
Lads with them, viz. Moses and Johannes, by whom Sir Wm. Johnson informed 
me that he expected to be able to send the Rest when they came in from hunting. 
I informed the Hon. Commissioners of the State of the Case, and by a Letter 
from the Reverend Dr. Chaunct, Chairman of their Committee, in the Name of 
the rest, was desired to let them have in their Pay and under their Direction these 
two who came last with Joseph, which I consented to, provided they would remit 
the necessary Charges which I had been at in procuring and cloathing them, and 
give me as I afterwards charged them for their Support and Tuition, upon which 
Conditions they took them. I immediately sent to Sir Wm. Johnson for other 
six to partake of Sir Peter Warren's Legacy. These three, viz. Joseph, Moses 
and Johannes, continued with me in the Pay of the Commissioners till May 27, 

1 Rev. Matthew Graves, Episcopal minister of Jfew London, Conn. 


m everij Castle by choosing uijt two jung boijs for to be send 
in nieu engelland to be instructed there and them should instruct 
the others in proper learning, now learning is good en is most 
necessarij amongs the haddens that cannot be contradicted but 
ij want to know to what design as it is to introduce their own 
Presbijteren Church than can it not be allowed, en as it prejudice 
our Church en Church ceremonies, en is not a greable en conform 
to them than it must not be allow^ed en as so is it is against them • 
but as het design is wdth that pourpose than ij have nothing to 
saij en be content en must be content with it. now Sir ij let it to 
your Sirs weisse consideratie en he shall to best know^ de what is 
in these matters, en let my be ignorant in that matter . but ij 
think it shall not be taken in a rang sense that ij reit these 
things to your Honour then ij noem freely mine beste friend 
that ij have here en can trust ij want your presence en to tak 
freely to you but yesterday en now is not occasie for it, for to 
hear your meaning in that matter as it is for the prejudice en 
rung the Church ij cannot Consent to it. en ij must mantaine en 
will mantain the Church of our Church, so lang ij can en wath 
is in mine little power ij shall doe, en will doe, allways ij remain 
in hast your 

friend en well wisher 
with all respect 
P. S. ij hope en think Sir Williams en en humble Servant 
Tour Honour shall be for our churches John Jacob Oel. 

Seithe adjeu 

as ij can have an Answer thro of 
by few lines ij shall take it 
for a great Honour. 
(Addressed) These Letter is directed 
to the honorable 
Sir Baronet William 
Johnson overseer 
over the Indien 
affairs en present 
now att 

Cunad Schoharrij 

•,* Mr. Oel was appointed assistant missionary to the Mohawk Indians in 
1750. He continued to act in that capacity down to the revolution. — Ed. 




New York 7 March 1762. 

Nothing can be more agreeable to me than to Grant any* 
Rehgious Community such priviledges as are in my power ; And, 
as the Forrage house near the Main Guard is not at present 
wanted, you will, agreable to the Request of the Presbyterian 
Congregation, Acquaint tliem, they have my Leave to make use 
of the said House for their place of worship. 
I am, Sir, 

your most Obedient Servant, 

Jeff : Amherst. 
Colonel Bradstreet, 

D. Q. M. G. Albany 


Fort Johnson, March IZ^ 1762. 

Your favor of the 12*^ ultimo. I have received, as I did 
sometime ago your answer concerning the land transmitted by 
the Lieut Governor, and cannot but consider your proposal as 
very reasonable. 

The experience whicli I have had of your good character 
would effectually discredit any aspertions which might be cast 
upon you. 

I shall at all times pay a due regard to merit, and your 
recommendation, and therefore cannot but approve of Mr. 
Bennet for his zeal to promote the interest of Religion, where 
it is so much wanted, but at the same time I must observe that 
it is not in my power to do more than countenance so pious an 


undertaking as there is no allowance for that service, except 
wlmt is made to Mr. Ogilvie who In my opinion should, and I 
make no doubt will be readily induced to consider the Gentle- 
man's services. I am, &c. 
The Rev«i. M^ Barclay. 


Philadelphia 5*^ april 1762. 
Mr, Peters 

I am to inform you that I was obhged to take an Indian 
Guide to shew me the way to Wyomink as the whole country 
was covered with snow and the weather the severest I ever 
knew I agreed to give him three Pounds for himself and his 
horse and to find provisions for him, w<=h with other Expences 
hath cost me five Pounds this Journey and I hope you wiU not 
think five pounds too much for my trouble considering how 
many days it hath taken up and what danger I have been in I am 
Your most humble servant 

David Zisberger 
Rece'd ten pounds for my Journey with S''. W"". Johnsons 
Letter to Teedyuscung at Wyomink & and bringing his answer to 

April b^^ 1762. David Zisberger. 

*^* See Loskiel's Hist, of the Moravian Missions, part ii. 197, for some parti- 
culars of this visit. A sketch of Zeisberger's life will be found in Allen's Biog. 
Diet.— Ed. 


Tuscarora Castle April ye 10*'' 1762 
Most Worth S^ 

Yours I received on the 12 of Ma?ch Date Jan^y 30*^ and 
Indeed S^ I thank you very kindly for the many^ favours your 
honour has Been pleased to besto\\' on me But In Deed S'" much 


more so for your last S^. It hapens so that I Cant at this time 
Couie my Self and thefore must rely on your own Goodness : 
but I have sent by as trusty a hand I thinck as any I Could Geet 
for indeed he seems to be the truest to me of any of them 
and he is a Christian if there is one any where amongst them : 
S'". I owe to the value of three pounds which I have taken up 
since I begun to teach these people : and I have had no 
opertunity of Earning any thing for myself for these people 
will give nothing. S^ I tell your honor of all that has hapened 
me. There is here two sorts people tlie one is for the religion 
and the other is not and that Party is allways striving to hurt 
me by words and some times allmost to the taking of my life but 
with the help of God I stand it though with Great Difficulty 
and Danger. S'"I have been at onidia and had there 18 Scholars 
and I have teached so long that the are Come to 4 Shurly s^. 
you know as well as I that at this Time of the year the are 
scattered Every where, but I believe when the minister Comes 
there will be a Great many more that will Learn our tongue, but 
S"" there has been here at onidia som o the other sort of people 
which told theoi that the English wanted these to take up with 
our religion and then the land will be all theirs But I have told to 
the Contrary and tell them that it [is] for the.Good of their Souls 
that the English wants to learn them and not for lands for they 
have land Enough I Beg S^ your honour will Give no heed to fals 
storeys for the bearer of this will [convince | you to your own 

Sr Pray pardon me for being to tedious if your honour Pleaseth 
to send : if you Pleas to send it by the bearer Isaac or his 
father and one line to let me know wliat and How much S"" 
Powder is very scears and Provision not very Pleanty if you 
Pleas to answer this S^ I rest Myself your humble Servant 

Edward Johnson 
S^ The Scholers are Gone to hunting and I am Gowing to 
Isaacs hous at Connosomothdian where I believe I shall stay till 
he Comes back a Gain. 



Tuscarora Castle April y« IQtii 1762. 
Worthy S"" 

this Day Isaac spoake to me to write To your honour Concern 
ing the Christian religion As he himself told you : and as you 
told him : when He was last at your house Brother : Sais lie : I 
am now in the very same mind that I was when you Saw me 
Last and I Do intend to keep this same rode as Long as God sliall 
Give me life and breath that is with his assistance : Brother Just 
before the Minister Came here the last Sumer I was moued off 
from this town Something more than half way to Connoquaga to 
a Place Called Connosomothdian Where I have remaind till now. 
and some few Days a Gow the Came to me from Each Castle and 
Desired me that I should Either Come back or Els Gow fororards 
to Either of these two Castles on the Count of Settleing of 
affars. but knowing the Disposion of both In short I Dont hke 
Either the told me by a belt of Wampom the town and people 
was mine To Do as I thought proper and I think It would be best 
for them both to Come to me as there is good land Every thing 
Pleanty there and nothing is Plenty where the now are but rum 
and the all know that I have Done with that with the help of 
God. Now Brother I want your advice in this and I shall here 
what you Say In this case, the say also it is very hard tliat I 
Dont mind them and their ways. S"" I think If I may Speak one 
word that as there is a Division amongst themselves it would be 
proper for them that follow the Christian religion to live by 

S"^ Concerning the Stories that your honour has hard of me if 
you pleas to ask tliis man and lie can tell you Whetre it be true 
or not this from your Loving Brother. 
and from your humble Servant 

Edward Johnson. 

Sarah the wife of Isaac Gives her kind love to your honour 
And Desires the favour of a little Chocolate if you please. 
And She remains your most Loving Sister till Death 

Sarah Isaac 




Lebanon 20^1' Aug* 1762. 
Hon*^ Sir. 

Yours by David, with three Boys, came Safe o-n Wednesday 
Evening after he left you. The two Smaller of the Ladds seem 
well contented, love their Book, and make good Proficiency ; the 
other seems not to have a Genius for Leirning, and is desirous to 
return. Joseph and the other two are also well, and behave 
very well 

David informs me that the Youth of whom I wrote you, and 
for whom I sent him, viz George Haxton was imployed at the 
Royal Block House at Onoyada Lake by one Reggens a 
Trader who lives at Fort Stanwick, and that M'" Occom informed 
him, that the youth was inclined to Come but his obligations to 
Reggens, and Reggens' violent opposition to it forbad him for the 
present. And that tlie Youth appears likely to answer our pur- 
pose, your Hon"" is most likely to know, and best abel of any 
man to Judge in the affair. Will you please, sir, to make the 
Enquiry, and if you think favourably of my beingattheExpence 
of fitting him for Interpreter or Missionary, be Instrumental to 
his coming hither for that Purpose. 

In a letter I wrote you last Fall I proposed that if way could 
be made for setting up of this School in some convenient Place, 
And the Settlement of tliree or four Towns round about it, I 
would remove witli it, and bring Several Ministers with me of 
the best Character and take Care to people the Place with In- 
habitants of known Honesty, Integrity, and such as Love Indians, 
& will seek their Interest, but whether the Letter reached you 
or not I never heard, or whether you thought it any more than a 
sudden indigested thought I cant-tell, however I should be very 
glad to hear if there be any Probability that such a Design may 
be Effected ; If your Honi' can find Leisure enough amidst your 
Aveighty affairs to gratify me in the things which I have assumed 
the Boldness to request of you, you will Greatly oblige me and 
I hope the Nature of the affair and the assurances your Hon^ has 


given me of your Friendship towards it will be esteemed a suffi 
cient excuse for me and that your Hon"" will believe that I am with 
the most sincere Respect 

your most Obed' and most Hum^'ie Serv* 

Eleazar Wheelqck. 
Sir William Johnson Earonet. 


Lebanon September 8^^ 1762. 

Your Honour has no doubt been informed of a Legacy 
of Sir Peter Warren of about Seven hundred and fifty Pounds 
Sterling left in the hands of the Province of the Massachusetts 
Bay, it being the Sum due to him from that Province, as his 
Commissions Ibr their pay from the Crown for taking Cape 
Breton some Years ago, and which he gave to be by them 
improved at Sixp"" Cent for the Education of the youth of the 
Six A^ations. It lias lain unimproved until last Fall, when I was 
in Boston, I was informed of it, and preferred a Memorial to 
the General Assembly there, and prayed for the use of it in this 
School, in answer to which they Voted as you have seen, that I 
should be allowed for the support of Six Youth of the Six Nations, 
Twelve pounds lawful money for each, for one year, and 
accordingly I have now obtained the Boys, and they are under 
tlie best advantages if they have but the Wisdom to improve 

But there is since in and about Boston a Society incorporated 
for Indian Affairs, which includes all the Scotish Commissioners, 
many more to tlie Number of Eighty, and they have lately 
found out, as I understand by Doc^' Chauncy, that the method 
I am taking is not tlie best way to promote Religion and Learning 
among the Six JYations, but a much likelier one is, by setting 
up English Scliools among them, the Children to live with their 
Parents, and attend upon the School, their Parents to Support 
them &c, and that they design to apply for the use of said 


Legacy for that purpose, and let these Boys go where they will, 
but considering tlie insuccessfuhiess of schools set up thus 
^ among the little Tribes in these parts through their want of 
a due esteem of, and desire for Learning, their savage roving 
disposition, their want of Government amongst themselves, their 
Poverty, their proneness to imbibe prejudices against English 
masters, especially on acco* of a good and necessary Govern- 
ment &c by wliich means they dont get so much Learning in seven 
years as they do in tliis School in One, and that notwithstanding 
their Parents keep mucli at home, not having dependance upon 
hunting for their support &c. Gentlemen here are generally, if not 
universally of Opinion that this method is by far preferable at 
least for the present till a Number of their own sons are fitted 
for School Masters, kc. 

Your Honour best of any man knows what methods have the 
greatest Probability of Success among the Six Nations, and if 
you think with me that it is best to continue these Boys as they 
are, and will please to write your Mind to Governf Bernard with 
the Reasons of it, I doubt not but as it is generally understood 
that your Uncle designed a Testimony of his Respect to you in 
that Donation, so that Assembly will likely lay great Weight 
upon what you shall write, and if your Honour wil] please to 
inclose it to me I can send it direct by the Post. 

And if it were not too great boldness I would ask the favour 
to know the substance of what you write, it may be of some 
advantage to me. 

I want also to know whether your Honour thinks it likely 
that this School may after a while be set up in some convenient 
place near you accommodated with three or four Towns of 
well chosen Inhabitants. I understand that some of our People 
are about to settle our new Purchase on Susquahannah River, 
if it does not disoblige and prejudice the Indians I shall be glad, 
and it may be if tliat settlement sliould go on a Door may open 
for my Design on that Purchase, but your Honour has full 
understanding of tlie affair, and' interested therein, and I can 
rely with greater Safety on your Judgment and Counsel than 
any other mans. 


Joseph and the rest of the Boys are well, studious and diligent. 
I hope you have received a Lme I sent you a few weeks ago, 
and that you will be able to send me the English Youth of 
whom I wrote if you esteem him likely and suitable for the 

I pray your Honour to excuse the Trouble I so often give 
you, and believe that I am 

With Sincere Respect 
P. S. Being yet weak after a Your Honours 
tit of sickness I am obhged Most obedient and most 

to write you by tlie hand humble servant 

of my Pupil. Eleazer Wheelock 

Sir William Johnson Baronet 


Hebron Septembr 8ti> 1762. 

The Fame of your Humanity, & Benevolence in general ; 
and especifilly, what, I have more, lately heard by Mr. Wheelock, 
of your forwardness to encourage the Indian School, under his 
care emboldens me to trouble your Hon^ with a Line, or two, in 
Favor of that truly . noble, & charitable Design — and as I am 
perswaded, you will rejoice at an opportunity to do good to your 
fellow-men, advance the Interest of Clirists Kingdom among the 
Heathen Nations, and more firmly attach them to the Crown of 
great Brittain; and as I am somewhat concerned, in the 
Important affair of s^ school, so I wo'd now earnestly bespeak 
your Patronage of it ; not Dou'ting but that you will be able, 
in various ways to subserve the truely generous Design. 

M"" Wheelock, having acted hitherto very much alone, in the 
Important Business, and his true character not very universally 
known ; It appears reasonable, those who encourage him in it, 
sho'd have some proper testimonials of his qualification for it, 
I therefore now take the freedom to transmit to you Inclosed in 
this; a Coppy of a Letter of Recommendation, sent to Mr. 


Debert, Merchant In London ; The perusal, whereof may possibly 

give you all the satisfaction, at present necessary, and excuse 

from troubling you any further, Him, who is, with the utmost 


Your Honour's most sincere, most obedient, and very Humie ser^t 

Benjamin Pomroy. 
To Sir William Johnson Earonet. 

*,* Rev. Dr. Pomroy, brother-in-law of the Rev.Eleazer Wheelock, graduated 
at Tale in 173.3, and was ordained in 1735. He served as a Chaplain intheFrench 
and Revolutionary wars, and died at Hebron, Dec., 1784, aged 80 years. He is 
represented as one of the best preachers of his day. — Allen. 

[Enclosure In Dr Pomroy's letter.] 

Cliilsea in Norwich July lO^h 1762 

We Ministers of the Gospel, and Pastors of Churches, hereafter 
mentioned with our Names, having for a number of years past 
heard of, or seen with pleasure the Zeal, Courage, and firm 
Eesolution of the Rev^ Eleazar Wheelock of Lebanon to prose- 
cute to Effect, a Design of spreading the Gospel among the 
Natives in the Wilds of our America, and especially his Perse- 
verance in it amidst the many peculiar Discouragements he had 
to encounter during the late years of the War here, and upon a 
Plan which appears to us to have the greatest probability of 
Success Viz, by the Mission of their own Sons ; and as we are 
verily persuaded that the smiles of divine Providence upon his 
School, and the Success of his endeavours hitherto, justly may 
and ought to encourage him, and all, to believe it to be of God, 
and that which he will own and succeed for the glory of his own 
great Name in the Enlargement of the Kingdom of our divine 
Redeemer, as well as for tlie great Benefit of the Crown of Great 
Britain, and especially of his Majestys Dominions in America, 
so we appreliend the present openings in Providence ought to 
invite Christians of every Denomination to Unite their Endeavours 
and lend a helping hand in carrying on the charitable design, and 
we are heartily sorry if Party Spirit and Party differences shall 
at all obstruct the Progress of it, or the old Leaven in this Land 
ferment upon this Occasion, and give a watchful adversary Oppor- 



tunity so to turn the course of Endeavours into another Channel 
as to defeat the design of spreading the Gospel among the 
Heathen, to prevent which, and encourage Unanimity, and Zeal 
in prosecuting the design, we look upon it our Duty as Christians, 
and especially as Ministers of the Gospel to give our Testimony, 
that as we verily believe, a disinterested Eegard to the Advance- 
ment of the Redeemer's Kingdom, and the Good of his Majesty's 
Dominions in America were the governing Motives w^hich at first 
induced the Rev^ M'' Wheelock to enter upon the great afikir, 
and to risk his own private Interest as he has done since in 
carrying it on, so we esteem his Plan to be good, his Measures 
prudently and well concerted, his Endowments peculiar, his Zeal 
fervent, his Endeavours indefatigable for the accomplishing this 
design, and we know no Man likeminded who will naturally 
care for the State. May God prolong his Life, and make him 
extensively useful in the Kingdom of Christ. We have also 
some of us at his desire examined his Accompts, and find that 
beside giving in all his own Labour and trouble in the Afiair, he 
has charged for the Support, Schooling &ca of the Youth at the 
lowest rate it could be done tor, as the price of things have 
been, and still is amongst us, and we apprehend the generous 
Donations already made, have been, and we are confident will be 
laid out in the most prudent manner, and with the best advice 
for the furthering of the important Design, and we pray God 
abundantly to reward the liberality of any upon tliis occasion, 
and we hope the Generosity, especially of Persons of distinction 
and Note will be a happy lead and inducement to still greater 
liberalities, and in Consequence thereof, the wide extended Wil- 
derness of America will blossom as the Rose, habitations of 
Cruelty become dwelling places of Righteousness, and the bless- 
ings of Thousands ready to perish come upon all those, whose 
Love to Christ and Charity to them has been shown upon this 
Occasion which is the hearty Prayer of 

Your most sincere Friends and 
humble Servants 
Ebenezer Rossiter, Pastor of the first Clih in Stonington 
Joseph Fish, Pastor of the Second Chh in Stonington 


Nathaniel Whitaker, Pastor of tlie Church at Chilsea in 
Benjamin Pomroy, Pastor of the first Church in Hebron 
Elijah Lathrop, Pastor of the Church at Gilead in Hebron 
Nathaniel Eells, Pastor of a Church in Stonington 
Mather Byles, Pastor of the first Chh in New London 
Jonathan Barber, Pastor of a Chh in Groton 
Matthew Graves, Missionary at New London 
Peter Powers, Pastor of tlie Church at Newent in Norwich 
Daniel Kirtland, former Pastor of the Cliji at Newent in 
Asher Rossiter, Pastor of the first Church in Presson 
Jabez Wiglit, Pastor of the fourth Chli in Norwich 
David Jewett, Pastor of the second Chh in New London 
Benjamin Throop, Pastor of a Church in Norwich 
Samuel Mosely, Pastor of a Church in Windham 
Stephen White, Pastor of a Cliurch in Windham • 
Richard Salter, Pastor of a Cliurch in Mansfield 
Timothy Allen, Pastor of the Church at Ashford 
Ephraim Little, Pastor of the first Chh in Colchester 
Hobart Eastabrook, Pastor of a Chh in East haddam 
'Joseph Fowler, Pastor of a Chh in East haddam 
Benjamin Boardman, Pastor of the 4*'' Chh of Christ in Mid- 
John Norton, Pastor of the 6th chh of Christ in Middletown 
Benjamin Dunning, Pastor of a Chh of Christ in Marl- 

The above and foregoing is a True Copy of the Original 
examined by us. 

Samuel Gray 
Samuel Kirtland 



Johnson Hall October 16th 1752 

The other day I was favoui'ed with yours of the 8^^ ujto toge- 
ther with a Letter of Recommendation sent to M"" Debert in 

I shall be always ready to do any thing in my power for the 
public good and the promoting knowledge and instruction amongst 
tlie Indians, and am very glad to find a Gentleman of your pious 
sentiments and abilities is in some measure concerned in the 
School with M'" Wheelock concerning whom I have always enter- 
tained the most favourable Sentiments, and therefore have not 
the least doubt of his Qualifications for the discharge of that 

The testimonials in his behalf which you transmitted, deserve 
all due regard, and shall be considered by me as proofs of the 
Esteem which is paid to his Character. 

I shall at all times be glad to promote so useful a design and 
heartily wish you success in your undertakings. 

I am Sir 
Your well wisher 
and Humble Servant 

The Rev<J M^" Pomroy. Wm. Johnson. 


Jolinson Hall Ocf 16th 1762 

I have been favoured with yours of the 8th ulto, and agree 
with you in opinion that the Indian Children will not improve in 
their Studys near so much from the method proposed of Erecting 
Schools in their Nations, as they would do according to your 
plan of Education, whereby they are kept out of the way of & 
uninfluenced by bad Example, but notwithstanding these my 
sentiments on that head I should not chuse to interfere therein 


as those Gentlemen cannot but observe on due consideration the 
advantages wliich the one plan hath in preference to tlie other 

Whilst the Indians remain in tlieir present Sentiments it will 
be highly improper to attempt any Settlement in their Country 
as they are greatly disgusted at the great Thirst which we all 
seem to shew for their Lands, and therefore I must give it as 
my opinion that any Settlement on the Susquehanna River may 
prove fatal to those who should attempt to Establish themselves 
thereon, as the Indians have all declared not only their great 
aversion thereto, but have also threatned to prevent any such 
Settlement, so that I hope the dangers to which they may be 
Exposed, together with your Governor's proclamation against 
the same, will induce those concerned to drop their undertaking. 

When I can find out the English youth you mention, I shall 
endeavour to comply with your request if I find he will answer 
your purpose. I am glad to hear that the Boys prosecute their 
studies with dihgence and hope you haveperfectly recovered of 
your late indisposition, as I am 
Your well wisher and very humble 

The Revd M^ Wheelock Wm. Johnson. 



Johnson Hall Oct^ 16th 1762 
Dear Sir 

When I was last at New York I acquainted you %ith my design 
of having a new Edition of the Indian Prayer Book printed of 
which you were pleased to undertake the inspection. 

I now therefore herewith transmit you the old Edition, which 
as it wanted the Singing Psalms, I therefore send you such of 
them in Manuscript as I have been able to procure, together with 
the Communion Service, & Public Baptism of Infants &c. which 
they would be desirous to have inserted, as also some Prayers of 

Vol. IV. 21 


the propriety of which you are the most proper Judge, you will 
therefore please to do therein as you sliall Judge best 

You will please to direct that tl:iere be printed 400 Setts on a 
better type, and paper than that of tlie Former and as the Square 
Figure of that Edition rendered it somewhat inconvenient the 
present may make a handsome small Octavo. 

In order to bestow on principal People, I would chuse to have 
2) Setts out of the beforementioned 400 printed on a fine Paper 
& type and neatly bound, Lettered on the back and gilt, of two 
Setts of which I must beg your acceptance, & that you will make 
any alterations or additions which you may think necessary 
thro'out the work ordering the same to be bound in such manner 
as you shall judge most fitting. 

I am convinced you will have particular pleasure in taking 
under your inspection a performance calculated for the instruc- 
tion of the ignorant, & the promoting of Christianity which with 
my experience of your abilities are the principal inducem*^ to 
offer you this trouble by recommending the whole to your care, 

The Rev«i D"" Barclay with Sincerity, Dear Sir, &c. 


Lebanon 20th janry A D 1763. 

The inclosed from M' Charles Jeffery Smith > is not the Fruit 
of an Enthusiastic turn of Mind or any Freak of a lieated Imagi- 

1 Rev. C. J. Smith was a descendant of Col. William Smith of St. George's 
Manor, L. I. It is surmised that his father was Henry S., who died in 1747. 
He was ordained at Lebanon in June, 1763, and was ordered to proceed to Ono- 
hoghquage as a missionary, but he had not time to effect much good in that 
quarter, as his labors were interrupted by the Pontiac war. He returned in 
consequence, and went to Brookhaven where he resided in 1766. He afterwards 
itinerated in the south and was very successful as a preacher among the colored 
population of Virginia. He devoted much of his means to charitable purposes. 


nation, but the Result of much Deliberation & good Advice ; 
and your Honr may depend upon it as such. 

He is a young Gentleman of about 22 years of age. He 
received the Honours of our College five years ago ; and has 
obtained a good and unblemished Character. He had the offer 
of the Place and Office of a Tutor in oui- College last Fall but 
refused it for the sake of teaching this Indian School gratis. He 
is the only son of his Father, who lived at Brook Haven on 
Long Island, and there died about 15 years ago. And the estate 
left to this young Gentleman, he supposes to be sufficient to 
support himself and an Interpreter in the Business of a Mission- 
ary among the Indians, to which Purpose he seems inclined to 
devote it. I esteem him remarkably turn'd for that Business. 
And make no doubt your Hon^' will have much satisfaction in 
him when you shall have opportunity to know his worth by 
personal acquaintance with him ; for I think you will find the 
amiable Characters of a Gentleman, a Scholar, and a Christian 
very agreably meeting in him. • 

And the poor Heathen will not have occasion to object against 
him as they have done against some " that he loves himself and 
his money more than the Indians" 

Joseph and the rest of the Boys from your Quarter are all 
well and make good Progress in Learning. I was much discour- 
aged with the bigest Abraham for some Time, but he does very 
weU of late. 

Joseph is indeed an excellent youth, he has much indeared 
himself to me, as well as to his Master, and every body else, by 
his good Behaviour. When M^" Smith first proposed to me his 
taking him for his Interpreter, I opposed it, fearing it would 
obstruct his Studies, and expose him to get into a roving unset- 
tled State ; but upon further Consideration I am of Opinion it 
will be best, as M"" Smith is apt and able to teach, and proposes 
to bed and board with him. If it should prove otherwise and 
be a mean to prevent his pursuing his Studies afterwards I shall 
be very sorry 

I very Thankfully acknowledge the Receipt of yours by M' 
Kingsley, but your Letter to Joseph which you mention in that 
to me, never arrived, nor can I guess what was the Fate of it. 


My School now consists of 25, who depend wholly upon the 
Charities of Gods people for tlieir support, and if tlie Hearts of 
Gentlemen shall continue open to contribute supplies for it, we 
must in a little Time determine where to fix it in order to build 
conveniently for it. 

Governour Wentworth has olfered a Tract of Land in the 
western part of the Province of New Hampshire wliich he is 
now settling, for the use of it if we will fix it there. And there 
has been some Talk of fixing it in one of the New Townships 
in the Province of the Massachusetts which lie upon New 
York Line near Albany. But whether either of those Places, 
or here where it now is will be best for the Furtherance of the 
general Design, is not yet determined. I much want to consult 
your Honour in the Affair, but must wait upon providence. 
and remain with sincere esteem and respect. 
Your Honours 

Most obedient, and 

Most Humble Servant 

Eleazar Wheelock 
Sir William Johnson Baronet 

April. 10. 1763 

This Letter has lain by waiting for an opportunity till now, 
and what the fate of it will be I cant tell. Your Two to Joseph 
came as he informs you. had the former came seasonably he 
should likely have gone with Kirtland to N. Jersey College, but 
I apprehend it is, all things considered, better as it is, I purpose to 
take him with me to Portsmouth about 160 miles this Spring 
and would not have you expect him till June when M"^. Smith 
Designs to take the journey with him. 

I am Yours ut ante 

E. Wheelock. ^ 




Lebanon January IS*'' A. D. 1763. 

• Though I have not the Honor of personal Acquaintance 
with you, yet the important and repeated services you have 
done Your Country, have long made me acquainted with Your 
Charecter, which sliines with such distinguished Lustre in the 
Annals of Fame. 

Yet I should not presume to give you this Trouble, was I not 
moved and emboldened hereto, by an Affair of some Importance, 
the Execution of which depends much on Your Honours 

This Necessity I hope your Candour will admit as a sufficient 
Excuse, for the Liberty a Stranger takes in writeing to you : and 
therefore without further Apology I beg Leave to lay the Ajffair 
before you. 

I propose next Summer to take an excursion into the Mohawk 
Country as a Missionary; and being a stranger to the Indian Dialect, 
I must of Consequence improve an Interpreter, having spent 
some Time here as a schoolmaster, (with that worthy Gentleman 
and eminent Friend of Indians The Rev^ M^ Wheelock) I 
have contracted an intimate Acquaintance with Joseph who 
I understand is high in your affection and esteem, and has the 
Wisdom and Prudence to resign himself to your Direction and 
Conduct— as He is a promising Youth, of a sprightly Genius, 
singular Modesty, and a Serious Turn, I know' of none so w^ell 
calculated to answer my End as He is — in which Design He 
woud very Willingly and cheerfully engage shoud Your Honour 
consent to and approve of it. 

He has so much endeared Himself to me by his Amiable 
Deportment ; his Laudable Thirst after and Progress in Learning: 
that did I not apprehend this woud bo as beneficial to Him, as 
advantageous to me, I shoud neither desire his Assistance nor 
solicit Your Approbation. 

but I apprehend I can much sooner perfect Him in the English 
Language, and better- instruct Him in whatever He shall have 


occasion to learn, when he is constantly with me, and I can 
devote myself so much more to his Service, than when in the 
School where a large Number are to be taken care of in conjunc- 
tion with Him — and perhaps this woud be a Spur to Him, as 
well as an additional Motive with Me, to take particular Pains 
in accomplishing Him for such a Service, and so the general 
Design of His Education be rather forwarded than retarded. 

Shoud Your Honour acquiesce in, and approve of the Propo- 
sal, I shoud immediately take upon me the whole Expence of 
his Education ; and so long as he serves in the Character of an 
Interpreter, would allow him a genteel Reward. 

The present Excursion is designed only for a few months, 
after which He can return again to this School, so that I imagine 
if its of no Advantage, it can be but of little disadvantage to Him. 
but if there shoud be farther occasion for Him and it shoud 
be agreable to You to have Him continued in such a Service, 
T trust that I shall do Honourably by Him. 

If Your Honour woud be pleased to acquaint me with Your 
Sentiments relative hereto, it woud be received as a Favour, And 
acknowledged with Gratitude by Him, who, relying on Your 
Candour to excuse the Prolixity, and pardon the Inaccuracies 
of this Letter, begs Leave in the most Respectful Manner to 
Subscribe Himself 

Your Honours most Obedient 
Humble Servant 

Charles Jeffry Smith 
Sir William Johnson 


concerning the INDIAN PRAYER BOOK. 

Revd Sir 

I crave your Pardon for not answering you sooner relating 
to the Prayer Book: — The Government Work laid heavy on my 
Hands at the Time you sent it; but having now dispatch'd it, 


can begin upon the Book as soon as Sir William thinks proper 
to engage at the Prices and form mentioned. 
I am, Sir, 

Your obliged, 

Humble Servant, 
N. York, April 2^ 1763. Wm. Weyman. ' 

To Dr Barclay. 

1 "William "Weyman was son of the rector of the Episcopal church at Oxford, 
Philadelphia Co,, Pa. He served his time to "Wm. Bradford in Philadelphia, and 
in Jan. 1753 became a partner of John Parker of New York. "Weyman managed 
the concerns of this firm which published a newspaper called the N. Y. Gazette 
or Weekly Post Boy, and several books. A piece entitled " Observations on the 
Circumstances and Conduct of the people in the counties of Ulster and Orange in 
the Prov'ce of New York," from the pen of the Rev. Hezekiah Watkins of New- 
burgh, having appeared in the paper of the 15th March, 1765, the Assembly on 
whose conduct it reflected, took umbrage and summoned the printers to their 
bar. ■\Yeyman alone appeared at first, but Parker came into town immediately 
and surrendered himself to the Sergeant at Arms, but on petition they were 
shortly afterwards discharged. "Watkins was Missionary of the Society for Pro- 
pagating the Gospel ; on being arrested by order of the House in the course of 
the following year, he acknowledged himself the author of the piece, was repri- 
manded and discharged. In Jan. 1759, "U^eyman's partnership with Parker was 
dissolved, and on 16th Feb. he commenced the publication of the N. Y. Gazette, 
which was printed on a crown sheet every Monday. In Nov. 1760, ho became 
public printer, and was appointed to print Smith & Livingston's edition of the 
Laws. In Nov. 1766 he printed in his paper the address of the Assembly to Gov. 
Moore, in which the House said, among other things, "Your Excellency has 
done us no more than justice in supposing that we will cheerfully co-operate with 
you." "Weyman by some blunder omitted the little word " no," and for this was 
arraigned again before the representatives of the people. He threw the blame on 
one of his journeymen, but was unable to prove the allegation. He was dismissed 
on asking pardon, and promising to be more careful for the future.* Parker, his 
late partner, having been appointed post-mas*er at New York, is accused by 
"Weyman of suppressing the copies of the Gazette placed in the P. 0. for distri- 
bution. "Whether this was true or not, the circulation of his paper fell off to such 
an extent that it ceased to be published Dec. 28, 1767. Its proprietor did not long 
survive it. On the 15th January following he resigned his office as public printer 
and after a lingering illness, which had for some time rendered him incapable of- 
business, he died in New York on the 18th July 1768. It appears by one of the 
letters in this series, that he died bankrupt. Ed. 

* The Journal of the Assembly of the Prov. of New York for the Session of 1766, being 
unfortunately omitted in the printed edition, we have no means of comparing the above 
statement (made in Thomas's Hist, of Printing) with the Votes of the House. 



Lebanon, Connecticut, April 2, 1763. 
May it please your Excellency, 

The narrative herewith inclosed, gives your Excellency some 
short account of tlie success of my feeble endeavours, through 
the blessing of God upon them, in the affair there related. 

Your Excellency will easily see, that if the number of youth 
in this school continues to increase, as it has done, and as our 
prospects are that it will do, we shall soon be obliged to build to 
accommodate them, and accordingly to determine upon the place 
where to fix it. And I would humbly submit to your Excellen- 
cy's consideration the following proposal, viz. 

That a tract of land, about fifteen or twenty miles square, or 
so much as shall be suflicient for four townsjiips, on tlie west side 
of Susquehanna River, or in some other place more convenient, 
in the heart of the Indian country, be granted, in favor of this 
School. The said townships be peopled with a chosen number 
of inhabitants of known honesty, integrity, and sucli as love and 
will be kind to, and honest in their dealings with Indians. 

That a thousand acres of, and within said grant, be given to 
this school. And that the School be an Academy for all parts 
of useful learning ; part of it to be a College for the education of 
missionaries, interpreters, school masters, &c.; and part of it 
a school to teach reading, writing, &c. And that there be 
manufactures for the instruction both of males and females, in 
whatever shall be useful and necessary in life, and proper tutors, 
masters, and mistresses be provided for the same. That those 
towns be furnished with ministers of the best characters, and 
such as are of ability, when incorporated with a number of the 
most understanding of the inhabitants, to conduct the affairs of 
the school, and of such missions as they shall have occasion and 
ability for, from time to time. That there be a sufficient number 
of laborers upon the lands belonging to the school ; and that the 
students be obhged to labor with them, and under their direction 
and conduct, so much as shall be necessary for their health, and 
to give them ..n understanding of husbandry. And those who 


are designed for farmers, after they have got a sufficient degree 
of school learning, to labor constantly, and the school to have 
all the benefit of tlieir labor, and they the benefit of being 
instructed therein, tiU they are of an age and understanding 
sufficient to set up for themselves, and introduce husbandry 
among their respective tribes. And that there be a moderate 
tax upon all the granted lands, after the first ten or fifteen years, 
and also some duty upon mills, &c. which sliall not be burdensome 
to the inhabitants, for the support of the school, or missionaries 
among the Indians, &c. 

By this mean much expence, and many inconveniences 
occasioned by our great distance from them, would be prevented, 
our missionaries be much better supported and provided for' 
especially in case of sickness, &c. Parents and children be more 
contented, being nearer to one another, and hkely many persua- 
ded to send tlieir cliildren for an education who are now dissuaded 
from it, only on account of the great distance of the school from 

The bearer, Mr. Charles Jeffrey Smith, is able if your Excel- 
lency desires it, to give you a more full and particular account 
of tlie present state of this School, having been for some time 
the master and instructor of it, and is now designed with the 
leave of Providence, the ensuing summer, to make an excursion, 
as a missionary among the Indians, with an interpreter from this 
school. And by him your Excellency may favour me with your 
thoughts on what I have proposed. 

I am with sincerest duty and esteem 
/ May it please your Excellency 

your Excellency's most obedient 
and most humble servant, 
Eleazar Wheelock. 




Johnson Hall Apri 29th 1763 

I have been favored with yours of the 12th jnst. whicli needed 
no Apology as I never in the least doubted your assiduity and 
inclination to forward a Work which I flatter myself will under 
your inspection prove of great utihty to the propagation of 
Christian knowledge. 

I herewith Enclose you the plan which I most approve of for 
the Size & Quantity of the Book, the same being much more 
portable than the other, and must therefore request you will 
give directions accordingly, and that you will likewise be so good 
as to give such Necessary Assistances therein as you shall Judge 
Expedient, for whicli purpose Capt Claus has sent you the Old 
Printed Book, as also that any other OflEices &c which you can 
afford may be inserted for rendering the present Edition more 
Compleat than the former. 

I am glad you approve of my Sentiments concerning the Mis- 
sionaries which are not only very Requisite amongst the Indians, 
but will tend to advance the Established Church which is in great 
want of a proper support in these parts. 

Df Barclay I am &c. 


Hartford May 16th 1763 


May it please your Honour, 

I received last Evening a Paper with your Seal inclosing a 
Letter to Joseph from his Sister ; ' wrote, I suppose in the Mohawk 
Language ; and by which he informs me, he is ordered to come 
directly home ; that the Indians are displeased with his being 
bere at School, that they don't like the People &c, which has 

1 Molly Brant, Sir "VV. Johnson's " housekeeper." Ed. 


occasioned no small Exercise to my Mind, and many Turnings 
of Thoughts what should be the Occasion or meaning of it. 

In my last to you, I informed you of the truly noble, and cliarita- 
ble Design of M^' Cliarles Jelfry Smith (who has been Joseph's Tutor 
last winter), his Purpose to come with Joseph to you as soon as 
he could get ready for the Business of his proposed Mission, and 
that I designed to take Joseph with me to Boston & Portsmouth 
&c, and that you might expect him in June &c but whether you 
have received that Letter with others from M"- Smith and Joseph 
I don't learn, but suppose it likely you ha'n't yet received them. 
And inasmuch as there was nothing wrote to me manifesting 
your Pleasure in tlie Aflfair, I presume your Honour did not know 
the Contents of the Inclosed though it came under your Seal ; 
and how to conduct in the Affair I am at a great Loss — M^ Smith 
is now gone to New York &c to prepare for his Mission ; I expect 
him back soon, and if he comes & finds Joseph gone, whom he 
depends upon for a Pilot & Companion he will be greatly disap- 
pointed, and I fear will think himself very ungratefully treated. 
Joseph is rendered so very uneasy, for fear of gaining the Dis- 
pleasure of his Friends, that I am doubtful whether it will do to 
detain him, and to send him alone wiU not be well, be sure on 
Foot, and to send a Horse with him may give him mucli Trouble 
to return him. Nor have I any intimation of any valuable End 
that may be served by his going before the Time proposed— And 
as Joseph desires to put himself under your Honour's Conduct, 
as wliat he apprehends most safe & prudent for him to do, so I 
should be glad your Honour would as explicitly as you please 
let me know your Pleasure, And upon the whole think it advis- 
able to detain Joseph (if he will be content to stay), till I receive 
your Honour's Pleasure, or till the Time appointed for his coming 
by W Smith. 

And I am with Sincere Respect & Esteem 
Your Honour's 

most obedient humble Serv* 
Sir William Johnson. Eleazar Wheelock. 



New York, May 23, 1763. 

This morning, Mr. Smith delivered me your letter of the 21st 
[2^J April, with the narrative enclosed, which I have perused. 
The design is a very commendable one, and I should be extremely 
happy in having it in my power, to be any ways instrumental in 
civilizing tlie Indians, and promoting seminaries of learning in 
this country ; but as the disposal and settlement of the conquered 
lands in America must be determined by His Majesty, and that 
there is reason to beleive the same is now under consideration at 
home ; I can only advise you to make application there ; for I 
have no authority whatever, to dispose of any lands in this 
country. You caimot have a better patron than the nobleman 
to whom you have dedicated your narrative, and I shall be very 
glad to hear that your application is attended with success. 
I am, Sir, 

Your most obedient servant. 

Rev. Eleazar Wheelock. Jeffry Amherst. 


Revd Sir 

I am so crampt in Time that I cannot give You a particular 
answer to yours of the First Ingtant. I know not how to advise 
M'. Bennet^ to go amongst the Indians in this unsettled state 

1 Mr. Bennet was originally master of the first school, established in 1741, in 
connection with the Episcopal Church at Newport, K. I. The Abstract of the 
Soc. for Prop, the Gospel, for 1765, referring to him says " By a letter from Mr. 
Cornelius Bennet, Catechist to the Mohawk Indians, inclosed in a letter from the 
Rerd. Mr. Apthorp, dated 12 March, 1764, we learn that Mr. Bennet has entered 
upon the work of instructing the Indians, and has a fine company of children 
under his care, who are very orderly and ingenious. They hear prayers morning 
find evening, learn to read English, are catechised in the Mohawk Tongue, 
taught obedience to their parents, the observation of the Lords day, Respect to 
their Superiors, and a, courteous behaviour to all. This, he says, is the only 


of tilings amongst Them. I am in hopes we shall hear better 

acctts soon. I cannot find that the Mohawks approve of the 

Measures taken by the other Indian Nations, but some people 

suspect them. As to the Boston Commissioners, 'tho' I could have 

wished the Society had been before hand with them, yet, as you 

say, I cannot see how we can refuse their offer. Please therefor ' 

in your Letter to them to signify My assent to their proposal. 

I have not time to write to M^' Bennet now but shall as soon as I 

have a certain ace" of the State of Things amongst the Indians. 

If he ventures, I sliall comply with my proposal as to Lodging 

and Board, till such Time as I conclude a Bargain with Sir 

William Johnson who is treating with me for my Farm, for a 

Glebe for the Indian Missionary, as I have before informed you 

please inform M^" Bennet of this. 

As to the printing my letter to M"^ Apthorp, with Your 

piece, I should have no objection, if it were not that I suspect 

mine to tlie Society in answer to Smith may still be published. 

Besides I have not a copy of it for I Imd no time • to take 

one. I am however walling to do any thing You Shall judge 

useful. I am with usual Compliments 

Rev Sir 

Yours alfectionately 

Henry Barclay. 
Aug^t 8 1763 

P.S.I have had a long letter from Rye intimating M^" Palmers » 

English school ever known here, and may by a divine blessing, sooth and mollify 
their wild fierce Tempers. The parents are so well pleased with their children's 
Improvement that they send them for Instruction from an Indian Town 30 miles 
up the River. As there is no Physician near, Mr. Bennet visits the poor Indians 
when they are sick and infirm, and supplies them with Medicines, by which 
means their minds are still raor^ conciliated towards the English. Mr. Apthorp 
recommends him to tlie continuance of the Societies Favour as a person well 
qualified for the service he has undertaken." Rev. Mr. East Apthorp was the Socie- 
ty's Missionary at Cambridge, Mass., which charge he resigned at the date of the 
above letter, and returned to England, were he died in 1816- Mr. Bennet did not 
continue long among the Mohawks, for his name does not appear on the Society's 
lists in connec*'.ion with them after this date. — Ed. 

1 Revd. Mr. Palmer was originally a Dissenting Minister of New Ehgland. 
He went to England with strong recommendations from the Revd. Dr. Johnson 
and oUher clergymen, and was ordained by the Bishop of Bangor in 1754. On his 


unwillingness to give up that Mission for N. Haven, and a 
growing dissaffection to Mr. Punderson at Rye' M"" Cooper was 
at Westchester on Sunday last and tells me he hears Mr. Pun- 
derson is endeavoring to make Interest There. 



Rev<i Sir 

I send a 2*^ Proof to be revised by you. — I apprehend ye Cor- 
rections on our Side be not so exact as I could wish. — Please to 
peruse it a 2^ Time. — We are put to prodigious Difficulty to 
print such Language (in form) in North America, where we have 
not the Command of a Letter-Maker^ s founding-House to suit 
ourselves in y® particular Sorts required, such as — g^s — A;'^ — y''s — 
kc. — Sfc. wiien had it been in y« English Tongue, we could make 
much greater Dispatch, — but at present 'tis absolutely impossi- 
ble, — I having been obliged to borrow sundry Letters from my 

return he became missionary of the towns of New Milford, Sharon and Litch- 
field, Conn. In 1761, he was removed at his own request, to Amboy, N. J. On 
the recommendation of Dr. Johnson he was appointed successor to Mr. Wetmore 
at Rye, in 1763. But the congregation at this place preferred the Revd. Mr. 
Punderson, and the Society was requested to cliange Mr. Palmer, which it 
declined. " The people at Rye (says the Archb. of Canterbury, writing to Dr. 
J., March 1763.) may refuse him if they will, and take the maintenance of Mr. 
Punderson on themselves, and we shall be very well pleased." The difficulty 
was settled apparently, for we find Mr. Palmer at New Haven in 1764. In 1769, 
he was missionary at Litchfield and Great Barrington. His death is supposed to 
have occurred in 1772, for Mr. Mosely is mentioned as Missionary at Litchfield 
in 1773.— Ed. 

1 Ebenezer Punderson, graduated at Yale Coll . in 1726, and was a Con- 
gregational Minister at Groton, Conn. He conformed to the Church of England 
about the year 1732. Having received orders in London in 1734, he organized a 
congregation, on his return, in Norwich, at the village of Poquetanuck about the 
year 1738. His name appears on the Society's lists as " Itinerant Missionary 
in Connecticut," until 1753, when he was settled la the church of N. Haven, the 
place of his nativity. In the spring of 1763, being succeeded by the Rev. John 
Beardslee, he took charge of the Church of Rye, Westchester Co., and oflSciated 
there and in the adjoining towns until the following year, when he died (22d 
Sept.) aged 60 years. — Ed. 


brother Printers even to complete this present half sheet, when 
I have as complete an office to print English as any of them. — 
For these Reasons, I trust neither yourself, or Sir William, will 
condemn me for neglect, — adding, withal, the Difficulty of keep- 
ing a Journeyman to his Duty. 

I am. Sir, Your obliged H^ie Servant, 
Oct-- 20, 1763. Wm. Weyman. 


Conajoharie December 29th 1763. 

The good opportunity I have by M"^ William SeeKer my friend, 
gives me encouragement to trouble your Honour with these few 
Lines, to beg the favour of sending me by him a bottle of brandy 
& some Raisins, which your Honour would have send long ago, 
if you had a good opportunity, as I am resolved to Trye that 
Cure with old Peer, I have drank this 4 weeks an ugly Drink of 
what the Germans Call Longe Kraut, which grows on the white 
oak Trees, & this Decoctum makes me Cough up more as ever 
I did, but my breath goes freer & Stronger, Doctor Stringer has 
send me 2 boxes of pills which I used, I can not say of any great 
effect they did, Seeng that all will not do, I shall Try Peer & 
then leave of. My Strengtli goes away with my flesh, for all have 
I good Stomach & appetite like a Man that is wel, I did leave of 
for a while preaching, which neglect I thougt made me siker as 
I was, tlierefore have don my Service last holydays & was wel 
afterwards, the only thing what troubles me so much, is cold I 
can hardly get a warm foot in a Day, if I set upon the Stoaf, 
which occasioned great head ague. So that I was several times 
in a bad Condition for that Complaints sake, I have no warm 
Cloathing & my house is vere cold & most open, & so poor in 
cash &c: that I can not for this time supply this Want, your 
Honour would oblige your old faithfull Servant, if you would 
Trust him a cupple new planckets for making a new, warm Coat, 
to cover his Cold sick poor body, till he shall turn wel or able 
to Do Your Honour satisfaction for them. 


I furder must Complaint to your Honour out of my Lazareth 
that Wicked Ury Clokhas puzzled into the Bears of Some people 
upon the land called the Switzer mount, that your Honour had 
ordered me to make them all sign a bond for all the Costs which 
would arise from that Action, under the Name' of a petition, Which 
your Honor know as wel as I that never such a thing has been 
don, the ignorant people have most Eaten up my little flesh & 
bones, which I thought they would tare in pieces, would it not 
been good that Clok should be paid once for his Devihsh seditious 
humour 1 

Finally do I wish your Honour & the whole your Noble Family 
a blessed & happy Exodum to this most Ended year, & a pros- 
perous Transitum k over step into the New year near by, The God 
of heaven & Eart Grant your Honour upon a New His Godly 
Patronage, favour Mercy, Wisdom, Strength & all Requisita, with 
which he has been pleased to Endow your Person this Manny Years 
to the best of Land & Church, as a faithfull Servant unto his 
Master the king, & that when your Days are spent, that I may 
have the pleasure to See you with this My Eyes in the Rest & 
happiness to Come after this Troublesome Life, So wishes he, 
who Dyes 

Your Honours 

Most Dutiful! Servant 

JoH. Casp: Lappius. 
V. D. M. 
P. S. My Neighboor John Abeel Acts the Mad man. 


I am Extreemly sensible, and very readily acknowledge, the 
great honour you have done me, by your late obliging Letter. 
Every part thereof breath politeness, Witt and Generosity ; An 
open heart and Sincere, all declares the man of honour, and 
shews Monsieur le Chevallier Johnson. I have no Term ; no 
Expression can avail me, to render (or speak) all I naturally 


feel, at the sight of so noble, so generous a proceeding. I had 
not heretofore the honour to be acquainted with the English 
Nation. Born in the midst of France without being natural 
Subject of the French King, I had hitherto hardly known any but 
Frenchmen. But how truly can I affirm that I never have seen 
in any one of them, any thing that approach in the least, of or 
Like that noble generosity, (or the great characteristick of the 
English,) so Remarkable amongst the English. I have followed 
that Nation Step by Step, Ever since the conquest of Canada, and 
I confess that I cannot recover my surprise. What hath made 
the greatest Impression on my mind, is that fund of Integrity, 
which nothing can alter : that disinterestedness, which is above 
what ever I can say in its praise. If New England had been so 
unfortunate as to become the prey of the French, it had time 
to shed Tears, or to Mourn and bewail its lamentable fate. And 
Canada Taken by the English, daily bless its Destiny, yes, I 
daily hear the Canadians wishing Joy to one another, and con- 
gratulating themselves, that they have been taken by General 
Amherst, and are governed by the respectable heros that com- 
mands there, this day. This, I have had the honour to declare 
to Geni Hamerst, last winter in my Letters, and will not cease to 
proclaim the same to the world, wilst I have Being. 

These generous proceeding have so far gained Upon me, that 
I have not hesitated on moment, but Gave general Amherst all 
the knowledge and Lights, which my Stay in Canada, and my 
connections, Especially, with the late French generals, have ena- 
bled me to procure. These papers are of the utmost consequence, 
You'll Judge thereof on their Titles. You shall hereafter be 
acquainted with the motives, which obliges me to declare th^m 
(that is, the contents of the papers,) to you. The first packet 
contained a discourse directed to Geni Hamerst,' wherein I shew 
him, what it would be right for England to Insist on, and do. 
Whether, at the Next peace to be made, Canada be returned to 
the French, or no. There is many things in this discourse re- 
garding the Indians, Especially the Menakis and the Iroquois^ 
who may be called English Indians, and whom it would be very^ 
practicable to bring back again into their Ancient habitations, 
let the Event of the war be what it will, that is to say, the one 

Vol. IV. 22 


Nation in Acadia, and the other among the Six Nations. I show 
therein the means, and at the same time declare the Immense 
Benefit, that would Accrue to the British commerce, from this 
kind of Transmigration. I am so bent for that same, that if 
Canada be restored to the French, and Gener' Amherst, from 
wliom I daily Expect an Answer to some former Letter, don't 
give me a Call, I will certainly quit the Contry. 

The second packet contained Instructions from M' Montcalm 
to divers Minimes of France, to the minimes of the Marine, to 
the plenipotentiaries Intended to be sent to the future congress 
for the General peace, to the future governoer of Canada, And 
finally to the Intendants. 

The third and last packet contained a code of Civil Law 
adapted for the governm' of Canada, which M^" de Moncalm had 
at his leasure houres originally projected and drawn, this last 
work' is not perfect, and altho I daily work thereon, it cannot be 
so soon finished, the truth is, that having unhapily lost a part 
of my papers in my frequent Travels, I must supply what is 
wanting. This is the matter contained in these papers, which I 
had the honour to remit to General Amherst, and concerning 
which I Expect a decisive Answer. If these papers concerned 
you in the least, I would gladly transmit them to you, but I could 
not very soon comply, because, besides the Extraordinary length 
of the contents of these papers, lam now busy in completing the 
Canadian Code of Civ^il law, but I should have remitted you 
indeed the discourse to General Amherst, wherein Are contained 
many Anecdotes relating to the Indians. You will be so kind 
to Signify your pleasure on this Subject, and you shall be obeyed. 

Could I but obtain the honour of waiting on you, I would 
more fully apprise you, with the whole Mattey of fact ; and I 
assure you that if that was intirely left to my choice, I should 
soon offer myself into your presence, but I have not been able 
hetherto to obtain leave of the government, to undertake such a 
Journey. They have rather been pleased to order my Stay at 
S^ Francois, where indeed I have been protected against a multi- 
tude of Enemies, Especially my Brethren, the Jesuits; who have 
proclaimed open war against me, but thank to god, I have found 
my good protection amongst those of the English Nation. My 


Indians cannot set out for your place these ten days, poverty 
hath lengthened their hunting Season, and is the real cause of 
this delay ; which Excuse, I pray you to accept for your self, 
and to cause it,. to be accepted of also, by the Loups and the Six 
Nations. They will on return bring me your Answer and what 
may be your pleasure in regard to what I have had the honour 
to impart to you above. 

I Long to find some signal opportunity, I don't say to prove 
you my gratitude ; a man of that little account, as I am ; is not 
capable of doing it in a manner worthy of you. but at least, to 
show you some part of that most Sincere respect and attachment 
which I have for your person. I never was fortunate in my 
whole life, and I told it to myself a thousand times, that I was 
not born to be the happy Man. But I have erred ; & I am happily 
convinced thereof from the moment I got into your acquaintance, 
and gained your friendship. The friendship of a gentleman like 
you, is a fortune of Superior value, tis a good so transcendant, 
that I don't think I have ever procured myself so valuable a one 
since I was born. I dare to subjoin, Sir, that I am not all 
together Unworthy, and that if I merit such distinction, I merritt 
it by these sentiments of respect devotion and atttachment, 
which will End with my Life. This is my way of thinking, it is 
the heart that dictates all I write, therefore pardon my spinning this 
Letter to such unusuall length. When the heart is Engaged 
with a person thoroughly Esteemed, it hath always some thing 
new to Impart. 

I eagerly wait for your Answer, as I hope it may decide some- 
thing in my favour, and will perhaps procure me the honoui-and 
pleasure of waiting on you soon, according to my wishes. 
I am with great Respect &c. 


^ , „ Canajohary March ye 22^ 1764. 

Brother Waronghyage 

The most Part of the Indians here in our Castle have consent- 
ed and agreed that I should instruct their children to read and 
write, I do also consent to perform the same if they entirely 


agree to it. I think it would be good also if you would advise 
them to act in Pursuance thereof. Some of them like me well 
enough, but will not approve of having tlieir children cliastised 
if they do 111. I would have you to write to me how I am to 
act in tills Affair, that I might acquaint them what is your Plea- 
sure in this Respect. I am very certain that some take great 
Delight in having their children instructed, and taught to read 
and write, and for such I shall use more than common zeal to 
perform the Trust in me reposed. I wish you could send me 
two of our printed Books, for I want them very much for two 
of my Scholars that are pretty fur advanced in their Learning, 
please to send them with my Father or Mother I am very 
scarce of Paper, I wish you could assist me in that, as also with 
some Quills to make Writing Pens 

Please to send with my Mother the ten Pounds wh^ii I have 
with you yet, and I shall remain your Brother, 

Philip Jonathan. 



NewYork, Sept 17, 1764. 

Your favour of August 22<i 1764, I received and duly com- 
plied with your Orders touching y« advertisement, by inserting 
it in ye other News Papers of this City, besides my own. 

Your Excellency's request with Regard to the Indian Prayer 
Book, I can only answer by saying That the long Indisposition 
and Death of D"" Barclay (which since ye writing of yours no 
doubt you heard of) put a total Stop to its Progress, more than 
you have now inclosed, it not being in our Power to revise or 
correct it at any Rate ; so that 'twill require your appointment 
of some proper Person to overlook it as we proceed in y® Com- 
position. Before the Doctor's Death he told me ye Copy he had 
was vastly eroneous, which took him up a good deal of time to 
correct, still doubtfull of his own Capacity, having not studied 


ye Language much since his Call here ; and partly had forgot it, 
but was determined to do his best — adding withal, That there 
was some Gentleman (he mentioned his name to me but I forgot 
it) who liad a more perfect Copy than his, and who understood 
ys Language at this time better than he did ; — I think he told 
me it was your Son, or one by ye Name of Claus, or Closser who 
then was absent at Quebeck, Montreal, or some other distant 
Part back of you, or y^ D^ would have wrote to have got it j 
and whether lie ever signify'd it to you I cannot tell. Tims it 
rests. I have one half sheet of ye Di^'s correcting in hand ; ye 
Remainder of ye Copy is at his Widdow's, which I could obtain 
at your Request, and deliver it to any Person you chuse should 
have ye Correction of it and ye work shall proceed directly, and 
be finished. 

-■ I am, Your Excellency's 

Much obliged H^io Servant 
W" Weyman. 


Lebanon 24th Oct^. 1764. 

The Commissioners of a Bord of Corrispondents, lately 
formd by a Comission of the Hon^ie Society in Scotland for 
Propagating christian knowledge, some time ago sent M*". 
Occum, ' to meet Your Honour, on Your Return from your late 

1 Samson Occom, an Indian clergyman, was born at Mohegan, near Norwich, 
Conn., in the year 1723. He was the first Indian pnpil educated at Lebanon, by 
the Rev. Mr. Wheelock, with whom he entered in 1742, at the age of 19, and 
remained with him 4 years. In 1748 he taught school in New London, and about 
the year 1755, went to the east end of Long Island, where he opened a school for 
the Shenecock Indians. He was ordained by the Suffolk Presbytery in August, 
1759. In Jan. 1761, he visited the Oneidas, and in 1766 was sent by Mr. Whee- 
lock to England with Mr. Whittaker, the Minister of Norwich, in order to pro- 
mote the interests of Moor's School, as Mr. Wheelock's institution at Lebanon 
was called. As Occum was the first Indian preacher that visited England, he 
attracted large audiences and preached between three and four hundred sermons. 


Tour to Lake Erie, in Hopes he might meet You before the 
Parties from remote Tribes, who had joyn'd you, should be 
dispersed ; in Order to make Proposals to them of Receiving 
Missionaries, and School Masters among their respective Tribes. 
But when M'. Occum came to N. York and lieard that you was 
got Home, he was thereupon advised to return, and accordingly 
did so ; by which Means I was prevented such a supply of 
proper youth for this school as I hoped he, with your assis- 
tance, and Direction, might obtain from Tribes more remote 
than I have yet had. Which Disappointment is, in part, the 
occasion of the present trouble given your Honour. 

The Bearers M^ Kirtland, and Joseph Woolley, ' come to 
submitt themselves to your Hon" Direction and conduct with 
Desire to learn the Seneca and Mohock Languages, and while 
they are doing that to teach school among them also, if it may- 
be, to procure a Number of likely and suitable, youth for this 
school. We have heard of a promising English Youth, whom 
you have sent to King Thomas at Onoquagee, and also of one, 
Peter, a judicious, and religious Indian there, and also of two 
likely Indian Boys whom M'" Forbush pointed out to the Commis- 

About £1,000 were collected for es-Lablishing Schools among the American Abo- 
riginee. This was placed in the hands of Trustees of whom the Earl of Dart- 
mouth was the principal, and Dr. Wheelock's School was removed to Hanover, 
N. H. On Cecum's return he labored among his countrymen, and removed 
eventually in 1786 to Brotherton, near Utica, IS. Y., whither many Mohegaris 
and Montauks accompanied him, and where he died in July 1792, aged 69. He 
was accompanied to the grave by upwards of 800 Indians. An account c»f tho 
Indians of Montauk, by Occum, is published in the Mass: Hist; Coll. He pub- 
lished a sermon at the execution of Moses Paul at New Haven, Sept. 2, 1772 
and much of his correspondence is among the papers of the Hist. Soc. of Hart- 
ford, Conn. A portrait of him was published in one of the early Vols, of the 
Evangelical Mag. McClure's Life of Wheelock — Life of Countess of Huntington. 

1 Joseph Woollet was a Delaware. He was sent by Dr. John Brainerd to Dr. 
Wheelock's school, where he arrived with Hezekiah Calvin, another Delaware, 
9 April 1757. He spent the winter of 1764, at Onohoghquage for the purpose 
of learning the Iroquois language. He was licensed to teach in the spring of 1765, 
a.nd set out shortly after with Rev. Mr. Smith , on his return to his previous post at 
the Susquehannah river, but he fell sick at Cherry Valley, and died in the course 
of the same year. He is represented as of an amiable disposition and polished 
BoamaerB. — Ed. 


sioners in Boston, for an English Education. If Your Hour 
advises to any, or all of these, and they may be obtained, I 
will take them, or any others you shall think proper, to the 
number of 10. or 15. and if you think best to send several 
Females to be instructed in Housewifery &c I will receive them. 
If there shall be occasion for Woolley to return to accompany 
the Children hither, please to Order him to do so, and if there 
be no Door open for their attaining the other End of their 
Journey, they will both Return. 

I rely upon the repeated assurances Your Hon^ has given me 
of your Friendship in this affair, and in Confidence thereof, 
recommend these young men to your Hon" Patronage, and 
submitt the whole to your Determination. 

The Boys, I have from Your Parts behave very well, better 
than any I have had from any other Quarter ; and it seems to 
me they are really a much better Breed, little Peter is a fine 
Genius indeed. But off their state, and the state of my school 
M'". Kirtland can inform you. 

I look upon myself in particular, as well as, upon my country 
in general, to be much indebted to Your Honour for Your 
indefatigable and (hitherto) successful Labors, to establish a 
Peace with the Natives, upon a sollid and lasting Foundation. 
May God requite Your Labour and Fatigue with that peace 
which is the pecuhar privilege of his chosen. I am with most 
sincere duty and Esteem, may it please Your Honor. 
Your Honour's 
Most obedient and 
Most Humble Servant 

Eleazar Wheelock. 


New York, Nov 27, 1764. 

As I have had no Directions from your ExceUency how to act 

in Regard to y^ Indian Prayer Book, since I wrote and sent you 

} e Copy Part of what I had printed ; and being lately informed 


that y« Gentleman I mentioned to you by ye Name of Cap* 
Clause^ was your Son, and that you could not spare him to come 
down to revise and correct y,^ Impression here ; I therefore 
made bold to apply to M's Barclay^ for all y^ Copy relating to it, 
that she could find in y® Doctor's Library. She was kind to 
forward it down to me this Day ; and I now inclose it, imagin- 
ing, (unless your Excellency has some Gentleman here to under- 
take its Inspection) that its being transcribed in a very fair 
legible Hand under your ow^n Eye, and by y^ Assistance of youi 
Son's Copy, the Book can still be finished ; as, by being trans- 
mitted to me, in a fair Manuscript, or other plain Alterations to 
be made in y printed Copy ; I will undertake to finish it to 
satisfaction in y« form already began, and keep Letter for Letter 
with ye M. S. you send me. I inclose another set of what I 
have printed, lest y® one I sent before may have miscarried. 
I am. Your Excellency's 

very obliged Humble Servant. 
W« Weyman. 


New- York, lO^h Dec, 1764. 

A very laudable Spirit for promoting the Welfare of this 
Colony, begins to prevail here — A Society is already formed, 
consisting of Persons of all Ranks, who propose to advance hus- 
bandry, promote Manufactures, and suppress Luxury — Several 
Hundred Pounds are already subscribed, and paid into the 
Hands of Mr. John Vanderspiegel, the Ireasurer — Other neces- 
sary Ofiicers are appointed, and several Committees formed for 
the good Ends more fully explained in the Public Papers now 

The Society have thought fit to Name us to be a Committee 
for Correspondence, with all those Gentlemen at a distance who 
may be willing to lend their Aid for the general Weal of the 


In Discharge of this Trust, we beg Leave to invite you to 
subscribe, and to take as many Subscriptions as you can obtain, 
receive the Money, and transmit it to the Treasurer ; to be 
disposed of in Premiums as the Society shall hereafter direct ; 
of which Premiums many will fall to the Share of the Farmer. 
The Form of a Head for the Subscription-Roll, is added at the 
Foot of this Letter. And we think it necessary further to men- 
tion, that no Subscription under Twenty Shilling will be 
received; and that a Subscription of Five Pound entitles the 
Subscriber to vote in the Disposal of the Funds. 

As diffusing a Zeal for tliis Undertaking throughout the Pro- 
vince, will probably be attended with the most beneficial Effects, 
permit us to urge you to Form a Society in your Neighbourhood, 
to meet as often as they conveniently can, to correspond with 
us, and to furnish us with useful Hints relative to what may be 
proper to fall under tlie Society's Notice ; and particularly what 
Branches of Husbandry ought to be encouraged ; and for what 
Manufactures Premiums ought to be given ; and, in general, to 
suggest all Manner of proposals that may be for the Public Bene- 
fit in Arts, Manufactures, Agriculture and (Economy. 

You may be assured that a proper Respect will be shewn to 
your Schemes, Hints, and Proposals ; and that they will be 
regularly communicated to the Society, at their monthly Con- 

We are. Your very Humble Servants, 

Crs W. Apthorp. 


WalR Rutherfurd. 
Jno MoRiN Scott. 
Jas Duane. 
To the Honbie S^ William Johnson Bart* 
at Johnson Hall. 



Johnson Hall Jany 4th 1705. 

I did not receive your favour of the IQth ulto. till a few days 
ago, neither had I a moments leisure to answer it till now. You 
may be assured tliat I shall think myself happy In any opportu- 
nity of promoting the Welfare of this Province, & of encouraging 
as far as in me lyes a laudable Spirit for that purpose, which 
can not be better eifected than by the Suppression of Luxury & 
the promoting Husbandry and Manufactures, the former has not 
as yet crept in to the parts where my Interest & acquaintance 
chiefly lyes, to any Degree requiring a restriction, & sho^J rather 
think that a little turn for possessing more of the conveniencies 
of Life wo*^ ratlier stir up a Spirit of Industry am'st the people 
here, who tho' they have Lands w^ell Qualified for it, nevertheless 
neglect Husbandry as they have little relish beyond the mere 
necessarys of Life, & are too Indolent in Gen' to Labour for 
more than a bare subsistence. I am far from thinking the sup- 
pression of Luxury, an unnecessary article, on the Contrary I 
most earnestly wish that the people of America may be prevail- 
ed upon to live witli" the bounds prescribed by their Rank & 
fortune, and so far as tliat it would give me great pleasure to 
support the undertaking as well as to encourage Husbandry in 
all its branches. And altho' I am persuaded you will not 
encourage any scliemes which may be disagreable to the Mother 
Country Yet you must allow that in a Society composed of per- 
sons of all Ranks some things may at least be proposed by some 
of the Members which cannot be pleasing to G^ Britain, and in 
which I couldn't with the least propriety engage, as a Servant 
to the Crown. 

The Nature of my Department likewise affords me little time to 
advert to matters of tliis nature which I presume you will readily 
allow when I assure you tliat so far from having leisure to attend 
to any domestic concerns, I cannot command the ordinary hours 
of refreshment amply enjoyed by every Labourer in the province, 
& tho' I might give myself more Ease I could not do so consist- 


ent with myself and with my desire to promote the public 
Tranquility . 

I must request your Acceptance of <£10 Curr which I shall 
Direct M'" Darlington of N York to pay into the Treasurers hands, 
and if circumstanced as I am, I can be of any farther service to 
your undertaking, I shall most Chearfully comply, to convince 
you how much I am a Wellwisher to this province 

and your very humble Serv*. 


I have received yr kind Favor by Paulus, k have, (I hope) 
given him Satisfaction. I have paid him in cash 

Bills of Ten pounds 2 

Dt" of Two D'o 2 

Dto of Jersey £3.50 1 

In gold 3.3 

Total 30 8 

I have likewise Paid to M^" Ab™ Lyle for goods Twenty Pounds 
eighteen shilhng's, so that I have paid him three shillings too 

I shall do tlie Duty at Albany on Sunday next ; but propose 
being at the Mohock Castle the Sunday following, shall therefore 
be obliged to you to acquaint the Indians of it. As for News we 
expect all from you ; we are quit dull & stupid in this Place. 
I see you laugh & say to yself when was you otherwise. How- 
ever the Weather being Dull & Heavy 1 think it add's to my 
dullness likewise, so shall conclude by subscribing myself 

yr oblidged Hum Serv» 
T : Brown. 
Albany Jan 8*^ 1765 . ■ ' 

348 PAPERS relAi 


Johnson hall Feby 27*^ 1 76 5. 

I have received your favor of the 5^h inst and I am very 
glad to hear that the Society do not avow any articles affecting 
England, as such would have evidently apeared in the Mother 
Country to be the result of rancour and passion, which might be 
productive of Disagreeable effects to the province in General, & 
I am Persuaded tliat a due attention to those • Improvements, 
whicli can in no wise be construed to affect his Majestys domin- 
ions at home will answer many Salutary purposes. 

The state of Agriculture in this country is very low, and in 
short likely to remain so to the great Detriment of the Province, 
which might otherwise draw many resources from so extensive 
and valuable a Country, but the turn of the old settlers here is 
not much calculated for improvement, content with the meer - 
Necessaries of Life, tliey don't chuse to purchase its superfluities 
at the expence of Labour neither will they hazard the smallest 
matter for the most reasonable prospect of gain, and this 
principle will probably subsist as long as that of their equality, 
which is at present at such a pitch that the conduct of one " \ 
neighbor can but little influence that of another. 

Wheat which in my opinion must shortly prove a drug, is in 
fact what they chiefly concern themselves about and they are not 
easily to be convinced that the Culture of other articles will tend 
more to their advantage. If a few of the Machines made use 
of for the breaking of hemp was distributed amongst those who 
have Land proper for the purpose it might give rise to the 
culture of it — or if one only properly constructed was sent as a 
model, it might Stir up a spirit of Industry amongst them, but 
Seed is greatly wanted, & Cannot be procured in these parts, 
and (he Germains (who are the most Industrious people here) 
are in general in too low circumstances to concern themselve: 
in anything attended with the smallest Expence, their Plauta- 


tions being as yet in their infancy, & with regard to the old 
Settlers amongst the Germans who live farther to the Westward, 
they iiave greatly adopted the sentiments of the rest 'of the 
inhabitants. The Country Likewise labours under the disadvant- 
age of narrow, and (in many places) bad roads, which would be 
still' worse did I not take care that the inhabitants, laboured 
to repair them according to law. the ill Condition of Publick 
roads is a Great obstruction to husbandry, the high Wages of 
labouring men, and the great number of tepling liouses are 
likewise articles whicli very mucli want regulation. These 
disagreeable circumstances must for sometime retard the Pro- 
gress of husbandry ; I could heartily wish I had more leisure to 
attend to these necessary articles of Improvements to promote 
which my Influence and Example should not be wanting. I 
have formerly had pease very well split at my mills, and I shall 
set the same forward amongs't the people as far as I can, I have 
Likewise sent for Collections of many Seeds, and usefull grasses 
which I shall Encourage them to raise, and from the great wants 
of stock, even for home use, & Consumption, I am doing all I 
can to turn the intention of the inliabitants to raising these 
necessary articles, for the purchase of which, a good deal of cash 
has hither to been annually carried into the N. England Collonies, 
Before I set the Examples, no farmer on the Mohock River 
ever raised so much as a single Load of Hay, at present some 
raise above one Hundred, the like was the case in regard to 
sheep, to which they were intire strangers until I introduced 
them, & I have the - Satisfaction to see them at present possess 
many other articles, the result of my former Labors for promo- 
ting their welfare and interests, my own Tennants amounting 
to about 100 Familys are not as yet in circumstances to do 
much, they were settled at great Expence and hazard dureing the 
heat of tlie War, and it was principally (I may venture to 
affirm, solely) oweing to their residence & mine, that the rest of 
the inhabitants did not all abandon their settlements at that 
Distressfull Period ; But tho' my Tennants are considerably in 
my Debt, I shall yet give them all the assistance I can for 
encouraging any usefuU Branches of Husbandry, which I shaU 
contribute to promote thro'out the rest of the country to the 


utmost of my power, and Communicate to you any materia] 
article which may occur upon that Subject. 
I am 
Gentlemen, your very humble servant 
Mess". Smith & Rutherfoord . 


Lebanon March 28^ 1765 

Your Excellency's Favour of February 19th by David and 
Peter came safe to Hand. I thank your Excellency most heartily 
for all your Condescension, and repeated Favours sliown me ; 
and particularly, for your love for, and kindness to, my dear M"^ 
Kirtland. I have been concerned, lest, through the Zeal and 
Vigour of his youth, the natural Sprightliness of his Genius, and 
Unacquaintedness with the Business he was sent upon, he would 
be surprized into some indecent and imprudent Sallies. But my 
principal confidence, under God, has been in tliat paternal care 
for such, which I take to be a Native in your Excellency's Breast. 
I pray your Excellency to continue your paternal Kindness 
towards him- and wliatever Supplies he shall stand in Need of 
please to provide him with the same, and charge them to my 
Account. T have inclosed to him an Address to the Chiefs of 
the Nations, to be convened by your orders this Month, and have 
desired him to submit the same to your Excellency's censures, 
which I hope you will not at all spare, out of Favour to me. 

I am well pleased with Peter and David. They both seem 
honestly desirous to be instructed. 

We expect to have Opportunity to recommend to your Excel- 
lency's favourable Notice, two likely young Gentlemen, in the 
capacity of Missionaries, this spring ; and three young Indians 
of this School, in the capacity of school masters. I purpose 
also, that all your five first Boys shall come home this Spring, or 
by some Time in June, to visit their Friends, and return to me 
in the Fall. It is proposed that they shall keep Schools under 
the conduct of the Missionaries. 


William will likely make a fine Boy. He behaves very well. 
A specimen of his Writing I inclose. 

I have this Week received a "Letter from the Countess of 
Huntingdon,' wherein she expresses great Friendship towards 
this School, &c. And as your Excellency's Influence is great at 
Home, and, in these affairs, greater than any other Man's, May 
not I use the Freedom to ask for the Benefit of it toward the 
Support and Progress of tliis Scliool ? I think it will be a great 
Pity if Party Names, and circumstantial Differences, in Matters 
of Religion, should by any Means obstruct the Progress of this 
so great and important Design of Gospelizing the Heathen. 

Please to let the Parents of these Boys, know, that they are 
all well ; and also inform them of their proposed Visit to them. 

I hope your Excellency will be able to obtain the Grand son 
of the Onondaga Sachem, which you mentioned to me, and send 
him with M"^ Kirtland, whom I have advised to visit us this 

And tliat God may long preserve your valuable and important 
Life, and continue and increase your Usefulness in the World, is 
the earnest Prayer of, 

May it please your Excellency, 
your much obliged, and 

most obedient, humble Servant. 

•Eleazar Wheelock. 
His Excellency, Sir William Johnson. 

1 Selina, countess of Huntingdon the " Countess Matilda" of Wesleyism, the 
Second daughter of Washington earl of Ferrars, was born 24 Aug. 1707, & 
married Theophilus 9th Earl of Huntingdon. After a severe illness she abandoned 
her former habits of gayety and dissipation, and became all at once grave, reserved 
and melancholy. Her thoughts were wholly absorbed by religion and she employ- • 
ed her ample resources in disseminating her principles by the agency of Whitefield, 
Romaine and other Methodist Clergyman. She not only threyv open her private 
residence to, but built chapels in various parts of England for the accommodation 
of their followers, and erected a college in Wales for the education of persons 
intended for the Ministry. She was the patroness of Occum whilst he remained 
in Eflglapd, and not only hospitably entertained him in her house but introduced 
him to the notice of several of the Nobility. She was, also, a generous con- 
tributor to Dr Wheeiock's Indian School. She died full of years and piety at her 
house in Spafields, London, on the 17th June 1791. There is a portrait of 
her prefixed to Life and Times of Selina Countess of Huntingdon," London. 
1844 2 V. 8vo in the State Lib. 



To the Sachems and Chiefs of the Mohawk, Oneida, 
'' • Tuscarora, and other Nations and tribes of Indians. 

My Brethren and Friends 

I have had you upon my heart ever since I was a boy. I have 
pitied you on account of your wordly poverty, but much more 
on account of the perishing case your precious souls are in, with- 
out the knowledge of the only true God and Saviour of Sinners. 
I have prayed for you daily for more than thirty years, that a 
way might be opened to send the gospel among you, and you be 
made willing to receive it. And I hope God is now answering 
the prayers that have long been made for you, and that the time 
of his Mercy to your perishing nation is near at hand. * 

Some y^ars ago I educated M"" Occum (who has been a little 
while with some of you) with hopes that God would make liim 
an instument of great good to my poor brethren the Indians. 
He labored a number of years with the Indians at Montauk ; 
and was a mean of much good to 'that tribe, and also an instru- 
ment of good to some in New England, and I hope did a little 
good to you in the short time he was with you, 

4fter I had educated M^" Occum, and saw no other way to 
help the perishing Indians, there being no door open to send 
missionaries among them, I determined on setting up an Indian 
School to teach their Children, that when tliey had got their 
learning, they might return home, and in their own language 
teach their brothers, sisters and friends the way of Salvation by 
Jesus Christ. 

And accordingly I began this School more then ten years ago. 
I first took two boys of the Delewares, but one of them died 
when he was almost fit for College, the other went to College 
and when he was almost through, was overcome by strong drink, 
and by this he grieved my very heart. I hope he would liave 
been good, and I hope yet that God will have mercy on him and 
make him good before he dies. 

I am now sending you eight of your sons, whom I have learned 
to read and w^ite well. The ministers who have joined with 


me to help forward the great design of Christianizing the Indians, 
have examined them, and recommend two of them with Joseph 
Woolly^ to be school masters, where they can find the Indians 
willing to have their children taught : the other six, though 
they can read and write well enough to teach a school, yet we 
think they are too young to be masters. We are afraid your 
children will not mind them ; and therefore have ordered them 
to teach your children, under tlie direction of the missionaries, 
till next fall ; and then they are to return to this school to get 
more learning ; and I hope some of them will be fit in time to 
preach Christ to you, if God shall please to give them good hearts. 

Now I assure you, my bretliren, in what I have done, and am 
doing, 1 have no interest of my own in view ; but I have com- 
passion upon your precious souls, for whom Christ died, and 
which must be lost and miserable for ever unless you be made 
to know him, and the w^ay of life by him, and so to partake of 
the great salvation, which he has purchased for us. 

Two ministers are coming to you from my schoo , who are 
sent to you by the commissioners, and they are men of learning, 
have had a liberal education, and are able to teach you the way 
of salvation by Christ. And they love you* much; they do not 
come to get money, nor to get away your lands, nor to cheat or 
wrong you in any thing, but only to do you good. And you 
may depend upon it, I will never willingly send one to preach 
the gospel to you, who has any higher view than to save your 
souls. That is the errand these men come upon, and as such 
you must receive them, and treat them kindly. 

David Fowler,' who has been educated at my school, and is 

1 David Fotvler was a Montauk Indian, entered the Indian School at Leba- 
non, about 1759. He early shewed an aptitude for agriculture, and it was Dr. 
Wheelock's opinion that he would make a good farmer if he should ever have 
the advantage of experience. In June, 1761, he accompanied Sampson Occom 
to the Oneidas and returned in August with three Indian youths. He was 
approved as an Indian teacher in March, 1765, and set out accordingly for the 
Oneida Nation on the 29th of April. He shortly after wrote Dr. Wheelock the 
following letter from his new residence : — 

"Kanavarohare, in Oneida, June 15, 1765. 
" Honored and Rev. Sir 

' ' This is the twelfth day since I began my school ; and eight of my scholars 

arc now in the third page of their spelling book. I never saw children exceed 

Vol. IV. 23 


one of the school masters before mentioned, I now send to keep 
school among you, to teach your children, if you will receive 

He is a rational, sprightly, active young man ; and I believe 
you will find him to be very honest and faithful. He comes 
only to do you good. His friends at Montauk have sent to me, 
earnestly desiring that he might come there and teach their 
children ; but I have often heard that you desired greatly to be 
taught, and I hope he will do more good among you, and there- 
fore I send him to you. I hope you will be kind to him as one 
of your own people, and help him to live among you. I hope 
you will help him to get a house, and let him have some of your 
land to plant and sow; and he will, besides teaching your chil- 
dren, help and instruct you in managing husbandry ; which you 
must learn if you expect God will increase your number, and 
build you up, and make you his people. 

I hear that some of the Indians think it to be a mean thing, 
and below men to work in the field, that it belongs only to 
women. This thought is not right nor pleasing to God. 

The first work he sat man about, and that before he ever had 
sinned, when he was more honorable than any mere man has 
ever been since, was to till the ground to get his living by it. 

these in learning. The number of my scholars is twenty six, but it is difficult to 
keep them together ; they are often roving about from place to place to get 
something to live upon. I am also teaching a singing school. They take great 
pleasure in learning to sing. We can already carry three parts of several tunes. 
I am well contented to live here, so long as I am in such great business. I 
believe I shall persuade the men in this castle, at least the most of them, to 
labour next year. They begin now to see, that they could live better if they 
cultivated their lands, than they do now by hunting and fishing. 

" I ask the continuance of your prayers, that God would give me grace, and 
fill my heart with love of God and compassion to perishing souls : and that God 
would make me an instrument of winning many souls to Christ, before I leave 
this world. 

" Please to accept much love and respect, from your affectionate and unworthy 
pupil, " David Fowler." 

The famine which visited western N. York this year obliged the Oneidas to 
remove in search of food to another quarter, and David Fowler returned to N. 
England for further aid. We have no means of following up the remainder of 
his career, but he is stated to have been alive in 1811 at Oneida, an industrious 
former and useful man. — Ed. 


And after man had sinned, God told him he should get his 
living by the sweat of his face, and he has commanded us in the 
fourth commandment to work six days in the week. And often 
in his word testified his displeasure against those who will not 
work for a living. This earth is all God's land, and he will 
have it all cultivated. So long as there are not people enough 
to inhabit the earth, God lets the wdld beasts have it for their 
dweUing place ; and a few lazy savage people he suffers to live 
a hungry miserable life by hunting. But when the children of 
men grow numerous, and w^ant the earth to cultivate for a 
living, the wild beasts must give place to them, and men must 
improve the land for God ; if they do not they are bad tenants 
and must be turned off as such. If you will not cultivate God's 
land, you cannot expect that God will greatly multiply you. I 
speak this only for your good : I propose no advantage to 
myself nor to any other, but you and your posterity by it. 

Wlien you improve your land, and provide a living for your- 
selves and families in that way, you will live much easier and 
better than you now do or can do by hunting. And when your 
game is gone, you will not have occasion to remove to another 
place, or to go a great way to catch wild creatures to live upon 
as Indians have been forced to do ; but you will live as well 
without them as with them, by the produce of your own farms. 
And then you will be under circumstances to have ministers 
and school masters settled among you ; and will be able to sup- 
port them according to the laws of Christ, to teach you and 
your children the great things tha|' concern your peace with 
God, and the eternal salvation of your precious souls ; and so 
you may soon become a learned and knowing people. And 
then you will be in no danger of being imposed upon and cheat- 
ed, as you have been by bad men, who care not what becomes of 
Indians, if they can only get your lands, and cheat and wrong 
you in other things. I pity you greatly on these accounts ; and 
I wish you would mind what I say to you. I greatly desire you 
may become a great, and good, and very happy people. 

David Fowler can tell you how God has dealt with Indians in 
New England, and how they now begin to see their error, and 
amend their doings. 


I thank you for the kindness, which some of you have sheAyn 
to my dear M^ Kirkland, whom I sent into your country last 
fall. His heart is bent to do good to the Indians. He denies 
himself all the pleasure and honors which he might have here 
among his friends, only to do you good. I hope you will con- 
tinue your kindness to him, and treat him as my child. I hope 
God will make him an instrument of great good to the Indians. 

I wish you all the happiness in this world and the world to 
come. I design by God's help to do all the good I can to the 
poor miserable Indians as long as I live ; and when you can 
pray to God for yourselves, then pray also for me. I hope I 
shall live in heaven with many of you, and that we shall rejoice 
together in beholding our glorified Redeemer forevermore. 


Eleazar Wheelock. 
Lebanon, April 29, 1765. 


Lebanon, 29th April, 1765. 
Sir, May it please your Excellency, 

The Bearer, David Fowler, has been for some Time in this 
School ; and is a youth of good Abihties, whose activity k Pru- 
dence, Fortitude & Honesty have much '-recommended him to 
me. He comes with Design if he meets with proper encourag- 
ment to settle down amonj* the Oneyada's (unless some other 
place more inviting presents) in the capacity of a School Master; 
and also (so far as that Business will allow) has a Design to set 
them an Example of Agriculture for his Support : and do what 
he can to recommend that manner of living to the Indians. 

And if he can be accomodated to his mind he has Thoughts 
as soon as he has prepared a Habitation &c to return and marry 
a very amiable Girl, whom I have been educating for the Pur- 
pose, and who will be a good Assistant in prosecuting the Design. 

And as the Life and Success of the whole, under God, very 
much depends upon your Excellency's countenance; I have 


advised him to submitt the whole to your Direction and conduct, 
not doubting but, so far as the crowd of your Affairs will allow, 
you will favour him with such Instructions, and Recommenda- 
tion, as you shall think needful, or useful for him. 

If M^' Kirtland's Conduct, in Indian Aflkirs, has been agreable 
to you, and the Prospect of his usefulness be such as is worthy 
Encouragraent, a Recommendation from vour Excellency would 
be of great service therein. 

I conclude you have seen in the public Prints, the Resolves 
of this Board of Corrispondents on the I2'h ulto^ to send severel 
Missionaries, and School Masters into your country. But having 
no Fund, we have been seeking a meet Person to accompany M^ 
Occom, or some other Indian from this school, to Europe to ask 
the Charity and Assistance of good people towards the support 
of the Plan we have laid. 

The Board of Corrispondents in N. Jersey, have beeia applied 
to for M' Brainerd,! but for several Reasons he cant be obtained. 
I have now wrote M"" Charles J. Smith to undertake in that 
affair, but who will be the man is not yet determined. M*" John 
Smith Mercht in Boston is going to England in May or June, 
who will be employed in the affair so far as may be consistant 
with his Business and Character, if no Clergyman can be obtain- 
ed for that purpose. And a Recommendation of the Affair to 
Gentlemen at Home, by your Excellency, may be of very great 
service to the Eurtherance of it, and likely of much greater' 
service to it than any other man's, as your Connections are, and 
your Character now rising in the Kingdom. 

If Your Excellency will condesend to favour us and The 
Design in these Respects we shall esteem it to be a singular' 

I have ordered David to make rea'dy 8 or 10 likfely Boys, sucli 
as you shall approve for this School, by that Time the rest of 
my Boys arive to you, by whom I shall send a Lad to accom 
pany hither those he thus prepares for me, unless Joseph 
WooUey's coming with them sho<^ prevent me. 

1 Rev. John Brainerd was brother to the celebrated David B. and like him 
an Indian Missionary. He graduated in Tale in 1746. His labours were chiefly 
among the Indians of New Jersey. He died in 1780. 


And that Almighty God may support you under all your Toil 
& Labours for your King & Country, and late, very late, reward 
the same with himself is the Prayer of. 

May it please your Excellency 

Your Excellency's most Obedient, 
and most Humble Servant 

Eleazar Wheelock. 

P. S. — ^Your Boys are all well excepting that little Elias 
received a bad blow with a Ballstick from one of his mates as 
they were playing together but he is in a way to be well soon. 

Sir William Johnson. 


Canesedage' 17 June 1765. 

I arriv'd safe here 30ti> May, after a very fatiguing Journey 
receg little or no assistance from my ungrateful Fellow Travel- 

I've answer'd ye two belts by wliich they demanded Provis- 
ions for ye Women & Children, Trade &c they have made no 
return. I apprehend are a little guilty & asham'd of ye mean 
part they acted. The Sachem knew nothing of their sending yt 
large belt for Provisions &c. was surprised to hear of their 
unreasonable demands. The Sachem and several others do 
really appear friendly, in general they treat me with no more 
respect than they would shew to a dog — but this is equal to me. 
I believe a little more Provision than I'm Uke to get here, 
will be necessary for my subsistence this summer. The Indians 
from above living so much upon this Town since ye general 
meeting, has created a great scarcity of Provisions. I suppose 

1 For the site of this town also written Canadesagay, see Guy Johnson's 
Indian Map in this vol. It is said that this was the original name of Geneva, 
Ontario Co., but in the Col. Johnson's Map the Indian Castle is laid down 10 
miles west of the head of Seneca lake 


there is not 3 bushels of Indian Corn in y« Castle, when I went 
from hence last spring they were well stored. Could I have 
a plenty of fresh venison & bears flesh, I would do without 
bread, ye staff of Life, but to have little of either & y^ most of 
yt Uttle rotten, I think may be call'd coarse fare. 

It was said in y^ ancient puritanick times, yt man should not 
live by bread alone, — The Modern ages it seems have degene- 
rated, especially in these parts, for we are like to be denied any 
bread at all. 

I design (god willing) to be down about twenty days from 
hence. I've wrote desiring Cap* Butler to make ready Provis- 
ion for me against my arrival, your Excellency approving y« 
same. I dont doubt but Rev*^ M"- Wheelock would think it 
expedient, it will be to y* credit of y^ Design, as well as my 
comfort & support. Tho' success in my present undertaking be 
uncertain, I must make a trial of 3 or 4 years, y* I may answer 
with a clear Conscience before Almighty God. My obligations 
from without are considerable, but much greater from within. 
I submit it wholly to your Excellency, whose direction and 
advice I esteem infinitely preferable to my ownj also for whose 
former undeserved kindness and condesention, I desire to renew 
most humble thanks. 

That Success & Prosperity may crown all your Excellency's 
undertakings, is y^ sincere wish of him. — who is with greatest 

Your Excellencys 

most obedient & 

obliged humble servant 


His Excellency S"" W^ Johnson. 

P. S. I shall go down by water, with one or two Indians 
who have invited me to go with them for sake of learning y* 

I have not, nor shall I acquaint them yt I have any thoughts 
of getting Provision up here. 



Lebanon 21 St Oct^ 1765. 
"Sir, May it please your Excellency. 

The Bearer a Narraganset Indian with a number of that Tribe 
desire me to write you in their Favour. I am not acquainted 
with their Case only by common Fame and it has been often 
said that a number of that Tribe appear more spirited to culti- 
vate their Lands, and .live by the Produce of them, tlian here- 
tofore they have been, but that they are like to be prevented 
tlierein by a drunken Sachem who has got in Debt, and is selling 
tlieir Lands fast to the English, Your Excellency no doubt 
knows their Case much better than I do, and will be ready to 
prevent the Evil they fear if it be in your power. 

Sir. I am ordered by the Board of Corrispondents in the 
Colony of Connecticut to return your Excellency their grateful 
acknowledgment of your favourable recommendation of this 
Indian School &c. and for all the Expressions of your Favour 
and Friendship towards the Important Design of Inlarging & 
advancing the kingdom of the Redeemer among the Savages, 
and to Express their best Wishes for your temporal and eternal 
Felicity. We rely upon your Friendship, and would by no 
means justly merit the Contrary. 

I am obliged to write in utmost Hurry & Confusion or not 

embrace this Favourable opportunity of Conveyance which 

your Goodness will readily enough consider as an Excuse for 

what is so unfashionably offered by Hond Sir. 

Your Excellency's much obliged and 

most Obed* Humble Servant 

Eleazar Wheelock. 
Sir Will"" Johnson. 


Johnson Hall Nov 7^^, 1765. 

I have had the favor of yours, and I am much obliged to you 
for the trouble you have given yourself about the Electrical 


Aparatus &c and for your polite & friendly offers of Servl*^ of 
which I may now & then avail myself. ''*k^ 

The Interest I have in the Welfare of the Indians, & my\ 
sincere regard for tlieir happiness has induced me at all times to ^% 
give proper Introductions & Assistance to the Missionarys sent 
amongst tliem, and if my becoming a Member of the Society 
will increase my power to forward so good an undertaking I 
shall not hesitate to agree to M^ Auchmutys kind proposal, to 
whose civility I am much obliged and must beg the favor of you 
to transmit him my hearty thanks for his intentions relative to 
me, assuring him that I can have no Objection to becoming a 
member of so Venerable a body. 

I shall be Extremely glad to hear of your Welfare or to serve 
whenever in my power as I am. 

The Revd M^" Barton 

•,*Revd Thomas Barton, was born in Ireland in 1730. He was a graduate of 
Trinity Coll., Dublin. In 1754, the Society for the Prop, of the Gospel, erected 
a Mission for the counties of York and Cumberland, Pa , and appointed Mr. 
Barton to it, he having brought over with him, and laid before the Society a 
certificate from the Trustees and Professors of the Philadelphia Coll., that he 
had been more than two years employed as an assistant in that Institution, and 
discharged his duty to their full satisfaction, and therefore joined in recommend, 
ing him as a proper person for the Society's service. This being a frontier 
settlement, its duties were particularly onerous. He had to ride 148 miles every 
six weeks to attend his three congregations, and often at the head of his people 
went to oppose the Savages when desolating the neighboring settlements. He 
served in 1758 as Chaplain in the expedition against Fort Duquesne, and thus 
became acquainted with Washington and other distinguished Officer?. 

In 1770 he received the degree of A. M., from King's Coll., New York. 
On the breaking out of the revolution he adhered to the Royal cause and 
was in consequence placed on the limits of his county, and afterwards 
confined to his house. He continued thus a prisoner two years, and at last 
found himself under the necessity of leaving his family and parish, after a 
service of 20 years, and withdrawing to New- York, where he arrived in Novem- 
ber, 1778. His long confinement to his house impaired his health, and brought 
on a dropsy, under which he languished until the 25th May, 1780, when he 
yielded to his fate at the age of 50 years. He left in Pennsylvania, a widow, and 
eight children by a former wife. The well known Prof. Barton, of the Univer- 
sity of Penn., was his son. Ed. 



Sclionactady 20*^ December 1765. 

As tlie Congregation of the Church of England have come to 
a Resolution to petition his Excellency the Governor to grant 
them a Charter to Secure their Rights and privileges in the 
Church built here, they beg leave to lay their petition before 
you for your approbation, and likewise beseech you Sir to 
Honour them with an Acceptance of beeing one of the Trus- 
tees in the Charter if one can be Obtained, as we then can 
have no doubt if a Gentleman of your known Merit and Char- 
ecter will Espouse our Cause it will prevent for the future the 
Presbyterians from makeing any unjust attemps on the privi- 
ledges in the Church we hope you will graciously. Honour us 
witli an answer as soon as your Leisure will permit which will 
confere tlie most Grateful! Obligation on our Congregation, and 
in a perticular manner on your Honors Most 

Obedient humble servants 
J W Brown 
Matthew Lyne 
RiCHD Cullin 
Jonathn Ogden 



I wrote your Honour sometime past by Onuhsocktea & yetwo 
white men from Niagara,, w'h I hope has come safe to hand. — 
We have no news of consequence stiring among us at present. 
I've heard by some of y^ Indians y* your Honour has had a very 
easy happy time thro' the winter — No Visiters no Company 
excepting Cap Monteur, no Letters from abroad. Nothing to do 
but to set down & enjoy y^ Comforts of Life, w^^ news I tell 
them is too good to be true. I rather fear y® contrary, Ive 


lately spoke to the Indians here, something farther concerning 
my design &c. I have had an agreable encouraging answer — of 
wch I shall acquaint your Honour by ye next opportunity having 
but a moment to write at present, & y^ Bearer now waiting. I 
beg leave being desir'd to insert a short speech for Tekanondo, 
as he is my special friend & main suppurt here. I mention only 
ye Substance. 

"I return you many thanks for your friendly encouraging 
words last fall — they buried almost all my sorrow, & gave 
me as it were new life. I keep ym continually in my mind, 
I again return most hearty thanks for your Remembrance 
of me. I desire you wou'd consider ye present disposition 
& intention of my warriors to visit ye old Enemies y^ 
Cherokee, you are w^ell acquainted w^^ our ancient Customs & 
Traditions, y* ye late Breach in my family cant be fully made 
up in any other way. I know not wt your present stores are, 
nor how you are disposed towards these things. I ask only this 
yt you w^oud take it into consideration. You are doubtless 
sensible it is hard for me to see all my Notes pass me on this 
Business, & I being alone, perhaps shall set down & weep w*^ 
my miserable Condition. But if my Warreours go I'll be con- 
tented to tarry your encouraging word & strict charge last fall 
shall support me & be continually in my mind. 

In much hast your Honours 

most obed* & ever hum® Serv« 


Kaunaudasage Feby 18, 1766, if I dont mistake. 

I beg ye favour of an Almanack if your Honou'' has a supply. 
I fear I shall forget ye Sabbaths & perhaps new moons, & become 
a Savage indeed. 

The Honbi Sir W™ Johnson. 




New York, March 25, 1766. 

The Indian Common Prayer Book stil lies dead ; — I should 
be glad to be informed how I am to proceed. I have been at 
much Expence for what is done, and assure myself of your 
consideration of ye Affair. I shall wait your Motion with Plea- 
sure ; — No doubt occurrences prevented its farther Progress 
with you. The Reverend M^ Ogilvie, who is now Curate here, 
will no doubt undertake its Correction, if you doubt my Careful- 
ness from sticking close to a legible Copy ; and, I think. Sir, he 
will readily assist on Application, which, if you please, I will 
undertake to address for, should you incline to continue its 

■' • I am, Your Excellency's obliged, and 

Obedient Hb'e Servant, 

Wm Weyman. 


May, 1766. 
Rev. Sir, 

We are favored with your letter of the 21st, and with Mr. 
Smith's of the 10 ih of April last. The design of christianizing 
the Indians, and diffusing the light of the gospel to those unliap- 
py people, that have not yet partaken of that divine blessing, is 
so truly charitable, and favorable to humanity, that it deserves 
all the encouragement and attention, that it has met with from 
our gracious sovereign, and those worthy benefactors, who so 
generally followed the royal example. 

We esteem ourselves peculiarly happy that an opportunity is 
offered us, to show how much we are inclined to promote a plan 
so universally countenanced, and so deservedly applauded. We 


have informed ourselves of the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, to whom 
you was pleased to refer us for particulars. The affair is of so 
much importance, that it claims our most serious and deliberate 
consideration, and the little time allowed from the speedy return 
of Mr. does not permit us to send our proposals by 

him : we shall however embrace the earliest opportunity to 
convey them to you, and we liope that when you get them, they 
will be such as will meet with your approbation, and merit 
the consideration of those worthy gentlemen in England, to 
whom this affair is referred. 

We beg leave to assure you, sir, of our particular regard for 
you ; we wish you much of the divine grace, and health to-go 
on with this good work, of which (greatly to your honour be it 
spoken, and may it long be gratefully remembered) you have 
been the first promoter. 

We are, Rev, Sir, 

Your most humble servant 

V. Dow, Mayor, &c. 


Lebanon 4th July 1766. 

I gratefully acknowledge the Receipt of Your Excels ys Favour 
by David Fowler — I much regrett the loss of Goah^ who, as 
David and others inform me, was a man of great Consequence, 
both with respect to their religious, and Secular Interest. 

And I am indeed much affected with the acco* (which you 
referr me to David for) of the occasions given to several Tribes 
to revive tlieir old Prejudices, and renew their Hostilities against 
the English. May your Excellency experience that same 
Fountain of Wisdom which has hitherto guided you on such 
occasions, to be still sufficient for you, in this critical affair. 

My plan is much disconcerted hereby — The EngUsh youth 


who accompany this, viz. Johnson and McCluer,* are Members 
of Yale College, as well as of tliis School ; and were desigu'd, if 
it might be, under Your Excellency's Direction & Favour, to 
spend the ensuing Season, (with their Indian associates) in 
learning the Language of such Tribes, as they may likely serve, 
as Missionaries & Scliool Masters, when they have compleated 
their Learning. The Disposal of them is now submitted to your 
Wisdom, and Prudence. M-^ Kirtland seems inclined to take 
McCluer to Onoyada with him ; But whether the learning of 
til at Language will be of such Consequence as that it will be 
worth his spending his Time for it, Your Excellency is best able 
to judge. 

I have thought it might be best for Joseph Johnson, who " 
Mohegan,^ and is too young to have the government of a scL 
to be employed, as an Usher under David Fowler, whose school, 
I understand, will likely be big enough for two masters. 

Jacob =* who is Brother to David, and tho' but 16. years old, I 

1 David McClure, D. D., was a native of Brookfield, Mass. After spending 
some time under Mr. Kirtland, at Oneida, he graduated at Tale College in 1769, 
and then became a teacher in Dr. Wheelock's school. In the summer of 1772 he 
set out to visit the Delaware Indians on the Muskingum river, west of the Ohio, 
a journal of which mission is published in Wheelock's Nar. for 1773. On his 
return to Pittsburgh from this, what turned out to be a fruitless mission, he spent 
seven months among tlie scattered white settlements in Western Penn. In the 
summer of 1774, in company with Messrs. Dean and others, he visited the Canada 
Indians. During, and for some time after the revolution, he was minister of 
Northampton, N. H., and in 1786 removed to East Windsor, where he died June 
25, 1820, aged 71. His wife was the daughter of Dr. Pomeroy and niece of Dr. 
Wheelock, whose Memoirs he published in connexion with Dr. Parish in 1811. -Ed. 

2 Joseph Johnson was born near Norwich about the year 1750. His father 
served near Lake George in 1757. At the age of 15, Joseph became a school- 
master as above stated, and was so employed for tv/o years. He fell off, how- 
ever, from this life of regularity afterwards, and went on a whaling voyage. 
Returning in 1771, he fell sick at his native jjlace, which circumstance had such 
an effect on him, that he became quite religious. He was afterwards licensed to 
preach among the Six Nations, and was very faithful to the American cause 
during the revolution. It is said that he was not inferior to Samson Occum as a 
Preacher. Allen. See also Wheelock^s Narrative, 1775. 

3 Jacob Fowler, a Montauk Indian was born in 1750. He was approved as a 
Teacher in 1765, and taught for several years after among the Six Nations and 
N. E. tribes. Things, however, did not go well with him, and in 1774, he re- 


apprehend is endowed witli Prudence & Discretion suflB.cient to 
conduct (and is well accomplished to instruct) a School. 

I would also propose to your Excellency Whether it will be 
best for Hezekiali [Calvin] to take the School which Joseph 
WooUey left at Onohoquagee, as I hear M"" Brown determines to 
defeat liis Design of settling at Fort Hunter. 

But I need not be particular as the Bearers are fully knowing 
to whatever I should otherwise have need to inform you of; in 
this atfair. And also as the Rev^ M' Pomeroy & my son, are 
appointed (and yesterday sat out via New-York) to wait upon 
you for your advice respecting the place to fix upon, and build 
for this School. They will also be able to acquaint you with 
the favourable Reception, Messrs Whittaker & Occum, & the 
Design tliey Recommend, meet with at Home ; and the Prospect 
I have of any Favour I can reasonably desire from the Board of 
Trade, if only the Place for the School was once determined, 
and as I would act in every step agreable to your mind, for I 
apprehend you are able above any man in this Land to serve the 
grand Design in view. What seems to be wanting at Home, at 
present, is only to know tlie place to fix it. And I purpose to 
mention several, with such Recommendations, Ineouragements 
&c as sliall be respectively given them, and leave it with Gentle- 
men at Home to determine which of the number it shall be. 

You will please to weigh the Arguments oflferd by M*" C. J. 
Smith to carry it into the Southern Governments, a rough Draft 
of which I have sent by my son. 

William (Major as we call him for distinction sake) is a very 
good Genius, and capable of making a very likely man ; but 
his Pride and the Violence of his Temper have sometimes ren- 
dered liim troublesome ; and obliged me to use severity with 
him, of which my son can inform you perhaps a Line or Message 
from You might be of Special service to him. I ordered him 
to write a few lines (which I inclose) as a Specimen He com- 
plained, and you will see, not without Reason, that his Ink was 
bad. I am lieartily sorry to add to the great weight of Care, & 

turned as a teacher to Dr. Wheelock's School, where he prepared himself for 
holy orders, previous to moving into the Oneida country with Sampson Occum. 


Crowd of Business you are continually in ; and rely only upon 
your Goodness and the nature and importance of the things I 
write, for Pardon, for this Trouble. That God may restore 
your Health, Support you under all your Labours, and long 
lengthen out your important life, is the earnest Prayer of him 
who begs leave to subscribe, with most Sincere Duty and Esteem. 
Your Excellency's 

Obedient and very Humble Servant 
Sir William Johnson Baront. Eleazar Wheelock. 


Albany Sep IS'h 1766. 


I have the Honour of y^ of the 10^^ Instant p^ master Peter, 
wherein I find no particular Instructions in Regard to his school- 
ing, conclude therefore that you leave him to me on that Head. 
Depend on it I shall take the same care of him in every Respect 
as my own Child. I shall be prepared to meet his Excellency 
y'self & the rest of the Fraternity on the earliest notice. My 
Discourse to my Indian Children shall be short, but how sweet I 
must leave to y better Judgment. I shall obey y other com- 
mands by inviting four or five the most decent of our Brethren 
to meet his Excellency on that Solemn occasion. 

I remain S^ with the utmost Respect 

♦ y most obliged Hum Serv 

S^ Wm Johnson. T. Brown. 


Onowadagegh Oct. 10 A. D. 1766. 
Revd Sir 

Though my being a Stranger to you might free me from many 

oflB.ces which might be expected from a youth bound to you by 


many acts of your kindness yet I cant neglect writing to you on 
a late occurrence without violating the Bonds of simple Human- 
ity which bind equally the most reinote Acquaintance and the 
most intimate Friends. A Report has been lately handed about 
here that you Rev^ Sir at the late Meeting at Johnson Hall 
christend serveral children in tlie Presence of his Honour the 
Governor tlie honourable Sir W'" Johnson many other Gentle- 
men and a Number of Indians of several Tribes who had been 
before christened by Missionaries of the presbyterian order. I 
acknowledge Rev^ Sir that the Fact mention'd in their Report is 
too notoriously conterary to tlie Practices of Cliristians of every 
Denomination to gain Credit amongst any but Indians and the 
most ignorant and crudilous Part of the wliite People, confident 
therefore that this Report is intirely Groundless I have thought 
it imprudent to apply to any Gentleman to liave it refuted but 
to yourself who will I doubt not readily give so full and ample 
Refutations of it from under your own Hand that I may for the 
Futer be able to put to shame all who would thereby asperse 
your character or bring into Contempt and Neglect amongst 
these ignorant Heathen the whole cln-istian system. It was my 
advice from several presbiterian Ministers and from all whom I 
convers^ with on the subject that twas best as much as possible 
to keep from the minds of the Indians every Notion of any 
Difference or Distinction amongst prodestant Christians. To this 
I have always been despos'^ and have therefore been ever ready 
to stand by a silent Spectator and Auditor of what ever any 
Gentleman of the standing church chlergey have desired to act 
or speak in any of the Places where my commission under the 
hon^ie Scots Society has impowered me to officiate. The Pru- 
dence of this Measure the Advantage it gives to the common 
cause of Christianety and its utility to the Nation so far as we 
consider the natinal Interest as connected with the scheme 
christinising the Heathen in these Parts must appear to every 
considerate Person upon the least -Reflection but if the foremen- 
tiond Report obtains we are obviously under a Necessity either 
to leave the Indians intirely or else to give a satisfactory Reason 
for such a Piece of unlieard of Conduct. The first of these Sir 
you may readily suppose we shall not do before we see the 
Vol. IV. 24 


Indians all suppli'' with. Ministers of some Prodistant Persuation 
who will reside amungst them to instruct currect and persuade 
tliem and to set them Examples of such christian conduct as I 
trust all christians would rejoice to see prevail amongst mankind 
and to expect this from the church clargey who are so scarce in 
these Parts is childish unless then you will amply refute the 
Report of your having rebaptisd Children we are necessatated 
to give a Reason for such Bisbaptisms and this we cannot do 
without entering into a Distinction w^hich we desire never to 
mention here and which w^ould to God there liad never been 
occasion for. You may depend upon it Sir that I am disposd 
to treat every man in a christian Manner who act like a Chris- 
tian and to use them with all tliat Deference and Respect which 
either their Age or Carracter or any Distinction can claim from 
me and shall tlierefore be entirely silent about the above Report 
till I see whether an Answer to my Request is to be expected from 
you and after tliat shall endeaver to act in a Manner most con- 
sistant with the same Principals. The affair has given some 
uneasiness both to Rev^ M"^ Kirtland and myself and in Case you 
think this unworthy an Answer w^e shall doubtless apply to 
some Gentleman who was present and will freely give us that 
satisfaction which I at present hope to obtain from you and by 
which shall be able to satisfy M"" Kirtland and to put a stop to a 
Rumor so abusive and uncommon. In hopes of this I rest for 
the Present and beg Leave to subscribe myself 
Revd & Worthy Sir 

Your Humble Servant 

Theophilus Chamberlain. 
To Rev^ M' Brown. 

*^* Theophilus Chamberlain was ordained at Lebanon, on 24 April, 1765, 
and set out on the 19tli June following for the country of the Six Nations. He 
established several schools among the Mohawks, visited the Oneydas, made a 
tour among the Onondagas, and preached to them. He returned to Lebanon in 
October, accompanied by two Oneida youths to be placed under Dr. Wheelock's 
charge. He returned again the following year to the Mohawk country, as appears 
by the above, and a subsequent letter. — Ed 



Schenectady Dec^ 4th 176*6. 
Hond Sii 

After rendring you our sincere thanks for the tender regard 
you expressed for our Church, in your favour to the Rev^ M^ 
Auchmuthy, we would acquaint you that Mr. Lyne — when in 
New York waited on his Excellency to know the result of our 
petition, and we have the pleasure of hearing that it was laid 
before the Council where it met with a favourable reception, 
agreeable to which tlie Charter will shortly be sent up with his 
Excellencies subscription money and Church furniture. Mr 
Lyne has also procured a Clerk to officiate in the Church, who 
we are persuaded will answer the Character given him by several 
Gentlemen of Credit in New York. We conclude with craving 
a continuance of your protection of our Church and its Liberties, 
and subscribe ourselves 

Hond Sir 

Your most Ob^ & Hum: Servants 
J W Brown 


Stephen Dudley. 
Charles Dogal 
Matthew Lyne. • 


Conajohare 29th Decbr 1766 
May it please your Honour 

I but lately received your Honours Letter of the 8th instant, 
am sorry tho have been the occasion of so much Trouble to your 
Honour whose Indulgence and Condescention I have so often 
experienced, and stand corrected with Pleasure. 

I am surprised that the Rev<i Brown should suspect that by 
privatly informing him of what he was said to have done I 


intended to intimate the misconduct of those in wliose Presence 
it was said he did it. I never doubted may it please your Hopi 
but that his Exelency the Govenor had a Right to ask and 
obtain M'^ Browns assistance in Conferring his Name upon 
wliome he pleasd and this without transgressing tlie strictest 
Rules of Christianity, and was far from thinking that his Exe- 
lency or any Gentleman in the Civil Government would inter-? 
pose his authority with a clergyman to oblige him to rebaptize 
Children because tliey were first baptized by ministers of another 
Denomhiation. Nor was I may it please your Hour suspiciousi 
that the Gentlemen of the establishd Church Clergy gave them- 
selves or others too much Trouble to bring into Disrepute otlier 
religious Persuasions. I treated this Report or at least aimd to 
like what was false and only wrote M'^ Brown for his authority ta 
say it was false. I gave a greater Latitude to some Expressions 
than I should otherwise that M"^ Brown might give lae a direct 
answer which would stop the mouths of those who can see 
nothing significant in arguing what men will do from theiF 
Character — but never once supposed the Rev^ Gentleman would 
make so great an affair of it as to have me answerd as lie has in 
a manner which gives me the greatest Pain. I mentiond the 
Presence of his Exelency the Govenor, the Hon^ie Sir Wilham 
Johnson and other Gentlemen and the Indians with no other 
view than to give the Report the airs with which I several Times 
heard it told not suspecting that the Letter would be proposed to 
any one as what was designed to fault the conduct of my Rulers, 
for to this I dont give myself a License in any case but especially 
should not with your Honour to whom I am so much indebted 
must therefore may it please your Honour beg the continuance 
of your Honours favours to be without which will be itself a 
mark of ungratfull and will soon render me intirrely useless. 
In hopes to obtain this I conclud and beg Leave to subscribe, 

May it Please your Honour 
iiivf", 'jr. y^^^ Hon^s most obediant humble servant 

Theophlus Chamberlain. 

I «if."f. :yjxii\ of hiiUi sji;/? -v! hu: <r 'U> 



The Bearers hereof are going up the Mohawk River to try to 
collect money to finish off a Church at Great-Barriugton, where 
they have suffer'd every Hardship from the Presbaterian Party; 
And designing to call at yr House I have taken the Liberty of 
requesting y advice. They beg of me to return with them to 
Barrington for a Sunday, but as my Duty call's me to the 
Mohawks cannot think of going without your consent. A Line 
from you will Determine the Case. I hope you will not let y 
Fondness for master Peter keep him too long from his Studies as 
a misapplication of his Time will make him forget what he has 
learnt. 1 am S'" with Respect 

y most obedient Servant ' 
T: Brown. • 

Albany Jan 30th 1767. 

If I do not go to Barrington a number of Brother's propose 
paying you a Visit on Saturday. 

To Honbie Sr Wm Johnson. 


Schenectady May 29th. 1767. 
Honorable Sir, 

The many Favours I have received at your Hand, lay 
me under Indispensible Obligations to acknowledge your Gene- 
rosity ; & acquaint you that as it is not in my Power to return 
them in this Life : You are therefore to look for your Reward 
where the most of Good Benifectors have done before you, viz in 
Heaven ; But can assure you, that I bear a sincere & grateful 
Sense of your Kinnesses in my Breast & sliall never forget them' 
while I am mindful of myself : particularly your last Letter to 
the Governor in my Favour which was of Singular Service 
to me. 

Sir, Since my Return from your House, I have attended close 
at M^ Silvesters OflSce, to acquaint myself with the Formalities 


& proceedings of the Court, have got my Licence, & qualitied last 
Tuesday, am come to Schenectady, with a Design to settle : & 
should be glad to have it in my Power to serve you or any of 
your Friends, all from 

Honorable Sir 

your most humi^, & ©be*^. serv^. 

William Hanna' 


Bethlehem the Q^^ Januar. 1768. 

The high and important Station in which the Providence 
of GOD and our Gracious Sovereign liave placed You, together 
with Your well known benevolent Disposition towards the 
Indians in general, occasions my Addressing Your Excellency at 
this Time. 

1 Rev. William Hanna, the first Presbyterian clergyman at Albany, was 
educated at the Revd. Dr. Finley's Academy at Nottingham in Maryland j he 
next was assistant at Rev. Dr. Robert Smith's School at Pequea, Pennsylvania, 
and graduated at Princetown College. In 1759 he received the degree of A. B 
from Kings College, New York, and that of Master of Arts, in 1765, from the 
same institution. He was licensed to preach by the Litchfield Presbytery, 
Connecticut, 28 May, 1760. He became pastor of the Presbyterian Church 
organised for the first time in Albany in 1762, of which congregation he continued 
pastor for the space of about five years. But " having taken a civil commission 
from the governor," and "as it was not customary for any member of the 
church to which he belonged to bear a civil office," the congregation requested his 
Dismission, which followed accordingly. It seems that he next moved to 
Schenectady, after having studied law with Mr. Silvester of Albany, and was 
admitted to practice, as appears above, in May 1767. But his success at the bar 
was not commensurate with his expectations, and in 1771 he expressed a desire to 
be admitted to orders in the Church of England. The clergy of New York, for 
reasons to be found in Dr. Auchmuty's letter (post) of the 11th June 1771, 
thought it would not do for them to recommend him for ordination, but sug- 
gested his application to Lord Baltimore. He thereupon proceeded to Maryland, 
and having been furnished with letters to Col. Washington and other leading gen- 
tlemen of Virginia, he went next to the latter Colony. His reception, here, was 
so favorable that he, forthwith, sailed for England, where the Bishop of London 
conferred orders on him, 14 June 1772. — En. 


I presume Your Excellency cannot be unacquainted with the 
Missions and Labours of the Brethren, begun and hitherto 
subsisting for upwards of Twenty five Years amongst the North- 
ern Indians, and that their Zeal, in bringing many of them to the 
Knowledge of GOD our Saviour Jesus Christ, has been crown'd 
with great Success. True it is, the Troubles and Calamities 
attending the late Indian War, in which the Missionaries and 
their Converts met with such a Variety of Distress, Vicissitudes 
and Interruption in their Labours, as even threatened their total 
Extirpation ; Yet it has nevertheless pleased the Almighty GOD 
in his great Goodness, after very many of them had departed 
this Life in Faitli and Love to Jesus Christ, still to preserve 
a Remnant of them, who now live together in brotherly Love 
at Wiealusing on the Susquehannah possessing the same Mind 
with Us to lead a peaceable and quiet Life in all Godhness & 
Honesty under the British Government. 

This Infant Indian Settlement, which we now have tlie 
Pleasure of seeing in a prosperous Situation, We beg Leave to 
recommend with our Missionaries, to Your Excellency's Kind 
Notice and Protection. 

In this View I have the Pleasure of transmitting to Your 
Excellency the Greenland History in 2 Vol^. wrote by David 
Cranz one of our Brethren ; which we beg Your kind Acceptance 
of The first Vol : Containing a Description of the Country and 
the natural Curiosities of that cold Climate, I flatter myself, may 
not prove Unentertaining and the second, I imagine will convey 
to Your Excellency the truest and best Idea of the Brethrens 
Method of propagating the Gospel amongst the Savage Nations. 

For this Purpose also this History has been presented to their 
Majesties the King and Queen, the Ministers of State, Bishops 
& Board of Trade &c. &c. 

In Behalf of the Members of tlie Brethren's Society for the 
Furtherance of the Gospel amongst the Heathen I have the 
Honour to subscribe myself 

Your Excellency's 

most obed* Humble Servant 

John Arbo, Secretary, 




It is a great satisfaction to the society to be informed, that 
you perfectly approve tlieir resolutions, with regard to Indian 
Missionaries, & Catechists, & are very desirous of seeing some 
part of the scheme carried immediately into execution. TJiis is 
a point we have constantly kept our attention upon ; and are 
truly sorry that we liave not yet been able to engage any proper 
person to undertake that employment. We had good hope tliat 
some of the more approved & experienced among the Clergy in 
your parts, who from their knowledge of the Indians, & their 
acquaintance in the neighbourhood, k especially from that coun- 
tenance which you would naturally give them, miglit become 
likely to have the best Success, would not have been unwilling 
to have taken this appointment ; especially w^hen they had some 
l^ind of assurance that a larger salary than usual would have 
been allowed on such an occasion D'' Auclimuty tells me, that 
he has done every thing in his power to forward our Scheme, 
but without success. " Perhaps, says he because the Clergy do 
" not care to leave a certainty for an uncertainty." We there- 
fore desire you to inform us, what you think w^ould be a proper 
allowance to offer to. a Miss^y for this department : The Society 
are ready to concur to tlie utmost extent of their abilities to 
carry on so beneficial a design ; tlio' indeed their income is far 
too scanty of itself alone & without some good assistance to 
forward it in the manner they wish. I have the honor to be 
with the most perfect esteem & respect 

Your most Obed* humble Servant 

D. Burton.' 

Abingdon Street Westminster Febry l^t 1768. 

1 Rev. Daniel Burton, D. D., chancellor of the diocese of Oxford and Rector 
of St. Peter's Poor, London, was for many years Secretary to Dr. Seeker, Archb. 
of Canterbury, to whose will he was also executor. He was raised to the dignity 
of Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, on 24th June, 1760, and in 1761 succeeded 
Dr. Bearcroft as Secretary to the Society for propagating the gospel, which office 
he held until 1773, when he, in his turn, was succeeded by the Rev. Dr. Richard 



Albany, March 21st 1768. 
Reverend Sir, 

. Since the Letter which the Mayor did Please to write you, 
our annul Election for the Aldermen and Assistants to serve in 
this Corporation having taken place and some other adventitious 
Circumstances Intervening have Concurred to delay our answer 
to your favour of the 27tfa August last, these being now happily 
removed we Embrace this oppertunity to answer your Letter 
It gives us much pleasure to find tliat you think our proposals 
in several respects Inviteing and Generous;' you will do justice 
to our Sentiments, if you also believe that we wish to have it in 
our Power to do more and if we would chearfully Give every 
assistance that the projector and Patrons of this Scheme have a 
riglit to require from every Person Impressed (as we are) with 
its utility and Philanthropy, your dechning to fix on any parti- 
cular place for the School without the Previous knowledge and 
approbation of Lord Dartmouth and the other worthy Persons 
that liave countenanced the plan and promoted Its success at 
home by procuring such Considerable donations for its Estab- 
lishment gives us at once a Strikeing Instance of your modesty, 
and a liigh Idiea of your Prudence in paying such strict atten- 
tion to avoid Every step that might tend to Prejudice this Insti- 
tution — Which in its progress may do honor to the age In which 
ft lias taken rise and reflect lustre on you as the first Promoter, 
Permitt us to thank you Sir, for having transmitted home Copys 
of oui- Letters and of those that were Written you on this subject 
from New York the Gentlemen that did us the hoiiur to write 

Hind, Harriot Burton, his only daughter, married (Aug. 15, 1773,) the Hon. 
John-, afterwards Lord, Trevor, Minister plenipotentiary to the diet at Ratisbon, 
in 1780, and to the court of Sardinia in 1783. This nobleman dying (1824) without 
issue, the title is now extinct. Dr. Burton died on the 23d April, 1775. He 
had the cliaracter of a very pious, sensible, diligent, careful and disinterested 
man. — Ed. 

1 The Corporation had offered to give two thousand three hundred pounds to 
Dr. Wheeloek, on condition that he would remove his Institution from Lebanon 
toAlbivny.— Ed. '.a- j!-f>i.-i '■' 


them are all of distinguished Characters Emminent for Cherisli- 
iiig and Cultivating the Social Virtues their Circumstances and 
situation in life such as sets them above the suspicion of sinister 
or selfish view s, and the many oppertunitys they have had of be- 
ing acquainted with our moral Character from the Frequent Inter- 
course with us Which their profession Necessarly engages them 
in Constitutes tliem very Computent Judges of it can it then be 
reasonable to suppose that Gentlemen of such as tliey are, should 
so far forget the duty they owe to tliemselves and to society as 
warmly to recommend the fixing of a Seminary (In which it will 
be necessary to Incultivate virtue and morallity as much If not 
more by example than Precept) In the midst of a People of a 
reputed Immoral Character such a supposition would be alto- 
gether absurd and we should think ourselves Justifyed in resting 
on their Recommendation only as a sufficient vindication of our 
Character against the uncharitable and unjust anamadversions 
of designing men but duty and the Justice we owe to our Consti- 
tuents obliges us to declare that the Present Majestracey of this 
Place in pursuit of the principals laid down by their predesses- 
sors make it the first object of their attention to Inspire their 
Constituents with the Loue of Virtue and the abhorrence of vice 
to tins end they discourage whatever may tend to Corrupt the 
manners or debaucli tlie morals of the people whilst at the same 
time Encouragement is given to every Plan Cultivated for their 
happiness actuated by these principals we readily embraced 
yours and rejoiced in the fair Prospect that such an Establish- 
ment amongst us Promised additional oppertunitys of advance- 
ing the Education of our youth all what we ardently wish and 
therefore what we Could Give we offered with the utmost Good 
will, if our Good Intentions already are or should be prustrated 
by the selfish views of designing persons we shall be Equally 
sorry on our own account as on theirs whom they deceive Have- 
ing been already explicet in our former letters on the advantages 
tliat the school would reap by being in the vicinity of the City 
we shall be silent on that head and make only remark to obviate 
the difficulty you mention on account of a supposed want of 
opportunitys to instruct the Indian Cliildren In Agriculture 
and the Manuel Arts that the Immediate Environs of this City 


are Inhabited by farmers whom if we may be allowed to Judge 
of their skill Industry and Occonomy from the affluence of their 
Circumstances acquired only by Husbandry, we shall not hesi- 
tate to rank them in the first class of husbandmen and as these 
Cliildren will not require to be taught any other manual arts 
then such as will serve towards procureing the immediate neces- 
sarys and more Simple Conveniencies of life these too may both 
be obtained in this City. We could have wished that your son 
and the Reverend M' Pomory had Commimicated to us the 
Intention of their Journey when they were here at the time you 
mention tliey would have had no reason to Complain of any 
Coldness in us nor indeed can we be Charged with any as we do 
not know that those Gentlemen were ever here otherwise then 
by your Letter. 

We thank you Sir for those sentiments of good will that you 
Express to Entertain for us we hope you will have no occasion 
to Change tliem and we should be happy to have you in this 
Neigliberhood that you might experience repeated Instances of 
our's towards you. 

We have read your published account of the School since its 
beginning it has confirmed our opinion that your whole Conduct 
has been with a view to Promote religion and the happiness of 
mankind may God In whose holy worsliip you are attempting to 
instruct the uninformed Savages Crown all your endeavors with 
success and Give you to see the accomplishment of your Good 
work and when it shall Please him as the supreame disposer of 
all things may you depart hence in his peace 

We are Reverend Sir &c 


Lebanon 8'h April 1768. 
W : pful and hon'^ Sirs 

Yours of Marcli O^'' Came Safe to hand two days, ago, in which 
I observe and gratefully acknowledge tlie unmerited expressions 
of vour benevolence and respects towiirds me and your truely 


generous dispositions towards this rising Institution. I amSoripy 
that my unguarded manner of expressing myself in a former 
letter respecting the objection so often made against fixing my 
school in the vicinity of your City (viz the bad morals of the 
place) was received in any other light than was simply and 
honestly intended : my design was only to advice you, that such 
an objection had been frequently and strongly urged ; and to 
Give you an opportunity to obviate the same's being further im- 
proved to the disadvantage of the design proposed I had not the 
least intention or disposition to reflect upon your City, or so 
much as express my own sentiments respecting that matter ; 
however the earless and iingaurded manner of my expression, 
naturally lead you to conceive, that which was very different 
from tliat entire friendship which wolly Governed me in that 
matter, and wliich was so far from my intention that I never had 
a tho't or the least jealousy of my being so understood, till I 
was informed of it by my Son, and since more fully by M"" Smith 
of New York, However I hope that matter is now set right, and 
that you will Candidly ascribe it to tliat Crow'd of affairs, which 
obliges me relying upon the goodness of those to whom I write, 
often to dismiss even Letters of importance, without such a 
review as I sliould otherwise think expedient. 

I shall take the earliest opportunity to transmit your letters, to 
the E&t] of Dartmouth &c, and also Capn Lansing's generous 
proposal at Stoneroby 

It gives me sensible pleasure Gentlemen that your sentiments 
are the same with mine as to the expediency and propriety of 
proceeding, on'ly with the advice and approbation of the Earl of 
Dartmouth, and tlie other Worthy Gentlemen of the Trust at 
home respecting the Place to fix this School. 

I am informed that some overtures are making to invite the 
settlement of this school in the Province of New Hampshire 
near Coos. 

And by a letter from home, I understand, that Gen^ Lyman is 
using his endeavours to have it carried into his Government on 
the Ohio, 

I have also lately heard that a new plan is forming to detain 
it in this Government — what these proposals wiU ripen to, I 


cannot say, and how Gentlemen at home will have light to satisfie 
t!iem, or wliat expedient they will think proper to obtain light 
sufficient to act understandingly and safely in determining the 
important point, I cant tell, I desire to do all on my part to be 
done, and submit it to and w'ait upon the Great Governor and 
disposer of all events to direct and determine the same accord- 
ing to his own. holy and righteous will, 

You may assure yourselves that the testimonials you have 
given me of your frieudsliip are not the least among the many 
circumstances which would render the prospect of such a situa- 
tion agreeable to me ; as I am with much esteem & respect 

your most obedient 
and very humble Servant 
Eleazor Wheelock. 
The W:pful the Mayor & Aid' 
of y^ City of Albany 


Worthy Sir, 

I suppose, before now, William has again seen his Native Soil', 
& delivered you my last Letter — I had such Expectations from 
this Lad, that I am sorry I could not prevail upon him to stay 
& prosecute his Studies a little longer; but he got so uneasy at 
the violent Proceedings in these Parts, that he apprehended 
himself in Danger indeed no Wonder! — Soine People here are 
grown so insolent and daring, that many even of the Inhabitants 
themselves seem to dread the Consequences — The Spirit of 
Violence & Outrage flames not only here, but throughout several 
of tlie Colonies, and bends its Fury at present against the 
Bishops k tlie Church of England: — where it will end, God only 

Ever since the Murder of the Canestogo Indians, their Plan- 
tation, called Indian Town of Canestogo, has lain open to waste, 
k to the Use, or rather Abuse of every bold Intruder — I lately 


made some Enquiry about the Indian Deeds relating to this 
town, which I once saw in the Hands of some Persons^ who 
were suspected to be concerned in the Assassination of those 
hapless Wretches, & had the Pleasure to be informed that tliey 
had been collected by Capt M^Kee, & by him transmitted to 

Now I humbly request the Favour of you to permit me to 
take this Plantation under my Care, and to sow one of the clear 
Fields untill it is claimed by, & wanted for the Use of the proper 
Owners — I ask this Favour because the Land is convenient to 
me (being only seven miles from Lancaster,) and as I live in a town, 
where I have no Land of my own near, & where Grain of every 
kind is sold at a most extravagant Price — I am likewise encouraged 
to make tliis Application as I am well assured that my Care of 
the Plantation, in preventing future waste & keeping off Intru- 
ders, will fully compensate for any Benefits I may reap 
from a little Crop; And I promise to resign it in good Repair 
whenever demanded by you or the Indians — If you should 
think proper then to favour my humble Boon, be pleased to 
appoint me a kind of Agent or Overseer to take Care of this 
Place by a Certificate, or in any other manner which you shall 
deem better — I trust you will pardon. Worthy Sir, this Solhci- 
tation — The Admission with which you have honoured me to 
your Favour & Friendship, leaves no Room to doubt but you 
will kindly indulge me the Freedom of this Address, & always 
allow me the satisfaction of declaring myself 

Your most obedient, obliged and 

Afiectionate humble servant 
^' Tho Barton. 

The Hon'^'e Sir Wilham Johnson, Baronet. 

P. S. As it might give some Offence to the Proprietary Agents 
that this Application was not made to them, I would beg to 
receive the Favour I ask, as if from yourself ^ who thought it 
necessary that this Plantation should be put under the Care and 
Protection of some Person who lived near it — May I hope for 
an Answer as soon as your Avocations will allow you to hear 
me. — Vive diu salvus & sospes! 



This will be delivered to you by M' Clench, a Man of Pro- 
perty who resided many years in Reputation in this County, but 
now moves with his Family to the Mohawk River. 

Endorsed "supposed in May 1768" 


Schonactady, 5^^ of August 1768 
Hon«i Sir 

Our Congregation begs to know wether there is any reason to 
Expect M'' Murray' soon here, if not if your Honour approves 
of it, we would give him an Invitation to come here, that if this 
place is agreeable to him and he to us. we will then Subscribe 
yearly as much as lies in our power for him, tho' I really think 
it will not exceed ^£40 this Currency but however if M"- Murray 
comes and you think him a person that [is] likely to promote 
Religion among us, we make no doubt but you will Sir ; by 
recommending anotlier Mission, to be added to this, or by some 
other means, make the terms agreeable to him we are now the 
more Anxiously Solicitious on this Head, as the Presbyterians 
are busee to get M^ Bay^ among them I shall not make any 
appology for troubling your Honour with this Letter as it would 
betray a diflidence in your friendship for our Church which we 
have had too many Proofs, to admit a doubt of 
I am with the utmost Respect 
Sir. your Honour most Obedient 
Humble Servant 

J W : Brown 
To the Honorable Sir William Johnson Bar* 

1 Revd Alexander Murray, Episcopal minister of Reading Pa. from 1763,4 
to the breaking out of the Revolution, when all the Episcopal Churches in Penn- 
sylvania were closed. He withdrew to England, in 1778. Ed. 

2 Rev. Andrew Bay was a native of Ireland, and emigrated to Maryland 
where he married a Miss Hall. He belonged originally to the Newcastle Pres- 
bytery. He succeeded Mr. Hanna as Presbyterian Minister in Albany which 
charge he filled for the space of five years, or until about the date of the above 
letter. He next moved to Newtown, L. I. His name first appears as a member 
of the N. York Presbytery in 1774 by which body he was dismissed June 20tb 





In searching Mr. Weyman's Papers after his Decease, a 
Number of the Sheets of the Indian Common Prayer that you 
employed him to print off, came to Hand, but in a very imper- 
fect State: He had got as far as the 74th Page which completes 
only 9 sheets ; but as Part of several of the sheets are not to be 
found, the exact Number of each is as follows, viz 

A - - 280 sheets D - - 417 G 400 

B - - 436 E - - 413 H 390 

C - - 460 F - - 413 I - - - 406 

I have got all the Copy but what is in the Hands of the 
Revd. Mr. Ogilvie, who is very willing to assist in getting the 
Work completed, in Case you think proper to have the same 
carried on. 

I am informed Mr. Weyman had Money advanced him on 
account of the Common-Prayer ; I hope, if tis so, the Work he 
has done may make compensation, as there is nothing left to 
pay the many Hundreds he owes, and me among the other 
Creditors the Sum of £300. 

I am ignorant on what Conditions Mr. Weyman undertook 
this Job ; liowever if he has made any Bargain and you are 

1775. In the records of the Synod of New York and Philadelphia, in May 1776, 
is the following minute : — 

" The Synod renewed the consideration of Mr. Bay's appeal, and after mature 
deliberation, confirmed that part of the Presbytery's judgment which dissolves 
the union between Mr. Bay and his congregation ; and with respect to the latter 
part of said judgment, the Synod are of opinion, that it would have been proper 
to have recommended to the parties, to leave the settlement of all matters re- 
specting the glebe and its appurtenances, to arbitrators mutually chosen j and they 
further advise that if any disagreement should hereafter arise between Mr. Bay 
and the congregation of Newtown, respecting said glebe and appurtenances, that 
they decide them in the same way." (Prime's Hist, of L. I. 304.) After quit- 
ing Newtown, Mr B. is supposed to have proceeded to Charleston, S. C. where 
his son, Elisha Hall Bay, was subsequently Judge. 'AH his descendants reside in 
the South, except a daughter who married a British officer and settled in Nova 
Scotia. The Rev. Mr. Bay was Grand uncle of Dr. Bay, of Albany. Ed. 


willing I should compleat the work, I am satisfied to abide 
by his. 

I do suppose the Number he intended to print must have 
been 500 ; if so, and that Number must be completed, the 
whole must be done over again ; but if 400 would suffice, that 
Quan^ty could be compleated by only reprinting the Letters 

As this Matter entirely depends on you, whatever Orders you 
may think proper to transmit me, with regard to the same, shall 
be strictly observed by, Sir 

Your very humble Servant 

H. Gaine. 

New- York ) 
Aug. 26, 1768. ] 

*,* Hugh Gaine was an Irishman, and served his time to James Magee, 
printer, of Belfast. We learn from Thomas, that he came to New York in 1745, 
and worked as journeyman to Parker. His wages at first were a dollar and a 
quarter a week ; he afterwards was allowed a trifle for hoard. To his credit 
it is stated, that even under these discouraging circumstances his economy and 
frugality were such that he saved money, and with the assistance of a friend 
imported a press and types, with which he opened a printing establishment about 
the year 1750, to which he added a Bookstore, in Hanover Square. In 1752, he 
commenced the publication of the New York Mercury. Having printed in his 
paper of Nov. 12, 1753, a part of the proceedings ©f the Assembly, he was brought 
to the bar of the House and reprimanded. He printed the Journals of the As- 
sembly from 1691 to 1765, 2 v. fol., and in January 1768 succeeded Weyman as 
public printer. Sir Wm. Johnson, for whom he printed the Book of Common 
Prayer in the Mohawk Tongue, patronized him, and in the collection of that 
Baronet's Mss. in the State Library, are a number of Gaine's letters, giving Sir 
William the earliest intelligence, and most of the current gossip of the day. He 
found it very difficult to navigate through the tempest of the Revolution. At 
first he removed his office and business to Newark, N. J. He, however, return- 
ed to New York, and resided in that city throughout its occupancy by the British. 
His Mercury was discontinued at the peace, after an existence of about 31 years. 
He obtained permission from the State Legislature to remain in the city after its 
restoration to the Americans. After which he confined himself to book printing. 
He was punctual in his dealings, of correct morals, and respectable as a citizen. 
He began life as a poor man, bul by close application to business amassed a for 
tune. He died AprU 25, 1807, aged 81 years.— Ed. 

Vol. it. 25 



Johnson hall Sepf 8th 1768. 

I have Just received your Letter concerning the Indian prayer 
bookjwhicli was put into the late M"^ Weymans hands, Th* Mul- 
tiplicity of business prevented my Writing to him About it for 
some time past, Tho' I heartily wish it was Completed. I can- 
not recollect wliether M'' Weyman was Advanced any thing on 
Accot but believe not by me. Neither do I remember what were 
the conditions of our Agreement tho' to the best of my remem- 
brance there was Something proposed in that way, but that so 
usefull a Work miglit not be Longer delayed, I should be glad 
you would inform me what would be the Expenceof re-printing 
the Letters A. & H. so as to Complete 400 Copys (which I think 
may be sufficient) in a Good Legible Character & on Suitable 
Paper, if your Charge will Answer My purpose I shall then de- 
sire you to Compleat the Work, and shall by the favor of M^" 
Ogilvies Assistance which I make no doubt he will chearfully 
give on such an Occasion. 

Please to send an answer to Sir 
I was to have ab^ 20 Books Your most humble Servant n,; 

neatly bound & Gilt. ■'■ 

M" Hugh Gaine. 



, New-York, Sept 17, 1768. ■;' 
Sir . ^^ 

Your Favour of the 8th Instant I this Day received, and 
since my last to you have found a Memorandum among M** 
Wey man's Papers, in the following Words; 

"In this Size [which is marked on a Sheet of Paper,] it will 
make 20 Sheets in 4to, which on account of the Difficulty of the 
Tongue or Language, cannot be done for less that 36s per Sheet, 
and Sir William must pay for the Paper besides, which wiU be 


from 12s to 18s per Ream, and each Ream will scarcely make 
450, the whole therefore will amount to .£36: 0: for printing 
only: The binding also must be paid by Sir William." 

By the above agreement the reprinting the Letters A and H, 
will amount to no more than <£3: 12: 0, and the Paper I think 
not more than 4s. 

I am very glad M' Weyman has had no money advanced him 
on account of this Work, as what he has done wiU serve to pay 
some Part of his Debts. 

With regard to the Binding, I do suppose they will cost about 
Is 6d each, and the 20 you want gilt, and I suppose in red 
Morocco, will come very high; however the whole shaU be well 
executed, and on as easy Terms as possible, by Sir 

Your humble Servant 

H. Gaine. 

To Sir W™ Johnson, Bart. 


. Schonactady Oct 19th 1768. 
Hond Sir 

I Received your Interesting Letter, which I immediately Com- 
municated the contents which regards the Church to the Vestry 
which made us all very happy, but as we want words to Express 
our gratefull Sentiments to you as we ought we must be silent 
we shall instantly sett about finishing the Church, tho I fear it 
will be too late in the season to Plaister the walls. According 
to order I have sent 1 Barrell of Rusk Branded on the Head E B 
which I hope is come safe to hand and am with the most grate- 
full Respect Hon*! Sir 

Your most Obliged Hum^i Servant 
J W Brown. > 
To Sir William Johnston Barne*. 

1 We learn from Mr. L. H. Willard of Union College, that John W . Brown 
was born in the year 1727 ; he came to this country from London and settled in 
Schenectady in 1748. He married a Miss Wemple, and left one son and two 



To Their Excellencies Sir William Johnson Baronet 

Superintendent of Indian Affairs in North America, 

Sir Henry Moore Esquire Governor of the Province 

of New York, Benjamin Franklin Esquire Governor 

of the Province of New Jersey and John Penn 

Esquire Deputy Governor of Pennsylvania, now 

convened at Fort Stanwix. 

The Memorial of Eleazer Wheelock of Lebanon in the Colony 

of Connecticut, Founder and Director of the Indian Charity 

School in said Colony, humbly sheweth. 

That said School was founded with a single view to promote 
the knowledge of the only true God, and our common Salvation, 
especially among the Savages of this Land ; thereby to deliver 
them from their present miseries, make them good Members of 
Society, loyal Subjects to our rightful Sovereign, and especially 
cordial subjects to the King of Zion, and the Plan has since 
been well approved, and the School generously endowed by the 
Liberalities of his present Majesty King George the third, and 
by many Noblemen and Gentlemen in Europe, as well as by 
many charitably disposed People in America. — and much Labour 
and cost have been already expended to fit and qualify a number 
both English and Indians for Missionaries and School-Masters 
among their several Tribes who are now or will soon be ready 
tp fintpv upon their respective services, if suitable doors should 

daughters. After having passed evenly through the troubles of the revolution, in 
which he manifested very little interest, and arriving at an advanced age, he laid 
down to rest in 1814. The following is a copy of the inscription on a slab in St. 
George's Church, Schenectady: — 

In Memory of JOHN W. BROWN 

Who departed this life, 

June SOti" 1814; aged 87 years. 

M native of GREAT BRITAm 

Came to Schenectady 1748; 

Where he remained untill his death; 

The founder and steady friend of this 



be opened for their improvement therein. Some attempts have 
also been already made among the Onoidas, and not without 
some encouraging Prospect that their Lives and Manners may 
be soon formed to rules of decency, civility and religion. — Some 
endeavors have also been used by your Memorialists the last 
spring to introduce Missionaries and School-Masters among the 
Onondagas and Tuscaroras, which proposal they appeared to 
approve ; but suspended their full determination to comply with 
it ; till they could have the concurrence of their Brethren of 
other Tribes therein. 

And your Memorialist, being now informed that all the 
Nations are summoned to meet upon the present public occasion, 
has judged it seasonable to improve the same for the purposes 
aforesaid, and especially as he hopes he may have the advan- 
tage of your countenance and Influence, therein ; which he 
doubts not your compassion towards those miserable Creatures^ 
will constrain you cheerfully to afford to the utmost of your 
power if you shall think the Plan well devised to attain th6 
end proposed. And he has tlierefore sent the Rev<i Ebenezer 
Cleaveland • and M'^ Allen Mather on purpose to solicit your 
favour and assistance in this matter, by recommending to them 
the design of sending Missionaries and School-Masters among 
their several Tribes ; or by any other ways or means, which 
your great wisdom and prudence shall dictate — relying on your 
Candour and the Nature of the Cause to excuse the- freedom and 
boldness herein assumed by him, who is with highest Esteem 
and Respect, 

May it please your Excellencies, 
Your most obedient and 
most humble servant 

Eleazer Wheelock 
Dated at Lebanon 
October 16th A. d^ i>jqq 

1 Rev. Ebenezer Cleaveland was born at Canterbury, Conn., in the year 
1726. He studied at Yale College. While at home, during a vacation in 1744, 
he attended a dissenting meeting for which he was brought to an account on hia 
return. He pleaded that he was, with his parents, a member of the church. 
Th is excuse would not be received and he was expelled . This extreme proceeding 
called forth much public indignation. He received his degree in 1749, and died 
minister of GlouecBter, July 4th, 1805, aged 79 years.— Allen. 




To the Honbie Sir William Johnson Superint of the 
Six Nations &c 
Your Excellency having receiv'd a Letter lately from the 
Rev*^ D^" E. Wheelockas also seen liis Instructions for propegate- 
ing the Gospel among the Ind"^ &c. Pursuant wherunto These 
are humbly to desire & importune your Excellency, That in as 
much as your Excellency hath been pleased more publicly, k 
privately to manifest an approbation, & goodliking to the D^s 
plan, and laudable design of propegateing the glorious Gospel 
among the Indn^, under your Excellencies Superintendeney : so 
your Excellency would please Still to countenance, & encourage 
the truely noble design. And in order to prosecute the same to 
effect, that your Excellency (as a tender Fatlier to these perish- 
ing Indians) would be pleased, of your most generous & benevo- 
lent disposition, so to befriend their cause, as to prevent their 
setting tliemselves off from tlieir Lands ; tlierby to frusterate the 
afors'i design of propegateing tlie Gospel among tliem, which 
undoubtedly will be the Sad consequence of their so doing, that 
this effect may not hap'en, your Excellency is humbly desir'd to 
restrict the Bounds of the respective Provinces, that they may 
not be extended So far North & west, as to cut off the Lands & 
Inheritances of the Natives : but that they possess & enjoy them 
for their own private Temporal use; and that more Sacred 
benefit of propegateing tlie knowlege of the great Saviour of the 
world among them , that so, by the Grace of God, tliey may 
have a further opportunity of a more general offer of the Gospel 
to them. And for this end, that your Excellency would be 
pleased to recommend, out of your clemency, and goodness, the 
above design of propegateing the Gospel among tliem, To the 
Heads & Chiefs of the Nations that may be present at tins 
Congress And finally, that we may liave an oppertunity, by 
order of your Excellency, to lay the same before the Heads & 
chiefs that may be here. And in so doing, your Excellency will 
not onely gain further just esteem, and deserved thanks of all that 
wish well to this most Christian design ; but the blessing of 


many ready to perish will come upon your Excellency in this 
present world,- and in the world to come, thro' y^ Grace of God, 
life everlasting which is the unfeigned desire, & constant Prayer 
of your Excellencys most obliged 
Humble Servants 

Jacob Ws. Johnson . . 
David Avery missionaries 

Dated Fort Stanwix 

October 171'' 1768 »-rUai(A<r 

*,* Rev. David Avert, after his return from Fort Stanwix, graduated at 
Tale College and went in 1771 to preach to the Indians on Long Island. He was 
ordained at Hanover 29th August 1771 as assistant to the Revd Mr. Kirtland at, 
Oneida whither he immediately proceeded. After spending a year there he was 
obliged to abandqp the Mission, in consequence of the Indians in that quarter 
being entirely disinclined to receive a second Missionary or school Master. This 
cause added to his ill health, discouraged Mr. Avery so much that he returned 
to Dartmouth. 



May it please your Excellency To informe the Indian Chiefs 
here present that the Reasons why I was not present at the First 
opening of the Congress. Was partly oweing to my being 
unwell that day and partly by misinformation of the Time when 
upon my hearing of the Condolence &c I much regretted my 
absence and especially since I have heard some ill improvement 
has been already made of it by Monsir Mountour which may 
possibly yea probably prejudice tlie minds of the Indians against 
me & even the Protestant Religion which Sir is very affecting & 
grievious to me & sundry others who have reminded me of it 
with concern— your Excellency will therefore please to let my 
Fathers & Brethren of the Indians know I Heartily Sympathize 
with them & am greatly grievd & concernd that there should be 
any impressions made on tlieir minds of a contrary tendency 
Let them know I am a most sure & fast Friend to them and 


especially their Souls Salvation who am may it please your 
Excellency Your excellencies Hum® Serv*. 

Jacob Ws. Johnson 
(Endorsed) Parson Johnson's letter 


J To Sir William Johnson, Goveruer Franklin, The Rev^ 

Mr Peters, the Chief Justice Smyth, Coll. Johnson 
and the other Respectable Gen*" of this Table. 
Health & prosperity to you all. 
In as much as I am a minister of Christ, & my Work princi- 
pally to preach the Gospel to the lower rank of people : I have 
not used my self much to the company, & converse of Gent" of 
the Civil & Military order especially in the pleasure and prac- 
tice of drinking Healths, Loyal Toasts &c wherfore I may 
easily offend in this respect, with no ill meaning — And in as 
much as in drinking the Kings health yesterday, I used such 
terms, as to offend Col Johnson Mr Chief Justice, & it may be 
some others. In saying I drink the King of New Engii Health, 
the Health of the King, that hears our Prayers, &c I do hereby 
honestly, and before him that knoweth all things, protest, I had 
no other meaning then, or now, but what is express'd or imply'd 
in these words — I drink the Health of King George iii. of Great 
Britain &c — comprehending New Engd & all the British Colo- 
nies & provinces in North America. And I mean to drink such 
a Health to his British Majesty, when occasion serves, so long 
as his Royal Majesty shall govern his British, & American sub- 
jects according to Magna Charta, or the great charter of English 
Liberties, and hears the prayers of his American Subjects, when 
properly laid before Him — But in case his Bitish Majesty (which 
God in great mercy prevent) should superseed &. proceed con- 
trary to charter rights & privileges, & Govern us with a Rod of 
Iron, & the mouth of Canons and, make liis Little Finger thicker 
than his Fathers loyns, and utterly refuse to hear or consider 
our Humble prayers; then, & in that case I should think it my 


indispensable Duty to seek a retreat else where: or joyn with 
my Countrymen in Forming a New Empire in Ameriea, distinct 
from, & independent of the British Empire: agreeable to a pro- 
jected, & predicted Plan in a late essay* which in Substance 
agrees with my mind in these things & if I am not mistaken, with 
every true son of Liberty. 

Your Excellencies most Obed^ 

Humle servt 
Jacob W S. Johnson. 
Fort Stanwix octob, 20 1768. 

* a late essay Intitled the Power & Gendure of Great Britain, 
Founded on the Liberties of the Colonies &c. 

May it please Your Excelency 

It is with some apprehension of Concern I write — I am sen- 
sible of the great propriety of Your Excellencys forbidding the 
Indns intoxicating Spirits (at this Time) — and besides the other 
Indn in genH, It may be observ'd the Seneca's who have been a 
great while in coming — come arm'd — while we at the Fort & round 
about are naked— & defenceless — They have also (it is s^) their 
Romish Priests among them: who hold it meritorious to kiU 
Hereticks (as they call us) And our sins and provocations may 
incense Heaven to let them lose at unawares upon us; if the 
utmost care, & precaution be not taken — which your Excellency 
in his superior Wisdom will doubtless well consider — & give 
oTders accordingly. As the Scituation of affairs wear a most 
threatning aspect (at this juncture) so I can't but think it a time 
to be serious, if there be any such Time: And in this Spirit I 
write to your Excellency. If my apprehensions are groundless, 
I shou'd be glad, & ask your Excellencies forgiveness — who am 
with all due Respect your Excelly, 

obed* Hum'e Servt 

Fort Stanwix octobr 22 17G8. Jacob W^ Johnson. 

P. S. As I am aseer, I may be knowing to some tilings — Your 
Excellency possibly may not — which occasions me tlius to 
write — 



To Sir W"* Johnson Governour Franklin Col Graliom Co] Butler 
and other Respectable Gent" Intrested k concerned at their 
Hon'^ & Respectable 

As I am here in belialfe of D^' Wheelock in the cause of Prope- 
gateing the Gospel among the Indians of these Nations I must 
be Faithful To let you know that wliereas the D^ Especially & 
some others with him have laid out much Labor & cost with a 
view to spread the Gospel among tlie Indians we are extremely 
loatli to see the cause d}e under our hands and a fund at Home 
of above X12000 Sterling that was raised by Noble generous & 
charatable benefactors and additions therunto in tliis country be 
lost or diverted from tlie design of the Doners which we Imagin 
must be in whole or in great part if the Indians & especially 
these Onoida's yield up their Lands We therfore ask that a 
Door may be kept open to them where the Gospel has been 
preached and Scliools set up that we may know where to find 
them & not liave to ramble all over the world after them or 
Find them vassals on other mens Land And as we propose to 
propegate the Gospel in the most open cliristian & catholick 
manner imaginable we are quite unwilling to be circumvented 
in any way whatsoever being assured our Design is good what- 
ever our success may be And therfore pray you most Hon^® 
Gent" duely & deeply to consider & weigh the Cause not for 
man but for God to whom you & I must soon give an account 
I am ready to confer with any of you Gen'" & others who would 
know fartlier of these tilings or would make any Proposals about 
them which I have thus in gen'i hinted at 

who am with all due Respect yours 

Jacob W^ Johnson. 
Fort Stanwix octob 30 1768. 




Know Ye Tliat Whereas The Rev^ D^ Eleazer Wheelock of 
Lebanon in tlie Colony of Connecticut in New England Minister 
of Jesus Christ is about to Set up a College or Great School for 
the benefit of the Indians which generous & good design is 
favourd by your Royal Father the King of Great Britain The 
Earl of Dartmouth together with many wise as well as great & 
good men And a place is now Searching out whearon to set up 
s^J College and many great offers made in Lands & Monies wher- 
with to endow s^ College in several of the neighbouring English 
Goverments but no place resolv'd upon as yet to set up s'i 
College. — . 

These are therfore to ask of you Fathers & Brethren if it be 
your minds and what you would choose to appropriate & devote 
a certain tract of your Land or country for this great & good 
purpose on or liear The Mohawk River or wherever you in your 
Wisdom may think most convenient of such extent and worth 
as may be sufficient with what monies & other Benefactions & 
Charities may be given to endow s^ College That it may be of a 
most Public & extensive use & benefit to the several Nation of 
Indians And this proposal is made with no view to acquire your 
Lands for any private use of any person or persons no Fathers 
& Brethren we dont want your Lands for ourselves but for this 
most public use & benefit to the Indian Nations if it shall be 
your Desire to have it set upon your Country rather than on 
the English ground and upon a Representation made herof to 
tlie Honie & Respectable Board of Trust in Gres^t Britain They 
shall think it more expedient & better upon all views & conside- 
rations to set it in your Country rather than on the English 

Your answer to the above Proposal is Desird By Jacob W^ 
Johnson Minister of Christ & Missionary to the Onoida Indians 
& others. 





Your favour of the 12th ultimo from Fort Stanwix, is now 
before, which I should have answered much Sooner, had I not 
well known you were deeply ingaged in Business of greater 
consequence to yoUr Country, and I rejoice to hear you have so 
happily succeeded in the same. 

I expect to have the Prayer Book finished by Christmas, but 
as it will make several sheets more than was at first imagined, I 
am confident the Binders will expect 2s. instead of Is 6 for the 
plain Ones Please to let me know how many you'll want in 
Morroco Leather. I heard the Revd M' Ogilsby say, he should 
have Occasion for a few neatly bound. 

With Regard to the Price of the Printing I will gnly say this, 
that when the Bargain M^ Weyman made, is completed, the 
Printer will have but very little for his Trouble, and that there 
would be a much greater Benefitt resulting from English at 
half the Price. However I want no more than what is reason- 
able which I am very certain you will allow me. 

The Difference to me in an Impression of a 1000 or 400, with 
Regard to the Labour, would not have been £6 and should have 
been no more to you than that of the Paper, but now that is too 
late to be thought of 

I have sent to Boston for a set of Hutchinson's History of 
Massachusetts-Bay, and there is not a gilt 4to Bible in this City 
to be sold, but I shall endeavor to get you one by the Spring, if 
I should run it by way of Falmouth, as we have all agreed not to 
send for any Goods this Wintex. I am 

your Very humble Servant 

Hugh Gaine. . 
New- York Nov. 

P. S. If any of the Common Prayers are to be sent to Lon- 
don, if they are sent in sheets in my Opinion it may do, as they 
can be bound there to satisfaction. 




Johnson hall, Noyi" 24^ 1768. 
Dear Sir, 

I have now the pleasure to enclose you a Copy of the 
Indian Deed of Cession to his Majesty specifying the Boundary 
as also Extracts of the most material parts of the Transactions 
at the late Treaty. The Indians insisted on their Title to the 
Lands as far as the Cherokee River, which they Cede to the 
King and I was contented to admit it in the Deed & Transac- 
tions, notwithstanding any pretended Claim of the Cherokees, 
because it puts an End to the Claim of the Northern Indians, 
and leaves it only to be settled by the Cherokees shod the latter 
appear to have any Colour of a title thereto, Tho I am Confident 
they have no pretensions to Lands North of that River or beyond 
certain Mountains which I heard both the Cherokees and 6 
Nations many years ago declare to be the true boundary between 
them. The Indians were for Continuing the Line from Canada 
Creek in a manner which wo<^ have been judged very disadvan- 
tageous to this Province and therefore we agreed to stop at the 
Mouth of Canada till his Majestys pleasure wo^ be known, when, 
as it is an affair in which only Two Nations are concerned I 
apprehend I can settle it reasonably and perhaps on much more 
advantageous terms. 

It will be impossible for you to Judge in the least of my 
Trouble and the difficulties I had to overcome from the Extracts 
I have sent or indeed from a Copy of the whole, for the most 
Material Points are settled at private Congresses with the Chiefs 
of wch no minutes can be taken, and these I was engaged in 
Night & Day, for as we came to Argue the Continuation of the 
Boundary Northward from Fort Pitt, we had sevi disputes & 
the difficulties encreased in proportion as we went to the North- 
ward and Came near the Settlements of the Six Nations or their 
depend'^ and to add to all this Two N. England Missionaries 
came up the one of whom was strongly recommended to me by 


D"" Wheelock of Connecticut and did all in their power to 
prevent the Oneidas (whose property part of the Susquehannah 
&c is) from agreeing to any Line that might be deemed Reason- 
able They had even the lace in opposition to liis Majestys 
Commands & the desire of the Colonies to Memorial me Praying 
that tlie Inds might not be allowed to give up lar to the North 
or West but to reserve it for the purposes of Religion, — and 
publickly declared to sev^ Gentlemen there,' that they liad taken 
intinite pains with tlie Ind^ to obstruct the Line k would Con- 
tinue to do so. The New Englanders have had Missionaries for 
sometime amongst the Oneidas & Oghquagaes and I was not 
ignorant that their old pretensions to the Susquehanna Lands, 
was their Real, tho' Religion was their assumed object, but 
knowing that any steps I could take with these Missions^ would 
from the Ind^ conceptions be deemed violent I treated them 
with silent contempt, Tho I think you should know these 
Circumstances, & the Government & public in Gen' should see 
in what manner their favors & Indulgences are made use of by 
these Gentry of which I co^ give many Instances being possessed 
of their secret instructions & many other very extraordinary 

Tlie Reservations the Ind^ have made and every thing else 
necessary will I hope be confirmed & secured by Colony Laws, I 
have only at this time to add my Wishes that the Transactions at 
the late Treaty may be agreeable to you, & to assure you that I 
am with the greatest Truth & Regard. 

Dear Sir &c 

My last Letters were of the 18*^ & 20'^ of this month. 



N. York 28 Nov^ 1768. 

As I had often visited M"" Gaine ab* the Ind" Prayer Books I 

was w^h him this Day, he says aU that he has to do w^^ them 


will be finishd in a few Days then will send them to the 
Binders so that in less than a fortnight you may have some of 
them up. I have made bold to tell him not to let any go out of 
his hands till you have the whole that you want, for he spoke as 
if M"" Ogilive would Expect some to send to his friends in Eng- 
land. M'' Gaine desir'd me to inform you that those that you 
woud have bound in Moroco Leather had better be sent in Sheet 
to England & bound there as 'twill be dilficult to get that sort 
of Leather, Expensive, &, the work not so neatly done as in 
England, y Letter to Lord Hillsborough I gave to M' Adams 
as I understood lie had Liberty of sending y Dispatches by a 
private Ship if none of y^ kings Pacquets were here: there is a 
new Pacquet for y kings us Comanded by Cap' Goodridge 
advertis'd this Day to go in December. Gen^ Gage not yet 
returnd tis said he is by the Way on the Land Eichardsi^arriv'd 
in ten Weeks no material news can I gather from home or here. 
I am wth due Respecr to you & family 

yr most obligd k very hble Serv* 


Schonactady December 6*'' 176b. 

On the receipt of your Letter you lion*! me with dated 24th 
October, we immediately wrote to M'" Murrey but have not yet 
rec^ an answer we could not go on at that time with Ceiling the 
Church as there was not one Plaisterer in Town, so concluded 
to stay till the Spring when Mauflfet as Promised to do it, we 
shall give M'" Sutton the oifer of the Joiner^ work as any recom- 
mendation from your Hon" Ought and shall always be an agree- 
able command with us. but the way M^" Davies and he proposes 
will Vastly exceed what we can pretend too, it gave me real 
concern that M' Peters had left this place before we knew it 
which was owing to M"- Clinch forgetfulness as he promised to 
acquaint me with his arival here as we intended to have return'd 


him our grateful! thanks. I have talked with Collins very plain 
about the money which he collected for the use of the Church 
at Fort Stanwix but he declares it is not more than twenty nine 
Sliillings but if so he surely ought to have Acquainted your 
honour there with 

I am with the Most Dutifull respect 
3 Sir your Most Humbl Servant 

J W. Brown. 
To the Honorable Sir William Johnson. 


Johnson hall Dec IQth 1768. 
Dear Sir 

I wrote you yesterday by Major Gorham, This Letter is ad- 
dressed to you at the intreaty of the Bearer M^ Adair, ' who I 
am informed was for many years a Trader of first consequence 
amongst the Cherokees &c. I believe his present Circumstances 
are very indifferent but he conceives he has a prospect of some 
advantage in view from the Publication of a manuscript he has 
wrote on the Manners, Customs & History of the Southern 
Indians, tending to prove their descent from the Hebrews, 
which performance shews him a man well acquainted with the 
Languages, and very Curious in his Remarks, His design is to 
go for England and (if he may be allowed) to take some Chick- 
saws with him, & as none of that Nation were ever there he 
conceives it would be for the public advantage to Shew them 
the greatness and power of the EngUsh. 

I apprehend that your Patronage in whatever shape you may 
please to Countenance his design, is his principal object. If he 
is worthy of it in any degree my recommendation is needless — 
His appearance may not be much in his favor and his volumi- 
nous Work may rather be deemed Curious than entertaining, 
but he is certainly well acquainted with the Southern Indians, 

1 Jaues Adaie, author of the History of Jimericnn Indians, London 4to, 


and a man of Learning tho Rusticated by 30 years residence in 
a Wild Country — He thinks that I could serve him by mention- 
ing him to you, and I hope that his importunity in consequence 
of that opinion will apologize for the Liberty I have taken in 
Giving you this Trouble. 


Johnson Hall Jany S^ 17G9. 

The return of M^' M^^Clay affords me a good opportunity of 
answering your favor of last month on the subjects you mention 
on some of which M^ Peters & I have conversed, and to wdiom 
I have wrote fully the other day as well concerning M' Murray, 
as of the Tw^o Young men you mention for Orders your Senti- 
ments on which I greatly approve. 

I long since informed the Society that if his Majestys permis- 
sion was obt<i I would use my Interest to get a valuable Tract 
of Land for the Church but have never since received any tiling 
concerned it, I. however lately secured a purchase made by 
myself for these purposes, & if the Society will use their Interest 
to obtain the Royal Grant, I will still endeavor to get a large 
purchase to the Northward w^here the Line is not yet Closed. 

Mr. Barton and yourself may be weU assured of my friendly 
regards, and of my inclination to do you any good office in my 
power, I am likewise Sensible of your care of my Son, and your 
good inclinations towards him, and wish I could obtain the Tract 
you require in a Convenient place. The Line as I before 
observed is not closed to the Northward so that Lands there must 
lye till his Majestys pleasure is known, and for the rest it is 
Ceded to the King by the late Treaty, so that it is hard to 
know what will be the Channell for Patents in future, and the 
fees here are Extremely high — at the late Treaty nothing was 
done with regard to Lands but what related to the boundary, or 
had been before determined on, should any Tract answer that 
may be had on a reasonable lay, w^orthy your attention, I shall 

Vol. IV. 26 


be very Glad to serve you in it. I am much obliged by the 
honor done me in Cboosmg me a Member of the Philosophical 
Society, and altho' my Necessary Avocations must deprive me of 
much of the pleasure I might otlierwise receive as one of that 
Body, I cannot but accept it with many thanks, heartily wisli- 
ing that their Institution may be attended with that Utility to 
tlie public & Reputation to tlie founders wliich may be reason- 
ably expected from the Transact^s of Gentlemen who apply 
themselves to studies of such Importance. 

Be assured, Sir, of the perfect Esteem with 
which I am always. &c. 

*»* Rev Dr. Smith to whom the above letter is addressed, was a native of Scot- 
land and graduated at Aberdeen in 1747. He then immigrated to this country, and 
on being invited to take charge of the College in Philadelphia, returned to Eng- 
land and received orders in the church of England in December 1753. In May- 
following he was placed at the head of the Philadelphia institution. He revisited 
England in 1759 when the degree of D.D. was conferred on him by the University 
of Oxford. After a life of much usefulness he died in Philadelphia, A. D. 1803, 
aged 76 years. His works in 2 v. 8vo. are in the State Library. Ed. 


New London Jan^y 24'^ 1769 
Dear Sir 

Nothing could make me so happy as to hear of your health, 
indeed I am Extremely impatient for this as I have not heard 
anything from the Hall since I left Albany. 

I was at New Haven last week where the General Assembly 
of this Colony were setting and heard Colo Dyer make his appli- 
cation to them for a Deed of the susquehanna Lands — in doing 
this he was pleased to say somethings that I knew were not true 
and informed several of the House of it & Could I have stayed 
untill he Came out should have told him so — I have since heard 
the Assembly did not Choose to give any Deed — One Keeny who 
says he has been a Missionary or Preacher, with the Indians has 
told many of them here that you have ordered all the dissenters 


out of the Indian Country and will suffer none but Church men 
to preach to or have any thing to say to them — Numbers of the 
Saints have applyed to me I informed them that I heard tlie 
Seneca and Onondaga Sachems say none of them should Come 
amongst them untill the Oneida's grew better & Reformed their 

Some Gentlemen that may be depended on who I have seen 
within these few days from Boston Report that the People there 
who were such Hero's in August & Sept. last are now under the 
most terrible apprehensions for fear of being Called to Great 
Britain by virtue of a Lord Chief Justices Warrant — for Call- 
ing & meeting at a Famous Convention and other matters of the 
same Nature — Some Letters from London Mejition that Lord 
George Sackvile is talk't of to succeed Mr Barnard I have sent 
you with the Boston papers one Published in this Town which I 
think a very curious one indeed I can't help being of opinion 
that the Resolutions of this Parliment will put a stop to many 
things of this sort. 

I have wrote two or three Letters to Col° Croghan but have 
not had an answer — hope my good friends in the Neighbourhood 
of Fort Johnson are very well also those at the Hall and beg my 
Respects to them — M""^ Chew presents hers to you and I offer all 
the good wishes in my Power for your health & Happiness and 
am most sincerely and Respectfully 
Dear Sir 
your most Obed* & 

Most Hble Servt 

Jos Chew. 
The Honbie Sir W^ Jolinson Bar*. 


Johnson Hall Jany 25th 1769. 

I am to thank you for your favor of the 4th Instj and for^the 
particulars you communicated concerning the Conduct of the 


Gentleman & party therein mentioned, relative to which I by 
the same post received some farther accounts of a personal 
Nature which obliged me on his lately applying for my Interest 
at the ensuing Election, to address him particularly on the score 
of the Liberties I heard he had taken, which in a letter in 
Answer he denys and explains his Conduct in that matter, liow- 
ever I shall take the first opportunity to Let him know some- 
thing more of my Mind; — 

As to the present Election It was appointed so Suddenly by 
the Sheriff that it was impossible to Collect tlie Voters of this 
extensive County particularly as tlie roads are so bad & the 
Rivers impassible it being a very uncommon Season in these 
parts, besides ^find no other persons inclined to set up, and as 
to my Son tho' he is very much obliged to his friends for the 
desire they Express in his favor, it is a Station he by no means 
inclines to. I imagine that the new" Assembly does not promise long 
duration for if they take the same aftair in hands I presume the 
Gov will be obliged to dissolve them unless these matters are 
settled at home in the interim. There will probably be more 
time given? should there be another Election soon, & some 
persons may start up as Candidates wortliy encouragemt, but I 
have had such long Experience of the Views and Interests of 
some partys amongst you, that I imagine one or two Members 
from hence however otherwise inclined would prove of little 
service as to any thing to be done in the House, particularly as 
to pohticks, in Matters of Religion indeed, the Church of Eng- 
land is on so respectable a footing at New York that I hope & 
hsLV-e reason to think it will now Succeed & that it will Extend 
itself and flourish, to which any Consistent endeavors of mine 
that might be at all deemed necessary sliould not be wanting. As 
to the person you particularly Mention he applied to me at his 
first entrance into the House, & as I had nothing then to urge 
against him, I made no Stirr, nor had he any opponents, If his 
Conduct since will Justify me I shall at another opportunity do 
what is needfuU, as I have the pleasure to find that a Conduct 
which gives me inward satisfaction has produced me an Influence 
^•Interest in this Country of which it is not in their power to 
deprive me, and of which I shall never make an ill use. 





This you'll receive by Col. Croglian, who will at the same 
Time deliver you one of tiie Indian Common Prayers : Agree- 
able to my Promise I had them compleated by Christmass, and 
they are now in the Hands of tlie Binders, and I expect to have 
them ready to send up by the first Sloops that go up in the 

On Enquiry I found that no Books printed in the Colonies, 
could be sent to Great Britain, but at a very great Expence, and 
shall therefore endeavour to get 2 Dozen done here in Morroco, 
which I hope to get compleated to Satisfaction. The Bible and 
other Articles you wrote for shall accompany the Common 

The Revi M"" Ogilvie says he must have at least half Dozen 
of the Common Prayers, wliich he intends for some of his Friends 
in England. What must be done in this Case 1 I only wait 
your Orders, and am Sir 

Your humble Servant 

H. Gaine. 
New-York Feb. 2, 1769. 


Schenectady 25th Pebry 1769. 

On Thursday last we Reed the inclosed Letter, by which you'll 
understand, that all our Expectations, as to M^' Murray are at 
an End, you can't immagine how the Disappointment aflfects us, 
and will be attended with the Consequences of losing some part 
of our Congregation by their Joining the Dissenters, as they 
have provided themselves with a Gentleman who is much 
admired. And as we are at a Loss how to proceed fartlier for the 
speedy provision of a Missionary We make bold to Crave your 


Advice how to act. Last Fall wlien M'" Brown was in New 
York Tlie Rev^ T>'' Auchmuthy told him in Case of a Disappoint- 
ment with M'- Murray, that lie doubted not but that (with your 
Approbation) he could procure us a Worthy Gentleman. We 
have tlie pleasure to inform you that we Waited on the Govern- 
our when last liere and Received his subscription money, as also 
the sum of £3 5s from ColP Morris. We are informed tliat M' 
Moffat will be up next Week to go on with the Church. We 
are with the Greatest Respect 

Sir Your most Ob* & Humble Servants 

Matthew Lyne. 

John Shee. 

Thomas Arnold. 

Jw. Brown. 
P. S. — Pray Excuse haste. 


Reading 31 January 1769 

I was favoured with a Joint Letter from you, Messi-^ Sliee, 
Brown k Curry dated 2^ List. But never Received the otlier 
you mention of Oct"" last, or woud not have failed so far in Duty 
& Respect as not to have answered it immediately. In conse- 
quence of some Letters that passed betwixt Sir William Johnson 
& the Rev*l D"" Smith of Philada I wrote the Society in January 
last for leave to Remove to Schenectady, & accordingly obtained 
their Consent Summer last : But hearing nothing in the Interim 
from the People as I expected from wliat D"" Smith wrote S« 
William when I applied the Society, I was obliged to drop all 
farther thoughts of ^that Mission, & Signified to the Society in 
September last, tliat, as matters thus stood, they shoud not post- 
pone the Settlement of it on my account. And since then I have 
entered into a married State, which woud make a Removal so far 
as to Schenectady very inconvenient, & the Salary there wou'd be 
very unequal to the Expence of supporting a Family : However 
I am much indebted von for your kind Invitation, & sincerely 


wish you may be soon provided in a Worthy Missionary, & am 
with all Gratitude & Esteem 

Sir Your most obliged and very 

Affectionate Friend & Serv* 
Alexk Murray. 



By His Excellency The Honorable Thomas Gage, General and 

Commander in Chief of all His Majesty's Forces in North 

America, &ca, &ca, &ca. 
To the officers Commanding at Fort Ontario^ Magara, Fort 

Erie, Detroit §' Missilimakinak. 

AVhereas, Mess's Danforth and Willard, Professors of the 
Mathematicks, are going to observe the transit of Venus in Lake 
Superior ; The officers commanding as abovementioned at and 
on the Communication to Missilimakinak, are required to treat 
tliem with all such Convenience as theii respective Posts will 
afford, and to give all such aid and assistance, as may be 
in their Power to forward tlie abovementioned Gentlemen 
their Attendance &ca with Dispatch from Post to Post to the 
Place of their Destination : And should any of the Vessels be 
out or not in readiness to proceed, upon their arrival at any of 
the Posts, they are immediately to be accommodated with Eoats 
and proper Crews to row them across the Lake wliere this sliall 

The officer Commanding at Missilimakinak, is further required 
to acquaint the Lidians, with the design of these Gentlemen 
proceeding to Lake Superior, to reconcile them to their Intentions 
and to prevent any Jealousy that might be conceived by them, 
either from their Errand, or tlie use of the Instruments they 
carry along with them : He is likewise to Endeavor, to engage 
some of tlie Indians Inliabiting Lake Superior to attend tliem, 
and protect them from any Insults that may be offered them, by 


any straggling Indians they may meet witli on the Lake for which 
service the above Gentlemen will make the Indians who attend 
them a reasonable Present. 

Given under my Hand and Seal 
- • ' ' at Head Quarters in New York, [l. s. ] 

this 17^'' Day of March, 17G9 

Thos. Gage. 

By his Excellency's Command 
G. Maturin Jr. 

*,* Great preparations were made to observe the above Transit, (^Yhich was to 
take place on M June 1769,) as another would not occur until 1874. It was 
observed on this continent, by Samuel Holland, Esq. at Quebec; by T. Wright, 
at Isle au Coudre ; by Prof. Jno. Winthrop, at Cambridge, Mass. ; by Joseph 
Brown, at Providence, K. I.; by Rev. Dr. Smith, at Philadelphia; by Messrs. ' 
Biddle and Bailey at Lewist on, Del.; by John Leeds, at Annapolis, Md.; by 
Messrs. Wales and Dymond, on the N. W. coast of Hudson's Bay; and by Abbe 
Chappe at California. Dr. Harris of Cambridge informs me, that Dan- 
FORTii, mentioned above, was probably the son of Hon. Judge Samuel Danforth, 
of Cambridge, (Saml. was son ef Rev. John, of Dorchester, and Rev. John was 
son of Rev. Saml. of Roxbury — all distinguished for mathematical attainments,) 
— graduated at Harvard College, 1762, was Tutor there from 1765 to 1768, settled 
as a lawyer in Charlestown, Mass., and died in 1820. Joseph Willard gradu- 
ated at Harvard College, 1765, was Tutor 1766 to 1772, and afterwards President 
of the College. He died in 1804. It is not known whether these gentlemen went 
to Michilimakinac ; I can find nothing of their Journey thither in print. — Ed. 


Reverend Sir 

Receiving Information that last Week you being in Company 
with several Rev^ Gentlemen : some one taking Occasion to 
speak of my being in the Province & of my Design with respect 
to A Living, there appeared in yourself & others, A willingness 
to countenance me in my undertakings. Verily S-" there are no 
Favours which I so gratefully notice as those of this Kind. As 
to my leaving the School at Rye, to engage in the same employ 
at Fort Johnson; I am pleased witli the Motion, — maugre the 
Consideration of Salary in one Place k the other : hopeing that 


mj'- Removal thither may be favorable to my Design of entering 
into Holy Orders: for which office may I be better prepared — I 
I am now engaged by the Rev^ Mr Avery in the Service of the 
Society for propagating the Gosple in foreign Parts — from which 
Venerable Society I understand that you S'" have Instructions 
with Respect to Fort Johnson, — Now all things considered it is 
my Resolve witli Respect to leaving Rye to hearken to yours & 
Mr. Avery's Advice and that no one have Occasion to repent 
of favor granted to me shall be the steady purpose of your 
humble servant 

John Rand. 
Rye Aprils. 1769 

To the Rev^i D''. Achmuty 

P. S. Revi Sir, in the above Letter you have M»' Rand's senti- 
ments respecting Sir William Johnsons Request — Mr. Rand is 
complaisant enough to leave the whole affair to our judgment 
and will chearfully comply with our Directions, please therefore 
to act your own Discretion letting me know, very soon (by a 
Line) your Determination, kind Respects to M^^ Auchmuty and 
Family conclude me, Rev* Sir, 

Your Friend and Brother 

Ephm Avery. 1 


Being just now returned from New York, I 
beg Leave to send you inclosed a Letter from Doctor Auchmuty. 

1 Rev. EpHRAiM Avery, of Pomfret, Conn., obtained the degree of A. B. from 
Tale College, and in 1767 received that of Master of Arts from the King's Col- 
lege, New York. His mother, it is said, was Deborah Avery, afterwards wife of 
John Gardiner, of Gardiner's Island, and subsequently married to Major Gen. 
Putnam. Mr. Avery succeeded Mr. Punderson as minister of Eye in 1765, and 
continued in charge of that church until the Revolution, when he became so 
obnoxious to the whigs that his horses were seized, his cattle driven off and his 
property plundered. He died 5 November 1776. General Putnam's wife died 
in 1777, at Head quarters in the Highlands, and was interred iu Beverly Robiiv 
son's fiimily vault. — Bolton. 


I am sorry that my unexpected Journey did put it out of my 
Power to wait on the Indians at Easter, as I inten'ded, but my 
Business was so urgent, that I am j^ersuaded you will readily 
excuse me. I shall be much obliged to you Sir, if you wiU ac- 
quaint the Indians, tliat I am now ready to wait on them ; on 
Trinity Sunday, being the Twenty first of May. If that Day 
will not Suit, I will wait Upon them on the Seventh of May, 
being tlie Sunday next before Whitsunday. You will please 
inform me by first opportunity, what time will be most Agree- 
able to you, & I will endeavour to come up accordingly ; but 
Whitsunday you know, is a particular festival on wliicli I must 
administer the Sacrement to my Congregation at Albany, very 
little News at New York ; The Packet was not arrived. M"" 
Cruger is chosen Speaker in the Assembly, to the no Small 
mortification of a certain Party, wiio liave lost Ground not only 
in New York, but in Philada likewise have lately received a 
mortal wound. 

Ductor Chandler has received several Letters from the Bishops 
k other dignified Clergy, approving of his appeal ; He desires 
me to present his best Respects to Sir William Johnson. He is 
now publisliing a Vindication of the appeal, and is to Send Sir 
William a Copy. 

Please to accept my best Respects, and am with great Regard 
Honourable Sir, 
Your most Obedient Servant 

Harry Munro. 
Albany 12^'' April ? 
1769. \ 

P. S. My best Regards, if you please, to Sir John, CoP John 
son, CoP Claus, M^'. Grace, & M'' Dailey. adieu. 

*,* Tlie Eev. Harry Munro was born in 1729. He was the son of Dr. Robert 
Munro of Dingwall whose fatlier was Alexander Munro, Laird of Killichoan, 
in Eosshire, grandson of Sir Robert Munro 3d baronet, and 24th baron of Fowlis 
in Inverness. His mother was Ann Munro of Feanourd a distant cousin of her 
husband. Being the second son of the Laird of Killichoan his father was bred 
a surgeon and in that capacity joined Lord Loudon's army in 1745, and died the 
ne|ct year from injuries received in that campaign, leaving two sons, Harry and 
Alexander Munro. Harry was then a lad of 16, k shortly after his father's death 
entered the University of St Andrews. After taking the usual degrees of 




Your favour of tlie,14tli Instant is now before me. I am 
very sorry the Common Prayer Books could not have been sent 
sooner. The Fault was not mine, but the Baokbinders, out of 
whose Hands I could not get them before the Middle of March, 
and tlien only 283, wliich I sent you the first Instant, with all 
the other Articles you wrote for that could be obtained in this 

Bachelor, & Master of Arts, he studied Divinity in Edinburgh. In 1757 he 
was admitted to orders in the Kirk of Scotland. & appointed Chaplain to the 77th 
Regiment of foot commanded by Col. Montgomery ; he accompanied that regi- 
ment to America in 1759, and served with it to the close of the French war. 
On the return of Peace he resided mostly at Princeton^ New Jersey. A change 
now came over his theological views, and he embraced episcopacy. He was ac- 
cordingly recommended for orders by a Convention of the clergy of that denomi- 
nation which met at Perth Amboy on 20th Sept 1764, and he sailed for England 
in the course of the month of December following. He returned to America the 
next Spring with an appointment from the Soc : for prop : the Gospel to St 
John's Church, Tonkers, of which he was the first Pastor — He was connected 
two years with this church, and was appointed in 1767, Minister of St. Peter's 
Albany, of which church he took charge on the 26 March 1768. In 1773, King's 
Coll : IS^ew York conferred the degree of A.M. on him. In the summer of 1775, 
he resigned the rectorship of St Peter's on the alleged ground of ill health, and 
moved to Hebron in AVashington County where he owned a considerable tract of 
land. Like many other of the clergy of the church, he was considered at the 
commencement of the Revolution an enemy to the liberties of America . He ap- 
plied personally in August 1776 to the Albany Committee for a Pass to go to 
New Jersey or Pennsylvania, but this was refused ; he obtained permission 
the following year, to remove to Canada and at the close of the war returned to 
Scotland, became Rector of a church at Edinburgh, where he died in the year 
1801, aged 71 years. He is buried in the West Church yard of St Cuthberts 
church of that city. 

The Revd. Mr. Munro was married three times. His first wife was the widow 
of an officer of his own regiment. She died in child bed within a year after their 
marriage, leaving one child named Elizabeth, afterwards Mrs. Fisher, who died 
lately in Montreal. In 1762, the revd Mr. M. married Miss Stockton of Princeton 
N. J. grand aunt, it is supposed, of Com. Stockton, U. S. Senate. This lady 
died in the autumn of 1761, leaving an infant who survived its mother but a few 
weeks. On his removal to Yonkers in 1765, he married his third wife Eve, 
eldest daughter of Ch. Just. Jay. This lady died in 1810, leaving one son, 
Peter Jay Munro, a distinguished member of the bar, and one of the framers of 
the Constitution of this State of" 1822. Peter J. M. died 22. Sept 1833, aged 66 
vears. Letter of E F De Lanceij, Esq. 


City. The Prayer Books that are to be bound in Morroco, must 
be delayed for some Time, as I must send to Boston for the 
J^eather; and when compleated shall be sent witli tlie account 
of the whole. 

The Laws of last Session were sent you by Post, as soon as 
finished, but I suppose have been lost by some Means or other 
in Albany: I by this Opportunity send you another Set, wliicli 
I hope will go safe to Hand, as also the Votes to tlie 18th Instant, 
since wliich none have been printed, and sliall continue the 
latter regularly by every Post, 

Bayles General Dictionary is not to be had in tiiis Place, but 
shall send to London for them as soon as we are permitted to 
import any Goods from that Part of the World. And am, Sir, 
in the mean Time 

Your Obliged humble Servant 

H. Gaine. 

New- York 
April 22, 1769 


Great Sire 

Tho' I'm just on ye point of returning southwardly, by y® way 
of Philadelphia ; yet my gratitude & intense affection incite me 
to send you tliese lines in return for y^ kindness to me at y 
hospitable Hall ; And for y kindly patronage of my w^eak & 
honest productions, on y^ Origin of y® Indian Americans. All 
ranks of ye learned, here, have subscribed to their being pub- 
lish'd in London, a half year, hence ; And y two volumes, 
Octavo, Avh they consist of, I do myself ye particular honour, 
from an innate generous principle, to dedicate to you & Sir Henry 
Moore ; For tho' he has not seen y^ manuscripts, yet, on y^ strong 
recommendations of y^ Learned, he has patronised me, both 
here, and in y*^ Inlands, and every where else, that his good 
nature & philosopliic tepiper cou'd think of. My great Hybernian 
Meceenas as yo've approved of my Indian performance, from y' 


own knowledge and accurate observations, I'm fully pers^vaded, 
that, upon my sollicitation, you'll take some convenient oppor- 
tunity to recommend me to ye notice of Lord Hillsborough, y 
friends in Ireland, &c. For, You know, I came from y^ South- 
ward, on purpose to apply to y^' friendly mediation, of which 
General Gage has taken no notice, on account, as I'm informed 
by the Clergy, of certain (supposed) Stuart's principles. Opposi- 
tion makes *lionest men, only, the more intent : and ther's a 
certain time for every thing ; As y® two letters I did myself ye 
pleasure to write to you, from ys place, sufficiently indicate, 
according to my opinion. 

Please to excuse ys hurry'd-oflf scroll and to give my sincere 
& lasting respects to y^ honi^ie extensive family, one by one ; 
and to accept the same, from. 

Great Sire yi- obliged, & very 

devoted H^^'e Serv* 

James Adair. 
N. York April 30"' ann 17G9. 



About a month ago, I did myself ye pleasure of writing to 
you, both in complyance to y kindly request, and my own ardent 
inclination. And, now, I re-assume it, returning you my most 
hearty thanks, for your civilities and favours of each kind. 

In a great measure, I ascribe to you my Maecenas, that ye Rev'' 
Messrs Inglis and Ogilvie, y^ Professors of ye College, and a good 
many of ye Learned, here, including, in a very particular man- 
ner, tlie good-humourd, tlie sensible, the gay, ye witty, & polite. 
Sir Henry Moore, have taken me into their patronage ; Tho' I'm 
sorry to say, that Geni-i Gage paid so little regard to y friendly 
letter in my behalf, as not to order his Aid de Camp to introduce 
me when I called to wait of him. Indeed he subscribed for tw^o 
Setts of my Indian Essays and History : And so do several other 
Gent on account of their reputed merit ; for ye Learned applaud 


ye performance. In short, Sir, I look down, with a philosophic 
eye, on that, or any such, neglect as a most imaginary trifle ; 
Especially, if wliat I said to a curious & inquisitive Son of 
Caledonia, concerning y® well-kno\vn mismanagement, &. ill 
situation, of our Indian affairs, westwardly, should have occa- 
sioned it ; For truth will prevail, when painted with its genuine 
honest colours. 

In ye historical part, Isliall put myself under y^Vost friendly 
patronage, and y ' of Sir Henry Moore, and do myself ye particfilar 
favour of writing to eacli of you, from y^ southward, before I 
sett oft' to England, next summer. As His Excelly has not only 
induced ye Honi^i^ members of His Majestys Council to give a 
sanction to my performance, and engaged to perswade y^ Comons 
House of Assembly to follow their Copy ; But, likewise to con- 
tinue to take in subscriptions, till yc Books are published, and 
remit me a Bill, on ye agent, at London, as soon as lie has heard', by 
y^ pubhc accounts, of their being in tlie Press ; I'm hopeful!, 
you'll be pleased to excuse my freedom of infolding, in this, a 
New-York printed Proposal ; and tliat yr patriotic temper will 
incite You to shew it to such Lovers of letters, as frequent your 
Hall, in order to gain, at least, nominal subscriptions, and give 
a sanction to tlie treatise in Europe ; Likewise, y* when I do 
myself ye honour of writmg to you, again, you'll be so kind as 
to remit me their names, at London, according to request. 

I've room to be pretty certain, that four of y learned friends, 
here ; viz, the Rev^ Doctor Acmody, the Rev^ Doctor Cooper, 
and ye Rev^^ Hesse's Inghs & Ogilvie, A. M. Avill, thro' a true 
benevolence of heart, recommend me to tlie notice of y^ President 
of ye Society for propogating ye Gospel, in order to obtain a 
missionary for our old friendly Chickosahs ; and likewise, their 
patronage in ye publication of my Indian work. When you're 
writing to my Lord Hillsborough, should y ow^n public spirit 
induce you to recommend me to his patronage, it would prove a 
great advance towards obtaining satisfaction for wiiat y ^^ Governm* 
is indebted me. That, & y^ like, I leave to y own kindness of 
heart, w^hich always leads and directs you, in support of a 
generous cause. 

Please to give my most hearty respects to y cheerful and most 


promising favourite son, Sir John, to ye gay, y« kindly, & ye 

Avitty Col' Johnson, to his discreet & most amiable Lady, & tlieir 

pretty little Sheelali Grah, who is y^ lovely and lively picture of 

them both ; To all yours. One by one ; To Col' Class & his 

Lady ; To ye Gent with you, &<= . and to accept y^ same, from, 

Great Sir 

Y^ very obhged & most H''ie Serv* 

James Adair 
(Endorsed) M^ James Adairs letter supposed 

to be wrote in April or March 

reed 18th of April 1769. 

Ans^May lO'h 1769. 


Johnson hall May IQth 1769. 

I have received two of your Letters since your departure, a 
third which you speak of, never came to hands, but from the 
others I find with pleasure that you have met with the Counte- 
nance & patronage of the Gentlemen you mention & I sincerely 
wisli they may prove of Service to you, tho' I am concerned that 
you met with any neglect from the quarter you speak of how- 
ever I am hopefull tl:iat the protection you have hitherto found 
will prove a good introduction to your Curious performance, & 
tliat its publication will tend to your reputation & Interest, to 
whicli I shall gladly Contribute as far as in me Lyes. I am 
obliged to you for your Intentions respecting the DedicatioUj 
which I should clmse to decline but that I would not disappoint 
your good intentions, tho' I would check the flowings of a 
friendly pen whicli unrestrained miglit go farther than is consist- 
ent with my inclinations. 

I return you your printed proposals. Subscribed to by myself 
& family with Two or Three others, which are as many as I have 
hitherto liad an opportunity of Laying them before, & the time 
you spent in these parts has enabled you I presume to know 



enough of its Inhabitants not to be Surprised that a Work of 
tliat Nature sho'i meet with such Small encouragement. Sir 
John. Col. Johnson &c thank you kindly for the manner in which 
you have remembered them heartily wishing you success, & be 
assured that I shall be glad to serve you in your undertaking as 
well as to hear of your prosperity being Sir, 

Your real Well Wisher & very humble Servt 
M"^. James Adair. 


Richard Young • 
Peter Young 
Hendrick Young 
Richard Cotter 
Hendrick Rynniou 
James Mordon 
Daniel Cammel 
Samuel Davis 
Reneir Vansiclan 
Jacob Veder 
Randel M'Donald 
John Foilyard 
Peter Rynnion 
Peter Potman 
Jacob Doran 
David Doran 
Jeromy Doran 
Adam M'Donnald 
Abraham Boice 
Caleb MCarty 
Hendrick Collinger 
Jacob Servos 
John Servo? 

John Miller 
James MGregar 
George Binder 
Cnristian Rider 
Bernard Rider 
Simeon Scouten 
Francis Bradthau 
John Everot 
Sarah Connor 
Leny Rynnion 
Betsey Garlick 
Baby Garlick 
Rebecca Vansiclan 
Caty Cammel 
Caty Garlick 
Mary M'Intyre 
Peggy Potman 
Eve Waldroif 
Caty Waldroff 
Leny Waldroff 
Margaret Servos 
Catharine Servos 

Males k Females — 45. 



Began to Open School April ye 17th 1769. 
Aug' 28 'h 1769 A List of Tiie Indians Children belonging to 
the Free Scliool at Fort Hunter near tlie Mohawk 
Eiver in the County of Albany and Province of 
New York with their Tribes. 
Bear Tribe DaVid, David, Abraham, John, Jacob, Peter, Joseph, 
Adam, Brant, Kreenas, Johannes, Peter, Nelli the 
Nellithe (Females) .... 15 
Wolf Tribe Thomas, Paul, Jacob, John, Daniel, Catharine,Susan- 

na, Catharine. (Females) 8 
Turtle Tribe Isaac, Joseph, Daniel, Jacob, Thomas Christiauna, 
Catharine. (Females) ... 7 

Total 30 

Pr Me Colin Mc[Leland] Schoolmaster. 
S^. According to your Direction I have sent your 
Honour' this List. 


At last I have been able to send you the Remainder of the 
Common Prayer. I am sorry they have been delayed so long, but 
I assure you it was not in my Power to send them sooner, the 
Delay being occasioned by the want of Morroca Leather 

Inclosed you have your own Account, as also the whole 
Expence of the Common Prayers, binding. Paper, &c. which I 
hope you'll think reasonable. Had it been English, the Printing 
Work could not have been done cheaper. I have not charged 
you with the News-Paper, as I am at a loss to know when you 
began, but I imagine 'tis not less than 10 years This, Perhaps 
you can remember yourself, as the same is quite unknown to 

Your humble Servant 
New- York ( H. Gaine. 

August 31, 1769. C 

Vol. IV. 27 



Honi^i'^ Sire 

As y kindly temper and public spirit invited me to \yrite to 
you, (exactly after ye manner Sir Henry Moore did, with regard 
to myself) in what manner you could be of any service to me, 
at. London, I make tree to inform you, that, next April, I set off 
from this metropolis of Georgia-Colony, to London, in order to 
get my Indian Productions published, there, under y^" auspicious 
patronage ; And, as you firmly believ'd, according to my creed, 
that general Licences are utterly destructive to ye Lidian trade, 
and our barrier settlements and Colonies, by allowing such 
prodgious nfibers of worthless trading Pedlars, as can give 
security for cunfurming to y^ rules of trade, both to overstock it, 
corrupt y« Indians by trusting them twice more than tliey can 
pay : then perpexing them for y^ effect of their own indiscretion, 
and betraying ye Secrets of Government, &c &c i'j-q liopeful, 
you'll recommend, in concert with Govern^' Wright & Lieut 
Govern'^ Bull, to ye Lords of trade, if it lyes in their sphere of 
action, a total abrogation of that most pernicious custom of 
granting Licences ; Without which, 'tis ye universal opinion of 
all us, who have gain'd sufficient skill, in Indian affairs, that, 
when the Creeks have made peace with ye Chocktah nation, 
they'll fall on our valuable weak Colony of Georgia, as they 
despise us like tame helpless dung-liill fowls, and, in their usual 
set speeches, and bacchanal days, term us so, by having been 
passively allowed, for tliese nine years past, to shed under y® 
greatest security , a torrent of ye innocent crying blood of valuable 
british Subjects, to ye shame and discredit of every tie of social 

If, along with y<^ former, y^" own kindly temper & love of ye 
public good should incite you to write any thing, in my behalf, 
to my Lord Hillsborough ory® Lords of trade and remit it tome 
directed either to y^ care of James Parsons Esq'' Attorney at 
Law, in Charlestown ; or to that of Mess'"^ Tellfair, merch*s or 
M'' Johnson, Printer, in Savannah, I shou'd readily receive it : 
And it wou'd be of great service to me ; For your interest is 
very great, in London. 


I'm hopeful, Sir, tliat both you and every one of yr extensive 
& Yery respectable Family are well : and may the divine bounti- 
ful goodness, always, preserve ye, so. Be so kind as to present 
to each of them, one by one, my continual sincere well-wishes, 
and very humble respects ; and to accept of ye same from. 
Honbie Sir, 

Your much obliged 
& very obed^ H^ie Serv' 

James Adair. 
Savannah 91"- 15th An : 1769. 


New York Nov^r 16 : 1769 
Dear Sir 

the Bearer M' William Andrews ' is a young Gentleman bread 
up to the Church well Recommended w^ you will find by M"" 
Achmuty' Leters and is a Relation of M'' Campble^ in Schonec- 
tady M"" Achmuty is of opinion that albany & Schonectady should 
be butt one Living att that M^. Monro w should have it and this 
Gentleman he preposed for yr. Town & the Mohocks I have been 
pressed on by Several Gentlemen liear to Write y honour with 
this Gentleman and hope you will Excuse the Liberty I take in 
Do itt, for tho I Love y« church very well I know I ought Nott 

1 Revd TTm Andrews was a native of Ireland. He returned home in 1770, 
when he was ordained by the Bishop of London and appointed Missionary at 
Schenectady, in wliich place some of his relatives, it seems, already resided. 
Having married, in the meantime, he entered on his charge immediately after 
receiving orders, to the satisfaction of his congregation. He opened a grammar 
school in the fall of 1771, but the labors attendant on this, with ill health & 
other causes mentioned in his letter (post) of 16 Aug. 1773, obliged him to 
relinquish this mission and sail to Virginia. Ed. 

2 Danikl Campbell was a native of Ireland, married a Miss Schermeshorn, 
acquired great wealth in Schenectady as a Merchant, portion of which he left to 
a nephew, a Dr. Campbell of London who resided in this country several years 
and then returned to England. Daniel D. Schermerhorn, one of the Members 
of the late Constitutional Convention, having become heir to Mr. C has since 
assumed that name. 

420 "papers relating to 

to Medle with Church Maters I think he is a Modest Young Man 
& one wh you May bring up To answer tlie Discription of Such 
a Won as you formerly Chose only he has No Wife But that want 
your honour No Doubt Soon Suply him with of the fruitful] 
Loanes of your Estate. 

I have seen the Gineral Several Times Since I came to Town 
he has No Late News of any Disturbence to y^ Westward butt 
Says itts Expected that some broyles will hapen in y*' Spring he 
Dose Nott See he Says any Service My going this Time of the 
yeer as ye Indians are all out a hunting But thinks I should send 
Some belts to Lett them know that I will be up in ye Spring he 
Says y^ provinces will Neaver Do any thing that was Expected 
& that Everything Must Return in its proper Chanel this 
Winter under y-' honors Direction or things will Neaver Do Right 
he Tould me yesterday that I must Stay here Till Next Week as 
he was busey this when he wold have a Long Conversation with 
Me, he Recomended to Me to Memorial the King a bout my 
Grants & one of his family Tould me he wold Recomend it if I 
asked him after I have hard what the General has to say to Me 
I will write yr honer More fully, 

the Ship Dutchess of Gorden is aRived things in England in the 

Greatest Confuson Nothing But peticions from all y® Counteys 

prepairing to prevent y^ King Backing the Midlesex & Livery 

of London one Mr Musgroves Leter Just as y^ paice was Made 

Makes a great Noise this is y® Leter w^ L — d Egermont Sliott 

liimself about there is Now a Suplement printing to yesterday 

paper w^ the Berer will Take up to you w^ will Contain ye 

Leter & all ye News this vesel has brought y® packet is Nott yet 

aRived butt hourly expected. 

Plese to present my Complem^s to all the Gentlemen 

with you & blive me with the greatest Respect your 

Honors Most obedient & hum^'^ Servant 

Geo : Croghan. 
To the Honi^ie 

Sir William Johnson Bar' 

*,* Geo. Croghan late of Passyunk, Pa. made his will on the 12th June 1782. 
His daughter Susannah, married Lt. Augustine Prevost. He does not seem to 
have left afly male heirs. His will is recorded in the office of the Clerk of the 
Court of Appeals Albany, N. Y. Ed. 




New York 18 November 1769. 
Dear Sir William 

Tiie Bearer Mr William Andrews is a young Gentleman from 
Ireland, who lias thouglits of taking orders for the Ministry. He 
is in hopes of being called for the Church of Schenectady, and 
carrys recommendatory Letters from Doctor Auchmuty and 
Colonel Crogham. I understand his character is unexceptiona- 
ble and his Education liberal. If you can be of any service to 
him you will obhge me in giving him Countenance, and your 
Civilitice I shall acknowledge with Gratitude I am indebted to 
you for a Letter; but it shall not be long eer I discharge it. 
I. am D-^ Sir W™ 

your affectionate and obedient Servant 



I have just receiv'd intelligence of a Vessell at York bound 
for Ireland, and is expected to sail very shortly. On this 
Account, and because my Continuance here entirely depends 
upon your recommending me to the Society's service; I shou'd 
sincerely thank you to send me the recommendatory letter, as 
soon as convenient. 

I have been seriously considering of the most effectual means, 
of procuring proper Persons to supply the vacant Missions in 
this Province, and can, upon mature Consideration, think of no 
better judged Expedient, than to invite some of the sober, and 
aged Graduates of Trinity-College, Dublin to undertake tlie 
sacred Office. I doubt not, but tlie Proposal wou'd be pleasing 
to the People, and the Offer agreeable to the Gentlemen, 

My Reasons for advancing tliis Circumstance, I must humbly 
beg leav^e to mention 


A late Abstract of tlie Society, informs us of the Want ot 
Clergy even in several parts of England, occasion'd probably by 
the Students diverting their Education to more profitable Pur- 
suits. And the Candidates for holy Orders, educated on this 
side the Atlantic, are by no means enabled to perform the Ser- 
vice of the Church, and discharge their Duty with so much 
Satisfaction to their Congregation, as these persons I have been 
speaking of,, who have regularly obtained their Degrees by 
Merit, after a proper Course of Study. Tho' I do not urge this 
Circumstance, thro' any disrespect or by way of Retort, against 
the Americans, I only mention it on account of their being de- 
prived of the Opportunity of receiving so good and solid an 

Ireland does not labour under the same disadvantage, as Eng- 
land, with respect to Clergy; For, we frequently hear of num- 
bers, soliciting for a Curacy, a poor Provision indeed. Besides 
let me add, that the American Candidates are subject to the 
Danger and Expense of doubly traversing a large Ocean, and 
incumbred with Charges, which they are scarce enabled to bear 
before they can obtain their desire. 

Now, if this Plan shou'd be found agreeable to the Society, i 
believe I cou'd prevail upon some of those Gentlemen to come 
over, and settle in these Vacancies, whose Characters and Qual- 
ifications cou'd be properly ascertained. 

Remitting your recommendatory letters, thro' Doctor Auch 
muty at York, wou'd be esteem'd as an Obligation conferr'd ol 
him, who is with Respect and Gratitude, 

Sir, Your most obedient, 

and humble Servant, 

Wm Andrews. 

Schenectady, lO^h Decb-- 1769. 

Since my sitting down to write this, I have found an imme- 
diate Conveyance to York, & have therefore embraced the Oppor- 
tunity of setting ofif to Morrow for Albany. Your letter then 
will reach me by means of D' Auchmuty. 

Sir William Johnson Bart. 



New York, 28th Jaivy 1770. 

I have just time to acknowledge your favor, with a Draft 
inclos'd on M^' Mortier, from whom I have receiv'd Fifty one 
pounds Currency; For which I return you sincere thanks and 
shall when able repay you. 

Accompanying this I send you a letter from my good Friend 
M'" Barton, who recommends me to you, & points out in my letter 
an Indian Mission — I intended after my Keturn here to have 
receiv'd instruction in their Language with the intention of 
delivering Discourses amongst them, whenever leisure shou'd 
permit from tlie Duty at Schenectady — 

To morrow I shall proceed on my way to London by Irelana 
in order to have my age properly ascertain'd & with the View 
of solliciting my Brother, (a Clergyman) to accompany me to 
London & probably I may prevail on him to come over with 
me — Believe me to be with the greatest sincerity. 
Sir, y^ much oblig'd and humble serv^ 

Wm. Andrews. 

Sir Wm Johnson — 


New York May the llth 1770. 
Worthy Sir 

Your two last favors of the 16*^ & 26*^ of April came safe- 
to my hands, and shall be perticularly answered by the next 
good opportunity. The reason of my troubling you at present 
is, at the request of a worthy Brother the Bearer of this, Mr. 
Forbes, who is rambling about to satisfy his curiosity. He in- 
tends to pay his respects to you considering his good character, 
and agreeable behaviour I venture to recommend him to your 
notice; you will, as he is a Gentleman and scholar be greatly 
pleased with him . He is now waiting for this, therefore shall only 


add, tliat I lioj^e you will pardon tliis freedom, I have taken, and 
be assured that I have the honor to be 

Worthy Sir Your much .obliged ob' serv* 
To Sir Wilham Johnson. Samuel Auchmuty. 

P. S. Your Letter to the Secretary of the Society was inimedi- 
ntcly sent to M'' Stuart,' as you desired. 


New York May the 20"^ 1770. 
Sir I most sincerely thank you for your judicious observa- 
tions in your last Letter. Infidelity most certainly is the foun- 
tain from whence we are overwhelmed with misfortunes and 
almost brought to ruin. Our great men, instead of being care- 
ful pilots, and anxious for the safety of the Nation, are inveloped 
in false politic's — rack tlieir invention, & exert their utmost 
abihties to aggrandize themselves, and their Families, and sufler, 
for want of true principles, their Sovereign and their Country to 
be tossed to and- fro with every wind of popular discontent, 
witliout guiding the Helm with prudence, caution and Resolu- 
tion. The Lords Temporal are wholly engrosssed in a system 
of Politic, which must end if persevered in, in the ruin of 
themselves, and their Country ; and the Lords Spiritual wliile 
they can unmolested enjoy their opulence, & w^eight in tlie 
Government, pay too little attention to the distresses and injustice 
that the members of tlie best church in the world labor under, 
in America. The True principles of a good Church man, are, 
a true regard to tlie Laws of his God, and a zealous attachment 
to Jiis lawful Sovereign. The opposers of a monarchical Govern- 
ment (too many of which our Nation are cursed with) are a 
direct contrast, wdiich e\'ery man's experience, if he has ten 
grains of sense or five of honesty, must convince him of. These 
men are ever assuming a power, have once had it — made a 
diabolical use of it, & yet have the audaciousness — the wickedness^ 
to attempt usurp it again, under the ]3est of princes. The Clergy 
are much indeljted to you, worthy Sir, for your strong attach- 
ment to the present happy Establishment in Church and State ; 
and for your animated Letters to tlie Minstry seting forth the 
1 For a biographical sketch of thisgentleuiaii, see the end of this series. — Ed. 



necessity of an American Episcopate, and a proper notice and 
regard for tlie American Churches ; which, at present, are left 
destitute of Countenance and support; subject to the vile 
Eavages of Goths and Vandals — or what is worse — inveterate 
malice from .those tliat dare to stile themselves Christians. May 
God reform them. I forgive them, but forget them, I hope I 
never shall — I am ordered in the Name of our Convention, 
which met af my house, the last week to thank you for the 
many good services you have honored us witli ; and to assure 
you that we should esteem it as a most providential Event, if 
your power to serve us, was adequale to your inclination — 
happy should Ave be was this the Case. -^ I tJierefore Sir, as 
president of the Convention pro tempore return you our most 
sincere and grateful Thanks, for the exertion of your Interest, 
in favor of the Church of England in America ; and for the 
many favors we have received from you, as clergymen. We 
have still to beg, that the discouragements you have met with, 
may not slacken your generous Ardor ; or provoke you to cease 
your application at Home in our favor — i e. for the preservation 
of the present happy establishment in Church and State, which 
ought to be as firmly settled here, as in Great Britain, we most 
ardently wish you every Temporal and Spiritual Blessings ; & 
beg leave to assure you that we retain a grateful sense of the 
honor you have done us, in becoming our Friend & Patron. 

This will be delivered to you, by my worthy Brothers, Cooper 
& Inglis. The latter travels for Health, the former because he 
has too much. I almost envy them their happiness. 

I have received a Letter from M^" Stuart, who is now I imagine 
plouging the Ocean. He got your Letter a few days after it 
came to m}' hands. 

I have not liad any late Letters from the Secretary of the 
Society. I wish that good Body would adopt the Salutary 
advice you have given them ; which would enable them to be 
further useful. 

I hope you will pardon this long Epistle ; and, be assured 
that I am, worthy Sir, with great seucerity & truth 

Your much obliged & most ob* Serv^ 
Sir William Jolmsou. Samuel Auchmuty. 



Johnson hall May 27'^ 1770. 

I thank you most kindly for your Letter of the 20*1' by our 
Friends D'" Cooper & M'' Inglis whom I very highly Esteem & in 
whose Society I have spent many agreable hours during which 
we have Conversed much on tlie affairs of the Church, Their 
Speedy return prevents me from Saying much to you by 
this opportunity. I cannot however avoid agreeing witli you 
in the trutli of your Remarks on the present unhappy state of 
affairs, w^liich greatly contribute to check the growth & prevent 
the Success of the National Church, I hope the Government will 
at last discover the Importance of giving it all possible Counten- 
ance, & tlmt wjienever party shall so far Subside as to enable 
tliem to act without the apprehension of giving offence to others 
its Enemies, tliat they will afford it the required support. 

I most kindly tliank tlie Convention for the favorable sent] 
ments they entertained of my endeavors in the Cause of ow 
Religion, and I assure you & them, that I shall omit no opportu- 
nity for demonstrating the sincerity of my attachm* thereto, by 
promoting its Interest as far as my little Interest & abilities shalJ 
Enable me, at the same time wishing that we may spedily hear 
more agreable news from England & Assurmg you that I am 
always witli great Truth Sir &c 

D^' Auchmuty 


Johnson haU Nov^ 1770. 
Dear Sir. 

I was lately agreably favored with your Letter of the 2^^^ 
ult" accompanied with your pretty present for your Godson the 
Indian Boy, wliich with your Letter to his father was receivex;: 
Vvdth Extraordinary marks of Gratitude and Thanks, so that it 


would be hard to say wliich were best pleased, The Boy with 
his finery or the parents with that Token of your remembrance 
& the Letter wliich they think greatly of, The Father was 
greatly distressed how to Express his thanks to you but at last 
wrote the Letter wch I now enclose, and after Lamenting that it 
was not in his power to make you a return suitable to his Incli- 
nations he begged that I might send you a Leathern Lap Decorated 
& which he gave me for that purpose adding that as he liad worn 
it often in tlie field, when in Arms against our Enemys, it might 
still be considered as an emblem of his attachment. 

I sincerely wish that the Indians desires as Expressed at the 
late Congress joyned to my Strong recommendations may awaken 
the attention of Government to affairs of Religion, which under 
such auspices would soon flourish and Expand. The Informa- 
tion you gave me concerning, the appropriating the Quit rents 
to these uses, is I appreliend a matter that may rather be wished 
for, than Expected, as the Quit rents are greatly encreased by 
so many late Grants, and altho' they are but very irregularly 
paid must far Exceed the Sum you Mention, however if you 
could procure the anni amount of them, and let me know it, I 
sliall consider it farther, and see Whether tliere may not be 
some prospect of Success from such an application. 

As to the Nova Scotia Mission, when I consider, the SmaU 
number of the Indians, and their present dependant state there, 
together witli its being made in consequence of their threats, I 
can hardly think tliat the Government will disregard the 
entreaties of a people whose power and Capacity so far exceeds 
those of Nova Scotia, and whose friendship & alliance is so much 
more interesting to us. 

It must have been thro' hurry that I neglected giving you in 
my former Letter, the Numbers of the other Indians wlacn I am 
well acquainted with. The Onondagas can muster about 200 
fighting Men, The Cayugas about 260, The Senecas, including 
those of this about 1000. but there are besides, many of every 
Nation Settled with other Tribes at and about the Suquehanna 
&ca which if added to their respective Nations would encrease 
the number, and the Tuscaroras, alone since the last body ol them 
eamefrom the Southward to Joyu the rest may now [make] abt 


near 250. so tliat tlie \Miole of the Six Nations witlioiit including 
any othei"S will Amount to OOOO fighting Men, by which the 
Xumher of souls may be calculated in the usual manner. 

I am sensible that Example will go farther than precept in the 
Introducing Arts or Mechanics amongst them The advantage of 
which they will daily grow more sensible of. D«" Wheelock has 
been so sanguine in these matters that he has made no advances 
worth mentioning in that way whatever may be reported, as to 
Smiths they are so necessary to tliem that they would readily 
admit them and indeed they were formerly allowed them in their 
villager at the Expense of the Government, & perliaps Carpen- 
ters might also be agreable for if these Mechanics were well 
inspected & Confined solely to their Trades, (which is a very 
difficult matter to eflect) some of the Indians would doubtles be 
allured in a lirtle time to apply themselves to Arts so usefuU to 
themselves, S: their proficiency in one or Two Arts, beyond 
which we should not go in the beginning would prepai-e them to 
receive others which at present are not necessary to their manner 
of Living — Tho- farming would be a most necessary acquire- 
ment, and wliich I believe they may be brought to in Time. 
Yet I fear it cannot be attempted, such Arts as are necessary to 
their present mode of Life will not alarm them, but any that 
will tend to introduce a Change therein, must be deferred for a 
time, as there is nothing wliich they so much dread as the 
alienation of theirpeoples minds from those pursuits & Exercises 
]»y which alone they apprehend that their Liberties are preserved. 

I thank you for tlie p. .litical hints you gave me. and presume 
that by this time the Disposition of our Governor is better known, 
beius^ inclined to think that he will not fall into the hands of any 
desisming party. 

Before Closing my Letter M' Stuart arrived & delivered me 
your favor of the 23<^ ult". I had seen him before he went for 
Orders, and believe him to be a discreet, sensible man, The 
Mohocks being now almost all abroad on their Winter hunt. He 
cannot enter up^n liis Mission with Eflect for some little time 
be is to be Introduced to those that are at home immediately 
and I shall direct him in the means of beginning to acquire tlieii 
Language, without delay as it is so Essential to his Success, of 


which I have not the Least doubt if Conducted x^roperly to 
which end mv advice and endeavors shall l>e always Chearfully 
bestowed. I have a few Lines by him from I) Burton wherein 
is mentioned the Societys approbation of and allowance to M» 
Hall, to be fixed at Conojoharee until he has taken f)rders. The 
design is good, and I wish he was now there to enter upon it— I 
have built a handsome Church there at my own Expence ^ Tho' 
I had been promised the assistance of others but the times did 
not admit of it, and as that village is equal in zeal k attachment 
to the Mohocks and is 30 miles farther up the Country. M Halls 
establishment & success there will contribute greatly to enlarge 
the design of the plan, and to point out its benefits to the public, 
which so soon as these persons are properly Seated and have 
acquired a share of the Language and Confidence of the Indians, 
may be so far Extended as to comprehend all that can be wished 
for, to form one vast k Generous design. 

It is extremely probable that a War with Spain is not very 
distant, and indeed I believe it is Covetted by many people but 
Spain wiU have powerfull alliances, and without great Care 
France, may give us fresh trouble in America, particularly thro' 
the Influence they still retain over so many Indian Xations. I 
am much obliged to the worthy D^ Johnson for his kind remem- 
brance and sincerely wish him aH happiness. My Son. who 
desires liis "Complements to you puiposes to visit X York soon 
Col : Johnson also desires to be kindly remembered, and be 
assured that I am always with perfect regard 

Dear Sir kc. 
The Rev^ M^ Cha* IngUs. 

1 An account of monies expended by JohnDanl. MnEer in bmldiiig a Chorch 
at Canajohaiy. for the use of the Indians by the direction of the Honble Sir 
WUIiam Johnson. £4.59.111. 




• Johnson hall Feby 28ti' 1771. 


I should be wanting in duty to the public if I withheld from 
a Gentleman of D'' Lee's Character any information I am capable of 
affording on the subject of y^' Letter wch thro' my Absence from 
home havg been some time in the Ind. Country & since entirel}*" 
occupied with affairs of a public nature, it w^as not in my power 
to ans^' till now. 

I am only apprehensive that any account in my power 
respecting such enquirys amongst the unlettered Indians will 
prove inadequate to the Expectations formed in your Letter, not- 
withstanding my long residence in this country, [" ot more than 
thirty eiglit years,"] tlie Nature of my office and the most diligent 
enquirys into these curious particulars, I find all researches of 
that sort for reasons wliich I shall give presently involved in 
such difficultys & uncertainty as to afford but slender satisfac- 
tion. At least far short of my inclination to gratify your desire 
thereon — liowever I shall endeavor to make some attonement 
by giving you some ace' of these difficulties together with such 

1 Arthur Lee was born in Virginia on tlie 20th Dec. 1740. He was sent at an 
early age to Eton, and afterwai'ds to the University of Edinburgh, where he ob- 
tained his degree of Doctor of Medicine in 1764. He returned to his native 
country where he practised his profession for a short period, but soon went 
to London and entered the Temple with a view of being called to the bar. 
Here he became the associate or correspondent of the principal literary and 
scientific men of the day, and was elected Fellow of the Eoyal Society. Pre- 
vious to the Kevolution, he acted as agent in England for the Provinces of Massa- 
chusetts and Virginia, and in that capacity acquitted himself as a zealous and 
sound friend of American liberty. In 1776, he was appointed, conjointly with 
Dr. Franklin and Silas Deane, Commissionere to France on the part of the United 
States, and assisted in negotiating the Treaty between these countries. He re- 
turned to America in 1780 and in 1784 was appointed one of the Commissioners 
to treat with the Six Nations. He executed this trust at Fort Schuyler, (now 
Rome, Oneida Co.) with much credit. He died, unmarried, Dec. 12, 1792, 
aged nearly 52 years. He was a distinguished scholar, and a statesman, rigid in 
principle and unsullied in integrity. His life by R. H. Lee, was published in 2 
vols. Bvo. in 1829.— Ed. 


other hints as from the motives of enquiry suggested in your 
Letter may I flatter myself prove of some little use, or amuse- 
men to you. 

It will be unnecessary to Inlarge on the want of Laws, 
Government, Letters or such other particulars as are to be found 
in most authors who have treated of the N. Amer" Indians. 
These are general observations as generally known To shew 
wherein tliey are defective and to acco*^ lor, by setts forth the 
present state of the sev' Indian Nations is a subject of greater 
importance it will lead to other matters more Interesting. 

I must therefore observe that the customs and manners of the 
Indians are in sev^ cases liable to changes, which have not been 
thoroughly considered by authors and therefore the description 
of them (as is usual) at any one particular period must be 
insuiUcient, and I must furtJii" premise that I mean to confine 
my observations to those of Northern Nations with whom I have 
the most acquaintance and intercourse. 

In all inquiries of this sort, Ave should Distinguisli between 
tlie more, remote Tribes & tliose Indn^ who from their having 
been next to our settlem^s for gevi years, & relying solely on oral 
Tradition for the support of tlieir Ancient usages, have lost 
great part of them, & have blended some with Customs amongst 
ourselves, so as to render it Extremely difficult, if not impossi- 
ble to Trace their Customs to their origin or to discover their 
Explication. Again, Those Indians who are a degree farther 
removed havs still a good deal of Intercourse with our Traders 
and hav? altered their system of Politicks, tho' they still retain 
many Ancient Customs, they are much at a Loss to account for 
them, whilst those who are far removed from any intercourse 
with the whites (a few Traders excepted) are still in possess" 
of the greatest part of their primitive usages tho' they cannot 
give a satisfactory acc^ of their original signification, and have so 
blended the whole with fable, as to render it matter of great 
difficulty to Separate the Truth from it, add to this that above 
a Century ago they had French Jesuits amongst them, who partly 
for Religious purposes, but chiefly to serve particular ends in 
the Wars they often fomented, introduced some of their own 


inventions which the present generation confound with their 
ancient Ceremonies. 

So far as tlie remarks are Confined to the Confederacy of the 
6 Nats, the Moliocks, who haye long Hved witliin our settlem^^ 
come under the first predicament, tho' greatly reduced in* num- 
ber they are still the acknowledged Head of that Alliance, but 
in their present State they have less Intercourse with the Ind^ & 
more w^h us than forjnerly besides wch they are at present 
members of the Chh. of England, most of them read & sev^ 
Write very well, When therefore they subscribe an ordinary 
Deed, they frequently make use of a Cross, after the Example 
of the Illiterate amongst us & sometimes with their names ; but 
in things of much Consequence they usually delineate a Steel, 
such as is used to strike fire out of Flint, which being the 
symbol of their Nation, This Steel they call Canniah — & them- 
selves Canniimgaes^ but from hence, little can be deduced, as 
they had not the use of any instrument in that form before their 
Commerce with the Whites. 

The Tuscaroras I omit as they are a south" peeple- not long 
introduced into the Alliance making the 6 nat". 

The Oneidas who inhabit the Country a little beyond the 
settlements, are in the next Class for altho',some efforts have been 
made to Civilize and Christianize them, a great part are still in 
the primitive w^ay, but being also reduced in numbers & their 
political system much changed, their Intercourse with the more 
remote Indians is lessened, and their knowledge of ancient 
usages decayed. They have in. use [asj Symbols, a Tree, by 
which they w^ Express Stability. But their true Symbol is a 
Stone called Onoya, and they call themselves Onoyuts a particu- 
lar Inst^e of wch I can give from an Expedt* I went on to Lake 
St. Sacrament in 1746, when to shew the Enemy the strength of 
our Ind" Alliances I desired Each Nation to aflB.x their Symbol 
to a Tree [to alarm] the French : the Oneydas put upi a stone 
wch .they painted Red. 

The Onondagas whose residence are 40, miles farther are 
somewhat better versed in the Customs of their ancestors, they 
call themselves people of the Great Mountain. 


The Cayugas who are about the same distance beyond them, 
have for their Symbol a pipe. 

The Senecas are the most numerous & most distant of the six 
Nats have sevi Towns & Symbols from wch however little can, 
be understood, and leaving this Confederacy we shall find that 
the Nations to the North West tho they have their Symbols, 
they are not able to Explain to any degree of Satisfaction, for as 
they scatter more in quest of a livelyhood they have not the same 
opportunitys or inclination to Cultivate & Explain oral Tradi- 
tion. To the South West the Indians are better versed in those 
matters but this is a field too large for w* I now propose, tlio' by 
other opportunitys I shall most wilUngly assist your Enquiries 

[With respect to your questions concerning the chief magi«- ' 
trate, or sachem, and how he acquires his authority, &;c. I am 
to acquaint you, that there is in every nation, a sachem, or cluef, 
who appears to have some authority over the rest, and it is 
greatest among the most distant nations. But in most of those ^ 
bordering on our settlements, his authority is scarcely discerni- 
ble, he seldom assuming any power before his people. And 
indeed this humility is judged the best policy; for wanting coer- 
cive power, their commands would perhaps occasion assassina- 
tion, which sometimes happens. The sachems of each tribe are 
usually chosen in a public assembly of the chiefs and warriors, 
whenever a vacancy happens by death or otherwise; they are 
generally chosen for their sense and bravery, from among the 
oldest warriors, and approved of by all the tribe; on which they 
are saluted sachems. There are however several exceptions; 
for some families have a kind of inheritance in the office, and 
are called to this station in their infancy. 

The chief sachem, by some called the king, is so, either by 
inheritance, or by a kind of tacit consent, the consequence of 
his superior abilities and influence. The duration of his author- 
ity depends much on his own wisdom, the number and conse- 
quence of his relations, and the strength of his particular tribe. 
But even in those cases where it descends, should the successor 
appear unequal to the task, some other sachem is sui'e to possess 
himself of the power and the duties of the office . I should 

Vol. IV 28 


have observed, tliat military services are the chief recommenda- 
tions to tliis rank. And it appears pretty clearly, that hereto- 
fore the chief of a nation had, in some small degree, the author- 
ity of a sovereign. This is now the fact among the most remote 
Indians. But as, since the introduction of fire arms, they no 
longer fight in close bodies, but every man is his own general, 
I am inclined to think this has contributed to lessen the power 
of a chief. This chief of a wliole nation has tlie custody of the 
belts of wampum, &c. which are as records of public transac- 
tions: he prompts the speakers at all treaties, and proposes 
afiairs of consequence. The chief sachems form the grand 
council; and those of each tribe often deliberate on the affairs 
of their particular tribes. All their deliberations are conducted 
with extraordinary regularity and decorum. They never inter- 
rupt him wlio is speaking; nor use harsh language, whatever 
may be their thoughts. The chiefs assume most authority in 
the field, but this must be done, even there, with great caution; 
as a head warrior thinks himself of most consequence in that 

The Indians believe in, and are much afraid of witchcraft: 
those suspected of it are therefore often punished with death. 
Several nations are equally severe on those guilty of theft, a 
crime indeed uncommon among them; but in cases of murder, 
the relations are left to take what revenge they please. In 
general, they are unwilling to inflict capital punishments, as 
these defeat their grand political object, which is, to increase 
their numbers by all possible means. 

On their haunts, as on all other occasions, they are strict 
observers of meum and tuum; and tliis from principle, holding 
theft in contempt; so that they are rarely guilty of it, though 
tempted by articles of much value. Neither do the strong 
attempt to seize the prey of the weak; and I must do them the 
justice to say that, unless heated by liquor, or inflamed by 
revenge, their ideas of right and wrong and their practices in 
consequence of them, would, if more known, do them much 
honour. It is true, that having been often deceived by us in 
the purchase of lands, in trade, and other transactions, many 


of them begin now to act the same part. But this reflects most 
on those who set them the example. 

As to your remark on their apparent repugnance to civiliza- 
tion, I must observe, that this is not owing to any viciousness 
of their nature, or want of capacity; as they have a strong 
genius for arts, and uncommon patience. I believe they are 
put to the English schools too late, and sent back too soon to 
their people, whose political maxim. Spartan like, is to discoun- 
tenance all pursuits but war, holding all other knowledge as 
unworthy the dignity of man, and tending to enervate and 
divert them from that warfare on which they conceive their 
liberty and happiness depend. These sentiments constantly 
instilled into the minds of youth, and illustrated by examples 
drawn from the contemptible state of the domesticated tribes, 
leave lasting impressions: and can hardly be defeated by an 
ordinary school education. 

I wish my present leisure would allow me to give you as many 
specimens of their lanuage as would shew that, though not very 
wordy, it is extremely emphatical ; and their style adorned with 
noble images, strong metaphors, and equal in allegory to many 
of the Eastern nations. The article is contained in the noun by 
varying the termination ; and the adjective is combined into one 
word. Thus of Echi/i, a man, and Gowana, great, is formed 
Echmgowanuy a great man. Caghyunghaw is a creek ; Caghyungha^ 
a river. Caghyunghaowana, a great river, Caghyu7igheeo, a fine 
river. Haga the inhabitants of any place, and tierham the 
morning; so, if they speak of eastern people, they say lierhans-aga 
or people of the morning. Eso is expressive of a great_ quantity, 
and Esogee is the superlative. The words Goronta and Golota 
whicli you mention are not of the Six nations, but of a Southern 
language. It is curious to observe, that they have various modes 
of speech and phrazes peculiar to each age and sex, which they 
strictly observe. For instance, a man says, when he is hungry, 
Cadagcariax, which is expressive both of his want and of the 
animal food he requires to supply it ; wMlst a child says, in the 
same circumstances, Cautsore, that is, I require spoon meat.] 

There is so remarkable a difference in the Language of the 
Five nations, from all the rest as affords some grounds for 


enquiring into their distinct Origin, for the Indians north ef the 
S' Lawrence those West of the Great Lakes with the few who 
inliabit the Sea Coasts of New England, & those again who live 
about the Ohio notwithstanding tiie respective distances between 
them Speak a language Radically the same & can In gen^ com- 
municate their Wants to each other ; Whilst the Nations wlio 
live in the midst of them, are Incapable of Conveys: a Single Idea 
to their neighboui's, neither can they pronounce a Word of their 
lang8« with correctness. There is indeed some difference of 
Dialect amongst tlie 5 nations tliemselves, but this is little more 
than may be found in the Provinces of large States in Europe. 

In particular the letters M and P which Occurs so frequently 
in the Languages of the rest, cannot be pronounced by the 5 
nations without the utmost diiiiculty, k are not in their language. 

But to proceed to what I have before proposed. Tlie Indians 
taken Collectively did Certainly a few Centurys ago live under 
some more Order & Govt than they do at present — this may seem 
odd, but it is the Truth for their Intercoui-se in gen' being with 
the Lower Class of our Traders they learn little from us but 
Vices, & Their long Wars together with the Immoderate use of 
Spirituous Liquors have so reduced them as to render that ord^' 
wch was first instituted unnecessary & impracticable. Add to 
this that since the reduction of Canada, their System of pohticks 
is changed, Their Eyes are upon us, whom they consider as a 
people too formidable, & much of their Time is much spent in 
Intrigues of State to wch other matters have given place. 

But tho it does not appear that they had the use of Letters 
yet the traces of Government may still be seen, and there is 
reason to beheve that they made use of Hieroglyphics Tho 
they Neglect them at present, for Hieroglyphicks are understood 
to be figures, intended to conceal somew^hat from the Vulgar, 
But theirs are drawn to the utmost of their skill to represent 
the thing intended, for Instance, when they go to War, they paint 
some trees with the figures of men, often the exact number of 
their party, and if they go by Water, they delineate a Canoe, 
when they make any atchievement, tliey mark the Handle of 
their Tomahawks with human figures to signify prisoners, bodies 
without heads to express scalps. The figures which they affix to 


Deeds, have led some to imagine that they had Characters or an 
Alpliabet. Tlie case is this, every Nation is divided into a 
Certain Number of Tribes, of which some have 3. as the Turtle, 
Bear & Wolf, to wch others add the Snake, Deer, &ca, each of 
These Tribes form a Little Community within the Nation, and 
as the Nation has its peculiar Symbol so each Tribe has the 
peculiar Badge from whence it is denominated, and a Sachem 
of each Tribe being a necessary party to a fair Conveyance such 
Sacliim affixes the Mark of the Tribe thereto, wch is not that 
of a particular family (unless the whole Tribe is so deemed) but 
rather as the publick Seal of a Corporation. 

As this Letter is already of an Immoderate Length, I shall 
only at present add, that with respect to the Deed of 1726, of 
wch you sent me the Signatures, The Transaction was in some 
measure of a partial nature, wch 1 can another time Explain. All 
the Nations of the Confedcy did not Subscribe it, and those Chiefs 
that did neglected to pay due regard [to] their proper Symbols, 
but signed agreeable to fancy, of wliicli I have seen other 
Instances, altho' the manner I have mentioned is the most 
authentic and agreeable to their orig' practise. 

As to the information wch you observe I formerly Transmitted 
to the Govi" of N. York concerning the belt & 15 Bloody Sticks 
sent by the Mississagaes, The like is very Comon and the Inds 
use Sticks as well to Express the alliance of Castles as the 
number of Individuals in a party. These Sticks are generally ab* 6 
Inches in length & very slender & painted Red if the Subject is 
War but without any peculiarity as to Shape. Their belts are 
mostly black Wampum, painted red wlien they denote War they 
describe Castles sometimes upon them as square figures of White 
Wampum, & in Alliances Human figures holding a Chain of 
fi'iendship,each figure represent? a nation, an axe is also sometimes 
described wch is always an Emblem of War, The Taking it'up is a 
Declaration [of war] and the burying it a token of Peace, But as I 
have accounted for not entering into farther particulars at present, 
I sliall conclude w*h assuring you that if these loose remarks prove 
of any use to you, I sliall readily descend to any otlier matters of 
Information that may demonstrate how mucli I am Sir &c. 

Note. — The portions of the above letter included within [ ] are taken from 




Johnson hall Feby 28th 1771. 
Dear Sir, 

Your kmd letter of last July would not liave remained so long 
unanswered, had it not been mislaid lor some time after a late 
tedious Indisposition. I am fully persuaded that you would 
have answered the One I formerly wrote you, but we must 
expect that some letters will miscarry, of wliich I have met with 
many Instances nearer home. 

I am unable to make a Suitable return for tlie Warm Wishes 
you Express for me, but I feel them very sensibly, and you have 
every thing in Answer that the strongest friendship can dictate, 
and I cannot but greatly regret your distance & the peculiarity 
of your situation which deprives me of the opportunity of a 
more friendly intercourse, often Wishing that you could partake 
in the pleasing prospects which this Country now affords from 
the advancement of rehgion,and the Improvements in Cultivation. 

M*" Stewart has been for some time at his mission where he is 
much Esteemed not on!/ by the Indians but by the Dutch 
Inhabitants who constantly resort to his Church his situation 
enables me to see him often, and I have great hopes from his 
appointment, M' Hall> has an allowance from the Society and 
is to jeside at Canajoliarie (where at my Cost I have built a 
handsome Cliurch) until he is of age to take Orders M*" Andrews, 
who has brought over a Wife, is long since at Schenectady, he is 
sensible, and will I believe be of great use there being Connected 
With a principal Inhabitant of that place his Congregation is as 

the abridged Philos. Trans, of the Royal Soc: of London, XII. 407-409. They 
were added, we presume, to the final Copy sent to England, as they are not in 
the original draught which we follow for the other portions of the letter. We have 
taken the liberty to insert them, with this explanation, in order to furnish to the 
reader all Sir Wm. Johnson's observations on tJiis interesting subject. 

1 Graduated at Phihidclphia'Coll. and Ays sent to Canajoharie to learn the 
Indian language. •' that be nvj be qualified to be Gatechist and Schoolmnster in 
that place untill such time as he sliall be able to come over to take orders and be 
appointfd a missionary .'" — Abstract for 1771 His Salary w'as £40. He remain- 
ed there only a vi-ar. . . ,. , 


yet small but zealous, & likely to Increase. The only mission 
in tliis Quarter as yet unsupplied is mine at Johns Town, the 
Church at which being small & very ill built I am preparing 
Stone & materials for Erecting one much stronger and larger, 
that will accomdate near 1000 Souls. 

I am sorry you did not see my Letter to Dr Smith I do assure 
you that, I tliought seriously of your desire respecting a piece 
of Land, but as there was none to be had in such a situation as 
to make it imediately of any value, & as the Patent fees & Quit 
rent is so very high here I Judged it imprudent to engage you 
in what must be Imediately attended with a good deal of Ex- 
pense, and might lye as a dead Charge on you for many Years, 
because so many large Tracts are Patented which the owners do 
not know what to do with and wiiich affords Choice to settlers 
at very low rates. I hope by this time that the Connecticutians 
are pretty easy and tliat you are reinstated in your places in the 
New Pui'chase, but whether, or not I am in nowise apprehensive 
that you want Philosophy enough to support Losses, you could 
not give such a Chearful Description of your agreable Home- 
stead unless you were superior to Disappointments, I hope you 
will allways Continue so, but I am much more inclined to Wish 
that you may never Experience any in future, for I can with 
Great Truth ajffirm that no one wishes for your happiness with 
greater Cordiallity than Dear Sir 

Your most aflfectte 

& very humble Servt. 

The Revd M"- Barton 

Sir John. Col Johnson &c desire to be particularly remembered 
to you. — I need not repeat my desire to hear from you, when- 
ever it suits with your Conveniency. 



Johnson ]iall, March l^t 1771. 
Worthy Sirs. 

I have received your Joynt favor of tlie 18'^ ult". Concerning 
tlie Eev' M*'. Griffith' whom I perfectly recollect to have made 
me a visit about the time you mention. Tliat Gentleman was I 
thinli then accompanied by M'' Brown one of the princip^il 
Friends of the Cliurcli in Sclienectady, and had some tolerable 
offers made to liim in Case he inclined to tliat Mission & which 
were far superior to what may be expected from Glocester ac- 
cording to the description I have of it. however these offers lie 
tlien thougiit proper to decline, and indeed seemed to think them 
inadequate to his views and expectations. Since which I have 
heard tliat he was appointed to the Mission which he has lately 
left Whatever objections, on account of his family, or otherwise 
might have induced him to reject Schenectady must Certainly 
operate in as high a degree against this place, as it is not only 
more retired, but must in some degree depend upon myself, I am 
therefore at a Loss wliat to say in favor of that Gentleman's 
present Desire as well from the Circumstances I have mentioned, 
as from the Expectation I have of a Missionary for this place 

1 Eev.DAVioGRiFFiTHjD.D. went to England for orders in 1770. On being or- 
dained he returned to this country with an appointment as Missionary to Glocester, 
N. J. He relinquished this mission however, soon after, and moved into Virginia. 
In July 1776, he was appointed Chaplain and Surgeon to the 3d. Virg : Batalion-. 
he being a person of " uncommon merit." {Amer : Arch-.bth Ser. i. 1588.) 
After the peace, we find him pastor of the parish of Fairfax, Va. of which State 
he was elected Bishop in 1786, but he was never consecrated. Owing to his 
poverty and the deranged state of his private affairs, he was unable to proceed to 
England for consecration. In 1789 he resigned the office, and on the 3d August 
of that year he died in Philadelphia, at the residence of the Bishop of Penn., 
naving come to that city as a delegate to the Episcopal Convention. ''In his 
feelings and conduct" (says Dr. Hawks.) "he was thoroughly American; he 
thought the Colonies wronged by the Mother Country, and throughout the 
struggle for Independence, he advocated their cause. He had delibei-ately cast in 
his lot with the great majority of his coi'utrymen, and in the alternations of stonn 
and of sunshine, througli which they passed in the achievement of their liberties, 
he was ever found true to Ins principles. When he died the church lost a useful 
Mid a worthy luan." Ei/ 


in consequence of a former Letter from D^ Eurton who promised 
to have enquiry made (in case none Could be had from England) 
for some person of Zeal & Piety who has received a Collegiate 
Education at Dublin. 

I have pleasure to acquaint you that Mess'"s Steward and 
Andrews, are much esteemed, and will I persuade myself greatly 
promote Religion in these parts, and when aided by the appoint- 
ments of Disinterested, and Indefatigable Men for this Mission 
& Conajoharee will raucli advance Christianity in Gen' and the 
Churcli of England in particular. 

I am, with true esteem 

Gentlemen &c 
Mess^'s Cooper k Ogilvie. 

P. S. The great regard wliich I shall always pay to your 
Judgm.ent & recommendation obliges me to observe that I drew 
my observations from what passed with respect to the Schenec- 
tady Mission, In which I may have been mistaken, fjr I have no 
objection to W' Griffiths Character or abilities, neither can I 
have any when supported by authority that have so much weight 
with me. 


Johnson hall March 27th 1771 
Good Sir, 

I have had the favor of yours of the 8th Inst, and I thank 
you as Avell for the particulars you Communicated to me, as for 
the kind manner in which your friendship has Induced you to 
speak of myself on the Subject I have so much at heart. 

I am persuaded from D^ Burtons Letter that tlie Society would 
willingly do all in their power, for carrying so important a plan 
into Execution, and Esteem it an honor to receive so many 
RS«nr;ui<es of tlieir favorable opinion of my little endeavors. 
Eut T have great Reason to apprehend that the Generality of the 
men of Rank are but Cool in matters of Religion, otherwise, I 


should think that a plan of that sort would come with great 
Weight k strict propriety from His Grace of Canterbury, or the 
Bishop of London, in their Ecclesiastick Capacity, and I am 
really concerned at reading that part where you say That similar 
applications from the Society first, have been frequently post- 
poned and neglected because it is a proof that my apprehensions 
are but too well founded otherwise I cannot see why a Religious 
Society in which are some of the Greatest Men in England should 
not meet With all Imaginable Countenance on any Religious 
Subject, Avhere the Object appeared so meritorious, whilst every 
species of Dissenters finds favor, and Support on the application 
of tlie meanest Engines that can be found out — This extraordi- 
nary lukewarmness in matters of this nature, may I believe in 
some measure be attributed to the peculiar cast of Modern poli- 
ticks. It being first forged by tlie Dissenters & echoed by every 
Scribler, as now to be too generally beheved, That the Mission- 
aries busy themselves mostly in Converting worthy & pious Dis- 
senters, and that these pious people will be alarmed. 

I remember to have read of a king of France, forbidding a 
neighbouring state to build a single Galley as his fleet was suffi- 
cient to scour their seas, and I am certain the Conduct of the 
Dissenters greatly resembles that of the Monarch, but that their 
power is as yet less than his. For those of Consequence amst 
them, tho' many of them are Libertines in their sentiments, yet 
all of them are strongly interested in whatever regards their 
profiession, and in this Country they foresee that if the Estab- 
lislied Cliurch is encouraged, its Comeliness may with* much 
Efforts of our Missionaries draw many of their people to it as 
well as regain sev' of its old Members who for want of any 
other places of Worship in some parts have become Dissenters, 
But as Pride & policy forbid their discovering the True Causes, 
they affect apprehensions that our Church may pursue unwar- 
rantable measures to acquire a Dominion over their tender Con- 
sciences and In America presume even to take offence at any ad- 
ditiojial Establishments in our fav^. Tliat Their party is not to 
^p disobliged at all In England seems to be a maxim amongst 
the Great, which is a plain Confession of the strength of their 
Union, Whilst from this Country, they endeavor to persuade 


men in power of the general prevalence of their opinions, and 
the great Dread of a people Jealous of their Rights who fled 
from Religious persecution. Tlio' in truth they can boast of no 
superiority if the members of the Church, The Foreign Protes- 
tants, Quakers &c. are taken together as they may be for these 
havs no design agt us, Do not in fact Joyn them in opinion or 
entertain any apprehensions so Injurious to the Chh of England, 
so that as I formerly observed tliis artfull false representation 
should be enlarged on at home, and Eradicated for untill that is 
done I do not see much prospect of encouragement, and I 
believe the great are so much afraid of tlie imputation of being 
priest ridden, that they dare not give the Church that Counten- 
ance, or the injoyment of all its rights and Ceremonies, wliich is 
so highly necessary & reasonable in a Land of Liberty accords 
to the Dissenters own arguments, if the members of our Church 
are allowed to have any Conscience at all. 

I have already wrote to Lord Hillsborough (to whom my 
Correspondence is now Confined) & have fully stated my opinion 
on tlie Religs wants and desires ot the Ind^ and I believe it would 
be deemed out of my way to urge it farther by sending him a plan 
before he answers tliat part of my Letter tho' rather than it slio'^ 
fail thro' any neglect of mine I would do it. 

I cannot tliink that (he plan can be in better hands, or prepared 
so well by any other than a Gentleman of your abilities and zeal, 
and therefore I hope you'll frame it yourself : — as to the motives 
to be enlarged on that should Induce Gov* to Countenance it, I 
think (ams* otliers) That it will have a happy Effect in remove 
many Circumstances of Jealousy & displays liis Majestys tender 
regard for their future happiness, and this I assure you even 
those Ind^ are capable of seeing who have never been Christian- 
ized : — In tlie next place It will make them Members gf a 
Church which teaches an obedience to Supreme Authority & a 
reverence for Government, wdiich are principles much Wanting 
among tliem, and as it will finally prove the means of their 
becoming members of Civil Society, so their being of the 
National Cliurcli will strengthen the Tye & add Weight to that 
Religion which In Justice & policy ought here to be promoted. 
Reside? ubich It v;ould. soon prove a means of alienating them 


from our Enemys, vvlio constantly observe to them that we 
take no care of their salvation, & by the Proselytes tliey made 
to the Church of Rome were enabled to & yet may distress us 
greatly Add to this that it is perhaps the only opportunity for 
many reasons that ever may offer, which occurring in the Reign 
of a most virtuous & Pious Prince will reflect much Glory on 
his administration. 

I am glad to hear that since we are to have a new Gov so 
suddenly, his Character appears so amiable as I find it does 
accord jf to the ace' of sev^ Correspond's. 

I shall not fail to deliver y message to Odeserundy which will 
make liim happy and should you on some future occasion Write 
him 3 or 4 lines It would yield great Satisfaction to all the 

Between ourselves (for it shou*^ not be Comunicated to some 
people) I sho^ tell you that the German Lutheran Minister at 
Stoneraby (a fine settlement near this) has Expresed a desire to 
me of taking orders in our Church, & what is more Extraordi- 
nary his Whole Congregation desire to become members of the 
same This Shews Avhat the chh miglit Expect with due Counte- 
nance I intend to mention this affair to D^" Auchmuty to whom 
I beg my Complimts & that you'll acquaint him that I shall Write 
him by next post. 

The bad Weather came on so Suddenly after the Snow that 
S'' John was disappointed of going down, he desires his kind 
Complemts as do Coll^ Clans & Johnson, and I am allways with 
perfect Esteem D"^ Sir 


; " ' ' Johnson hall April 4th 1 771 . 

Good Sir 

I am Sorry to have remained so long in your debt as now at 
this distance of time to acknowledge the rest of your favor of 
the 23'*i Nov last, soon after receiving your Letter both M^ 
Stewart & Andrews ariived at their respective Missions where 


they afford promising hopes of advancing the Cause of Religion. 
I see M'- Stewart frequently he is learning tlie Indian language 
and Seems pleased with a Study so necessary to a man in liis 
Situation. And he is much esteemed by the neighbouring White 
people who frequent his church, and even some of them have 
sollicited him to perform the rites of baptism and burial, tho' 
they liave a Minister of their own Chui'ch. The Indians seem 
pleased & the Scliool goes on very well. 

I cannot but think with you that there is' however a Want of 
becoming zeal amongst many whose duty it is to promote the 
Interests of the Chui'ch, and to procure its members the full 
Enjoyment of all their rites & Ceremonies, to wliich they have 
surely an undoubted title. If other Denominations find free 
indulgence But as the neglects of Superiors in Cluircli & State 
must be ascribed to the artifices of those who persuade Men in 
Europe tliat its Members here are few & Inconsiderable Such 
Notions must I believe be eradicated before much assistance can 
be Expected. 

Dr Burton lias not lately wrote me any thing material So that 
I know not what has been done, respecting my offer of land, or 
any other matter, perhaps the paquet now daily Expected may 
luring us something, on these heads. Whatever zeal we want is 
made up by tlie abundance of it amongst the Dissenters, who 
(tho many of them have as little Religion as any of their neigli- 
bours) Support their Cause with all their strengtli, from maxims 
of policy, an Example which we should follow. If no other 
argument has sufficient force. 

The prospect which is at present afforded in this increasing 
Country is so great that, I hope when Men in power are more 
disengaged from Domestic Concerns, they may turn their Eyes 
to America, and without any attempts on the Consciences of 
other Men, endeavor to Strengthen the National Churcli. But 
this point cannot be long neglected otherwise it will never 
answer. I desired our friend M^ Inglis to mention a Circumstance 
concerning Religion liere that I think you ouglit to know. The 
Lutheran Minister at Stoneraby has lately in a voluntary Manner 
without any previous Argimients to Induce liim thereto desired 
to take orders in the Church of England, and what is much more 


Strange, It is the desire of his Congregation that he should do 
so. The great difficulty is Tliat, they will be with out a Minister 
during his absence, and that it will be attended with an Expence 
which from their great Occonomy, they do not cliuse to Incurr, 
Especially as they have some Charitable Establishments amongst 
themselves, that are Chargeable. — If tlierefore any thing could 
be fallen upon, or that the Society would take it into Considera- 
tion, and that at tlie same time it Could be Carried through 
without making much noise, It would add the Majority of Inha- 
bitants of a very fine Settlement to the Church, and as they are 
Foreigners must strengthen their allegiance to Gov't. I shall be 
glad to have your thoughts on this and Am allvvays with true 

■ :! •> • '■' Dr Sir &c 



Johnson-hall May 24th 1771, 
Good Sir, 

I wrote to you the 4th of last Month, and amongst other things 
mentioned the affair of the Lutheran Minister near this place 
since wliich I have been applied to by M' W^ Hanna of Sche- 
nectady who was formerly a Presbyterian Minister at Albany, 
since which, he has practised the Law in this County, and now 
expresses an ardent desire to take Orders in the Church of 
England and become a Missionary, he has entreated me to 
befriend him in his application and delivered me the Originals 
together with a Copy which I now inclose you of Sundry Testi- 
monials In favor of his Abilities & Character. — he complains tliat 
the Presbyterians who had a great esteem for him wliilst he was 
their pastor are since warm against him, & he professes much 
Zeal & inclination for the Church of which he says he formerly 
would have become a member but for the prejudices ag* it which 
his father entertained. 


I thought it best to Lay tlie matter before you, who may have 
it in your power to make necessary enquiry s concerning him, & 
who can best Judge whether he deserves encouragement under 
these Circumstances, as my acquaintance with him, or his conduct 
will not enable me to be more particular. 

I am just finishing my post Letters so can only add at present 
that I am always with truth and regard. 

Dear Sir &c 

The Rev^ D^ Auchmuty. 



Schenectady May Cth 1771. 
To all whom it may Concern, tlie Bearer' W-" Hannah lived 
several Years under my Inspection & read tlie Latin & Greek 
Classicks under my Tuition : has taught the Latin for the Space 
of a Year past & began to teach the Greek Classicks to the good 
acceptance of his Imployers ; & as he has well acquited himself 
in the Former, I doubt not his Capacity to teach tlie Later upon 
Due Preelection to which I expect he will be naturally Inclined 
he is Sober & Regular as to his moral Character certified at 
Nottingham Octo 2^1 1756 by 

S. FiNLEr. 
That the Bearer hereof William Hanna assisted me in teaching 
Greek & Latin more than a year conducted inoffensively & 
Soberly, was faithful in his Business & behaved to the good 
acceptance both of Employers & Scliolars and I doubt not if he 
is employed in teaching again but he will deserve the same 
Character is certified at Pequea February 19 1757 

pr RoBT Smith V. D. M. 

Philada March 10 1759. 

This is to certify that the Bearer M'" William Hannah was 

regularly admitted unto the Jersey College at Prince- Town 

behaved himself soberly while in it, & applyed himself dihgently 

to his Studies and had passed one Examination for a Degree with 


the approbation of the Trustees & would have been admitted to 
the Honours of the College had lie attended at the Commencement 
last ; For he left tlie College only for a Season by Permission of 
the authority of it, & was as well Qualified to stand a second 
Examination as any one of his Class who were all admitted 
without Exception. So that the only reason of his not geting a 
Degree was his absence he was free of all College Censure 
Certified per John Ewing. 

New York May 8 1759 
This is to Certify that M"" John Ewing was Tutor of the Jersey 
College at Princetown last year I the Subscriber being his Pupil. 

Peter Rt Livingston' 
Tliis may certify that M"" William Hannah is a member of the 
church of Christ in Salisbury in full Communion & in Regular 
Standing & as such is recommended to Occasional or stated 
communion in the Cliurch of Christ wherever Providence may 
call him Testes Jonathan Lee Pastor of said Church May 24th 

At a meeting of the Association of Litchfield County in Sharon 
on Wednesday May 28 A D 1760 M^ William Hanna B. A. 
offered ]]imself to Examination in Order to obtain Licence to 
Preach tlie Gospel, wlio was accordingly examined & this Asso- 
ciation having examined him according to our Stated Rules look 
upon him competently Qualified to Preach the Gospel & accord- 
ingly the said William Hanna is hereby Licensed to Preach the 
Gospel under the Conduct & Direction of this Association & do 
recommend him accordingly wishing he may be useful to the 
Churches examined and attested per 

Jonathan Lee Scribe. 

1 Col. Peter R. LivingstoNj son of Robert third proprietor of the Manor of 
Livingston, was born May 8th 1737, and married Margaret, daughter of James 
Livingston, merchant of New-York. He was elected to represent the Manor in 
the Provincial Assembly in 1761, 1768, and again in 1774. At the breaking out 
of the Revolution he adhered, with other members of the family, to the side of 
American liberty, and in 1776 was chosen president of the Provincial Convention 
as well as chairman of the committee of safety, and was employed in other 
departments of the public service. He died 15th Novr., 1794, aged 57 "years 
His sister Mary married Hon. James Duane. — Ed. 



These are to certify, that tlie Rev^ William Hanna was 
regularly appointed to the Pastoral Ca^-e of this flock : tliat he 
performed tlie Ministerial Functions for the space of about 5 
years amongst us j and mentained an unblemished Moral & Re- 
ligious character during his incumbancy ; but as he has lately 
taken a civil Commission from tlie Governor which we appreliend 
must naturally call off his attention from his Pastoral Duties : 
and as it is not customary for any Minister in our Clmrch to bear 
a Civil office. We do therefore humbly pray that it would please 
the Presbytery to grant us a Dismission from the Reverend M' 
William Hanna which We are the Moore Incoiiraged to hope for, 
as he has promised unanimously to concur with us in the same 
Request Signed Jointly by the Elders of the English Presbyterian 
Church in Albany. 

John McCrea • 
John Munro' 
RoBT. Henry. 
July 9th 1767 

A true Copy Josepli Peck Clerk taken at the Request o 
M"^ Hanna the Presbytery Papers on file. 


New York June the ll'h 1771. 
Wortliy Sir, 

f deferred answering your favor of April tlie 4th, jn hopes of 

having some Letters from the Society concerning your generous 

offer, or other business of consequence, to communicate to you. 

I have at lengtli received two, one from the Bishop of London, 

1 Col. John McCrea was the brother of the celebrated, though unfortunate 
Jane McCrea. He removed in 1773 to the town of Northumberland, Saratoga 

2 This gentleman removed afterwards to Vermont 

Vol. IV. 29 


and one from Dr. Burton, both relating to one su])ject only ; 
which shows the low state of their Finances, and effectually 
shuts the Door against future applications. The J)' in his 
letter says, 

" It would give the Society a very sincere pleasure, if they 
were able to return a satisfactory answer to the several recom- 
mendations which they receive, and make a suitable allowance 
to the persons recommended: But having already gone to the 
very utmost of our abilities, and even beyond them, we are now 
under the necessity of giving refusals in several instances : For 
us I have said in other letters, if we go on to establish new 
missions, we shall soon have nothing left to suuDort our old 

His Lordship of London is rather more explicit, on the sub- 
ject, for he says that " the State of the Society will not allow us 
to establish any new missions : The Expences increase daily, & 
far exceed our annual Income : It is hoped therefore that no 
persons will be sent over upon the presumption of new appoint- 
ments, which cannot possibly be comply'd with in our present 

These Letters efifectually stop all future applications for new 
missions, which must greatly retard the Growth of the Church 
in America. 

The Lutheran minister you mention and his people would be a 
considerable aquisition to the Church, and some method if possi- 
ble should be fallen upon to send him home for ordination. If 
he is sensible and of a good character, I make no doul)t but, 
upon being properly recommended, he would meet with assistance 
from tlie Bishops. But this he must not altogether depend upon. 
Suppose (if he and his people continue in the same mind) that 
ygu sliould be so good as to represent his Case to the Society, 
and though they will not erect new missions, they may eitlier as 
a public Body, or as private persons, who ought to promote the 
Interests of the Church, make him a present of as much as will 
defray his Expences : but this assurance should be obtained 
before he imbarks. I will also write in his favor, and befriend 
him in every thing in my power. I would propose a subscrip- 
tion here for Him, but our people are so often called upon for 


tlieir money, that I should be afraid to attempt it. As to the Diffi- 
culty of supplying his people with a minister in his absence I 
think that might in a great measure be obviated, by M'" Stewart's 
visiting them as often as he possibly can. perhaps M^ Andrews 
may be induced to assist. 

Since the Keceipt of your last of May the 4*'', I have informed 
myself as well as I have been able concerning the Gentleman 
you mentioned. His moral c-liaracter formerly was very good ; 
but since he has commenced Lawyer it is altered. Many dirty 
things are reported of him, which if true, must greatly hurt him. 
I have consulted with several of my Brethren on the Subject, 
some of them know him -, they are unanimous in thinking it 
will not do for us to reconmiend him for many reasons, which 
we can inform you of, if desired. If the Gentleman is, from a 
motive of Conscience desirous of taking the Gown, I then would 
recommend it to him to get recommendations to my Lord Balti- 
more, who can provide for him at a distance from his old Friends 
the Dissenters, who will be watching every opportunity to preju- 
dice him, and render abortive any usefulness he may attempt to 
be of. I am very certain it will never do for him to think of 
settling in these parts ; neither would it do for the Clergy at 
present to take him by the hand not out of fear or regard for the 
Dissenters, but for fear of consequences which after a previous 
inquiry, naturally arise. 

Thus Sir I have freely and candidly given you my sentiments 
on the main Subjects of the two last Letters you honoured me 
with ; if they should appear satisfactory to you I shall be greatly 

Before I conclude, I must just observe to you that his Lordship 
of London & Dr. Burton are both silent with regard to an American 
Bisliop ; and indeed, such are the confusions at Home and 
Religion so little adverted to, that I see no prospect as yet of 
succeeding ; unless, the late applications of the Maryland clergy, 
backed by their Brethren of Virginia, which I have reason to 
think is now about taking place, should demand a little attention, 
and convince the ministry that the American clergy are deter- 
mined to pursue such steps as Conscience and loyalty sugges^t, 
till they succeed in wliat they have as Christians and dutiful 


Subjects, an undoubted riglit to petition for. The Bisliop of 
London informs me, that his Grace of Canterbury & himself in a 
very particular manner recommended to my LordDunmore "the 
j)rotection of the Church and Clergy in the province of New 
York." You will doubtless conclude that he has taken great 
notice of the recommendation. 

I have the Honor to be (with great respect and sincere regard) 
Wortliy Sir, 

Your much Obliged and most ob* serv* 

Samuel Auchmuty. 

P. S. please to remember me to my little Erother, the Father 
of the Mohawks. It gives me great plea"" to find that lie is 
much esteemed & likes his present situation. 

Sir Wm Johnson. 


Albany June 25, 1771. 
Honbie Sir, 

Having so favourable an opportunity, by my good Friend M' 
Joseph Brent, I beg Leave to present my best Respects to you 
& all the family, and to inform you, that the Rev<i M'^ Inglis of 
New York has wrote you by me ; The Letter has been Sent by 
your Post, & I hope, is come safe to hand. You have heard, I 
understand, of some foolish people, tliat have been endeavouring 
to disturb the peace of my Congregation ; and am sorry to learn, 
tliat my Conduct in tliat affair, has not been represented to you 
in the most favourable light. The whole affair was so silly & 
ridiculous, that I did not think it worth while to trouble you 
with an account thereof. I intend soon however, to wait upon 
you Sir, at tlie Hall ; till then I trust to your Candour, that you 
will Suspend any Judgement of the matter, till you hear my 
Story — audi et alteram partem. — I shall only mention at present, 
that my Congregation is in perfect peace, and Quietness ; not- 


withstanding any malicious Reports to the Contrary. I remain 
with great Esteem & Respect, Honi'i® Sir, 

Your most Obedient Servant. 

Harry Munro, 
To Sir William Johnson. 



Johnson hall July 4t'' 1771. 
Good Sir, 

Your favor of the 25^^ of May has been for some time in my 
hands, but I was prevented by business from answering it sooner, 
and Indeed I am as yet unable to do so as fully as I could wish. 

I very much approve of the plan you have laid down for your 
Design, as well as of the heads under which it is to be digested, 
as they will Amuse and Instruct, at the same time tha^they 
enforce the Arguments in favor of its particular object. The 
principal diificultys in the way of Christianizing the. Indians 
does not depend on them, but remain with ourselves. First, The 
Want hitherto of a thorough knowledge of their Genius and 
Disposition, or of the proper means to be pursued, Secondly, 
the want of zeal and Perseverance, Sufficient for such an arduous 
undertaking which has often rendered many attempts abortive, 
and that where these Qualities have been found united (as amt 
some of the Dissenters) The possessors are not only deficient in 
knowledge and Capacity, but of a Gloomy Severity of manners 
totally disqualifying tliem from such a Task. Thirdly, The 
Want of a. Suitable fund that may enable the few otherwise 
fitting for the purpose to attempt it. 

That some may be found equal to the business I have no 
doubt, and from the Effects which the Religion of our Church 
produces on the Dispositions ot its Members, It is most reasona- 
ble to think that such would be found amongst us, who would 
insinuate the principles of Christianity in a manner that would 


be more pleasing to the Indians and most likely To succeed, but 
this last is a remark entre nous, as possibly it would be furiously 
attacked — Tho' Indeed you must Expect that any thing 30U can 
Write which will tend, to obstruct their Schemes, or to throw 
tliis important business into otlier hands, will meet with strong 
oppostion, and he bitterly answered. 

You propose, (and I think it will Illustrate your design) That 
one of your heads shall be a short Historical and Topographical 
account kc as most pieces that have appeared on this Subject 
are very defifective, and as none of them could when AVrittcn or 
from the then State of Information be Correct, It wiU greatly add 
to the merit of your Work to place these points in tlieir true 
Liglit, but as tins is a Work of difficulty, which Will require a 
very particular Information I should think it the safest to give 
a General Brief Sketch of it, which will sufficiently answer the 
design — The Conversion of the Indians would greatly Contribute 
to secure them to our Interest, and prove a means of Counter- 
acting the future designs of the French who certainly are very 
busy In sowing the seeds of discontent amongst the Ind^ and 
will Continue to do Whilst they have any Intercourse with any 
part of the Continent. — Under the Circumstances which promise 
success to such an attempt at this time I am of opinion that our 
possessions of Canada does in. some measure secure us from the 
Practices of popish Missionaries but not Effectually, which I 
think ought to be a Spurr to our Industry, For their being at 
present a Romish Bishop, and many Clergymen of that Church 
there, who take uncommon pains to preserve the Indians in the 
faith they were taught, and to gain proselytes, The Ind^ who 
have any Intercourse therewith being like the rest naturally 
Captivated with pomp & Ceremony will alhvays be in danger till 
we have some Establishments that may Counterpoise, the advan- 
tage they possess, and the assiduity of their endeavors The 
Capacity of the Indians for receiving knowledge, & Comprehend- 
ing Divine Truth is certainly not to be doubted, and as they 
have an Excellent Genius for Imitation, after they have received 
due Instruction in Cfhristianity, they may be easily & insensibly 
Led to become Enamoured of the Arts of peace. 

They have been in some Measure & should allways be taught 


to place tlicir Confidence in & Look up to bis Majesty as their 
Common Father & Protector who is disposed to redress their 
grievances and to Contribute a portion of bis Royal bounty and 
Authority to the making them happy ; His patronage of a plan 
calculated for their prosperity here & hereafter as it will be the 
strongest proof he can give them of his regard, so it will be the 
best Security for their allegiance. It has been the opinion of 
Government, that all affairs with them sho^ pass thro' one 
Chanell, to tlie Crown as the fountain, & this plan on that Prin- 
ciple has a peculiar claim to the Royal Patronage from the ill 
Consequences which must attend tlie Leaving them Exposed, to 
the various Unsettled Tenets in Religion & Politicks with which 
an Extensive Country Abounds, which not only Lessens their 
Opinion of our Wisdom & principles, but must abate their affec- 
tion for the Crown. 

I delivered your Letter to Odeserundy who was made verj 
happy by the rect of it, and Expressed his most Grateful 
Acknowledgments I am now in the utmost hurry, having some- 
time sijice sent to call a few Chiefs of each Nation, in order to 
enquire into some Informations I rec^ from the Southward, 300 
Ind^ a mucli larger number tlian was required have accordingly 
come here, — Two days ago Ave entered upon business. In the 
midst of which I am now engaged, which will apologize for my 
not being able to add more at this time than that I am with the 
most perfect Esteem 

Dr Sir &c 

The Revd M^. Inglis. 



Johnson haU July 4th 1771. 
Good Sir 

I have been favored with your Letter of last month, which I 

am sorry to find does not contain any agreeable Intelligence Irom 


London ; Indeed I do not believe the Societys funds will admit 
of their extending their bounty to, or establishing new Missions, 
but those which they have established are not all supplied with 
Missionaries, The Church of Canajoharee Seems intended by the 
allowance made to Mr. Hall and that at Johnstown is Established 
but both are still vacant tho' from their situation if Supplied 
witli Good Men tliey w^i greatly Extend the Christian ikith on 
tills frontier, and prove a vast addition to the Church, which 
already begins to bear a respectable appearance in this Country, 
As for Johnstown, lean find no body for it, tho the Congrega- 
tion last Sunday to hear the Lutheran minister were upwards of 
500, of which 250 were Communicants. And Mr. Hall whose 
Sallary goes on, and who was to liave been long since at Canajo- 
haree has not been since heard of, I think enquiries should be 
made about him and that he should be directed to go there 
according to the Expectations of the Society. 

In sliort we must make the most of the Missions already 
established till a more favorable period, and in tlie mean time 
make tryal of the Generosity of the people of England, under 
the Countenance of the Bisliops in favor of any farther Religious 

I am intirely of your opinion with regard to the Lutheran 
Minister and shall after some further conversat" with him most 
willingly mention the affair in my Letters, and would have yoii 
Bo the same after you hear next from me to the end that some 
subscription may be set on foot or some assurance obtained 
previous to his undertaking it, to prevent disappointments, and 
indeed this point should be conducted in a private manner, to 
prevent the many obstructions that will be thrown in his Way 
by those to whom it would prove disagreable — I should not have 
mentioned the other Gentleman, who was desirous of taking 
orders but at his particular entreaty and I have some reason to 
think that your Observations thereon are Extremely Just. 

I am inclined to hope that tlie Application you mention of the 
Maryland & Virginia Clergy, being an additional proof of tho 
General Wishes of the American Clergy will Merit some atten- 
tion. I look upon that Establishment to be a Grand & Important 
object including in it almost every thing else which we sliould 


never lose sight of, and I am persuaded that perseverance -will at 
last obtain it. 

I am sorry the recommendat" of his Grace of Canterbury, & 
the Bishop of London, lias met with so little notice from a certain 
quarter, which I understand to be the case from the close of 
your Letter, perhaps it is owing to his being of different Religious 
Sentiments, or to a total Indifference in these matters., 

D^ Auchmuty. 



New York, Augt 19, 1771. 
Worthy Sir, 

This moment I received the Society's Sermon & Abstract for 
the present Year, k hearing that M"^ Finn is just setting out 
for Schenectady, I send a Copy by him, & snatch a minute to 
write to you. 

The Sermon was preached by the justly celebrated Bishop 
Lowth, one of the first Characters in England for Erudition, 
Piety & Abilities. I observe with Pleasure that he has taken 
notice of the Plan we have now under Consideration ; which 
shews tlie Society's attention is aAvake to this Business, & will be 
no bad Preparative for its going down with others. I also 
observe with singular satisfaction the just Compliment liis Lord- 
ship pays you at page 24 of tlie Sermon, tho he does not name 
you. In truth what he says coincides exactly with what I have 
always thought & have often said. Providence seems to mark 
you out as the proper Instrument in its Hand, to civilise those 
poor savages, & bring them out of the Bosom of Heathen Dark- 
ness into the Fold of his blessed son; & I am confident that 
tliis will add Lustre to your memory amongst Posterity. Lustre 
superior even to tliat you liave so justly & in so high a Degree 
acquired already in the Field. Such a Testimony from such a 
man as Bishop Lowth, in such an audience, & on such an occa- 


sion, must afford tlie raost sensible satisfaction to a generous 
mind, & I sincerely congratulate you on it. 

I return you many tlianks for your Letter of the I5ti' of last 
month. It contains several useful Hints, of wliich I shall avail 
myself. I am really surprised tliat you should find Time to 
write so often, with suc'i Perspecuity, & so much to the 
purpose,^ amidst such a multiplicity of Business. It shews a 
very clear Head, & a Turn for, as well as regular method of, 
doing Business. The memorial is almost finished. Tlie contin- 
ual interruptions I daily meet with from parochial Duties & 
other matters have mucli retarded it. I can scarce ever sit at it 
two Hours at a time — several Days pass without being able to 
devote a single minute to it. However it will be done I hope 
in a Fortnight ; & I shall then send it to you by some safe 
Conveyance. I have taken a good deal of Pains with it, & 
could I have consulted you on particular occasions, it had been 
better executed. However it will undergo your Correction. 
After retrenching many tilings, it will fill upwards of 30 Pages 
in Quarto. The Notice Bishop Lowth has taken of this affair 
gives me fresh spirits, & animates me with ardour to write what 
yet remains. I have had a Hint lately of a Fund wliich would 
assist us in bearing the Expence of this Scheme ; but as my 
intelligence is yet imperfect, I shall not trouble you with it at 
present. I shall endeavor to gain more satisfactory Intelligence, 
& shall not fail of acquainting you with it immediately, if 

You have lately had a Sample of our late Right Honourable 
Governor ^ From that Specimen you will be able to judge of 
the Man. At present we have a truly w^orthy Governor 2. He 
is a Gentleman of excellent Sense, as you may see by the answers- 
to the addresses presented to him ; his Life is most exemplary, 
& he is a warm Friend to Religion, to the Church of England & 
the Society. From his well known Character, I have not a 
Doubt but he would zealously second our Design ; & from private 
Information I learn that he has considerable Influence with Lord 
Hillsboro, which I presume will be increased by his late services 
in N. Carolina. For these Reasons, as well as because the 

1 The Earl of Dunmore. 2 Gov". Tryon. 


Instructions delivered to our Governors contain an article 
expressly injoining tliem to find out Ways & Means for convert- 
ing the Savages, (wliicli I use as an Argument for the Interposi- 
tion of Government in the present Case) I have been considering 
whether it might not be proper to consult Governor Tryon on 
this occasion, & engage him in the affair. You are the best 
Judge of this, & I would by no means do any Thing in it without 
consulting you. Be pleased to let me know your Sentiments j & 
I shall punctually comply Avith your Directions. M"" Tryon does 
not know any Thing of the affair as yet. 

The topographical account of the Indi^in Country, as you justly 
observe, would require a very accurate knowledge of the 
Relater — much more accurate than I am master of You will 
find I have only given a short & general Account, merely with 
a View to make the plan more intelligible in England. If you 
can inform me, I should be glad to know whether tlie Bishop of 
Quebec has Permission to ordain missionaries, & send them where 
he thinks proper. I take it for granted that he has ; but would 
chuse to be certain. The Articles of Capitulation, or of the 
Treaty of Peace afterwards, say nothing about it. 

My best Compliments wait on Sir Jolm — ^& be assured 
you have the sincere Esteem & best wishes ofj 

Worthy Sir, 
Your very afiectionate k 
humble Serv* 

Charles Inglis. . 
To Sir W™ Jolmson Baron* 

P. S. It would give me much Pleasure to hear from you soon. 
Could a Map of tlie Country of the Iroquois be transmitted with 
the Memorial, pointing out the different Races tliere mentioned, 
I believe it would be of Service perhaps it would be difficult to 
procure this— I have several Maps by me^ but they are all very 



At a meeting of the Commissioners of the Company for 
propagating the Gospel in New England & parts adjacent. 

The Governor having communicated at the last meeting of the 
Commissioners the Correspondence between him and Sir WiU"» 
Johnson in consequence of a vote of tlie 13"' May relative to the 
Journal of M"^ Kirkland, the Companys Missionary at Oneida : 
and Mr. Kirkland being now in town & attending the Commis- 
sioners & inform'g them; That lie had lately seen S' William 
and had related to nim those passages in his Journal to which 
the vote of the Board and the Governors letter in consequence 
thereof referred ; and liad likewise acquainted him, that the 
whole of the matters which, he liad laid before the Board, he had 
represented as coming from the Indians ; whicli likewise appears 
from tlie Journal itself. And Sir William having expressed to 
M'". Kirkland his desire for the success of the Mission, the Board 
now think it proper to desire the Governor to give their thanks 
to Sir William for his kind expressions of regard contained both 
in liis Letter to the Governor & in conversation witli M^ 
Kirkland : and to desire the countenance of his favour and 
encouragement to the Mission, 

Copy A. Oliver. 



Johnson hall Augt 22^ 1771. 

I have just received a letter from Gov'" Hutcliinson inclosing 
some papers from the Committee at Boston for propagating 
Christ" faith, they relate to a Journal you have lately transmitted 
to tliem. The particulars of which are not raent'' I jnust desire 
to know from you what was the occasion of your Writing, 
& that you will send me the whole particulars as I am given 
to understand, that it contained some Representations, that 


regard me. It is necessary that I should liave the whole of this 
matter from yourself without delay. 

I am, Sir, 
The Revd M' Kirtland. 



Johnson hall Sept"^ lO'h 1771. 
Good Sir, 

On my return from a Spring back of Schenectaday which has 
lately been discovered, I was favored with your kind Letter 
inclosing Bishop Lowth's Sermon, & the Abstract for which I 
kindly thank you. 

As I beheve I must acknowledge the Compliment therein as 
Intended for me, I am bound in Gratitude to declare to you my 
obligation to that Wortliy Prelate for the Distinguished honor 
he has conferred on my little endeavors in his excellent Dis- 
course before so Worthy & respectable an audience. 

I can affirm with Truth that besides my own heartfelt Satis- 
faction I have no motive, or occasion to Spurr my Inclinations 
than thereby to acquire the friendship of those Worthy Charac- 
ters by whom it is an honor to be Esteemed & I am only 
concerned that with such Inclinations I have not more ability to 
merit their favorable Testimonies. 

You have doubtless many interruptions in the prosecut" of 
your favorite object, but I hope you may soon compleat it to y' 
Satisfact" as I know it will be to mine when you favor me with 
the perusal. 

If you think the fund jou hint at will at all answer I shall 
be glad to have it explained, and I approve much of y Intended 
application to Gov"" Tryon,as his amiable character, and Counte- 
nance of the Church in the Colony he lately Governed shews 
him to be a real friend to its Interests the origi Intentions, (or 
perhaps pretences) of all Gov's in planting America seemed to 
have the Christianizing the Natives as a principal object. It has 


been declared in Charters & I believe in the Gov" Instructions, 
but tho' it may have been long considered as matter of form, & 
Consequentlylittle regarded, It may nevertheless have a good 
effect, and meet with more serious attention under the adminis- 
tration of a Gent already disposed to the Interests of the Cliurch. 

I cannot at present certainly inform you whether the Bishop 
of Quebec can ordain Missionaries, &c, tho' 1 believe he can, 
but I imagine if so, that they are not to be Jesuites that order 
being so much discountenanced in most of the Romish States, 
and Secretly disliked by the Clergy of that denominant" from 
the superiority of their Influence, over the Great of that Church. 

I think that a ]\Iap of the Country you speak of freed from 
the errors of all those that have been published would greatly 
Illustrate your Work but no Regular surveys have been made 
thereof. The most accurate sketches that have been obtained 
are in the hands of Col. G. Johnson who has taken much pains 
in these matters, and will readily contribute his assistance by 
sending you such a one as may in some measure answer y 
desires. v 

The Rev^i M' Cha^ Inglis. 


New York, Sep. 21, 1771. 

Worthy Sir, 

I am honoured with Yours of the 10^^ Instant ; tho it did not 
come to Hand till after I sent the Memorial by M^ Browne of 
Skenectady, which I hope you have recieved by this Time. 

I am fully sensible you require " no Spur to your Inclinations" 
with Regard to the measures proposed for converting the Indians. 
Indeed your Zeal is what chiefly animates the Friends of that 
Scheme with Hopes of its Success : Audit is evident that Bishop 
Lowth only intended to give a Testimony in his Sermon of the 
Sense tliat He k the Society have of your Zeal in tliis good 
cause, & how much depends upon you. For my part, I am free 
to declare, as I always have, that next to Providence, my chief 


Expectation & Dependance are founded on Your Zeal, Abilities 
& Influence both with the Ministry & the Indians; & if any 
Thing is ever done for the latter, I am persuaded it must be thro 
Your Means. 

As the ConT^ersion of the Indians is not mentioned in Governor 
Tryon's Instructions, I have not said any Thing to him on the 
Subject. His Concurrence indeed might be of Service k I verily 
believe he would readily join in forwarding the Scheme were he 
required to do so. But from Motives of Delicacy, I would chuse 
to decline it, before I have a corrected Copy of the Memorial 
from You. In my humble Opinion, a Letter from Yourself to 
his Excellency, mentioning the Expediency of the proposed 
measures to convert & civilise the Indians, & desiring him to join 
in supporting the Petition of the Memorial by writing to Lord 
Hillsborough, w^ould be the best Method of Procedure. What- 
ever you judge proper notwithstanding, will readily be acquiesced 
in by me ; & I shall punctually follow your Directions. 

The Hint I formerly gave you of a Fund to support the Indian 
Missions, I received from His Excellency Governor Franklin. 
I had warmly recommended him to the Society for Admission as 
a Member. Accordingly he was elected; & upon recieving 
notice of tliis from D"* Burton, I acquainted his Excellency with 
it by Letter. In his answer, he told me among other Tilings — 
That there w^ere several valuable Islands in Delaware River 
which liad not been yet annexed either to Pennsylvania or New 
Jersey— that the Inhabitants, of those Islands who were nume- 
rous, were desirous to have the Islands annexed to the Govern- 
ment of New Jersey— that on this Consideration, they would be 
willing to pay doAvn a large Sum of money, or be afterwards 
subject to a considerable Quit-Rent— & His Excellency imagined 
that the Sum they would advance, or the Quit Rents they should 
afterwards pay, might easily be procured for the Support of an 
American Episcopate, or of Indian Missions. I immediately 
wrote to him, requesting to know Avhat he thought the Quit Rents 
of those Islands might amount to annually & that he would use 
his Influence with the Ministry to have them appropriated to the 
Uses he mentioned. I have yet recieved no Answer to tliis 
Letter, tho several Weeks have elapsed since it was written, 


whicli I impute to the Governor's being much perplexed at pre- 
sent with Business. However, as tlie Corporation for the Relief 
of Clergymen's Widows, &c is to meet at Amboy the Week after 
next, where I shall attend ; I intend to go from thence to Bur- 
lington to confer with his Excellency on the Subject, if I should 
not hear from him before that Time. I shall communicate to 
you whatever Intelligence I recieve. 

I am tlie more anxious about tliis affair, as I apprehend tlie 
greatest obstacle to tlie MemoriaFs taking place, will be the Fund 
that it requires. The Measure is so evidently necessary & tlie 
wdiole Design so humane & expedient in every Respect, which it 
recommends, that no Man can object to it, or forbear wishing it 
success. How^ many Thousands are annually expended by 
Government on Matters which are extremely trivial compared 
to this ! This however is what w^e have Nothing to do with. 
Could any Fund, not yet appropriated, be pointed out, — I am 
convinced it would greatly facilitate the Scheme, & contribute to 
procure for it the Countenance of Government ; for such a Fund 
W'ould, I tliink, be readily granted for the purpose. If none such 
can be specified, the Memorial must even take its Chance. 
There is no Doubt that the Ministry will pay great Regard to 
whatever comes from you on this Head. Your Recommendation 
will draw their attention, if any Thing can ; for it is not only 
my Opinion, but that of every one besides, that there is no per- 
son wliatever whose Influence is more essential to the Peace & 
Welfare of America than Yours at present. 

I shall be greatly obhged to Col. Johnson for the Map of the 
Iroquois Country you mention. But probably it should rather 
go with the Copy of the Memorial that you may send to Lord 
Hillsborough. The only Reason for which I desired it was to 
make the Plan laid down in the Memorial more intelligble in 
England ; & of Course command more attention to it — Not but 
that I should be much pleased to see a correct Map of that 
Country; but I w^ould not desire any Gentleman to be at so 
much Trouble merely for that Purpose. My best Compliments 
wait on Col. Johnson & Sir John — Col. Clause I suppose is not 
yet returned from Canada. 


If you do not find it necessary to make any very great Altera- 
tions in the Memorial, perhaps the most expeditious Method, & 
what would be attended with least Trouble to you, would be to 
make those Alterations, Interlineations, &c in the Copy I sent 
You ; & after you have had it transcribed fair, to return it to 
me. From it I shall make another Transcript for the Society. 

M'' Stuart is now here on his Return to Fort Hunter. He 
will set out for Home in a few Days. The little Gentleman 
seems to bear Fatigue very well. With every Wish for Youi 
Health & Happiness, I am. Worthy Sir, 

Your most affectionate 
& humble Serv* 

Charles Inglis. 

To Sir Wm Johnson. 

P. S. I hope You received Benefit from the Springs near Ske- 
nectady — It is very sickly aU round us, owing to the heavy 
Rains we have had during the Summer — 



Johnson hall Sept' 28t'> 1771. 
Good Sir, 

Your last favor was so long by the Way that I have scarcely 
had leisure to give your Memorial a perfect reading as my son , 
& Col: Johnson were going for N York, I thought it the best 
opportunity I could have for returning it safe to y"^ hands and 
for the same reasons shall omit some particulars which otherwise 
I should have enlarged upon. I am vastly pleased with y Work 
& I do assure you that It was with great satisfaction I found so 
many Important heads which would each In my opinion have 
filled a pamphlet completely, & Clearly discussed in a few 

From the Indulgence you have given me I must however 
observe to you, that. In the plan for the Indians Conversion I 

Vol. IV. 30 


cannot think it safe to admit either Husbandmen or Meclianick? 
T believe I formerly assigned some reasons for this my opinion 
wliicli were principally founded on the Jealousy of the Ind« to 
this I might have added some reasons of equal Weight, for which 
I now refer you to Col: Johnson, and therefore shall only add, 
that If you can take away all that regards that head the remain- 
der will perfectly Express my Sentiments and wishes. Tliat 
part I am persuaded must have appeared to you Extreamely 
]iecessary, and but for some causes which few are acquainted 
with It would have been so. I am not under the apprehension 
tliat you will condemn my freedom in pointing out this, for I shall 
allvvays treat you with that Candor which is due to Your merit 
and friendship. I send herewith a Letter to Lord Hillsboro' 
wherein I have endeavored to do some Justice to your Work, 
which at the same time obliged me to Introduce you as the 
author, Tho' this was but an Act of Justice I had sevi other 
good reasons for it, and the work can be very Easily adapted to 
that Circumstance. 

I have taken the opportunity of Introducing D"" Cooper, into 
this Letter In such a manner as w ill make him a proper person 
t^ Deliver the Work to his Lordship and will I trust be an addi- 
tional Testimony in favor of his' Worth & Merit. 

I shall Long to hear that these things are agreeable to you, 
and In the Interim remain with perfect Esteem 

D' Sr 


The Reyd M^ Cha^ Inglis. 



The Favors I have received from you, & the Civilities you 
have from Time to Time been pleased to shew me, induces me to 
take the Liberty of informing You, that I have very lately 
opened a Grammar School in this Town, and that I may make 
it the more generally useful, I shall give Instructions, in Writing, 


Reading and Arithmetic. — At present I have Ten Scliolars, and 
as the Prices are moderate, I have the Prospect of getting more 

I hope, Sir, it may merit your Countenance and Encourage- 
ment, as it shall be conducted . with the greatest Care and 
Attention, and that you will be good enough to patronize this 
undertaking,, which may prove useful to the People here, and 
may enable me to continue amongst them. 

I had determined upon waiting on you to communicate this 
Scheme, when I lately preached at Fort-Hunter, but \vas pre- 
vented by some Circumstances. 

Believe me, that I am, with the truest Gratitude, 

Your most aflfectionate, 
and very humble Servant, 

Wm. Andrews. 
Schenectady. 28^^ Sep--. 1771. 
The hon^ie Sir W™ Johnson Bar*. 



New York, Octob. 23, 1771. 
Dear & worthy Sir, 

I received your last Favour by Col. Johnson, & intirely 
acquiesce in the Method you propose the Memorial should be 
transmitted to Lord Hillsborough, you are indisputably the best 
Judge of the properest Manner, as I am fully persuaded tliat no 
person can have the success of the Measure proposed more at 

It was extremely kind & obliging to send your Letter to Lord 
Hillsborough open ; & the very friendly, tho too partial, mention 
that is made of me in it, claims my warmest Gratitude. Be 
assured I have the highest sense of the Honour you do me ; & I 
shall think myself extremely happy, if under your Direction & 


Influence, I can in any measure be instrumental in promoting a 
scheme by wliicli so many advantages may be derived to the 
State — so much Honour to our Church — & so many Benefits to 
the Indians, who I believe want no more than proper Culture, 
to make as distinguishing a Figure as any People upon Earth. 

The amendment you proposed with Respect to Farmers & 
Mechanics is made. Every thing relative to them, except Smiths, 
is struck out. I confess it was more out of Compliance with 
common Prejudices that induced me to insert any thing about 
Farmers & Carpenters, tlian from a Conviction of tlieir utility. 
But your Hint determined me immediately to leave out every 
thing tliat was said about them. The article concerning Smitlis 
is retained ; because you did not object to it, & the Government 
formerly allowed them. 

By Col. Johnson's Directions I inserted a few more Particulars. 
Pondiac's affair is more fully stated — the Ravages occasioned by 
the Insurrection which he headed are more minutely delineated, 
being of great Consequence to remove the Notion of our being 
out of any Danger from tlie Indians, as we are Masters of 
Canada. A few Reflections are also added concerning the 
Western Indians, whose Jealousy is raised by our Conquest of 
Canada, & by which we have more Enemies among them now 
than formerly ; as many Nations, to whom the English were little 
known before, & whom the French taught to despise us, now 
observe us with a Jealous Eye. And lastly, I have thrown out 
a Hint near the Conclusion, how much more agreable to the 
Indians the solemnity of our Worship is than that of the Dissen- 
ters — that the Indians esteem tlie National Religion most, being 
professed by the King ; & that it wonld be more eligible to 
entrust their Conversion to Clergymen of the Chucli of England, 
by wliich their Fidelity to the Crown would be indubitably 
secured, than to Dissenting Teachers. 

Having made these alterations and additions besides a few others 
that were necessary as the Memorial was not to go in your Name, 
I had it copied out fair in a good Hand, & in a Quarto Size ; and 
having a Marble cover, with Col. Johnson's accurate & neat Map 
prefixed, made a Handsome looking Pamphlet. I laid the Memo- 
rial, as you intimated, before Governor Tryou, who was so kind 


as to approve it & I believe recommended it to Lord Hillsboro : 
Your Letter however is what I place all my hope on of having 
any attention paid to this Scheme by Government ; altho I 
tliought it my Duty to write the Society that they would join in 
urging this Business ; particularly the Lord Bishop of Oxford, 
who has lately favoured me with a Letter, & to whom I have 
communicated largely my Sentiments on this subject. God 
Grant that the Steps taken may be attended with success. 
There are few earthly objects that would give me more sincere 

C" Cooper is saild. He was very thankful for the friendly 
notice you took of him in your Letter to Lord Hillsborough, & 
desired to be affectionately remembered to you. He was on the 
point of embarking when Sir John & Col. Johnson came to Town, 
& I have been so constantly employed in assisting to prepare 
addresses to go by him from the Clergy & the College, & in 
moving to the College, that I have been deprived much more of 
the Pleasure of their Company than I would Chuse. Indeed 
their Friends were so glad to see them, after so long an Absence, 
that they were almost continually out, & I could only spend a 
Couple of Evenings with them. There is an affair relative to 
Kirtland, the Indian Missionary, which I have mentioned to Col, 
Johnson to be communicated to you, not thinking it safe to com- 
mit it to writing. You are the only Person that can accomplish 
it, and it requires much Delicacy. 

Your approbation of the Memorial gives me much Pleasure. 
But in Reality if it has any Merit, It should be placed to your 
own Account ; a^ I only arranged the Materials with which you 
supplied me ; & this I mentioned both to M"^ Tryon & the 

By this Time I hope you are returned safe from your Excur- 
sions into tlie Indian Country. That every Felicity may attend 
you — & tliat you may be long continued a Blessing & an orna- 
ment to this Country, is the sincere Wish & Prayer of, 
■' Worthy Sir, 

Your most affectionate 
much obliged & very humble Serv* 
To Sir W'n Johnson Charles Inglis. 



1 lately took the Liberty of acquainting You, that I had 
opened a Grammar School in this Town, and since that, I have 
determined on forming it into an Academy, and propose giving 
Instructions in Reading, Writing, Ai'ithmetic, Geography and 
History to those who may be designed to fill the Stations of 
active Life, exclCisive of those who may be taught the Learned 
Languages — Book-keeping, and Merchants accompts to fit them 
for Business, or the Mechanic Arts. — At present I have Thirteen 
Scholars, and as the Prices are moderate for teaching, and 
leceiving Boarders, I have a good Prospect of getting more 

I hope, Sir, it may merit your Countenance and Encourage- 
ment, as it sliall be conducted with the greatest Care and Atten- 
tion, and that you will be good enough to patronize this Plan, 
which may prove very useful to this Place, and may enable me 
to continue in this Mission. 

When I left London I positively saw my Salary settled in the 
venerable Society's Books at JB50 Sterling a year, and I then ex- 
press'd my surprize that it exceeded my Expectations by .£10, 
as I knew you had been pleased to have had even that annexed 
to what it formerly was. — But by a Letter from Doctor Burton, & 
from the Abstracts for this Year, I learn it really is no more than 
<£40, which together with what my Congregation give, w^hicli 
is £4:0 Curerncy, is quite insufficient to support me. — ^Indeed 
the people subscribe as largely & willingly as they possibly can. 
In short, they contribute all in their Power to make me live 
easy, and I do every Thing I can to please them, by doing my 
Duty amongst them. 

What I only wish for, is, that the venerable Society wou'd 
please to add something to My Income, either on Account of 
the School, or because of the Poverty of the Mission. — For, I 
believe I may safely pronounce it to be one of the poorest Mis- 
sions on the Continent. — Still I wou'd not wish to appear discon- 
tented, for I am far from being so — I only desire to have my 
Income so settled, in a moderate Way, That I can make it 
barely satisfy my few Wants. 


Whenever your Church is fit for Service, I shou'd be willing, 
if agreeable to you to preach at times, till you please to receive 
a Clergyman, as that is the only Method I have of shewing my 
Gratitude for the Favors you have conferred, on him who is 
with great Eespect 

Sir, Your most obedient Servant, 

Wm. Andrews. 
Schenectady, 5*1^ November 1771. 
The Honbie Sir W™ Jolinson Bart 


Johnson hall Nov^ 18«h 1771. 

I have had the favor of yours informing me of your having 
opened a Grammar School, and of your resolution since to form 
it into an Academy, of all which I cannot but approve from the 
Just opinion I entertain of your abilities for & attention to the 
duties of sucli an Undertaking. You may therefore be assured, 
of such encouragement & recommendation as it is in my power 
to afford you. 

I am really concerned at your disappointment of the additional 
i;iO per annum, being thoroughly persuaded of the reasonable- 
ness of what you say concerning your present situation which I 
wish it was in my power to improve, by anything I can say in 
your behalf, and with that View shall mention your case in my 
next Letters to the Society, tho' I am sensible that their funds, 
are mucli reduced by the late necessary Establishm*. 

It is my sincere wish that your present useful undertaking 
may alleviate those disagreable circumstances wliich you have 
described, and become more suitable to your Merit than the 
moderation of your Wishes which are an additional recommen- 
dation to your Character. 

' I am much obliged by your offer of preacliing at Johnstown 
occasionally, till that Mission is supplied, wliich I should by no 
means decline If It could be done Consistent with your Engage- 



raents in Schenectady, as I shall allways be glad to see you, and 
to demonstrate that I am with regard. 

Your hearty Well Wisher 

& most humble Servt, 
The Reyd M"^ W"> Andrews. 


Johnson Hall Jany 27th 1772. 
)Good Sir 

I hare been lately favored with youi' Letter of the 4th Inst 
on the subject of which I wish it was in my power to afford you 
satisfaction, For it would give me pleasure to be the Instrument 
in procuring suitable relief for a Lady of the Character & merit 
you describe, and especially one who is Connected with you. 

There is such a fund in Ireland as you describe wliich as I 
have allways understood was used Chiefly for the support of 
Ladies whose Husbands or near Connections had served the 
state, and at the disposal of t]ie Lord Lieutenant; whether M" 
Ellis is witliin the predicament I have mentioned, or not, I sup- 
pose that with proper Interest she might be placed on the List, 
but really I am unluckily a most unfit person to make such 
apphcation, for a residence of above 30 years in America 
together with tlie nature of my office wliich directs my Corres- 
pondence to England lias deprived me of all my old acquain- 
tances In Ireland who could be of any service, & for many years 
Limited my Correspondence to my own family, and as far as 
Lord Townsend tho' he has been for a short time in America, 
yet we never served -together, neither had I any opportunity of 
seeing or being known to him, for whicli reason you know I 
could not with the least propriety apply to him, or direct the 
disposition of his bounty at such a distance, — any of the Donegal 
members might do her business at once, and I have understood 
that it is thro' such Channell tliat such favors are dispensed ; 
If this did not occur to you, perhaps it may be of some use, at 
least I wish it, for I am'feally concerned that in tliis Instance I 



cannot shew you how much I am inclined to serve Indigent 
merit, & to oblige you I am hopefull that by this Time you may 
have heard of the safe arrival of D' Cooper in England, and 
sincerely wish success to every thing that is committted to his 
charge, Tho' I dont know all the objects of his voyage, I make 
no doubt but that he will prove an able Sollicitor, & that the 
Indian Memorial will meet with some attention. Your preju- 
dices in favor of these people are truly laudable, and I hope you 
will ere long see some of our good Wishes accomplished. 

I shall be very much obhged to you for the Pamplilett you 
mention wlienever any private hand offers, and also to hear any 
thing material that may be sent you from England. 

It is of the liighest importance to all new seats of Learning 
that they acquire an early reputation and tlie friends of N 
York College must be pleased to find that D' Coopers place is so 
ably filled in his absence. 

I shall remember you to M' Stewart, and have S"" John & Col: 
Johnsons kind Compliments now to transmit you. I shall also 
Let the Indian know your farther remembrance of his Son which 
will be taken very kindly. At present I can only add farther 
that I am Most Sincerely 




Johns Town 18tb May 1772. 
Honoured Sir. 

As the Capital of Tryon is fixed upon to be here, I should be 
wanting in Duty, if I was to omit the opportunity to congratu- 
late your Honour thereupon: but as my intention tlierein will 
not agree with Custom, I shall proceed; and leave two or three 
things for your Honours consideration, the first of which 
is, for the immediate finishing of the Church; for as the Clmrch 
now remains; your Honour and family cannot have the satisfac- 
tion which you otherwise would have, if the Church wks finished, 
the Children for instance, mix with the Aged, for the want of 
a Gallary;— andfor the want of seats, mafiy of the Grown Deople 


are very troublesome — The next thing I consider of the utmost 
importance to the General wellfare of tliis Patent, is the Clothing 
of the Poor Children, with something low priced for a suitable 
uniform, to be worn at no other Time but on the Sabath — tliis 
would encourage and Command the Childrens attendance, and 
engage their Parents: and when Care is taken of the Childrens 
Cloathes, the expense of Clotliing them will be inconsiderable, 
•what a pitty is it_ therefore, to see, so great, and so good a thing, 
as this is not to take place; w^hen a Boy, to ride post from the 
Hall (who perhaps like too many others live in idleness) would 
more than pay the sum which the before recommended Charity 
will require. — The next thing I mean to refer to, is the Building 
of a new Free School house nearly in the Centre of the Free 
School-House Lot in the form of an academy; with a conven- 
iency at the top, for the little Bell of the Hall; if this w^as to be 
done, the present School House might be removed upon one of 
the vq,cant Lots in Town, and answer the End of a dwelling 
house — as it would not be proper for to have the New Free 
School in the least incumbered, but to have the whole Lott 
fenced in neatly, and Sutable Trees planted round the whole 
square. If these things was done, (which is of far greater Con- 
sequence than the Building of Blockhouses in Town) your 
Honour would then engage the attention of people, and perhaps 
them who live in the remotest part of his present Majesty's 
Dominions. And as the particulars refered to, generally atract 
the attention of Gentlemen of the first rank; and as your 
Honour is capable of giving the foremost of them a Pattern, its 
a pitty any hurry of Business shou'd so far interfere, as to set 
aside your Honours intention therein. — and the only reason why 
I have been so very troublesome at times to your Honour as I 
have been, is owing to my being a Spectator to Transactions, 
which selfevidently debars your Honour from being as Great, 
which your Honours universal Goodness of heart entitles you 
of being, is the opinion, of Honoured Sir, 

your Honours most Dutiful] 

and very obliged Serv* 

John Cottgrave. 
Honourable Sir William Johnson Baronet. 


N. B. As the first years Cloatbing will appear at this Time 
perhaps too expensive (your Honour having so many to provide 
^of), I will be wiUing from the same Consideration to allow your 
Honour Ten pounds towards the expense: and if my Circum- 
stances were otherwise than they are at present, I do assure your 
Honour, I would do much more and with the greatest pleasure — 
but being out of Trade and under a perticular disadvantage for 
the present, hope your Honour will excuse my offer, and to 
keep the same as a Secret j as no other person living will be 
acquainted with my Conclusion thereupon. 


Johnson hall June 25th 1772. 

After being long in expectation of procuring a Missionary, 
for tills place, of such a Character as I could wish to see seated 
here, thro' the kind endeavors of the Society, and finding that 
such a person had not been found out, but that they wished me to 
use my endeavors to get one that was fitting, I accordingly wrote 
to some of my acquaintances (whose enquirysl thought might be 
attended with Success) Signifying that on their meeting with a 
Gentleman in Orders of good Character, who was willing to settle 
here, I should give him a favorable reception, with a preferrence 
to the first petson that should be found, I have lately been 
informed in consequence thereof by a Friend of mine that he 
has at length procured me a Gentleman of fair Character and 
abilities who will shortly come to this place as I formerly desired. 
I therefore thought it necessary to acquaint you therewith, as at 
the time you expressed the desire to remove here, It was not in 
my power to give you an Answer, with any degree of Certainty, 
least somebody had been already fixed upon in consequence of 
my former application. The Gentleman who I am informed will 
soon be up is an entire stranger to me, but from the recommen- 
dation I have of him, I imagine I cannot deny him the place he 


has been encouraged to expect by the Gentleman whom I im 
powered. . ^ 

If tlierefore this should prevent me from gratifying youi 
Wishes, I can only say that I am liopefull it will be no material 
disappointment to you but that the slenderness of your present 
Mission may be made up by tlie Success of your Academy, and 
the great use which I am persuaded you can be of in your 
present situation will encourage you to persevere in your pious 
endeavo;-s at Schenectady. 

I am allways, with Esteem, 
The Rev*! M' W™ Andrews. Sir &c 


London July 20th 1772 
Dear Sir. 

' Both Gratitude & Inclination induce me to imbrace the first 
Opportunity to inform you of my Success, by Virtue of your 
recommendatory Letter to Co' Sharpe who received me with 
much Friendship & Hospitality : & kindly asked after tlie Health 
& Prosperity of his Good old Friend Sir William Johnson. At 
the same Time let me know, tliat at Present, there was not a 
vacant Parish in Maryland, but if I inclined to persue my Design, 
he would recommend me to his Friends in Virginia where I 
eould have a Title to a vacant Parish ; & if any became vacant 
in Maryland ; he would use his Influence for my Interest ; and 
thought it premature to apply to Governor Eden, for a Living 
till I \yas in holy Orders : accordingly I received from Co' Sharpe 
& his Friends Letters to Lord Fairfax, Col George Fairfax Co' 
Washington & others ; whereby I readily obtained a Title to a 
vacant Parish : & Letters to his Lordship the Bishop of London 
by whom I w^as ordained Deacon the tenth & Priest the four- 
teenth Ultimo. 

I have had the Pleasure & Happiness to fall into Company 
with Yourtgood Friends Samuel Wharton Esq' : & Major Trent 

1 Samuel Wharton, son of Joseph Wharton of Philadelphia, was born on the 
3rd of May 1732. He was a Gentleman of very considerable talents, and was 
concerned in a purchase made of the Indians of a large tract of land on the Ohio. 


who remembring a few Days we spent togither with you at the 
Hall before the general Treaty j and understanding that I was 
recommended by you on this Occasion were pleased to take a par- 
ticular Notice of me on yoiu- Account : and introduced me to 
some of the first Families in this Place : by whom I was treated 
with much Kindness & generosity & intertained with much 
Splendor. And when I informed M^" Wharton that you had 
advised me, & that I was desirous of settling in Maryland ; he 
procured me Letters one from Sir John Eden oldest Brother of 
Governor Eden^ another from W'" Eden^ a younger Brother, & 

The Government of Great Britain discountenanced transactions of that nature. 
Mr. Wharton resided in London for some time, as the Agent of the Purchasers 
with the view to obtain the confirmation by Government of the purchase made of 
the Indians, and authority to establish a form of Government on those Lands. 
The difficulties which occurred between Great Britain and her Colonies put an 
end to all prospect of terminating the scheme favorably. — Letter of Frs. R. 
Wharton Esq. 

1 Sir Robert Eden, Bart, son of Sir Robert E. of West Auckland, married 
Caroline, youngest daughter of Charles, 6th Lord Baltimore, sister and co-heir 
of the last peer of that name. He was appointed governor of Maryland in Au- 
gust 17G8, but did not assume the government (according to McMahon, History 
Maryl.) until June, 1769. He continued in power until 1776. Easy of access, 
courteous to all, of fascinating accomplishments, he was respected if not beloved 
even by his political enemies. Hence he was permitted to remain in the province 
even after the establishment of a provincial government which, by express rule, 
exempted him and his family from its authority. Whilst enjoying this immunity 
some despatches from Lord George Gei-maine to his address were intercepted, 
and General Lee wrote to the Committee of Baltimore ordering his arrest. The 
subject was referred to the Council of Safety who did not think fit to comply, 
and Governor Eden was permitted to embark on 23d June 1776, on board the 
sloop-of-war, Fowey. On his return to England he was created a Baronet, 19th 
Sept. 1776. He returned to Annapolis in 1784, to look after his lady's estate, 
and died in the neighborhood of that city in the year 1786. Ed. 

2 William Eden (afterwards Lord Auckland,) was son of Sir Robert E. He 
was educated at Oxford and called to the bar in 1769 j appointed Undersecre- 
tary of State in 1772 ; one of the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations 
in 1776, and in 1778 was named one of the Commissioners for restoring peace in 
America. In 1782 he became Chief Secretary of Ireland under the Earl of Gar- 
lisle, with whom he had visited this country, and a privy Chancellor in 1783. In 
1785 he was named Minister to France ; in 1786 he was one of the Lords of Trade, 
and in 1788, Ambassador to the court at Madrid. In 1789 he was raised to the 
Peerage as Baron Auckland, and was Minister to Holland in 1793. He died 28th 
of May, 1814. He was the author of Letters on Finance, but his principal work 
is, The Principles of Penal Law, 8vo. 1772. Ed. 


by liis Interest & Intimacy with the Earl of Rotchford one of 
his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State he obtained a tliird 
from Lord Essex who is Uncle to M^s Eden & Benifactor to the 
Governor each warmly recommending me to the Notice Favour 
& Protection of the Governor, which I dare say will have t|ie 
Desired Effect. In short M^ Wharton is on such good Terms 
with most of the Lords that whatever he asks for his Friends lie 
readily obtains with the greatest ease. M"" "Wharton took me 
one Day into the House of Lords tho' Strick Orders are against 
any Persons being permitted to enter it during the sitting ; where 
I saw the King in his royal Robes, seated on his Tlirone, & the 
Lords in their proper Robes, & was present when the House of 
Commons addressed the King & twenty four Bills received the 
royal Assent. 

I was also at the Cockpit, when the Lords of the privy Council 
took into Consideration the Expediency of granting a large Tract 
of Land & settling a Government on the Ohio ; agreeable to a 
Petition of tlie Right Honourable Tho^ Walpole, Brother to Lord 
Walpole, Mr Wharton, Major Trent, & of many Lords : to the 
granting of which Petition Lord Hillsborough alone objected, 
tliat Part of the Lands prayed for, were the Property of the 
Cherokee Indians, and that it was contrary to the good PoHcy of 
this Country to permit the Americans to settle the interior Parts 
of America : to which after M^ Walpole had introduced, & made 
some pertinent Observations on the Subject in general, M' 
Wharton spoake next for several Hours & replyed distinctly to 
each perticular Objection ; and thro' the whole of the Proceed- 
ings he so fully removed all Lord Hillsborough's Objections, and 
introduced his Proofs' with so much Regularity, and made his 
Observations on them with so much Propriety, Deliberation and 
Presence of Mind ; that fully convinced every Lord Present : & 
gave universal Satisfaction to the Gentlemen concerned : And 
I must say it gave me a particular Pleasure to Hear an Ameri- 
can & a Countryman act his Part, so well before such a Number 
of great Lords, at such an August Board ; And I now have the 
great Pleasure to inform you that their Lordships have overruled 
Lord Hillsborough's Report, k have reported to his Majesty in 
favour of M^" Wharton & his Associates. This is looked upon 



here as a most Extraordinary Mattejr : And what no American 
ever accomplished before. Indeed no one from America, ever 
had so much Interest, and was so attended to by the great Lords 
.as M"^ Wharton, cannot conclude .without doing him the Jus- 
tice, of saying, that he has the greatest "Respect for you & in all 
Companies Speaks in the highest Manner of you, and in Publick 
Companies your American Friends always give you for a Toast 
& drink your Health in a Bumper. 

Many are the Places of Intertainment & Curiosities in London 
which Delight & amuse the mind, Renalgh, VauxhaU & Mary- 
bone«Gardens hold the foremost Kank for Splendor & Eligance. 
S' Pauls Church the Palaces of New Kensington S' James's & 
Hampton the Mension House, London & West-Minster Bridges 
& Westminster Abbey Strike the Mind of the Beholder with an 
agreeable Sense of Grandeur & Magnificence. 

I spent some Days in viewing the Monuments in Westminster 
Abbey & taking off some of the Inscriptions in a Journal, 
amongs the rest I viewed with particular Attention, a magnifi- 
cent Monument of white Marble erected to the Memory of that 
GaUant Admiral, your Uncle, Sir Peter Warren : done by the 
Masterly Hand of Rubiliac ; close by the Wall is a large flag 
hanging to a Flag-Staff, & spreading in natural Folds behind the 
whole Monument. Before is a fine Figure of Hercules placing 
Sir Peter's Bust on its Pedestal ; & on the other Side is a Figure 
of Navigation, with a Laurel- Wreath in her Hand, gazing on the 
Bust with a Look of Admiration ; behind her a Cornu-Copia 
pours out Fruit, Corn, Money, a Fleece &c And by it is a Can- 
non and a lable folding very naturaly over an Anchor & many 
other Decorations. 

As it is a Time of Profound Peace. And we have no News 
here I beg leave to conclude with asking your Pardon for the 
Prolixity of this Letter, pray give my Compliments to Sir John 
Johnson, Co' Claus & Lady Co' Johnson & Lady, & all enquiring 
Friends & Receive this tho' tedious in good Part from 
Dear & Worthy Sir 

Your Friend & Welwisher Sincerely. 

Wm Hanna. 

To Sir William Johnson. 




To obviate some peculiar Disadvantages, under Avhich I 
labour in my present Situation, I made personal Application to 
You lately for the Mission at Johnstown; — not but that I had 
turned my views tliat Way a considerable Time past, — only I 
was prevented by some Circumstances, which till then had not 
determined me. However, tliat there is now a Prospect of 
having shortly a Gentleman qualified, from Representation, to 
supply that Place, gives me much Satisfaction ; And I m^e no 
Doubt, from the Character given of liim, tliat his Abilities and 
good sense will enable liim to perform his ministerial Duty, in 
such a Manner, as to prove beneficial to all the good People whom 
he purposes serving. 

I return you sincere Thanks for your kind Wishes, and Ex- 
pressions of Consolation. But the very Thing which enables 
me to continue in tins Mission, is the Grievance I complain of : 
For my constant Attendance on tlie School, prevents me from 
paying that Attention to my Congregation which I cou'd really 
wish, and from my being obliged to write two Discourses every 
Week I am confined from taking that Recreation which I find 
my Health requires. 

Indeed, when I offered myself for that Mission, it was not 
from a Presumption that I shou'd have perfectly answered the 
Description given, but truly from higher Motives, which I trust 
in God, wall always influence me to do my Duty with that con- 
tinual steady care, that my Station requires. Avoiding, at the 
same time, the Levities which my Age might incline me to 
indulge, and the Gloominess that frequently attends our Cloth. 

As therefore it may be impossible to gratify my Wishes, I can 
only say, that I shall always be happy in testifying my Gratitude 
to you, & shew it by my Wilhugness to officiate there occasion- 
ally, 'till a Missionary is settled. 

BeHeve me I am in Sincerity, 
Schenectady. 23'^ Sir, your affectionate 

July. 1772. and very obedient Servant, 

The Hon^ie Sir William Johnson Bar'. Wm. Andrews. 




Johnson hall Ocf 2^ 1772. 

It is now a considerable time since I had the pleasure of 
writing to, or of hearing from you, and the veneral)le Society ; 
a Variety of business, togetlier with my bad state of health, & 
the want of any thing very material, was the £)ccasion -of this 
omission of my part. 

I have now to acquaint you that finding no prospect of getting 
the Mission at Johnstown near this place supplied from Europe, 
an English Gentleman M''Richd Mosely' In Orders, who lately 
came to this Continent in a Man of War, & was nominated to a 
Mission in New England has been strongly recommended to me 
for this place, he appears to me to be a Good kind of Man & I 
have accordingly accepted of, and Signified to him what I can 
contribute in addition to the Societys Allowance, with which he 
has accorded, & is to enter upon his Duties imediately. I must 
therefore beg Leave to recommend him to the approbation of the 
Society ; upon this occasion I ought to observe that the Missions 
established at £iO Ster p Ann, are found by Experience in this 
Country inadequate in the present age. Some of these in the old 
Settlements, near the Sea, where the Circumstances & Inclinations 
of the People are more favorable, may enable a Missionary to 
live tolerably well, but here where the People who are not of the 

1 " In 1772, the Rev. Mr. Mozley, a Missionary from the Society for the Pro- 
pagation of the Gospel, at Litchfield, Conn., was presented by the grand jury for 
marrying a couple belonging to his parish after the banns were duly published and 
consent of parents obtained. The court piildly fined Mr. Mozley 20Z. because he 
could not show any other license to officiate as a clergyman than what he had 
received from the Bishop of London, whose authority the court determined did 
not extend to Connecticut, which was a chartered government. One of the 
Judges said, ' It is high time to put a stop to the usurpations of the Bishop of 
London, and to let him know, that though his license be lawful, and may em- 
power one of his curaUs to marry in England, yet it is not so in America; and 
if fines would not curb them in this point, imprisonment should.' • (Peter's Conn. 
143.) On experiencing this rude treatment Mr. Mozley removed to Johnstown, 
whither 30 families from New-England, all dissenters, followed, and settled within 
fifteen miles of him. He left Johnstown in the spring of 1774. Ed. 

Vol. IV. 31 


Low Dutch Communion are New Settlers, & poor, the contribu- 
tions are as trifling as they are uncertain ; This has occasioned 
the Rev J M"" Andrews at Schenectad}^, to have recourse to the 
keeping a School with which addition to his income, as lie writes 
me he is not able to take care of his Family. In short tlie state 
of this part of the Country is not thoroughly known in Europe, 
It is an Extensive & most valuable Tract in which the Majority 
of the Settlements, and the Church of England are in their 
Infancy,. but such an Infancy as affords the most flattering hopes 
If properly nourished & improved for a little time. 

The Rev*' M' Munro at Albany, after struggling with many 
difficulties has a Good Congregation, and acts with much Dili- 
gence, and Discretion. I have already mentioned M"" Andrew's 
situation M'' Stuart at the Mohawks is much esteemed and 
regularly attended by the Indians, besides which he lias added to 
the Number of Whites of his Congregation, and the Scliool is 
very promising he sometimes visits the Conajoharees, but M' 
Hall has long since declined coming to that place, and I can hear 
of no other to supply it, so tliat that necessary Church built 
entirely at my own expence is in a great measure useless. 

The Church at Johnstown, (now the Capital of Tryon County) 
having been found too small, I rebuilt it last year of Stone at 
ray own Expence, much larger than the former, and from the 
Increase of people M'' Mosely will have a very large Congrega- 
tion. The School there is extremely promising, and increases 
fast, 86. 

Rev D' Burton 


The Associated churches of Jesus Christ, the son of God and 
coequal with the Almighty Father, the greatCreatorof all things 
ill heaven, earth, and seas who are particularly distinguished in 
America, in those territories bordering on the Sea, and under 
the Sovereignity and Dominion of our great and good Father 


George the tliird king of Great Brittain, France and Ireland. 
The Philadelphian Association, 

To all clu'istian People and our brethren tlie native inhabitants 
of America, wliose eternal happiness we long for, as the reason- 
able Creatures of the alwise Creator, whose exalted felicity the 
great Lord of althings purposes to accomplish to shew forth his 
own Glory and Power. Where ever this may come Send Greet- 
ing and our christian Salutation. 

First with all trutli and faithfulness We declare and affirm. 
That this association now met on the thirteenth, fourteen and 
fifteen days October in the year of Christ 1772. Is the said 
Philadelphian association which was first formed in the city of 
Philadelphia Anno Domini 1707, and hath constantly niet year 
by year and every year since either in Philadelphia aforesaid or 
in the city of New-York, as the same hath been adjourned or 
previously appointed. 

Next we declare and make known. That this association at 
this time consists of forty christian churches, all situate within 
the several Proviuces of Pennsilvania, Maryland, East and West 
New Jerseys and New- York. All regularly constituted, ordered 
and governed according to the Will of God, as revealed to us in 
his Word, That only we endeavor to make the rule of our Faith 
and Practice, in all religious concerns. 

And further. We do declare and testifie That the bearer hereof 
David Jones aged about thirty six years of age, about five feet 
ten inches in hight of a spare habit of body, is at this time the 
regular ordaind Pastor of the baptist church of Jesus Christ in 
Upper Ffreehold in the county of Munmouth, within the province 
of East New Jersey. And that he is in full and comfortable 
communion in liis said chui-ch. And that the said church is in 
good love and fellowship with this association, as it hath con- 
stantly been for several years past. 

And lastly We do declare and certifie, That at the especial 
request and motion of our dearly beloved and highly esteemed 
brother David Jones and his representation of his benevolent and 
fervent longing desire for the promulgation, of the gospel of a 
dear Redeemer, and the salvation of the imortal souls of his 
native countrymen, the several Tribes of Indians. He is now 


purposing to imploy the principle part of the ensuing winter 
amongst the inhabitants on the West side of the river Ohio, as 
God shall give him strength, abillity and opportunity. For the 
furtherance of tliis his most christian undertaking, vce wish him 
god-speed and take our present leave of him praying with him 
and for him, that the Almighty Potentate of heaven, earth and 
seas will preserve, protect and defend him from all evil and dan- 
ger ; That he will own and bless his endeavors to promote the 
final happyness of immortal souls ; And that at his return to his 
endearing family, his church and us, we shall be comforted by 
the glad tidings of your receiving the gospel of Jesus Christ in 
the love of it, submiting to the Ordinances of tlie word of God ; 
and living suitable and holy lives becoming the disciple, and 
such who have been redeemed by the precious and divine blood 
of the Son of God. Signed by our order in full Association New 
York the 15th of Octoa772. 

A Copy Abel Morgan Moderator 

James Manning Clerk. 


[As] M"" Mosely is in a hurry to leave Town, I have just time 
to Salute you & family in the most cordial & respectful manner; 
assuring you at the same time, that no Distance of time or 
[place] Sliall ever efface those Sentiments of Friendship & Grati- 
tude I [shall] always retain for you. I have been lately in New 
York, where I collected one hundred Pounds among 
friends & Connections, for our poor Churcli at Albany, which 
now makes a decent appearance; The old windows being taken 
down, & new Sashes put in their place. The inside also is 
[altered] for the Better; & peace & harmony generally prevails 
amongst us; Notwitlflstanding [tlie] malicious Efforts of a certain 
Cabal [to] disturb our Tranquility, S' Peter's [Church] main- 
tains her ground, & increases [in] numbers. 


I have sent [you] an Abstract for the present year [wherej 
you will find an excellent Sermon preached by D^ Moss. The 
Clergy at New York desire their respectful Comp'^ to you. The 
Fund for Clergyraens widows goes on Successfully ; having 
[lately] received a present of Two hundred [pounds] Sterling 
from Barbadoes. I sincerely congratulate you on the appoint- 
ment of your new Chaplin & [Missionary,] with my most hearty 
wishes that he may answer your purpose, & [in all] respects pro- 
mote your good and [pious] Design. 

The Rev^ D"" B[urton] is to resign, & one D' Hide is to [be] 
appointed Sectary next Christmass. The Propriety & Expedi- 
ency of sending Bishops to America is now the general Topic 
of Conversation in England. 

Our Governor has been extremely ill, but is now recovered, 
& gone to Philada. 

That the Almighty may long preserve your Life in [health] 
& happiness, as a Blessing to [your] family, & to this Country in 
general are the ardent wishes and hearty prayer of 
Honi»'e Sir your most obliged 

most obedient & most humble Servant 
Harry Munro. 

Albany l^t-* Nov 1772. 

To Sir William [Johnson.] 


Hon'e Sip 

Permit me to embrace this Opportunity of congratulating you& 
all ye Friends of our established Religion upon ye Arrival & 
Settlement of ye worthy M^" Mosely, who, tho' despis'd by y® 
pious Novanglians, will, I doubt not, be respected by y*' humble, 
& sincere Johnstonians. I heartily wish a lasting Unanimity 
may prevail betweenn him & his Audience, & y* he will fully 
answer ye Designs of his Venerable Patrons. As he is a stranger, 
I have presum'd to give him my Advice & Directions. 


I am sorry ye Society have been ill advis'd by a certain Lawyer 
in these Parts about 40 Acres of Land, given by y« Indians of 
Narraganset to y* Society for encouraging our Religion among 
them in y* very words following — " I Geo. Ninegret Chief & 
Prince of y** Narreganset Indians &c for securing k setling y® 
Service & worship of y^ cliurch of England among them have 
given &.C to y« Use of ye Society for propagating y« Gospel in 
foreign Parts for evermore 40 Acres (& whereon y« church of 
England now stands) butted &c." An attested Copy of ye Deed 
I sent to ye Society, who having consulted Mr Honey man of Rode 
Island, were told, ye Land was given for a resident Minister, (tho' 
there's no such word in ye Deed) & so have dropt this right, & 
ye Land is & has been occupied by one Coll Champlain, who has 
thrown down ye church & built a Tavern w"i it. The Land is 
worth about 20 Doll, p Ann. Now if ye Society wou'd authorize 
fue, I wou'd serve him w*h an Ejectment, & if I lost ye suit, it 
shou'd be at my cost — if I recovered it, they shou'd pay me & 
let me have y« Land for attending those poor Indians, who 
w^ou'd rejoice under my Ministry. I wish you wou'd condescend 
to weigh this affair. Wishing you all Happiness in Time & 
Eternity, I presume to subscribe myself, 

Y' Honor's 
New London March most obedient, hum'® Serv* 

12th 1773 Matt Graves' 

I wish ye Trustees in England had a faitliful narrative of 
Dr Wheeler's &c. 

1 Rev. Matthew Graves a native of England, took charge of the Episcopal 
church at Kew London, as Missionary from the Soc: for Prop: the Gospel, in 
the year 1745. He continued to officiate in that parish until 1778, when he was 
requested to forego the usual prayer for the King. This he refused to do, and in 
consequence he was driven from his church one Sunday after reading this obnox- 
'ious part of the Liturgy. So suddenly wasthe attack, that he had not time to divest 
' himself of his surplice, in which he tied to the house of a parishioner, who though 
■a warm Whig, protected him from violence. Notwithstanding public service was 
thus suspended, Mr. Graves remained in New London until the following years, 
subjected to many straits, " during M'hich for the snpport of his family, he haa 
been obliged to sell almost all his property and to take up money on very disad- 
'Vantageous terms." He withdrew to New Tork in which city he died unmarried, 
in 1780. In person he was ungainly; of low stature, rather corpulent, Avith 
particularly short legs. His brother John, was minister of the Episcopal church 
at Providence R. I. where he diedinNov. 1785. Updike^s Hist. Narragansett Ch. 




Stonington 11*^ Augt 1773. 
Revd & Dear Sir 

I now set down to write to you, upon an affair that appears to 
me of the utmost Consequence. — must confess I am somewhat 
at a Loss, in what manner to address myself to You — but pre- 
suming upon our former Intimacy, and Acquaintance, and that 
Friendship which you have honoured me with, shall without 
any fartlier Preface, beg leave to say, that I have long resolved 
in my mind, a cliange of tlie manner of my Life, and have had 
serious tho'ts of Quitting Agriculture, tho a very pleasing and 
most agreeable kind of Life; and going Home to Great Britain 
in order to take a Gound, with a view of founding a Seminary 
upon tlie Episcopal Plan, amongst the Six Nations of Indians, 
under the Patronage of Sir William Johnson— I communicated 
this affair to my Father some montli ago, and had he approved 
of it, should have immediately set off for Johnson Hall to have 
laid the affair before that truly great man Sir William, who I 
cant help thinking Providence permitted to settle in Ihis Country 
with a Design of his Christianizing those numerous Nations of 
Savages, over whidi he has had, & stil has such a surprising 
Influence, and both the last War, and tlie War before improved 
them in military Life; so much both for the Interests of the 
Crown of G Britain, and the particular advantage of the Colo- 
nies, witness tlie Engagement he had with Baron Dieskau on 
the 8ih Sept^ 1775, (a Day I shall ever have great Iteason to 
remember for I lost 19 men that morning out of CO that were 
under my Command) an action so important in its Consequences 
as any that ever happened to this Country, from the first Settle- 
ment of it to the present Day — had tlie Baron succeeded in his 
attempt against Sir W^ this Country, at least great Part of. it, 
would have been deluged in Blood & Slaughter; & such Scenes 
of Horror & Distress Avould have ensued, as would shock the 
Ear of the most obdurate Wretch.— General Braddock being 
defeated at Monongahela, and the army under his Command 


almost cut to Pieces. One tliird killed, one third Wounded, 
and one tliird run away which, as Geni Burton who was in the 
acdon afterwards assured me, was as near the Truth of the 
matter as he could relate. Gen' Shirley at that Time was at 
Oswego. The City of Albany would have instantly fallen a 
sacrifize to that very enterprizing General tlie Baron who was a 
very great Favourite of tlie very celebrated Marshal Saxe, and 
by him strongly recommended to the French king, as one of the 
best Officers of his Rank, in all his most Christian Majestys 
Forces. He at the Time of Marshal Saxes Death was a Col" of 
of a Regt of Infantry and Lieu' Col" of Saxes Reg^ of Horse. 
The Baron very justly observed that had he won the Day, in that 
action be would have easily cut off all Suppljs from Gen' 
Shirley and who of Course must of Necessity submitted to any 
Terms the Baron would liave. please'd to impose. The 6*h 
Nations, had Sir Wm been defeated undoubtedly would Jiave 
joyned the Baron — And the City of New York would have been 
the Barons Head Quarters — But thanks be to God all indulgent 
Heaven, did not think proper to devote this Country to Ruin. 

The Services tliat S"" W^" Johnson has done in this Country 
are infinitely more lit for a Yo\° tlian that of a Letter but I cant 
help thinking that his most valuable and very important Life is 
still reserved by Almiglity God for the most noble of Purposes- 
I acquainted Sir W'" that I proposed laying the IMatter before 
you, and of my desiring you to communicate the affair to Doc 
Auchmuty, M^ Inglis, & M"^ Ogilviee and if the good Rector and 
the rest of the very respectable Clergy of your City should 
approve of the thing and would allow of Contributions being 
given in their Churches on a Christmas Day or any other Time 
that would be tho't most Proper, which from tJieir Example 
might and I verily believe would become general throughout the 
Colonies; by which means a larg Fund might be established for 
the Purpose of founding a Seminary amongst the 6 Nations. 
which after a regular and well digested Plan might be laid 
before the Public by S'' William who you are sensible is extream- 
ly capable of doing it; who assured me at Amaganseth Long 
Island from wdience I am just returned after having had the 
great Pleasure & satisfaction of spending near a Week with Sir 


Wm and his Nephew M-- Bease a regular bred Physician who 
besides tlie Adv^antages of a very genteel & learned Education 
m Ireland has studied under tlie most able Pr(Tfessors in France 
for 5 years tliere are two otlier Gen in Sr Williams Retenue viz M^ 
Daily a very genteel well bred Person, and M^ Adams who has 
been with S' W- ever since his first coming to America. The 
good Baronite observed that if your answer to my Letter which 
(shall communicate to him, agreeable to his desire) sliould it 
.succeed agreeable to my Wishes (and should meet with tliat 
favourable Reception that I flatter my self it will,) He would 
push the affair with Gov Tryon, Gov^ Franklin, & Gov Pennto 
his utmost all three of the Gov^^ j am well assured would take 
very particular Pleasure in obliging S' W" out of a personal 
Regard to liim and Sr William might with tlie utmost Propriety 
ask it as those very Indians have been by his Influence over 
them the means not only of saving this Country but of Con- 
quering Canada. I observed farther to Sir W- tljat it would be 
the means of expediting the sending of a Eisliop into America 
who assured me nothing could [afford] him greater Pleasure- 
and that he would recommend it in the strongest Manner to the 
Ministry at Home, and farther very justly observed that there 
were several Gen" in orders now at New York tliat were fit to 
personate the Character of a Bisliop and would be made no 
Doubt do Honor to the exalted Station, and who knows but 
that the Gentleman is now in your City (and tliat I may 
have the Honor of being his Chaplain) who may preside in some 
Measure over the proposed Seminary-much, very much there- 
fore depends upon the Resolution the good Gentlemen of the 
Clergy in your City shall make upon this occasion; and suffer 
me to say it's an affair of as much • Consequence as ever was 
laid before you or perhaps ever may be-Why may not Sir 
Wilham be the means of introducing Learning & Religion 
amongst the Indians, and civilize, them as well as Peter the 
Great did the Muscovites and altho S^ W- like Solomon has 
been eminent in his Pleasures with the brown Ladies, yet be 
may lay the Foundation of a Building in the Mohawk Country 
that may be of more real use, than the very splendid Temple 
that Solomon built and I dare say that the Queens of the Sene- 


cas, Oneydas, Onondagoes, Cayugas, Tuscoraras, & Mohawks, 
may joyn in their Observations with the Queen of Sheba and 
with the same Truth say, that not one half was told tlieni. 

This in a great Measure miglit prevent the Presbyterians, who 
are tucking and squeezing in every possible Crevice tliey can, 
their Missionarys amongst the Indians, who from their Solemnity, 
and ungraceful stiffness, and tliose recluse and unsociable 
dejected, Airs, w^hich so remarkably distinguishes tliose splenetic 
& frightened Enthusiasts : for while these are continued ; Piety 
is quite striped of it's own proper Ornaments, and assumes the 
Habit of Craft Vice and Ulnature. — and is enough to prejudice 
the Indians against the sublime Trutlis of the Gospel, 

I verily believe that five or Six Thousand pounds Sterling 
might with S"" W^s Influence be easily raised in the Colonies and 
abundantly more in England and Ireland and some in Scotland — 
and altho Sir W™ settled the Line between the English & the 
Indians in the year 1768 was he to ask grants of Lands for the 
above purpose, they would very readily ^ive large Tracts of 
Lands; which in Time would make it not only the richest 
Seminary in this Country, but it might in a Century or two vie 
with any in Europe, and by doing this Sir W"* will add to the 
Character of the great, that of the good Man, for without a Com- 
pliment, we may very justly say of Sir W"^ that lie is remarkably 
eminent for those virtues, which have a peculiar nobleness and 
Beauty attending them — He is ever been remarkable for a firm 
Integrity that no Temptations can corrupt, for a disinterested 
Generosity and good will to mankind, for a Temper of Sympathy 
andFriendship, of gentleness and condescention and to enume- 
rate no more particulars, for Modesty (in opposition to Ostenta- 
tion and Arrogance, which while it declines and seems least fond 
of Applause,) is generally the most sure of obtaining it — and he 
is possessed of those easy and unaffected Charms of a very 
genteel Deportment which strike and captivate every beholder 
which makes the most indifferent of his Actions not only tolera- 
ble but even graceful. — wliereas in some, particularly in a certain 
Admiral, not far from Boston, who for the most part has a 
Stiffness, Violence, and Rudeness that renders even the best of 
his Actions offensive — I am very confident that S"" William would 


refuse doing a Favour with an infinitely better grace than 
Admiral Montagu would confer one. but I must confess that I 
am greatly prejudiced against M^ Montagu for which I have very 
good Reason and therfore will say no more about him.— I shall 
•write to Gov"" Franklin myself as well as Goyr Hutchinson and 
Gov Wanton' the former & the latter I Imve the honor of an 
intimate Acquaintance witli and Govern"- Wanton & his Son who 
was formerly Lieut Governor of the Colony are botli very zealous 
Churchmen and Avho I am very confident upon an application 
made to them would strongly recommend the matter to the 
Clergy of Rhode Island and would themselves contribute very 
genteelly to so useful, so noble, so godlike a Design— S'- William 
assured me that I might make use of his name upon tlie Occasion 
and I therefore beg that you would lay tliis Matter before the 
Gen" of the Cloth in your city— And I should be extreamly 
happy if I miglit favoured with an Answer before S»- Williams 
Return to Joiinson Hall. 

Why may you not be the means of my being provided for as 
well as your serving my Brother Luke^ with Col° Philips— you 

1 For a Sketch of the "Wanton family, See Updike's Hist, of the Naragansdt 
Church. 295. 

2 Rev. Luke Babcock was the youngest son of Chief Justice Babcock, of Rhode 
Island ; he was born about 1738. He graduated at Yale College in 1755 and 
afterwards commenced the study of divinity. In 1771, the Rev. Luke Babcock 
was recommended by the clergy of New-York, being lately ordained by the Bi- 
shop of London as a proper person for a Missionary, and Col. Philipse having re- 
quested that the mission of Philipsburgh, formerly filled by the Rev. Harry 
Munro, should be renewed, they accordingly appointed Rev. Luke Babcock to 
thq, mission. King's Coll. :N\ Y. conferred the degree of A. M, on him in 1774. 
On the breaking out of the revolution, his papers were examined, and because ho 
answered affirmatively to the question, whether he considered himself bound by his 

N oath of allegiance to the King, he was deemed an enemy to the liberties of Ame- 
rica, and ordered to Hartford, where he was detained from October, 1776, to 
February, 1777. Under this treatment his health gave way, and he was ordered 
to remove within the lines of the King's army. " He got home in a raging fever 
and delirious," and died on the 18th of February, 1777, extremely regretted. 
" Indeed, (says Mr. Seabury) I know not a more excellent man, and I fear his 
loss, especially in that mission, will scarcely be made up." " He was not only 
(adds Mr. Inglis) exemplary in his life and assiduous in his pastoral duty, but 
distinguished by his steady loyalty and warm attachment to the constitution in 
Church and State." His remains Wire deposited in the family vault of the Van 
Cortlandts. By his wife, Grace Isaucs. a cousin of Judge Isaacs of New-Haven, he 


may possibly imagine that a person wlio has had such remarkable 
Sallys of IiUemperance could not make a serious clergyman but 
I give you my Honor and I am sure you'l believe me tliat for 14 
Monti js past I have totally abstained from Wine and Spirits finding 
upon repeated Trial that there is something it my Constitution 
that at present will not bear it. 

Be so good as to let me hear from you as soon as you 
conveniently can upon tliis most interesting -Subject in which 
the Happiness and Usefulness of Thousands yet unborn may so 
much depend 

I am witli the utmost Sincerity & Trutli 
Rev<l & Dear Sir 

Your most Obedient 

Si. most humble Servant 
Revd M"" Miles Cooper. It. Babcock' 

left two sons, Cortlandt and Frederick; the latter was the father of the late Mrs 
W. L. Morris, of Yonkers. He also left one daugliter, Henrietta, who married 
a Mr. Richard Saltonstal, of New- York. There is a fine portrait of the Rev 
Luke Babcock in the possession of Mrs. Babcock, of St. Marks Place, N. Y. He 
is represented in gown and bands, his head reclining on his right arm. which rests 
upon a book. There is something extremely calm and placid in his countenance, 
CJi responding with his benevolent mind. Bolton. 

1 Col. Henry Babcock, eldest brother of the Rev. Luke B., was born in 1736, 
entered Yale College at the age of twelve, and took his degree when sixteen year.i 
old. At the age of eighteen he was Captain of an independent company of infan- 
try, and at nineteen marched to Albany, thence to Lake George, where he form- 
ed part of the force under Col. Williams, which was defeated by Baron Dieskan. 
He was promoted to the rank of Major in the following year ; at the age of twenty, 
one was Lieutenant-Colonel, and next year Colonel of the R. L regiment. In 
1758 he marched 500 men with the army against Ticonderoga, where he had 110 
men killed and wounded. He himself received a musket ball in the knee. He 
was afterwards at the capture of the same fort by Gen. Amherst. In 1761, he 
went to England, where he spent a year, and soon after his return married and 
settled at Stonington, Conn., and commenced the practice of the law. [It seems 
by the above letter, he was desirous to enter orders. We find him afterwards 
engaged in the Lake Superior copper speculations.] When the revolution broke 
out, he joned the whig party, and in 1776 was appointed by the Legislature 
commander of the forces at Newport. He was a man of fine person, accom- 
plished manners, commanding voice, and an eloquent speaker. Updike. 




My Healtli has really suffered so mucli of late from constant 
Confinement to a School, & from my Attention to the Mission, 
that I have, by the Advice of D' Constable, been obliged to 
make an Excursion abroad for the Recovery of it. A principal 
Inducement to undertake this, was the Arrival of a Clergyman 
at Schenectady,' who kindly offered to supply my Place, shou'd 
I absent myself The care of the School I have committed to a 
Person of Capacity. 

When I left home, I had an Intention of taking the Liberty 
of waiting upon you, & presenting myself as a fit Object of your 
further Recommendation. With this View, I went to Sir John, 
a few Days before my Departure, that I might, if not improper, 
learn where you was to be found ; also upon my Return I com- 
municated my Designs to Colonel Johnson, who promised from 
himself to second my Application. Whose Letter, I trust, on 
this Head you will have received by this Time. 

Yon may recollect. Sir, that I applied to you on tlie same 
occasion last Winter, when I w^as apprehensive my Constitution 
cou'd not undergo the Servitude of a Mission & School together. 
My Suspicions have been verified much to the Prejudice of my 

1 Rev John Doughty (a.) This gentleman who is supposed to have belonged 
to "Westchester, graduated at King's (now Columbia) College in 1770, after which 
he went to England where he was ordained for the church at Peekskill. He 
moved, however, to Schenectady, as above stated, to which place he was appoint- 
ed in 1773 at the request of the Wardens and Vestry. In 1775, divine servica 
was suspended in his church, on account of the troubles and he, himself, became 
the object of much harsh treatment. He was taken prisoner twice, and at length 
deemed it prudent, in the fall of 1777, to apply for liberty to remove to Canada 
which he obtained. He thereupon proceeded to Montreal where he was appointed 
Chaplain to his Majesty's Royal regiment of New York. "When he left, his con- 
gregation at Schenectady numbered only 59, exclusive of slaves. Of those 12 
were communicants. In 1780, the number was reduced to 27 white adults. He 
continued in Montreal until October 1781 when ho repaired to England. He 
returned to Canada 12 June 1781, having been appointed Missionary at Sorel. 

o In the Society's abstracts the name is spelt " Doty," we suppose from the pronuncia- 
tion. It is printed " Doughty" in the Catalogue of Columbia Coll. 


healtli, Exercise & a Change of Air are the only Expedients 
prescribed for the Recovery of it, whicli I now intend enjoying, 
in such a Manner, as my Circumstances will atford. But sliou'd 
I ever recover, & return to the same Duties, a Relapse probably 
ending in a Consumption wou'd be the iatal Consequence. 

The Venerable Society's Bounty, k an uncertain Subscription, 
which is daily lessening by the Removal of some of the Congre- 
gation to the Country, is a very insulficient Support for a Family 
at Schenectady, & more so as House-rent must be deducted from 
that Pittance. 

These Circumstances when combined together, will clearly 
evince the Hardships I labor under, & render, I hope, my conduct 
justifiable in the Eyes of the Society, & of the People. And 
more particularly so, as I shall engage not to relinquish the 
Mission 'till it is properly supplied, and not even then without 
your Approbation. 

This Gentleman who now officiates in my Room, is personally 
known to Colonel Johnson, & I believe wou'd, if agreeable to 
you & the People, accept the Mission. He is a Relation of M*". 
Ellices. A Person of good Abilities, & a fair- Character. 

Now shou'd you choose to favor me with recommendatory 
Letters to the Southwai'd to such of your Acquaintances as you 
thought proper on this Occasion, I wou'd, depending on their 

Here, for the first four weeks, he performed divine service in the R. CathoUc 
church, and afterwards in the barracks where he resided. A place of worship 
was, however, afterwards erected, and Mr. D. continued missionarj' at this place 
until 1793. " It is with concern (says the Society) that it has received informa- 
tion that they are deprived of the useful ser\ices of this worthy Missionary, Mr. 
John Doty, by his removal into his native country, to take charge of St. Anne's 
church at Brooklyn on Long Island in the Province of New York, (Abstract 
of 1794 6.) His connection with this church must however been brief, for hia 
name occurs, again in 1796, on the Society's list as Missionary at Sorel, whither 
he must have returned the previous year. He finally resigned this mission in 
1803, when his connections with the Society for propagating the Gospel ceased 
altogether. Ed. 

b Mr. Fish, author of the History of St. Anne's Ch : Brooklyn undertakes to say that " the 
name of Doty does not appear in the record of clergy in the State of N. York at all." The 
Society's abstracts we presume are good authority for the contrary. Wood and Thompson 
mention his name among the. clergy of St. Anne's. 


Strength, proceed to Maryland & Virginia, & endeavor to obtain 
one of the vacant Parishes in eitlier of those Provinces. 

I send tliis inclos'd in M'". Wallaces packet, who tells me he 
purposes leaving tins on a Visit to you next Thursday, & before 
then expects being honored with your Letters. At the same 
Time, I intend accompanying him & his Lady, & thereby have an 
opportunity of recovering my Health, & explaining myself 
further on this Subject, but lest my Health shou'd not permit 
doing myself that Honor, sliou'd be very happy, if convenient, 
to hear your Sentiments. 

I hope you have received that Benefit in the Restoration of 
your Healtli, which all who know you wisli, & him particularly 
so, who is with the greatest Respect & Gratjtude, 
New York IG'h Sir, your most obedient Servant, 

August 1773. Wm. Andrews. 

The Honorable Sir William Johnson Baronet 


Williamsburgh 17'h September 1773. 

Immediately after my Arrival here I waited upon Lord Dun- 
more with your recommendatory Letter, and he told me that no 
vacant Parish had lately elaps'd into his Gift, — and, that if even 
there was one, He couM not, consistent mth. his Engagements, 
promote me over the Heads of Six Candidates then upon his 
List. But, cou'd I find a Vacancy in the Power of the Vestry, 
he wou'd do his utmost to serve me. 

The Circumstances of the Parishes here, I shall endeavor to 
explain to you, as well as the little knowledge I have acquir'd 
will enable me. 

In the first place, there is an Act of Assembly for tlie Payment 
of 16000 Weight of Tobacco to the Rector of each Parish, reckon'd 
equal to X200 Virginia Currency, which approaches the nearest 
to Sterling, I believe, of any Money on the Continent. The 
Sherriffs collect this tithable Commodity for them, or receive in 


Lieu tliereof Cash, if agreeable to the Parson ; so that no Trouble 
or Inconvenience arises from tliis Mode of lev}ing their Salaries 
regularly. And as there is an exact Equality in tliis Taxation, 
the only Advantages one Incumbent has above anotlier proceeds 
entirely from tlie Prices of Tobacco in the respective Parishes, 
from the different Value of the Glebe Lands & Parsonage House, 
& from their Situation in Point of Health. 

When a Vacancy haj)pens the Power of Presentation is in the 
Vestry for twelve Months after, & then it elapses to tlie Gover- 
nor, who seldom inducts, (unless in new-form'd Parishes,) as 
there are a number continually waiting for Provision. The 
Impossibility of effecting the Removal of an Incumbent, & the 
ill Conduct of some Ministers, has made the Vestry, wlio are the 
Voice of the Congregation, somewhat more cautious than they 
formerly were in presenting ; tlierefore the general Practice 
which at present prevails, is taking Strangers upon Trial, till 
their moral Conduct, Abilities, & Character from whence they 
came, are discovered. 

Amongst the present Hunters for Livii;gs, I find upon Record 
the Name of the Rev*^ M"^ Hanna, who, notwithstanding he has 
seen the King k his Robes, k been strongly recommended from 
England to this Province & that of Maryland, he still remains 
unprovided for by the latest Accounts of him. His Character 
is not known here, nor have I been so uncharitable as to 
acquaint the Clergy with it. It is his Want of Powers to please, 
that has hitherto been the obstacle of his success. 

From this View^ of the Matter, Sir, which I have troubled you 
with, tlie Improbability of my obtaining Preferment tliro' his 
Lordship plainly appears. And more especially so, as He seems 
to have little Acquaintance with the Vestry, & less Concern for 
my Interest.' 

The very Day I left New York, I met M^ Stuart, on his Way 
to Pensylvania, who told me M'' Mosley intended relinquishing 
the Mission at Johnstown, finding it impossible to continue 
longer in the State of Health he then was in, & that he was 
apprehensive of his Disorder's increasing. Indeed he told me 
when I was there that he w^sh'd I had his Place. Now, Sir, as 
I have formerly soUicited you on this Head, & have no Hopes of 


being able to remove here, I shou'd be extremely happy & con- 
tented to undertake that Mission. And shou'd M^ Mosley give 
it up voluntarily, I trust in God, you will be good enough to let 
me have it, that is, if you think me agreeable & quahfled to 
discharge the Duties of the Mission. 

This wou'd be an effectual Remedy of my present Grievances, 
a probable Restorative of my former Health, & be the greatest 
obligation you cou'd confer on 

Sii', your grateful, & 

most obedient servant 

. _ W. Andrews. 

The Honorable Sir William Johnson Baronet. 



Johnsonhall NoV^ 19th 1773. 

I have had the favor of your Letter, from Stonington, and 
am obliged to you for your kind enquiries about my health, 
which I think somewhat improved. 

There is no doubt from tlie Letter you inclosed to me that the 
Clergy at Boston would wish well to a design so laudable in 
speculation, but after giving it much attention I am inclined to 
apprehend that there is more difficulty in the execution than 
you seem aware of; success is no Constant attendant on Lauda- 
ble designs, they often owe it to party, or to the favorable opera- 
tion of lucky Circumstances, and to cool reception and failure 
of some similar views, tho' well supported & strongly recom- 
mended creates a doubt in me of the success of a Scheme 
without any fund, depending on the piety of men in power, or 
the bounty of the pubhc:— perhaps within a little time the 
Scheme may bid fairer for success, when however loath to renew 
applications I would willingly give it my countenance, as it has 
my best Wishes, and I am heartily sorry that the present times 

Vol. IV. 32 


do not appear more favorable to a design tliat miglit be produc- 
tive of much benefit. 

Be assured that I shall always be glad to see or hear from you 
as I am with truth and regard. Sir 

Your hearty Well wisher 

and very humble Servt. 
Henry Babcock Esq"" 

Sir Jolm Col Jolmsou D"" Dease & all here desire to be kindly 
remembered to you. 


Stonington 28^^ Dec^ 1773. 

I was honoured with your Favour of the 19^^ Nov w^hich 
have now before me, and liave read it witli the greatest atten- 
tion; and altho' I am very loth to be troublesome to you, with 
my Lettei^'s, yet have presiuned once more to write to you.'^I 
observe you are pleased to say, that " Perliaps in a little Time 
" the Scheme may bid Fairer for Success, when however loth 
" to renew applications, I would wilUngly give it my Couuten- 
" ance, as it has my best Wishes" &•=. 

I should be extreamly sorry, to desire any thing of You, that 
would give you the least uneasiness, and I am thorouglily sensi- 
ble that no Person can be more delicate than you in asking a 
Favour for your Self. 

But in soliciting Benefactions, for those nations of Indians, 
who you well know, have been very useful in saving this Coun- 
try, and adding to it vast acquisitions, as they were improved 
by you the last War. — To civilize Barbarians, and make them 
happy, is a Task as replete with Pleasure, as any I can figure to 
myself. I will readily allow^, that there are Difiicultys in the Way 
(particularly in establishing a Fund) -but Industry & Perseve- 
rance will surmount them — I would, could I be authorised by 
)'ou, next Spring chearfully make the Trial throughout tlie Colo- 
nies, in the .?ame manner that I did in he Town of Newport. 


and should it meet with the favourable Reception, that I flatter 
• myself it would, you would never repent it.— In the Island of 
Jamaica, for the Philadelphia College was raised Eiglit Thousand 
pounds their Currency; and Charity may be asked witli infi- 
nitely more Propriety for the Indians, than the Philadelphians, 
who are of themselves, well able to support a Seminary without 
any foreign Assistance. 

Success (as you may justly observe) is no constant Attendant 
" on laudable Designs, tliey owe it often to Party and the favour- 
able opperations of. lucky Circumstances" and may we not 
venture to add that it's often owing to the invisible hand of 
^,God.— The Story of Joseph and his Bretheren, as mentioned in 
tlie old Testament does not appear more striking to Me than 
your first setthng in this Country.— The Place you pitched upon 
to settle, and in Consequence of that, the surprizing Influence 
you had over the Indians, and the great Benefits resulting from 
that Influence — The many narrow Escapes you have run, not 
only the common Chances of War, but the high Rewards olfc rd 
to the frencli Indians either to assasinate You, or take You Pri- 
soner, and your eluding all their repeated Efforts ; it cannot be 
enthusiastical, for me to say,, that there was a kind Providence 
that protected you ; and your most valuable Life I stil believe, 
is reserved, to lay the Foundations of civilizing & christianising 
those numerous Nations