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OENEAUCC\' COLLECTION
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DOCUMENTS
RELATIVE TO THE
COLONIAL HISTORY
STATE OF NEW-YORK;
PROCURED IN
HOLLAND, ENGLAND AND FRANCE,
JOHN ROMEYN BRODHEAD, ESQ.,
AGENT,
UNDEE AND BY VIRTtre OF AN ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE, ENTITLED "AN ACT TO APPOINT AN ACENT TO
PBOCUEE AND TEANSCEIBE DOCUMENTS IN EUROPE RF.LATIVE TO THE COLONIAL HISTORY
OF THE STATE," PASSED MAY 2, 1889.
PUBLISHED UNDER AND BY VIRTUE OP AN ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE, ENTITLED " AN ACT TO PROVIDE FOR THE PUBLISHING
CERTAIN DOCUMENTS RF.LATING TO THE COLONIAL HISTORY OF THE STATE," PASSED MARCH 30, 1849, AND AN ACT ENTI-
TLED "an act in RELATION TO THE COLONIAL HISTORY OF THE STATE, AND THE PUBLICATION AND DISTRIBUTION
THEREOF," PASSED APRIL 12, 1856.
EDITED BY
E. B. O'CALLAGHAN, M. D., LL. D.
VOL. VIII.
ALBANY:
WEED, PARSONS AND COMPANY, PRIN'lf:KS.
1857.
i 9
Volumes in., IV"., V., VI., VII. and IX. of this work were published under the direction of the Governor,
Secretart of State and Comptroller of the State of New- York ; and the publication has been completed
under the authority of the Regents of the University, in virtue of the Act of the Legislature to that effect,
passed April 12, 1856.
The Documents in Dutch and French were translated by E. B. O'Callaohan, M. D., LL. D., who was
employed for that purpose, and to superintend the publication generally.
113G145
TEANSCEIPTS OF DOCUMENTS
QUEEN'S STATE PAPER OFnCE ; IN THE OFFICE OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL ; IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM ;
AND IN THE LIBRARY OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY AT LAMBETH, IN LONDON.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI-XLVII.
1768-1782.
CONTENTS.
1768.
January 3
January 6
January 16
Januory 21
January 23.
January 26.
January 27.
February 20.
February 25.
February 26.
March 6.
March 7.
March 7.
1765.
March 26.
November 15.
1763.
November 10.
1765.
October 19.
1766.
May 10.
1767.
July 15.
1766.
February 1.
1768.
March
March
March
Page.
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — bills of credit, Ac 1
Letter of the Earl of Shelburne to Sir William Johnson— Indian boundary, 2
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — Uassacliusetts boundary — Can.ida line, &<: 2
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Shelburne — difficulties and embarrassments he is
subjected to 4
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in North America, on his appointment as Colonial
Secretary 7
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — New-York acts, 7
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — militia regulations 8
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in North America, inclosing the address of the
House of Commons 10
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — general affairs of the Province 10
Letter of Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade — acts of the Assembly, <Scc 14
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — difficulty arising out of claim of the Commander
of the Forces to precedence on all occasions, <tc., 16
Letter of the Lords of Trade to the Earl of Hillsborough, ]9
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, upon the general state of Indian affairs, and the
establishment of posts, &e., with a map 19
Extract from a treaty made at Mobile, in West Florida, with the Chickasaws and Choctaws, settling a
boundary line between them and the English 31
Extract from a treaty made at Picolata in East Florida with the Lower Creek nations regulating the
boundary between them and the English 32
Extract from a treaty made at Augusta, Georgia, with certain Indian tribes regulating the boundary line
between them and the English ... 82
Extract from the cession of lands by the Cherokees to South Carolina 33
Extract of a letter from Alexander Cameron, Commissary for Indian Affairs, to John Stuart,
Superintendent, relative to the line between the Cherokees and North Carolina 33
Extract of a letter from Governor Tryon to the Lords of Trade on the Indian boundary line, 84
Extract of a letter from John Stuart, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the southern district, to
the Headman of the Cherokees, informing him of the settlement of the boundary line between
Indians and English, all around the two Floridas and Georgia, 34
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — Canada boundary line — Lieutenant-Governor
Colden's pamphlet — New-York iron works, 36
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson— Indian boundary 35
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Shelburne— Indian offairs 36
CONTENTS.
1768.
March
March
April
April
April
April
April
April
May
May
May
May
May
May
May
May
June
June
June
June
June
July
July
July
July
July
July 20.
August 13.
August 12.
August 1 2.
August 1 3
August 17
August 17.
August If).
September 2,
October 1 2.
Page.
Proceedings of a General Congress of the Six Nations, Ac, and of the nations of Canada, and the
Deputies of the Cheroliees, before Sir William Johnson 38
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Indian affairs, <fec., 53
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — Assembly of New-York — militia, act, Ac, .... 65
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the American Governors — plan for the management of Indian
affairs, 65
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson— management of Indian affairs, <fec. 57
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors, inclosing copy of the Massachusetts letter to the
different Provinces, and instructing him to prevail on the Assembly of Kew-York to lake no notice
of it, (fee, 58
Letter of Governor Moore to tlie Lords of Trade — Council vacancies 59
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough — factions in New-York, Ac, 60
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, upon New-York acts respecting quartering the
regular troops, 63
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — state of the Province 65
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — manufactures, (fee., 65
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Lientenant-Governor Coldeu's case, 66
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — seditious and inflammatory associations in New-
York, (ic 68
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Indian affairs, 69
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough— paper currency in New- York, 72
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — difficulty between the Governor and the
Commander of the Troops on the score of precedence — his Majesty has no intsntion to introduce a
military government into the Provinces, (fee 73
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson, approving his conduct, &C 74
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough — factions in New- York — hardship of
his case, (fee 74
Letter of Guy Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — Sir William Johnson's ill health — Indian transactions, 76
Letter from the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America, on the subject of alterations in their
instructions, (fee, 77
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Lords of Trade — mode of proceedings on business 78
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Indian affairs, (fee 78
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — subdivision of Albany county 79
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Massachusetts letter, (Sic. 80
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore— new county — Lieutenant-Governor Colden's
case — inflammatory publications in the Province— Indian affairs, (fee, SI
Letter from the Earl of Hillsborougli to the Governors — intelligence from the Colonies received often-
times by private persons in London, long before it is by Government 82
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — reforms in the Indian department, itc, . . 82
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Mocre 87
Order in Council conflrming the boundary line between New- York and the Province of Quebec 88
Order in Council approving the report upon a representation of the Lords of Trade of 7th May last,
upon the New-York act of 6th June, 1767, (fee 89
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — grant of mines, (fee 91
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Kayaderosseras patent— Indian affairs — Fort
Stanwi-Y, (fee. 92
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — western Indians — intrigues of the French —
boundary line, (fee 93
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — disorders to be apprehended from the Home
Government directing the Collector at New- York not to receive anything for the duties but silver, . 90
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough— dispute between General Gage and himself
respecting the piccedciicy of the military over the civil power, (fee, 97
Letter of the Earl of Ilills'iorough to the Governors — letters from the Secretaries of State to them not
to be communicated, (fee 100
Letter from the Earl of HiUiborough to Governor Moore— Indian affairs — representation of the new
county a privilege to be derived from the Royal grace and favor, (fee. 100
CONTENTS.
1768.
October 12.
October 19.
October 23.
November 1.
November 16.
November 1 5.
November 18.
November 6.
Noverabei
■22.
December
10.
December
16.
December 23.
1769.
January
4.
Janu.ary
4.
January
1.
January
20.
January
21.
Janunry
27.
February
15.
February
25.
March
1-
March
1.
March
24.
March
30.
April
13.
April
25.
May
n.
May
13.
May
13.
May
13.
May
26.
May
29.
June
3.
June
7.
Pack.
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — Indian expenses — boundary line — posts, etc., 101
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — boundary between New-York and Canada, ... 103
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough— meeting with the Indians at Fort Stnn-
wix — proceedings, <fee 104
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Canadian boundary, <fec., 107
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — Parliamentary address — Agent of New-York
at London, <fee., 1 08
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — French intrigues with the Indians, 109
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough 110
Proceedings at a treaty held by Sir William .Johnson with the Six Nations, and other Indian tribes at
Fort Stanwix, in the months of October and November, to settle a boundary line, Ill
Deed executed at Fort Stanwix, this day, by the Indians, determining the bound,iry line between them
and the English 135
Map of the frontier of the Northern Colonies, with the boundary line established between them and
the Indians, at the treaty held at Fort Stanwix, November, 1768, 137
Report of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council, on New-York acts, 138
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — Canada boundary, &e., 138
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — military posts on the northern frontier —
communications, <tc., 139
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — copper mines on Lake Superior — effect of
grants, &e., 140
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — dissolution of the Assembly — factious conduct —
" Sons of Liberty," &e 143
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — the King is sorry he has not adhered to
his instructions as to the Indian boundary, which now gives too much territory to the English, ifec., 144
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough — Governor Moore's conduct — fac-
tions in New-York, &c., 146
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — proceedings of the last Assembly, ite 147
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Mr. James Delancey's refusal to serve as a
member of Council — Mr. Livingston recommended 14 8
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough— grants of land within new boundary, <te., 149
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — Indian expenses — boundary line — plan of
the Lords of Trade, &c. 150
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — French intrigues, &e., 163
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — conduct of the Assembly — town at Crown
Point, as proposed, &e 154
Letter of the Lords of Trade to Governor Moore — Jay's claim to lands m New- York, <fee., 155
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — conduct of the Assembly — the King disapproves
their petition as inconsistent with the Constitution, Ac 1 55
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Assembly of New-York — Agent in England, <fec., 157
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — conduct of the Assembly, 157
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, upon Sir William Johnson's treaty with the Indians,
at Fort Stanwix, 158
Letter of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council 164
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America — the present Administration have no
intention of taxing America, but on the contrary they propose to lake off certain duties, etc., 164
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — grants of Indian 1-nds, ifec, 165
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — the King's instructions upon the late bound-
ary treaty, &c., 165
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — bills passed at the late session, 106
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — bills rejected at the late session, 169
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — resolutions of the Assembly — publication of
letters from England — their incendiary tendency, &a., 170
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — Agent in England, <fee., 171
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — surrender of the additional Indian ces-
sion— reasons for his conduct — French at Detroit, &c 172
CONTENTS.
1769.
May
July
July
July
July
August
August
August 26
September 11,
September IS,
October 4
November 4
December 4
December 4
December 9
December 16
December 21
December 2E
1770.
January 4
January 6
January 6
January li
February
8.
February
10.
February
17.
February
21.
April
11.
April
14.
Apnl
14.
April
25.
May
16.
June
12.
July
July
July
Page.
Draft of additional instructions to the Governors in America respecting lotteries, 174
Additional instructions to Governor Moore, respecting lands near Lake Champlain 175
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — resolves of the Virginia Assembly — Boston —
scarcity of money, <fec., 1''5
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore— the King's regret at the course of the New-
York Assembly— Governor Moore's conduct not approved, Ac 176
Letter of Governor Moore to the E.irl of Hillsborough— King's speech— its effect, &e 177
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough— lauds on the Connecticut, <fec 178
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough— further explanation of his conduct at the
Fort St anwix Congress, 179
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough— account of his transactions among the Six
Nations, in June— French intrigues— Detroit. &c 183
Letter of Philip Livingston, Jr., to the Earl of Hillsborough— death of Governor Moore this day, &c.,. 187
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— has assumed the administration of
government in consequence of Governor Moore's death, <fec 188
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— paper currency bill, &c 189
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden- bills of credit, Ac 190
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— temper of the people, <fee 191
Letter of Judge Robert R. Livingston to the Earl of Hillsborough— vote of the Assembly declaring
judges incapable of serving in their house, &e., 192
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden- bills of credit— Lord Dunmore
appointed Governor of New-York, <te., 193
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— disposition of the members of
Assembly, tfec, 193
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, on the non-importation resolutions of the Assembly
of New-York of the 10th of April last, 194
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of the Privy Council, upon the New- York
paper currency bill, <fec., 195
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— New Hampshire grants 196
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade— bills of credit, &c 198
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough — " Sons of Liberty" — temper of the
people— bills of credit, (fee 199
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden — the King is displeased at his con-
duct in reference to his speech to the Assembly, and to the act for bills of credit, ifec 201
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King— New-York law for bills of credit 202
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — southern and western Indians — Congress —
proceedings, <fec 1 203
. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden — displensnre of the King at his
assenting to the bill-ofcredit law — the same disallowed by order in Council, <fec 205
. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— laws passed at the late session —
judges' bill — Indian trade — elate of parties aud factions in New-York, <tc., 206
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King — New- York act incapacitating judges from sitting in
the Assembly, 209
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden- King displeased at his assenting to
the judges' exclusion bill— doubts of the good of a Congress to regulate Indian trade, &c 210
. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — concern of the King at the position of
Indian affairs — Congress— policy of the Atnei ican Colonies, <tc., 211
, Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough — explanation of his conduct, A-c.,. . . 212
. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough — state of parties in New-York, <te , 214
. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — observations on his conduct — ^judges'
exclusion bill disallowed— act of Parliament for bills of credit, Ac 215
. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— judges' exclusion bill — Indian
trade — factions — disorders in the Colonies — nonimportation, Ac 216
I. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough— non-importntion, 218
. Letter of Mr. Alexander Colden (Postmaster at New-York) to Mr. Anthony Todd— factions in New-
York 218
CONTENTS. ix
1110. Page.
July 1. Letter of General Gage to Postmaster Golden, authorizing him to detain the packet, 220
July 12. Letter of Sir Willinm Johnson to the Earl of Ilillpborough — proposed Congress of the Indiaua — want
of Indian goods — discontents of the Indians, &c., 222
July 16. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Earl of Dunmore, inclosing instructions, <to., for government
of New-York 223
August 14. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — Congress with the Indians, 224
July 23. Proceedings at a treaty with the Six Nations and other Indians, held at the upper settlements, near
the German Flats, in July, 1770, by Sir William Johnson, Baronet, 227
August 18. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough — act of Parliament for bills of
credit — inauguration of the equestrian gilt statue of the King, in a square near the Fort — great
joy on the occasion — procession, i&c, 245
September 28. Secret circular letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors, &a , in North America — warlike
preparations against Spain — security of the Colonies, 246
October 3. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — anxiety of Government about Indian
affairs, <te 246
October 5. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough — state of affairs in New- York 248
October 24. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough — has arrived at New-York, and is pleased
with his reception, &c. , 249
November 10. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Uillsborough — Lord Dunmore's demand of a
moiety of the perquisites, <tc., of the government of New-York, &c 249
November 12. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough— situation of affairs — Colony on the Ohio —
folly of the scheme, etc., 252
November 15. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — the late Congress with the Indians — its
advantages and results, <fcc 253
November 15. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors — Indian trade, 254
December 3. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Attorney and Solicitor-General — can an embargo be laid on
ships in the ports of the Colonies, and if so, how S 255
December 4. Report of the Attorney and Solicitor-Generals in reply to the Earl of Hillsborough's letter, 255
December 5. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Lieutenant-Governor Colden's refusal to
pay over the moiety of the perquisites, &e 256
December 5. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough — Earl of Dunmore's bill in Chan-
cery, against him, for half of the perquisites, <tc , 257
December 6. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough — defenceless state of New- York — disorders
in the Province, <to., 259
December 21. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America — recruits for the forces, etc., 2C0
December 11. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Earl of Dunmore — the King has appointed him Governor of
Virginia, &c 260
177L
January 18. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough — regulation of the Indian trade — should be
made by Parliament, &c., 261
February 18. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — threatened alliance of the northern and
southern Indians — consequences to be apprehended, <fee 262
March 9. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough — judges' seals in the Assembly — Indian
affairs — New Hampshire grants — disorders in that quarter, itc, 264
April 2. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Colonel Bradstreet's grant out of the
Hardenberg patent — there are not ten families settled on the patent at this time, <tc., 267
May 4. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governor of New-York — Assembly of New-York— German
Protestant volunteers — disorders in the northeast, &c. 269
May 4. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — non-interference in the disputes of the
Indians the best policy, <tc 270
1772.
May 21. Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council — Trinity Church quit-rents
for lands, Ac, 271
1771.
June 6. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Tryon — New Hampshire grants — Colonel Bradstreet's
grant, &c 27 1
Vol. VIII. B
CONTENTS.
June
6.
July
S
July
9.
July
9.
August
5.
August
9.
July
16.
September
2.
December
4.
December
4.
December
23.
1772.
January
9.
February
'•
March
6.
April
4.
April
11.
April
18.
June
S.
June
4.
June
29.
July
1.
August
14.
August
SI.
July
30.
September
].
September
2.
September
27.
October
7.
November
3.
November
4.
November
4,
November
6.
November 12.
November
20.
December
1.
December
1.
December
3.
December
8.
Dect-mber
9.
December
9.
Docember
26.
1773.
January.
Jonunry
6.
February
3.
Page.
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council— New Hampshire grants of
land, &c 272
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governor of New-York — laws of New-York 277
Letler of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsl.orough— Governor Tryon's arrival, itc., 278
Letter of Governor Tryou to the Earl of Hillsborough — has assumed the government of New-York, <tc., 278
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough — addresses and answers, i79
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough— Indian affairs 280
Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Six Notions, at Johnson Hall 282
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough — Surrogate's appointment, 282
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Tryon — grants of lands in New-York, <fec., 284
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — Indian affairs 286
Letter of Sir William Johnson to Colonel Bradstreet — his grant on the Delaware, 287
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough— Congress to settle a plan for the Indian trade,. 288
Draft of addition.il instruction to the Governors in America — laws in the Colonies for the attachment
of property, <tc., 288
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough — explanation of his conduct, <!tc 289
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — Indian affairs west and south 290
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough — granting of lands 293
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Tryon — Colonel Bradstreet'e claim — proceedingfi of the
Assembly — Colonel WoodhuU, cfcc. ■ 294
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council — (college at New-York — quit-
rents, <tc 296
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hilsborough — New Hampshire grants' riots 298
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough — Judge Livingston's case, &e. 299
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough— case of Ramsay, <fcc., 800
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — Indian troubles — remarks, &c 302
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the American Governois, on his being appointed Colonial Secretary, 303
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough— Indian Congress 303
Proceedings of Sir William Johnson wiih the Canajoharic Indians, at Johnson Hall, 304
Letter of Governor Tryon the Earl of Hillsborough— Canada claimacts 310
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — settlements on Indian Lands 311
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — Ramsay's case, <tc 311
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough — troubles at Bennington, &c., 312
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — congratulations 31s
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth— Ramsay's case— Indian troubles, &c., 314
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — lands on the Mohawk— French claims— their jus-
tice, (fee 317
Letter of Judge Livingston to the Earl of Dartmouth— his exclusion from a seat in the Assembly, being
a judg», <tc 318
Minute of i\1r. Edmund Burke's appearance before the Lords of Trade, about the Canada grants, &e.,.. . 320
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Privy Council — Howard's grant, 321
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Committee of Privy Council — Mr. Clarke's case in reference to the regis-
try of the Prerogative Court 322
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — hardship of his case, 327
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council — case of the troubles on the
eastern boundary of New-York, i-c 330
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— New Jersey boundary — Canada, &c. 337
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— New Hampshire grants' troubles, 338
Letler of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon, censuring severely his conduct respecting granting
lands, Ac 339
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth— temper of the Indians, <fec., 340
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— raililia in New-York 341
Letter of (Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dai traouth — granting land^, <tc 342
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— Hardenberg patent— Colonel Bradstreet's grant —
Connecticut, Ac, 847
CONTENTS.
XI
1773.
February
3.
February
3.
February
7.
February
8.
February
20.
February
26.
March
3.
April
7.
April
10.
April
10.
April
10.
April
22.
April
10.
April
30.
May
1.
May
3.
May
6.
May
31.
June
1.
June
2.
June
2.
June
S.
Juue
2.
June
15.
July
1.
July
^•
July
6.
July
6.
July
6.
July
6.
July
23.
August
4.
August 31.
September 1.
September 1.
September 22.
October 1.
October 14.
October 14.
October 28.
November 3.
Paok.
Letter of tbe Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Golden— no salaries for Lieutenant-Governors, 347
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — regulation of the Indian trade, <feo 348
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — New Jersey boundary line 349
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — explanations of his conduct 350
Letter of Chief Justice Horsraanden to the Earl of Dartmouth— Commissioners nt Rhode Island 350
Letter of the Lords of Trade (o Governor Tryon — observations on New-York bills for laws, 354
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — militia — Indian purchases — Champlain grants
Connecticut, &c., 3 g
Order in Council prohibiting all grants of land until otherwise instructed, ,357
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — Connecticut and New Jersey boundaries, etc 358
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — settlement of the New Hampshire grants 359
Letter of the Earl of Dartinouth to Sir William Johnson — confederacy of the savages, 360
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth— Indian transactions 361
Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Six Nations, at Johnson Hall 362
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — government on the Ohio, Ac, 368
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — New-York acts 369
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — grants of lands 37O
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— destruction of fort at Crown Point, 871
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— Commissioners at Hartford 371
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — militia of New- York 372
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — land titles — boundaries, <tc., 372
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — Indian purchases — mode of obtaining grants —
observations, g73
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth 377
An abstract of the state of the militia in the Province of New-York, 1773 377
Letter of Edmund Burke, Agent of New-York, to Secretary Pownall — hearing on the Canadian grants, 378
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council— General Bradstreet's claim, . 378
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— difficulties in New- York respecting grants of
land — review, at length, of the whole subject, 380
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— approval of his conduct 387
Letter of the Earl of Dart Jioulh to the Governors in North America 388
Heads of inquiry relative to the present state of the American Colonies 388
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— Governors appointing chaplains, 389
Letter of Chief Justice Horsmanden to the Earl of Dartmouth — affair of the Gaspee, .' 390
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — grants of lands in New-York— the King desires
him to come to England to give explanations on the subject, 391
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — approval of his conduct in respect to the Six
Nations, &c 392
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— grants of lands 392
Letter of Governor Tryon to Major-General Haldimand — New Hampshire rioters— asks for a military
force 394
Letter of Major-General Haldimand to Governor Tryon — opposed to the employment of regular troops
to suppress the riots, &o , 395
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — English on the Ohio, <fcc 395
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — necessity for the appointment of a Master of the
Rolls 397
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — Indian land purchases— regulations for the quit-
rents 397
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— New- York acts disallowed 398
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — the King disapproves calling out the regular
troops, unless in cases of unavoidable necessity 399
Letter of Governor Tryon to Governor Penn, informing him how he intents making up the Report
on the State of the Province of New-York 399
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — mandates for lands 400
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— ferment in New-York respecting the importation
of tea 400
xu
CONTENTS.
1773. I'aqe.
NoTember 23. Letter of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council, 401
November 25. Additional instructions to the Governors in America, respecting grants of lands 401
December 1. Letter of Secretary Pownall to the Governors in North America 402
NoTember24. Additional instruclions to the Governors, Ac, against passing acts of naturalization 402
December 1. Letter of Governor Trjon to the Earl of Dartmouth— landing of tea, &c., 402
December 1. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— seeds of civil war growing 403
December 1. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — critical situation of Indian affairs — intrigues, <tc., 404
December 16. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl. of Dartmouth — conference with the Six Nations — Indians
taken to England 405
December 31. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — conflagration at Fort George 407
1774.
January 3. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — tea troubles 407
January 8. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — troubles in New-York respecting tea — instruc-
tions to General Ualdirnand 408
February 5. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — it is the King's firm resolution to take effectual
measures to secure the dependence of the Colonies, <ic., ... 409
February 5. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America, 4c. — grants of land 409
February 3. Additional instructions respecting the future granting of lands 410
March 2. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — no final resolution yet taken respecting the
troubles in America, &c., 413
March 21 . Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council — register of wills in New-York, 413
April 6. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— his coming to England, 415
April 6. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — Kloch's affair, &c 416
April 7. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— is about to embark for England 417
April 13. Order in Council reinstating George Clarke, Esq., in his office of Register of New-York, 417
April 17. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth, recommending his son-in-law, Colonel Guy
Johnson, to succeed him in case of his death, 419
May 2. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth— Indian affairs— French intrigues, <fec. 421
April 22. Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Six Nations, <fec., at Johnson Hall 424
May 4. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — return of Captain Lockyer with his
tea ship to England, Ac, 431
May 12. Letter of Secretary Pownall to Secretary Robinson, respecting arrears of salary of the late Governor
Clinton, of New-York 432
June 1. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — Boston port act — measures, <fec., 433
June 11. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth, 434
June 11. Report of Governor Tryon on certain heads of inquiry relative to the state of New- York, with appen-
dices, i 434
1773.
October 22. Letter from Sir William Johnson to Governor Tryon, about his department 458
1774.
June 20. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — Ohio Indians 459
March 8. Extract from the Journal of Mr. McKee, Sir William Johnson's Resident Agent on the Ohio, 461
March 8. Private intelligence from a Shawanese Indian, received by Mr. McKee 467
July 6. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — licentious spirit in New-York— forts
at Crown Point and Ticonderoga 468
July 6. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — Indian prisoners — settlements on the Ohio, 468
July 6. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — appointment of Deputies to a General
Congress — state of the Province 469
July 12. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — death of Sir William Johnson, on the 11th
July — effect it produced upon the Indians, &c., ; ; 47 1
July 26. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — Indian affairs 472
July 16. Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Six Nations, at Johnson Hall, in June and July, 1774 474
July' 31. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Governor Tryon — New-York act to pay land expenses, 484
August 2. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — death of Sir William Johnson — tem-
per of the people — Parliamentary taxation, (Sic 486
' Th« date at the foot of this letter In the inanu»cript Is January 81 , 1774. — Ed.
CONTENTS.
Xlll
1774.
August 22.
September 7.
September 7.
September 8.
September 10.
October 4.
October 6.
October 6
September 18.
September.
September 29.
October 19.
November 2.
November 2.
December 7.
December 10.
December 10.
December 14.
December 8.
November.
1776.
January 4.
January
January
January
7.
21.
February
February
February
t
February
January
February
13.
28.
22.
March
1.
March
2.
March
3.
March
4.
March
16.
February
March
16.
6.
AprU
3.
Page.
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to Governor Tryon — King's College in New-York 486
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden— proposed Congress at rhiladel-
phia— its results — contraband trade between New-York and Holland, cfco 487
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth — temper of the people — Congress, <tc., 488
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson — he is appointed Sir William Johnson's
successor for the present 489
Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — temper of the Indians — frontier troubles —
Congress 489
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Coldcn to the Earl of Dartmouth — New Hampshire grants' troubles —
military interference, 491
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth — sentiments of the people, &e., 492
Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — Congress at Onondaga, 494
Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the Six Nations, held at Johnstown, in September, 1774,. . . 496
E.\tracts of intelligence received from Niagara— French axe-belt to the Indians, 507
Letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Caldwell, commandant at Niagara, to Colonel Guy Johnson, 607
Letter of Ear) of Dartmouth to the American Governors — order in Council prohibiting exportation of
gunpowder or ammunition, itc 609
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Golden — General Congress— importation of
gunpowder from Holland, 609
Letter of Lieutenant Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth — Congress at Phlladel|>hia — sentiments
of the people — contraband trade with Holland — ship "Polly," 510
Letter of Lieutenant Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — effects of the Congress — Mr. Gallo-
waj''s plan for the government of the Colonies, etc 612
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — Bennington disturbances, &c., 614
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America — King's resolution to maintain the
authority of Parliament over the Colonies, <fec., 616
Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — Indian affairs 515
Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the Six Nations, at Guy Park, December, 1774, 518
Proceedings at a Congres held by the Six Nations, with their dependents, at Onondaga, 624
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in North America — the King desires them to use
their utmost endeavors to prevent the appointment of Deputies to a new Congress, <tc 527
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — importation of arms, <fec. — temper
of the people — proposed Provincial Congress, 523
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — proceedings of the late Congress, Ac , 529
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — opening of the session — addresses, 630
Letter of the Earl of Lartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — Mr. Elliot's conduct commended, &c., 530
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson — conduct of the Virginians, Ac, 631
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — conspicuous loyalty of the Assembly
of New-York, &c., 531
Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — conduct of the Virginians 633
Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the deputies of the Six Nations, 534
Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governor of New-York, <Sic. — resolution of Parliament
relative to the Colonies — restraini ng bill, ifec 542
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — temper of the people — non-
importation— conduct of Assembly, <fec. 643
Letter of the Lords of Trade to the Governor of New-York— observations on late laws of the
Province, <tc., 644
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America — resolutions of the House of Commons —
the King's determination to maintain the supremacy of Parliament, etc., 545
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden— the King pleased with the addresses,
•fee, of the New-York Assembly 647
Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — Indian affairs, 648
Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the Chiefs of the Oneidas, <feo. 549
Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the Cayuga?, and several of the Six Nations, at Guy Park,. . 656
Warrant to Lieutenant-Colonel McLean to raise a regiment in the Colonies, 662
XIV
CONTENTS.
1771
April
April
April
April
April
April
May
May
May
May
May
Jlay
June
May
May
July
July
August
July
May
August
August
August
August
July
6.
July
5.
July
7.
July
7.
July
7.
July
6.
July
6.
July
6.
July
24.
Form of ufsociatiou for the persons enlisting in Lieutenant-Colonel McLean's regiment, 564
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth— observations on acts of the lute
Assembly, Ac, SS-l
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor CoWen to the Earl of Dartmouth— conduct of the Assembly— Bennington
rioters— troubles in Cumberland county, cfec, 566
Letter of Secretary Pownall to Mr. James Rivington— appointed Kings's printer, Ac, 668
Letter of Secretary Pownall to Dr. Miles Cooper and Dr. T. B. Chandler— allowances of £200 a year, . 669
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America— it is the King's pleasure that the orders
of the Commander-in-Chief, <fec., shall be supreme in all cases relative to the operations of the
troops, A'c, 669
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— grants to Totten and others — affairs of the
Province of New-York • 569
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson — Indian jealousies, <tc., 570
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth — present state of the Province — closing
of the custom-house — ports to Boston stopped — " affair of 19th April," etc., 571
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— land grants — boundaries — religious communities
in New-York — charters to churches, <tc., 672
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — the King's reception of the petition of New-
York — the Assembly's good sense and moderation commended, 674
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council— grants of land in New-York
to sundry army officers, 575
Representations of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council — French seigniories on Lake
Champlain— Crown Point, 577
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the E:irl of Dartmouth — Congresses and Committees in the
Province— measures proposed — outrages on the troops, <tc., 679
Address of the Committee of New- York to Lieutenant-Governor Colden, 583
Answer of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Committee of New-York, 586
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — proceedings at New-York — conduct of the Coun-
cil— forces to be increased in America, and the rebellion to be put down — fleet ordered to Kew-
York, <to .' 687
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — execution of Colonel McLean's plan
difficult— suspicions against the Scotch — Congress has appointed George Washington Commander-in-
Chief, <tc 588
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — arrival in New- York on 25th June — revolt in the
Colonies — "oceans of blood may be spilt, but in my opinion America will never receive parliamen-
tary taxation," 589
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — plan of operations — instructions uo General
Gage and Admiral Graves— cooperation of Governor Tryon, 691
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson — the Indians to be kept in attachment to the
King, so that their assistance m.iy be relied upon in case of necessity, 592
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — asks leave to return to England, <tc 692
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — intimidation of the Corporation of New- York, ic, 593
Address of the Mayor, ifcc, of New-York to Governor Tryon, 593
Resolution of the Provincial Congress 594
Explanatory note of the Mayor to Governor Tryon 595
Answer of Governor Tryon to the address of the Corporation of New-York 695
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guj' Johnson — it is the King's pleasure that he is to lose no
time in taking measures to induce the Indians to take up the hatchet against the rebels, ifec 596
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — affairs in New- York — the Asia's boat — prisoners-
further conciliatory measures necessary, Ac 697
Report of F. Stephens, Keeper of his Majesty's ordnance 699
List of Generul Committee for New-York 600
List of officers belonging to the bnttalion of independent foot companies in New-York city 601
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth- state of public opinion in the Colonies, 603
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — supplies, Ac, . 604
Secret intelligence from Ticonderoga 605
CONTENTS. XV
September 2. Proceedings of the Commissioners of the Twelve United Colonies with the Six Nations, 605
September 5. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — disturbances on the 22d August — Captain Van-
deput, &c. 631
September 5. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — "The Americans from politicians are now
becoming soldiers" — Government urged to disclaim any intention of taxing the Colonies without their
cooperation — settlement of rank, tfec 633
September 5. Letter of the Eiirl of Dartmouth to the Governors of America, etc — ships of war not to be sent home
with dispatches, <fec., 634
September 6. Letter of Secretary Pownall to Governor Tryon — permission to come to England, 635
October 4. Letter of Secretary Pownall to Governor Tryon — discontinuance of packets, <fec .• 635
October 12. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — negotiaticnj with the Indians — their agree-
ment to assist the troops — Canadian affairs — Colonel Allen's expedition — is about to come to Eng-
land, <tc. 635
October 16. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth 638
October 10. Letter of Governor Tryon to Mayor Hicks, of New-York 638
October 14. Letter of Mayor Hieka to Governor Tryon 639
October 14 Letter of Governor Tryon to Mayor Hicks 639
October 18. Letter of Mayor Hicks to Governor Tryon, 640
October 17. Letter of the Committee, <tc., of New-York to Mayor Hicks, 640
October 19. Letter of Governor Tryon to Mayor Hicks 641
September 28. State of the ordnance belonging to Fort George, <fec., at New-York 641
October 23. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America, &c. — King's speech to Parliament, and
answers, 642
November 8. Letter of the Ear! of Dartmouth to the Governors, &c. — protection to be afiforded to the King's officers
and servants in the Colonies, <tc 642
November 11. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — has gone on board the Dutchess of Gordon — state
of affairs — conciliation urged, <fee 643
November 1 1. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — fort on the Hudson, <fec 644
November 2. Intelligence from the Continental Congress, respecting Governor Tryon, (fee 645
December 6. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — outrages on the Loyalists — Mr. Rivington, Ac.,. . 645
December 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — he lia* induced several gunsmiths to leave Ame-
rica and go to London — there is only one good one now left in America 647
December 23. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — loyalists in New- York to be encouraged, &c., . . . . 647
December 23. Letter of Lord George Germain to the Governors, &o., — appointment of Commissioners to inquire into
the state, &c., of the Colonies, die , 648
List of British regiments in America, 649
1776.
January 3. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — necessity of embodying the royalists — appoint-
ment of a Viceroy, &c 649
January 5. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — Sir John Johnson, <fec 651
Letter of Sir John Johnson to Governor Tryon — raising a battalion, <fec 661
1775.
December 18. Certificate of the Pittsfield Committee against law proceedings, &a., — Peter Van Sohaack 652
December 17. Letter of William Smith, Esq., to Governor Tryon — remarks on the state of affairs 653
1776.
January 26. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — state of Indian affairs— historical review, .. . 654
1775.
Journal of Colonel Guy Johnson from 14th May to 11th November, 1775 658
1776.
February 7. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — rebel marauding parties — treatment of Sir John
Johnson, (fee 663
February 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — battle of Quebec — plan for Indian operations, <te., 663
January 6. Letter from General Wooster to Colonel Warner — affair at Quebec, &e., 664
February 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to tlie Earl of Dartmouth — arrival of General Carleton — state of the city —
removal of the records on board the Dutchess of Gordon, itc 666
February 7. Letter of Governor Tryon to Mayor Hicks, as to the safety of the records, <fec 667
CONTENTS.
1V76.
February 13.
February 13.
March
April
April
April
18.
May
7.
May
17.
Juae
11.
July
8.
August
9.
August
6.
August
14.
September 24.
September 24.
November 25.
May 22.
November 26.
November 27.
November 28.
December 24.
December 31.
1777.
January 14.
January 14.
January 20
February 11.
February 12.
February 15.
February 15
February 15.
March 1.
March 1.
March 3.
March 23.
April 2.
April 7.
Paqf.
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King 66S
Draft of additional instructions to the Governors, <fec., to carry into effect the prohibition act, &c., 663
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council — Mr. Lotbiniere's grant of
land, &e 669
Speech of Captain Brant, Thayendenegeh, accompanied by Oteronghyaneuto, a warrior, both of the
Six Nations, to Lord George Germain 670
Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — proposed operations in New-York, &c. 672
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — state of affairs — royalist publications, <fec., 672
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — removal of the squadron — movements of the
rebels and of the troops, etc., 673
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — iittack on the seamen from the Savage — move-
ments, 6ic , 675
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — dissolution of the Assembly — military movements, 676
Answer of Captain Brant, Thayendanageh, and of Ohronte, Mohawk warriors, to Lord George Germain, 678
Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — troops for America, <tc 679
Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— enlistment of men in New- York— political
pamphlets sent, &c., 679
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — arrival of the fleet — enlistment of volunteers, (fee, 681
Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indian affairs 681
Declaration of Deputy Commissary Thomas Gumershall, relative to affairs on the Mohawk river, ifec.,. 682
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — Declaration of Independence — demolition of the
King's statue, (fee., 683
Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — loyalty of Staten Island people — his Majesty's
satisfaction, &c., 684
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — death of Lieutenant-Governor Golden, <fec 685
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — capture of New-York by the British forces —
conflagration — Mr. Washington supposed privy to this villainous act — bells sent out of town — state
of affairs, <fec 686
Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indian affairs 687
Letter from the Oneida Chiefs to Major-General Schuyler 688
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— affairs in New-York 691
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— Fort George, 691
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — state of the Province— militia in Westchester, Ac., 692
Letter of Governor Tiyon to Lord George Germain — Suffolk and Queen's counties — state of affairs —
return to allegiance, &c 693
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— state of feeling in Connecticut— affair at Tren-
ton— mortification it has caused, 694
Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— citadel at New-York, &c 693
Letter of Lord George Germain to Colonel Guy Johnson — supplies, 695
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— militia, 696
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— 3,030 persons in the city have taken the oath of
allegiance, &c 697
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — has offered his services to General Howe, as com-
mandant of the Provincials, <tc 697
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain, ■ 698
Instrument signed by citizens of New-York, revoking and annulling the powers of Congresses, Commit-
tees, itc, 698
Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — employment of the Indians with the army, Ac, 699
Letter of Colonel Glaus to .Secretary Knox 700
Colonel Clans' remarks on the management of the northern Indian nations, <tc , 700
Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— gratification of the King at tlie loyalty of New-
York, Ac 704
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — Provincial corps, Ac 705
Letter of Lord George Gerindn to Governor Tryon — command of the American levies, Ac. 706
Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indian parties, 707
CONTENTS.
XVll
1"7- PXGK.
April 21. Letter of Governor Tryou to Secretary Knox— necessity of exciting the Indians against the rebels to
inspire terror.ifee., ij07
April 17. Letter of Chief Justice Horsmanden to Governor Tryon— statement of his case and necessities, &c 708
May 2. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— success of his enterprise in Connecticut, 709
May 19. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— a Lieutenant-Governor of New-York Kiug's satis-
faction at his conduct, &c ijjq
June 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— contributions of the royalists, &e., 711
June 8. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — loyalty of the Indians— necessity of sup-
plies, ifec, ijj^
June 9. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — Sir William Erskine's good conduct at Danbury, <feo., 7 1 3
July 7. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain— movements of the Indians near Owego—
Montocks, Ac, 7 1 3
July 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — Provincial levies 715
July 10. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Secretary Knox — movements of the Indians, ,. . . 716
August 6. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — admiralty courts 716
August 24. Letter of Governor Tryoti to Lord George Germain — appointments, 716
October 3. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — his anxiety to return to England, &c 717
October 16. Report of Colonel Daniel Clans to Secretary Knox, of his expedition into New-York, 718
November 6. Colonel Claus' further report of his proceedings, to Secretary Knox, 723
November 11. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indians at Fort Stanwi.t — proposed move-
ments, ifec, 726
November 24. Narrative of William Grant, late a sergeant in the rebel army 728
December 1. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — Provincial corps, &c., 734
November 21. Letter of Brigadier-General Parsons to Governor Tryon — inhumanity of the British towards the Ameri-
cans-retaliation 735
November 23. Letter of Governor Tryon to Brigadier-General Parsons, in reply, defending his conduct, <fec., 736
1778.
January 10. Letter from Lord George Germain to the Governors in America, <fec. — prisoners taken in ships of the
rebels, and in privat=ers 7 37
February 19. Letter from Lord George Germain to the Commissioners for restoring peace — Lord North's resolu-
tions— same to be published in the Colonies, <tc., 738
March 11. Letter of Lord George Germain to the Commissioners under the conciliation acts, ifec 738
March 12. Letter of Lord George Germain to — Mr. Fisher, Governor Wenthworth's brother in-law,
recommended, 739
March 12. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — temper of the Indians — mode of their
employment, <fec., , 74O
1777.
November 23. Letter of Colonels Bolton and Butler to Major General Clinton 74I
1778.
March 20. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — royalist privateers 742
April 15. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — letters of marque, <tc 742
April 11. Letter of Lord Howe to Governor Tryon— letters of marque, 743
April 11. Opinion of Attorney-General Kempe on the subject of letters of marque, 743
January 1. Letter of Brigadier-General Parsons to Governor Tryon, in reply to his of 23d November last, 745
June 6. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — appointed Major-General — commission for letters
of marque, &c 746
July 1. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — Commissioners, <fee., 747
July 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — Commissioners, &c 747
August 5. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— measures against France, <to. 748
August 5. Secret circular of Lord George Germain to the Governors, &c. — letters of marque against French ships, 748
August 7. Letter of Lord George Germain to the Governors, <fec. — non-intercourse with France — French prisoners, 749
September 2. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— his presence at New-York necessary to the King's
service, (fee, 749
September 5. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — affairs on Long Island— mode of conducting the
war — Mr. Smith, (fee 750
September 6. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — his appointment, 751
Vol. VIII. c
xviii CONTENTS.
1777. Page.
September 10. Letter of Colonel Guy Johneon to Lord George Germain— lodian movements at Wyoming, Ac.— future
operations 751
October 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — civil government of New-Tork 763
October 24. Letter of Governor Trjon to Lord George Germain— prisoners taken by privateers, <tc 753
November 4. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — his conduct approved 754
December 16. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — letters of marque — militia of Kings and Queens
counties, &c 754
December 24. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — suggestions as to the prosecution of the war —
rewards for Congressmen, <te. — Indians to be let loose — enemy to be distressed — coasts ravaged, &c., 7^5
February 5. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — letters of marque — value of their captures exceeds
£200,000 — confidence of the royalists increasing, 756
February 11. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indian aflfairs — Brant and his party, ifec,... 757
Marcli ■ 1. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — movements, <Sic., 759
March 3. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— leave to return, <tc. 759
March 18. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — New-York records 760
1775.
December 9. Governor Tryon's certificate of the receipt of the New- York records, <fec., 760
1779.
April 1. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — letters of marque — Major-General Robertson
appointed Governor of New-York 761
April 20. Report of Mr. Richard Jackson to the Lords of Trade— great seal of New-York, 762
April 21. Letter of Mr. Cumberland to .Vlr. Jackson— great seal of New-York 762
April 27. Letter of Mr. Cumberland to Mr. De Grey— great seal of New-York 763
May 3. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — personal affairs 764
May 5. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — New-York records, Ac, 764
June 17. Letter from Lord George Germain to the Governors, <fco., — rupture with Spain— instructions there-
upon, 765
Juno 25. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — measures against the enemy 766
July 9. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Robertson — instructions for the government of New-York, 767
July 28. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— depredatory excursions urged — embodying of
refugees, &o 768
June 30. Letter of Governor Tryon to Sir Henry Clinton 769
June 30. Reveries of Governor Tryon concerning the embodying of royalists, &c. 769
July 26. Letter of Governor Tryon to Sir Henry Clinton — appointment of Intendants, <fec., 771
June 29. Letter of Governor Tryon to Vice- Admiral Arbuthnot— privateers, <fec., 772
August 26. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— rebel privateers, <feo., 773
September 3. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Robertson — lands, Ac, in New-York 773
September 6. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — letters of marque, <fec., 774
September 5. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germoin — Si.\ Nations, &a 77S
August 20. Conference of General Haldimand with the Onondaga and Cayuga Chiefs at Quebec, &o 776
November 4. Letter of Lord George Germain to M.ijor-General Tryon — conduct approved, &o 778
November 11. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indian movements 779
December 17. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — situation of the Province, <tc., 780
1780.
February 26. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — severity of the season, Ac, — royalists' spirits
good, Ac 781
January 19. Letter of David Ogden to Governor Tryon — suggestions for defence, Ac, of New-York 782
February 6. Intelligence from Ensign John Pell — northeast frontier, 783
February 15. Intelligence from John Jones- state of the rebel army 784
I'"eliruary 18. Intelligence from Cornelius Stagge — rebel army — affairs at Albany, Ac ''86
March 25. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — arrival of Governor Robertson, Ac, 787
March 26. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — has assumed the government, Ac.,— inter-
cepted news 788
March 11. Letter from Philip Schuyler, Esq., to —Congressional affairs, Ac 788
May 3. Letter of Lord George Germain lo Governor Robertson — exchange of troops, Ao 789
CONTENTS. xix
nso. Page.
May 18. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — French armament — state of preparations —
military details, <tc. 790
July 1. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — rebel movements— civil government, <fec 793
July 5. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Robertson — hopes of a reCstablishment of civil power, <fec, 795
July 26. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — services of the Indians— their disposition, 796
August 4. Letter of Governor Robertson to Mr. Robinson — salary, expenses, ifeo. 798
September 1. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — affairs in New- York — royalists' prospects,. . . 799
September 6. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Robertson — his prudent conduct commended, <fec., 801
September 21. Letter of Governor Robertson to Secretary Knox — prospects of the royalists, Ac 802
September 4. Information furnished by Mr. Heron, of Connecticut, in a conversation at New- York — state of affairs
among the rebels, &c. 804
November 9. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Robertson — the King's satisfaction at his conduct — the
rebellion seems declining, &c. 808
1781.
January 28. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — his views on the prohibitory act — neglect of
the revenue officers, &c., 809
January 29. Letter of Governor Robertson to Secretary Knox — details of affairs, <te 810
May 6. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — privateers — state of the English and French
fleets, Ac 811
May 17. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — is about to take command in Virginia by
order of Sir Henry Clinton — Lieutenant-Governor Elliot left in New- York — P. S. Governor Robert-
son's return, 812
October 11. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indian transactious^petile guerre — efforts
of the rebels, Ac 812
November 8. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — Lord Cornwallis' surrender — exertions of the
royalist inhabitants — they wUl endeavor, by increased ardor, to repair the disaster, <tc 814
1782.
March 22. Letter of Sir John Johnson to Secretary Knox? on being appointed Superintendent and Inspector-
General of Indian Affairs — he is about to set out for America, Ac, 814
Editorial Note on the Book of Common Prayer in Mohawk, and its Translators, 815
LONDON DOCUMENTS
XLI-ILVII.
Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne.
[New-Tork, CLX., A. 7.]
(No. 31.)
Fort George, New York, 3 January 17GS.
My Lord,
An application was made to me yesterday by the House of Assembly, setting forth the
present distress of the Province on Account of the Scarcity of Paper Money, and requesting
at the same time that I would give my assent to a Bill to be brought in for emitting the half
of the sum mention'd in His Majesty's late Instructions on that head, as there was not a
sufficient quantity of Paper Money for common circulation, occasion'd by the great number of
Bills lately cancell'd by the Commissioners appointed for that purpose. By the instruction I
find it is not in my power (consistent with my Duty) to give my assent to any such Bill, as
His Majesty has been pleased to order expressly that a suspending clause should be inserted
in it, and have therefore been under a necessity of refusing to comply with the request made
until I shall receive His Majesty's Orders for so doing, but in the mean time promis'd to lay
this matter before your Lordship by the first opportunity.
The Distresses of the Province at this time are very great, and are increasing daily, and as
the present circulation will by the Limitation of the Laws by which they were issued cease
and determine so soon, the Commerce here as well as the ordinary Services of Government
must very shortly be exposed to great Inconvenience. — As I have already had the honor of
informing your Lordship in my Letter of the 29"' of last Month that the House of Assembly
had fully complied with every thing which was expected of them, I can with a better grace
plead their cause. The present Assembly will be dissolved soon after the Session is finish'd,
and it has been customary here to convene them in a short time after a New Election, I have
the greatest reason to beleive that if I was impower'd on the opening of the New Session to
comply with what is now required by them, such a Proceeding would be attended with such
returns of duty and submission as would shew they entertain'd the highest sense of His
Majesty's favor on this Occasion, I have the honor to be with the greatest respect My Lord
Your Lordship's most obedient and humble Servant
Right Hon"'' Earl of Shelburne. H. Moore.
Vol. Vill. 1
2 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Earl of Shelburne to Sir William Johnson.
[Plantations General ( S. P. 0. ), CCLIV., No. 6. ]
N°. 0.
Whitehall 5 Jan : 17GS.
Sir,
Agreeal)le to my letter of the 19''' instant I now have the honor of signifying to you His
Majesty's Commands that the Boundary line between the several Provinces and the various
Indian Tribes be compleated without loss of time, conformable to a report of the Lords
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations Copy of which is herewith transmitted
It is his Majesty's Pleasure that before you enter upon this matter you settle in concert with
the Commander in Chief of the Army what steps it may be proper to take for the General
Execution of this Salutary Measure; and it will also l)e proper to consult with the different
Governors concerning such particular Points as may affect the Several Provinces seperately in
order that the Work may be carried through with Cordiality and Dispatch
I am Sir &■=
Shelburne.
Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelhunie.
[ New-York, CLX., (A. 10.) ]
No. 32.
Fort George, New York. IG"- Jan^ 1768.
My Lord,
After the mention made in your Lordship's Letter of the 14"" of November last that His
Majesty had been pleased to approve of the Commissions issued here for settling thedifferencies
respecting the Boundaries of the Colonies of New York and Massachusets Bay. It is no small
mortification to me that I can not as yet transmit to your Lordship any satisfactory Accounts of
our Proceedings in consequence of those Commissions. The Commissaries named by each
Colony met at New Haven in Connecticut and after several proposals made and rejected by
both Parties, return'd home again without coming to any final Resolution of a Settlement of
the Line : but as their near approach to an agreement seem'd to indicate that by proper steps
taken an amicable conclusion of this matter might be brought about, many letters have since
pass'd between M' Barnard and myself both public & private in which we have endeavour'd
to conciliate the jarring Interests ; but nothing is yet concluded on; The Assembly of the
Massachusets Bay was to begin their Session on the SO"" Day of last Month, so that We may
now e.xpect their final Resolution in a few days, and if this matter does not meet with the
desired success here, all the Papers relative to it shall be forwarded to your Lordship with
the utmost E.xpedition.
1 should have ended my letter here, but as I find myself embarrass'd on reading the last
paragraph of your Lordship's abovemention'd letter which says, "it is to be wish'd that the
"same method was pursued to settle similar differences with Quebec and New Hampshire."
T must beg your Lordship's pardon if my want of apprehension has made me take the meaning
of it in a different sense from what was intended. His Majesty having directed by his
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 3
Proclamation that [he 4-5"' degree of Latitude should be the Southern Boundary of Canada,
The Governor of that Province has always confined himself to the line prescribed, nor ever
claimed any Jurisdiction (that I could hear of) to the Southward of it, & this Province having
in the time it was possess'd by the Dutch clainrd to the 45"" Degree as well by some old
English Grants, it's jurisdiction is now supposed to extend to the abovemention'd Bounds of
Canada, without being disputed by Province ; In consequence of this as soon after my Arrival
here as the Public Business would admit of my absence from this City I determined to settle
& fix the line between the two Provinces and accordingly wrote to the Commander in Chief
of Canada to let him know what my intentions were desiring at the same time that he would
either meet me about the upper end of Lake Cliamplain at the time mention'd in my letter or
that he would depute some person on the part of his Province who might be present at the
observations we were to make and see that Justice was done by fixing the Boundary in its proper
place; Coll: Irwin, then President of the Council answer'd my letter, and determined to be
there himself with the Deputy Surveyor General of Canada; A few diiys before I left this
City Brigadier Carleton arrived from England with a Commission appointing him Lieut.
Governor of Canada, and we set out together for Lake Champlain on the supposition that we
were doing a very essential service to l)oth Provinces, when it was pretty nearly determined
by many observations made where the line would pass, NP Carleton went to Montreal on some
accounts received from thence which made his Presence necessary there, leaving Coll. Irwin
and the Deputy Surveyor General of Canada with me to compleat the work which was
finish'd in two or three days after, and the Lines were mark'd out on both sides of the River
Sorell : In the Map of Lake Champlain which I had the honor to send your Lordship, this
Line is drawn as fix'd by us, and many Persons Inhabitants of Canada as well as of New York
were present at tiie time: some Gentlemen from Canada desired I would give them a
confirmation of some Grants made by the French Governors on the sides of the Lake, but as
those lands were never acknowledg'd by us to be in the Province of Canada and were now
apparently to the Southward of the Bounds prescribed by His Majesty's Proclamation their
request was refused more especially on their telling me that they desired to have their Lands
without paying any Quit Rent to the Crown which was directly contrary to His Majesty's
Instructions on that Head. I beg leave to make the following Extract from my letter to the
Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations dated Dec'' 19"" 176G which was wrote soon
after my return to New York " Brigadier Carleton having told me that he intended writing
" to your Lordships immediately upon his arrival at Quebec, to request on the part of that
"Province that the Boundary Line which had been settled by us might be fixed by His
" Majesty's authority where we had mark'd it I have the same request to make on the part of
"this Province, as it may be a means of preventing any Litigation hereafter and quieting the
"minds of many who are going up early in the Spring to settle in those parts." Their
Lordships have never done me the honor to make any answer to this letter, and the Assembly
of this Province only waited for the Sanction of His Majesty's approbation of what we had
done to empower them to open and continue the Line of Division as far as the Province
extends, in which they have no doubt of being join'd by the Province of Canada.
This, my Lord, is our present situation in regard to that Province, and if His Majesty should
be pleased to approve of what we have done, I am persuaded it will have all the good Effects
mention'd in the joynt Request made by JP Carleton and myself in our letters to the Lords
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations. As to the Province of New Hampshire, since His
4 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Majesty's Proclamation declaring the Western Banks of the Connecticut River to be the Boundary
of this Province the Governor of New Hampshire has never exercised the least Jurisdiction on
this side of the River, and the few Inhabitants of that Quarter have always since that time
look'd upon themselves as Inhabitants of tiiis Province ; and apply'd to the Legislature here
for every assistance they wanted. There being no contest at present between the two
Governments in regard to Territorial Jurisdiction, the settlements were increasing very fast
till His Majesty's orders came over forbidding any more Grants to be made of Lands there 'till
His Pleasure should be farther known; For although I conceiv'd that this Injunction related
only to the Lands falsely asserted by Robinson in his Petition to be taken away from the
original Proprietors and granted to others, yet I have taken the order in it's greatest Latitude,
and gave Public Notice that no Lands whatsoever would be granted on the Connecticut River
'till I had received His Majesty's farther Order : I have already had the honor of informing
your Lordship that the Officers who had claim'd Lands under His Majesty's Proclamation, &
many other Persons no way interested in the New Hampshire Charters were now suffering by
this Restriction as many of them had embark'd all their little fortunes in beginning of Settlements
which they did not dare to go on with till they could be assured of having the Lands granted
to them. 1 say nothing more of the Petition of Robinson at present, or of that which was
presented by the Society for Propagating the Gospel having already trespass'd on your Lordsliip
by a very long letter I was under a necessity of writing in June last mark'd N° 16. as well to
justify my own character as to set forth every thing which had been done by the Government here
in regard to those Lands, and 1 hope I made it sufficiently appear that the Society for Propagating
the Gospel must have been shamefully impos'd on either by Robinson or some other of his
Associates, or they would never have presented such a Petition as they did, and must now beg
leave to recommend to your Lordship's Protection the Persons concern'd in the Lands on the
Connecticut River who are constantly applying to me, in expectation of hearing that some Orders
had been sent over to take of the Restriction which was laid on granting those Lands, by which
they would be relieved from that distress in which their present uncertain situation has involved
them. — I beg your Lordships Pardon for this long Dissertation, which was only intended to
represent the true state of this Province in regard to our Neighbours, Quebec and New
Hampshire and to make it appear that due obedience has been shew'd to His Majesty's
Proclamations which were issued for determining & ascertaining their Boundaries. I have
the honor to be with the greatest Respect,
My Lord, ■.
Your Lordship's
most obedient and humble Servant
Right Hoii'"'^ Earl of Shelburne. H: Moore
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Shelburne.
[New-York, CLX., A.. 12.]
New York January 21" 176S.
My Lord,
By my letter of the Sa"" of November last, I gave your Lordship an account of the
extraordinary Proceedings of the Judges of the Supreme Court of Judicature in this Province,
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 5
on a Pamphlet which was published in England last Spring, in my vindication, and delivered
to His Majesty's Ministers and several Members of Parliament, for their information ; and to
clear my character from the malicious aspersions, which I was informed had been industriously
propagated there. This Pamphlet was reprinted in this Place without my privity, or of any
of my friends, as I am now well assured. As I make no doubt of your Lordships receiving
that Letter, I shall not give you the trouble of a repetition of it's contents.
The Assembly of this Province met in November last. On the 23'' of December M'
Levingston, one of the Judges of the Supreme Court and a Member of Assembly, introduced
the consideration of that Pamphlet into the House, and moved that a Committee be appointed to
enquire into it, which was done, and M' Levingston carried a message from the Assembly
to the Council desiring them to appoint a Comittee to join the Committee of Assembly, to
take that Pamphlet under Consideration. Three of the Council were named for that purpose ;
Men who are known to be very warm in the matters which are the subject of that Pamphlet. —
On the 30"" the Report of the joint Committees was made in the Assembly; consisting, as
might be expected; of most violent sensures on the Pamphlet; and proposeing. "that a
" Committee of Assembly should be appointed to examine and report the unjust charges, with
" an ample & satisfactory refutation, to discover the Author and Publisher; and declare wliat
" they conceive to be the most prudent & effectual measures for applying a suitable
"Punishment, and deterring others from so iniquitous and dangerous an Offence." — It is
believed however they will not attempt any other refutation than by such like bold
assertions. — I have heretofore inform'd your Lordship that the matters of fact related in my
Vindication, can all be proved from Authentic Papers in the Plantation Office; 1 have not
been able to discover that any one fact has been pointed out as false, which was not to
numbers of people, notoriously true. — To a general charge of falshood and misrepresentation
I can give no other Answer. When the Assembly proceed to be more particular, I doubt
not I shall be able to give the most satisfactory Answers. — But your Lordship will please to
observe that the joint Committee have suggested Measures for Punishment and deterring others.
This T presume will sufficiently confirm the reasons I had for writing to your Lordship as I
did in my letter of the SS** of November. — The Parties against me are both Prosecutors and
Judges — they have all the power in their hands, and I may depend on it, they will omit
nothing to injure and ruin me.
The Assembly have proceeded to examine several Persons, among whom were my eldest
son and son in law. People without doors speak of such steps as inquisitorial and destructive
of all private security. — It is known they intend to proceed in the Supreme Court in the same
matter. That Court is now seting, the Term commenced last Tuesday. The Report of the
joint Committee, of which I enclose a Coppy, was published the preceding day. Your Lordship
will please to observe that this has an evident tendency to influence Juries, and to favour a
cruel prosecution. The faction have so long succeeded by such bold assertions, and by
intimidating, while nothing has been done to support the Officers of the Crown, that all men
are afTraid to appear in opposition to their power. — It were better my Lord to give up the
Colonies at once, than thus to expose the Friends of Great Britain to ruin, and the most
cruel treatment.
It is certain the Sentiments of disinterested people, have alter'd greatly with regard to my
conduct, since the publishing of the Pamphlet here. The notorious truth of the Facts is every
Day mentioned by many People. If there was no other proof, of the dangerous state of the
6 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Courts of Justice in this Province, as set forth in my Vindication, the present Proceedings put
it out of Doubt on the least Reflection. — But my Lord when Judges are Parties and
Prosecutors, backed by tiie influence of the Council and Assembly, and of the Lawyers, who
have a dangerous weight in this Government, it may well be fear'd that Juries will not have
resolution enough to oppose such power. — As I presume your Lordship will readily immagine
on considering the state of the Merchants in the City of New York, mentioned in my
last letter.
My friends assure me that from ceveral incidents it appears that the design of my Ennemies
is to ruin my Fortune. When a Governor, who is charged with nothing but a scrupelous
obedience to the Thing's Instructions, and submission to an Act of Parliament, cannot defend
himself against the malice & resentment of Men who openly deny the authority of Parliament,
& submission to the Mother Country, and he be not sufficiently supported and protected ; what
officer of the Crown will dare to perform his Duty?
My case must have a great influence upon all otiiers, and in that light alone I presume your
Lordship will think it deserving your attention : but as it is the case of an Old Servant of
the King's wiio throughout a long life has been attached to the Interest and Authority of the
Crown and who has incurred the dangerous resentment of a powerfull Faction, by a faithfull
discharge of his duty to the best of his abilities, may he not, my Lord, hope for the particular
and immediate protection and favour of His Majesty's Ministers; especially as his receiving
no marks of either must give the greatest assurance to his Ennemies.
I have at several times, my Lord, informed the King's Ministers, while the Administration
was in my hands, that it is impossible that Justice can be administer'd to the People, or the
Rights of the Crown & dependance of tiie Colony be secured, without disinterested Judges.
Men of integrity and ability, sufficiently supported, without depending on the pleasure of an
Assembly yearly for their scanty allowance. I gave my opinion that our present Judges are
not such, and that it would be difficult to find proper Persons in the Province. — It is not easy
to support this opinion of the Judges by legal Evidence. They have now given proof by
makeing themselves in the same Cause, Parties, Accusers, and Judges. I wish, my Lord, that
you may know from indifferent Persons the opinion which People have of our Judges and
Lawyers. And that you may have a true account of the Cheif Justice Horsmanden's past
conduct in Life.
1 must again intreat your Lordship to lay my Case before His Majesty, for His protection
against such dangerous & malicious Ennemies, and to obtain some gracious recompense for
my losses & sufferings,
I am with the greatest submission
My Lord,
Your most obedient &
Right Hon'''' Earl of Shelburn, His faithfull servant
Majesty's principal Secrettary of State Cadwallader Colden
for the So : Department.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 7
Earl of Ilillshorough to the Governors in North America.
[ Plantations General (S. P. O. ) CCHV., No. 1. ]
N° I.
Whitehall Jan : 23. 17G8
His Miijesty having been graciously pleased to appoint me to be one of his Principal
Secretaries of State, and to committ to my care the Dispatch of all such business, relative to
His Majesty's Colonies in America, as has been usually Dispatched by the Secretary of State
for the Southern Department, I have His Majesty's Commands to signify this Arrangement to
you, and His Majesty's Pleasure that your Dispatches be for the future addressed to me,
conformable to the Rule of Correspondence prescribed in His Majesty's Order in Council of
the 8"" of August 1766, a Copy of which is herewith transmitted to you.
It is His Majesty's intention in makirtg the present Arrangement that all possible facility &
Dispatch should be given to the business of his Colonies and as nothing can more effectually
contribute to this salutary purpose than a frequent and full Communication of all Occurrencies
that may happen and a regular and punctual transmission of all Acts and Proceedings of
Government & Legislature and of such Papers as have any Relation thereto, I have it in
Command from his Majesty to recommend this to your particular Attention, His Majesty
having observed with concern that this essential part of the duty of His Officers in America
has scarcely any where been duly attended to, and in several Colonies particularly in the
Charter and Proprietary Governments almost entirely neglected.
I have nothing further to add but to express my earnest wishes that by the utmost Attention
& Application 1 can give, \ may be able to fulfill His Majesty's most gracious Intentions and I
take the liberty to assure you, that I will not omitt to lay your Dispatches, as soon as I receive
them before the King, and to forward and assist as far as I am able, your measures for the
Publick Service
I am &■=
Hillsborough
Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne.
[ New-Tork, CLX., A. 14. 1
No. 35.)
Fort George, New York 26 Jans' i76g
My Lord,
Among the Acts pass'd by the Council & the House of Assembly during the course of this
last Session, there was one for the Repeal of two Acts, ( the Copies of which are here inclosed )
relative to insolvent Debtors in which the Legislative Bodies have interested themselves
greatly and were very desirous of having it pass'd into a Law, as the Acts intended to be
repealed had been a means of introducing many frauds & abuses loudly complain'd of and
had not answer'd the purposes for which they were made. His Majesty's IS"- Instruction
having forbid the repealing of Acts pass'd here although the Royal assent had not been given
to them, has prevented my passing it, and obliged me to transmit by this opportunity the Laws
intended to be repealed by this last mention'd Act, that His Majesty's leave may be obtained
8 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
for that purpose, The inclosed List of Acts repealing former Acts pass'd in this Province was
extracted from the Book of our printed Laws and sent to me in order to remove my present
ohjections to this Act, by shewing that His Majesty had never insisted on this Instruction
being rigidly observed, since Acts of the kind had been so frequently pass'd for repealing
others in Every Governor's time since the year 1708. I do not mention this as any reflection
on my Predecessors in the Government here, for I am likewise a delinquent in this respect, the
last Article in the List pointing to an Act pass'd here a few days after my arrival from England,
which repeals some clauses in former Acts for making Roads in two small precincts here, a'nd
in which I was misled by no mention being made of any intended repeal either in the title or
preamble of the Act, and I hope your Lordship will have so much indulgence for me as to
believe that in my particular situation at that time during the continued scenes of Riot and
disorder which prevail'd so long here after I landed that my attention must have been fully
taken up with them, and that an omission of the kind might be easily made, especially as
the object was so inconsiderable. I beg leave to mention here that my Refusal of passing the
abovemention'd Bill has given great uneasiness, and that this Instruction will be the greatest
obstacle to the getting of Acts pass'd for any length of time, which I am directed to endeavour
at, as the House of Assembly upon being restrain'd from repealing Acts once pass'd to which
manifest objections may be afterwards made will of course frame their Bills for as short a space
as they can, in order to suffer as little as possible from any Act in which they are not permitted
to remedy the inconveniencies when discover'd : I know these to be their present Sentiments,
and submit it to your Lordship whether in matters relating intirely to our internal Policy, and
in which neither the particular Interests of the Crown, or it's power and Dignity are concern'd,
a Relaxation of this Instruction may not be thought proper, and be attended in many
circumstances with Benefit to the Province.
I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's
most obedient and
humble Servant
Right Hon'"^ Earl of Shelburne. H. Moore.
Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne.
[New York, CLX.,A.,15.]
N" 36.)
Fort George, New York 27 Jan'' 1768.
My Lord,
In obedience to His Majesty's additional Instruction dated Sepf 11. 1767 and transmitted to
me by your Lordship, directing me " to consider what is likely to be the Effect of the newly
"inserted clause in the Miltia Act, relative to the Provincial Military Force, and to report my
"opinion whether any objection lyes against it." I have made various enquiries concerning
the first introduction of the clause and I find as well from general information as from His
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 9
Majesty's Council here, before whom I this day laid the Instruction, that it was inserted in the
Act for the following Reasons, — There are in many Districts of this Province, Independent
Companies who acknowledge no subordination to the Colonels of the Militia in those Districts,
or will receive any Orders from them, as they look upon the Governor of the Province to be
their Colonel and that they are not to obey any Orders but such as they receive (rom him.
This in times of sudden Alarms and Invasions has been productive of bad Consequences,
for the Officers of those Companies which are remote from the Seat of Government, being
at two great a distance from the Governor to receive any immediate orders from him in such
an exigency have chosen their own stations on such an occasion, whereby the part of the country
then in danger has not reap'd that advantage from their services, which it might have done,
if they had at that time been under the command of the Colonels of the Militia ; It was
therefore thought proper to put them under such command at that particular time in order to
make them more serviceable, but at the same time without any intention of infringing the power
of the Governor, who is not only supposed to command them himself, but has frequently given
power to the Colonels of Regiments to take upon them the command of such Companies; The
Clause as printed in our Laws here dift(2rs so much from the quotation in His Majesty's
Instruction that I beg leave to lay them both before your Lordship, — The Instruction says
" that in case of Alarm or Invasion when the Commander in Chief shall be absent, the
'♦ command of the Provincial Military Force shall be vested in the respective Colonels of
" the Independent Companies." The Clause in our printed Laws runs thus, " that in case of a
" General Alarm or Invasion all unregimented or independent Companies and Troops, shall in
" the absence of the Captain General or Commander in Chief be under the immediate command
" & direction of the Colonel, and in his absence the next commanding Officer of the Regiment
" or Battalion of the City or County where such unregimented or Independent Companies or
" Troops are or may be." Your Lordships will be pleased to observe that the Explanation I have
given is adapted to tlie clause as printed here although it cannot so well be reconciled to the
Words of the Instruction. — I do not apprehend that there will be any great difficulty in getting
a Militia Law pass'd for five years, but from the Genius and Disposition of the people, I have
all the reason in the world to imagine, that the suspending clause directed to be inserted in it will
occasion the total failure of the Bill; It would very ill become me to say anything against
suspending clauses, and I hope your Lordship will not imagine I presume to do it, but as I have
very lately, (and from such information as I think may be depended on) had the honor of informing
your Lordship of our situation in regard to our Indian Neighbours, and of our Expectations that
Hostilities will soon be commenced against us by ihem, I thought it incumbent on me to repeat
my apprehensions of such a misfortune, and meant only to blend the wellfare of the Province
committed to my charge, with my Duty and obedience to His Majesty's Orders, 1 have the
honor to be with the greatest Respect,
IMy Lord,
Your Lordship's
most obedient and humble servant
Right Hon'''^ Earl of Shelburne. H. Moork
Vol. VII
10 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Earl of Hillsborough to the Governor's in North America.
[ Mus : Brit : Kings MS., 206, p. 29. ]
Circular.
Whitehall, SO'" Feb. 1768.
I am commanded by the King to send you a duplicate of the address' to His Majesty from
the House of Commons, of the 27"' of March, 1766, transmitted to you by the Lords.
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, on the 1" of August, 1766; to which address you
will take care to pay exact obedience, otherwise you will incur the censure of that House.
I am, &■=
Hillsborough.
Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore.
[New-York, CLX.]
(No. 4)
Whitehall. February 25"' 1768.
Sir, ^
Since the Earl of Shelburne's Letter to you, dated the 14"" of Nov' last N° 12, your several
letters to His Lordship from N° 22. to N° 31. have been received and laid before the King.
His Majesty trusted that the ill consequences flowing from a want of Respect to, and
Authority in, the Civil Magistrate, so evidently manifested during the late Disorders on
account of the Stamp Act, would have induced all men of Rank & Consideration in the Colony
to have co-operated with you in every Measure that could possibly tend to secure the Peace,
and promote the Happiness of the Community, and to give that strength and consistency to
Government, by which alone it can be supported and therefore it was a great concern to His
Majesty to find by your letter N° 22. that you had failed in your Expectation of Assistance in
tins great work from the better sort of People, and more so, that their Backwardness should
proceed from Considerations so unworthy those whose duty it is, from the Rank they hold in
the Community, to make it's welfare & happiness the objects of their Care & Attention.
His Maty is sensible that the wisest & best Institutions that can be framed for the Benefit
of Society will fail of their effect, if entrusted to the Execution of Magistrates such as are
described in your letter, & therefore His Majesty thinks, that in the case of the Establishment
in New York, for the Adjudication of suits of a small value in a summary Way, the Remedy
lies in that Reform of the Magistracy you say you propose to make, and which His Maty very
much approves, and not in the Repeal of the Establishment itself, which has already receiv'd
His Miity's sanction & Approbation, and has from a conviction of the Utility of it, been a
Measure recommended to the Governors of all the Colonies.
His Majesty is glad to find, that you consider what the Assembly has done, in the case of
making Provision for Quartering His Maty's Troops, as a perfect and coniplete Obedience to
tiie Acts of Parliament; And it will be a great satisfaction to His Majesty, if, upon the
' For this Address, boo rennnylvania Archives, IV., 292. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. H
Examination by the Board of Trade of the Law for making this Provision, it shall be found
to be such as to justify your opinion. Such a becoming Conduct and Obedience to the Laws
of Parliament, in so respectable a Province as that of New York, will do Honor to it's
Councils, and cannot fail of making it a peculiar object of that Paternal Regard & Affection
which His Maty has ever shewn to the Interests of His Subjects in America.
His Majesty trusts that the flagitious & inflammatory Publications inserted in printed
News-Papers, with an avowed Design to keep up those Animosities & Divisions between the
Mother Country & it's Colonies, which have operated so prejudicially to Both, will be treated,
by all wise and sober People, with the contempt they deserve, which will conduce the most
effectually to the Disappointment of the Authors.
Sir \Vm. Johnson His Maty's Superintendant for the Affairs of the Indians in the Northern
District whose Vigilance & Attention to His Duty cannot be too much commended has not
failed to communicate in the fullest manner the Apprehension He is under from a variety of
Intelligence received through different Channels that the Indians in general are meditating
some general attack upon His Maty's Colonies.
Amongst the many causes to which he attributes the present defection of the Savages he
seems to lay particular stress on the Uneasiness which they have repeatedly expressed from
their not having received His Maty's Determination upon the Proposition of a Boundary Line
on the Plan suggested by them in 1765. His Majesty has accordingly sent the fullest
Instructions to Sir Wm. Johnson on this head, and it is hoped that the attention which His
Majesty has shewn to a matter which they seem to have so particularly at Heart, will have
the effect to keep them quiet, and induce them to desist from any intended Hostilities.
The inclosed copy of the Earl of Shelburne's Dispatch to Sir William Johnson of the 5"" of
last month will fully inform you of the Instructions which have been judged proper on
this occasion.
It is not however his Majesty's Intention that the safety of His Colonies should rest upon,
or the Bounds of his Justice to the Savages be limited by the Decision of this Point alone.
Every other Consideration relative to the Interests of the Colonies in respect to the Indians
both commercial & political, will be attended to without Delay, and every complaint of the
Savages of matters that either afl^ect them generally, or relate to the Interests of particular
Nations, will be examined with the greatest impartiality, and it is hoped that the whole will
be finally settled upon such a lasting Basis, as may restore mutual confidence and prevent
those abuses of which the Indians have but too much reason to complain.
The King however in the mean time is well pleased with your vigilance & attention to this
important subject, and it is a matter of surprize to His Majesty that the Assembly, if the
services you mention in your letter, have been fully laid before them, should have refused to
reimburse your Expences.
I am truly concerned to find, that the Directions contained in Lord Shelburne's letter to you
of the 11"" of April 1767, which flowed from that unalterable love of Justice, which is the
Foundation of all His Maty's Measures, should have been the Occasion of so much uneasiness
as is expressed in your Letter of the 14"' of January last, and in that of the 9"" of June, to
which you refer. You may safely rely that as on the one hand His Maty will not suffer the
complaints of any of his Subjects, be their Condition what it may, to pass unnoticed, or
unattended to, so on the other hand He will not hastily decide upon such charges as may be
brought by persons of unknown character against the conduct or fidelity of His Servants
12 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
employed in Situations of the greatest Trust & Eminence ; But I have the satisfaction to
acquaint you that His Maty does give full and entire credit to what you have alledged in your
Justification in the Case of the Complaints exhibited by Captain Robinson.
His Majesty's Order in Council of the 24"" of July last directing you to desist from making
any further Grants of the Land annexed to New York by that Order which made the River"
Connecticut the Boundary between that Province and New Hampshire, has, I am informed
been transmitted to you, but as I do not find any entry of such transmission in Lord Shelburnels
Books, I now for fear of any mistake, inclose to you a Copy of it.
It is not however His Majesty's Intention that such part of the said Land as shall, upon any
equitable adjudication, appear to remain for His Maty's Disposal should be locked up from
Cultivation & Improvement, longer than is necessary to ascertain those Facts and Allegations
in the Petitions on which the Order itself is grounded, & therefore His Maty expects that a
very full and particular Account should be transmitted with all convenient Dispatch of the
actual State in respect to Cultivation and Settlement of such Townships as were laid out by
the Governor of New Hampshire, expressing the Degree of such Cultivation, and the Number
of Persons actually brought upon the lands, & how far such cultivation and settlement has
conformed to the Terms & Conditions expressed in the Grants themselves.
Besides the Circumstances of Enquiring relative to Cultivation and Settlement, there is
another Object of Examination relative to the State of this District of very great national
Importance which is, how far it is capable of aifordinga plentiful and lasting supply of Timber
proper for Masts for the Royal Navy, and for other naval uses; The Representations which
have been made of it, state it to excel almost all others in Advantages of this kind, and surely
when the present supply to this Kingdom from it's Colonies of these Important Articles on'
which it's strength and security so greetly depend, is become so difficult & precarious &
consequently the Expence enhanced to an immoderate degree the landing out and securing new
Resources, is an object that merits the fullest consideration. It is therefore His Majesty's
pleasure, that, in examining into & reporting, a State of this District you should be particularly
attentive to this advantage, causing actual surveys to be made of all such Parts as shall be
found to produce any considerable growth of White Pine Trees, & taking every possible
caution to secure them for His Maty's use, and to prevent any waste or Destruction being
committed until His Maty's pleasure can be known.
Your letter to Lord Shelburne N" 5. which relates to the claims of His Maty's Canadian
Subjects, to lands on that part of Lake Champlain, which is now a part of the Colony of New
York, has been referred to the Lords of Trade and their Lordships having made a Report to
His Maty thereupon. It is his Maty's Resolution upon the fullest consideration not to allow any
claims made upon the ground of ancient grants from the Government of Canada to Lands
which were never acknowledged to belong of right to the Crown of France.
His Maty has the most tender Regard to the Rights of His new Subjects, and is desirous of
giving every proper Testimony of His Attention to their Interests and Welfare, & therefore it
is His Maty's Pleasure, that they should not be disturbed in the peacable possession of any
Tracts so circumstanced, wiiich they may have actually settled & improved, provided they
consent to establish their Title by Grants under the seal of the Province of New York, upon
the usual Conditions of Quit Rent and Improvement.
In this Case therefore, as well as in that which I have already mentioned, relative to the
lands between the Rivers Hudson and Connecticut, it will be necessary that very exact
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 13
information should be transmitted of the State of these claims, and of the Degree of Cultivation
and Settlement upon every Tract claimed as well by His Maty's natural born subjects as by
His new subjects of Quebec, and that the same Measures and Precautions should be taken in
respect to the Preservation of Pine Trees, vpith which there is good Reason to beleive this
Country does also plentifully abound.
His Majesty has been graciously pleased in considering the Request of the Assembly,
concerning a Paper Currency mentioned in your Letter N° 31. to give to it the greatest
Attention. And the Assembly may rest assured that it will ever be an Object of His Maty's
care and attention to promote by reasonable and proper Measures, the Interests of His Subjects
in every part of His Dominions, and to give all possible Releif in every case of real Difficulty
& Distress ; But both you and they must know that as the Law now stands, the allowing any
of the Colonies to Issue Paper Bills of Credit with a Legal Tender, is not a matter left to
the Discretion of the Crown, & that it would be inconsistent with repeated Resolutions of the
House of Commons to allow Paper Bills of Credit under any Description to be created by
Laws made to take eflect before His Maty's Pleasure could be known, and therefore if it were
wished to have such a Paper Currency in the Province of New York as the Law allows, His
Majesty does not see what reasonable pretence there could be for not transmitting with the
Request the Draught of such a Bill as they proposed to enact.
The prohibiting the Governors of those Colonies which are under the immediate Government
of the Crown from assenting in particular cases to Laws, until His Maty's Pleasure should be
known, upon a full communication of all the Regulations intended to be established, is a Right
inherent in the Crown, upon the Principles of the Constitution of those Colonies; But in
order to remedy as much as possible any Inconvenience which might attend the Operation of
this necessary and Constitutional Restriction upon the Exercise of the legislative Power
of the Colonies, the Wisdom of Government has substituted the regulation of the suspending
Clause merely as an alternative to prevent that Delay which would attend the passing a Bill
thro' all it's forms after the Crown had signified it's consent that it should be enacted into a
Law. This, Sir, is I conceive the exact state of the case with respect to the suspending
Clause, and therefore I am at a loss to guess upon what Ground it is that the Assembly object
to a Regulation that has been evidently calculated to give every possible advantage and Benefit
which can be given, without departing from those Constitutional Principles on which the
Government of the Colonies was founded.
I have it in command from His Maty to transmit to you the enclosed Copies of Two Letters
to the Earl of Shelburne from M"" Colden stating the Injustice of the Assembly's Refusal to
Compensate him for his losses by the Mob on the 1" of Nov'' 1765. and to pay him the arrears
of Salary due to him at the time of your Arrival.
It is His Majesty's Pleasure that you should examine into the state and nature of these
Demands, and in case you find them just & reasonable that you should recommend to the
Assembly to provide for the Discharge of them, as a matter of Justice that ought not to be
denied from Considerations of any Dissatisfaction which the conduct of that Gentleman may
have occasioned.
I am fee"
Governor of New York. Hillsborough
14 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade.
[ New-Tork Papers, Bundle Kr., No. 20. ]
New York 2G. Febr^ 1768.
My Lords.
1 have the honor of transmitting to your LordPP" by this opportunity the Acts of Assembjy
passed in the late Session to which an end was put on the 6"" day of this month by a dissolution,
as they had sat seven years, and new writs are issued returnable some lime in March. Most
of these Acts have been passed in former sessions and only continued in this for some time
longer, two or three very short new Acts, are as fully explained in their titles as I could do by
letter, but it is necessary, that I should make some observation on two, which are not only
new but require some explanation. The first is intitled '• An Act to declare the extention of
" several Acts of Parliam' made since the establishment of a Legislation in this Colony, and
" not declared in the said Acts to extend to the Plantations." The uncertain determinations,
and different opinions of the Judges relative to Acts of Parliament, and the confusion, which of
course ensued in the Law proceedings here have occasioned this Act, that there might be some
fixed and permanent rule to go by, for an Act of Parliament in which the Colonies were not
mentioned, was pleaded in one term and rejected in the next, so that in effect the issue of a
cause depended not so much on the right of the Client, as on the breath of the Judge, and what
was looked upon as a very good plea in one circuit was disallowed in another; Your LordPP'
may easily imagine, what must have been the consequence of this method of Acting, and the
difficulties under which all the suitors in the Courts must have laboured. This Act was
intended to remedy these inconveniencies and only a certain number of Acts of the English
Legislature adopted, as many of them were merely local, and could not be of any service here,
or indeed properly carried into execution in our present situation. The second, is the " Act
" for the more effectual vesting the real and personal Estate whereof Abraham De Peyster' Esq",
" late Treasurer of this Colony died seized and posessed, in Trustees for the payment of hia
" debts" — M"' De Peyster's death happening during tiie recess of the Assembly, his executors
upon a thorough examination of the State of his Affairs before the session began, found, that he
had died so much indebted to the Province, that it was apprehended all the Estate he left
behind him, would hardly be able to satisfy the public Demand ; Upon this, for the Credit of
the Family, all the parties interested in the succession determined to petition the Assembly for
a Bill, to vest the Estate in trust for the payment of the monies due, and the house of Assembly
were proceeding on a supposition, that such a Bill would pass, provided the Heirs declared
their willingness to give up every thing to the Govern'. As soon as I was informed of this, I
sent a copy of His Maj''''' Instruction relative to private Bills to the Council and desired they
would lay it before the Assembly in the conference, they were to have together that morning,
concerning M"' De Peyster's Affairs, that they might regulate themselves accordingly in the
forming of the Bill then before them ; I likewise gave them to understand, that as it was
apparent the Instruction was designed to check the Colony Legislative (when exercising
Jtididal) Authority not only by preserving the Crown's claim as the dernier resort of Justice in
Plantation causes, but by securing private property from being sacrificed to the spirit of Party,
' Abraham De Petster, eldest son of Abralmm, sttpra, IV., Ill, wns born in New- York on the 28th August, 1696, and
married Margaret, eldest daugliter of Jacobus van Cortland, Ist July, 1722. lie was elected Treasurer of the Province 2d
June, I72I, and died 17th September, 1767, aged 71. Z>« PfysUr Genealogy, 23. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 15
no designs of the Legislature though never so public spirited and laudable, could furnish reasons
for disregarding an instruction important to the Crown and safe to the People. Neither the
Council, nor the Assembly were strangers to the Instruction, it had been often made use of and
the security derived from it to their properties left no room to entertain thoughts of evading
it, but they did not think the present Bill to be the object of it; they had now changed
the first Plan for the proprietors of the Treasurer's Estate had by a voluntary act and Deed
transferred all their Rights and title to it, to public Trustees for jiuUic uses, it was their opinion,
that it thenceforth became public property, and no individual being any longer interested in
it, of course a Lav? might be as freely passed relative to that Estate as to any money in the
Treasury, all of it now belonging to the public with no other difference, than that some part of
the fund consisted of Land, Bonds ettc and the rest of cash. When matters were so far
advance^, I sent for one of the Sons-in-Lavir of the late Treasurer, who confirmed to me what I
have here related ; and I afterwards mentioned to him His Maj'^'' Instruction concerning private
Bills, telling him ai the same time, that if there had been the least reluctance in any of the
parties interested to make the conveyance, that it must necessarily put a stop to the Bill in
its present form, oblige us to go through the whole ceremony prescribed of publication, and
afterwards of inserting a suspending clause, till the King's pleasure should be known, but he
assured me, that the conveyance was voluntary, and that all parties interested in the succession
desired nothing more than, that the Estate sh** be applyed as far as it would go to satisfy the
debt due to the Province. The Members of His Majesty's Council being of opinion, that as
the conveyance absolutely extinguished all private Interest, the Bill in question did not come
under the Instruct" I had sent to them, they passed it, and by their advice I gave my asscent
to it, as from the circumstances here set forth — I did not apprehend that either the Crown or
the subject would be injured by it. These, My Lords, are the reasons, why this Bill now
appears without the usual certificate and suspending clause, and as there was not the least
design in any of the branches of the Legislature to evade His Maj''''' Instruction, we hope to
find Your LordPP' sentiments concurr with ours on this occasion. I have the honor to be with
the greatest Respect — My Lords.
Your Lordships most obedient
and humble servant
\ H: Moore
Governor Moore to the JEarl of Shelhurne.
[New-Tork, CLX., A., IS.]
Fort George, New York, 5"" March 17GS.
My Lord,
In many letters which I have had the honor of writing to your Lordship, I have been under
a necessity of mentioning the difficulties I have struggled with for two years past in bringing
back to a sense of their Duty those minds which the late tumults and disorders here had so
much inflam'd, and at the same time could not avoid laying before your Lordship the present
weakness of the Government in many Instances, so ill attended to by those here whose
16 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
business it is to support it; I however flatter'd myself tliat by perseverance and a constant
attention to the Duties of my Commission I should be able to surmount the obstacles thrown
in my way, and thought 1 had great reason for such expectations from the Conduct of the
House of Assembly in their last Session which was so different from what I found on my
arrival here; A new difficulty has now arose, and it comes from a Quarter so little expected,
that my Duty obliges me to lay it before your Lordship by this first opportunity which has
otter'd since it was started-, as it has so manifest a Tendency to raise heats and animosities "in
the minds of His Majesty's Subjects here. — The Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Forces
claims by Virtue of his Instructions a Superiority over all the Governors of America upon all
occasions and the same was notify'd to me last week by the General who sent me a Copy
of the Rules establish'd by His Majesty in Council on the l?"" of December 1760. for the
Precedence to be observed by the several Officers therein mention'd in which the words upon
all occasions are so far insisted on, as to set up claims which can only tend to irritate the minds
of the People and prejudice His Majesty's service, I waited on the General immediately on the
Receipt of his letter & endeavour'd to make appear the mistake he was under not only from an
Extract of my Commission which commanded all Officers & Ministers Civil ^- Military and
all other Inhabitants of the Province and the Territories depending thereon, to be obedient,
aiding and assisting to me in the execution of my Commission, but from the instruction itself,
which seem'd plainly to point out that he was to preside upon all occasions where the Persons
therein mention'd could be assembled, and as this would never be done but in times of Danger,
tlie Authority of this Order seem'd only confined to such public occasions: 1 lost no time in
laying this matter before a very full Board of His Majesty's Council, as 1 thought that it might be
attended with worse consequences than the General seem'd to apprehend, especially in regard
to the provision to be made for the Troops here which having been so lately comply'd with in
the terms required by the Act of Parliament, it was with much concern I saw any such claim
set up, never having seen the Instruction since my arrival here till last Week or indeed known
that there was such a one, and at this particular juncture I could not but look on tiie claim
now insisted on as injudicious and ill timed. The Council gave me the following unanimous
opinion after having consider'd the Instruction with the greatest attention, viz' 1" They
apprehended it to be His Majesty's Intention that upon all occasions where the particular Officers
whose Precedence was therein settled, could be conven'd, that the Commander in Chief of
His Majesty's Forces was always to preside as this Assemblage of Officers of different
denominations, could be look'd upon in no other light than that of a Council of War, call'd
together in times of Danger.
S-^'y That the right of Presiding in such a Meeting was by this Instruction always vested in
the Commander in Chief of the Forces, whether the Congress was general, & took in all the
Governors of North America or only partial and the Meeting confined to a consultation among
a few of them held for the safety of any particular Province then threatned with any
impending danger.
3'"^' That they have always look'd upon the Person appointed by His Majesty to be his
Captain General and Governor in Chief of the Province, to be the First Officer in rank here
being vested with that authority which constitutes a supreme Command, such as calling of
Assemblies, passing Laws, pardoning Criminals fcc" and that as His Majesty's immediate
Representative here, he must have a superiority over a.11 persons in the Province it being
expressly so declared in his Commission. — 4"''J' That as it is contrary to the Establishment of
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 17
the British constitution that the Civil Power should be subordinate to the Military, they can
by no means joyn in opinion with the Commander in Chief of the Forces that the Precedence
and Superiority claim'd by him over the Civil Governor can possibly extend to any thing
farther than the Right of Presiding in the above niention'd Public Assemblies, vjion all
occasions where they shall meet, and that any other construction put on those Words would
open a door to Scenes of Confusion and disorder, for that if once a Military Commission was
acknowledg'd as Superior to the Civil one, the words vimn all occasions might be interpreted
in such a sense, and with so much Latitude, as to leave little else to the Civil Governor but
the bare name
5"" That the only Cognizance which can be taken here of any Crimes committed by the
Civil Governor is by making a Representation of them to His Majesty, who would in that case
immediately suspend an Officer unworthy of his commission, and by commanding the
Government of the Province to be deliver'd up to the Lieu' Governor or President of
the Council reduce the Civil Governor to the station of a private Man in order to his being
brought to such punishment as the Laws of his Country should think him deserving. This is
far from being the case in regard to the Commander in Chief of the P'orces, who is in every
respect subject to the coercive power of the Laws in the first instance and can be compell'd to
the same obedience which is exacted from the rest of the King's Subjects for every offence he
may commit; The claim therefore set up of a Superiority to the Civil Governor upon all
occasions may be extended so far as to be repugnant to the establish'd Laws of tfie Land.
These, my Lord, were the sentiments of His Majesty's Council on the occasion, which I told
them I should immediately transmit to your Lordship, & I hope f shall not be thought to
trespass too much on your Lordship's Time by the small addition of what I think incumbent
on me to say on so disagreable a subject. No Man would endeavour more carefully than
myself to avoid every Act which could create a misunderstanding between the General and
myself; No advantage can arise from it to the Community, and as His Majesty's servMce may
suffer by it, it is the Duty of both to prevent it as far as lays in our power ; For this reason, I
have done nothing more than assert the right I apprehend to be vested in me by my
Commission, declaring at the same time my Intentions of conforming strictly to the Instructions
of which a Copy was sent to me, in case of any public meeting of the Governors; As my
Opinion did not differ from that of the Council in anyone Article, I shall not here recapitulate
what they said but would anly beg leave to observe to your Lordship that in many Instances
the minds of the people here would be so much affected with a Claim of this kind as to make
them lose all that respect now shew'd to His Majesty's Civil Governor here. — It has been an
establish'd Custom here on His Majesty's Birth Day for the Inhabitants to assemble at the
F'ort, which is the residence of the Governor, & who receives the Compliments of the Day in
His Majesty's name. The Council and Assembly (if sitting). The Clergy of all the different
Communions, The Mayor Aldermen & Common Council men of the City, and all Persons of
any Consideration meet there at Noon, The King's health is drunk by every body present in
great form under a discharge of the Cannon of the Fort, and the Day concluded by Public
Entertainments and Illuminations throughout the Town. A ceremony of this kind so essential
to preserve and keep up in the minds of the People that respect which is due to His Majesty,
and which has been constantly practiced here, would drop at once on the Assertion of a
Superiority in the General's Commission, and the claim asserted by him produce no other
effect in this case, than that of putting an end to a Meeting always encouraged on that day,
Vol. VIII. S
18 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and preventing the Persons I have here mention'd from shewing for the future that respect
they intended to the Birth Day of their Sovereign, for none of them have the least connection
with or can looli upon the Commander of the Forces here to be their Chief, and of course will
be ready enough to forbear paying a Court, they do not think due to him either on that or any
other occasion; In every other civil Ceremony of which there are various kinds, & in which
the Military have no part, this claim must constantly excite a Dispute, and set the Civil and
Military Powers at variance But the consequences in none of them are so much to be dreaded
as in the obstacles they may hereafter occasion in the provision required for the Troops
agreable to the Act of Parliament, and which your Lordship has seen 1 have never been able
to effect 'till the last Session. The Suspension of the Legislative powers here, was a measure
which very much alarm'd the People, although it was nothing but what they deserved, and no
pains were spared to excite a commotion among them by the Seditious Papers publish'd every
Week in the Massachusets Government calculated to impose on the credulous and unwary,
They were made to believe that this was only the first step towards the total abolition of the
Civil Power in order to introduce a Military Government, and continued in that persuasion till
the conduct of the Assembly (by providing for the Troops) convinced them of their Error;
These mistaken notions are again revived, by them upon the present claims of the Commander
in Cliief of the Forces, as the Words upon all occasions are liable to be construed in so extended
a sense as to affect every act of Governni'— I have twice during my Administration desired
the Generals assistance at the Council Board, which he has readily given, I there placed him
at my right hand as it was my Intention to treat him with all the respect due to him, although
I was then totally unacquainted with any pretensions he had in consequence of the Instruction,
or with the Instruction itself; If the claim asserted within these few days must have the
unlimited meaning which is given to it, I must either forego the assistance which the General's
presence in Council may render very necessary for His Majesty's service by not calling upon
him on such an occasion, or give up the Power and Authority vested in me by my Commision
which I a|)prehend takes place at all times in this Province except on those public occasions
where His Majesty has been pleased by the Instruction to the General to direct the contrary;
This, my Lord, is our present situation, occasion'd by the late extensive claim, and I can assure
your Lordship that it is not from a Motive of Vanity but Duty that I have.oppos'd it, as I fear
it may disturb the present internal Tranquillity of the Province; and as I have no other views
but those of promoting the King's Service I must with all submission request that the point in
dispute may be settled, and that His Majesty's pleasure may be known upon the few heads to
which this dispute may be reduced. 1*' Whether those Words jqion all Occasions in the
Instruction are not declaratory of the General's Right to preside uimn all occasions where
the Officers therein mention'd can be conven'd for the Public Service, as it does not appear
iiow it can affect them at any other time, The Governors, Lieu' Governors and Presidents of
the Council being directed to take their places according to the dates of their Commissions
and ih(- Ciiarter Governors according to the dates of their Charters?
a'"5' Whether on eviri/ oilir.r occasion the Civil Governor of the Province is not to be deem'd
the King's immediate Representative, as he is vested with the Supreme Command, and of
course must preside in all civil affairs?
3''"' And whether the Civil Governor can be suppos'd in any shape to be subordinate to,
or in a Station inferior to the Commander in Chief of the Forces, except at the times mention'd
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 19
in the Instruction where his Place is fixed by His Majesty's Order among the other Persons
appointed to assemble? I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect
My Lord
Your Lordship's
most obedient and
humble Servant
Right Hon""' Earl of Shelburne H. Moore
Lords of Trade to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ Plantations General ( S. P. O. ) CCLIV. ]
Whitehall March 17. 1768
My Lord,
In obedience to his Majesty's Commands signified to us by the Earl of Shelburne in his
Lordships Letter of the 5 of October last, that we should report Our Opinion upon several
Memorials Letters and Papers relative to the General State of Indian Affairs, and to the
Establishment of certain Posts and Colonies in the interior part of the Continent of North
America; We have prepared and herewith transmit to your Lordship our humble
Representation thereupon
We are
My Lord
Your Lordships
most obedient and
most humble Servants
Clare
SoAME Jenyns
Ed** Eliot
Earl of Hillsborough W. Fitzherbert
Representation of Lords of Trade on the State of Indian Affairs.
[ Planlations General ( 8. P. O. ) CCIilT. ]
To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty
May it please Your Majesty,
In obedience to your Majesty's Commands signified to us by a letter from the Earl of
Shelburne one of your Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State dated the 5 of October last, we
have taken into our most serious consideration the several Memorials Letters & other Papers
therewith referred to us containing objections to, and observations upon the present Plan for
20. NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the management of Our Commerce with the Indians in North America ; stating the great
expense attending as well that Branch of Service, as the present disposition of the Troops for
Indian purposes aiid urging the expediency and propriety, in various Lights, of Establishing
certain new Governments upon the Mississippi, the Ohio and at the Detroit, between the
Lakes Erie and Huron ; We have also conferred upon this occasion with such of your Majesty's
Military Servants, has have been employed in North America, and with such Merchants and
others as are most intelligent in the North American and Indian Trade.
Whereupon we humbly beg leave to represent to your Majesty,
That the subject matter, to which these Papers refer, and the Questions arising thereupon,
stated to us in the Earle of Shelburne's letter, appear to us to lead to a consideration of no less
consequefice and importance, than what System it may be now proper for your Majesty to
pursue, with respect to that vast and extensive Country in North America, which on account
of the Indian War raging within it, was made by the Proclamation of the 7 of October 17G3,
the object of mere provisional arrangements.
The advantages arising from the Treaty of Paris, are in no part of it more distinguished than
in those stipulations, which by obtaining from France and Spain Cessions to your Maj'J' of
those important Possessions in North America which by their situation gave most alarm and
annoyance to the British Colonies, laid the foundation of lasting security to your Majesty's
Empire in North America, and of relief to this Country by a reduction of that heavy Expense
with which it was necessarily burthen'd for the defence and protection of those Colonies;
And although the unfavourable impressions left upon the minds of the Indians by the event of
the War, and the representations of the French that we meant to extirpate them, did for
sometime involve us in a War with them, that rendered necessary the continuance of a large
Military Establishment; Yet that War being happyly ended and Treaties of Peace and
Friendship to which all the various Tribes have acceded having been finally concluded, it is
now become of immediate importance to examine, how far the alteration ; which has thus
taken place in the State of your Majesty's Dominion in North America, may require or admit
of any proportionable alteration in the System, by which that part of your Majesty's Service
is to be carried on for the future.
The parts of the Service for which we are more immediately called upon by the Earl of
Shelburnes letter to give Our attention, are First, The present Civil Establishment regarding
the Indians Secondly, The disposition of the Troops for Indian purposes; and lastly, the
Establishment of certain new Colonies.
With respect to the first of these Points, we are directed to state Our opinion, how far the
present expenses of the Civil Establishment regarding the Indians may with safety and
propriety be reduced, by entrusting the Indian Trade, and .all other Indian Affaires to the
management of the several Colonies.
In considering this Question it may he proper to observe that the Institution of
Superintendants for the Affairs of Indians appear to have been a measure originally adopted
principally with a view to counteract the designs of the French in 1754, who by sovi^ing the
seeds of Jealousy amongst the Indians, and exciting them to resent Injuries for redress of
which they had in vain solicited the Colonies, had well nigh entirely weaned them from the
British Interest, and at the same time by uniting the force and conducting the enterprizes of
the Savages, had rendered them an Over match for your Majesty's Colonies standing single
and disunited.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 21
In order therefore to balance the danger arising from tliis more immediate Union and
Co-operation of the French with the Indians it became necessary to provide a more
Systematical as well as more extensive plan of defence for the Colonies than had before been
requisite; a plan vphich might bear some Proportion to the extent of the efforts then made by
their Enemies, and which having for its object the preservation of all your Majesty's Colonies
from the common Danger, could no otherwise be administred with safety, or with effect, than
under the immediate controul of their common Sovereign & Protector: and the utility of such
a plan under those circumstances was soon manifested by its consequences, and by the share
it had in contributing to tiiat Success, which ever after attended the British Arms in America.
From the slight view of the original Causes of the institution of Superintendants, and of the
consequence it produced, it cannot but appear evident, that every objection both to the
expense and difficulty in execution was. answered by the necessity of the Case, and importance
of the object; but should it appear to your Majesty that the alteration in the state of America,
since the Peace, has rendered the measure less necessary at least in its full extent, every
consideration both of expence, and of difficulty in the execution, must now be carefully
attended to; before aright Judgement can be formed, as to the expediency of continuing either
the whole or any part of it.
To maintain a good Correspondence with the Indians is undoubtedly an object of great
importance : and upon a carefull examination into the state of Indian Affairs after the conclusion
of Peace, it appears that the two principall Causes of the discontent, that still rankled in the
minds of the Indians and influenced their Conduct, were the encroachments made upon Lands
which they claimed as their Property, & the Abuses committed by Indian Traders and their
Servants: The necessity which appeared in the then state of Our Interest with the Indians
of making some immediate provision against these two causes of their discontent induced the
Proclamation of October 1763 ; which very prudently restrained all persons from Trading with
the Indians without licence; and forbid by the strongest prohibitions, all Settlement beyond the
limits therein described as the boundary of the Indian hunting Ground, putting both their
commerce and property under the protection of Officers acting under your Majesty's immediate
Authority and making their intervention necessary in every transaction with those Indians.
These however being as we have before observed, mere provisional arrangements adapted to
the exigence of the time ; it is become now necessary to consider what may be more
permanently requisite in both the Cases to which they apply.
The giving all possible redress to the complaints of the Indians in respect to encroachments
on their Lands, and a steady and uniform Attention to a faithful execution of whatever shall
be agreed upon for that salutary purpose, is a consideration of very great importance; It is a
Service of a general nature, in which your Majesty's Interest as Lord of the Soil of all ungranted
Lands which the Indians may be inclined to give up, is deeply and immediately concerned, and
with which the general security of your Majesty's possessions there is in some measure
connected ; it is an object comprehensive of a variety of Cases, to which the separate authority
and Jurisdiction of the respective Colonies is not competent, and it depends upon negotiation,
which has always been carried on between Indians and Officers acting under your Majesty's
immediate authority, and has reference to matters which the Indians would not submit to the
discussion of particular Colonies.
For these reasons we are of opinion, that the execution of all measures and circumstances
respecting the complaints of the Indians touching their Lands should be continued to be
22 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
entrusted to the Superintendants at present acting under Commission from your Majesty,
reserving to the Governor and Council of every particular Colony, which may be interested in
any measure that has reference to this general Service, a right to interpose their Advice, and
milking their concurrence necessary to the Ratification of ever compact, that shall be
provisionally made, until your Majesty's pleasure shall be known upon it.
In a plan for the management of Indian Affairs prepared by this Board in 1764, the fixing a
Boundary between the Settlements of your Majesty's Subjects and the Indian Country was
proposed to be established by compact with the Indians, as essentially necessary to the gaining
their good will and affection, and to preserving the tranquility of the Colonies.
This Flan having been communicated to the Superintendants they have in the consequence
thereof, made the proposition of such a boundary line an object of their particular attention, &
of negotiation and discussion with the several Tribes of Indians interested therein.
In the Southern district a Boundary line has not only been established by actual Treaties
with the Creeks, Cherokees and Chactaws, but as also, as far as relates to the Provinces of
North and South Carolina, been marked out by actual Surveys, and has had the happy effect
to restore Peace and Quiet to those Colonies.
In the Northern District the proposition appears to have been received by the Indians with
the strongest marks of approbation and satisfaction, and a line of separation was in 1765
suggested by them, in which Sir William Johnson acquiesced, declaring at the same time, that
he could not finally ratify it without your Majesty's further directions.
The paper (Appendix A) contains a description of the several Lines as agreed upon in the
negotiation to which we refer, and to the end Your Majesty may have a more perfect view of
them, we have annexed to such description a Map, in which we have endeavoured to trace
those lines with as much accuracy as the general Maps of America will admit of.
Your Majesty will be pleased to observe that altho on the one hand the Settlements in th^
new established Colonies to the South are confined to very narrow limits; yet on the other
hand the middle Colonies ( whose state of population requires a greater extent) have room to
spread much beyond what they have hitherto been allow'd and that upon the whole one
uniform and complete line will be formed between the Indians and those antient Colonies,
whose Limits not being confined to the Westward has occasioned that extensive settlement
which being made without the consent of the Indians, and before any line was settled, produced
the evil complained of.
In comparing the Map with the description in writing as taken from the Treaties with the
Indians, your Majesty will observe, that the boundary line with the Six Nations and their
allies is made upon the Map to terminate at that part of the Ohio, where it receives the
Connahway River, instead of continuing it down the Ohio to the Cherokee River, and up that
River to its source, as described in the Treaty ; the reason for which is, that although the six
Nations may have pretensions to the Dominion of the Country on the South side of the Ohio
lower down than the Connahway River yet in fact it is more occupied by the Cherokees and
other independant Tribes, as their hunting Ground ; and therefore the making any Settlements
beyond the Connahway River, or at least beyond a line drawn from the Mouth of it, to where
the Cherokee line now terminates as marked on the Map would be altogether inconsistent with
what has been settled and agreed upon with that Nation for which reason we think, that the
line settled with the Southern Indians, and that which remains to be settled with the Six Nations,
ought to be united in the manner we have described.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 23
Upon the whole it does appear to us, tliat it will be greatly for your Majesty's Interest as
well as for the Peace, Security and Advantage of the Colonies that this. boundary line shoud
as speedily as possible be ratified by your Majesty's Authority and thnit the Superintendants
should be instructed and impowered to make Treaties in your Majestys name with the Indians
for that purpose, and enabled to make such presents to the Indians as the Nature and extent of
the Concessions on their part shall appear to require, care however should be taken in the
Settlement of this bussiness, that the agreement tor a boundary line be left open to such
alterations as, by the Common consent, and for the mutual Interest of both parties may hereafter
be found necessary & expedient.
If your Majesty should be graciously pleased to approve what we have here recommended,
we humbly submit whether it may not be further necessary that the Colonies should be
required to give every sanction to the measure in their power and to provide by proper laws
for the punishment of all persons, who shall endanger the publick peace of the Community, by
extending Settlements or occupying lands beyond such line.
What we have above stated in respect to the expediency of continuing the Office of
Superintendants is confined merely to Negotiation witii the Indians concerning the boundary
line ; But we humbly submit, that there are other Branches of Duty and Service, which
though they be of less urgency yet do both from their Nature and importance require the
intervention of Officers acting under your Majesty's immediate Authority and which as they
have reference to the general interests of the Indians, independent of their connection with
any particular Colony, cannot be provided for by the Provincial Laws, such are the renewal
of antient Compacts or Covenant-Chains made between the Crown and the principal
Tribes of Savages in that Country; liie reconciling Differences and disputes between one
body of Indians and another; the agreeing with them for the sale or surrender of Lands for
public purposes not lying within the limits of any particular Colony; and the holding
interviews with them lor these and a variety of other general purposes which are merely
objects of Negotiation between your Majesty and the Indians.
These may it please your Majesty, are in our Judgement Services of great importance, and
to which it is essentially necessary for the preservation of the British interest with those
Indians, and for the preventing all foreign influence and Connection, that strict attention
should be paid.
Antecedent to the Establishment of the present Plan of Superintendants the management
of these Interests was entrusted to the Governors of the Colonies, which were principally
connected with the Indians but when we consider the dependent State of such Governors;
that the qther duties of their Station must interfere with this very important one; how greatly
the objects of this Service are increased by alliances with those numerous Nations heretofore
under the Dominion of France and how necessary it is that a constant watch should be kept
upon their Motions and designs and that your Majesty's Servants should be constantly and
regularly informed of the true State of Affairs; and of all transactions in the Indian Country;
We cannot but be of Opinion that these are reasons joyned to what We have already stated
which do make it essentially necessary that the Office of Superintendants should for the
present be continued for these purposes; and that they should be enabled hy stated annual
Establishment co[n] fined to a certain Sum, to make such Presents as have been usual &
and customary; therefore are become absolutely necessary upon all occasions of Treaties held
with the Indians for public purposes the expence of which including Salaries to the two
24 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Superintendants need not according to the calculations and estimates made by them, exceed
Eight Thousand pounds annually.
Having thus fully stated to your Mnjesty the nature & extent of those Services which
relate to the Management of Indian Affairs; independent of the Trade with them, we shall in
the next place submit what has occured to us upon the latter subject.
It must be admitted that a proper Plan of Trade with the Indians is an object deserving
great attention not only from the Commercial benefit resulting from it, but also from the
effect that its being ill or well governed must have upon the temper & disposition of
the Savages and as it must consist of Regulations that depend upon local situation and
circumstances, and which require the authority of law to carry them into execution it
cannot be conducted with the same facility, or be properly and effectually controlled by
Officers having no other authority, than what they derive from your Majestys Commission.
Upon the fullest examination into the effect and operation of the several propositions
respecting the Indian Trade, suggested by this Board in 1764, and adopted by the
Superintendants, it does appear to us that many of them have, in particular cases, and with
respect to particular bodies of Indians been attended with salutary effect; We are convinced
however upon the whole of tiiis consideration,
First, That no one general Plan of Commerce & Policy is or can be applicable to all the
different Nations of Indians of different interests and in different situations.
Secondly, That the confining Trade to certain Posts and Places, which is the Spirit and
principal of the present System, however expedient and effectual with respect to the Southern
Indians, is of doubtful! Policy with respect to those Indians more particularly connected with
New York & .Pensylvania ; and that it is evidently disadvantageous inconvenient and eveti
dangerous with respect to the much larger body of Indians, who possess the Country to the
Westward, and with whom Your Majesty's Subjects in Quebec in particular do carry on so
extensive a Commerce.
Thirdly, That independent of this objection, and of any doubt that might attend the
practicabillyty of its execution in its full extent, the whole Plan does consist of such a variety
of establishments, and necessarily leads to such extensive operations, as to bring on an
increasing expence which in point of Commerce, may exceed the value of the object to which
it applies, and being greater than the Trade can bear must if the present Plan should be
permanent either iall upon the Colonies, in which Case it will be impracticable to settle the
proportion each Colony should bear, or become a burthen upon this Country, which we
humbly conceive, would be both unreasonable and highly inconvenient.
I'or these reasons therefore and under these circumstances, we are humbly of opinion that
the laying a side that part of the present Plan which relates to the Indian Trade, and intrusting
the entire Management of that Trade to the Colonies themselves will be of great advantage
to your Majesty's Service, as a means of avoiding much difficulty, and saving much expense
both at present and in future.'
It is certainly true, that while the management of this Trade was in the hands of the
Colonies antecedent to the establishment of Superintendants many abuses were committed by
the Traders, little care was taken to subject them to proper regulations, and the misconduct
of the Colonies in this particular contributed not a little to involve us in the enormous
expences of an Indian War.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 25
If therefore it were probable that the like neglect or mismanagement would again take
place, in such a degree as to expose us to the same consequences We should not hesitate in
declaring our Opinion against the propriety of suffering the management of this concern ever
to revert into the hands of the Colonies.
But we trust, that the experience which the old Colonies have had of the ill effects of such
inattention and neglect, will induce all of them to use more caution and better management
for the future ; and particularly to adopt such of the Regulations established by the present
Superintendants; as have evidently operated to the benefitt of the Trade, and to the giving
that satisfaction and content to the Indians from which alone the Colonies can hope to derive
either immediate profit or lasting Peace and Security.
With respect to the Question, how far the present expense regarding the disposition of
Troops for Indian purposes, may with propriety and safety be lessened by reducing most of the
Posts now subsisting and intrusting others of them to the Provinces themselves, we beg leave
in the first place in general to represent it to your Majesty, as our humble opinion, that it will
be in the highest Degree expedient to reduce all such Posts in the interior Country, as are not
immediately subservient to the protection of the Indian Commerce and to the defeating of
French and Spanish Machinations among the Indians, or which, although in some degree
usefull for these purposes cannot be maintained but at an expence disproportioned to the
degree of their utility. But before we apply this observation to the particular Posts now
subsisting it may be proper to take a cursory view of the Interests and Situations of the several
Tribes or Bodies of Indians whose commerce and connections are the objects of whatever
Establishments it may be thought necessary to continue.
The Indians included in the Southern District consist principally of the Chactaws, Creeks and
Cherokees the Chickasaws being reduced to a very inconsiderable number and the Catawbas
in great measure domiciliated within the Settlements of North Carolina; the commerce and
connection with the Creeks and Cherokees have been from the Situation of their Country
principally confined to the British Colonies of Georgia North and South Carolina, and Virginia
whilst the commerce and connection with the Chactaws whose Country extends from the
Albania River to the Mississippi, were for that reason altogether confined to the French
Colony of Louisiana.
By the Treaty of Paris, France has renounced all pretensions to dominion in the Chactaw
Country which is thereby become in respect to that stipulation a part of the British Empire,
and consequently all Trade and intercourse between the Subjects of France or Spain in
Louisiana and those Indians is in fact illicit and contraband ; and yet it is evident from the
reports made by the Superintendant of the Southern District, that such Trade and intercourse
is still continued to be kept up to a very great degree.
Such may it please your Majesty is the state of commerce and connection with the principal
Tribes of Indians in the Southern District; and as their Commerce both from Louisiana and
the British Colonies is carried on through a great variety of paths and routs, and does not
depend upon Rivers and Lakes, forming as in the Northern District the only passes into the
Indian Country, it is evident that both the Security and extension of it must depend upon
the effect and operation of those regulations, under which it shall be carried on ; and that
neither the Trade of your Majesty's Subjects can be protected nor the connection and
intercourse between Louisiana and the Indians prevented by Forts or Military Establishments,
Vol. VIII. 4
26 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
In the Northern District the principal Indians form themselves into two great confederacies;
the one composed of the Six Nations and their Allies and Dependants, the other called the
Western Confederacy composed of a great variety of powerful! Tribes occupying that extensive
Country which lyes about the Lakes Huron, Michigan and superior, and to the West and
North West.
The Commerce and Connection with the first of these Bodies of Indians was, antecedent
to the War, confined chiefly to the Province of New York, upon the Teritories of which
tiieir principal hunting ground lyes and the Trade was carried on at Fortified Truck Houses
upon the Lake Ontario; since the peace a large share of this Trade is carried on from
Pennsylvania by the Channel of the Ohio, and from thence by Venango and Riviere aux Boeufs
into Lake Erie.
The Commerce and Connection with those Indians which form the Western Confederacy,
were both from the situation of the Country they occupied and from the Plan pursued by
PVance for securing the Dominion of it by Posts upon the Lakes, altogether confined to the
French in Canada, and is now principally carried on from thence by your Majesty's Subjects
there, through the Channel of the Ottawa River and by the Lakes.
In this state therefore of the Commerce and connection subsisting between your Majesty's
Subjects and the Indians in the Northern District, and of the Channels through which the
intercourse is carried on, it does appear to us that the keeping up Military Establishments at
Detroit Michilimacinac and Niagara, and the having two, or at most three armed Vessels on
the Lakes Erie, Huron, Michigan and Superior may be necessary for keeping up and preserving
that good correspondence with the Indians, which is essential to the Safety, Improvement and
Extension of the Trade with them.
Of these tiiree Establishments that at Detroit which is the great center of Indian commerce,
situated amongst many numerous Tribes of Indians, and where a considerable number of
French remain under the Faith of the Treaty of Paris, does appear to us to be by far the most
important object, not being confined merely to the convenience of any particular Colony, but
embracing every advantage upon which the Safety and Extension of our Indian Commerce
do depend.
The armed Vessels proposed to be kept upon the Lakes, do also appear to us to be of the
like general Utility ; And therefore we are humbly of opinion that both of these establishments
should be maintained upon a respectable Footing, the charge whereof we do not conceive needs
to be very considerable, as the necessity of any large Supply of Provisions from the Settled
Colonies which has always been a great Article of Expence attending distant Posts, will in
great measure be taken off by the opportunity of their being furnished with Corn and other
provisions raised by your Majesty's new Subjects settled at Detroit, who as we are informed
from the most undoubted Testimony have already made a considerable progress in raising
those Commodities for that very purpose.
These may it please your Majesty are the only Military Posts and Establishments, that
appear to us to be necessary, solely with a view to protect and promote our Commerce with
the Indians ; what further may be necessary for public safety in general, or for preventing that
dangerouse intercourse between the French and Spaniards at New Orleans, and the Indians
under your Majesty's protection stated in the Papers referred to us to be carried on to a very
great extent, and which has been confirmed by those we have examined upon the Subject is a
consideration, which we humbly presume more particularly belongs to your Majesty's Servants
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 27
in the Military Departments; But we cannot but be of opinion, that all such Forts as shall be
judged necessary to be kept up for the Security of your Majesty's Dominions against a foreign
Enemy, or for forcing obedience to and a due execution of the Laws of Trade, ought to be
garrisoned by Troops in your Majesty's pay commanded by officers appointed by your Majesty,
as it would in our humble opinion be dangerous to publick safety, and inconsistent with tiie
true principles of this Government, that Forts and Military Establishments, intended to answer
such important objects should be entrusted to any other hands.
Upon the whole we trust that the expence of the present disposition of Troops for Indian
purposes may be reduced without hazarding either the safety or the interest of your Majesty's
Subjects unless indeed it should be thought expedient to adopt the proposition contained in
some of the papers referred to us, of settling new Colonies in the interior Country ; for in that
case we should not venture to recommend any reduction of the Military Expence in the
particulars above stated. This Consideration therefore naturally leads us to the last head of
Inquiry referred to us by the Earl of Shelburnes letter Viz' How far the Establishment of new
Governments on the Mississippi the Ohio, and at Detroit, would contribute to answer the
purpose of lessening either the present Civil or Military Expence or would procure the several
other important advantages set forth in the papers referred to us.
Now, although it does not appear from the papers referred to us, that propositions have been
made for the Establishment of more than three new Governments or Colonies in the interior
parts of America; Viz' One at the Detroit between Lakes Erie and Huron ; One at or near
the Mouth of the Ohio ; And one in the Illinois Country at or near the Mouth of the River of
that Name ; and therefore by the strict Letter of his Lordships reference, the present
consideration seems to be confined to these only ; Yet as it does appear both from the Nature of
the arguments in favor of this measure contained in some of the papers, and from the manner
in which others have been explained by the authors of the proposals themselves that they
are meant to support the utility of Colonizing in the interior Country, as a general principle of
Policy; and that in fact they have nothing less in view than the entire possession and peopling
of all that Country which has Communications with the Rivers Mississippi and S' Lawrence,
it does in our humble opinion open a much wider Field of Discussion than might at the first
glance seem to be necessary.
The Proposition of forming inland Colonies in America is, we humbly conceive entirely
new ; it adopts principles in respect to American Settlements different from what has hitherto
been the policy of this Kingdom ; and leads to a system which if pursued through all its
consequences, is in the present state of this Country of the greatest importance.
The great object of Colonizing upon the Continent of North America has been to improve
and extend the Commerce, Navigation and Manufactures of this Kingdom, upon which its
strength and security depend.
First. By promoting the advantageous fishery carried on upon the Northern Coast ;
Secondly, By encouraging the growth and culture of Naval Stores, and of raw materials to
be transported hither in Exchange for perfect Manufacture and other Merchandize
Thirdly, By securing a supply of Lumber, provisions, and other necessaries for the support
of our Establishments in the American Islands.
In order to answer these Salutary purposes it has been the policy of this Kingdom to confine
her Settlements as much as possible to tiie Sea Coast and not to extend them to places
unacessible to Shipping and consequently more out of the reach of Commerce, a plan which at
28 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the same time that it secured the attainment of these Commercial objects had the further
political advantage of guarding against all interfering of foreign powers and of enabling this
Kingdom to keep up a superior naval force in those Seas, by the actual possession of such Rivers
and Harbours, as were proper stations for Fleets in time of War.
Such may it please your Majesty have been the Considerations inducing that plan of Policy
hitherto pursued in the settlement of your Majesty's American Colonies with which the private
Interest and Sagacity of the Settlers co-operated from the first Establishments formed upon4hat
Continent it was upon these principles and with these views, that Government undertook the
settling of Nova Scotia in 1749; and it was from a view of the advantages represented to arise
from it in these different Articles that it was so liberally supported by the Aid of Parliament.
The same Motives tho' operating in a less degree and applying to fewer objects did as we
humbly conceive induce the forming the Colonies of Georgia, East Florida and West Florida to
the South and the making those provisional Arrangements in the Proclamation in 1763, by
which the interior Country was left to the possession of the Indians.
Having thus briefly stated what has been the policy of this Kingdom in respect to colonizing
in America, it may be necessary to take a cursory view of what has been the effect of it in
those Colonies where there has been sufficient time for that effect to discover itself; because if
it shall appear from the present state of those Settlements and the progress they have made, that
they are likely to produce the advantages above stated, it will we humbly apprehend, be a very
strong argument against forming Settlements in the interior Country more especially where
every advantage derived from an Established Government would naturally tend to draw the
stream of population ; fertility of Soil and temperature of Climate offering superior inticements
to Settlers who exposed [to] the few hardships and strugling with few difficulties could
with little labour earn an abundance for their own wants but without a possibility of supplying
ours with any considerable Quantities nor would these inducements be confined in their
operation to foreign emigrants determining their choice where to settle; but would Act most
powerfully upon the inhabitants of the Northern and Southern Latitudes of your Majesty's
American Dominions, who ever suffering under the opposite extremes of heat and cold would
be equally tempted by a moderate Climate to abandon Latitudes peculiarly adapted to the
production of those things which are by nature denied to us, and for the whole of which we
should without their assistance stand indebted to and dependent upon other Countries
It is well known that antecedent to the year 1749, all that part of the Sea Coast of the
British Empire in America which extends North East from the Province of Main to Canceau
in Nova Scotia and from thence North to the Mouth of S' Lawrence's River, lay waste and
neglected though naturally affording or capable by Art of producing every species of Naval
Stores, the Seas abounding with Whale, Cod and other valuable Fish, and having many great
Rivers Bays and Harbours fit for the Reception of Ships of War ; thus circumstanced a
consideration of the great commercial advantages which would follow from securing the
possession of this Country combined with the evidence of the value set upon it by our Enemies
who during the War which terminated at that Period, had at an immense Expence attempted
to wrest it from us, induced that Plan for the Settlement of Nova Scotia to which we have
before referred and which being prosecuted with vigour though at a very large expence to this
Kingdom secured the possession of that Province & formed those Establishments which
contributed so greatly to facilitate and promote the success of your Majesty's Arms in the
late War.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 29
The Establishment of Government in this part of America having opened to the view and
information of your Majesty's Subjects in other Colonies, the great commercial advantages to
be derived from it, induced a zeal for migration ; and associations were formed for taking up
Lands and making Settlements in this Province by principal persons residing at those Colonies.
In consequence of these associations upwards of 10,000 Souls have passed from those
Colonies into Nova Scotia, who have either engaged in the fisheries, or become exporters of
Lumber and Provisions to the West Indies; And further Settlements to the extent of 21
Townships of 100,000 Acres each, have been engaged to be made there by many of the
principal persons in Pennsylvania whose Names & Association for that purpose now lye before
your Maj''' in Council.
The Government of Massachusets Bay as well as the Proprietors of large Tracts to the
Eastward of the Province of Main, excited by the success of these Settlements, are giving
every encouragement to the like Settlements in that valuable Country lying between them and
Nova Scotia; and the Proprietors of Twelve Townsiiips, lately laid out there by the
Massachusets Government, now solicit your Majesty for a confirmation of their title.
Such may it please your Majesty is the present State of the progress making in the
Settlement of the Northern parts of the Sea Coasts of North America in consequence of what
appears to have been the policy adopted by this Kingdom ; and many persons of Rank and
Substance here are proceeding to carry into Execution the Plan, which your Majesty (pursuing
the same Principles of commercial Policy) has approved for the Settlement of the Islands of
S' John and Cape Breton, and of the new Established Colonies to the South ; and therefore
as we are fully convinced, that the encouraging Settlements upon the Sea Coast of North
America is founded in the true principles of Commercial Policy and as we find upon
examination, that the happy effects of that Policy are now begining to open themselves in
the Establishment of those Branches of Commerce, Culture and Navigation upon which tlie
strength, wealth and security of this Kingdom depend, we cannot be of opinion that it would
in any View be adviseable to divert your Majesty's Subjects in America from the persuit of
these important objects by adopting measures of a new Policy at an expence to this Kingdom,
which in its present State, it is unable to bear.
This may it please your Majesty, being the light in which we view the proposition of
Colonizing in the interior Country, considered as a general principle of policy, we shall in the
next place proceed to examine the several arguments urged in support of the particular
Establishments now recommended.
These arguments appear to us reducible to the following general propositions Viz'
First, That such Colonies will promote population, and increase the demands for, and
consumption of British Manufactures.
Secondly, That they will secure the Purr Trade, and prevent all illicit Trade, or interfering
of French or Spaniards with the Indians.
Thirdly, That they will be a defence and Protection to the old Colonies against the Indians.
Fourthly, That they will contribute to lessen the present heavy Expence of Supplying
provisions to the distant Forts and Garrisons;
Lastly, That they are necessary in respect to the inhabitants already residing in those
places, where they are proposed to be Established who require some form of Civil Government
After what we have already stated with respect to the policy of encouraging Colonies in
the interior Country as a general principle, We trust it will not be necessary to enter into an
ample discussion of the Arguments brought to support the foregoing propositions.
30 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
We admit as an undeniable principle of true policy, that with a view to prevent
Manufactures it is necessary and proper to open an extent of territory for Colonization
proportioned to the increase of people, as a large number of inhabitants, cooped up in narrow
limits without a sufficiency of land for produce would be compelled to convert their attention
and industry to Manufactures; but we submit whether the encouragement given to the
Settlement of the Colonies upon the Sea Coast, and the effect which such encouragement has
had, has not already effectually provided for this object as well as for more easing the Demand
for, and consumption of British Manufactures; an advantage which in our humble opinion,
would not be promoted by these new Colonies which being proposed to be established at the
distance of above fifteen hundred miles from the Sea, and in places which upon the fullest
evidence are found to be utterly inaccessible to shipping will from their inability to find
returns wherewith to pay for the Manufactures of Great Britain be probably led 'to Manufacture
for themselves a consequence which experience shews has constantly attended in a greater
or lesser degree every inland Settlement, and therefore ought in our humble opinion to be
carefully guarded against by encouraging the Settlement of that extensive tract of Sea Coast
hitherto unoccupied ; which together with the liberty that the inhabitants of the middle
Colonies will have (in consequence of the proposed boundary line with the Indians) of
gradually extending themselves, backwards will more effectually and beneficially answer the
object of encouraging population and consumption than the erection of New Governments,
such gradual extension might through the medium of a continued population upon even the
same extent of Territory preserve a communication of mutual Commercial Benefits between
its extremest parts and Great Britain, impossible to exist in Colonies separated by immense
Tracts of unpeopled desart. As to the effect which it is supposed the Colonies may have to
increase and promote the Furr Trade, and to prevent all contraband Trade or intercourse
between the Indians under your Majesty's protection and the French or Spaniards, it does
appear to us; That the extension of the Furr Trade depends entirely upon the Indians being
undisturbed in the possession of their hunting Grounds; that all Colonizing does in its nature,
and must in its consequences operate to the prejudice of that Branch of Commerce; and that
the French and Spaniards would be left in possession of a great part of what remained, as
New Orleans would still continue the best and surest Markett. As to the protection which
it is supposed these New Colonies may be capable of affording to the Old ones, it will in our
opinion appear upon the Slightes view of their situation that so far from affording Protectioa
to the old Colonies they will stand most in need of it themselves.
It cannot be denied that new Colonies would be of advantage in raising Provisions for the
supply of such Forts and Garrisons as may be kept up in the neighbourhood of them ; but as
the degreeof utility will be proportioned, to the number and situation of those Forts and Garrisons
which upon the result of the present enquiry it may be thought advisable to continue, so the
force of the argument will depend upon that event.
The present French inhabitnnts in the Neighbourhood of the Lakes, will in our humble
opinion be sufficient to furnish with Provisions whatever Posts may be necessary to be
continued there and as there are also French inhabitants settled in some parts of the Country
lying upon the Mississippi between the Rivers Illinois and the Ohio; It is to be hoped that
a sufficient number of these may be induced to fix their abode where the same convenience
and advantage may be derived from them ; but if no such circumstance were to exist, and no
such assistance to be expected from it, the objections stated to the Plan now under our
30 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
We admit as an undeniable principle of true policy, that with a view to prevent
Manufactures it is necessary and proper to open an extent of territory for Colonization
proportioned to the increase of people, as a large number of inhabitants, cooped up in narrow
limits without a sufficiency of land for produce would be compelled to convert their attention
and industry to Manufactures; but we submit whether the encouragement given to the
Settlement of the Colonies upon the Sea Coast, and the effect which such encouragement has
had, has not already effectually provided for this object as well as for more easing the Demand
for, and consumption of British Manufactures; an advantage which in our humble opinion;
would not be promoted by these new Colonies which being proposed to be established at the
distance of above fifteen hundred miles from the Sea, and in places which upon the fullest
evidence are found to be utterly inaccessible to shipping will from their inability to find
returns wherewith to pay for the Manufactures of Great Britain be probably led to Manufacture
for themselves a consequence which experience shews has constantly attended in a greater
or lesser degree every inland Settlement, and therefore ought in our humble opinion to be
carefully guarded against by encouraging the Settlement of that extensive tract of Sea Coast
hitherto unoccupied ; which together with the liberty that the inhabitants of the middle
Colonies will have (in consequence of the proposed boundary line with the Indians) of
gradually extending themselves, backwards will more effectually and beneficially answer the
object of encouraging population and consumption than the erection of New Governments,
such gradual extension might through the medium of a continued population upon even the
same extent of Territory preserve a communication of mutual Commercial Benefits between
its extremest parts and Great Britain, impossible to exist in Colonies separated by immense
Tracts of unpeopled desart. As to the effect which it is supposed the Colonies may have to
increase and promote the Furr Trade, and to prevent all contraband Trade or intercourse
between the Indians under your Majesty's protection and the French or Spaniards, it does '
appear to us; That the extension of the Furr Trade depends entirely upon the Indians being
undisturbed in the possession of their hunting Grounds; that all Colonizing does in its nature,
and must in its consequences operate to the prejudice of that Branch of Commerce; and that
the French and Spaniards would be left in possession of a great part of what remained, as
New Orleans would still continue the best and surest Markett. As to the protection which
it is supposed these New Colonies may be capable of affording to the Old ones, it will in our
opinion appear upon the Slightes view of their situation that so far from affording Protection
to the old Colonies they will stand most in need of it themselves.
It cannot be denied that new Colonies would be of advantage in raising Provisions for the
supply of such Forts and Garrisons as may be kept up in the neighbourhood of them; but as
the degreeof utility will be proportioned, to the number and situation of those Forts and Garrisons
which upon the result of the present enquiry it may be thought advisable to continue, so the
force of the argument will depend upon that event.
The present French inhabitants in the Neighbourhood of the Lakes, will in our humble
opinion be sufficient to furnish with Provisions whatever Posts may be necessary to be
continued there and as there are also French inhabitants settled in some parts of the Country
lying upon the Mississippi between the Rivers Illinois and the Ohio; It is to be hoped that
a sufficient number of these may be induced to fix their abode where the same convenience
and advantage may be derived from them ; but if no such circumstance were to exist, and no
such assistance to be expected from it, the objections stated to the Plan now under our
A T j_. A JSf :r I c
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 31
consideration are superior to tiiis or any ottier advantage it can produce; and altlio Civil
Establisliments have frequently rendered tlie expence of an armed force necessary for their
protection, one of the many objections to those now proposed ; yet we humbly presume there
never has been an instance of a Government instituted merely with a view to supply a body
of Troops with suitable Provisions; nor is it necessary in these instances for the Settlements
already existing as above described; which being formed under Military Establishments and
ever subjected to Military Authority, do not in our humble opinion, require any other
Superintendance than that of the Military commanding at these Posts.
All which is most humbly submitted
Clare Thomas Robinson
SoAME Jenyns W" Fitzherbert
Whitehall March 7. 176S. Ed : Eliot
A.
West Florida.
Extract from a Treaty made at a Congress held at Mobile in West Florida with
the Chickasaws and Chactaws, March 26. 1765.
And to prevent all disputes on account of Encroachments or supposed Encroachments
committed by the English Inhabitants of this or any other of his Majesty's Provinces on the
Lands or Hunting Grounds reserved and claimed by the Chickasaw and Chactaw Indians, and
that no mistakes, doubts or disputes may for the future arise thereupon, In consideration of
the great marks of friendship, benevolence and clemency extended to us the said Chickasaw
and Chactaw Indians, by his Majesty King George the third ; We the Chiefs and Head
Warriors distinguished by great and small Medals & Gorgets, and bearing his Majesty's
Commissions as Chiefs and Leaders of our respective Nations by virtue and in pursuance of
the full Right and Power which we now have and are possessed of, Have agreed and we do
hereby agree, that for the future the Boundary be settled by a line extended from Gross point
in the Island of Mount Louis by the Course of the western Coast of Mobile Bay,
to the Mouth of the eastern Branch of Tombeckbe River;
and north by the Course of said River,
to the Confluence of Alibamont and Tombeckbe Rivers ;
And afterwards along the western Bank of Alibamont River,
to the Mouth of Chickianoce River,
and from the Confluence of Chickianoce and Alibamont Rivers,
a strait Line
to the Confluence of Banke and Tombeckbe Rivers,
from thence by a strait Line along the western Bank of Banke River till its
Confluence with the Tallatekpe River ;
from thence by a strait Line to Tombeckbe River,
opposite to Atchatickpe
and from Atchatickpe by a strait Line to the most northerly part of Backatanne River ;
and down the Course of Backatanne River,
to its Confluence with the River Pascagoula and down by the Course of the River
Pascagoula within twelve leagues of the Sea Coast,
and thence by a due west line as far as the Chactaw Nation have a right to grant ;
32 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
And the said Cliiefs for themselves and their Nations give and confirm the property of all
the lands contained between the above described lines and the Sea, to his Majesty the King
of Great Britain and his Successors,
Reserving to themselves full Right and Property in all the Lands to the Northveard now
possessed by them ;
And none of his Majesty's White Subjects shall be permitted to settle on Tombeckbe River
to the Northward of the Rivulet called the Centibouck.
* East Florida.
Extract from a Treaty and Cession by the Chiefs of the lower Creek Nations, at
a Congress held at Picolata, in East Florida, Nov'r 15th, 1765.
To prevent all disputes on account of Encroachments or supposed Encroachments, made by
the English Inhabitants of this His Majesty's said Province, on the Lands or hunting Grounds
reserved and claimed by the upper and lower Nations of Creek Indians, and that no doubts,
mistakes, or disputes, may for the future arise, in Consideration of the great marks of
friendship, benevolence, clemency generosity and protection, extended to us, the said Indians
of the upper and lower Creek Nations, by His iV^ajesty, King George the Third ; We the
Chiefs, Head Warriors, and Leaders of our respective Nations, by virtue and in pursuance of
the full right and power which we now have and are possessed of, have agreed, and we do
hereby agree, that for the future the Boundary line of His Majesty's said Province of East
Florida, shall be all the Sea Coast as far as the Tide flows, in the manner settled with the
English by the great Tomachicke, with ail the Country to the Eastward of St. John's River,
forming nearly an Island, from its source to its entrance into the Sea ; And to the Westward
of St. John's River, by a line drawn from the entrance of the Creek Acklawaugh, into the
said River above the great Lake, and near to Spalding's upper trading Storehouse, to the Forks
of the Black Creek at Colvill's Plantation, and from thence to that part of St. Mary's River,
which shall be intersected by the continuation of the line to the entrance of a Turkey Creek,
into the River Altamaha.
* Georgia.
At a Congress held at Augusta, in the Province of Georgia November 10th, 1763.
Present — James Wright, Esq., Governor of Georgia,
Arthur Dobbs, Esq., Governor of N. Carolina,
ThomasBoone, Esq., Governor of S. Carolina,
Frans. Faquier, Esq., Lieu'. Gov' of Virginia,
John Stuart, Esq., Superintendant of Indian Affairs for the Southern
District in North America.
^ \Chickasaws,
/ Upper and lower Creeks,
Head Men of the \ Chactaws,
\Cherokees,
/ Catawbas.
The Creeks grant that the Boundary between the English Settlements and our Lands, &
hunting grounds shall be known and settled by a Line extending up Savannah River to little
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 33
River, and back to the Fork of little River to the Ends of the South Branch of Briar Creek,
and down that Branch to the lower Creek Path, and along that Path to the main stream of
Ogechee River, and down the main stream of that River just below the Path leading from
Mount Pleasant, & from thence in a strait Line cross to Santa Swella on the Altamaha River,
and from thence to the Southward as far as Georgia extends or may be extended.
The Catawbas confirm a former Agreement, and declare they will remain satisfied with the
Tract of Land fifteen miles Square, a survey of which was begun, and the Governors and
Superintendants promised that the survey should be finished, and that the Catawbas should
not be molested within those Lines.
* South Carolina.
Extract from a Cession of Lands by the Cherokees to the Province of South
Carolina, date Fort Prince George, October 19th, 1765.
We, whose names are underwritten and seals affixed. Warriors and Headbeloved Men of the
Cherokees, Plenipotentiaries for the Over Hill, Valley, middle and lower settlements, and
especially authorized and deputed by the whole Body of the Cherokee Nation, certify by these
Presents, that at a Congress held between George Price, Ensign of His Majesty's 60th Regiment,^
Commanding Officer of Fort Prince George, and Alexander Cameron, Esq., Commissary for
Indian Affairs, acting in the Behalf of His Britannic Majesty, and His Subjects, We have
ceded to the English.
That Tract of Land (which previous to this time we deemed our own) lying between a
Brook, known to the White People by the name of Dewiss's Corner, and to us by The Yellow
Water, and another Brook distant from the former about Ten Miles, and known to both White
and Red People by the name of Long Canes.
1765, Decem. 10th. Approved by Wm. Bull, Esq., Governor of South .Carolina.
1766, Jan'ry 10th. Approved by Jno. Stuart, Esq., Superintendant.
* South Carolina and North Carolina.
Extract of a Letter from Alexander Cameron to John Stuart, Esq., dated Fort
Prince George, May 10th, 1766, relative to the Line between the Cherokees
and North Carolina:
Began at Dewiss's Corner and proceeded Southwest fifty miles to Savanna River ; the
Indians marked the Trees in the Line.
I could not learn that we took in any Land that had been surveyed by any White man
before, but there is one Atkins settled within four miles of the Line near to Savanna River.
The distance from Dewiss's Corner to the River (as near as we could make it) is 27 Miles.
Supposed to mean ^ The Course of the Line from Dewiss's Corner to Rudy River,
North 50 Degrees >■ where the Line terminates is North East 50 Miles, and the distance
East 18 Miles. j 10 miles.
About Saluday there are several Houses within four miles of the Line, & One House within
one mile of it.
' His Commission bears date 18th February, 1*761, and he obtained a lieutenancy 4th October, 1110. His name is not in
the Army List of 1773. — Ed.
Vol. VIIL 5
84 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS
On the North Carolina side of Reedy River there are three or four Families settled, and even if
the Indian Boundary be run a North Course these settlements will fall five cy six miles above it.
One William Turner, on Saludy, beiovi^ Ninety six, has settled a Cow-pen & Plantation on
the above Indian Lands, although he very well knew that Mr. Wilkinson, by Governor Bull's
Orders, removed a settlement off the same Tract of Land last year. I have sent a Warning
to remove without loss of Time, otherwise that I should take upon me to drive them off, and
distribute part of their Cattle among the Indians as a Tax belonging to them.
The Cherokees propose running the Line from where it terminated, a strait Course to Col.
Chiswell's Mines, which I believe will be North as nigh as 1 could make it. They say it must
be very evident that as they have given up all their Claims of Lands in Virginia below
Chiswell's Mines, and in South Carolina below Dewiss's Corner, that a strait Line from Reedy
River to the Mines must consequently cut ofl' a great deal of their Land in North Carolina,
that part of their hunting ground lies 40 miles Eastward of where they now nominate their
Boundary ; but that they do not love disputing with the white people concerning a trifle,
therefore they made them a present of it.
It would be very necessary that a Surveyor should first sight the Line from Reedy River a
North Course, in order to know where it will terminate in Virginia, and whether or not it will
take away any of the settlements.
* North Carolina.
Extract of a Letter from Wm. Tryon, Esq., Governor of North Carolina, to the
Lord's Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, dated July, 15, 1767 :
The Line was begun and run from where the dividing Line between South Carolina and
the Cherokee Hunting Grounds terminated on Reedy River, steering a North Course into the
Mountains, computed to be Sixty Miles from the said River. Upon finding it impossible to
proceed over the Mountains, it was agreed in the abovementioned Deed that a direct Line
(from the Mountain they stopt at named Tryon Mountain) to Chiswell's Mines, should, with
the Line they actually ran, be the Boundary between this Province and the Cherokee Nation.
This Line it is supposed will run along the Ridge of the Blue Mountains its Course to the
Eastward of North, and distant Sixty or Seventy Miles from the Mountain to the Mines.
* Southern District.
Extract of a Letter from John Stuart, Esq., Superintend' of Indian Affairs for the
Southern District of America, to the Headman of the Cherokees, dated
Charles Town, Feb'ry 1, 1766:
I am now to inform you that I had a Meeting with the lower Creek Nations' Warriors at
Picolata, near S'. Augustine; my talks with them were very good, and I have settled a
Boundary Line between their and our Grounds all round the Two FloriJas If Georgia. The
Line between the Chactavvs and us is also settled, so that henceforward we can never have
any Dispute about Lands with any Nation of Red Men.
[ Here follows— " Kxtracts fruni Minulea of a ConfereDce at .lolinson Ilnll, May, 1765," ««/)ra, VII., 725 -730. Note. Tlie
Documents preceded by an Asterisk, are borrowed from PermKijhania Archives, IV., 321 -326, and are reproduced liere in
order to complete the Report of the Board of Trade, and for the thorough understanding of the Map annexed thereunto. —
Ed. ]
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 35
Earl of Hilhsborough to Governor Moore.
[New- York, CLS.]
(NO 6)
Whitehall 12"' March 176S.
Sir,
Since my letter to you N° 4. I have received and laid before tlie King your Letters to Lord
Shelburne N° 32 & 33.
There is scarce any matter contained in these Letters upon which I have not already in my
Letter N° 4. signified to you His Majesty's Commands, or expressed my own sentiments, I
entirely agree with you that the Boundary Line between New York & Quebec as settled by
you and Lieut. Governor Carleton ought to be confirmed by His Majesty, and I will take an
early opportunity of considering in what manner such confirmation may be regularly notified.
Since my last to you I have received another Letter from M'' Golden stating the Proceedings
against him by the Assembly on account of a Pamphlet printed here in Justification of his
conduct in the Case of the Disputes about Appeals and the Stamp Act, and representing that
he has reason to believe that it is the Intention of his Enemies to persecute him to the ruin
of his Fortune.
If these Attacks upon and proceedings against this Gentleman are the effects of his dutiful!
attachment to the Crown during his Administration as Lieutenant Governor, I make no doubt
but His Majesty will think Himself called upon to extend His Royal Protection to him, it is
therefore His Majesty's pleasure that you should make the strictest enquiries into this matter,
and transmit to me every information 'you can procure thereupon, together with the
Proceedings of the Assembly, in order to be laid before His Majesty, and in the mean time it
will become you to shew all the Countenance and Regard that ii due to an old and faithful!
servant of the Crown.
I am desired by Major General Greeme^ and other Gentlemen concerned in carrying onlron
Works in New York under the direction of M' Hassenclever to inform you that that Gentleman
misbehaves towards them and refuses to come to account, for which reason it is their Intention
to supersede him and to appoint another Person in his place, and as these Works are
represented to me to be of great Publick Utility, I think it my duty to recommend to you to
give all the support and protection you can to the Person they mean to appoint and to give
any assistance in your Power towards bringing M' Hassenclever to a due Performance of
his Engagements.
I am Sic*
Governor of New York. Hillsborough
113G145
Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson.
[ Pl«ntations General ( S. P. 0. ), CCLIV., No. 2. ]
N" 2.
Whitehall 12 March 1768
Sir,
Since the Earl of Shelburnes letter to you, dated the 5 of January last, your Letters to his
Lordship N° 6, 7, 8 and 9 have beeu received and laid before the Iving.
'See note, VII., 890. — Ed.
36 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I herewith transmit to you a Copy of his Lordships letter N° 6, lest it should have miscarried
it being of great importance that you should receive the Kings Commands signified to you in
that letter by his Lordship, which you will not fail to carry into immediate Execution
The fixing the Boundary line will I trust remove the first great Foundation of Jealousy and
Discontent from the minds of the Indians and be a solid proof to them of the Sincerity of his
Majesty's Intentions; And I flatter myself I shall very soon be enabled to signify his Majesty's
pleasure with regard to the conduct of the Indian Trade in general ; the unj ustifiable occupancy
of their Lands ; the Posts that are to be maintained ; and the particular Duties of your Office ;
in such a manner as to give entire satisfaction to the Indians in ail Points to relieve this
Kingdom from the enormous expence She at present groans under, and to remove those doubts
and difficulties which occasioned by the want of precise Instructions, frequently embarrass
you, and impede the exertion of your abilities to that advantage for his Majestys Service which
might otherwise be reaped from them. Chabert Joncaires treacherous Conduct, and the wicked
& infamous behaviour of Rogers and his correspondence with Hopkins, which appears from
a copy of a Letter from the latter' which you inclosed in your letter No 7, are of such a naturei
as require the utmost Circumspection and Attention of his Majesty's Servants in America ; as
in the present State of some mens dispositions in that Country when one Correspondence of
that dangerous tendency is discovered, there is reason to apprehend there may be more of the
same kind.
Ihave the honour to inclose to you a Map, whereon is delineated the Boundary Line proposed
by the Board of Trade to be Settled with the Six Nations in conformity to what was agreed
upon at the Congress in 1765, and also those lines settled with the Choctaws, Creeks and
Cherokees, by the Superintendant for the Southern District. This Map may possibly be of
some us as it will shew in what manner the several lines are meant lo be united
I am &"'
Hillsborough
NMO.
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Shelhurne,
[PlantatioM Qeneral(S. P. 0,), COLIV., No. 10.]
Johnson Hall 14 March 1768.
My Lord,
A few days since I was honored with your Lordships of the 19 of December last acknowledging
the receipt of my letters N" 4 & 5 with the state of the Trade Politicks &" of the Northern
Indians, and conveying his Majesty's Royal approbation which yeilds me a most sensible
pleasure, the letters I have wrote since that of N" 5 which are four in number, I judge by your
Lordships silence were not any of them come to your hands.
Since my last which was of December the 3'^ the delegates from the Cherokees arrived here
to treat of Peace with the Six Nations, and their Allies, in consequence of which & in
conformity to your Lords'" directions I dispatched Belts and Messengers to call the latter to a
Congress, whp after many delays on ace' of inclemency of the Season, but more from the
discontented state of their Minds, of which I before gave information, arrived here the 3"* of this
' Bupra, VII., 998. —Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 37
inst' to the amount of 760 after being at one time almost resolved to return home having by
the way received the disagreable account of the murders lately committed in Pensilvania, the
particulars of which are that an Inhabitant near the Frontiers of that Province having Six
Indians drinking in his house who were become much disguised and troublesome he took an
occasion to murder tiiem all and the next day accompanied with a Servant went to a Cabin
at 14 Miles distance where he murdered four more and afterwards throwing the bodies on a heap
he set fire to the house and burnt them;' sufficient proofs of which having reached the L'
Governors ears he caused a Warrant to be issued with a reward of ^200 for apprehending him,
and he was accordingly taken and committed to Goil from whence he was forcibly carried by
some of the Riotous Frontier Inhabitants and has not as yet been retaken ; The Governor has
issued a Proclamation and the Assembly have voted a sum of money to be given them in a
present as a condolance on the part of that Province.
On the arrival of the Indians at this place I had as usual, several private discourses with the
Chiefs previous to my opening the Congress, and found them all, so sensibly touched at this
cruel Murder &■=* that I had very slender hopes of altering their sentiments several of the Old
Sachims whose inclinations led them to wish for tranquility, lamented the threatening
appearance of a rupture. As the whole were of opinion that this additional stroke was'but a
prelude to greater designes against them and when we consider the encroachments made
towards the Ohio, the greiviances complained of concerning unjust Grants in other parts of
the Country yet un[re]dressed, the Robberies and murders committed on their people on the
Frontiers of the several Provinces (to the Southward) yet unpunished and the irregularity with
which the Trade is conducted thro the want of sufficient powers to regulate it, it is not at all
surprising that the Indians who are the most suspicious people in the world should on such
Groimds be actuated by Spirit of strong resentment.
Being naturally inquisitive concerning all our operations they make frequent enquiry's
amongst the Inhabitants who understand their Language and read the public papers from
whom they have now a report of our intending plant Colonies in the heart of their Country,
which notwithstanding all I have said to them contributes greatly to their discontent.
I have given them notice to hold themselves in readiness to attend forthesettlingof a Boundary
line, agreable to your Lordships last letter N° 5 this will be agreable to them, provided they
receive a handsome recompence for such Cessions of Lands as they may be induced to make,
and will if due regard is paid to it prove the best means of preventing Land disputes in future,
at the same time that the hints & regulations I humbly offered last October if enforced by
authority will make them easy, & thereby prove the best security to the infant Settlements, &
Trade which depends on the pacific disposition of the Indians.
The Six Nations &"=* and the Cherokee Delagates have jointly Subscribed to a Treaty of
Peace, the Counterpart of which I transmit to M' Stuart the Southern Superintendant and
upon the whole I am of opinion that from what I have said in private conferences as well as in
y Public transactions contained in the copy herewith transmitted, the Indians intend to pay
regard to what they have agreed to, the continuing them in which disposition must depend upon
the redress of greiviances and our future conduct towards them.
Be persuaded, my Lord that the utmost of my abilities & influence shall be exerted to keep
them steady to engagements on which the security of the Frontiers & Trade so essentially
'These murders were committed by one Frederick Stump, a German, on the 10th and Uth January, 17«8, on Middle Creelc
(Union county, Pennsylvania), not far from the Island called the Mahoney, in the River Susquehanna, about seven or eight
miles from Shamokin. Penntylvania Colonial Records, IX, 420. —Ed.
38 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
depend relying on the Countenance & Support of Government for enabling me to discharge
those duty's which without such aids must prove impracticable
The encouragement I iiave hitherto received from his Majesty's Royal approbation has
enabled me to support fatigues, troubles & hazards of which very few can have a reasonable
conception permit me, My Lord to hope for the continuance of it and to assure your Lordship
that I am with the greatest truth
Your Lordship's
Most obliged & most
The R' Honh'^ faithful humble Servant
The Earl of Shelburne W. Johnson
Proceedings of Sir William Jolinson with the Indians.
[ Plantations General { 8. P. 0.) CCLIV. ]
Proceedings of a General Congress of the Six Nations &" The Chiefs of
Coghnawagey and of the Seven Confederate Nations of Canada and the
Deputys sent from the Cherokee Nation to treat of Peace with the former
before Sir William Johnson Baronet at Johnson Hall in March 1768.
The Cherokee Deputy's arrived the 29 Dec' 17G7, on which Sir William sent Belts and
Messages to the Six Nations &" who did not arrive until the 2^ of March by reason of the
Inclemency of the Weather and other Impediments.
At a Congress with the above Mentioned Nations at Johnson Hall March 4. 1768
Present — Sir William Johnson Baronet
Sir John Johnson Knight
Daniel Claus
Guy Johnson j ^^^" ^^P" ^§" ^«'" ^"^"' A^^'"'
Lieut' Frazier
M"' Michaell Byr[n]e Commiss'' of Ind" Affairs
M"' Robert Adems
M' Daniell Denniston
John Butler Esq" ) Interpreters for the Six Nations
M' Perthies j & Canada Ind'
M' John Walls Cherokee Interpreter
Being all Seated Sir William open'd the Congress as follows —
Bretheren of the Six Nations & Canada Confederacy
I give you all a most Cordial Welcome to this place where I wish our Mutual Proceedings
may be conducted with the strictest Candour and Sincerity.
It is with no small concern that I am to condole with you on account of the late Act of
Cruelty exercised on some of your friends within the Province of Pensilvania Whatever
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 39
might have been the provocation given to that Bad man who was the Author of the Deaths
of Ten of your Confederacy You may rest assured that all his Majesties Subjects hold that Act
in the Greatest Abhorence, and that he will certainly be punished with the death he so justly
deserves whenever he is apprehended. On this disagreeable Subject I am particularly
authorised to speak to you by the Governor and People of the Province where that Act was
perpetrated which you shall hear in due time, At present I am on the part of his Majesty and
all his Subjects to assure you that he and they are much concerned at it, That it is hoped you
are all satisfied of its being the private Act of a profligate Individual and his accomplice without
the knowledge or consent of any others, and that every possible means is making use of for
apprehending him in order to bring him to the punishment which the Crime deserves. I do
therefore on the part of his Majesty and all his Subjects with this 3 Strings of Wampum Wipe
away and dry up the Tears which you have shed upon this occasion Clearing your sight that
you may be enabled to look chearfully upon us, — With this string I clear the Passage of your
throats that you may Speak to us freely and without any difficulty, and with this, I Wipe away
the Blood of the Slain from about your habitations that the same may appear no more to
offend your Eyes. Gave 3 Strings of Wampum
Brothers
With this Belt I take the Hatchet out of your Heads, with which you were struck by that
Villain who was regardless of the friendship subsisting between us, and I request you to
remember that he and his accomplice only where Guilty in that point and that notwithstanding
the Order of our Government, and the goodness of our Laws we must expect to have some
bad men amongst us, whose conduct and inclinations may differ widely from that of the rest
of the People. Gave a large Black Belt
Brothers
With this Belt I pull up the Largest Pine Tree by the roots, under which I bury the Axe
that gave you the blow placeing the Tree over it in its former position So that the Axe may
no more be found Gave a large White Belt with Black figures
Brothers
This is the first oppertunity My Son (Sir John) has had for shaking you by the hand since
his arrival from England, where he was not unmindfull of your Affairs, he will now say
something to you upon the occasion.
Then Sir John (after shaking hands with the Chiefs) said.
Brothers
I am happy at finding you all here in health at this time and sincerely wish that your
proceedings may be conducted to the Public satisfaction.
It is with pleasure I can inform you that I fiave had an oppertunity of hearing his Majesty's
favourable opinion of all Good Indians, and his steady resolution to redress your Grievances,
and do you strict Justice, to this end your Aftiiirs are now under consideration and the
Boundary Line between the White Inhabitants and you which is considered so necessary for
the preservation of your hunting Grounds will Speedily be settled.
40 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brothers
I heartily thank you for your frequent enquiry's after me during my absence in England
and I shall be at all times Glad to convince you of my sincerity and good wishes for your
several Confederacies. Gave a White Belt with Black figures
Sir William then address'd them in the following manner
Brothers
I have now gone through the Business of Condolance with you, and hope it will prove
agreeable, and ease your Minds. Tomorrow I shall proceed to the business for which you are
now assembled.
So soon as Sir William had ended, each of the Nations present gave the Yo-hah, or shout of
approbation, after which they received Pipes, Tobacco and a dram each, And after a short
Consultation Amongst the Chiefs Conoghquiesor Chief of Oneida arose, and haveing repeated
according to Custom, All that had been said with the several Strings and belts to the Six
Nations &" he addressed Sir William on their behalf as follows
Brother Gorah Warraghiyagey
We give thanks to the great Spirit for enableing us to meet this day after so many accidents
as have befallen us, and We thank you for what you have said to us, which we have hearkened
to with great attention. We feel ourselves something easier since you spoke to us, and
according to the manner of our Fore fathers removed those objects from before our Eyes which
have given us pain — Brother We and our dependants have been for some time like Giddy
People not knowing what to do, whereever we turned about we saw our Blood, and when our
Young men wanted to go a hunting the Wild Beasts in our Country they found it covered with
fences, so that they were weary crossing them, neither can they get Venison to Eat, or Bark
to make huts for the Beasts are run away and the Trees cut down. — The Frence told us this
would come to pass, and when our Young men sit down hungry in hot weather and find no
Trees to shelter them it makes them soon get Drunk — Brother we have got a great deal to
say about these things but as you have remembered our old Ceremony's taken the Hatchet out
of our Heads and given us such good words, we will do in like manner by you. Then went
thro the Ceremony of Condolance with Strings and Belts, and buried the axe, but did not as
usual take it out of the Heads of the English After which the Speaker said Brother,
We return the Great Spirit our best thanks for giving us the pleasure of seeing your Son
safe returned and of hearing Good friendly Words he spoke to us; We have. had our neck
stretched out this long time endeavouring to see him. We now congratulate you on his Safe
arrival over the dangerous Lake, and we heartily thank him for his love for us and for the good
things he has said to us, which makes us all Easier in our minds. Then the Chiefs all arose
and Shaking Sir John by the hand welcomed him to America. After which adjourned till
next morning.
At night Sir William had some private Conferences with several of the Chiefs, to whom he
spoke on the subject of their neglecting to take the Axe out of the Heads of the English, which
indicated resentment his discourse had a good deal of effect upon them and they withdrew to
have a Conference amongst themselves.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 41
At a Congress held with the before mentioned Nations March 5"" 17G8
Present — as before
The Cherokees refusing to open their Embassy from a Supersitious Notion that as it was
Noon the day was too far advanced for a Work of peace according to the Opinion of the Southern
Nations. The Six Nations having been late Assembling, at Length addressed Sir William by
their Speaker, who made an apology for their Omission of the preceding day, and then in a
speech for that purpose took the Hatchet out of the Heads of the English, and buried it giving
a Belt of Wampum, Then agreeing to meet earlyer next morning Adjourned. Alter which tlie
day was spent in private Conferences with Sir William, and at night they had a feast and dance.
At a General Congress with the before mentioned Nations March G"" At 10 A. M.
Present — as before
Sir William on entering the Council room introduced the Cherokee deputys to the rest of
the Indians and then addressed the Six Nations &"=" as follows
Brothers
I am now to speak on the Subject for which you have been here Assembled, and I desire
you will pay due regard and attention to my Words.
You see now before you several Chiefs of tiie Clierokee Nation^ sent hither as Deputy's and
fully Authorised to treat with you about a peace, for which they have long expressed a desire,
and to which end I have repeatedly spoken to you, particularly last May at the Congress at the
German Flatts, when you agreed to meet and Treat with them for this purpose they are now
come here; and as they are under the Protection of his Britannic Majesty, and in peace and
friendship with the English, the King expects that you will lay aside all Animosities and agree
unanimously with a peace with these People who have come so far, and are so very desirous
of it, and who would have met you for that purpose long ago, but that they had no certain
assurances of Safety to their persons, or of a favourable reception until the receipt of my last
letter. As I have so often recommended this matter toyou and said so much upon it, I need
not now farther to point out the reasonableness of their desire or how much it Is for your
interest to come into Terms of peace with them, and as it is his Majesty'* desire, and that of
his people in America I think you cannot hesitate about it. I believe you all know my regard
for your interests, and that I would not advise you to any thing prejudicial thereto, for which
reason I rely on your giving a favourable answer, and that you will do it from your hearts.
Gave a Large White Belt
Sir William then told the Cherokee Chiefs they might begin, When Ouconastota^ stood up,
Ranged all his Belts, Calumets of Peace &'='' in order, and then spoke as follows.
' The Dame of this Nation is derived from the word Cheera, fire, which is their reputed Lower heaven, and hence they
call their magi Cheera-tahge, men possessed of the Divine fire. The Natives make two divisions of their Country, which
they term Ayra'e and Ottare, signifying low and mountainous. The former is on the branches of the beautiful Savannah, and
the latter in those of the Easternmost river of the Grent Mississippi, Adairr, quoted in liamneys AnnaU of Tennessee, 81. — Ed.
" " The distinguished Chief who visited England in the days of George II. His seat of Government was one of the Over-
hill towns, Echota, more properly, Etsaw-ty on the Tellico river." Ramsey's Annals of Tennessee, 89, 119, 121.
Vol. VHL 6
42 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brothera
Hearken to me and give Attention to what I have to say, We come from Chotte" where the
Wise House, the House of Peace is erected to Charlstown and from thence by Water to New
York in our way to this place, it being recommended to us by M' Stuart our Superiutendant
to go by Water least we should meet with opposition, or to be attacked if we travelled by
Land thro' the Woods and M' Stewart told us that our Father Sir William Johnson would
assist us in sending for our Brothers the Northern Indians to meet about Peace
Gave 3 Strings
Brothers
It is a long time since the Sachem of Chotte made peace with the Onondagas, but that
Sachem is now dead, however we remember the Talk yet. The Sachem that now lives at
Chotte has sent this Belt and desires and hopes that the Onondagas will take fast hold of it
after the manner of your Ancestors and never let it slip. Gave a Belt
Brothers
Here is a Belt which I have brought from the Sachem of Chotte with a Good Talk to the
Coghnawageys, whose belt we have carefully preserved in our Town these 20 years past,
altho this Talk proceeds out of our Mouths, yet you may depend upon it, that it comes from
our hearts, and that what we say is the truth Gave a Belt
Brothers
Here is a Belt from the Sachem of Chotte to the Senecas, and he requests that all both
young and Old will listen to it, and hold it fast, for our Father the Great Spirit above knows
that it comes from our hearts. We hurried the Hatchet once but it arose again We now by
this Belt hurry it so deep that it can never arise to hurt us, for our heads our Flesh and Blood
being alike it were a pity we should kill one another. The Creeks made peace with us and
always observe it. -A- Belt
Brothers
This is a Belt from the Sachem of Chotte to the Sachems of Cayuga to request them
to desire their Young Men to live at peace and that we may love one another for the time to
come, Here is the Belt and he requests that they will take it and hold it fast A Belt
Brothers
Here is a Belt and a Calumet with an Eagles tail which the Sachem of Chotte hath sent to
Sir William Johnson to our Father, that he may always keep it so that any of our friends
resorting hither may smoak out of the Pipe, and See that we have been about Peace Our
Father M' Stuart told us that we should have Peace when we applied to our father Sir William
Johnson which we find to be true and therefore we shall always mind whatever he says to us.
Gave a Belt, Calumet & Eagles tail
Brothers
Here is a Belt from the Sachem of Chotte for the Mohawks whose residence is around
their Father whose talk is always good in their Father's Tongue, and whose Thoughts and
' Chota was five miles above the ruins of Fort Loudon ( Ramsey's Annals of Tennessei, 85 ), at the junction of the Tellico
and Little Tennessee rivers, Monroe county, on the Southwest frontier of the State of Tennessee. — Ed.
I
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 43
Actions are right, Therefore if any other People should be unmindfull of peace and offer to go
against us, We beg that our Father Sir William and our Brothers the Mohocks will sett all
to rights A belt
Brothers
This is a Belt to the Tuscaroras, we request that they will take it and hold it fast, nor ever
let it slip and we beg that they will make their Young Men to remember all this
A Belt
Brothers
We now present a Belt from our Women to yours, and we know that they will hear us for
it is they who undergo the pains of Childbirth and produce Men, Surely iherefore they must
feel Mothers pains for those killed in War, and be desirous to prevent it. A Belt
Brothers
Here is a Belt from our Boys to you, who are now but small and therefore their Speech must
be Childish, untill they arive at Manhood, all they desire is that they may be once more
enabled to venture out to hunt Birds and Rabbits without the risk of being carried away or
killed, and therefore all they beg is peace A Small Belt
Brothers
With this Belt we clear and open the road removing all things out of it that may hurt us,
It was not us that stopped it but our Elder Brothers the English and French who in their
dispute felled a great Tree across it in the Path, but as the Tree is now rotten the Path is
now open. A Belt
Sachems and Chiefs, you have heard what we had to say we beg you to agree to it, and that
you will send some of your people with us to open the Path between your Towns and Chotte,
that all our doors may once more be opened, so that we may be at peace and that our Young
People may pass and repass as their occasions require without being in danger of being
scratched or wounded by the Briars along the road A Belt
March 7'"
The Sachems being all met in the Council Room Thomas King was sent by the Warriors
to let the Sachems know it was their desire that the Congress might be held out of Doors in
the Court, so that what was said by them to the Cherokees might be heard by them all. they
asked Sir William liberty to hold the meeting out, to which he agreed, then they all took their
places in the Court where seats were prepared for them
Ganaghquiesa Speaker rose up and spoke.
Brother Gorah Warraghiyaga
With this Belt you yesterday reminded us of what you said at our last Meeting at the
German Flatts in May concerning the Cherokees, you then told us as well as now, that it
would be agreeable to the great King that a peace was concluded between us and the
Cherokees, that it was also desired by his Subjects here, you further recommended to us to be
candid and sincere in our transactions with them. I do assure you we shall follow your
advice therein, but we must also desire that you will speak and write to the several Governors
44 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
especially of Virginia to keep his people in better order &ca otherwise the Path will Close up
and not be safe to travel. A Belt
Brother
We of the Six Nations and Coghnawagey Confederacy, with these tilings open your Ears
that you may hear what we are now going to say to the Cherokees 3 Strings
Younger Brothers
On hearing by Express of your Arrival We immediately made ready to come down to meet
you after the manner of our Ancestors, whose Kettle was always ready with their Packs and
Seven Men allotted to each Cannoe and with a good Stick in their hands ready to chasties evil
doers, even so have we set out to meet you here
Younger Brothers
You have sollicitted the friendship and Aid of Sir William Johnson our Superintendant
whose knowledge is universal and whose influence extends over our whole Country, and you
may be assured that he has, and will assist you with pleasure and that wherever you shall
commit an error he will take pains to correct and amend it A Belt
Younger Brothers
You have told us that you have opened the doors to your Country, that we may pass and
repass in Safety, we agree to the same and do the like on our parts so that you may come to
us, and open the road in such a manner as to enable us to see each others habitations. But as we
are your Elder Brothers and consequently have more understanding than you. We must tell
you that you have not done your part thereon as you ought. Yo« have not clear'd the Road
of rubbish according to the form you ought to have observed, neither have you taken the Axe
out of our heads, we now take it and put it on one side A Belt
Younger Brothers
You have reminded us of the fire which was kindled by our Ancestors and you recommend
it to us to follow their example. Be assured that we shall do so, and that we will in all things
do our utmost to imitate them. A Belt
Younger Brothers
You have recommended it to us to make this Treaty Publick thro' all our Towns, We agree
cliearfully to do so throughout all the Nations, to the end that none may be ignorant of it, but
that it may be always held in our Memories, and we desire by this belt that you will on your
parts communicate the same to all your people A Belt
Younger Brothers
You say that you have had a Belt of the Coghnawageys in your Village these 20 years past
on the Subject of Peace. We are well pleased that you have taken such good care of our
Words delivered to you at that time, and as they are Religious Indians they will by no means
Exasperate the Great Spirit and Master of Life by speaking otherwise than from their hearts,
and we hope that you speak with the same Sincerity
Younger Brothers
You have requested that we should send some of our People to accompany you home and
Assist in clearing the Road, We answer you that we would gladly agree to it if it was safe
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 45
or practicable at this time, but we think it is not, and therefore we cannot give our consent
to it. A Belt
Younger Brothers
You expressed a desire amongst the rest that these transactions should be made publick
throughout all the Tuscarara Towns, We think it right and we make no doubt that the
Tuscaroras who where themselves formerly reduced to the utmost distress till saved and
protected by our generosity will have a proper feeling for you in the like Circumstances
A Belt
Then the Coghnawageys in behalf of the 7 Nations of Canada addressed the Nations
as follows
Brothers
We are well pleased with all the Transactions between you and our Younger Brothers the
Cherokees in the presence of Sir William and Cap" Glaus who take so much Care to support
the tranquility of all our Towns. We recommend it to you to adhere firmly to the sentiments
which you have now Expressed and not to expose yourselves to the punishment of the
Almighty for a Breach of these your solemn Engagements. A Large White Belt
Adjourned till the next day
Tuesday March S"*
In the morning the Indians all Assembled, the Six Nations Coghnawageys &ca being
desireous to Condole with the Mohawks for the Loss of Onaharrissa one of their Chiefs
lately deceased — being met Conoghquieson of Oneida on behalf of the three younger
Branches of the Confederacy namely the Oneidas, Tuscaroras and Cayugas went thro' the
whole Ceremony of Condolance with the Elder Branches namely the Mohawk, Onondagns
and Cenecas which done the latter, by the Speaker of Onondaga in a set speech gave them
thanks for their Condolence, and for their adherence to the Customs of their forefathers
Sir William then called together to Chiefs of the Six Nations &ca, & addressed them
as follows
Brothers
I think it extremely necessary at this time to speak to you on the Subject of several Reports
I have lately received and I desire you will give full attention to what I shall say, and that
you will answer me ingeniously, and honestly from your hearts.
Brothers
We are not ignorant of some private Conferences you have held, and of others which are
intended shortly, we have heard of the loss of some of our own People and of the threats of
yours. We acknowledge that some of the English have lately injured you, but these
whenever apprehended will meet with Just punishment of this I have already spoke and
shall say much more to you tomorrow, and as I hope Quiet your minds theron — At the same
time let me observe to you that it is the duty of all those who are bound by the same Chain
in the Bond of friendship to communicate their Grievances without taking any private
resolutions of their own, this I hope you will do ingeniously and I beleive 1 partly know all
46 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
that you can say, and at the same time be assured that the Great King and his people are
sincerely disposed to' promote your Welfare and not Suffer you to be injured and that your
several Grievances are now before the King who has fallen upon Measures for your redress
and for the future Security of your persons and property's, but the misconduct of many of your
people and the Nature of your Complaints have made it a Work of time before such steps
could be taken as would effectually Guard us both from Injury, In proof of the truth of what
1 now say to you and on which you may firmly rely, here is a letter which I have just received
from the Earl of Shelburne, one of the Kings first Ministers wherein he assures me of it, and
likewise desires that you may have Notice to attend early in the Spring in Order to settle the
Boundary line as a farther security to your propertys.
Here shewed and Explained the Necessary parts of Lord Shelburnes Letter then proceeded •
Brothers
You see that you are not forgotten, but that everything is intended that can be possibly done
for your interest and I make no doubt you will soon feel its effect, and express your sincere
thanks for these tokens of friendship and justice 'till when I desire you to do Justice to the
Good intentions of the English by a pacific conduct, and to cast away from this Moment any
sparks of resentment which may remain in your hearts together with all misgrounded Jealousys
or Suspicions of our integrity Gave a Large Belt
P. M. The Indians having had a private Conference amongst themselves Assembled and by
their Speaker answered the Speech of this Morning as follows
Brother
We thank the Great Spirit above for the present Meeting and we shall honestly answer You
on the Subject of Your Speech, and declare the Causes of our uneasyness which we confess to
have arrived at a great Pitch — and we beg in our turn You Open Your Ears and hearken
to what we have to say, and endeavour to obtain that redress for us which is the only sure way
of securing the place
Brother
We have often put you in Mind of the many promises which were made to us at the begining
of the late War by the Generals, Governors, and by yourself, from all which we had the
strongest reason to expect that the event of your Success would have proved greatly to our
benefit, That we should be favored and noticed. That we should not be wronged of our Lands
or of our Peltry, that every encroachment should be removed and we should live in peace and
travel about without Molestation or hindrance at the same time the French told us that what
was said was not true, nor from your hearts and that the day you got the letter of them would
be the first day of our Misfortunes — You persuaded us not to beleive them, but we have found it
since too true. We soon found ourselves used ill at the Posts, on the Frontiers, and by the
Traders. The people who had formerly wronged us and who did not choose to Venture before
to take possession of our Rights then rose up to crush us. The Rum Bottles hung at every door
to Steal our Lands, and instead of the English protecting us as we thought they would do they
employed their Superior Cunning to wrong us, they murdered our people in Pensilvania, Virginia
and all over the Country, and the Traders began more and more to deceive, and now neither
regard their own Character, or the Officer sent to take care of the Trade, so that if we are
wronged who is to help us We cant ramble over the Country for Justice and if we did, we
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 47
.begin now to grow Old, and wise we see that your Wise Men in the Towns will be always
against us. Your people came from the Sun rising up our Rivers to the West, and now they
begin to come upon us from the South, they have got already almost to Fort Pitt but nothing
is done to drive them away You cant say that we have not often complained of this, and if you
are not able or willing to do it we can, and must do so soon or they will eat us up, for your
people want to chuse all the best of our Lands tho' there is enough within your part with
your own mark upon it without any Inhabitants, Brother this is very hard upon us, but it is
not all, for the Road thro' the Country is no longer safe, the Pensilvanians and Virginians murder
all those of our people they can meet, without any reason, and instead of leaving off as you
told us they would, they have Murdered ten the othere day, two of which are our own people,
the rest are our Younger Brothers and Nephews that depend upon us yet you wont take the
Murderer or do any thing to him. You are wise You have a Government and Laws, but you
dont prevent this, you often tell us we dont restrain our people and that you do so with
yours, but Brother your words differ more from your Actions than ours do, We have large
Wide Ears and we can hear that you are going to Settle great numbers in the heart of our
Country, and our Necks are stretched out, and our faces set to the Sea Shore to watch their
motions. Brother you that are wise and have Laws and say you can make your people do
what they are desired should prevent all this and if they wont let us alone you should shake
them by the head, we beleive that you are wise and that you can do all this, but we begin to
think you have no mind to hinder them; If you will say you cant we will do it for you, our
Legs are long, and our sight so good that we can see a great way thro' the Woods, we can see
the Blood you have spilled and the fences you have made, and surely it is but right that we
should punish those who have done all this Mischief. Brother this is the truth, it comes from
our hearts. Why should we hide it from you. If you wont do justice to our Fathers the
Mohawks who are going to Lose the Land at their very doors. If you wont keep the people
away from the Rivers near Ohio, and keep the Road open making Pensylvania and Virginia
quiet we must get tired of looking to you, and turn our faces another way.
Gave a Large Belt
Brother
We heartily thank the Great King for his intentions and for what he is going to do about
the Boundary Line, but Brother we hear bad News the Cherokees have told us that the line
was run in their Country last year, and that it has surrounded them so that they cannot Stir ;
We beg that you will think of this for our heads will be Quite turned if that is to be our
Case, We therefore think that the line we talked of last should not go beyond Fort Augusta'
Sir William answered them
Brothers
I have heard what you said, and I am sorry to find you enlarge so much upon these Subjects
after all I have said to you as well in public as in private. The redress of your Grievances is
an object of much more attention both to the King and his people than you imagine and you
will have no reason to doubt of the sincerity of the English as soon as the Salutary Measure
now under consideration can be put in practice. As I have a good deal to say to you tomorrow
I shall defer adding any thing farther at this time, than to desire you to remove these unjust
Suspicions from your breasts, as they make you unhappy in a great measure without
' See note, supra, VII., 286. — Ed.
48 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
reason, and give pain to your Brothers the English who are just now studying your Welfare,
and happiness
then Adjourned till Morning.
At a Congress with the before mentioned Nations March 9"*
Present — as before
Sir William Johnson Addressed them as follows
Brothers
When I condoled your late losses on the part of his Majesty and his Subjects in general, I
then told You that I would after the Treaty with the Cherokees was over, Speak to you more
particularly on the Subject of your Losses in the Name of the Governor and Inhabitants of
Pensilvania, and acquaint you with his resolutions and that of his Assembly thereon — As the
peace is now so happyly concluded between you and the Cherokees which I have had long at
heart, and expect that you will all pay due regard to, I shall now speak farther to you on the
Subject of your Losses, and the steps taken by Pensilvania in consequence thereof, and I
exhort you all to hearken to what I say upon it. 3 Strings
Brothers
The late unhappy Affair seems to have been occasioned by Rum, that fatal liquor to so
many of your people, I do not say this to palliate the Murders but to shew you the pernicious
effects of drunkeness, — The 6 first Indians who were Murdered by a Man called Frederick
Slump at Middle Creek in Pensilvania, are said to have been at his house drinking, and were
greatly disguised and as is too often the Case very troublesome, instigated therefore by the
Evil spirit who delights in blood he killed them namely one Seneca, and three other Men said
to be Mohiccon Indians and 2 Women, and afterwards went to a place at some Miles distance
from his house, where he killed one Woman 2 Girls and one Child In all ten persons, after
which he made off but some good Men who heard of it pursued, and apprehended him and
brought him to Goal from whence some bad people found means to free him. Whereupon the
Majestrates and others took every step possible to find him out and bring him to punishment
this is the truth (so that you were misinformed by the Report that the White people did not
chuse to take him) The Governor when he heard of it, was greatly exasperated, and the
Assembly who were then met, and passing some good laws for your benefit were ready to do
any thing for apprehending the Murderer, the Governor thereupon issued a Proclamation, for
his being taken for which he offered a Reward of .£200 as a proof of which here is the
Proclamation which was sent that you might see the good intentions of that Province.
Here Shewed them the Proclamation which was afterwards read and explained. Then
proceeded
Brothers
Besides the Sum mention'd in the Proclamation a larger Sum is provided for rewarding
those who take the Murderer, and as so many are in Quest of him there is great reason to
expect that he will be apprehended and for your farther Security that Province has passed
good laws for punishing in the most seVigre manner all those who shall attempt to use you ill
or Settle upon your Lands, and are determined to remove every grievance in their power as
f
I
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLl. 49
quick as possible. At the same time tFiey desire you to consider that they Expect you will he
as readily disposed to make them retaliation whenever your people Act amiss towards them,
and that you should remember that they have had 10 Men murdered going down the Ohio, by
some Indians and also one in a Shawanese Village and one near Fort Pitt since the late peace,
and that no peace can be lasting unless, mutual satisfaction be made for such Acts of Crueltj'.
As a proof of the sincerity of the Intentions of Pensilvania, and to convince you that tins late
Affair was the Act of only one, and that it gives great concern to the people, they have now
Voted besides the money they will give for the Murderer the Sum of .£2500, .£1300 of which
I have now to give You as a present in testimony of their love to remove your grief, and tiie
remainder being £1200, will be given by My Deputy M' Croghan' at Fort Pitt for the same
purpose to the Tribes in that Country and the relations of those People who were murdered —
These things I have been impowered to inform you by the Governor, Assembly and People of
Pensilvania, and I give you this Belt to confirm it Gave a Belt
Brothers
I have already gone thro' the usual forms of Condolence with you for such losses you have
met with by the English and taken the Axe out of your heads and by this Belt I do now the
same on behalf of the Governor and People of that Province and in particular burying the Axe
under the Roots of the Tree Clearing your sight and your hearing, and removing all Cause of
uneasyness from your heart as well as on Account of those lately Murdered, as of those unhappy
People who were murdered these 5 years ago concerning whom I hope You will be no farther
uneasy after what I now say to You, and what I have formerly said and done thereupon
and I now carefully gather the bones of all those who have been Murdered in that Province, and
1 bury them in a deep pit, which I cover over with so much care that it shall not be found out
to offend your Eyes, and over all I lay this present from that Province to be divided Amongst
you in memory of their friendship for you, which is so warm and invigorating that when you
take up this present you will find the Grass and Herbaage already large and green over the
Graves of your People, so that you will never more be able to discern them This is what
your Brothers of Pensilvania have to say to you, I expect you will remember it, and regard
them for it, and that puting away all malice and£vil thoughts, you will for ever hereafter live
with them on terms of Strict friendship and affection and by your pacific conduct and readiness
to do them equal Justice intitle yourselves to a continuance of their regard, ailways
remembering that they are your Father the Great Kings Subjects, and your friends and Well
Wishers. Gave a Belt
Brothers
I have heard and committed to writing all that has passed during the present Congress and I
have said enough to Convince any reasonable people of the purity of our intentions, as you
may all justly conclude that a Nation so great and powerful as the English would take very
different measures if they design'd to dispose of Your Liberty. I have shewn you what his
Majesty intends forthwith to do for your future Security. And I have likewise shewn you
the steps taken by Pensilvania for your satisfaction and redress. Let all this make a deep
impression on your minds and waite the Issue of these measures with a Confidence in our
Justice A Belt
' ^cc note, atijira, YTI., 982. — Eo.
Vol. VIII. 7
50 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brothers
Before we part 1 have only a few things farther to say to you, First to put away all Guile
from your hearts, and never to think of any bad things which are past but to expect the good
wliich is near at hand, and I Exhort as you to value your own happiness to harbour no farther
resentment against his Majesty's Subjects in general pr any one Province in particular, for
they are all members of the same body, and therefore you should send agreeable news to all
your People acquainting them with the good work now concluded, and if after all any prove
discontented or about to disturb the Public tranquility You should take them by the head as
you recommended us to do with ours, The next thing which I have to desire is that you will
make the Treaty of peace you have entered into with the Cherokees as public as possible's
far as your Influence extends cautioning them Nations against doing any thing in Violation of
it as they regard their own Peace, That you will repeat all this often to your Young Men and
to your Children and that some of you will Accompany the Cherokees Deputys and make the
road wide, and safe for traveling, and also as a farther Testimonial of what you have agreed
to, that you subscribe to the same on these Parchments one of which together with the
Cherokees Belt, and Eagles tail will remain here, and the other be sent to M' Stuart ia
Carolina to be seen by all Nations. Then read and Explained the Treaty A Belt
Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Alliance
Entered into between the Six United Nations and Seven Confederate Nations of
Canada, and the Cherokees Deputys sent from their Nation to enter into
the same.
In the name of the Great Spirit above. We the .Sachems and Chief of the Six Nations and
Canada Confederacys, finding that War is disagreeable to the Great King of England thro' the
Mediation of Sir William .Johnson Baronet Superintendant of our Afftiirs, and at the earnest.
SoUicitation of the Cherokee Nation, Do agree to give peace to that Nation from this time and
we do admit them into the Bond or Chain of friendship which tyes us fast together having
buryed the Axe, and opened the Road to our respective Counlrys, and received and given
mutual proofs of our Pacific Sentiments according to the form and usuages of Indians at the
Treaty held at this place on the 5"" and 6"" of this present Month. And We the Cherokees on
our Parts having buried the Axe and opened the Road hither by our Journey to desire this
peace to engage for our whole Nation to abide by the same, and thankfully lay hold of the
Covenant Chain which we will keep fast and perform every thing on our parts as friends and
Allies, And all of us now here Assembled Do on behalf of ourselves and the Nations whom
we represent engage and declare that this Treaty is and shall be considered as a good and
firm peace to all intents and purposes according to all the forms of Compact and Alliance in
use or subsisting amongst the several Nations of Indians
Given at Johnson Hall the S day of March 176S In the presence of Sir William
Johnson Baronet and each of us who on behalf of ourselves and Our respective
Nations Subscribe to these presents.
This Treaty being Subscribed to Sir William addressed the Six Nations k'"
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 51
Brothers
I hope all is finished between us for the present, there only remains for you to receive this
portion of his Majestys bounty to keep you warm, as you travel in Cold Weather.
Shewed the Present on behalf of the Crown and on the other side that from Pensiivaniii
and proceeded
Here is also the present on behalf of Pensilvania sent to the friends of those who are dead
to remove their Grief and prove the Testimony of their Love lor you all, which I expect will
cover all thats past, You that are of the same blood shall take it to wipe away the tears that
were shed and so let all be forgotten.
Delivered the presents and told them he had finished the business of the Meeting.
Thereupon the Speaker for the Indians arose and said
Brother
We have heard all you said to us, which we shall take into due Consideration, and Judge it
necessary to give you an Answer thereupon tomorrow, We at present Express our thanks to
the Great King, and to our Brothers of Pensilvania for their Sense of our wants, by giving us
Such a present at this time to dry up our Tears.
Friday ll'" P. M.
The Six Nations, Coghnawagey Confederacy and the Cherokee Deputys Assembled in the
Council Room.
Present — besides those the day before
Lieut' Pfister' ISP Hannah*
Hamilton 2 IVP Davis
Capt: Jelles Funda Thomas King Speaker
Brother Gorah Warraghiyagey
You yesterday approved of the peace we have now made with, the Cherokees, and
recommended it to us to keep it inviolably, as it would be for our and their interest You
likewise told us it would be agreeable to his Majesty to have peace established and continued
throughout this Continent
Brother
You may depend upon it that the peace we have now made with the Cherokees is Sincere
and we request that the Great Spirit may direct and enable us to keep it inviolable, for we
look upon them now as tiie same flesh, blood and head and hope we shall ever remain so,
lastly we are to assure you that what we have now done being agreeable to you affords us the
greatest Satisfaction. A Belt
'Fbancis Pfistee became Lieutenant in the fiOtU of Rojal Americans 18th Sei-itember, 1760. The battalion to which he
■was attached, having been reduced in 1763, he went on half-pay. He rejoined his regiment in October, 1767, and continued
•with it until 1772, after which his name is transferred to the half-pay list of Capt. Joseph Hopkins' Independent Company,
■where it continued until 1786. Aj-my List.
'■Andrew HAMaxoN, of the 16th Foot, entered the Army as Ensign in 1759, became a Lieutenant in 17G2, and continue^
in the Army List until 1771.
' The first Presbyterian Clergyman of Albany. A biographical notice of him is to be found in Documentary History of
IfewYork.lY. — -Ed.
52 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
After repeating what was said yesterday concerning the Murders committed in Pensilvania
the Speaker said.
Brother Gorah Warraghiyagey
We heard with the utmost Attention what you said to us yesterday and we thank you for
reminding us of our own Old Customs that whenever any of us were aggrieved we should not
immediately take revenge but endeavour first to obtain Justice from those who had been guilty
of the injury ^ >
Brother
We are disposed from what you have said so to do, and we will put it from our minds but
we tell you Sincerely that we expect Justice and redress of our Grievances when we are injured
and if we do not receive it our minds must get disturbed and lead us to do Wild things which
we have not yet done, the People who were killed to the Southward and on Ohio having fallen
by the hands of the Indians of Lake Huron as you know these Indians confess, this is the
truth it comes from our Hearts. i Gave 3 Strings
Brother
We thank you for having recommended it to us to send some of our People with the
Cherokees who go hy Land to their Country, to open the Road and to protect them by
the Way on which subject you shall hear more of our minds directly from the Warriors.
Gave 3 Strings
Brother
We agree with you in making public to all Nations the Treaty made with the Cherokees,
and of our having Joined in burying the Axe Since the late Murders in Pensilvania and to that
end we deliver this your Belt over to the Coghnawageys that they may communicate it to all
their frie.nds and Allies whilst we think it highly necessary that you[r] Deputy at Fort Pitt
should assist in doing the like to the Southward.
Gave over the Belt to the Coghnawageys
Then Thomas King Stood up and Said
Brother Gorah Warraghiyagey, and Broth" of the Six Nations and Canada Confederacy
hearken to what our Warriors have to say
Whereupon Tagawarra a Chief Warrior of Oneida rose up and Said
Brothers
We tiie Warriors think it necessary to remedy a Mistake or Omission of which our Sachems
were guilty when we treated with the Cherokees, — they then left the Axe Sticking so that
the handle of it would Strike against the Bushes as they travelled we now take it quite out
and bury it as it ought to be healing up the Wound so as it shall not be seen on their Arrival
in their own Country. A Belt
Brothers
We have farther considered that Several of the Bones both of the Cherokees and of our
People lye Strewed along the Path leading to the South which might as the Road is now
open turn the heads of our People as they travelled along the Path, We now therefore collect
the Bones of both People and after the Manner of our Ancestors We interr them in a deep
pit, So that the Water, shall carry them away, for ever from our Sight. A Belt
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 53
Brothers
Our Sachems in answer to your desire that Some of us should accompany you home by
Laud, Expressed their disaprobation tiiereat least some accidents mights happen tliro' means
of bad People who may now be abroad, and are ignorant of this Treaty. Tho' they meant
this for the best we differ from them, and have agreed that some of every Nation shall take
you by the hand, and least it might be at first dangerous to go thro' the Towns and War
paths, till the good News is spread, We will conduct those who go by Land by a Rout one
the one Side wliere they may travel! Secure and arrive in Safety at their own homes.
A Belt
Brothers
Our Chiefs did not inform you that there was a small Hatchet out Still against some of your
People, We tell you now of it that you may not hereafter Accuse us of deceit, and should
any mischief be done thereby we desire you not to consider it as a public Act, these persons
being ignorant as yet of this Treaty, and therefore untill they are informed of it, let
not any Action of theirs be considered as a Breach of this Treaty but let it be forgotten.
3 Strings
Sir William then addressed them as follows
Brothers
I thank you all for the unanimity you have shewn at this Congress, and for the desire you
seem to express for peace, I hope it will penetrate your hearts, and that you will pay due
regard to what is past, I have only to add that you should be in readiness to meet me in about
two months to ratify your Agreement concerning the Boundary Line which his Majesty in his
Wisdom has agreed to for your future Security
then dissolved
Saturday 12" 70 of the Indians of Susquehanna arrived some of whom were closely
connected with those lately Murdered in Pensilvania, after a Conference Sir William brought
them into the Sentiments of the Rest, and gave them a present as a Condolence for their loss.
So ended.
Sir William JoJinson to tlte Lords of Trade.
[Planlatious General, SXVI. T. 60-1
My Lords
My last to your Lordships was of the 20"" of October last concerning the disagreeable aspect
of Indian affairs at that time, which has since rather augmented than diminished, and now
lately has met with an addition by the murder of ten Indians by an inhabitant of Pensilvania
Six of which Indians were drinking liquor he murdered them, and accompanied by a servant
the next day proceeded to an Indian House at 14 Miles distance, vs»here he surprized and
murdered 4 more whose bodies together with the liouse he burned and after being taken &
Committed to the County jail, some of the riotous, frontier inhabitants assembled forced
the doors & carried him to some place of obscurity, for notwithstanding the Proclamations
54 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
& other steps taken by the Lieutenant Governor he has not yet been discovered, this
disagreeable Nev?s reached the Six Nations on tlieir way to this place where I have for several
days past held a congress with them & the seven Nations of Canada to the amount of 760, in
consequence of a letter from Lord Shelbourne to me recommend^ the bringing about a Peace
between them and the Cherokees at the ernest desire of the latter & of the Southern Colonies,
to which end Deputys from the Cherokees Nation have been here since the 29"' Dec' last & I
have at length effected a Peace between them a copy of my transactions on which occaswn
now transmitted to the Earl of Shelburne, and therefore I need not to enlarge upon that
subject & to observe that notwithstanding the Province of Pensilvania voted a sum of money
part of which I was impowered to give them on the part of that Province to condole with them
for the late losses, yet the repeated acts of cruelty committed in the different Provinces
hitherto unpunished, the intrusions upon their Lands & bad claims together with the rest of
their greivances all which are still unredressed, have operated so strongly on their suspicious
minds, as I have plainly discovered from their speeches but much more from private
conferences & Intelligence that I very much doubt their sincerity hav^ had the strongest
reasons to beleive that the Majority were waiting to redress themselves. Should they not
speedily find it from us, at the same time, I have as much reason to beleive that my public
transactions now, of which a copy is transmitted together with my private conferences with
the cheifs and principal Warriors has put a stop to it for the present, and that they will not
disturb us provided they soon find that intrusions & murders are put a stop to & their
greivances redressed by some short and effectual process nor can all their ideas of our power
deter them from doing what is in their own as the Trade & Frontiers must lye in a great
measure at their mercy for many succeeding years, as our offensive operations can do them
very little hurt for reasons I have often repeated, whilst a Peace with them is eagerly covetted
by the Colonists &ca for the security of the infant settlements and for the purposes of a
commerce which solely depends upon it — I have agreeable to Lord Shelbournes letter desired
them to be in readiness to attend the settlement of a Boundary early in the Spring, this will
be agreeable to them if we do not desire to come too near them, and if they are well
recompens"* for such Cession of Lands as they shall make, such boundary being duly observ**
will prove likewise a means of preventing future Land disputes. And the Hints I took the
liberty of transmitl^ in October last as they were purely calculated for the public security
can not in my humble opinion be liable to such exceptions as to prevent them or something
similar thereto from being established by proper authority to answer the important purposes
for which they were intended
I persuade myself that your Ldps will be fully satisfied of the utmost exertion of my power
& influence for the continuing the Indians faithfull to their engagements and I rely on your
Lordships countenance & support to enable me to acquit myself with success in the discharge
of those difficult duties
I am my Lords
Your Lordships
Johnson Hall Mar 14. 17G8. most obedient & most
To the Right Hoble . faithfull humble Servant
The Lords of Trade &c &c W Johnson
L'ONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI 55
Earl of IlilUborovgh to Governor Moore.
[ New-Tork, CLX. ]
(No. 8.)
Whitehall, April the 15"= 17G8.
Sir
Your letters to the Earl of Shelburne, No 35, 36 & 37. transmitted by the Harriot Packet,
have been received, and laid before the King, and I have His Majesty's commands to express
to you His Royal Approbation of the Attention you have given to the Instructions sent to you
relative to the Laws for establishing a Militia, and for granting to His Majesty certain Duties
upon Wares & Merchandize imported into the Colony of New York.
The repeated Testimonies which the Assembly of New York has lately given of a Disposition
chearfuljy to comply with His Majesty's Orders and Instructions, leave no room to doubt of
their readiness to amend these Laws in the cases pointed out by those Instructions, and the
King is unwilling to suppose, that the inserting a suspending clause in the Militia Act, which
is a Regulation evidently calculated to give Facility to Propositions of the Legislature,
which might otherwise be liable to the absolute negative of the Governor, will operate to
prevent the passing such a Bill as is required, and which, in the present situation, is essential
to Public Safety.
The Propriety or Impropriety of continuing the Instruction, which directs that no Law
which repeals a former One, altho' it has not received the Royal Confirmation, shall be passed
without a suspending clause, is a Consideration of great Importance, & as the Instruction
appears to have been founded on former Proceedings and Resolutions of the Privy Council, I
iiave received His Majesty's commands to lay your letter on this Subject together with the
Bill therein referred to, before the Board ; and I shall not fail to acquaint you with what their
Lordships may think proper to direct thereupon.
I am &c.
Sir Henry Moore. Hillsborough
Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. 0. ), CCLIV. ]
Whitehall April 15. 17G8
I have the Satisfaction to acquaint you, that in consequence of a Report made to his Majesty
by the Lords of Trade, the Plan for the management of Indian Affairs adopted by the
Superintendents has been fully laid before his Majesty.
Upon mature consideration of the present Regulations, the great expence of the variety of
Establishments far exceeding the value of the object; and the difficulties which have attended
the Execution of the Plan in general, for want of a due Authority in the Superintendents, his
Majesty has thought fitt that it shall be laid aside; that the Regulation of the Trade shall he
left to the Colonies, whose Legislatures must be the best Judges of what their several situations
56 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and circumstances may require that the Office of Superintendents sliall however be continued
for such matters [as] are of immediate Negociation between iiis Majesty and the Savages, and
cannot therefore be regulated by Provincial Authority ; and that the Boundary Line between
the Indians and the Settlement[s] of his Majesty's Subjects, (every where negociated upon and
in many parts settled and ascertained) shall be finally ratified and confirmed.
As the grounds and reasons for these several resolutions are in general set forth in the
Report of the Board of Trade, and as that Report will inform you what will be expected and
required of the Colonies, and what will hereafter be the Nature of the office of Superintendent,
I have thought fitt to send you the inclosed Extract of such parts of it as relate to these objects ;
and I have it further in command from his Majesty to acquaint you that in consequence of the
Resolutions his Majesty has taken for the future direction of this Branch of his Service, he
has given the necessary orders to the Commander in Chief of his Forces, for the reduction of
ail such Posts in the interior Country as are not absolutely necessary for Public Safety in
general, and for giving protection and facility to the Commerce of his subjects ; but as the
Forts at Niagara and Detroit and Missilimakinac do not appear to his Majesty to fall within
this description, his Majesty has thought fit that they shall be continued, and that a proper
Naval Force shall be kept up upon the Lakes.
The objects which upon this occasion will principally demand the attention of the several
Colonies, are to provide by the most effectual laws for preventing any settlements being made
beyond the line that shall be agreed upon with the Indians and for the controll and punishment
of those attrocious Frauds and Abuses which have been practiced by the Traders and have
been one principal Cause of the disaffection of the Savages.
It is '[unjnecessary for me to use any arguments to shew how greatly both the interests and
safety of the Colonies depend upon a close attention to these objects and as many of the
Regulations of the present plan of Superintendency have evidently operated to the benefit of
the Trade and to the giving that Satisfaction and content to Savages, by which alone the
Colonies can hope to derive either immediate Profit or lasting Peace, his Majesty trusts that
tiiey will be adopted, as far as local circumstances and peculiar Situations will admit, always
having a regard to that freedom of Trade with the Indians, which his Majesty has graciously
granted to all his Subjects by his Proclamation of 1763.
As the execution of the measures which his Majesty recommends to your attention will
principally depend upon the Nature & Extent of the Reduction which the Commander in Chief
of his Majestys Forces shall think proper to make of the Military Establishments in the interior
Country, his Majesty has given the necessary directions that he should communicate to you
as soon as possible, the arrangements proposed to be made in respect to these Establishments
and his Majesty trusts, that after such intimation no time will be lost in carrying his Royal
intentions into full execution.
I have the greater satisfaction in communicating to you his Majesty's Directions upon this
subject, as I conceive that his Majesty's gracious condescention in committing the regulation
of these important objects to the care of his Colonies, cannot but be very acceptable to them
I am &'"
Hillsborough
' The adilili.ins -williin [ ] in tliis Document, are tnaele from the copy of the denpnti-h in Pennsylvania Colonial Reccrdu,
IX., 55i — Ki.. ,
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 57
Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLIV., No. 8. ]
N» 3
Whiteliall April 15. 1768
Sir
In my letter to your dated the 12 inst' N" 2, I acquainted you that I hoped soon to be able
to signify to you his iMajestys pleasure with respect to that Branch of his Service which is under
your immediate direction, and I have now the Satisfaction to tell you that in consequence fo a
Report to his Mnjesty from the Lords of Trade the Regulations adopted by yourself and M'
Stuart for the management of Indian Affairs have been fully laid before his Majesty.
Upon this occasion his Majesty has considered with the closest attention all that has been
suggested upon this important Subject and tho' his Majesty applauds the motives and has seen
with satisfaction the good effect of the present Plan of Superintendency, yet when his Majesty
considers tbat the main object of its original Institution which was evidently by regaining the
affection of the Savages, to combine their Force against a then powerful Enemy is now greatly
diminished and when added to this consideration it is found to be attended in the Execution
with an expence far exceeding the value of the object and with difficulties which from a variety
of objects and circumstances at present existing in the st'ate of the Colonies are insurmountable,
his Majesty does not hesitate to concur in opinion with his Board of Trade whose Report is
herewith transmitted for your Information that the laying aside that part of the Plan which
relates to the Trade and entrusting the entire Management of that Trade to the Colonies
themselves will be of Publick utility and advantage, as a means of saving the expence which
has hitherto attended it, and which in order to render it perfect according to your Ideas,
must have been very considerably augmented.
His Majesty has not failed upon this occasion to give very full attention to every possible
inconvenience or disadvantage which can follow from this arrangement, and tho it is evident
from the experience of former times that our interests with the Savages were greatly prejudiced
by the misconduct of the Colonies and their Neglect of such regulations as might have operated
to prevent or punish the notorious Frauds and Abuses practiced by the Traders yet his Majesty
trusts that the evils they experienced from such a conduct will be a caution to them for the
future and that they will not fail to establish the Trade upon such Plan and under such
Regulations, as joined with the fixing a lasting Boundary Line between the Settlements of his
Majesty's Subjects and the Indian Country, and keeping up a Superintendency in matters of a
Political Nature by Officers under his Majesty's immediate appointment which you will observe
are essential parts of the present arrangement, will have the effect to regain the affections, and
restore the confidence of the Savages.
It is not however to these motives alone that his Majesty trusts for a proper Conduct in the
Colonies in respect to their Indian Interests the reduction of all such Posts and withdrawing
all such Military Establishments as are not absolutely necessary to give Protection and Facility
to the Trade of his Subjects is a very important part of the System now to be finally adopted,
and consequently such an arrangement cannot fail to induce in them a greater attention to their
Safety of which perhaps they have been hitherto the less careful trusting to the protection of
those Forts and Establishments the Security of which upon every occasion of Rupture between
the Colonies and the Indians, became a pretence for involving this Kingdom in an
enormous Expence.
Vol. VIII. 8
58 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
These motives Sir together with the consideration of the Security which the Colonies now
enjoy, from the removal of the French and Spaniards from their most important possessions in
America, have induced his Majesty to determine.
That the Regulation of the Trade with the Indians shall be left to the management of the
Colonies and that all Establishments incident thereto in the present Plan shall be discontinued,
that the Office of Superintendant shall be continued in yourself and M'' Stuart for all the
purposes enumerated in the Report of the Board of Trade, and that Provision shall be made
by a Stated Estimate for a Salary of 1000^ p"' annum to each, and for an allowance which is on
no account to be exceeded of ,£3000 p"" ann for annual or occasional Presents and to answer all
other Contingent Expences
That the line described in the Report of the Board of Trade shall be ratified and confirmed
in every part, and the Colonies required to enact the most eflfectual laws for preventing all
Settlement beyond such line.
That the Forts of Niagara, Detroit, Michilimacinac, be kept up and Garrisoned in such
manner as the Commander in Chief shall think fit; and that such a Naval Force be maintained
upon the Lakes, as he shall judge necessary for keeping up a proper communication, and giving
all reasonable facility and protection to the Trade of his Majesty's Subjects.
That all other Forts and Military Establishments, which the Commander in Chief shall not
think absolutely necessary for Public Safety and for keeping up proper Communications be
reduced and withdrawn.
His Majesty his sensible how greatly the efficacy and success of such of these arrangements
as belong to your Department must depend upon a proper and careful attention in carrying,
them into Execution; and upon the discretion which shall be used in those matters of local
detail which must necessarily attend so extensive a reform The zeal and Regard for his
Majesty's Service and interest, which have so eminently distinguished your conduct upon all
occasions leave no doubt of your faithful attention to this Business, in the Execution of which
his Majesty has the fullest confidence in your ability and discretion.
As both the time and manner of executing the measures which his Majesty recommends to
your attention will principally depend upon the nature and extent of the reduction which the
Commander in Chief of his Majesty's forces shall think proper to make of the Military
Establishment in the interior Country, his Majesty has given the necessary directions that he
should communicate to you as soon as possible, the arrangements proposed to be made in
respect to these Establishments and his Majesty has no doubt that after such intimation no time
Vill be lost in carrying his Royal intentions into full execution.
I am &*^
Hillsborough.
Earl of Hillsborough to the Oove/rnors in America.
[Plantations General (S. P. O.) CCLIT. ]
Whitehall, Aprill 21. 1768
Sir,
I have his Majesty's Commands to transmit to you the inclosed copy of a letter from the
Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Colony of Massachusets Bay, adressed by
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 59
order of that House to the Speaker of the Assembly of each Colony upon the Continent of
North America.
As his Majesty considers this Measure to be of a most dangerous & factious tendency
calculated to inflame the minds of his good Subjects in the Colonies, to promote an
unwarrantable combination and to excite and encourage an open opposition to and denial of
the Authority of Parliament, & to subvert the true principles of the constitution ; It is his
Majesty's pleasure that you should immediately upon the Receipt hereof exert your utmost
influence to defeat this flagatious attempt to disturb the Public Peace by prevailing upon the
Assembly of your Province to take no notice of it, vphich will be treating it with the contempt
it deserves.
The repeated proofs which have been given by the Assembly of of their
Reverence and respect for the laws, and of their faithful Attachment to the Constitution, leave
little Room in his Majesty's Breast to doubt of their shewing a proper Resentment of this
unjustifiable Attempt to revive those distractions which have operated so fatally to the prejudice
of this Kingdom and the Colonies; and accordingly his Majesty has the fullest confidence in
their Affections But if notwithstanding these expectations and your most earnest endeavours,
there should appear in the Assembly of your Province a disposition to receive or give any
Countenance to this Seditious Paper, it will be your duty to prevent any proceeding upon it,
by an immediate Prorogation or Dissolution
I am &"
Hillsborough
Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade.
[New-York Papers, Buodle Er., No. 33.]
New York. 22. April 1768.
My Lords,
At the time I had the honor of writing to Your Lord"" in recommendation of M" Robert
Livingston as a proper person to be appointed a Member of His Majesty's Council here in case
of a Vacancy, I did not imagine, that I should so soon have an opportunity of applying to
Your LordPP' in his behalf for an actual nomination. The difficulties I have laboured under in
regard to the Council have been sufficiently set forth in my letter to the Earl of Shelbourne
dated april 7"" 1767. a copy of which is herewith transmitted to your Lordf", and the absolute
necessity of having the hands of Govern' here strengthned as much as possible, induced me
to make a proposal to Lord Stirling of resigning a Commission under which he could not act
without great inconvenience to himself, as his residence was not only at a considerable
distance from this City, but in the Prov" of New Jersey, where his landed Interest was great,
and where he was also appointed a Member of His Maj'^'» Council. I was sensible, that as
L*" Stirling was acquainted with the real motives of this proposal, he would answer it with
that Candor & zeal for His Maj'''' service, which he has shew'd on all occasions, and in this I
was not mistaken, as will appear by the following extract from his answer " For some time
«' past my conections and business have very much confined me to the Province of New
«' Jersey, and it is evident to me that my absence from thence at some season will greatly
6Cr NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
" interfere with my own affairs, and must be very prejudicial to the great improvements I am
" engaged in, which I find require my almost constant presence ; this induces me most
" willingly to resign my seat in Council in the Prov" of New York, if such resignation be
" acceptable to His Maj'^. I received my seat in that Council unasked for, I want to return
" it with gratitude to His Maj'^ lor the honor he did me in the' appointment not as a Man
" disgusted with the service of his King and Country, that, never was my case, I have always
" been happy in being useful to either, and nothing will give me greater satisfaction than
" continuing to be so in the Province of New Jersey, which is now become my almost
" constant residence"
As I had no other view in this transaction but that of promoting His Majesty's service by
slrengiining tiie hands of his Gov"' here, I hope the steps I have taken on this occasion will
meet with your Lord^P'^ approbation, and if the resignation proposed, should be acceptable to
His Maj'^ I would beg leave to recommend M' Robert Livingston to the vacant seat. I have
in my former letter mentioned that his great possessions here. Education and abilities will
always give him great weight in this Province, and from his readiness to give his Assistance
where 1 have stood in need of it during our late troubles, 1 am perswaded that he will
endeavour by His services to merit what I had said of him. 1 have the honor to be with
the greatest respect My Lords,
Your LordPP' most obedient
and most humble servant
H: MooRE
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of HilhhorouyJi.
[ New-Tork, OLX., A. 20. ]
New York, April 25"" 1768.
My Lord
Tho' it be probable that my letters to my Lord Shelburn of the 23'' of November and 21" of
January, and my Letter of the last date to the Plantation Board, are communicated to your
Lordship, in which I gave an account, and complain'd of some extraordinary Proceedings in
this Province, I think it proper to renew that account to your Lordship, in a distinct narative
of that matter, which I inclose. Had I attempted to compell any man, in any one instance,
to act contrary to his own judgement or inclination, there might have been some ground of
complaint against me. But when I have given no reason of complaint, but my refusal to
comply with unreasonable desires, and with which 1 could not comply without a breach of
my duty, the malice of the complaint must appear very evident. Such as is inconsistent with
every .Sentiment of moral rectitude.
The Faction liere place their only hopes of success in bold general assertions, which have
riot the least foundation in truth. These assertions, I have reason to beleive, have been
propagated in England, by some persons who have access to the Ministry, and tiiat they have
had an undue influence; for Men of honour cannot easily beleive, that any man, who bears
the character of Judge, or has the honour to be of His Majesty's Council, could be guilty of
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 61
such bold impositions. I only intreat my Lord, that these Persons be required, to give the
particular instances, wherein I have failed in my Duty or have given just cause of oH'ence to
the People of this Province ; the falshood and tendency of their bold assertions and
complaints, will thereby become evident.
The P'action in opposition to the Authority of Parliament, lay great stress on my haveing
become obnoxious to the People of this Province, and that I am generally disliked. It would
not have been easy to remove this calumny, had not the proceedings of the Supreme Court,
and of the joint Committee of Council and Assembly, in relation to a Pamphlet intitled
The Conduct of Cadwalladcr Colden Esq' Lieut. Governor of New York Sj'c. given the People an
oportunity of declaring, in their public Conversations at the Coffee House and other places,
the sense they had of my conduct, and the abhorrence of the methods taken to asperse
my character; for there is not one fact alledged in that Pamphlet which is not notoriously
known to be true or can be proved from tlie Journals of the Council or of the Assembly.
This put a stop to the proceedings of the Faction so that I cannot now say hov? far tiiey
intended to carry their malice while they had hopes of procuring & influencing a jury to
their purpose.
Some other public instances since that time, have given the strongest proofs of the
sentiments tiie People entertain of this Faction. After the Assembly was dissolved,
the contentions were never more violent than on the new Election. Judge Livingston, the most
violent man, both in the Supreme Court, and in the Assembly, in the malicious prosecution
of the Pamphlet wrote in my vindication, had for several years past been elected a Member
of Assembly for the County where his family interest lyes. Some one of the family have
been elected for above forty years. At the last election it appeared he had so far lost the
esteem of the Freeholders in that County, that he gave up before half the Freeholders then
present had given in their votes, tho' he had every thing in his favour, which power could give
him. The Members of the City of New York, generally have the direction of the House of
Assembly, Of four Members for the City, only one of the old is return'd. There are 27
Members in the Assembly, 13 of that number are now new.
It is well known, that the last Assembly were influenced by the Lawyers. One of the most
popular among them, attempted to be elected for the city of New York, by the interest and
influence of the body of the Law, and of the Presbyterians and Independants, who are very
numerous but faild. The general cry of the People both in Town and Country was No
Lawyer in the Assembly. From these things it is manifest, with what little truth it was
confidently asserted, that the last Assembly had acted according to the universal sentiments of
their Constituents.
Some proceedings in the last Session of Assembly, relating to the Province Treasury, deserve
your Lordship's attention, of which it would be a failure in my duty, not to inform you, lest
you should not otherwise be apprised of them. I presume the Governor has transmitted a
Copy of their Journal to the Plantation Board. By the standing Instructions the Governor is
not to give his assent to any Money Bill, in which the money is not granted to the King, and
it has alwise been done so. In these proceedings the King's name is not mentioned, or the
least notice taken of any interest the King has in the Public Money of this Province. This is
the first time it has been calld the Colonie's Money. The Speaker has given a Commission
to the new Treasurer, in his own Name, of which this is the first instance, so far as I can
tecoUect. The Treasurer gives bond to the Speaker for the due execution of his office ;
62 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
whereas before this time the security was by recognizance to the King. To render the Bond
effectual to the Speaker, a clause was added to the Bill by which the Governor and all the
Officers receive their Sallaries. If the Governor had refused his assent to this Clause he must
have lost his Sallary.
The King's Attorney General, as an Officer of the greatest trust in relation to the Rights
and Prerogative of the Crown. In this Bill M' Kemp, the present Attorney General, is to
receive of the Treasurer .£150 without Warrant, notwitiistanding that by the King's standing
Instructions, all Moneys are to be issued from the Treasury, by Warrant from the Governor
with the advice and consent of the Council. These thing need no comment they plainly shew
the reason why the Assembly so strenuously oppose any Act of Parliament by which the
Officers of the Crown may receive their Sallaries independantly of them.
My Lord, I have repeatedly complained, to His Majesty's Ministers, of the Assembly's
refuseing to pay the Loss I suffer'd from the Mob, the P' of November 1765. — tho' every other
person was recompenced ; and of their refusing at the same time to pay me the Salary due to
me, amounting in the whole to £595.3.0. They dare not avow the reason of this Proceeding.
It is evidently to deter every Officer of the Crown, from opposeing their pleasure, and from
giving the necessary informations to His Majesty's Ministers.
I humbly presume. My Lord, that no Officer of the Crown deserves His Majesty's favour
and protection more than I do, for the faithful! performance of his Duty ; Notwithstanding the
violent opposition, and difficulties laid on me, by a virulent Faction, to make me swerve from
my Duty. I am now confident that since the affairs of the Colonies are put under your
Lordship's direction, my case will be properly represented to His Majesty, as both justice and
good policy require. I can not forbear to observe, that, while I have been neglected, William
Smith 1 jun'' has received the honour of an appointment to the Council of this Province. This
Gentleman is known to be intimatly connected with the Faction in opposition to the King's
Government, and the Authority of Parliament over the Colonies and a principal adviser in their
Proceedings. Soon after his takeing his seat at the Council Board, he appear'd in the joint
Committee of the Council and Assembly mentioned in the inclosed Narative, whose design
was to ruin my character, and my private fortune, were it in their power. I am well assured
that he was a principal adviser in those virulent and malicious proceedings.
Before I conclude I must beg leave to observe to your Lordship, that the present set of Judges
of the Supreme Court, are connected with the Faction in this Province, as appears by numerous
public instances. The King's authority, and obedience to the Laws, can only be inforced and
secured by the Courts of Justice, and by disinterested Judges; Men of integrity and ability.
Our present Judges have lost the esteem of the People, both as to their Integrity and ability.
1 beleive it would be difficult to find Men in this Province disinterested, and of sufficient ability
to be Judges I am therefore of opinion that the present disorders cannot be effectually
remedied without Judges of Integrity and ability from England. Without this all other means
may prove ineffectual, or may be attended with Difficulties that by appointment of proper
Judges may be avoided. I know it may be asserted, that the removing the Judges will create
general discontent & jealousy in the People; but where the People have no esteem of their
present Judges, any clamour or uneasiness which may by artifice be raised, will soon subside,
' See note ^ supra, VII., 909. After liis appointment to the Chief Justiceship of CanaJn, he wrote a Ilistory of that
riovioee in 2 vols,, 8vo., wliicli has the elkarnoter of being a partial and prejudiced work. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 63
by a prudent and steady conduct of the Judges, and the People will quickly become sensible of
their happiness under a proper administration of Justice.
I had the honour of your Lordships commands, while you presided at the Plantation Board,
& on the whole of my Administration, 1 am confident, that the Rectitude of my Intentions, for
His Majesty's service in the performance of my duty, will clearly appear, & therefor I can
make no doubt of your LordP^regard.
1 have the honour to be with the greatest
respect & submission
My Lord,
Your most obedient & faithfull servant
Right Hon"''' Earl of Hillsborough. Cadwallader Colden
Report of the Lords of Trade on the Acts for quartering the King's Troops.
[ New-Tork Entries, Q., 414. ]
To the King's Most Excellent Majesty.
May it please Your Majesty.
Sir Henry Moore, Baronet, your Majesty's Governor of the Province of New York having
transmitted to us the Acts and Proceedings of the Legislature of that Colony in their last
Session of Assembly, we have taken the same into our consideration and humbly beg leave to
represent to Your Majesty :
That these Acts and Proceedings appear to have passed subsequent to the first of October 1767,
the day fixed for the commencement of the operation of the provisions ofan Act of Parliament made
in the seventh year of your Majesty's reign, intituled " An Act for restraining and prohibiting
" the Governor Council and House of Representatives of the Province of New York, until
" provision shall have been made for furnishing the King's Troops with all the necessaries
" required by law, from passing or assenting to any Act of Assembly Vote or Resolution for
" any other purpose;" and therefore it will, as we humbly conceive, be necessary, before we
can report our opinion upon these Acts and Proceedings, that it should be determined whether
there has been on the part of the Legislature of New York such a submission to and compliance
with what has been thought fit to be enacted by the Parliament of Great Britain in respect to
quartering your Majesty's troops in America, as could, conformably to the tenour of the act
above mentioned, make it lawful for the Legislature of New York to make or pass any act or
any order resolution or vote, Save only such are therein excepted, or as could make such acts
votes and resolutions of any force or validity ; and to the end that Your Majesty may be fully
informed of every circumstance necessary to be attended to in the discussion of this question, it
is our duty humbly to state to Your Majesty the laws which have been passed in New York for
making provision for quartering Your Majesty's troops, subsequent to the Act for that purpose
which was disallowed by Your Majesty in Council, and was the ground of those proceedings in
Parliament that gave rise to the laws above recited.
On the sixth of June 1767, the Legislature of New York passed an Act intituled "An Act for
"granting unto His Majesty the sum of three thousand pounds for furnishing necessaries for the
64 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
" troops quartered within this Colony and for paying Captain Philip Martin ' the losses sustained
" in the house of Major James on the first of November 1765."
By this Act it is provided that the Treasurer of that Colony shall, out of certain funds
therein mentioned, pay unto His Excellency Thomas Gage, Commander in Chief of your
Majesty's Forces in North America or his order, or to Commander in Chief for the time being
or order, the sum of three thousand pounds to be applied for furnishing necessaries for Your
Majesty's Troops quartered within that Colony; and no mention whatever is made of the
persons by whom or the mode in which the service shall be performed ; nor is there any
specification of the particular articles to be furnished to the barracks.
On the same day that this Act was passed, the General Assembly was prorogued, between
which time and their meeting again in November, Your Majesty's Governor received the Act
of Parliament, and on the 1S"= of November 1767. he communicated it to the Council and
Assembly of New York, who in their address in answer to the speech made by him upon that
occasion express their concern at having fallen under the displeasure of the British Parliament,
and refer to what they had done in the preceeding Session, as such a compliance with the Act
of Parliament as did in their opinion take away any scruple the Governor could have to concur
in such things as the publick good of the Colony might require.
In this opinion Your Majesty's Governor appears to have acquiesced, and accordingly the
General Assembly proceeded to business in the usual manner, and several laws were made and
enacted ; amongst which there is one for making a further provision of fifteen hundred pounds
for furnishing your Majesty's troops quartered in that Colony with necessaries, and the sums
requisite for quartering Your Majesty's troops are directed to be drawn out of the Treasury by
warrant of the Governor and Council without any specification either of the manner in which
the service shall be performed or of the articles which are to be furnished.
From these proceedings it evidently appears that the Legislature of Your Majesty's Province
of New York have considered the Act passed by them in June 1767. as a full and complete
obedience to and compliance with the Acts of Parliament above recited ; and when we consider
the nature and terms of the Act of Parliament of the 7"" year of Your Majesty's reign, which
in the enacting part is entirely silent as to the mode of providing the necessaries required by
the former law, and compare that Act with the provisions of the law passed in New York in
1767. we cannot but be of opinion that the object & intention of it are thereby in effect
answered and provided for.
But how far in the strict and legal construction of this law it is such a compliance can give
validity to all Ac4sand Proceedings there, subsequent to the first of October 1767. is a question
which it is our duty humbly to submit to Your Majesty's determination upon such an opinion
and advice of the Law Officers as Your Majesty shall think fit to take thereupon.
All which is most humbly submitted,
Clare
SOAME JeNYNS
J. DysoN
Whitehall W™ Fitzherbert
May 7. 1768. Thomas Robinson.
'Philip Martin was appointed 2d Lieutenant in the Royal Aitillery 2d April, 17(57, and 1st Lieutenant on Ist February,
1769; Captain-Lieutenant on the 7th December, 1763; Captain lat January, 1771; Major 7th June, 17S2, and Lieutenant-
Colonel on the 14th May, 1791. His name is dropped in 1796 from the Army Lists, — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 65
Governor Moore to the Earl of HilUhorougli.
[ New York, CLX., A. 23. ]
(NO 2.)
Fort George, New York. May 7"- 1768. '
My Lord,
As I shall allways give the strictest obedience to all His Majesty's Orders which I shall have
the honor of receiving, I shall be particularly attentive to what is directed in your Lordship's
first letter to me concerning the communication of Occurrences that may happen, & a regular
transmission of all Acts and proceedings of the Government and Legislature here — The
Distresses of that part of the Country bordering on the Connecticut River were so great soon
after the Repeal of the Act of Assembly which had erected it into a County, that it was
apprehended many of the Inhabitants would be under a necessity of quitting it, for it
was become an Asylum for persons guilty of all sorts of crimes, and a great number of
wretcbes who had fled from justice not only in this but in the neighbouring Provinces of New
Hampshire, Massachusets and Connecticut took up their quarters there, and committed all kinds
of Disorders with impunity ; In consequence of the sufferings of the People, who were
constantly solliciting for some relief. His Majesty's Council here advis'd the erecting of those
lands into a County by an Ordinance, which was accordingly done that they might be intitled
to some Protection from the Laws of their Country ; A Copy of the Ordinance is here inclos'd,
and notwithstanding no particular priviledges are excepted in it, I shall not issue any writs for
electing Members of Assembly in that County, (as His Majesty's Instructions forbid that the
number of the Assembly should be encreas'd or diminish'd ) 'til the increase of Inhabitants
should make this measure necessary, and His Majesty's permission be obtain'd upon their
Representation ; At present they are for from wishing or desiring such a Priviledge, for the
custom still prevails here of allowing a certain Salary to the Members of the Assembly during
their Session, and this part of the Country is not at this time in a Condition to support such an
Expence. I have the honor to be with the greatest respect.
My Lord
Your Lordship's most Obedient
and humble Servant
Right Hon"« Earl of Hillsborough. ^ H. Moore.
(N»3.)
Governor Moore to the Earl of HilUhorough.
[ Mqs. Brit. King's MS3., CCVI., p. 46. ]
Fort George, New York, 7 May, 176S.
My Lord,
I have the honour to transmit to your Lordship the Copy of a letter I wrote in the beginning
of the last year' to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, in answer to a Letter
' Supra, VII., 888. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 9
66 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I received from their Lordships in consequence of the Address of the House of Commons to
His Majesty concerning the Manufactures of this Country, dated March 27"" 1766 Another
Copy of this Address has been inclosed to me in your Lordships letter marked N" 3, to which
I must make the same answer, as the progress of Manufactures in this part of the world by no
means corresponds with the pompous accounts given of them in the public papers. The
dearness of labour and the cheapness of Lands, are invincible obstructions to the progress of
them, and more especially in a country where the genius of the people is so universally inclined
to Agriculture. No mention is made in the former Letter of great quantities of leather being
tanned in this Country, as this branch of business has been carrwd on for many years: the
leather is greatly inferior in quality to that made in Europe ; and they are not yet arrived to
the perfection of making sole-leather. Your Lordship may be assured, that I shall from time
to time, give every due information required in this Address, and be particularly attentive to
any new establishments of which we have no instances since my last letter, except in the
paper-mill begun to be erected within these few days, at a small distance from the town.
I am &c.
H. MoORE.
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New York OLX., A. 26. ]
(No. 6.)
Fort George, New York, May Q"- 1768.
My Lord,
I am extremely sorry to hear that M'' Golden has been under a necessity of making
applications to your Lordship, on the Subjects of his Salary, and the damages he receiv'd in
the late Disorders here, & since that on Account of the Apprehensions he is under from the
late Proceedings of the Assembly in regard to a PampliJet said to be wrote by him in
justification of his conduct. In obedience to His Majesty's Commands I have made the
strictest Inquiries into this matter, and have now the honor to inform your Lordship, that on
the 23'' of December last some passages out of the abovemention'd Pamphlet having been read
in the House of Assembly, a Committee was appointed to enquire into the Contents of it, & a
Message sent to the Council desiring they would appoint a Committee from that Board to joyn
with them in the intended Inquiry; This was done, and a Report made of the joynt
proceedings on the 30"" of December on which was founded the Resolutions herewith
transmitted to your Lordship ; — As the Assembly continued sitting after this Report was
on made until the G"" of February on which day they were dissolv'd, several Persons were
examin'd before them concerning their knowledge of the Author or Publisher of the Pamphlet,
and a great deal of pains seemingly taken to come at a discovery of what every body else but
themselves appear'd to be well acquainted with ; I am inform'd that a son in law of M'
Colden's on his examination declar'd that he believ'd his Father in Law to be the Author,
and I told some of the Members myself that if they really wanted information, I was persuaded
M"' Colden would upon their application to him ingenuously declare to them who the Author
was, and save them the trouble of farther examinations. But this I apprehend was not the point
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 67
aim'd at, for on the discovery being made, their own inability to punish must have appear'd,
whereas their method of proceeding and some Menaces occasionally hinted could not fail of
giving uneasiness to M' Golden & his Family ; Your Lordship may very well imagine that if there
had not been some material Business before them, I could not have suffer'd a Farce of this
kind to be carried on for such a length of time, but as the Treasurer of the Province was lately
dead, & considerably indebted to the Public, a great deal of lime was employ'd in settling
matters with his Family, and as soon as this business was done, I put an end to the Session.
The inclosed paper was deliver'd to me on the Stair Case of the Town Hall as 1 was going up
to the Council Chamber about ten minutes before the Assembly was dissolv'd, and as 1 have
never heard the least mention of the matter in Question from that moment to this, I cannot but
think it a little extraordinary that M' Colden should trouble your Lordship on such a subject
supposing any thing was really intended against him, before he had been disappointed in his
expectation of the support he wanted here whereas no application was ever made on this head
to me either by himself or family, and I never heard 'till I had the honor of receiving your
Lordship's Letter that he was under the least dread of any disagreable consequences to
himself from what had pass'd in the late Session. This is not the only point in which I have
differ'd in opinion with M"" Colden in regard to the designs of the People here, and I am
convinc'd that he has suffer'd his apprehension to carry him loo great lengths and of course has
been betray'd into a diffidence which I think had better been avoided. — I hope I shall not be
thought tedious in endeavouring to support what I have advanc'd here and beg leave to inform
your Lordship, that on my arrival here I found AP Colden so much alarm'd that he had thought
it necessary to fortify himself in the Fort, and was actually under the daily apprehension of
being attack'd ; My landing was unexpected, and as I proceeded directly to the Fort was let
in at the Wicket, Orders having been given for some time before to keep the gates shut & not
to suffer any of the Townspeople to etiter ; As soon as my Commission was read at the Council
Board and tli£ power put into ray hands I order'd the Fort Gates to be thrown open, contrary
to M' Colden's opinion, who endeavour'd to dissuade me from it, and express'd some uneasiness
at the Concourse of People which was by this time assembled at the Fort Gate, To this I
answer'd: that if any mischief was intended against him 1 assured him that I would share the
same fate with him and sent the Constables out to let the People know that they might come
into the Fort and hear his Majesty's Commission publish'd, the few troops we had here at that
time which amounted to no more than 160 Men being drawn out on the parade; Great
numbers crouded into the Fort upon this occasion, who behav'd with the greatest decency and
standing uncover'd kept a profound silence during the whole time the Commission was reading.
From the Fort we proceeded to the Town Hall, but M' Colden was still apprehensive that
some indignity would be offer'd to his person notwithstanding what he had so lately seen and
desir'd I would excuse his attendance there, which I readily did, as I did not choose to press
any thing which would give him pain. The Procession was made through a very great croud
of People collected on this occasion, and the well tim'd confidence in them I had shew'd so
Boon after my arrival had such an effect on the Inhabitants, that the Gloom which hung over
them in the Morning was totally dispers'd in a few hours, and the evening concluded with
Bonfires and Illuminations throughout the whole City. — The Complaint M' Colden has made
concerning his Salary and the recompense deny'd him for what he suflTer'd in the late disorders
here is but too well founded; Nothing can be said in justification of the Proceedings of the
and it has given me great concern that I have not had interest enough in that House
68 NEW- YORK COLONIAL DOCUMENTS.
to prevent this manifest Act of Injustice ; No pains have been spared by me to effect it, and the
most sensible men among them were so fully persuaded of the improper measures which had
been pursued on this occasion that they were ready to contribute with the greatest pleasure to
remove this reproach which has fallen on the Province but they have been overpower'd by
numbers. It is our misfortune here that the greatest part of the House of Assembly consists
Men whose Education has been extremely confin'd, and the illiberal notions in which they
have been brought up are not to be eradicated without the greatest difficulty. There can not
be a more striking Instance of it than in the present case, where a pique against a Person in
his Private capacity is to be resented by a Public collective Body, and a repaoach cast upon
a whole Province to gratify the resentment of a few Individuals. I did, agreable to
the directions in M' Secretary Conway's Letter to me recommend this matter in my speech to the
Assembly and have since endeavour'd by private applications to serve M' Golden, but hitherto
without effect ; The Assembly having been lately dissolv'd and several new Members chosen
in the late Elections, I may in all probability have better success in the next Session, and I
beg your Lordship will be assur'd that nothing in my power shall be wanting either to procure
the Satisfaction requir'd for M' Golden or to defend him against any malicious attempts of his
Enemies. I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect,
My Lord
Your Lordship's
most obedient and
humble Servant
Right Hon"'^ Earl of Hillsborough. H. Moore
(N°7)
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[New-York, CLX., A. 2T.]
Fort George, New York, May IS"" 176S.
My Lord
It would give me great pleasure if I could boldly assert that the inflammatory Publications in
the printed News Papers here mention'd in your Lordship's letter had been treated with the
contempt they really deserve, but I am afraid the bad effects of them are but too sensible
already, and that the doctrine they would endeavour to establish is without the least reluctance
adopted by all Ranks and conditions of People here; The Provinces of Massachusets and
Pensylvania furnish us so plentifully with Papers of this kind that we have no occasion for any
Writers of our own on the subjects they handle with so much freedom, and if the attempts to
promote Sedition had been confin'd to the Limits of their particular Provinces I should not
have thought it so much my duty to mention to your Lordship what would in the common
course of Business have been communicated by the respective Governors of those Golonies but
when they are extended so far as to endanger the tranquillity of the Province committed to my
charge, 1 think I am particularly call'd upon to exert myself in opposition to measures which
can only tend to make a breach between the Mother Country and the Colonies. The
Inhabitants of Boston not satisfy'd with the Associations enter'd into among themselves, which
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 69
they took care to make as public as possible, wrote letters to tlie Merchants of this Town
whom they desired to joyn with them in the Plan f'orm'd for distressing Great Britain by not
importing any English Goods or Manufactures into America after a stated time, In consequence
of this Advertisements were publish'd appointing the time and place for the Meeting of all
persons concern'd in Trade, and much pains taken to carry the propos'd plan into execution:
But as I could not help being "^larm'd at such a proceeding, I took the first opportunity of laying
my sentiments before His Majesty's Council, expressing at the same time my apprehension of
the Evil Tendency of these Meetings, which in the eye of the Law are look'd upon to be illegal
and might be productive of fresh commotions in the Province ; The Council diff'er'd in opinion
from me and saw this in no other light than that a certain number of People had assembled
together to consider & establish among themselves certain Rules of CEconomy, and were of
opinion that as they were Masters of their own Fortunes they had a right to dispose of, and
lay out their money in whatever manner they should think would be most agreable to
themselves, and afterwards added that, they were not under the least apprehension of the
tranquillity of the Province being disturb'd by such meetings, from the known characters of
many who had assembled on the occasion ; I was far from being satisfy'd with this answer, for
it appear'd to me that when the association was once begun many people who had at present
no inclination to joyn in it might be afterwards intimidated, and compell'd to set their hands
to an engagement they were actually averse to, for which reason I thought it proper to make
public my resolution of supporting any Man in his Situation who should refuse to subscribe to
it, and call'd upon the Council to make use of all the influence they had to maintain peace and
good order among us ; As these Meetings were still continued, this affair was laid before them
a second time but with much the same success, for they seem'd no way inclin'd to interfere in
it; The Association has since been adopted by some and rejected by others who were sensible
of the offence such a Proceeding would give, and I have endeavour'd to shew some of the
subscribers that this measure will hurt none but themselves although they are so weak &so far
misled by their prejudices as not to see it. 1 have the honor to be with the greatest Respect
My Lord,
Your Lordship's
most obedient and
humble servant
Right Hon"'^ Earl of Hillsborough H': Moore
N-'S)
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[New-York, CLX., A. 28.]
Fort George, New York May 12"' 1768.
My Lord,
In my Letters to the Earl of Shelburne concerning our situation in regard to the Indians, I
had the honor of informing his Lordship of the necessity there was of my going into that part
of the Country this Spring in order to prevent as far as I was able the mischiefs we were like
to suffer from an Indian War, and mention'd at the same time the reasons which prevented
70 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
my going thither in Sept' last agreeable to the promise I had made. It is with the highest
satisfaction I find by a paragraph in your Lordship's letter N" 4. that His Majesty had been
pleas'd to approve of the attention I had given to that necessary Service and I propose to set
out from hence in ten days or a fortnight for the Mohawk Country, which is as early as the
backwardness of our Seasons will admit of travelling in those parts. — I have lately had
several conversations with the persons concern'd in the Kayaffferosseras Patent & they have
come to a Resolution of submitting the Matter intirely to me & giving me a Carte blanche to
settle this dispute with the Indians on such terms as I shall think proper, and thereby remove
the cause of that complaint which has subsisted so long among them, I have likewise sent
orders for some people to meet me at S"' W" Johnson's whose proceedings have disturb'd the
Minds of the Indians, that I may if possible remove every cause of complaint among them,
and I flatter myself that on my return I shall be able to give your Lordship a satisfactory
account of my Expedition. It is my misfortune at this time to be depriv'd of the assistance of
Sir William Johnson, whose state of health is novp so bad that by the advice of his Physicians
he is gone into the Connecticut Government for the convenience of bathing in the Sea, where
his stay will be too long for me to entertain the least expectation of seeing him before the public
Business will necessarily bring me back again to this town : It will give me great pleasure if
I can in this propos'd Interview with the Indians improve that confidence they seem to place
in me, & strengthen the good opinion they had conceived of me in our last meeting, I omitted
at that time nothing which I thought could contribute to merit their regard by the attention
I gave to every little frivolous complaint they were making, and when we had settled the
points of what were look'd upon to be real greivances, I adopted three of their Children Sons
of the Chiefs of the three principal Tribes among them, had them publickly baptiz'd in the
presence of all the Indians there assembled, and gave them my own Name; I afterwards
assured them that I should make those boys my particular care, and hop'd they would
hereafter, be the means of strengthening and securing the attachment of the whole Nation to
His Majesty's Person & Government and keep up that Friendship which now subsisted
between His Majesty's subjects and the Indian Nations; I then distributed the Presents
among them which I had broughi with me, in doing which I took care to distinguish the new
acquisitions I had made to my family and after purchasing some Tracts of Land from them I
set out again for New York leaving them so well satisfy'd with my behaviour to them, that
they could not forbear often expressing their satisfaction as well to Sir Will" Johnson as to
some others present who had acted as interpreters in the many conferences we had together,
declaring that they never had been treated with so much familiarity by any Governor of a
Province before, and that I had now given them such unquestionable proof of my attention
to their Interests that they hop'd the happiest consequences would Be deriv'd from it. If
such trifling Acts as these can make such impressions, it would be inexcusable not to avail
myself of every circumstance which could contribute in any shape to the promoting of His
Majesty's service & in case of a failure on my part I hope to make it appear that I have
endeavour'd to merit a success which I had not in my power to command. I am very sorry
that the expressions in my Letter N° 28. were so loosely worded as to imply that the
Assembly had actually refus'd to reimburse the expences of my late Journey, & I hope I shall
have your Lordship's indulgence in explaining this matter, upon my return from Lake
Champlain and the Mohawk River I acquainted the House of Assembly with what I had
done, and expected that the allowance which heretofore was usually made to Governors going
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 71
on the Public Service, would be given to me, But no design of this kind appearing I gave
to one of the Members an Account of the Money I had actually expended amounting to the
sum of ^379. 11'. T"*. and desir'd it might be laid before the House; In this Account no change
was made of provisions wines &C'' which were carried up from hence in great quantities,
and it was well known that many Gentlemen of the Province went up with me, and that my
family was increas'd to the number of thirty persons & upwards during the time we were
making our observations at the Upper end of Lake Cliaraplain; This was owing to the arrival
of several Gentlemen from Canada who came as well to compliment Brigadier Carleton on
his arrival on the Frontier of his Province, as to demand the confirmation of their grants
mention'd in my former letters. This article being left open, I could not but be surpriz'd
when the person to whom I gave the Account inform'd me that the House was then in such
a Temper that he 'did not choose to mention it, as he apprehended it would be without
success, and this Session pass'd over without any thing being done in it ; In the next Session
the same request was made by me, and the same answer return'd by the person employ'd,
who I am persuaded was too much my friend to impose on me ; A Proceeding of this kind
could not fail of giving me some pain on Account of the manifest injustice which appear'd
in it and as I had never been engaged in the least dispute or altercation with the House of
Assembly or any other subject but that of endeavouring to enforce their obedience to the Act
of Parliament for billetting the Troops here. It appear'd to me that I had no other alternative
but that of either losing the money I had laid out for that service, or failing in my duty to
His Majesty; It did not require the least consideration which side of the question I should
take & I determin'd from that moment to drop all farther application for a reimbursement
and give myself no farther concern about it ; It was not long after that this was mentioned
in my letter to the E. of Shelburne being naturally led into it by the necessity I found myself
under of making a second Tour into the Province on the Public Service and for which I
imagin'd I should have the same return; About the latter end of the last Session of Assembly
when the Commissaries appointed by this Province for settling the Boundary Line with
those of the Massachusets Bay, deliver'd in their Accounts of the Expences attending the
negotiation, these could not with any propriety be settled without taking notice of what had
been done by me on a similar occasion, and my Account being then laid before them the sum
of ^£379.11'.?''. was order'd to be paid to me as will appear on their Journals sent home to
the Lords Comm" oT Trade. — I shall take this oportunity of settling with Col. Guy Johnson,
be (son in law to Sir William and deputed by him to act on this occasion any Plan that shall
thought necessary for carrying into execution His Majesty's orders lately sent over for settling
the Indian Boundary Line; I cannot say how far this Province may be particularly interested
in it, as I do not know the foundation of the Pensylvania claim for their Northern Boundary
but I shall- with the greatest chearfullness give every assistance demanded on this occasion
which an affair of so much consequence can require. I have the honor to be with the
greatest respect.
My Lord
Your Lordship's
most obedient and humble servant
Right Hon*-'* Earl of Hillsborough H: Moore
72 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Moore to the Earl of HlllsboroxujTi.
[New-York, OLX., A. 30.]
(N°10)
Fort George, May 14'" 17G8.
My Lord,
My letter to the Earl of Shelburne concerning our Paper Currency was not accompany'd
with any draught of a propos'd Bill for I thought it unnecessary to trouble His Lordship with
one, as I had inclos'd in my letter to the Lords Commissioners for Trade & Plantations dated
Dec'' 9"" 1766, the copy of an Act said to be sent over from England by the Colony Agent, and
then under the Consideration of Parliament; I had the honor of informing their Lordships in
my letter; that if it was the Intention of Parliment to pass such a Bill it would be highly
acceptable to this Colony, for they did not desire to have money on any other terms as they
had allways kept up the credit of their paper Currency and taken particular care it should not
be depreciated. I now take the liberty of transmitting to your Lordship the copy of such an
Act as we should propose to pass here, if His Majesty shall be pleased to approve of it, and
on this occation would beg leave to observe that by the 40''' Section of an Act passed here on
the 16"" day of Dec'' 1737, from which the greatest part of the inclos'd bill has been
taken, the Borrowers of the Public Money were enabled to pay their Debts in other Bills of
Credit, Gold, Silver, or Lyon Dollars: After the first day of November next there will be
none of the Bills formerly issued current, the Lyon Dollars ( a species of Money brought here
by the first Dutch Settlers) are rarely now seen : These and Bills of credit issued before the
Statute are the only two kinds of money that were ever made a Tender in this Colony, After
the first day of November therefore we shall have nothing to make a legal tender with, a
matter worth attention as it will expose Debtors to the petulance and Malice of their Creditors
even though they should have Spanish Silver & Gold to satisfy them; As these Bills now
propos'd to be struck and lent must be paid for only in silver and gold, while the Act of
Parliment continues u[n]repealed, it will be proper to make every species of both a legal tender
in all cases, and this Emission, it is hop'd will relieve the present distress 'till the American
commerce opens channels for a better supply of silver and gold now so scarce that many of
the poorer inhabitants have been ruin'd and all Ranks greatly impoverish'd. Nothing has
contributed more to the Settlement of the Country, than the usual easy rate of purchasing
farms. Proprietors convey to the Farmer in fee taking his bond and mortgage without the
immediate advance of any of the purchase Money, and the purchaser paid of the Consideration
Money as he rais'd it out of the profits of the Land : But since the scarcity of Money
commenc'd there are numberless instances of Suits against Farmers, whose estates have been
sold upon Execution, and bought by the old Proprietor for less than the first purchase, after
several years Cultivation and Improvement to the Destruction of the Husbandman. It is
hardly possible to express in Terms sufficient what effects such events must naturally have in
discouraging Population, Cultivation and Commerce, and the extremeties to which the lower
sort who are allways most numerous are reduced especially in new Plantations, are more easy
to be conceived than describ'd, I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect,
My Lord
Your Lordships most obedient
and humble servant.
R' Hon^ Earl of Hillsborough. H:Moore
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 73
Earl of IliUsborougTi to Governor Moore.
[New-Tork, CLX.l
(N°12.)
Whitehall 14"" May 17G8
Sir,
I take the first opportunity to acknowledge the Receipt of your Letter to the Earl of
Shelburne' dated the 5"" of March ; it came to my Office on the l-5"» of last Month, & has been
laid before the King.
The contest that has arisen between you and the Commander in Chief concerning
Precedency, will I trust be amicably adjusted, without it becoming necessary for Government
at Home to interfere. The coolness and good sense of both give just ground for this
Expectation. — I will however take care that this matter shall have a due Consideration, and
in order thereto wish you would inform me what gave rise to it ; for I presume the
Commander in Chief did not make the Communication of his Instructions to you (which you
mention) without some previous Circumstance inducing him to take that step. As nothing
can be more foreign to His Majesty's Intentions than the introducing a Military Government
into his Provinces in America ; upon the Ruins of the civil power. The King expects from your
zeal for his service that you will make use of every method to obviate the effects of such
suspicion, whether founded upon the idle suggestions of weak & ignorant Men, or upon the
wicked Misrepresentations of the Factious and Ill-designing. — You have already brought
the Province under your Government to such a Degree of good OrdePby your prudent & able
management that His Majesty entertains no doubt of the continuance of the public tranquility
of New York under the same discreet Direction.
I am sorry to inform you that we had yesterday the Misfortune to lose His Majesty's Second
Sister, the Princess Louisa, to the great affliction of all His Majesty's Subjects, I very sincerely
condole with you upon this melancholy occasion, & am &c''
Hillsborough ^
Governor of New York.
' William Fitzmadeioe Pettt, 2d Earl of Shelburne, on the Irish peerage, was born 2 May, IVSV. Entering young into
the Army, he was promoted to a Lieutenancy in the 20th foot on the 8th October, \1h*l. Army List ; obtained a Company
the following year, when he served in the expedition against Cherburg, as Adjutant-General, and distinguished himself at
the battles of Campen and Minden in 1769. In 1760, he was appointed Aid-de-Camp to the King, with the rank of Colonel ;
entered Parliament in 1761, as member for Chipping Wj'combe, and succeeded to his father's title the same year, and took
his seat in the House of Lords as Baron Wycombe. In 1762, he became Major-General, and rose, in 1783, to the rank of
General in the Army. In April, 1768, he was placed at the head of the Board of Trade, which situation he resigned on
2d September following. In 1766, he became Secretary of State for the Southern department and held that post until
October, 1768. He was appointed Prime Minister in July, 1782, was created Marquis of Landsdowne in 1784, and died 7th
May, 1805, in the 68th pear of his age. Beataon's Naval and Military Memoirs, IIL, 192; Chatham Correspondence ; Debrell's
Peerage.
' WiLLLS Hill, son of Trevor 1st Viscount Hillsborough, on the Irish peerage, was born 30th of May, 1718 ; rejiresented
the borough of Warwick in Parliament in 1745; was advanced to the Earldom of Hillsborough in 1751 ; created a British
peer in 1756 by the title of Baron Harwick ; constituted first Lord of Trade in 1763, which office he held until December,
1766, when he became joint Postmaster-General. He was Secretary of State for the Colonies from 1768 until August, 1772,
when he was advanced to the rank of an English Earl ; he became again Colonial Secretary in 1779 ; was created Marqui.s
of Downshire, in Ireland, in 1789, and died in October, 1793, in the 76th year of his age. Chatham Correspondence, I., 189;
in., 24. Grenville Papers, I, 34. Debrett. — En.
Vol. VIIL 10
74 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS
Earl of Hillshorougli fo Sir William Johnson. '
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. O. ), OCLIV., No. 4. ]
N"'4.
Whitehall June the 11. 1768
Sir,
I have received and laid before the King Your letter N" 10 addressed to theEarl of Shelburne
and am directed by His Majesty to express his entire approbation of your conduct towards the
Indians at the Congress held at your House in March last, which considering the many
Provocations the Indians have received, & more especially that late one in the Case of the
inhuman Massacre upon the Frontier of Pensylvania, appears to have been attended with
greater success than could reasonably have been expected, and affords room to hope for a
favorable Issue to those Measures recommended in the Earl of Shelburne's Dispatch to you of
the Fifth of January last, and in mine of the 15 of April, for the faithful execution of which his
Majesty has the firmest Relliance on your Ability and discretion
I am &'
Hillsborough
Lieutenant-Governor Golden, to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-York, CLX., A. 88. ]
New York, June le"- 1768.
My Lord,
In my Letter of the 25"" of April last, I inform'd your Lordship of some occurrences, which I
thought may be of use to you in forming a judgment of the present state of this Province. — In
my letters to His Majesty's Ministers, I have repeatedly given my opinion that His Majesty's
Authority and the Dependance of the Colonies cannot be secured, nor the Property of the
Subject, without disinterested Judges of ability and integrity. — -That the present Judges in this
Province are not such, is now universally the opinioa of the People ; and it is likewise the
opinion of the most intelligent that, proper Judges cannot be obtained in this Province. —
It was evident on the late Elections, as I informd your Lordship in my former letter, that the
Lawyers have in a great measure lost the influence they had on the People. — This seems
therefore a proper time to send over some Gentleman of sufficient abilities to be Cheif Justice,
with a sallary sufficient to make him independant of any faction in the Assembly. Were this
done I am confident the opposition to the Authority of Parliament over the Colonies, would
daily decline. — The granting such a salary, in its consequences will be a saveing to the Crown,
for it will facilitate every measure which may be thought proper for securing His Majesty
Authority. — One or two puisne Judges may be appointed from among the Inhabitants of
sufficient knowledge, with the assistance of the Cheif Justice, to execute their office. —
Some time in September last year, the Faction received intelligence from England, that the
Ministry intended to put the Adinini.stration of Government again into my hands, and at
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 75
the same time that a Gentleman from this Place, who had access to the Duke of Grafton,'
assured his Grace that if this was done, it would set the Colony in a flame, and occasion the
greatest disorders. — About the time that this information was received, the Pamphlet appeared
in New York, which had been published in London in vindication of my conduct during my
Administration. This Pamphlet discoverd several things whicii had been carefully conceald
from the People, or had been represented in a very different light. The Faction resolved
therefore to discredit 1t, and to confirm the information which their friend had given the Duke
of Grafton, by a Public prosecution and censure of that Pamphlet, by the Courts of Justice, the
Assembly and Council of the Province. A force which in their immaginatiOn no single Person
could withstand. — But, my Lord, the force of Facts the truth of which appeard on the public
Registers, or were notoriously known, proved too strong for them. The Prosecution convinced
the People of the malice of the Prosecutors, after the Pamphlet had freed them from the
prejudices which had been entertain'd against me, by artfull misrepresentations of my Conduct.
— A quite contrary effect was produced, to what the Leaders of the faction designed, and they
are now much humbled by the loss of their popularity.
I now flatter myself that His Majesty's Ministers, my Lord, will no longer apprehend any
inconveniency in showing some regard to a servant of the Crown, who has perform'd his duty
amidst innumerable difficulties, and under insults destructive of all Government, and without
any remarkable indiscretion on his part, to give rise to such insults. In Justice I think I may
expect Recompence for my losses and Sufferings, and I hope it will be thouglit of public use
that I receive some reward whereby the King's Servants may be hereafter encouraged in their
duty. I am now my Lord so far advanced in years, that my wish is to close my life in ease,
with reputation, and that my past services may be of benefit to my Children I may receive a
proper reward from His Majesty's Quit-Rents in this Province without injury to any
appointments that are already established on that fund. I have been longer conversant in the
public affairs of this Government, than any Person now living in it, and I may be able to give
your Lordship information, in some things which no other Person can, or which few may be
willing to do. Your Lordship knows more of me than any other of His Majesty's present
Ministers: I confide in your favour, and I humbly intreat you will free me from my present
disagreable state of uncertainty, by letting me know your Lordship's sentiments.
I am with the greatest Respect
& submission
My Lord,
Your most obedient &
faithfull servant
R' Hon'''^ Earl of Hillsborough. Cadwallader Colden.
' Adqustus Henrt Fitzbot, 3d Duke of Grafton, was born in 17:!5, and in 1756 was appointed a Lord of the bedchamber
to the Prince of Wales (afterwards George III). He succeeded to the dukedom in 1757. He joined the Rockingham
Administration as Secretary of State for the Northern Department, 12th July, 1765, which situation ho resigned in May,
1766, and was appointed first Lord of the Treasury a few months afterwards ( August, 1766 ), and so continued until January,
1770. He was Lord Privy Seal from June, 1771, until November, 1775, and died Uth March, 1811. His grace rendered
himself, during hia public career, notorious by his liaison with Nancy Parsons, afterwards. Lady Maynard, and has been
handed down to posterity in the Junius Letters, in a by no means enviable light. Grenville Correspondence, — Ed.
76 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Guy Johnson to the Earl of Hilhborough.
[ PlanlationB General ( 3. P. O. ) CCLIT., No. 1. ]
N" 1.
Guy Park near Johnson-hall June 20. 1768
My Lord,
The management of Indian Affairs here being committed to me (Sir William Johnsons
Deputy) during his absence for the recovery of his health: I have since his departure had the
honor to receive your Lordships Letters N" 1. 2 and 3 with the enclosures which have been
since transmitted to him.
Sir William set out the 24 of April for the Sea Coast of New England by advice of his
Physicians, having for some time laboured under a violent disorder of the Bowels, as well as
severe pains from his old Wound with both of which he has been much afflicted for some
Years past — This last attack was occasioned by Cold he caught in attending the late General
Congress with the Northern Indians and Cherokees, which was held in the open Air at a
severe season, and as he was not in a Condition to write to your Lordship at his departure I
judged it my duty to give you these particulars, and to acquaint your Lordship that he has
received some benefit from his Tour, and will return within about three Weeks
At his return your Lordships letters will be fully Answered, In the mean time I beg leave
to lay before your Lordship, the occurrences since his departure, and entreat you to indulge me
in the liberty of Congratulating your Lordship on your late appointment.
Agreable to my Instructions I imediately sent the necessary Belts and Messages for
Assembling the Indians in order to the Settlement of the boundary line, but as some of those
necessary to be present, namely the Shawanese, Delawares, and Senecas of Ohio live at a
Considerable distance from the rest they cannot all Assemble before the Month of Sepf
The boundary with regard to New York not having been particularly mentioned in the
Report of the Board of Trade, has occasioned a belief that it was needless, but Sir William
is of opinion that it is most necessary, and that the line not being extended beyond Owegy,
is owing to his not having come to any conclusion with the Indians regarding New York bounds
at the Congress in 17G5, as the same was attended with some difficulties, neither were all the
Indians necessary then present, which together with his not being at that time fully Authorized
made him decline entering into particulars, nevertheless it is expected by the Indians at the
final Settlement and is particularly necessary, as the Settlements of New York are already far
advanced towards the principal Towns of the Six Nations.
Indian Affairs to the Westward have an unfavorable aspect, — Belts have been actually sent
to the Indians in the names of the French and Spaniards, to excite them to take Arms against
us, and a list has been transmitted to me of several French who reside in the Indian Country
and are daily spreading the most dangerous reports and doing all in their power to bring about
a Rupture, all which I have laid before General Gage.
The Powtewatemis amongst others have publicly declared their Intentions, have murdered
three Traders in the Indian Country whose effects have been for the most part embezzled by
the French ; his Excellency the General is doing what he can to withdraw them from thence
but a believe it will be a difficult task. And altho' I have sent Messages and Instructions to the
Officers of the Department, and taken all other measures in my power for giving a timely
check to these proceedings. Yet I fear that the Weak State of the Frontiers, and the quantity
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 77
of Goods of late carried from the Posts amongst the Indians will prove too Strong
Inducements to them to make War, especially as the persons and propertys of so many Traders
are entirely at their Mercy, and they already threaten to put all the English to death who
shall enter their Country. This seems to be the View which these French had in encouraging
the English to desire a general Indulgence to go where they pleased, well knowing that it was
in their power to secure the whole fruits of such permission to themselves, & thus the
Merchants at the Capitals have been imposed on, and affairs misrepresented to the Crown.
At the same time the lavish Conduct of the Command' of Michilimackinac, has encreased the
Indians expectations and for the same reason his being brought away prisoner will give
discontent. By return of the Indians whom I sent thro' the Six Nations I have received
farther intelligence, of Belts actually sent to them of a very dangerous tendency, which I
am now endeavouring to trace to their Source but as these Matters will be better known by
the time of Sir Williams return, when your Lordship will receive much Superior Information,
I have only humbly to Apologize for the length of this letter and beg leave to subscribe myself,
with the most profound respect.
My Lord
Your Lordships
most devoted and most ob'
The R' Hon'''^ humble Servant
The Earl of Hillsborough . Guy Johnson
Earl of Hillshorovgh to the Governors in Amei'ica.
i Plantations General ( S. P. O. ) CCLIT. ]
Whitehall 21 June 17GS
Sir
It having been represented, that the General Instructions, given by his Majesty to the
Governors of the American Colonies, have, from a Variation in the State and Circumstances
of the said Colonies become in many Parts improper and unecessary or inadequate to the
Object of them ; I have the Kings Commands to desire you will, with the greatest attention
and with all convenient Dispatch, consider those given to you for your Guidance and Direction
in the Administration of the Government entrusted to your Care, and transmit to me for his
Majesty's Information, such Observations as shall occur to you upon those Articles, which may
in your Judgement require such Alteration or Addition as may have the Effect to improve his
Majesty's Interests and Revenue, add Strength and Dignity to his Majesty's just Authority
promote the Welfare of the Colony and give Facility to the Administration of Government
conformable to the Constitution as it stands established by his Majesty's Commission under
the Great Seal, and by such Laws as have been ratified by the Consent of the Crown.
The little Improvement which has been made in his Majesty's Revenue of Quit Rents,
notwithstanding the Rapid Progress of Settlement, shews that either the Instructions given
relative to this Object are imperfect or inadequate, or that there has not been sufficient
78 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
attention given to the due Execution of them, and therefore it will be your duty to consider
these Articles with particular Care and to suggest what shall in your opinion be requisite to
give them a greater Force and better Effect
I am fcc"
Hillsborough
Eari of Hillsborough to the Lords of Trade.
[ PlantaUons General ( S. P. 0. ) CCLIV. ]
Whitehall June 22. 1768
My Lords,
I am commanded by the King to signify to your Lordships His Majesty's Pleasure that the
mode of your Lordships proceedings upon business relative to Commerce and the Colonies,
prescribed by the Earl of Shelburnes Letter to you of the 26 of August 1766, shall, be
discontinued, and that your Lordships Proceedings upon such business shall for the future,
be conformable to the Usage and Practice antecedent to the Date of the said Letter
I am &ca
Hillsborough
(N" 12)
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hilhlorough.
[New-York, CLX., A.St]
Fort George July i"-^ 1768.
My Lord,
Sir William Johnson's ill state of health having oblig'd him to go into the Connecticut
Government, for the advantage of Bathing in the Sea as mention'd in one of my former letters.
This accident depriv'd me of the opportunity of seeing him, and settling the measures I
propos'd by my Journey into the Mohawk Country, concerning the Baundary Line to be run
between this Province and the Indians.
While I was in that part of the Country I had the honor of receiving several letters from
your Lordship but as the Pacquet seldom stays more than six or eight days with us, I have
been oblig'd to defer the answers to them 'till my return to this City.
As His Majesty has been pleas'd to make new regulations in regard to the Indian Trade, I
have at the request of the Council wrote pressingly to Sir William Johnston to desire we may
see him here before he returns to his own House, that the Plan now to be pursued may be
fix'd in such manner as to have the desir'd effect, and that the proceedings of the Province
may not interfere with any Powers which His Miijesty has been pleas'd to continue still in the
hands of the agents for Indian Affliirs.
I am very sorry to inform your Lordship that I cannot boast of any success in regard to
the settlement I propos'd of the dispute concerning the Kayaderosseras Patent, Under the
I
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. ' 79
assurances given me here that nothing shou^d be omitted which would contribute lo forward
an amicable adjustment of this matter with the Indians, I enter'd upon it very readily, but
found that there was no actual survey made of the Creek to which the Proprietors desir'd to
extend their claim; A Diagram was produc'd but such a one as no credit could be given to,
and after a considerable altercation I was obliged to break up the meeting without concluding
on any thing, and have directed surveys now to be made of the Points in dispute, which, after
they are compleated shall be laid before the Claimants here, and if no farther obstacles arise
I will send for the three principal Mohawk Chiefs to this Town, and get this aftair settled
publicly, that I may put a stop to the setting up of any future claims by the Indins.
I have the honor to be with
the greatest Respect.
My Lord
Your Lordship's most
obedient and humble Servant,
Right Hon""^ Earl of Hillsborough H. Moore
Governor Moore to the Earl of HillshorougJi. •
[ NewTork, CLX., A. 85. 1
(No. 14)
Fort George July G"" 176S.
My Lord
The many inconveniencies arising from the great extent of the County of Albany have been
complain'd of for some years past, and as the population here has increas'd so fast several
attempts have been made at different times to subdivide this County, but it has allways met
with a sufficient opposition to prevent it by those who have prefer'd their own Interests to the
Public Benefit. ,
All the Lands to the Northward of Dutches and Ulster Counties have been allways deem'd
to be in this County, and as the settlements have been constantly extending to the Northward
and Westward, the attendance of the Inhabitants at the Circuits, Sessions &c. held at the Town
of Albany has become a great greivance to many who are now oblig'd to travel an hundred
miles, either to serve as jurors, or as witnesses to bonds & notes of hand ; The consequence of
this is, that in the recovery of small demands the expence often exceeds the original sum sued
for, and numberless Families have been distress'd and oblig'd to give up debts justly due to
them, on no other Account but that of the inconvenience and expence attending the recovery
of them.
The proposal for the division of this County having been reviv'd again, and by what I can
find, a Resolution already form'd of bringing in a Bill at the next Sessions of Assembly for
carrying it into execution. Whatever advantages may arise from it to the great number of
Persons concern'd in it, it must necessarily meet with an oppositon from me, unless I have his
Majesty's permission to give my assent to it, as I apprehend that the Legislature would never
propose to preclude any of the New Counties now to be form'd, from all the Rights which the
rest of the King's Subjects enjoy here, and of course it would be expected that they should not
80 • NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
be d^riv'd of the priviledge of sending Representatives to the House of Assembly : His Majesty's
Instructions in regard to this Article are so positive, that your Lordship knows it is not in my
povrer to concurr in a measure now so much wish'd for, and from which so real a Benefit would
be deriv'd to all the upper part of this Province, without permission being first obtaind to pass
the Bill propos'd.
As the meeting of our Assembly is put of 'till the month of September, I hope I may before
the Session is over be favor'd with a line from your Lordship on this head & that His Majesty's
pleasure may be made known upon it.
I have the honor to be with the
greatest Respect,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient
and humble servant
Right Hou"'^ Earl of Hillsborough H. Moohe.
Governor Moore to (lie Earl of Hillsborough.
[ NewTork, OLX., A. 86. ]
(NMS)
Fort George July 7"" 1768.
My Lord,
The circular letter wrote by the Speaker of the Massachuset's Assembly and sent into the
different Provinces did not arrive here before an end was put to the Session by a dissolution,
It is impossible for me to say at present what would have been the effect, if the letter had been
receiv'd during the Session, but from the coldness which was shew'd to the proposal made by
the Merchants of Boston for entring into a combination concerning the importation of British
Manufactures, (already mentioned in my letter N° 7. to your Lordship) I do not imagine this
Province would have shew'd that forwardness which many others have done on this occasion.
The Apprehensions which every Person of property was under during our late Commotions
from the Licentiousness of the Populace are not yet forgotten, and I believe they would not
willingly see those scenes of disorder renew'd, These are the Sentiments of those I have
already conversd with on this head, and as our Assembly will not meet 'till the month of
September, there will be sufficient time for reflection before that period comes. Nothing in the
mean time shall be wanting on my part to prevent if possible their entring into any such rash
engagements, and I shall take every opportunity to lay before them what their Duty to His
Majesty will require on this occasion ; If I should be so unfortunate as not to meet with the
desir'd success, Your Lordship may be assur'd that His Majesty's Orders on this occasion shall
be strictly obey'd.
I have the honor to be with the
greatest Respect,
My Lord
Your Lordship's most
obedient and humble servant
Right Hon"" Earl of Hillsborough H. Moore
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 81
Earl of IlilUhorough to Governor Moore.
[New-Tork, CLX.]
(NM7)
Whitehall July Q"- 1768
Sir,
I take the first opportunity that has occurred, since my Dispatch to you N^ 15. of
acknowledging the Receipt of your Letters from N° 2. to N' 10. with their Inclosures which
were all received on the 15"" of June and immediately laid before His Majesty.
The Establishment of a New County, with proper Courts and Jurisdictions as in other
Counties, seems to be a Regulation which might have been made by Charter under the
Province 9feal ; but as I presume that, in the manner of creating this Establishment, you have
conformed to what has been the usage and practice, I have only to signify to you His Maty's
Commands, that no Writs should issue for the Choice of Representatives for this New County,
unless His Majesty's leave for that purpose shall have been first obtained upon a full
Representation to be made by you of the Expediency of it.
The Collection of the printed Laws of the Colony has been received, and if you can procure
a like printed collection of the Duke of York's Laws, it may be very usefull ; but I do not wish
that you should be at the trouble of preparing a MS Copy, as there is one already here in the
office of the Lords of Trade.
His Majesty very much approves the Heads of Instruction and Enquiry, under which you
propose to have a survey made of the townships granted by the Governor of New Hampshire
on the West side of Connecticut River and of the Lands on Lake Champlain; and if the
Persons, whom you appoint to execute this service, do not fail in a faithful discharge of their
Duty, it is hoped that this Enquiry may produce such full Information of the actual state of
these valuable tracts of Country, as may enable His Majesty to direct those Measures to be
taken, which shall correspond with His Royal Wishes for the settlement & improvement of
them to the Public Benefit, and the satisfaction and advantage of the really industrious and
bona fide Possessors.
I am sensible that services of this nature must be attended with Expence and well deserve
Recompense ; but as the making such Recompence does not belong to my department, all I
can do in that case is to represent the Propriety of it, which I shall not fail to do, as far as
I shall be enabled and justified by your Report of the matter, when the service is executed.
Your Representation of M"' Colden's Case evinces the Equity of his Claim upon the Colony
for the Arrears of his Salary and for Compensation for the Losses he sustained in the
Disturbances at New York ; and therefore it is the King's Pleasure that you do persevere in
your Recommendation of this Matter to the Assembly. I beg the favour of you to acquaint M""
Golden with the Directions you have received upon this subject, that he may be assured, that
the suff'erings and Complaints of a meritorious old servant of the Crown are graciously attended
to by his Majesty, and have not been neglected by me.
His Majesty laments that the inflammatory Publications in print of ill-intentioned Persons^
in some of the other Provinces, continue to have the Effect to mislead and raise groundless
apprehensions and suspicions in the minds of His Majesty's good Subjects of New York, and
to alienate their affections from their fellow Subjects of this Kingdotn ; and so far as those
Meetings of Merchants, which you mention are actuated by a Spirit of Resentment, and a
Vol. VIIL . ,11
82 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Desire of Distressing the Merchants and Manufacturers of Great Britain, they are doubtless, if
not illegal and unwarrantable, very unnatural, ungrateful and unbecoming. In their effect
however, I trust they will be of no ill consequence to this Kingdom, and if they should induce
a real spirit of CEconomy, I cannot but think such a spirit in the Colonies would be of service
both to themselves, and to the Mother Country, as, I presume, it is the contrary which has
occasioned the enormous Debts, which at present distress the one, and depress the other.
His Majesty highly commends the attention you have shewn to Indian affairs, and in particular
to the case of the Kayaderosseras Patent, which has so long been a subject of contention with
the Savages, and a Principal Cause of their Jealousy and Enmity. If you can settle this matter
agreeably to your Expectations you will have done a very signal service, and, from the success
which has already attended the commendable and prudent Measures you have pursued, His
Majesty entertains no doubt, that your intended interview with the Indians will be productive
of great Public Advantage.
The Bill for establishing a Paper Credit in New York, transmitted with your Letter N" 10,
■will be laid before the Board of Trade for their Consideration, and I will not fail to communicate
to you His Majesty's pleasure in consequence of the Resolutions which may be taken upon
their Lordships Report.
I am Sec''
Sir Henry Moore. Hillsborough
^arl of HiUshoraitgJi to the Governors in America.
[Plantaliona General (8. P. 0.)CCLIV.]
Whitehall July 11. 1768
As I observe it frequently happens that intelligence of Public Transactions in the Colonies
is received by private Persons in this City long before any Official Communication of it comes
to me, for his Majesty's Information, I conceive this Inconvenience must arise in great measure
from his Majesty's Governors not availing themselves of such casual Opportunities of Writing
by private Ships as frequently happen, but confining themselves to the Channel of the Packets
only ; for this reason I desire that you will for the future send your Dispatches by the first
opportunity that offers, and Duplicates of them by the next Packet, or in case the Packet shall
be the first Opportunity that offers, then you will send your Duplicates by the Next
private Conveyance
^ ^ I am &"
Hillsborough
N»2.
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of
[ PlBnlalione General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLIV., No. 2. ]
Johnson Hall July 20. 1768
My Lord,
M' Johnson my Deputy has during my Absence received your Lordships Letters Numbers
one, two and three, and acquainted you with the occasion of my going to the Sea Side from
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 83
whence I returned a few days ago some what recovered of my late indisposition, he lil^ewise
reported in general terms to your Lordship the Steps taj^en towards effecting the Boundary
Line with the Indians, and the occurrences since my departure.
It remains for me now, more fully to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordships Letters
with the Report of the Board of Trade, Sincerely to Congratulate you on your late
Appointment and dutifully to Submit my thoughts on the Reform which as an Old, and I
believe a most faithfull Servant to the Crown, I am enabled, and bound to offer to His Majesty's
Consideration, wherein I shall Speak without the smallest Interest or Prejudice beyond wliat
in me naturally arises for the true Interests of the Crown, and the happiness of the People as
far as they depend on the pacific disposition of the Indians within my district, should any
thing that I offer appear worthy Attention it will in any situation of life yield me the highest
Satisfaction, and by its effects point out its utility but should it on the contrary meet with a
different reception, the Consideration of the importance of the Subject the necessary
Connection I have with it the Experience I may be supposed to have acquire in these Matters
and above all the laudable Motives which induced me to the task, will I persuade myself
Justify my intention, whilst it affords me the pleasing reflection that 1 have faithfully discharged
my duty.
Your Lordship will please to recollect that the plan for the more effectual regulating of
Indian Affairs which came out in 1764, was formed under your Lordships directions and
honored with his Majesty's Approbation when you so wisely presided at the head of the
Board of Trade, and has since in part carried into execution attended with as much Success
as could have been possibly expected from the powers committed to me, on which Subject I
have often since wrote, and at Sundry times ofl'ered my humble Sentiments towards such
Amendments therein, as seemed most reconcilable to the different Views and Interests of the
Americans. That Agreeable to my Instructions I did then and since give the strongest
Assurances to all the Nations of Indians thoughout my District, that the same would be firmly
established by such Authority and in such Manner as to effectually remove all their
uneasynesses That on these Assurances the Majority of them relied, and from the expectation
of that Establishment they have been hitherto withheld from committing outrages, the
consequences of their own unsettled minds, their strong Jealousies of our power and views
since the reduction of Canada, 9nd the Misconduct of Sundry persons in the Colonies which
has dailly encreased. That notwithstanding I was not impowered to carry this plan effectually
into execution and that some parts of it however Judicious and Political, appeared from reasons
that occured since impracticable to be inforced, yet I have still received assurances that
some thing similar thereto was under consideration, and that I should speedily receive such
powers as would Answer those ends, and that in the interim I should give the Indians
such Assurances and take such Measures, as would make them easy till the same was
Established; By taking great pains, and by repeating these assurances I have been hitherto
enabled, notwithstanding their impatience to preserve peace, which has been solely owing to
these Measures and to their expectations founded thereon.
The present Reform for the Indian Department proposed by the Lords of Trade seems very
Judiciously framed according to the object it seems to have had in View by Committing
Comercial Affairs to the Care of the Colonies with intent priucipally to the retrenciiing
Expences founded on an expectation that the Colonies Sensible of their former errors will
manage better in future. Now My Lord, was I governed by Interest or did it in any manner
84 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
influence my Representations, I should not offer any farther thoughts upon it seeing that my
Salary is Augmented, and my Cares and Trouble in some measure lessened, Considerations of
no small Weight with the generality of mankind, but when I reflect that this Reform is a
Matter of the most Serious Consequence, that its final operations, require the strictest
Canvassing, that the Consequences of Mismanagement have such weight with the Board of
Trade as to induce them to say, that were it probable it should again take place "They would
not hesitate in declareing their opinion against the Propriety of Suffering the management of
this Concern ever to revert into the hands of the Colonies." I say My Lord when I duly
consider all this I cannot but Conclude it my Imediate Duty to offer my humble thoughts, and
throw all possible light on the Obscure parts of Indian Affairs which being a Terra Incognita,
inaccessible to the Generality of even enquirers is thereby more liable to Misrepresentation
than any other Subject.
I shall therefore proceed to take a short View of the State of the Colonies and Indians
previous to the late War and since with the changes produced in the Politicks and Sentiments
of both, from a consideration of which I flatter myself some Conclusions may be drawn relative
to the Event of the present System and its future operations.
The General Misconduct and Neglect of Provincial Management is too well known and has
been repeatedly expressed as the Sense of Government, It is however said by some that they
formerly managed the Indians at a very Cheap and Easy Rate, and that they were in general
peaceable, the conclusion to be drawn from thence is. That they had best to have them again
in their hands which I am not at all Surprised that many persons concerned in Trade should
wish for, I own I shall readily admit that their Transactions were attended with very little
Expence and I know what they lost by their own economy, the manner and Success of their
Management will require to be more particularly discussed.
The English were unknown to the Western Confederacy before this Century, and the
Nature of Our Government Genius and pursuits of our People prevented them from being
objects of Jealousy to the Six Nations and others with whom they were somewhat acquainted,
Tlie little we had to do with them was easily and reasonably transacted whilst they had few
suspicions of our designs, a slender opinion of our powers and abilities, and whilst the
Inhabitants and Traders thro' fear were cautious of giving them offence. On the other hand
they saw a small but vigorous enterprizing Colony in Canada, whose Government, Pursuits
and Genius, led them to make bold Advances, to carry War into the Midstof their Country, and
whose Politicks set one Nation against another which enabled them to penetrate into the
Western Territory, and to form Alliances and Trade with Nations entire Strangers to us with
one or other of whom they were nevertheless Generally at War, These were a people
Sufficient to alarm the Jealousy of Indians, Their Eyes were fixed upon them, and they
were glad to see another European power in the Country, and indeed for the greatest part of
this Country I cant find that, the Indians were undeceived concerning us, Nevertheless in
proportion as they became acquainted with Europeans, and courted by both parties, their
want encreased, as did the expences attending for the French spared neither pains nor money
upon those occasions, whilst we avoided both and what little was given was so ill timed, and
thro' the hands of sucii Americans, Ignorant and Slothfull Managers, as rendered it of little
use, so that whoever shall peruse the Records of Indian Affairs will find that their Complaints
have been encreasing from the Commencement of this Century and their defection from Our
Interest is as Vissible, till at the breaking out of the late War they were totally alienated from
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLL 85
eur Interest, At which time the Indians were so far improved in knowledge and avarice that
their Services became very expensive and some Gentlemen contributed thereto by unsuccessful!
endeavours to acquire an undue Influence amongst them, The Western Indians even at this
time were little known and much prejudiced against us thro' the suggestions of the French
and our own Misconduct to those few who sometimes resorted to Oswego as I once before
related, and as for those who were better acquainted with us, altho' they still retained but a
slender opinion of our Abilities, they nevertheless grew Alarmed and Suspicious on observing
our encrease and the advancement of Our Settlements, which Joined to a dislike that had been
gradually encreasing rendered the appointment of a Superintendant extreamly necessary had no
War broke out with France. The Conquest of Canada being Compleated in 1760, we were
to enter into Alliances, which would make a tenfold addition of Indians, Our Troops took
Possession of the Forts in the Western Country, and our Traders flocked thither with Goods, The
French saw that they must share with other Colonies that Trade which they before held
unrivalled, and many of them flattering themselves with the hopes of a change and stimulated
by Interest spread false Reports amongst the Indians, at the same time those residing in the
Western Country and some of those^ Partizans, who had retreated thither on the reduction of
Montreal, were very busy in Alarming the Jealousies of these our new Allies, occasiond a General
Confederacy against us, on which I went to Detroit in 1761, where I held a Treaty with them.
Gave them a strong assurances of his Majestys favour, and that Measures woud be taken for
preventing Abuses Encroachments &"=, whereby I for that time prevented their designs, and on
my return represented the necessity for such Establishments as woud remove their Suspicions
and preserve peace and order, but before any thing was done therein, the artifices of the
French, Misconduct of Our People and Suspicions of the Indians (all which have been often
represented) produced the War in 1763 — which thro' means of a Vigorous Expedition, and by
employing one Nation against another was terminated the year following. One of the principal
causes of this War was the Apparent change in our behaviour to the Indians, the want of proper
Agents with fit powers amongst them, and the alarming Circumstance of our being the Sole
Europeans here by the reduction of Canada, Those Numerous Nations to whom we were
introduced by this Conquest had their Natural aversions aggravated by this Circumstance, and
our Old Allies began to be much Alarmed at it. This was one of the Natural Consequences
of our great encrease of our Advancement into- their Country and of the enlargement of our
Connections with them and could only be surmounted by degrees by favours, [&] A seemin
attention to their Interests, establishments for their Affairs, and some Summary Methods for
obtaining Justice — our people are not inclined to do this, They began to think them unworthy
attention, they encroached upon them Insulted and Wronged them and altho' they paid dear
for this during the Indian War, yet no sooner was it terminated in 1764 than elated thereby,
and by the Conquest of Canada, and seemingly insensible that this Conquest had encreased the
number of our Indian Enemys, and rendered the management of them an Affair of much more
difficulty than before they pushed on their encroachments and at last began to proceed to Rob
and Murder them whereever they met them, the general turn and sentiments of our People will
in spight of conviction lead them into these Errors. The plan which came over that year met
with several delays and thereby time was given to all those whose imediate prospects of
advantage might be frustrated by its Establishment to represent the Necessity of a general
Indulgence to Trade where they pleased. The French in the Indian Country were at the
' their. Johnson's MS., XVI., Neia-Tork Documentary History, 8vo., II., 900. —Ed.
86 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
bottom of this, tliey knew that if once they were permitted to bring Goods there, they could
Secure that part of the Trade to themselves by their Politicks, The Event has Justified this.
The Indians have began already to Murder our Traders and the French have aided in plundering
them, and persuaded tiie Indians to threaten all English with death who shall enter their
Country, In short they have been only hitherto prevented from taking Arms thro' their reliance
on my Assurances from time to time in the Name of Government. That their Affairs were
under consideration that they might be assured that such Authority should be given to
the Managers of their Affairs as would remedy those Abuses of which they have so often
Complained, and of which the Crown seems to be so Sensible. Their Reliance is, and has been
entirely on the Crown thro' the powers vested in its Officer, founded on a certainty of the utter
impossibility of receiving it at other hands whether the same be owing to inexperience, want of
leisure, disinclination, the want of legal Provision adapted to the peculiarity of their Affairs, or
to that particular biass of the Colonists which operates so much to the disadvantage of the
Indians, throughout their various Subjects of Contention, whether in the ordinary pursuit of
their Landed or Commercial Interests in America. These points in the Course of my
Correspondence with his Majesty's Ministers have been more than once enlarged on, and I see
with Satisfaction that Your Lordship and the Board of Trade are persuaded of their General
truth, and therefore I might have avoided giving Your Lordship the trouble of perusing so
long a detail, did it not contain some circumstances which will point out the difficulties I must
expect to encounter in reconcileing the whole of the Measures according to the Reform to the
minds of the Indians, and produce some thoughts from the conclusions and considerations of
which I flatter myself that Your Lordship will think it necessary to the Public Quiet that the
Colonies have ample directions for the good Management of Affairs of Commerce, as there
is reason to apprehend they will not incline to be at much trouble or expence about them.
These thoughts are with all becoming deference humbly Submitted to your Lordship. I am
to assure Your Lordship that I shall lose no time in compleating and fulfilling his Majesty's
Orders touching the carrying the Reform into Execution omitting no pains necessary for
explaining and reconcileing it to the Indians, relying on his Majesty's support for the more
effectual discharge of the rest of theDutys remaining under my Superintendency, which I shall
always endeavour to perform in the best manner, but there are some points necessary thereto
which it is my Duty to lay before your Lordship. The Northern and Southern Departments
are put upon the same allowance altho' the Northern has been always considered and admitted
to be by much the most Considerable and Respectable whether as to the Number of Indians,
their dispositions, or the circumstances attending their Affairs and Management, And as Annual
Presents must be given to the Western Indians, Six Nations, those of Canada, and the Shawanese
and Delawares, I submit it to your Lordship whether there i-s a possibility of doing this and
providing for all other necessary Contingencies on ^3000 p'' Annum. In the next place the
absolute necessity there is for my having some Subordinate Officers for the carrying on
the various operations and Dutys of this Office, Those Deputys and Interpreters who are
Essential thereto, do not appear to have a provision made for them, the Sum 1 formerly proposed
for a present alone was ^4000. The Contingences are besides as uncertain as they are
innumerable and as 1 am directed to remove all those Officers who were established for the
Indian Trade, which are the Commissaries, Smiths at the Posts &'% the future want of those
Corresponding Agents, will in many Respects add to the trouble as well as the expence of
Management So that the Deputys who are long Established cannot be paid out of the Annual
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI 87
^3000. without omitting some other essential part of the Service, nor can theirs be dispensed
with. But that the Service may not suffer thro' the want of what is necessary and reasonable,
I shall endeavour to settle these matters with the Commander in Chief of the Army, in the best
manner I can, hoping it will merit approbation.
The other Affairs of the Department, the necessity for continuing the Boundary Line
Northerly from Owegy so as to Establish bounds between them and New York in such manner
as the Indians shall be prevailed on to agree to, I hope to receive your Lordships
Commands upon.
As to the other objects of Concern and the extraordinary Intelligences received I am doing all
in my power thereon, and hope to lay them and other Matters more fully before your Lordship in
my next, but the Subject of this Letter having already drawn it out to an immoderate length
I must for the present draw to a Conclusion, by expressing my humble gratitude to his
Majesty for the Augmentation of my Sallary, and my Sincere thanks to your Lordship
Assuring you that I should not desire it, longer than I was able to do real Service, and that as
all my proposals have been directed with that View, the same shall ever remain the invariable
rule of My Conduct, thro' which I persuade myself of his Majesty's favour and the" Continuance
of your Lordships Countenance.
I have the honour to be, with the most profound Respect
My Lord
Your Lordships
Most obedient & most
The Right Hon"'* Devoted humble Servant
The Earl of Hillsborough. W. Johnson
Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore.
[New-York, CLX.l
(N''20.)
Whitehall 13'" August 17G8
Sir,
On the IS"" of July I received your Letter to me N° 11, acquainting me with your Intention
of setting out the next Day after the date of it for the Mohawk Country ; and I shall be
happy to hear that your Journey has proved as agreeable to yourself as I dare say it will have
been beneficial to the Public.
I have only in Command from His Majesty to send you the inclosed Order of His Majesty
in Council, confirming the Boundary Line between New York and Quebec, as agreed upon and
fixed by yourself and Governor Carleton, for the due Execution of which Order under the
several Limitations and Restrictions contained in it, His Majesty has the fullest Reliance on
your zeal for & attention to His Service.
Some doubts having occurred to the Lords of Trade whether the two last Acts passed in
New York for making provision for quartering His Majesty's Troops were such a compliance
with the British Act of Parliament as to give Validity to the Subsequent Acts and Proceedings
of the Legislature there, under the Restrictions of the Act of Parliament of the 7"" of the
King, their Lordships thought fit to make a Report to His Majesty thereupon.
88 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This Report has been since referred to His Majesty's Attorney & Solicitor General for their
opinion the Question agitated by the Board of Trade, and they having reported that they are
of Opinion, the Act of Assembfy passed in New York in June 1767 is such a Compliance with
the Act of Parliament of the Seventh year of His Majesty's Reign as leaves the validity of the
Acts and Proceedings of the Legislature of the Colony subsequent to the 1*' of October 1767,
subject to no objection, on that Account, I herewith inclose to you a Copy of His Majesty's
Order in Council thereupon, directing the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations to
proceed in the Consideration of the other Laws passed in that Province, and make their
Representations thereupon to His Majesty in Council in the usual & accustomed manner.
I am &c*
Hillsborough
Order in Council confirming ilie Boundary Line between New-Yorh ajid Quebec.
[ From New-Tork Council Minntea, Albany, XXVI., 131. ]
At the Court at S' James's the 12"" day of August 1768
Present — The Kings most Excellent Majesty
Duke of Grafton Viscount Falmouth
• Duke of Rutland Viscount Barrington
Duke of Queensberry Viscount Villiers
Marquiss of Granby Lord North
Earl of Litchfield James Stuart Mackenzie Esq :
Earl of Hillsborough Thomas Harley Esq'':
Earl of Shelburne Sir Edward Hawke
Viscount Weymouth
Whereas there was this Day read at the Board a Report from the Right Honourable the
Lords of the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs dated the 9"" of this Instant, upon
considering a Report made by the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, upon an
Extract of a Letter from Sir Henry Moore Governor of New York, to the Earl of Shelburne
dated the 16"' of January last, relative to the selling the Boundary Line between that Province
and Quebec: By which Report it appears, that it having been mutually agreed upon, between
Sir Henry Moore and the Commander in Chief of the Province of Quebec, at a Meeting for
that purpose appointed, that the Line of Division between these Provinces should be fixed at
the forty fifth Degree of North Latitude, conformable to the Limits laid down in his Majesty's
Proclamation of October 1763, and it having been ascertained and determined by proper
Observations where the said Line would pass ; it is therefore proposed that these Proceedings
above stated should be confirmed by his Majesty — His Majesty taking the said Report into
Consideration was pleased with the Advice of his privy Council to approve thereof, and doth
hereby confirm the said Proceedings above stated, and order that the said Line of Division be
run out and continued as far as each Province respectively extends Provided that nothing
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. - 89
herein before contained shall extend to affect the Properties of his Majesty's new Suhjectf,
having Possessions under proper Titles, on those parts of the Lands on the South side of this
Line, the Dominion of which was not disputed on the part of the Crown of Great Britain ;
And Provided also, that this Determination shall not operate wholly to deprive his Majesty's
new Subjects of such Concessions on the South side of the said Line, on which they may
have made actual Settlement and Improvement, although the Lands may have been disputed
by the Crown of Great Britain ; but that such Possessors shall be intitled to so much of the
said Concessions, as shall be proportioned to their Improvements, as the Rate of fifty Acres
for every three Acres of Improvement, provided they take out Grants for the same under the
Seal of the Province of New York, Subject to the usual Quit Rents; and Provided also that
the Grant to no one Person shall exceed twenty thousand Acres: And the Governors or
Commanders in Chief of his Majestys said Provinces of New York and Quebec for the Time
being, and all others whom it may concern, are to take Notice of his Majesty's Pleasure hereby
signifyed and govern themselves accordingly
Steph: Cottrell
Order in Council on the Report of the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council.
[New-Tork Bundle, Er., No. S8 ; New-York Colonial Minutee, Albany, XXVI., 181. ]
At the Court of S' James's the 12"- day of August 176S.
Present — The Kings most Excell' Maj'^ in Council.
Whereas, there was this day read at the Board a Report from the Right Hon*"'' the Lords
of the Committee of Council for the Plantation Affairs dated the 9"' of this instant in the
words following: viz'
" Your Maj'^ having been pleased by your Order in Council of the ll"" of May last to referr
«' unto this Committee a Representation from the Lords Commissioners for Trade & Plantations
" dated the 7"" of the said month of May in the words following viz'
" Sir Henry Moore Baronet, your Maj'^"' Gov"' of the Prov'* of New York, having transmitted
" to us the Acts and proceedings of the Legislature of that Colony in their last session of
«' Assembly, we have taken the same into our consideration, and humbly beg leave to represent
«' to Your Maj'y.
" That these Acts and proceedings, appear to have passed subsequent to the first of October
" 1767 the day fixed for the Commencement of the operation of tlie provisions of an Act of
" Parliam' made in the 7"" year of your Maj'^'" Reign, intituled: "an Act for restraining a?id
" j'rohibitiiig the Gov', Council and House of Representatives of the Province of New York, until
" jirnvision shall have been made for Furnishing the King's Troops with all the necessaries required by
" Law, from passing, or assenting to any Act of Assembly, vote or resolution for any other purpose'^ And
" therefore it will, as we humbly conceive, be necessary, before we can report our Opinion upon
" these Acts and proceedings, that it should be determined, whether there has been on the part
•' of the Legislature of New York such a submission to and compliance, with what has been
Vol. VIIL 12
90 • NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
" thought fit to be enacted by the Parliament of Great Britain, in respect to quartering your
" Maj'y'" Troops in America, as could conformably to the tenour of the Act above mentioned,
" make it Lawful for the Legislature of New York, to make or pass any Act, or any order,
" resolution, or vote, save only such as could make such Acts, Votes and Resolutions of any
" force or validity ; and to the end that Your Maj'^ may be fully informed of every circumstance
" necessary to be attended to in the discussion of this question, it is our duty humbly to stale
" to your Majesty the Laws, which have been passed in New York for making provision for
" quartering your Maj"''= Troops, subsequent to the Act for that purpose, which was disallowed
" by Your Maj"' in Council, and was the ground of those proceedings in Parliament, that gave
" rise to the Law above recited" —
" On the 6"= of June 1767. the Legislature of New York passed an Act intituled: "An Act
" " granting unto His Maj'^ the sum of three thousand pounds for furnishing necessarys for the
" " Troops quartered within this Colony, and for paying Captain Phillip Martin the losses he
" " sustained in the house of Major James, on the first of November one thousand seven
" " hundred and sixty five" — By this Act it is provided, that the Treasurer of that Colony
" shall out of certain funds therein mentioned pay unto His Excellcy Thomas Gage,
"Commander in Chief of your Maj"'"' Forces in North America or his order, or to the Commander
" in Chief for the time being, or order, the sum of three thousand pounds to be applied for
'• furnishing necessarys for your Maj'^'"' Troops quartered within that Colony, and no mention
*' whatever is made of the persons by whom, or the mode in which the service shall be
" performed ; nor is there any specification pf the particular articles to be furnished to
" the Barracks.
" On the same day that this Act was passed, the General Assembly was prorogued, between
" which time and their meeting again in November your Mnj'^'' Gov'' received the Act of
" Parliament and on the IS"' of November 1767 he communicated it to the Council and
" Assembly of New York, who, in their address in answer to the speech made by him upon
" that occasion, expressed their concern at having fallen under the displeasure of the British
'« Parliament, and referr to what they had done in the preceeding session, as such a compliance
«' with the Act of Parliam* as did in their opinion take away any scruple the Gov"' could have
» to concurr in such things as the public good of the Colony might require.
" In this opinion your Maj"'» Gov'' appears to have acquiesced, and accordingly the Gen'
" Assembly proceeded to business in the usual manner, and several Laws were made and
" enacted, among which there is one for making a further provision of fifteen hundred pounds
" for furnishing Your Maj'J"'' Troops Quartered in that Colony with necessaries, and the sums
" requisite lor quartering Your Maj'''* Troops are directed to be drawn out of the Treasury by
" warrant of the Gov' and Council without any specification either of the manner in which
" the service shall be performed, or the Articles which are to be furnished.
" From these proceeding it evidently appears that the Legislature of your Maj''^"' Province of
" New York have considered the Act passed by them in June 1767, as a full and compleat
" obedience to and compliance with the Acts of Parliament above recited, and when we
" consider the nature and Terms of the Act of Parliament of the seventh year of Your Maj'>''
" Rtiign ( which in the enacting part is entirely silent as to the mode of providing the necessaries
" required by the former Laws) and compare that Act with the provisions of the Law passed
" in New York in 1767; we cannot but be of opinion that the object and intention of it are
" thereby in effect answered and provided for.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 91
"But liow far in the strict and legal construction of this Law it is such a compliance as can
"give validity to all Acts and proceedings there subsequent to the first of October 17G7, is a
"question which it is our duty humbly to submit to your ^^lj'>''' determination, upon such
" opinions and advice of the Law Officers as your Majesty shall think fit to take thereupon."
" The Lords of the Committee in obedience to your JNIaj'J''' said order of reference did on
"the 25"" of June last take into consideration the said representation and Act passed in New
" York on the sixth of June 1767 and also another Act passed in that Province on the 21"
" of Decenib"' 1767, intituled : " An Act for making a further provision of fifteen hundred
" "pounds for furnishing His Maj''"'" Troops quartered in this Colony with necessaries" and
"likewise the aforementioned Act of Parliament made in tiie seventh year of your Majesty's
" Reign, and thought proper to referr the said representation and Acts to your Mnj''"' Attorney
"and Soliicitor general to consider the same and report to this Committee how far in the
" strict and legal construction the Law passed in New York in June 1767, is such a compliance
" with the said Act of Parliam' of the seventh year of your Maj'^'" Reign, as can give validity
"to all Acts and proceedings of the Legislature of tiie said Colony subsequent to the 1" of
"October 1767; whereupon Your Majesty's Attorney and Soliicitor General have reported to
" this Committee, that they are of opinion the Act of Assembly passed in New York in June
" 1767 is such a compliance with the Act of Parliament of the seventh year of your Maj'''
" Reign, as leaves the validity of the Acts and proceedings of the Legislature of the Colony,
"subsequent to the first of October 1767, subject to no objection on that account; for the
"only object of the Act of Parliam' appears to have been fully accomplished by the supjily
" of the money, which is admitted to be competent to the service, the mode of applying it, and
"the specification of the articles made no part of the condition, the performance of which was
"to restore the Legislature of the Colony to their former activity. — And the Lords of the
" Committee having this day resumed the consideration of this matter do concurr in opinion
" with your Maj'^'» Attorney and Soliicitor General and humbly propose to your Maj'J' that it
" may be adviseable for your Maj'^ to direct the Lords Commissioners for Trade and
" Plantations to proceed in the consideration of the other Laws passed in that Province
" and make their representations thereupon to your Maj'^ in Council in the usual & accustoni'd
" manner" —
His Majesty, taking the said Report into consideration, was pleased with the advice of his
privy Council to approve thereof and to order as it is hereby ordered, that the Lords Commiss"
for Trade and Plantations do proceed in the consideration of the other Laws passed in that
province and make their representations thereupon to His Maj"' in Council in the usual &
accustomed manner.
Steph: Cottrell.
Earl of Hillshoroiigh to Si?- Will/am JoJinson.
[ PlantatioDs General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLIV. No. 6. ]
N-S
Whitehall August 13. 176S
Sir,
I have his Majesty's Commands in consequence of an Order in Council, to transmit to you
the inclosed Copy of a Petition presented to his Majesty, praying a Grant, under certain
92 ■ NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Limitations, of all Copper Mines in the Country circumjacent to Lake Superior 60 Miles from
the Waters of the Lake; 1 am also directed to send you a Copy of tlie Report of the Board
of Trade upon this Petition, and as his Majesty approves what is advised by their Lordships
You will therefore be pleased to make a full enquiry into the Facts alledged, and the
Practicability of the Proposals, and report your opinion what effect the Execution of this
Measure will probably have as to his Majesty's Interests with respect to the Indians, and by
what means they might be induced to consent to such Establishments, as would be necessary
for obtaining the advantages stated to arise from the Proposals, in case his Majesty should
upon further Consideration think it adviseable to comply therewith.
I am &■=
Hillsborough.
N" 18
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ Sew-Tork, CLX., A. 83. ]
My Lord,
It was no small mortification to me that I was under the necessity of laying before your
Lordship the disappointment I had met with in my late endeavours to settle the dispute
concerning the Kayaderosseras Patent, but I was deservedly punish'd for relying on the
diligence & activity of persons whom I thought too much interested in the success of my
negotiation to neglect any means which could forward it; I have already had the honor of
informing your Lordship in my letter mark'd N° 12. that 1 had been oblig'd to break up the
meeting held on this occasion without concluding on any thing, but I was determined not to
let it drop, especially in our present critical situation «& the moment the Surveys were
compleated which I had directed to be made I sent up two Persons from hence as Agents to
the Patentees with letters to S' W™ Johnson recommending this matter strongly to him &
desiring that the Mohawk Indians might be called together again, & the former Proceeding laid
once more before them ; This had the desired effect, for as the contending parties could now
judge with certainty what was claim'd by each, from the Surveyors Return which was made
upon oath. It was not long before they came to an agreement on the following conditions, as
1 am inforrned by a letter received a few days ago, from S' W"" Johnson, The Patentees have
released to the Indians a large Tract of Land to the Westward, which was part of the Patent
they claimed & likewise ail Pretentions to those lands by which the Titles of certain
Patents granted to others were affected. The Indians on their part have relased all claim to
the remainder of the Patent agreeable to the Survey made on the Patentees paying them 5000
Dollars, This Dispute which has subsisted about GO years & occasioned so much uneassiness is
at last settled to the satisfaction of all Parties, & I am extremely happy to have it in my power
to give your Lordship this information, I must own that I was under so much anxiety about
it (as there is to be a considerable congress of Indians on our Frontiers about the latter end of
this Month) that I was determined in case of any new obstructions to have set out again
immediately for that part of the Country, which I could not have effected without some
I
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 93
difficulty, as I had been seized with a violent fever on my return from my late Journey, &
since my coming home confined to my chamber for these last six weeks. But as your Lordship
had mentioned that His Majesty had been pleased to approve of the attention I had given to
this service, I thought it incumbent on me to exert my utmost efforts on the occasion. As one
of the Motives of my late Tour was to get the best information of those parts of the Province
which were most likely to suffer in case of a Rupture with the Indians, that I might be better
enabled to give them the assistance they might require, I went up as far as the Cannjoharie
Falls on the Mohawk River; Here is a carrying place about a mile in length & all Boats going
down or up the River are obliged to unload, & be carryed over land, which is a great detriment
not only on account of the delay it occasions, but from the damage done to the Boats and
Cargo, which suffer greatly by the common method of proceeding with them ; As this Fall is
the only obstruction to the Navigation between FortStanwix& Schenectady, my intention was
to project a canal on the side of the Falls with Sluices on the same plan as those built on the
great Canal in Languedoc, & I stayed a whole day there which was "employed in measuring
the Falls & examining the Ground for that purpose. Upon the meeting of the Legislative
Bodies I propose to lay what I have done before them, & engage them if I possibly can to
carry into execution a project that will be attended with such benefit to the Public. If I fail
of success in my attempt I shall still have this satisfaction that I have done my Duty in pointing
out to them how those advantages they have from their situation may be improved, the rest
must depend on themselves. I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect,
My Lord
New York August l?"" 176S. Your Lordship's most obed'
& humble serv'
Earl of Hillsborough Secret^' of State. H. Moore
N'S.
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[Plantations General (8. P. O.) CCLIV., No. 3.]
Johnson Hall Aug: 17. 1768
My Lord,
I had the honor of addressing a letter N» 2, of the 20"" Ul'" to your Lordship Immediately
after my return from the Sea Coast, therein I took the libery to offer some thoughts concerning
the present Reform & Management, Some of which I flattered myself would prove Seasonable.
Since I wrote that letter a Chief of the Chippawaes one of the most powerfull Nations to the
Westward Arrived here on an Embassy with several others. As he is a man of much Influence, and
can bring some thousands [of his people] ' into the Feild, I took particular Notice of him formerly
at Niagra, since which he has behaved very well and now come to be informed of my sentiments
on the uneasy State of the Indians to the Westward, he told me that his People would quietly
wait his return before they took any Resolution, Confirmed all the Ace" I have received of the
practices of the Spaniards and French, of the assurances they give them of assistance from
Europe, and of the Belts, Messages, and Presents sent amongst them, they are endeavouring to
' The words within brackets are added from the Document in Johnson's MSS., XVI. — Ed.
94 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
encrease the spirit of distrust, Jealousy & Avasion ' by every rr.eans in their power, amongst the
Indians in general, and it will be utterly impossible to keep them all quiet without silencing those
incendiaries who are amongst them. I wish the Colonies may Act wisely in the Management
of the Indian Trade, as a good deal will depend upon it at this time this will require much
pains & expense, else they must not expect to send any Traders into the Indian Country,
Altho' the much greater part of those who go a trading are men of such circumstances and
dispositions as to venture their persons any where for extravagant gains, yet the consequences
to the public are not to be slighted, as we may be led into a general Quarrel thro' their means.
The Indians in the parts adjacent to Michilimacinac have been treated with at a very great
expense for some time past. Major Rojers brings a considerable Charge against the Crown for
mediating a peace between some Tribes of the Sioux & some Chippawaes living about Lake
Superior, which had it been attended with success, would have been only interesting to a very
few French, & others that had Goods in that part of the Country, but the contrary lias
happened, and they are more violent than ever against one another which perhaps is not an
unfavourable Circumstance for Us at this Juncture, but the Indians on finding that they are to
receive large Presents for promissing to lay down their Arms will never want occasion of
Quarrel with one another.
I should inform your Lordship agreable to a former letter of mine to the Earl of Shelburne,
the Patentees of the disputed Tract called Kayadarosseras sent an Agent to treat with the
Indians whom my Deputy summoned to attend for that purpose in the presence of Sir Henry
Moore during my absence from home, but the Agent not having brought an original Indian Deed,
or a proper survey of the Tract, they did not agree. Since my return having found an original
[Indian] Deed, & had their line Run, the Patentees again applied to me, & the same was
recommended by letter from Sir Henry Moore, in consequence of which, on the arrival of their
Agents they met the Mohawks, who on examining the Indian Deed & Survey & receiving a
handsome Sum of money were at length prevailed on to Yeild their Claim to the Patentees in
my presence, this will save some trouble, & Expence to the Crown, as according to the
opinion of the Lawyers there were not sufficient grounds to proceed against the Patent with
any Prospect of Sucess in a Court of Law.
In addition to what I formerly mentioned concerning the Boundary Line on which I expect
shortly to meet the Indians, I have only to express my desire to hear from your Lordship
concerning that part relating to the Province of New York, should I not be honored with your
Commands previous to the Congress, I shall endeavour to do it in the best Manner I can. As
I have all along conceived, and as it is understood by the Commander in Cheif, the Boundary
is a Matter of a General Nature, Negotiated on the part of his Majesty with the Indians, &
that whatever Cession they make is in consideration of an Adequate present to be solely at
their^ disposal of the King in all Royal Governments and may be granted by him to any of his
Subjects by Mandamus or otherwise without farther purchase from or treaty with the Indians,
I am hopefull that this construction is the sense & intention of Government, as I beleive it to
be the most effectual means of preventing disputes, at the same time it is presum'd that all
those unlocated Lands at the back of the Colonies which shall be so ceded to his Majesty by
the Indians will be added to, & become a part of such Colonies as have just claims or pretensions
to Comprehend them within their Bounds, or with which they may be most naturally connected,
but with this 1 apprehend I have nothing to do, and that my Duty is solely to treat with, and
' Aversion. Johnson's MSS., XYI. ' tlie. Johnsons MSS., XVI. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 95
obtain a Cession for and on belialf of the Crown of a Tract of Country along tlie Frontiers, tlie
Rear of which is to be the Boundary Line between the English in General, & the Several
Indian Nations, agreable to which I mean to Act, according to my best Judgement, and as
Correspondent as possible with the line described on the Map transmitted by your Lordship,
hopeing that the Commissioners from the Several Governments who attend the Treaty will be
enabled to give the strongest & most satisfactory Assurances to the Indians, that no
Kncroachments shall be made by any of the Inhabitants on their Lands beyond that Line, and
this cannot be to firmly guarded & secured, for should it hearafier be invaded and the
Agreements Violated on our parts, it were better they had never been entered into.
In my last I took, the liberty to observe to your Lordship concerning the slender provision
made for the Expences of my Department, which has been always Considered as the most
considerable, & by much the most important of the Two superintendencys, That no mention is
made of my Deputys, or of interpreters without whom the Business of the Department could
not be conducted, that the Former were Officers indispensably necessary for the Management
of Affairs in the Distant & Different Quarters for many years past and Existing long before any
Plan for Trade was adopted and that the Interpreters must be always considered as wanting
The Commissioners were the only officers appointed for the Management of Trade & their
Expence far exceeded all the rest of the Department, occasioned principally by our having
newly got possession of the Out Posts, and they are now to be discontinued, but a due
Consideration of the importance of other Dutys to be performed by the Department, and of
their Multifarious nature will evince the necessity there is for some proper subordinate Officers
& Interpreters, which cannot be provided for out of the Sum allotted. One thousand pounds
p'' Annum of which being for my Sallary, the remaining three thousand pounds will I fear be
found an inadequate Sum for Annual Presents to three large confederacys of Indians, «& other
incidental Expences, on which the Public tranquility here does in a great measure depend
without a possibility of applying any part of it to the Support of such Officers and Assistants
as I have repeatedly shewn the necessity of. But to manifest my Zeal and readiness to carry
on the Management of Indian Affairs on a new Arrangement in the manner they ought to be
conducted, I presumed to propose an addition of a thousand pounds p' Annum for the Sallarys of
three Deputys & Interpreters, and small as the other Sum may appear resolved to endeavour my
utmost that it should answer the purposes of promoting tranquility and extending his Majesty's
Interest, with this View I transmit to General Gage Commander in Cheif an Estimate of the
Expences & application of the Sum proposed on the New Arrangement wherein I have
proposed the addition of ^1000 p"' Annum for three Deputys, A number of Interpreters for
the many difierent Nations & a Messenger, In this (besides the Sallarys & Expences of the
Commissaries now to be Discontinued) there is no provision made for a Secretary Clerk,
Store keeper, Smiths, Charges of Transportation of goods Sl"^ & one Deputy is likewise
omitted, because as my fourth Deputy has been very lately instituted by direction of his Grace
the Duke of Richmond for the peculiar Province of Nova Scotia, the necessity of his continuance
is submitted to Your Lordship As to a Secretary he cannot be dispensed with, the entrys of
proceedings & preserving the Records of all Indian transactions being as necessary as it is
troublesome, but I have not included his Sallary it being usually paid out of the Receiver
Generalls Office of the Province of New York, at the rate of .£100 St? p' Annum, to which I
generally procured an addition, as no man properly qualified would undertake that troublesome
Duty in this Country on such a Sallary. My Deputys considering their respective Duties,
96 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
tbe Expences to which they are liable and that there is no Allowance for travelling charges &"=
Will find .£200 Str'^ p'' Annum a very slender provision for theni and every other Sallary is
rated as low as men can be procured qualified for their Offices, So that I flatter myself your
Lordship will find that the Moderate addition I propose which will make the whole Annual
Expence but .£5000 Str's including my own, & Officers Sailarys, is a very trifling Sum for
conducting Aff'airs of such Public importance. From my Sense of the State of Indian Affiiirs,
I humbly recommend it to Your Lordship, and I have only to wish that it may be found
sufficient for preserving peace & order, and promoting those Objects of Public concern that
depend on the Establishment of proper men, and the pursuit of proper Measures in the
discharge of the various Dutys appurtaining to my Office.
I have the honor to be with the most profound Respect.
My Lord
Your Lordships
most obedient
and most devoted
The Right Honourable Humble Servant
The Earl of Hillsborough. W. Johnson
N" 20
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hdlshorough.
[New-Tork, CLX., A. 40.]
New York August IS"- 1768
My Lord,
I have the satisfaction to inform your Lordship that the Obstructions complain'd of by
Commissioners of His Majesty's Customs in the execution of their Duty have never been
occasioned by any thing which has happen'd in this Province, nor has there been the least
subject of complaint from the behaviour of any persons here, on account of the late Duties
impos'd : This tranquillity however is now render'd very precarious by a late order from the
Commissioners to M' Elliot ^ our Collector forbidding him to receive any thing for the Duties
but Silver, which is not at present to be procured in the Province, so that a strict compliance
with that Order will certainly occasion very great uneasiness here, & lay the foundation for
future disorders.
The scarcity not only of silver but of every other Currency, even paper, has been so great
for some few years past, that M' Elliot has been under the necessity of giving every indulgence
he could consistent with his office in collecting the Duties; The Commissioners of the Customs
in England have been inform'd, that he has often been forced to take an Obligation from the
' Andrew Elliot, uncle of the Ist Eiirl of Minto, -was the third son of Sir Gilbert Elliot, Bt, Lord Justice Clert of Scot-
Innd. Through the interest of his brother Gilbert, member for Selkirk, and confidant and counselor of Lord Bute, he was
appointed, on the death of Archibald Kennedy, Collector of the port of New-Yoik, by commission dated 19th January, 1764,
which office he held until the evacuation of that city. He was appointed his Majesty's Lieutenant-Governor in 1780, and
administered the Royalist government from 17th April to 25th November, 1783. Mr. Elliot married a Pliiladelphia lady,
and bis property in that State was consequently confiscated. His daughter Elizabeth married, in June, 1779, Lord, after-
wards Earl, CatUcart, then a Major in the S8lh Regiment of foot. — Eo.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 97
Owners of Ships to pay the Duties in ten days or a fortnight rather than detain the Vessel! so
long at the Wharf without being permilted to unload, & to this he has received for answer,
that this indulgence was at his own risque, & that he was responsible for every shilling due to
the Revenue, for which he should take such securities. By this method of proceeding Business
has been carried on for some time without the least detriment to the Crown, & to the great
satisfaction of the Trader, but lately in the midst of those Tumults which happen'd at Boston
the Commissioners there sent the abovemention'd order to M' Elliot with which it is not in
his power to comply, as silver cannot be procured at any rate, & at present it can serve no
other purpose than that of furnishing those who are inclin'd to be Riotous with some pretence
for complaint, & lay the foundation for future disorders. I am directed by His Majesty's
Orders to support, aid & protect the Officers in the execution of their Duty, & shall always
to do it to the utmost of my power, but I did not take upon me to contradict the Orders given
by the Commissioners, as I might by so doing- be thought to go out of my department, neither
should [ at any time attempt it except in such emergencies where His Majesty's service & the
Peace of the Province might be in danger of sutfering; but I thought it necessary to desire
that M' Elliot would write immediately to the Commissioners & let them know my sentiments
as well as his own on this subject, & I hope they will have prudence enough on a reconsideration
of this matter not to insist on an order which may be attended with such disagreeable
circumstances, & which from the present scarcity of silver cannot be carried into execution.
I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect,
My Lord, Your Lordship's most
Obd' & Humb"^ Servant
Earl of Hillsborough Secretary of State. H. Moore
N''2l.
Governoi' Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[New-York, CLX., A. «.]
My Lord,
I am very sorry to be under the necessity of saying any thing more on the disagreeable*
subject of the dispute which happen'd here lately between Gener' Gage & myself, but as your
Lordship has directed me to transmit an Account of what first gave rise to it, I shall to the best
of my recollection, give all the information in my power. — Upon my arrival here I was receiv'd
with the usual Ceremony paid to His Majesty's Governors, & on every occasion both Publick &
Private for the two first years, had never any reason to suppose that I had any Competitor for
Precedence here; such a thought never entered into my head, nor did I suppose from the
following words of my Commission, that it was ever intended. "And We do hereby require
" & command all Officers & Ministers Civil Sf Military & all other Inhabitants of our said
"Province & the Territories depending thereon to be Obedient, aiding & assisting unto you
"the said S"' Henry Moore in the execution &c." — As I was an intire Stranger to the
Instruction of which the General has since furnished me with a copy, & no intimation given
Vol. VIII. 13
98 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
me before I left England of any extraordinary powers granted to the Commander in Chief of
His Majesty's Forces here, I could not but suppose that my Commission was superior to all
others here, nor did I ever entertain the least doubt of it. I have already mentioned in my
former letter the custom which is kept up here of assembling at the Fort on His Majesty's
Birth Day ; In June 1767 after a great concourse of People had met there I desir'd two
Gentlemen of His Majesty's Council to wait on the General & to request the favor of his
Company on the occasion. My Invitation was not accepted because (as I afterwards
understood) that I had not waited on him in Person, this did not prevent our going on with
the usual Ceremonies of the Day, which were performed with unfeigned chearfulness. Had
1 been appris'd of the General's objection that Day I should not have endeavour'd to remove
it, for at the time when all the principal people in the City were assembled at the Fort to pay
me the Compliments of the Day as His Majesty's Representative here, 1 should have thought
that I had debased my Commission, by such a proceeding, & did imagine that a sufficient
compliment was paid by sending two Members of His Majesty's Council with the invitation. —
About the beginning of the following Winter, it was reported among some of the Military that
there were certain powers granted to the General by His Commission which gave him
authority to command all the Governors on the Continent, to this I gave no attention as no
one ever acknowledg'd that he had seen the Commission, but being oblig'd to wait on the
General not long after on Account of some idle reports which had been carried to him by evil
minded people who were desirous of making a breach between us, I then took an opportunity
of speaking to him concerning my Commission and shew'd him the extract quoted in the
former part of this letter, desiring at the same time to know if there was any clause in his
Commission which could invalidate the powers there given to me,to which he answered, that
there was not any, but he never shewed me his Commission or any part of it, or at that time
mentioned the Instruction. — Nothing happen'd after this till the latter end of the Month of
February 1768. When at an Assembly where the Military Gentlemen had taken upon
themselves the management. They thought proper (the plan having as I suppose been
previously concerted) to determine this point themselves & to give that Precedence to General
Gage & his Family which I thought my due, without assigning the least reason for it ; Upon
this I retired immediately with my Family to avoid all altercation which might ensue, & the
next morning a Copy of the Instruction was sent to me, & I was informed it was given out in
Publick Orders, so that it became Criminal in any Officer to act contrary to it whatever his
.private opinion might have been. — ^^I have already had the honor of informing your Lordship
that I waited on the General immediately & endeavour'd to convince him that the Instruction
related only to the Public Meetings where all the Governors were to be eoncern'd, but without
success ; I have since been informed that the respect I had shew'd him when he assisted in
the Council was afterwards look'd upon to be no more than wiiat was due to him from the
words of the Instructions, although it was never my intention to acknowledge his superiority,
or was I inform'd till the time I have mentioned that he was possessed of any such Instructions.
As there was little prospect of this matter being settled here, I desir'd that our behaviour
to each other might continue the same as before, & that the Dispute might be submitted to
His Majesty, to which he readily consented, & I hope we shall both think it our Duty to be
carefull that the Publick Service shall not suffiir by what has happen'.d. — If nothing farther had
been said of this than what is here mentioned, I should not have been under any great concern,
but this contest soon became the Toi)ic of every conversation where it has been canvass'd with
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 99
great warmth, & has contributed not a little to create jealousies & uneasiness in the minds of
the People ; We soon saw the effects it had even on our Public Amusements, some of which
were drop'd after having been continued here without interruption for near thirty years, & the
Inhabitants of the Town, by withdrawing themselves from those opportunities of intercourse
with the Military, which were calculate to promote society and a good understanding between
them, have already began to behave towards them with a coldness & distance too visible not
to be remark'd. I hope your Lordship will pardon my entering on so minute a detail of this
matter, & at the same time that I shall not forfeit so much of your Lordships good opinion as
to be thought capable of engaging in a Contest of this kind merely on account of a Precedence
at Public Spectacles & Diversions ; My views were not so confin'd, & it would at any time
have been inexcusable to have acted on such weak motives, but more particularly at my
time of life ; The various Duties of my Commission if properly attended to, leave but little time
for amusements, and as I seldom make my appearance at any of them, I contribute to their
support cheifiy as an entertainment to others, but when f found that this claim of the General's
was so extensive, & likely to be productive of such ill consequences, I could not avoid being
alarm'd, especially at a time when our neighbours have set us such Examples, & was not only
at that time, but am still apprehensive that it may lay a foundation for future disorders: — ^I
have endeavour'd by every Act in my power to remove those unwarrantable suppositions, to
which this dispute has given rise, and although the strongest arguments may lose their effect
on weak & ignorant minds, determin'd not to be convinced, I flatter myself that among those
who will suffer their reason to come to their aid, I have not been without success. It is asserted
here that Gen' Monckton & S'' Charles Hardy my Predecessors in this Government were so far
from acknowledging the superiority of the Commission which the Commander in Cheif of His
Majesty's Forces held during their residence here, that they always took the Precedence on
every Public occasion, to which they thought themselves intitled as Civil Governors of the
Province ; These Gentlemen are now in England, & may be easily call'd upon to know if
there is any truth in this assertion, for I do not mention this from my own knowledge, but
from the information of others. — I have already in many of my former letters laid before His
Majesty's Ministers the present weakness of our Government, & have shew'd how necessary
it was to have the Governors hands strengthened, that he might be able to act up to his
Commission, & comply with his Duty to the Crown; The levelling Principles which prevail
so much in this Country require it, and our late misfortunes too evidently prove the truth of
what I have here advanc'd ; In this situation the address must be to the Throne, where his
Majesty's service is so materially concern'd. It is to him we all look up, as to the Fountain
of Honor, & shall with all Duty & submission acquiesce in whatever shall be settled by the
Royal determination.
I have the honor to be
with the greatest Respect
My Lord
New York August IQ"" 1768 Your Lordship's most obedient
& humb" servant.
Earl of Hillsborough Secretary of State. H. Moork.
100 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America.
[Plantations General (S. P. 0. ) CCLIV. ]
(Circular.)
Whitehall Sepf 2^ 1768.
The King having observed that the Governors of his Colonies have upon several Occasions
taken upon them to communicate to their Councils and Assemblies either the whole or Parts
of letters which they have received from His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, I have
it in Command from His Majesty to signify to you that it is His Majesty's Pleasure that you
do not upon any pretence whatever, communicate either to the Council or Assembly any
Copies or Extracts of such Letters as you shall receive from His Majesty's Principal SecretaHes
of State unless you have His Majesty's particular directions for so doing
I am &"=
Hillsborough
Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore.
[ New-York, CLX. ]
(No. 22)
Whitehall 12"- Ocf 1768.
Sir,
Your letters to me, wrote after your return from the Mohawk Country, and numbered from
12 to 21, have been duly received and laid before the King.
The inclosed extract of a letter I have wrote by this Mail to Sir W" Johnson will fully
inform you of the directions I have given in respect to the Boundary Line between New York
and the Indians, the settlement of which cannot fail of being greatly facilitated by the happy
conclusion of the disputes respecting the Kayaderosseras Patent.
His Majesty approves the Attention you have shewn to His commands concerning the
New Hampshire Townships, and as the Report you have transmitted seems to contain every
Circumstance relative to the actual state of their present cultivation & improvement, I make
no doubt that the Board of Trade, to whom His Majesty has thought fit to refer this Business,
will be enabled to recommend such measures as may decide upon the claims of the Grantees
under the New Hampshire Patents, and induce an Improvement of these valuable Lands to
the Public Benefit, and to the advantage of the Revenue.
The Division of the County of Albany seems a very proper & necessary measure, and there
can be no objection to your assenting to a Law for that Purpose, provided it is silent as to the
Representation in the Assembly, which tho' it is certainly a privilege that ought not to be
denied to the new County, yet His Majesty considers that they ought to derive it from His
Royal Grace & favour, & therefore consents that you should (in case the Legislature think fit
to create the new County) issue writs for the election of two MemJoers into the General
Assembly; but His Majesty does not approve of its being made a part of the Law.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 101
Your Letters concerning the Vacancies at the Council Board by the Resignation of M'
Alexander and by the Death of M'" Watts' are ordered by His Majesty to be communicated to
the Board of Trade, which will shortly assemble after the usual Recess at this Season of the
Year, and I doubt not their Lordships will lose no time in making such Representations to His
Majesty thereupon as they think fit.
The orders given by the Commiss" of the Customs at Boston to Nr Eliot, appear to me to
be ill judged, but as this is a matter which more particularly appertains to the Department of
the Treasury, I have receiv'd His Majesty's commands to communicate to that Board what
you say in your letter N° 20. upon that subject.
Your letter N" 21. upon the subject of the Disputes between yourself and General Gage,
concerning Rank and Precedence is under Consideration, and I trust such Orders will be given
thereupon as may be equally satisfactory to both ; in the mean time I am commanded by His
Majesty to desire you will continue to Act with the same spirit of Prudence and Moderation
by which your conduct upon this occasion appears to have been hitherto governed, & which
His Majesty does very much approve.
I am &c*
Sir Henry Moore Bar' Hillsborough
N-e.
Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson.
I Plantations General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLIV., No. 6. ]
Whitehall October the IS"" 1768
Sir,
The experience the King has had of your ability and zeal for his service in the Department
of Indian Affairs will always induce His Majesty to give attention to whatever you may think
fit to submit upon that subject. His Majesty has therefore fully considered the remarks you
make in your letter to me N" 2 upon the present State of the service under your direction and
it gives his Majesty great satisfaction to find that the arrangements pointed out in my letter of
the 15 of April, are in your opinion judiciously calculated to answer the object they have
in view.
It is not however upon the propriety of the propositions themselves that the advantage of
them altogether depends, it is upon the execution of them, & upon the regulations which the
Colonies shall think fit to adopt for the Management of the commercial part, that we are to
rely for those benefitts which are intended to be the result of them.
The relieving this Kingdom from every expence that can with safety be avoided is, in its
present state, a consideration of the greatest importance it is one great object of this plan and
I have it in command from the King in an especial manner to recommend to you the strictest
(Economy in those services, the expence of which is to be defrayed by this Kingdom, and it is
his Majesty's pleasure that after consulting with General Gage, you should make out some
certain Estimate of what you think the State of the Service in your Department may require
' Sic. The name is William Walton in New -York Council Minutes, XXVI., 145. See post p. 109. The Honble Mr. TVatU
survived the American Revolution and died in Wales. De Peyster OeneaXogy, 69. — Ed.
102 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to be laid before his Majesty for his consideration in order to the determining whether any
greater Sum than that recommended by the Board of Trade should be finally allowed for this
service. In the mean time, and until you receive the Kings further commands, it is his
Majestys pleasure that the annual expence of the service should on no account exceed that Sum.
His Majesty observes by General Gage's letters received at the same time with yours, that
you have estimated the expence of runing the Boundary Line at no less a Sum than ^10,000
Si? which, without knowing the Ground on which this calculation is made, appears to imply
demands on the parts of the Savages which cannot but be thought very unreasonable, when it
is considered that the Settlement of this business has been so long earnestly solicited by them,
and that the line proposed does in many places preclude from the Settlement lands that were
before supposed not to be contested by them, and does in others add less to his Majesty's
Dominions than what themselves proposed in the negotiation with you in 1765.
If however notwithstanding all the Attention his Majesty is persuaded you will give to
(Economy, in resisting every exorbitant demand, such expence is to be incurred, and the
gratifications to the Indians on this occasion, are so far to exceed what might reasonably have
been hoped for, it becomes highly expedient that the Colonies Interested in this measure, and
whose limits of Settlement are extended by it, should be early apprized of what will be
required in order that they may make timely provision in proportion to the benefit they are
respectively to receive from it; for it cannot upon any grounds of reason or justice be expected,
that this Kingdom should take it upon itself the whole, or indeed any part, of the expence of
a measure calculated for the local interests of particular Colonies.
His Majesty entirely approves the continuing the Boundary Line Northward from Owegy so
as to include the Province of New York and thereby render the line perfect and complete ;
And I am to recommend to you that no time be lost in bringing this negotiation to a conclusion,
ill the conduct of which it will be necessary that Sir Henry Moore should be consulted, so that
there may be a perfect agreement of all parties, by which alone those difficulties may be
overcome which occured upon this Subject in the negotiation of 1765, & which have hitherto
made it impossible to give any precise directions from hence.
Having signified to you his Majestys commands upon all those parts of your letter upon
which you desire instruction, I cannot avoid taking some Notice upon the plan for Indian
Affairs prepared by the Lords of Trade in 1764, when I had the honor of a Seat at that Board,
But before I make any remarks upon the plan itself, as applied to the present State and
Circumstances of America, you will give me leave to observe to you, that the Lords of Trade
did not consider it as a measure ripe for Execution, and therefore did not report it to the King,
but in order to enable themselves to form a more complete Judgement of it, they transmitted
it as minutes of their Board to yourself, and the Governors of the Colonies for your
Consideration, and to receive your opinion upon the several propositions it contained : What
you say therefore of its having met with his Majesty's approbation ; Of its having been carried
into execution ; And of the Assurances given that it should be finally established, are
Circumstances of which I am entirely ignorant.
The propriety and practicability of carrying that plan into Execution depended upon the
possession of the interior Country by Posts and Establishments; Upon the Concurrence of
the Colonies in an opinion of the Commercial Advantages of it, and upon the creating a fund
in those Colonies to defray the expence ; But since it has been thought advisable to withdraw
the troops from and to abandon the Posts ; since the Colonies themselves do not think that a
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 103
General regulation for Commerce consists with their interests, and have each for itself desired
to make its own regulations, and it is become more difficult in the present State of the Colonies to
create a general fund to defray the expence, I must confess that I do entirely concur in the
measures which have been proposed by the Board of Trade, and are the foundation of those
Instructions which I have it in Charge from His Majesty's to recommend to your attention, not
doubting but through your assistance, and with your advice, the Colonies will be induced to
adopt such regulations for the Commercial parts as will improve the Trade, and fix the Affection
of the Savages, and in the end produce all those advantages which you seem to think would
have been derived from the Execution of the plan suggested by the Board of Trade in 1764.
I am &,"■
Hillsborough
Governor' Moore to the l^Jarl of Hillsborough,
[ New-York, CLX, A. 46. ]
(N^se.)
Fort George October IQ"" 1768
My Lord,
His Majesty's Order in Council confirming the Boundary Line between the Provinces of New
York & Quebeck ^ which I had the honor of receiving from your Lordship by this Pacquet shall
be laid before the House of Assembly as soon as possible after their Meeting, which is fixed
for the 27"" day of this Instant, that they may be enabled to take the necessary steps in
conjunction with the Province of Quebec for opening & continuing the Line as directed in the
Order, and I shall not fail on my own part to give a due attention to those Limitations &
Restrictions directed to be observed in carrying it into execution.
I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect
My Lord
Your Lordship's most obedient
& Humble Servant
Earl of Hillsborough Secretary of State. H: Moore
October 24"- 176S
Since ray writing the foregoing Letter, I have had an opportunity of laying the Order before
His Majesty's Council, who are under some diflSculties in regard to the construction of the first
proviso therein mentioned viz. " Provided that nothing herein contained shall extend to affect
«' the Properties of His Majesty's new subjects having possessions under proper titles on those
" parts of the Lands, on the south side of this Line the Dominion of which was not disputed on
" the part of the Crown of Great Britain." No Line of jurisdiction having ever been settled
between this Province & Quebec 'till that which was fixed by General Carleton & myself &
approved of by His Majesty, each of the Provinces have endeavoured to extend their claim as
far as they possibly could, The English to the River St. Lawrence, & the French to the
Southward of Lake George ; The consequence of which has been that the Lands on both sides
' Sujira, p. 88. — Ed.
104 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of Lake Champlain have been granted to the English and French by their respective
Governors, as will appear by the Map which I had the honor of transmitting to England &
mentioned in my letter N° 6. to the Earl of Shelburne dated 22'' of February 1767, & in my
letter to the Lords of Trade dated 4"" April 1767. Your Lordship will see by those different
claims what the difficulties are which we labour under at present, for no particular Boundary
Line [was] fairly drawn between the Provinces, the English claim supported by that which was
made before them by the Dutch extended as far as the forty fifth degree of Latitude, This Line
was supposed by the French to be more to the Southward than we found it on observation, &
several of their grants in those parts are covered by those since made by I\r Golden to the
reduced Officers & Soldiers under His Majesty's Proclamation ; This will of course open such
a scene of litigation, as I am afraid will defeat the expectations of forwarding the settlements
in that part of the Gountry to prevent which it is our humble request that His Majesty's
pleasure might be known how far to the Southward of the 45"' Degree any French grants are
to be allowed, for they have no settlements to claim under which (which I am informed was
an absolute condition of their Grant, as they paid no Quit Rent) & the quantity of Land in
most of their Grants far exceeds that which His Majesty has been pleased to allow to those
mentioned in the 2^ Proviso which was not to exceed 20,000 Acres to each Person where an
actual settlement had been made.
/Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough.
No 4
[Plantations General ( 8. P. O.) CCLIV., No. 4. ]
Fort Stanwix Ocf 23. 1768
My Lord
I was in hopes that about this time I should have been enabled to transmit your Lordship
the Agreable Account of my having settled the Boundary Line between Us & the Indians, but
a train of unforeseen Accidents, together with a variety of obstructions given to it by the
Spaniards and French at the Mississipi and others lurking amongst the Indians have as yet
denyed me that pleasure & rendered it a matter of difficulty sufficient to deter many from the
prosecution of it.
Not expecting to have been detained here so long or to have occasion to write to your
Lordship before my Return, I have neither your Lordships Letter, nor my own at this place,
but T recollect that my long letter N" 2 was of the 20 of July, and that I since wrote to your
Lordship about the begining of last month.
On the 19 Ull" I arrived at this place having Appointed the 20"" for the Indians to meet me;
the Commissioners from Virginia set out before me, the Governor of New Jersey Accompanied
me, and I was followed by the L' Governor of Pensilvania the Governor of New York thought
it uneccessary to send Comiss" as I was to transact the business — After waiting here several
days, during which the Indians came & encamped, I heard that the Shawanese, Delawares, &
Senecas with many others were still at a considerable distance & that several private Affiiirs
& conferences which they held at the Towns they passed thro' would retard them for a much
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 105
longer time than could have been expected, by the beginning of this Month we had 805
Indians here, but the much greater part of those of the most consequence were still behind, I
dispatched Messengers to hurry them, by whom I was informed of the sudden Death of a
Seneca Chief and that the condolences usual on such occasions would detain them some days
more in the Senecas Country which they had then reached. I was much concerned on this
occasion by reason of the great consumption of provisions & the heavy Expences attending
the Maintenance of those Indians on the spot whose numbers amounted by the 14 of this Ins'
to 930, each of whom consumes daily more than two ordinary Men amongst Us, and would be
extremely dissatisfied if stinted when convened for business, but altho' this Circumstance alone
was very disagreable from the difficulty of getting provisions there being none nearer than
Albany, & very little there, except some Cattle at an extravagant price I had yet more cause
to be uneasy from the certain discovery I had made of the minds of many of the Indians, of
the private Belts & Messages passing from the one to the other, of the purport of their several
Councils & of the false Reports & Missrepresentations circulating amongst them. As my last
and former letters will shew their disappointment that no plan had been hitherto adopted (as
they had been promised) with due regard to the peculiar Circumstances of their situation with
proper power in the Department for the discharge of their Several Affairs, I need not to add
more than that it has had a visible effect upon them all, and that their suggestions arising
therefrom have a bad tendancy, when this is considered together with the errors misconduct &
frauds which they must experience thro' the want of these powers and regulations the
encouragement thereby given to our natural Enemys, and the success of their endeavours to
withdraw the Indians from us, will appear rather a matter of concern than of surprize. That
this is realy the case at present, I am too well satisfied I have for a considerable time past
represented the Secret practices & endeavours of both the Spaniards and French in the names
of their respective Sovereigns to render us Odious to the Indians to unite them against us, &
to persuade them to renew hostilities under the prospect of Aid, which it is more than probable
they would afford them the first occasion that offered to effect this they avail themselves of
every circumstance in the Affairs of America, of every instance of our ill treatment & of every
uneasiness manifested by the Indians, the reduction of Officers and the Retrenchment of
Expences in the Indian Department has been already represented by their Agents as instances
of Our parsimony neglect and contempt, and the want of any powers for their releif as marks
of our injustice & disregard, the unrestrained conduct & cheats of the Traders have been
given as characteristick proofs of our dishonesty & want of authority, the neglect of sending
Missionaries of our Church amongst them, as an instance of our irreligion In short there is
nothing within the compass of their knowledge of which they have not made use thro' the
means of Agents of much influence, supported by gentle treatment, and confirmed by handsome
presents, all this is carried on with a secrecy with renders it the more dangerous, The Public
in general are ignorant hereof, & unguarded against them & thus American Affairs are
represented as best suits the Views of party or the pursuits of Interests' It has been admitted
and is most certain that the Colonies can neither attend to these Matters or correspond in
settlements^ so as to defeat these designs. All these Affiiirs are properly the task of a person
under his Majesty's imediate direction, and is it possible my Lord, that such Person can oppose
himself to an Enemy so powerful! without proper Support & some assistance, It may appear
' Interest. Johnson's MSS., XVI. " Sentiments. Jbid. — Ed.
Vol. VIIL 14
106 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
improbable that the French or Spaniards should act this part, and still more so that they should
Act by Authority, whilst a peace is subsisting between the British Crown and them, but be
this as it will, certain it is that not only several known Partizans, & many Traders, but also
some Officers of their Troops (as the Indians affirm) have actually come into the Indian
Country, where they have conducted themselves as is represented, and their Councils have not
only greatly retarded the measures vve are now taking but threaten this Country with farther
Calamities. The Indians who seemed most desirous of a Boundary Line, are now either
indifferent about it or are apprehensive that we have something thereby in View which may
be dangerous to their libertys The French and Spaniards have given a formal invitation, and
used every means in their power to draw them to a general Congress at the Mississipi and I
have undoubted Authority for assuring Your Lordship that had not my Belts and Messages
arrived when they did to the Southward the Chiefs would have complied with the invitation.
Besides Indian Information In proof of this I have now before me several letters, &
intelligences which I received since my arrival at this place. The accounts from all Quarters
corroborate the Indians dissatisfied with Us for the reasons I have given & intoxicated with
the Storys and promises of designing men, seem to wait the Event of this Congress, as of an
Affair which is to determine their Conduct, and to expect at this time some final & certain
assurances of an attention to be given to their Affairs, and a Redress to their Greivances to
which the Boundary is foreign being a single object the advantages of which (if the Colonists
should pay due regard to it) cannot be felt by any of the Indian Nations for some time, and
are at best local, & confined to one Confederacy.
Notwithstanding this disagreable aspect of Affairs the difficulties I have to encounter, & the
want of Authority for giving the Indians a satisfactory Assurance on many Subjects of their
concern I am determined to persevere in the execution of my orders, as well as in every
endeavour which shall appear to me necessary at this Juncture to the best of my Judgement,
& the utmost extent of an influence which properly supported could I am fully persuaded do
his Majesty & the Public good Service, & afford me better pretensions to your Lordships
friendly regards, an honor in the highest estimation with my Lord
Your Lordships
Most obliged obedient
The Right Hon"« and faithfull humble Serv'
The Earl of Hillsborough. W. Johnson
Fort Stanwix October 25. 1768
P. S. This letter having lain by till this day for want of a good opertunity, I have only to
add that our proceedings appear loaded with fresh difficulties from the several Belts in the
Indians Hands &''* I have only opened the Conference, and the Indians continue comeing in,
their number here now, is little short of three thousand.
I
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 107
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New York, CLX., A. 40. 1
(N-ag.)
Fort George November 7"' 1768.
My Lord,
I was under a necessity of adding a long Postscript to one of my letters by the last conveyance
as the pacquet was to sail on the Evening of the same Day on which His Majesty's Council had
met and of course I was so limited in point of time, as not to have it in my power to send to
yourLordship the best authorities we had for the claim setup by this Province to theirNorthern
Boundary. I have here inclos'd the Extract from the Grant given to the Duke of York by
King Charles the 2'' dated 12"" of March 1664, and from the construction put upon this Grant
here, we have allways thought that the Duke had a Title to all the Lands on both sides of
Hudson's River to its source, between the Connecticut and Delaware Rivers, and that it was
the Intention of the Crown that those lands should be granted to him ; and we likewise
apprehend that upon this interpretation of the Duke of York's title, that the Crown so lately
decided in our favor the Countroversy between this Province and New Hampshire. This
Grant, The Possessions of the Dutch, and the Proclamation of 1763 with divers Acts of our
own Assembly, are the authorities by which we ascertain the limits of this Province, and on
which, our claims mentioned in that Postscript are founded ; The Rivers of Hudson and
Connecticut have never yet been trac'd to their sources, most Maps place the head of the last a
great way further to the North than I apprehend it really is, and lay it down nearer to the 46""
than to the 45*'' Degree.
I have already had the honor of informing your Lordship that I had been endeavouring to
procure an actual survey of that part of the Country, but was prevented by the orders I
receiv'd to proceed no farther till His Majesty's plensure should be known, I had at that time
a return sent to me of a Survey made on the Ice upon the Connecticut River, which began at
the East and West line which is the Boundary between this Province and the Massachusets
Bay, and extended to the Northward a little beyond the 44"" Degree. Whatever is laid down
above that I cannot depend upon, but the Government of New Hampshire hath granted
Townships full Seventy miles farther to the Northward both on the Connecticut River and the
Lake Champlain as their Charts will shew, although I presume they were never actually
measur'd, which was the case of so many others under the same Title; The Head of Hudson's
River is suppos'd to be so far to the Northward that a line drawn from thence to the head of
the Connecticut River, agreeable to the Duke of Yorks grant, would, it is imagin'd take away
more of the French Grants notwithstanding its oblique course, than the Limits prescrib'd by
His Majesty to this Province in fixing their Boundary to the 45"" Degree of Latitude. The
claim therefore set up by New York of a right as far as the 45"' Degree is only in support of
the Grant to the Duke of York, and as such we hope it will be admitted.
I have the honor to be with
the greatest Respect
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most
Obedient and humble Servant
Earl of Hillsborough, Secretary of State. H. Moore
108 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Earl of Ilillsborougli to Governor Moore.
[New-Tork, CLX.]
(No. 23.)
Whitehall. IS"- Nov' 1768.
Sir,
You have already been acquainted by a letter from M' Pownall that your Dispatches to me
from N" 22 to 25, had been received, since vsrhich they have been laid before the King ; but as
I have not any thing in Command from His Majesty upon the subject of those Dispatches, I
have only to inform you, that the Queen was happily brought to bed of a Princess on Tuesday
last, and that both Her Majesty & the young Princess are as well as can be desiied ; I most
heartily congratulate you upon this increase of the Royal Family, an event that affords the
greatest satisfaction to all His Majesty's Subjects.
Inclosed I have the honor to send you His Majesty's Speech to His Parliament at the opening
of the Session on the S"" instant together with the Addresses to the King from both Houses,
that of the House of Lords passed nemine contradicente, & that of the House of Commons
without a Division. — This happy Unanimity and the Resolution to preserve entire and
inviolate the supreme authority of the Legislature of Great Britain over every part of the
British Empire, so strongly expressed in these Addresses, will, I trust, have the happy effect to
defeat and disappoint the wicked Views of those, who seek to create disunion & disaffection
between Great Britain and Her Colonies, and that all His Majesty's subjects in America ; who
wish well to the peace and prosperity of the British Dominions, will give full credit to
Parliament for that true affection towards the Colonies which appears in their Declaration
that they will redress every real grievance of His Majesty's American Subjects, and give due
attention to every complaint they shall make in a regular manner and not founded upon claims
and pretensions inconsistent with the Constitution.
The King having observed that the Assembly of New York has for some time past fallen
into a very irregular method of appointing an Agent to solicit the affairs of the Colony in
England, & His Majesty being apprehensive that this Deviation from the mode of appointing
an Agent approved of in other Colonies, which has usually been by an act of Governor, Council
& Assembly, specially passed for that purpose, may in future create difficulty, embarrassment
and disappointment in transacting the Affairs of New York both in Office «& in Parliament; I
have His Majesty's commands to mention this to you, & to desire you will recommend it to
the Assembly as a Matter in which their Interest is concerned, that for the future they would in
the appointment of an Agent follow the Rule observed in the Islands in the West Indies &
in Virginia, Carolina and Georgia, which His Majesty conceives to be the only proper and
constitutional Mode & the King has the better hope of their compliance with this
recommendation, as His Majesty finds it to have been the Method formerly practised in the
Colony of New York itself, and is certainly the only one by which any person can be properly
authorized to represent the Province and to act for it in all matters which concern its interest
in general.
I would not be understood by what I have said concerning the appointment of an Agent to
insinuate the most distant disapprobation of M' Charles, who appears to have executed bis
Duty with the utmost regard to and zeal for the Interest of the Colony, and with every mark
of proper respect and deference to Government.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 109
His Majesty has been graciously pleased to sign a Mandamus for the admission of M' Wallace
into the Council of New York in the place of M' Walton, & also for the admission of M' James
Delancey in the place of M' Alexander.
I am &c.
Sir Henry Moore Hillsborough
Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson.
[ Plantations General, ( 8. P. O. ) CCH V., No. 7. ]
No 7
Whitehall NoV the 15. 1768
Sir,
Since the departure of the last Packet, your letter to me N" 3 has been received, and laid
before the King.
The unfriendly and unsettled disposition of the Western Indians towards the British Interests
and Government, occasioned as you represent, by the Artifices and Intrigues of the French &
Spaniards, is a matter of a very serious nature in whatever View it is considered whether
in reference to the present inconveniences arising out of the great expence of Presents and
other Gratifications to keep them quiet, or in reference to the consequence that would follow
from an open Rupture with them.
From the accounts given of this matter by General Gage, and from the Assurances he has
received from Monsieur Aubry and Don Ulloa, there is great reason to suspect that our own
new Subjects are the Authors of all the Mischief; and therefore their conduct and proceedings
in the Indian Country cannot be to narrowly watched, nor their treachery, if detected to
severely punished.
If on the contrary there should, notwithstanding the Assurances given to Gen' Gage, be any
settled Plan of Seduction of the Indians adopted by France or Spain every possible diligence
& vigilance should be exerted to trace it to its source, and to verify the Information by such
facts and evidence as may justify the strongest representation and complaint.
As to the other matters contained in your letter and in particular what relates to the
allowances for your Department, and the continuation of the Boundary Line so as to include
New York, I have already in my letter N" 6 been very explicit thereupon, and I have now
nothing further to add.
Inclosed I send you by the King's Command His Majesty's Speech to his Parliament at the
opening of the Session on the S"" instant, together with the Addresses to the King from both
Houses one of which Addresses past neminecontradicente and the other without a division.
I have the pleasure to acquaint you that the Queen was happily brought to bed of a Princess
on Tuesday last and that both Her Majesty and the young Princess are as well as can be
desired. I most heartily congratulate you upon this increase of the Royal Family an event
that affords the greatest satisfaction to all his Majesty's Subjects,
I am Si."
Hillsborough.
110 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
N'B.
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ riantationj General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLIV., No. 5. ]
Johnson Hall NoV IS. 1768
My Lord,
I had the honor to write Your Lordship (N" 4) from Fort Stanwix Just before the opening
the Treaty wherein I represented the many difficulties in'the way to the Settlement of the
line, which however I have at length surmounted, & settled in a manner which will I hope be
agreable to his Majesty, for the particulars of which I beg leave to refer your Lordship to a
Coppy of my Transactions, which I have now the honor to enclose, together with a Deed of
Cession to his Majesty for the Lands yeilded up to the Crown.
Your Lordship will find that the Six Nations insisting on their right to the Lands as far
South as the Cherokee River have [Ceded] the same to his Majesty and notwithstanding that
the Report of the Board of Trade spoke of Great Kanhawa River as their Southern bounds, I
found from what passed at several private Meetings, that I could not deny them the liberty of
asserting their pretensions to the Southward without highly disobliging them, and preventing
the Settlement of the rest.
From many former enquirys and disputes on these Subjects, I never could find that the
Cherokees claimed to the Westward of the Great Mountains, or North of the River of their
Name, but that the Six Nations always did claim thereto, I therefore Judged it for the Interest
of his Majesty to acquiesce for these reasons, that by their Cession of the Country below the
Kanhawa to his Majesty their pretensions must in future cease. Whereas should the Cherokees
now or hereafter under colour of a claim further North be treated with & surrender it up, it
would occasion much Expence & trouble to obtain the Consent of the Northern Indians who
are a much more formidable People, All which is as I apprehend prevented by the present
Cession which is nevertheless Submitted by His Majesty.
The next point I have to observe to Your Lordship is the continuation of the Boundary
line Northward from Owegy the necessity of this I formerly remarked, and the Indians insisted
on it, it is now carried to Canada Creek where it falls into Wood Creek, which last mentioned
Water empties into the Oneida Lake. I found it extremely difficult to get it so far to the
Westward from its vicinity to their own Towns, and indeed the whole of the line as it
approaches them cost me more pains & trouble than can be conceived, whilst at the same time
the necessity of establishing it where intrusions would be most affecting to them was self
evident. Their Towns & Settlements are therefore secured to their satisfaction by extending
the line to the Waters which discharge themselves into Lake Ontario, but it is not continued
so as to Close, First, because I found that many of them were for closing it by running to the
next Pattented Lands, which would have limitted the Province of New York in such a manner
as must have produced some complaints, Secondly because as the Country North is the
Property of the Oneidaes & Mohawks, It can at any time hereafter be closed at a very moderate
Expence, should his Maj'J" require it, As I find that the Mohawks are desirous to have it closed,
and could be brought to do it most advantagiously on any future occasion. I beg your
Lordship will beleive that in all these Matters where I had not particular Instructions I have
Acted to the best of my Judgement or his Majestys Interest, The Difficulties I had to
struggle with by the artifices of the People at the Mississipi & the doubts and surmises of the
Indians themselves, thro' the late Misconduct of tiie Frontier Inhabitants, & the length of time
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. HI
elapsed since the Boundary was first spoken of, can only be known by those who were Eye
Witnesses of it, As the greatest part of the business transacted at private Meetings with the
Chiefs of every Nation, wiiere the principal Affairs are resolved upon & adjusted could not be
committed to writing or comprissed in any moderate bounds. I have staked my reputation
with the Indians that the Several Articles they have made shall be observed, without which,
the Charges attending the Assembling them at this time & all other endeavours would have
been ineffectual, they have at length relied on my Assurances and I am confident that the
regard paid to them will be the only security for the observance of the line, The Indians
likewise rely cheifly on his Majesty's Power and Inclination for the performance of these
Matters and for their future happiness and Security, they have many apprehensions Goncerning
the Colonies, which I have endeavoured to remove, but I find it a ditficult task, for as they
liave experienced how far private Interests operate here, Are not ignorant that the Colonies
are governed by different Maxims and Politicks, and having been often disapointed in Matters
where they apprehend they deserved redress, are not apt to repose a confidence a second tune,
when it has been once abused.
The provisions and other incidental Expences Attending this Treaty were unavoidable from
the number of Indians, & the length of time it took up, the amount of the goods, and Cash
given on the part of the Crown was the most moderate tiiat could have been offered for so
Valuable & Extensive a Cession, Upon the whole I flatter myself that this transaction will
be honored with his Majesty's approbation, from a consideration of the difficulties that attended
it, And the important advantages to be derived from it if strictly adhered to.
As I am now busyed in giving some necessary Belts & Messages to the Shawanese Delawares
& some others from Ohio, who have [taken] ' this Rout back to their Country, and at the same
times desirous to Communicate by the earliest opertunity an event of such importance, .1 must
for the present defer saying any thing farther on their Subject, and with a perfect reliance on
your Lordships favourable reception of this pacquet, Beg leave to subscribe my-self with all
possible Respect,
My Lord Your Lordships Most Obliged & most
The Right Hon^'^ faithfull Humble Servant
The Earl of Hillsborough. W. Johnson
of Sir William Johnson with the Indians at Fort Stanwix to settle a
Boundary Line.
[ PUntallens General, XXX., Bundle T. 7. ]
Proceedings at a Treaty held by Sir William Johnson Baronet with the Six
Nations, Shawanese, Delawares, Senecas of Ohio and other dependant
Tribes, at Fort Stanwix in the months of October & November 17(38, for the
settlement of a Boundary Line between the Colonies and Indians, pursuant
to His Majesty's orders
The Time appointed for the Indians to meet at Fort Stanwix being the 20"' of Sepf S"" W""
Johnson arrived there on the 19"" accompanied by the Governor of New Jersey and several
' The words -within braokete ara Bupplied from tha Despatch in Johnson' i MSS., XVL — Ed.
112 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
other Gentlemen; with 20 Boats loaded with the Goods intended for the Present to be made
by the Cession of Lands to the King. The Commissioners from Virginia were already there,
and on the 21" arrived Lieut' Gov"' Penn with Comm" from Pensilvania & several other
gentlemen, The same day Mess" Wharton & Trent of Pensylvania delivered in an account of
the Traders losses in 17G3, together with their Powers of Attorney for obtaining a retribution
in Lands, pursuant to an article of the Treaty of Peace in 1765
Several Indians came in & informed Sir W" Johnson that those of Susquehanna were near
at hand, and gave him sundry intelligences
On the 29"" some Delawares arrived from Muskingham who left the Shawanees at Fort Pitt
on their way to Fort Stanwix
30"" The Bounds between the Mohawks and Stockbridge Indians were adjusted to mutual
Satisfaction, and the latter returned home
At the beginning of October, there were 800 Indians assembled & continued coming in dayly
till after the Treaty was opened. The upper Nations still remaining behind thro' evil Reports,
and Belts sent amongst them. Sir William dispatched Messengers to hasten them and held
several Congresses with those on the spot, antecedent to the Treaty, for adjusting differences
and preparing them to enter heartily upon business on the arrival of the rest
On the IS"" of Ocf Gov"' Penn urged by the Affairs of his Province set off for Philadelphia
leaving behind him as Commissioners Mess" Peters & Tilghman.
By the 22-* there were 2200 Indians collected and several large Parties coming in the next
day, amongst whom were all the cheifs of the upper Nations, Sir William prepared to open
the Congress on the 24"'
At a Treaty with the 6 Nations Shawanese Delawares, Senecas of Ohio & Dependants &c.
opened at Fort Stanwix on Monday the 24 Oct. 1768.
Present — Hon"' Sir W"" Johnson Bart Superint'''
His Excell'^^ W" Franklin Esq'' Gov"' of New Jersey
Thomas Walker Esq''' Comm'' from Virginia
Honb'' Fred. Smiths Ch. Justice of New Jersey.
Rich"* Peters & James Tilghman Comm" from the Province of Pensylvania.
Deputy Agents of Indian affairs
George Croghan Esq''' Daniel Claus Esq"''
Guy Johnson Esq''' Dep: Agent as Secretary.
With sundry Gents : from different Colonies
Interpreters John Butler Esq" M' Andrew Montour Philip Philips
' Frederii. k Smytti, the last Chief Justice of the Colony of New Jersey, succeeded Chief Justice Read on the bench on the
17th October, 1764, and continued in office until the adoption of the Constitution. In 1772 he was appointed one of the
Commissioners to examine into the affairs of the burnint; of the British schooner Gaspe by the 'ft'higs of Rhode Island.
■When the Revolution broke out he removed to Philadelphia, where he died. His reputation as a judge was highly respecta-
ble, and throughout his career ho preserved the character of a firm and consistent Loyalist. Field's Proviticial Courts of
New Jersey. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI.
113
Indian Cheifs Present
Abraham
Aroghiadeck
Kanadagaya
Kayenquere
Kendrick
Tobarihoga
Okondaoas
The Bunt
Diaquanda
Tewawmit
Seneoas
Guastrax
Odongot
On1!IDA8
Ganaghquieson
Senughsis
Nicholasera
Cajuheta
Cajuoas
^ Tagaaia
Skanarady
Atrawawna
TrSOAEOKAS
Saquarcesera
Kanigot
MING09 Of Ohio
SnAWANESE
Benevissica
Dkawaees
Killbuck
Turtleheart
Onohario
&c &c &c.
Tawavvshughli
&c. &c.
&c &c &c.
Tagawaron
&c &c &c.
&c &c &c
Tyagawehe
&c &c &c
The whole being seated M'' Walker' delivered his Power, as Comm"" from Virginia to Sir
William Johnson which was in the words following
" John Blair Esq" President of His Majesty's Council & Commander in Cheif of the Colony
and Dominion of Virginia, To Thomas Walker Esq""
" By virtue of the Power & Authority tp me committed as President of His Matys Council
& Commander in Cheif in and over this Colony & Dominion of Virginia, I do hereby appoint
you the said Thomas Walker to be Commissioner of Virginia to settle a Boundary Line
between this Colony, & the Colonies of Pensylvania and Maryland & the several Nations of
Indians concerned. You are required to attend at a Congress to be held for that purpose
under the direction of Sir William Johnson agreeable to His Majesty's Instructions when you
are to pay due regard to the Interest of His Majesty & such Instructions as you shall receive
' Doetor Thomas Walker was an early explorer of the Indian country of Western Virginia. In 1748 he crossed Powell's
Tfllley and gave tlie name of " Cumberland" to the lofty range of mountains to the west, and passed a remarkable depression
in the chain, which he called the " Cumberland gap," and next named the Shawanee the Cumberland river, all in honor of the
Duke of Cumberland. Monette's Mississippi, I., 314. In 1760 he again passed the Clinch and Powell rivers into what is now
Kentucky, on which occasion, it is supposed, he was accompanied by the celebrated Daniel Boone. Ramsexfs Tennessee, 05,
66. These circumstances account for his appointment as Commissioner at the present Treaty. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 1-5
114 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
from me. Given under my hand & Seal of the Colony of Williamsburgh this l?'"" day of June
in the eighth year of His Majesty's Reign. A. D. 17C8."
John Blair."
Mess" Peters & Tilghman being likewise admitted as Comm" for Pensilvania, Sir William,
then by Abraham Cheif of the Mohawks, addressed the Indians
Bretheren ^..
I take you by the hand and heartily bid you all wellcome to this place where I have kindled
a Council Fire for affairs of importance. The Gov' of New Jersey and the Comm" of Virginia
& Pensilvania do likewise welcome you here. Lieut' Gov"' Penn came hither to meet you &
waited a considerable time, but was at length by business obliged to return home, leaving
these Gentlemen as Comm" on behalf of Pensylvania
Both the Gov' & Gentlemen Coram" as well as myself, having waited here a month to no
purpose began to be impatient never the less you see that their desire to meet you prevailed
over every other consideration and induced them to stay. I hope therefore that you are now
come fully prepared and with Hearts well inclined to the great business for which we are
convened, and in order to prepare you the better for these purposes, I do now, agreeable to the
antient custom establisii'' by our Forefathers, proceed to the ceremony of Condol^|ce usual
on these occasions
And first : With this String of Wamp: I do, on behalf of His Majesty & all His subjects
wipe away the Tears from your eyes which you are constantly shedding for your late deceased
Cheifs, and I clear your sight that so you may look cheerfully at your Bretheren, who are
come from Several of the Provinces to attend this General Congress ordered by His Majesty
to be held by me ; in order to settle some necessary points between him & you
With this String I clear the Passage to your Hearts that you may speak cheerfully and
candidly on the several subjects which, during this Congress, will be treated of, as well as to
remove all sorrow & uneasiness from you
With this last string I wipe away the blood of your friends from off your Births, that you
may on your return rest with Peace and comfort on them Gave the 3 Strings
Brethren
I am greatly concerned for the many losses you have sustained in your several Nations since
our last meeting & sincerely condole with you for them all 1. A Belt.
Brethren .
With this Belt I light up, anew your several Council Fires, that the Cheifs still remaining
may upon all occasions sit comfortably by them and consult on the several matters, which may
come before them. 2. A Belt
Brethren
As I have by the former Belt kindled up your several Council Fires, I do now by this Belt
desire, that you the Councillors will duly assemble, when the affairs of your nations require
it, & then jealously apply yourselves to every measure which may tend to your Peace and
Interest. A Belt
Brethren.
With this Belt I dispel the darkness which for some time past hath overspread your several
Countries, by reason of your many & great Losses, and now heartily wish you may enjoy a
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 115
serene clear sky, so that you may be able to see your Brethren from the Sun rising to the
Sun setting — 4 A. Belt
Brethren,
As I would deal with all people in their own way, and that your Ancestors have from the
earliest time directed and recommended the observation of a Sett of Rules which they laid
down for you to follow, I do now, agreeable to that custom, take of the clearest water and
therewith cleanse your inside from all Filth and every thing which has given you concern.
5 A Belt
Brethren
I must desire that you Sachems & Councillors will, as occasions may require consult with
the Cheiftains of your young men, as they are in general men of sense and experience ; and
you cheiftains and Warriors to pay a due regard to your Sachems and Councillors whose sage
advice will seldom or never be amiss 6 A Belt
Brethren
In performing these ceremonies I can not omit this necessary part, which is, that as there
are but two Council Fires for your confederacy, the one at my house and the other at Onondaga,
I must desire that you will always be ready to attend either of them, when called upon, by
which means business will I hope, always be attended & properly carried on for our mutual
Interest, and this I earnestly recommend to you all . 7 A Belt
Brethren
I must also advise you to be unanimous amongst yourselves & reside in your respective
Countries, and not think of scattering or settling amongst other Nations, as has been too much
the Practice for some years past, to the great weakening of your confederacy.
8 A Belt
Brethren
I give you a Pouch with a String of Wampum in it, which you are to make use of when you
here of the loss of any of the Confederacy, and rise up on such occasions without delay in order
to condole for the same, and remove the concern thereby occasioned
3 Strings of Wampum
Brethren
I now supply you with a torch or candle which you are to travel with by night upon any
extraordinary emergency, such as the approach of an enemy, in order to communicate the News
with the utmost despatch. 3 Strings
The Nations gave the Yo-hah at the proper places, and the ceremony of Condolence.
Adjourned till next day.
At a Congress with the several Nations on Tuesday SS"" Oct'
Present — as before.
Canaghquieson, Chief of Oneida, stood up & addressing all present, observ'' that the several
American Governors had Indian Names, by which they were known to the Indians, the
Governor of New Jersey excepted ; that he therefore thought it necessary to compliment him
with a name, which he did by bestowing his own name upon him, on which his Excellency
116 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Gov' Franklin shook liim by the Hand & returned him thanks. Then Canaghquieson
proceeded to answer the ceremony of Condolence as follows
Brother
We congratulate you, the Gov'' and the rest of the Gentlemen on your safe arrival at this
Place, where we are heartily glad to meet you. Then after repeating what Sir William had
said on the first strings, yesterday, he said, they did on their parts wipe away the Tears which
their Brothers the English were shedding for their losses as also the blood of their friends
from their seats, cleansing their hearts that they may be able to attend the important affairs
which were to be transacted Gave 3 Strings
Then repeated all that Sir William had said on the Black Belts given at the Condolence for
all which he returned thanks and said
Brother
We are much concerned at the losses you have met with since our last Congress, and we
sincerely condole with you upon the occasion for them all. A Belt of 9 Rows
Brother
We thank you for rekindling our several Council Fires, whereby we are enabled to proceed
to business as formerly, and we shall endeavour to render our Meetings useful to the Public.
A Belt.
Brother
We thank you for the advice you give us, to assemble duly when the publick affairs require
it, and we assure you that we will direct our thoughts, to the maintenance of Peace and
good order. A Belt
Brother
We are much obliged to you for dispelling the darkness that surround"^ our several Nations
on account of our many losses. This we take very kindly of you, as we were in great
heaviness for some time past, and all our Nations join in thanking you and performing the
same on their parts. A Belt.
Brother
We all express our thanks to you for the remembrance of our antient ceremonies. We
consider tiiera as the cement of our union, and as you have cleansed us with water, we do in
like manner take of the clearest running stream & wash your inside thoroughly therewith
cleansing you from all impurities A Belt
Brother
We esteem the advice you have given our cheifs to consult the young men as occasion may
require, and your directions that they should on their parts pay due regard to us, and we shall
observe whatever you have recommended to us A Belt
Brother
We are sensible that we have but two great Council Fires, the one at your house, the other
at Onondaga, We shall always be ready to attend at either for the public Good, and we hope
that you will continue to be ready to meet us often as the general Peace requires it
A Belt
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 117
Brother,
We give you thanks for recommending unanimity to us. We know that our living together
is necessary to our huppiness and that it gives us strength We will follov/ your advice, and
we recommend it to the English to be unanimous in all good works A Belt.
Brother
We are happy to find you so observant of our ancient Customs, that you give us a string in a
Pouch to make use of when we have occasion to communicate our losses and condole for lliem.
We request you will be equally observant of these matters, that so our Grief may be timely
and properly removed A Belt.
Brother
We also give you many thanks for supplying us witii a Torch to travel with on emergencys.
We assure that we shall make proper use of it, & communicate every necessary intelligence to
you. All the six Nations, with the Shawanese, Delawares, & ail their dependants as far as to
the great Plains of Sioto, give you thanks for your good words which we're a cordial to tlieni,
and they all request that you will continue in the same good sentiments. 3 Strings
The Ceremony of condolence being ended Sir William gave them a short exhortat" after which
the Cheifs arose and shook hand with Gov' Franklin & Canaghquieson addressing him said,
that as he had given him his own name, he hoped that he would endeavour to acquire as much
reputation with it amongst the People as he had done The Governor returned them
many thanks
Then adjourned till the day following.
At a Congress Wednesday Oct. 26.
Present — as before
Conoghquieson stood up and said that the Six Nations not being satisfied with his having
given his own name to Govern"' Franklin had met upon it, and in testimony of their sense of
his, and his Peoples justice in causing the murtherers of some Indians to be put to death
within his Government did now confer upon him the name of Sagorighweyoghsta,' or the Great
Arbiter or Doer of Justice, wishing that he and the people of his Government might continue
to act with the same Justice they had hitherto done. Whereupon Gov' Franklin returned
them thanks for the favor and assured them both himself and the people of his Government
would upon all occasions manifest their esteem for the Indians and their inclination to do
them justice
Then Sir William addressed them
Birethren
We have now mutually p'formed the Ceremony of Condolence as a proof of the regard we
have for the Customs of our Ancestors & of the concern we feel for each others losses, I think
' From the verb Oarihisateriston, to do, or render justice ; which is compounded of GarifUSa, a thing, and, i^njeri, just. By
inserting io, great, in the middle of the verb, we have Garili\ia\io\stmi, to do great justice; then prefixing Sa, Thou,
and putting the verb in the present tense, we have, what is above intended for a noun, Sagarihuiofffisto, with the strong
Mohawk guttural added, signifying, literally, Thou doest great justice, or Thou are a great Doer of Justice. Bruyat' Iroquois
Vocabulary and Grammar. — Ed.
118 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
it highly necessary in the next place that we farther strengthen the Union between us and with
that view I do therefore by this Belt in tiie name of your Father the great King of England, in
behalf of all his American Subjects renew & confirm the Covenant Chain subsisting between
us, strengthening it, and rubbing off any rust which it may have contracted that it may appear
bright to all Nations as a proof of our love and Friendship, &I hope that all of you, sensible of
the advantages of this union, will after the example of the English have it always before you,
& keep it fast that it may remain firm and unshaken, so long as Grass shall grow or waters run
Belt of the Gov' Chain 15 Rows with human figures at each end.
Bretheren
I persuade myself that you are all sensible of the Benefits which result from our strict Union,
& that hav" it always before your eyes, you will be careful in preserving it. This will protect
you from all dangers, & secure to you the blessings of Peace, and the advantages of Commerce
with a people able to supply all your wants. And as this is a considerat" of much importance,
which depends on the friendship subsisting between us & a free open and safe Communication
for all our people to you, I do now by this Belt clear the Rivers & Paths throughout our
respective countries, of all obstructions removing Trees out of our Creeks & Logs Briars &
Rubbish out of our Roads, that our Canoes may pass along without danger and that our people
may travel freely & securely by night or by day without any risk or impediment whatsoever
— And I recommend it to you all to contribute to this good work, & to assist in keeping it free
and open to the latest Posterity A Large Belt.
Brethren
Hearken to me who have good words to speak to you, such as are for the benefit of your
whole confederacy and of your children yet unborn.
You all remember that three years ago I signified to you His Matys desire to establish a
Boundary Line between his people and yours and that we then agreed together how some part
of that Line should run, whenever, the same came to be settled
You all, I am hopefuU, recollect the Reasons I then gave you for making such a Boundary
never the less I shall again repeat them. You know Brethren that the encroachments upon
your Lands have been always one of your principal subjects of complaint, and that so far as it
could be done endeavors have not been wanting for your obtaining Redress. But it was a
difficult Task, and generally unsuccessfull — for altho' the Provinces have bounds between each
other, there are no certain Bounds between them & you, And thereby not only several of our
people ignorant in Indian Affairs have advanced too far into your country, but also many of
your own people through the want of such a Line have been deceived in the Sales they have
made or in the limits they have set to our respective claims This, Brethren, is a sad Case,
which has frequently given us much trouble, and turned many of your heads ; but it is likely
to continue so untill some Bounds are agreed to, fixed upon and made public between us. The
Great the good King of England my master, whose friendship and tender regard for your
Interests I wish you may ever hold in remembrance has amongst other Instances of his
Goodness after long deliberation on some means for your releif, and for preventing future
disputes concerning Lands, at length resolved upon fixing a general Boundary Line between
his subjects and you, and that in such a manner as shall be most agreeable to you, in
consequence of which I have received his Royal commands to call you together for the
establishment thereof, and after conferring with the Governments interested hereupon, you
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 119
now see before you the Gov"' of the Jerseys, the Commissioners on behalf of Aseregoa,' Gov""
of Virginia & Commissioners from Pensylvania in order to give you the strongest assurances
on behalf of the respective Governments of their Resolutions to pay due regard to what shall
be now entered into, the presence of so many great men will give a sanction to the transaction
and cause the same to be known as far as the English Name extends — His Majesty has directed
me to give you a handsome proof of his Generosity proportion"* to the nature and extent of
what Lands shall fall to him — Upon the whole I hope that your deliberations vvill be
unanimous & your Resolutions such as His Maty may consider as proofs of your gratitude for
all his favors — A fine New Belt.
The Importance of this affair now before us requires the most serious attention. I will
not burthen you with any other subject untill this is generally settled, and therefore we
shall adjourn, that you may have time to think of it and come fully prepared to give an
agreeable answer
Then Abraham Cheif of the Mohawks after repeating what Sir William had said
addressed him
Brother
We give you thanks for what you have said to us at this time, it is a weighty affair, and we
shall agreeable to your desire take it into our most serious consideration
We are glad that so many great men are assembled to bear witness of the transaction and
we are now resolved to retire and consult on a proper answer to be given to all you have said,
& so soon as we have agreed upon it, we shall give you notice that we may again assemble,
and make it known to you and we are all much obliged to you that you have directed us to
attend to this great affair alone at this time that our minds might not be b'urthened or diverted
from it by attending to anything else.
Then Conoghquieson addressed the whole and desired that the several Nations might look
towards the Onondagas who would appoint him a time and place for taking the matter
into consideration
After which adjourned
P M. Sir William met the Nanticokes with Captain Ogden and explained to them the affair
of the Sale of their Lands of which the approved, as well as of the price which [is] 666 Dollars
& two thirds — M'' Ogden then delivered an account of his expences which amounted to
£ 100.9.9 Cur'y so that a balance of 415 Dollars or £ 166.2.3 Currency remains due by said
Ogden which he is to pay to the cheif of the Nanticokes as soon as may be and then they are
to impower him to dispose of the remainder of their Land in Maryland
Thursday the 27"" Deiaquande Cheiftain of the Onondagas with S6 arrived and came
immediately to Sir Williams Quarters to pay him the usual compliments which having returned »
he ordered them paint, Pipes, Tobacco & a dram around and dismissed them
Friday the 28"" — The weather bfing cold Sir William clothed the old cheifs of every Nation
for which they returned many thanks & told them that he now enabled them to meet and
consider of the Great affair before them with pleasure, and assured him that they would
endeavour to do every thing for the best, and that with the utmost expedition — They told Sir
William that they were yesterday employed in hearing news brought them by the Shawanese
'See note 3, IX, 706. — Ed.
120 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and receiving the Belts, that this day they would take into consideration the Boundary
Line, and seriously deliberate thereon as they were determined to make it binding
At a Congress with the several Nations on Friday the 2S"' day of October 176S
Present — as before
The Indians continued in private Council till 4 P. M. when they sent to let Sir William
know, that they would be glad to speak with him: being all seated the Speaker addressed
Sir William
Brother
We have been for some time deliberating on what you said concerning a Line between the
English and us, & we are sensible it would be for our mutual advantage if it were not
transgressed, but dayly experience teaches us that we cannot have any great dependance on
the white People, and that they will forget their agreements for the sake of our Lands —
However you have said so much to us upon it that we are willing to beleive more favorably in
this case.
Brother
You remember when we spoke last concerning this Boundary, that we did not agree
about the way it should run from Oswegy' — This is a point that must now be settled for to
what purpose could it be to draw a Line between us & the country of Virginia & Pensylvania
whilst the way to our Towns lay open We would therefore know what you intend to propose
as a Boundary to the Northward that we take it into consideration and we shall be glad that
you explain it fully to us, that no mistake may be made on either side.
To which Sir William answered.
Brothers
I have attended to what you say and do admit that it is reasonable the Line should be
closed, & I persuade myself that His Maty will approve of it All these things I had in
consideration before, & I recommended the Line to you generally at first according to your
own practice as an Introduction to the rest and in order to render the whole clear & plain to
you, I have prepared a Map on which the Country is dravpn large & plain which will enable
us both to judge better of these matters. I w&uld therefore recommend it to you to send the
cheifs of each Nation to my Quarters where I shall lay the Map before them & confer with
them upon it
The Speaker then thanked Sir William for what he had said which they all greatly approved
'of, in consequence of which the Cheifs of each Nation came soon after to his Quarters when
Sir William laid a Map on the Table & after explaining to them the nature of his orders &
the desires of Government he spoke as follows
Brothers
Here
our im
Oswfgji' vvuH what we .spoke about — The King bus not fixed upon any particular place to
hers
sre is the Map of which I spoke to you, where all that Country which is the subject of
neeling is faithfully laid down. The Line here described between the Kanhawa River &
Su. Ow.-gy. -El..
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 191
continue it to It therefore remains for me to obtain a continuation of that Line which will be
secure to you and advantageous to us on which subject we now meet — I have likewise to
observe to you that the piece of Land in the Forks of Susquehanna is very much desired by
the Commissioners from Pensylvania and would be more advantageous to them than to you,
besides as it is or will be soon partly surrounded by Settlements it will be a very difficult
matter to get any people to go far to the Northward, & leave such Land as it were behind
them — I would therefore propose, the Bounds from Fort Pitt be continued up to the Ohio to
Moghulbughilum Creek,' Thence up that Creek & along the eight mile Carrying Place^ to the
West Branch of Susquehanna thence along that River to the Allegany Ridge. Thence along
that Ridge of Mountains to the Cayuga Branch & down the same to the Great East Branch of
Susquehanna, from thence up that East Branch to Oswegy," from whence it can be run
Eastward to the Delaware River, which is very near it at that Place and for that part of this
additional Cession which will fall to M"' Penn, you will receive a large & handsome
consideration over and besides His Matys Royal Bounty And as to the continuation of that
Line from the Delaware so as to close it, I must desire to hear what yourselves think & I
expect that your Resolutions will be advantageous to us, &that you will make proper allowance
for the increase of our People whereby you will recommend yourselves to the King, and
become so pleasing to his subjects that it will greatly contribute to the due observance of the
Boundary Line.
To which the Speaker made the following answer
Brother
We have hearkened to all that you have said and we thank you for your advice which we
beleive is well intended — But this is a great Cession of Land which will require much thought
and attention and therefore we shall defer the consideration of it till tomorrow
Brother
Before we answer you about the continuation of the Line we must say something to you
concerning the extent of it to the Southward which we find is no further than Kanhawa River.
Now Brother, you, who know all our affairs, must be sensible that our Rights go much farther
to the Southward and that we have a very good & clear Title to the Lands as far as the
Cherokee River which we can not allow to be right of any other Indians without doing wrong
to our Posterity and acting unworthy those Warriors who fought & conquered it. We
therefore expect this our Right will be considered.
Brother
We are now to speak about continuing the Line as you said from Delaware so as to close
it, and you recommend it to us to give you plenty for the people
We were formerly generous & gave the white people in many places Lands when they
were too poor to buy them. We have often had bad Returns. Nevertheless we would still
act generously and mean to do as much as we can without ruining our Children
' Moghulbuctitutn. SculVs Map of Pennsylvania. 'Tis a corruption of the Indian name, Moehulbuctison or Mocholpakison,
meaning, " where boats are abandoned " ( that is, the head of navigation ) ; from Amokkol, tlie Delaware word for Boat.
Bulletin of Pennsylvania Historical Society, 128. It falls into the Allegany river in Armstrong county, Pennsylvania, and
•eems to be called, in modern maps, the Mahoning. — Ed
" Tl'is carrying place is in the present county of Indiana, Pennsylvania. ' Sic. Owegy.
Vol. VIIL 16
122 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brother.
You know tliat the country from Oswegy' quite to Oswego is full of our Towns & Villages
and that it is very dear to us so that we cannot be expected to part with what lies at our
Doors, besides your people are come already too close to us. We therefore think that the
Line should run up the Delaware to the Swamp & from that run across to the Governors
(Cosbys Land) and then go away to Lake George which we can not but think a fair offer
To which Sir W™ answered *■
Brothers
We have heard what you said and shall answer it. In the first place I acknowledge to have
heard of your claim to the Southward before this time The King does not deny your claims
He is not thoroughly acquainted with the exact extent of them and finding that they may be
liable to some dispute with the Southern Indians, he being an enemy to strife directed the
Line to be run in the manner he thought least liable to it. But of this I shall take further
notice to you having no[w] to speak to you in answer to the course you have proposed for
continuing the Line from Delaware
Brothers
I know very well how you are situated and it is not His Majestys inclination to disturb you
therein, at the same time you should consider what is reasonable on your parts and that the
Lands are even patented further than you propose the Line, and that the more people are
confined the more readily will the transgress the bounds so that I must desire you to think
the better of it and speak more favorably at our next meeting, till when I shall propose nothing
further, as I could not consistently propose any other Line than such as would bring us to or
near Lake Ontario.
They then withdrew taking with them a Map in order to consider the affair in private.
At night Sir William had a private conference with the Cheifs of the most Influence with
whom he made use of every argument to bring matters to an agreeable issue'
Saturday Oct 29"'
Tiie Indians continued in Council all the forenoon the Cheifs having given the Belts to the
Warriors for their opinion concerning the Boundary; several of the Indians particularly
the Oneidas gave great obstruction to the business, and Sir William heard that a clergyman
sent by M' Wheelockfrom New England who had delivered him a memorial on the ll"" instant
" praying that the Line might not be extended far North or West but the Lands reserved for
" tiie purposes of Religion" was very busy amongst the Indians for that purpose.^ Information
was likewise given to Sir William this morning that this Clergyman had in conversations with
Coll Fitch \r Peters junior and others told them that he had done what he could to opose the
Cession of Territory, and would continue to obstruct it to the utmost of his Power, and that
he had shewed the Indians the folly of giving up their Lands & cautioned them against it
before he left Oneida
Sir William this day cloathed several of the Cheifs with whom he had several conferences
the Majority of them continued in Council together to consider farther on the speeches made
' Sic. Owet'y.
''Sue New -York Dncnmenlari/ Ilhtor;!, Svo., TV., 3S8 - S38, for pnpcrs illiistrntive of llic mutters lierp refurrpd to. — Kn.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 123
to them in the afternoon the Onondaga & Mohock Cheifs with several others waited on Sir
William with a Message from the whole, importing that as it was a very weigiity & interesting
affair it required some further consideration they therefore requested that he and the
Gentlemen with him would wait with patience till monday morning when they hoped to be
able to give an answer
Sir William told them that he was really become very impatient through the delays which
was given to business, that the security of their Lands depended upon their despatch and the
freedom of the Cession — That he would however wait till Monday, when he hoped to hear
from them some thing that might make up for their delays
At night several of the Cheifs came to Sir Williams Quarters to let him know the purport
of Intelligence and Belts received from the Shawanese, which was that according to tlie old
agreement subsisting between the several Indian Nations, they wtre all to unite and attack
the English as soon as the latter became formidable to them That several of the Nations to the
South and West greatly alarmed at the Power and increase of the English and irritated at
the ill treatment they had met with had expressed a desire to meet the rest to deliberate on
what was to be done. That the Spaniards & French had for a long time urged them to take
up arms and given them repeated assurances of a powerful! assistance That they liad now
called them to a meeting at the Mississippi near the mouth of the Ohio for that purpose. That
they had sent many Belts among the Indians, a great part of whom were just ready to set out
when Sir Williams message came to them, and that they waited the event of the Treaty at
Fort Stanwix before they would come to any further resolution with a variety of other
particulars all tending to corroberate the former Intelligence received by Sir William Joiuison
In the morning the Indians again met in Council, when the Warriors came and laid before
their Sachems the result of their deliberations yesterday concerning the Northern "part of the
Line who directed four of their Sachems viz Tyaruruante, Ganaquieson, Tyeransera,' and
Tagawaron to wait on Sir William and communicate the same which was, that the Line
should run from Oriscany to Tianderhah,^ and down that River to the Susquehanna, thence in
a straight Line to the Hills, and so to the Delaware Branch & down the same to Oswegy,^
thence down the Susquehanna to Shamokin, and so alo'ag the West Branch of that River to
Kittanning declaring they would not part with any Lands to the Westward of Oriscany or
down towards Wioming or the Great Island, as they reserved that part of the Country for
their Dependants.
But Sir William finding that some busy persons had been alarming those Nations most
immediately affected by the Line, and that many others could be induced to settle it more
advantageously he in a long and warm speech to the Cheifs shewed them that the Line was
not proposed to injure them, but that for a handsome consideration it was intended to obtain
a Cession of as much Land as would give the people Room on the Frontiers ascertains the
Boundary at the same time between them — that with the help of proper Laws it would not
be liable to intrusion — that the Line proposed at Oriscany interfered with a patent granted
above sixty years ago now in possession of some Gentlemen at New York the Indian Deed for
which, he had before shewn them That these Gentlemen and all others concerned woulil have
reason to blame him for agreeing to lines so injurious to their Rights, and that the continuance
of a line from thence in the manner that they proposed would in many places approach so near
to our settlements, as to render its duration very uncertain from the great increase of our
' Seo note, III, 453. ' Now tailed (li- C'liuduln, na,ieeabh to th; softer Oiieiaa dialed. ' Stc. Owegv - Ed.
124 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
people, whereas by giving tliem more room the Boundary would be so well known, and
secured by Laws before there would be occasion to invade it, that people would act with
extreem caution and rather go to other unsettled parts than attempt to transgress an agreement
so well defended — That it had been long in agitation and was now according to their own
desires ordered by His Majesty to be settled, as the surest means of putting and end to Land
Disputes, and that if they rejected this opportunity now offered them and drew the Line so as
to interfere with Grants, or approach allmost to our settlements, he could not see that any
thing more effectual could thereafter be proposed for preventing encroachments, and the Crown
after being already at a very heavy expence on this occasion must find its good intentions
and reasonable proposals totally defeated. He therefore recommended it to them to consider
this point farther, and as his Majestys Bounty, or that of the Colonys would be proportioned to
tlie extent of their Cession, a rule which he should observe upon this occasion — That he
hoped for a more favorable Answer as it would be more to their immediate advantage and
woul^ tend to the better observance of the Line hereafter. After these and many other
arguments, & farther explaining the several courses laid down on the draft, they agreed to
take the Map back to their Council Hutt for farther consideration, promising to use their
Interest with the rest for a more favorable Line then withdrew Sir William assuring them at
parting that they should be particularly rewarded for their services or endeavours to shew the
Indians the reasonableness of the requisition.
At night Tagawaron returned with the Map to Sir William, informed him that they
were then debating on the subject but much divided in opinion, and added that he thought
his Nation disagreeably circumstanced the rest having thrown so much of the transaction
to the Northward on their hands, nevertheless he would do all he could to obtain a more
favorable settlement
After which Sir William had many other private conferences which occupied a great part of
the night — In particular Six Cheifs of the Oneidas, came to him at nine of the clock at night
and they very much doubted the validity of the purchase above Orisca — But through S"'
Williams solicitations and to shew their good disposition towards compleating the work in
hand, they would agree that the Line- should run from the Susquehanna North across at Fort
Newport near Fort Stanwix where the Boats are launched, and from thence to the Northwest
corner of the late purchase for Lord Holland & others — Sir William thanked them for the
Amendments but told them that he could not think it would answer, that it did not even
include the carrying place, and therefore desired them again to consider the matter and that as
they could extend it much farther to the westward without any sensible inconvenience, he
expected they would do so, for which their Nation, over and besides the rest should have five
hundred Dollars & a handsome present for each of the cheifs. — They promised to use their
best endeavours for that purpose & withdrew
Monday. Oct 31"
At 10 A M. The Oneidas returned to Sir Williams Quarters, and told him that their people
possitively refused to agree to any other Line than they had proposed the last night, & that as
Game began to grow scarce in their neighbourhood, they had come to a Resolution to keep the
carrying Place to the Canada Creek in their hands, as by Keeping Horses and Carriages there
as they proposed to do for the future to carry over the Traders Goods, they might earn
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 125
somewhat for the support of their families. Sir William answered that he thought it somewhat
extraordinary that they should enter into such a Resolution on the sudden having totally
neglected carrying goods for so many years — That if they gave it up they might still reap
benefits from a high road open to all provided they had horses & Carriages as reasonable as
other people, but that their keeping it to themselves would occasion many disputes between
them and the white people, which His Maty was so very desirous of preventing and had fallen
upon the Boundary as the means of doing so. That they should not stop at what was but a
Triile to them, tho' so advantageous & necessary to the English and that he wished they would
so act as to shew their love and respect for the King & friendship for his Subjects — That the
Governor and People of New York had reason to expect much more from them and that they
had left it to him to urge these matters to them as thinking Commissioners unnecessary when
he was to conduct the Congress. He hoped that this would be a farther consideration and
desired them to act a part proper on the Occasion
The thereupon withdrew to consult further upon it. They shortly after returned and said
that Sir William had been so desirous to have the Bounds further extended the last and only
thing they could say was, that provided they were allowed an equal use of the carrying Place
with the English and to be paid Six Hundred Dollars to the Tribes over and besides the several
Fees which were given in private, they should extend the Line to Canada Creek Sir William
finding it best not to urge this matter farther told them that he acquiesced for the present
leaving it to be confirmed or rejected by His Majesty They answered that they considered
and unanimously resolved that whatever Boundary Line was now agreed to should be for ever
binding & conclusive on both sides — That no province should on any pretence invade the Line
and that whatever transaction might thereafter be necessary should be with the King or those
by him directed to treat with them.
A Messenger then arrived to call them to attend the consultation about the rest of the line
At night Canaquieson came to inform Sir William that they had further considered the
general subject of the Line & would send a cheif & Warrior from each Nation with their final
resolves which they would deliver in public the next day — They accordingly came to Sir
Williams Quarters, when Sir William told them, he hoped they were now come with such an
answer as would be pleasing to all Parties. The Map being then laid before them, they said,
that what they had to say was the final resolves of all the Nations, then said at the same time,
tracing it on the Map that they would agreeable to their just Claims begin the Line at the
mouth of the Cherokee River, then go along to the South East side of the Ohio to Kittanning,
from thence to the Head of the West Branch of Susquehanna thence down the same to Bald
Eagle Creek thence across the River at Tiadaghta Creek below the great Island, thence by a
straight Line to Burnett's Hills and along the same to the mouth of Awanda Creek on the
West Side of the East Branch of Susquehanna, thence up the stream thereof to Oswegy,'
thence Eastward to the Delaware River, thence up the stream thereof till they come opposite
to the mouth of Tianaderah Creek emptying into Susquehanna, thence up the West side of
Tianaderrah to the head of its Westerly Branch, and from thence to the mouth of Canada
Creek on Wood Creek.
This they delivered as their final determinations subject to several conditions for the
security of their possessions and engagements entered into, and for that part which would fall
' Sic. Owegy. — Ed.
126 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
within M"' Penns Gov' they insisted on having 10,000 Dollars Sir William told them he
would take the matter into consideration and would assemble them all tomorrow and after
parting conferred with the Commissioners of Pensilvania concerning the same who approv"* it,
and agreed to the consideration on behalf of the Proprietors-
At a General Congress with the several Nations at Fort Stanwix Tuesday Nov 1" 1768
Present — as at the former Meetings
Being all seated they desired to know whether Sir William was prepared to hear them, and
on being answered in the affirmative, the speaker stood up and spoke as follows
Brother
We are hopefull that you will not take it amiss that we have delayed till now our public
answer on the subject you recommended to us, This was a great and weighty matter requiring"
long deliberation, and should not be undertaken lightly — We have accordingly considered it,
and are now come to give you our final resolutions thereon, to which we beg your attention
Brother
We remember that on our first Meeting with you, when you came with your ship we kindly
received you, entertained you, entered into an alliance with you, though we were then great
& numerous and your people inconsiderable and week and we know that we entered into a
Covenant Chain with you and fastened your ship therewith, but being apprehensive the Bark
would break and your ship be lost we made one of iron, and held it fast that it should not slip
from us, but perceiving the former chain was liable to rust; We made a silver chain to guard
against it Then, Brother, you arose, renewed that chain which began to look dull, and have
for many years taken care of our affairs by the command of the Great King, & you by your
labors have polished that chain so that it has looked bright and is become known to all Nations,
for all which we shall ever regard you and we are thankfull to you in that you have taken
such care of these great affairs of which we are allways mindfull, and we do now on our parts
renew and strengthen the Covenant Chain by which we will abide so long as you shall
preserve it strong & bright on your part. A Belt.
Brother
We are glad that you have opened the River and cleared the Roads as it is so necessary to
us both. We were promis"" that when the war was over, we should have Trade in plenty,
Goods cheap and honest men to deal with us and that we should have proper persons to
manage all this. We hope that these promises will never be forgot but that they will be fully
performed that we shall feel the benefits of an intercourse between us — that the Roads and
waters may be free and open to us all to go to the Southward, or for our friends from thence
with whom we are now at peace to visit us, that we may have proper persons in ourCountrys
to manage affairs and smiths to mend our arms and implements — and in the expectation of
this, we do, now on our parts open the Roads and waters, and promise to assist in keeping
them so. A Belt.
Then after repeating all that had been said concerning the Line proceeded
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 127
Brother
We have long considered this proposal for a Boundary between us, and we think it will be
of good consequence if you on your parts pay due regard to it, and we in consequence thereof
have had sundry Meetings amongst ourselves and with you and from all that you have said to
us thereon, we have at length come to a final resolution concerning it, and we hope that what is
now agreed upon shall be inviolably observed on your parts as we are determined it shall be
on ours and that no further attempts shall be. made on our Lands but that this Line,
be considered as final and we do now agree to the Line we have marked upon your Map, now
before you on certain conditions on which we have spoken and shall say more and we desire that
one Article of this our agreement be, that none of the Provinces or their People shall attempt
to invade it under color of any old Deeds, or other pretences what soever for in many of these
things we have been imposed on, and therefore we disclaim them all, which Bounds now
agreed to we begin on the Ohio at the mouth of the Cherokee River ^ which is now our just
jight, and from thence we give up on the South side of Ohio to Kittanning above Fort Pitt,
from thence a direct Line to the nearest Fork of the West Branch of Susquehanna thence
through the Allegany Mountains along the south side of the said West Branch till we come
opposite to the mouth of the Creek called Tiadaghton thence across the West Branch & along
the East side of that Creek and along the ridge of Burnets Hills to a Creek called Awandae
thence down the same to the East Branch of the Susquehanna, and across the same and up
the East side of that River to Oswegy, from thence Eastward to Delaware River, and up that
River to opposite where Trinaderha falls into Susquehanna, thence to Trienaderha and up the
West side thereof and its West Branches to the Head thereof thence by a straight Line to
the mouth of Canada Creek where it emptys itself into Wood Creek at the end of the long
carrying place beyond Fort Stanwix, and this we declare to be our final Resolves and we expect
that the conditions of this our Grant will be observed A Belt.
Brother
Now as we have made so large a Cession to the King of such a valuable and Extensive
Country, We do expect it as the Terms of our Agreement that strict regard be paid to all our
reasonable desires — We do now on this on behalf and in the name of all our Warriors of
every Nation, condition that all our Warriors shall have the liberty of hunting throughout the
Country as they have no other means of subsistance and as your people have not the same
occasions or inclinations — That the White people be restricted from hunting on our side of
the Line to prevent contensions between us A Belt.
Brother
By this Belt we address ourselves to the Great King of England through You our superintendant
in the Name and in behalf of all the Six Nations Shawanese, Delawares and all other our
Friends, Allies, & Dependants, We now tell the King that we have given to him a great
and valuable Country, and we know that what we shall now get for it must be far short of its
value — We make it a condition of this our Agreem' concerning the Line that His Majesty
will not forget or neglect to shew us His' favor or suffer the Chain to contract Rust, but that
he will direct those who have the management of our affairs to be punctual in renewing our
antient agreements. That as the Mohocks are now within the Line which we give to the
' JVow called the Tennessee. Ramsey. — Ep.
128 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
King, and that these people are the true old Heads of the whole confederacy their several
villages and all the Land they occupy unpatented, about them as also the Residences of any
others in our confederacy. affected by this Cession shall be considered as their sole property
and at their disposal both now, and so long as the sun shines, and that all grants or engagements
they have now or lately entered into, shall be considered as independant of this Boundary so
that they who have so little left may not lose the benefit of the sale of it, but that the people,
with whom they have agreed, may have the Land — We likewise further condition on behalf
of all the Six Nations and of all our allies, friends & Nephews our Dependants that as we
have experienced how difficult it is to get justice or to make our complaints known and tiiat
it is not in the power of our Superintendant to take care of our affairs in different Places
without the Kings help that His Majesty will give him help & strength to do us justice and to
manage our affairs in a proper manner. We all know the want of this, and we make it a
point of great consequence on which this our present Agreement is to depend and without
which Affairs will go wrong and our heads may be turned.
Brother
We likewise desire that as we have now given up a great deal of Lands within the Bounds
that M"' Penn claimed a right of buying that he may in consequence of the agreement now entered
into between us, enjoy what we have given within them Limits. And as we know that
Lydius of Albany did in the name of several persons lay claim to Lands in Pennsylvania,
which we know to be unjust, and that the Deeds he pretends a right to were invalid, We
expect that no regard will be paid to them or any such claims now or hereafter, as we have
fairly sold them to the proprietors of Pensylvania to whom alone we shall sell Lands within
that Province, and we shall now give them a Deed for that & other Lands there. And in order
to shew that we love justice, we expect the Traders who suffered by some of our dependants
in the wars five years ago, may have a grant for the Lands we now give them down Ohio, as a
satisfaction for their losses, and as our friend ftp Croghan ' long ago got a Deed for Lands from
us, which may now be taken into M' Penns Lands, should it so happen, we request that it
may be considered and get as much from the King somewhere else, as he fairly bought it. —
And as we have given enough to shew our Love for the King and make his people easy, in the
next place we expect that no old claims which we disavow or new encroachments may be
allowed of
Brother,
We have now gone through this matter and we have shewn ourselves ready to give the
King whatever we could reasonably spare. We on our parts express our regard for him and
we hope for His favor in return. — Our words are strong and our resolutions firm & we expect
that our request will be complied with in so much as we have so generously complied with
all that has been desired as far as was consistent with our Existence A Belt.
Sir William then thanked them for what they had said, and assured them that it should all
be considered, and that he would meet them to-morrow on these and other subjects.
Then adjourned
' See note, VII., 9S2. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 129
Wednesday November tlie 2"*
The day being very rainy the Indians did not meet in Council.
Sir William cloathed a number of cheifs and Cheiftains of several Nations and was this day
busy in preparing the necessary Papers for the Next Meeting
P. M. Sir William met the Mohocks and other cheifs and endeavoured to persuade them to
extend the Line more favorably to the West of New York observe that they could not agree
to extend it further down the Wood Creek on the South side that he expected they would let
it run below the Canada Creek, on the North side of Wood Creek, but finding them determined
and that they were for closing it at the point of the last purchase near the Mohock River, he
told them he would stop at the Mouth of Canada Creek & refer the remainder to His
Matys consideration
Sir William then acquainted the Cheifs that his Excellency the Commander in cheif purposed
to evacuate Fort Ontario, or to put it on the same footing with Fort Stanwix, as a measure
that would be agreeable to them, and that as for any Forts, which it was necessary still to
keep up, they could be no inconvenience to them They answered that they had nothing
to complain of against the keeping up Ontario, on the footing it was for some time past nor
would they make any difficulty about the others whilst they were civilly treated at them, and
no encroachments made on their Lands which Sir William promis'' should be duly attended to.
Thursday November the 3'*
This day was partly employed in prepar^ the several Speeches & the Deed of Cession
P. M. A Deputation from the Aghquessaine Indians came to Sir Williams Quarters
accompanied by the Oneida chiefs whose interposition with him had been requested in order
to accommodate the unhappy difference which had gone such lengths in their village that their
Preist and many of their people would likely be murthered A Belt.
Sir William answered them that he had been extreemly concerned to hear of that difference
amongst themselves that in consequence thereof he had directed Coll Claus the Deputy Agent
for that Quarter to enquire into the particulars & to put a stop to it, and that he now had the
pleasure to acquaint them that agreeable to His orders the whole was happily determined
before Coll Claus left Montreal which account gave them all great satisfaction
A Belt.
At a Congress with the several Nations Friday November 4'"
Present — as at the last Meeting
The Onondaga Speaker performed the Ceremony of Condolence, for a loss sustained by the
Oneidas after which Sir William addressed the several Nations
Brothers
After having duly considered your speech and the Agreement you have at length come into,
I am pleased to find that you have so far dispatched business Notwithstanding the severity of
the approach^ season, and the distance which many of us are from our dwellings. I gave you
all the time necessary for bringing this weighty affair to a deliberate conclusion
Vol. VIII. J7
130 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brother
I am glad to find that you remember your old agreements so particularly and I wish you may
always observe them, and with that view I should have been glad to have heard you
confine your answer to my Belt for keeping the Roads open, to that subject alone, as a free
and safe intercourse between us is so necessary to you
The promises formerly made you of the happy change which would be produced by the
Reduction of Canada you have in many respects experienced as far as it was in the power of
His Majestys Servants you likewise have had a considerable number of Traders amongst you
which has so far lowered the Prices of Goods that several of them are become Bankrupts and
at many of the Posts they are to be bought at as low rates as at our Towns Notwithstanding
the distance and expence of Transportation. I am to inform you that it has been judged
adviseable by the Government to commit that part of business regarding the management of
the Indian Trade to the care & charge of the several Colonies who I make no doubt will
endeavour to do every thing they can for your Interest A Belt.
You have of late made several complaints on account of the ill behaviour of some people on
the Frontiers ; those that regarded Pennsylvania, I have reason to think I finally settled and
gave a handsome portion of their bounty upon the occasion, and in consequence of the
information I gave the Governor of Virginia thereon, his Assembly passed several Votes in
your favour, which are now before me, whilst the Governor sent this assurance of their good
faith and friendship for you and of their intentions to prevent you from being ill treated
Here shewed and explained the Resolves of the House of Burgesses likewise a
paper under the Great Seal of the Province of Virginia authorizing Sir William to
give to them those favorable assurances, and proceeds
Brothers
I hope all this will convince you that they are your friends and as further proof of it the
Gentlemen Comm" from those Provinces will at their return take proper measures for your
future good treatment & for the due observance of the Boundary Line by proper Laws for
these purposes, according his Matys desires which I shall recommend to their remembrance
A Belt.
Brothers
I am glad the Boundary is at length agreed upon, «& as I have great reason to think it will
be duly observed by the English. I recommend it to you to preserve it carefully in
remembrance to explain it fully to those that are absent and to teach it to your children. This
Boundary is intended to be lasting but should it be found necessary by His Majesty or
yourselves to make any future additions or alterations he will treat with you by those who
have the management of your affiirs. And never permit any private application this I have
received in command to tell you
As to the several reservations you make in your Cession to the King and the other points
you recommend you may be assured that His Maty shall be made acquainted with them, as I
shall transmit lo him a copy of our transactions at this place & I may venture to assure you
that they will meet with all possible regard from a Prince of His clemency & Justice & I now
give you this Belt to strengthen ratify and confirm the Boundary to all transactions necessary
thereto. A Belt.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 131
Brothers
The speech which you addressed particularly to His Maty shall be faithfully transmitted to
him with the rest of your proceedings. I have attended to the whole of it & I persuade
myself that every reasonable article will be taken proper notice of & that he will take such
measures as to him shall seem best for your benefit and for the rendering you justice — I likewise
consider your good intentions towards the Traders who sustained the losses & your desire to
fulfill all your other engagements as instances of your integrity. I wish that you may on your
parts carefully remember & faithfully observe the Engagements you have now as well as
formerly entered into with the English, and that you may every day grow more sensible how
much it is your Interest to do so And I once more exhort you all to be strong and stedfast to
keep firm hold of the Covenant Chain & never to give attention or credit to People who under
the Masque of friendship should come amongst you with stories which may tend to weaken
your attachment to us, but to keep your eye stedfastly on those whose business & inclination
it is to tell you truth & make your minds easy A Belt.
Brothers the Shawanese & Delawares
I now particularly address you, in that you live far to the Southward, & may at some times
be disturbed by bad men who taking advantage of your distance from us & the Heads of the
Confederacy may by Belts Messages or Stories invented to create mischeif impose on many of
your people & through their means mislead other Nations I am not ignorant that tiiis has
happened & I have good intelligence that there are people who have been lately deceiving
some of you with stories of Revolutions in American affairs & of French Fleets & armies,
with which you have been so often deceived that I wonder any of your people should credit
them — Be assured, Brothers, that those who were able to conquer Canada, & drive their
enemies out of their country, will always have it in their power to defeat their future projects
should they be weak enough to make any future attempts to regain what they lost. I do
therefore exhort you by this Belt to pay no regard to such deceivers for the future, but continue
to live peaceably & let me know who they are, & from whence that attempt to impose upon
you. I likewise desire you to remember all your engagements with the English to observe the
treaty of Peace with the Cherokees, to avoid any irregularities on the Frontiers & pay due
regard to the Boundary Line now made, & to make all your People acquainted with it, & to
keep the Roads & Waters open and free whereby you will enjoy the benefits of Peace &
Commerce, the esteem of the King of Great Britain & the friendship of all his subjects & I
desire you will remember & often repeat my words A Belt.
Brothers the Indians of Canada
With this Belt I recommend it to you to remember what has been done at this & all former
Treaties and to make the same public among all your people on your return to Canada
recommending it to them to continue to promote peace and to discountenance all evil reports
& idle Stories which may be propagated by ignorant or bad men & to communicate all usefuU
intelligence to me from time to time as a proof of your regard for your engagements & a means
of recommending yourselves to the esteem of the King and people of England.
A Belt.
Brothers of the sev' Nations here Assembled
TheGov'of New Jersey being called hence by some urgent business has desired me to inform
you that he can not think of taking leave of His Brethren the Six Nations without once more
132 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
expressing the Happiness he has received from finding that they entertain such right sentiments
of his justice, & that of the good people under his Government He has himself the highest
sense of the value & importance of the name conferred on him & doubts not but that future
Governors & the cheif men & inhabitants of New Jersey will be ever carefull to deserve so
distinguished a Title among the Indian Nations as that of Sagorrihwhioughstha.' Doer
of Justice
The Governor has likewise requested me to remind you that at a Treaty held at Easton in
the year 175S the Delawares and other Indians who had any pretensions to Land in New Jersey,
did for a valuable consideration give a general release for all the Lands in that Province except
such parts as were reserved by Law for the use of those Indians who chose to live under the
protection of that Governm'. This was done in public Council in the presence of many of
the Six Nations and the Governor would therefore be glad, that at this Congress (where are
present so many cheifs of the different Nations belonging to the Confederacy & when a general
Boundary Line between the subjects of His Brittannic Majesty in America & their Bretheren the
Indians is to be settled) you would do the Province of New Jersey the justice to confirm
the said Release by acknowledging in public that that Province is entirely free from all Indian
Claims, except as before menf" His Reason for this request is that this matter may held in
remembrance by all the nations present & by that means be more surely handed down to
their Posterity A Belt.
Brothers
In consequence of a Belt I have just received from the Senecas which I formerly gave them
to bind them together I do now think it highly necessary with this Belt to bind you all together
recommend? it to you all to avoid wandering and to continue at your several villages after the
manner of your ancestors, I do this principally for your own advantage, convinced that you
will be weakened by rambling and that your Councils and opinions will be thereby disunited
— Take therefore my advice and do not suffer yourselves to be lead away with any imaginary
prospects of advantage by scattering, but continue by this Belt in your several places of abode
following your commerce and all peaceable pursuits A Large Black Belt
Brothers
The business of the Treaty being so far happily brought to a conclusion it only remains that
you execute a deed of Cession to His Majesty & whatever else is necessary on this occasion,
after which I shall deliver over to your People the large Present, together with the Sum of
Money the amount and value of which I have already explained to you — The Gov" and
Gentlemen Comm" from the sev' Governm" are sensible of your good conduct during the
Treaty, and I shall recommend what is necessary to them in your presence for its further
security & on the part of New York I take upon myself to promise you that every thing
necessary thereto shall be recommended and I make no doubt agreed to by the Legislature of
this Province, heartily wishing that the same may on your parts be as carefully observed & that
no disputes may hereafter arise concerning any part of the Cession you have made or the
engagements you have entered into at this time.
Then Sir William addressed the Gov' of New Jersey & the Commissioners
' See note, supra, p. 117. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 133
Gentlemen
Agreeable to His Matys intentions signified to me by the secretary of State and for the
satisfaction of the several Nations here assembled I take the liberty to recommend it strongly
to your several Provinces to enact the most effectual Laws for the due observance of this-Line
& the preventing all future intrusions, as the expectations thereof and the reliance the Indians
have on your Justice from the Assurances I gave them on that head have proved great
inducements to the settlement of the Line now established between the Colonies and tiiem
To this the Governors & Commissioners answered that nothing should be wanting on their
parts to the obtaining such security for the Boundary as was deemed necessary on their return
to their respective Colonies
Then Sir William at the desire of the Gentlemen Commissioners from Pensylvania
acquainted the Indians, that they the Commissioners had a present ready to the amount of
500 Dollars to give in full satisfaction of the Conostoga Lands, which by the death of that
People became vested in the Proprietaries — That they freely gave this sum as a farther Proof
of the regard of that Province for them and of their concern for the unhappy fate of the
Conostogas. Then Sir William told the Indians, that as the proprietaries did not know
whether they would chuse money or Goods for the addition of Land to Pensylvania they were
then unprovided, but that Sir William Johnson would be answerable for the speedy payment
of the purchase, & would propose to them either to receive it in money to be sent on the Com"
return or in goods speedy as possible or to wait till the next spring by which time they could
have goods better & more for the same money from England vphich was submitted to
their determination
As it grew late Sir William dismissed the Indians till the next day when they were to
subscribe to the Deed of Cession & receive the consideration
At night the cheifs came to Sir William told him that they had considered the proposals
made by the Commissioners of Pensylvania, & preferred the receiving the purchase in Cash,
as the speediest payment which was agreed to & security given that the same should be paid
in Six Weeks
Nov 5'"
The Present being placed in public view around the Buildings within the Fort early this
morning the whole assembled in the Area, to subscribe to the Deed & receive the consideration
At a Congress with the several Nations Saturday Nov 5
Present — as before.
The Speaker after repeating what Sir had said to them on the first Belt at the^ last
Congress said
Brother
We thank you for what you have said & we are hopeful that you will observe your
engagements as we mean to do on our parts ; but as this will in a great measure depend upon
the Colonies, We now desire their Representatives here present to do every thing for preserving
those engagem" and keeping their people in good order A Belt.
134 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Then repeating what was said on tlie second Belt, said
Brotlier
We thank you for the advice you have given us not to listen to evil reports or lies.
Brother
We approve of your caution and shall observe it, and we shall from time to time give us^ the
the earliest intelligence of any such Reports & from whence they come A Belt.
Then in answer to Gov' Francklin's Speech
Brother
We are glad to see that Governor Francklin is so well pleased with our having bestowed
one of our own names upon him & are well pleased [to] hear you promise that he will always
be ready to do us justice We hope that all future Governors will act the same part. We
acknowledge that several of our Nations now present were witnesses to the transaction at
Easton & therefore acquit that Province of any demand and we have only to desire of him to
follow your example in his future Conduct towards us, which will sufficiently recommend him
and his people to our esteem A Belt
Brother. The advice you gave us yesterday to continue firm and united and to live together
as formerly we think it very salutary and intended for our Good. We are therefore intended
to follow your advice shall lodge your Belt at our Fire place at Onondaga to the end that all
our confederacy may have recourse to it & act accordingly
The Deed to His Majesty, that to the Proprietors of Pensylvania, with that to the Traders
being then laid on the Table were executed in the presence of the Gov' Commissioners, & the
rest of the Gentlemen
After which the Cheifs of each Nation received the Cash which was piled on a Table for
that purpose and then proceeded to divide the Goods amongst their People which occupied the
remainder of that day
P M The Governor & Commissioners took leave and returned to their respive Provinces and
that night Sir William took leave of the Cheifs recommending it to them to remember what
had been then transacted & cautioning them against committing any Disorders at their
Departure but to pack up their Goods & return home in peace & Good Order
Sunday Nov G"-
The Indians began to decamp & Sir William sett off on his return for Johnston Hall where
he arrived on the ninth of that Month
A True Copy examined by
G Johnson Deputy Agent as Secretary.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 135
Deed determinimj the Boundary Line between the Whites and Indians.
[ Plantations General, ^ y'' l"'^
To all to whom, These presents shall come or may concern. We the Sachems & Cheifs
of the Six confederate Nations, and of the Shawanese, Delawares, Mingoes of Ohio and other
Dependant Tribes on behalf of our selves and of the rest of our Several Nations the Cheifs &
Warriors of whom are now here convened by Sir William Johnson Baronet Flis Majestys
Superintendant of our affairs send Greeting. Whereas His Majesty was graciously pleased
to propose to us in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty five that a Boundary Line
should be fixed between the English & us to ascertain & establish our Limitts and prevent
those intrusions & encroachments of which we had so long and loudly complained and to put
a stop to the many fraudulent advantages which had been so often taken of us in Land affairs
which Boundary appearing to us a wise and good measure we did then agree to a part of a
Line and promised to settle the whole finally when soever Sir William Johnson should be fully
empowered to treat with us for that purpose And Whereas His said Majesty has at length
given Sir William Johnson orders to compleat the said Boundary Line between the Provinces
and Indians in conformity to which orders Sir William Johnson has convened the Cheifs &
Warriors of our respective Nations who are the true and absolute Proprietors of the Lands in
question and who are here now to a very considerable Number. And whereas many
uneasinesses and doubts have arisen amongst us which have given rise to an apprehension that
the Line may not be strictly observed on the part of the English in which case matters may
be worse than before which apprehension together with the dependant state of some of our
Tribes and other circumstances which retarded the Settlement and became the subject of some
Debate Sir William Johnson has at length so far satisfied us upon as to induce us to come to
an agreement concerning the Line which is now brought to a conclusion the whole being fully
explained to us in a large Assembly of our People before Sir William Johnson and in the
presence of His Excellency the Governor of New Jersey the Commissioners from the Provinces
of Virginia and Pensilvania and sundry other Gentlemen by which Line so agreed upon a
considerable Tract of Country along several Provinces is by us ceded to His said Majesty
which we are induced to and do hereby ratify & confirm to His said Majesty from the
expectation and confidence we place in His royal Goodness that he will graciously comply with
our humble requests as the same are expressed in the speech of the several Nations addressed
to His Majesty through Sir William Johnson on Tuesday the first of the Present Month of
November wherein we have declared our expectation of the continuance of His Majestys
Favour and our desire that our ancient Engagements be observed and our affairs attended to
by the officer who has the management thereof enabling him to discharge all these matters
properly for our Interest. That the Lands occupied by the Mohocks around their villages as
well as by any other Nation affected by this our Cession may effectually remain to them and to
their Posterity and that any engagements regarding Property which they may now be under
may be prosecuted and our present Grants deemed valid on our parts with the several other
humble requests contained in our said Speech And Whereas at the settling of the said Line
it appeared that the Line described by His Majestys order was not extended to the Northward
of Oswegy or to the Southward of Great Kanhawa river We have agreed to and continued
the Line to the Northward on a supposition that it was omitted by reason of our not having
136 NEW, YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
come to any determination concerning its course at tiie Congress held in one thousand seven
hundred and sixty five and in as much as the Line to the Northward became the most necessary
of any for preventing encroachments at our very Towns & Residences We iiave given the
Line more favorably to Pensylvania for the reasons & considerations mentioned in the Treaty,
we have likewise continued it South to Cherokee River because the same is and we do declare
it to be our true Bounds with the Southern Indians and that we have an undoubted right to
the Country as far South as that River which makes our Cession to His Majesty much more
advantageous than that proposed, Now therefore know ye that we the Sachems and Clieifs
aforementioned Native Indians and Proprietors of the Lands herein after described for and in
behalf of ourselves and the whole of our Confederacy for the considerations herein before
mentioned and also for and in consideration of a valuable Present of the several articles in use
amongst Indians which together with a large sum of money amounts in the whole to the sum
of Ten thousand four Hundred and Sixty pounds seven shillings and three pence sterling to us
now delivered and paid by Sir William Johnson Baronet His Majestys sole Agent and
superintendant of Indian affairs for the Northern department of America in the Name and on
behalf of our Soverreign Lord George the third by the Grace of God of Great Britain France
and Ireland King Defender of the Faith the receipt wiiereof we do hereby acknowledge We
tiie said Indians Have for us and our Heirs and Successors granted bargained sold released and
confirmed and by these presents do Grant bargain sell release and confirm unto our said
Sovereign Lord King George the third, All that Tract of Land situate in North America at the
Back of the British Settlements bounded by a Line which we have now agreed upon and do
hereby establish as the Boundary between us and the British Colonies in America beginning
at the Mouth of Cherokee or Hogohege River where it emptys into the River Ohio and running
from thence upwards along the South side of said River to Kittaning which is above Fort Pitt
from thence by a direct Line to the nearest Fork of the west branch of Susquehanna thence
througii the Allegany Mountains along the South side of the said West Branch untill it comes
opposite to the mouth of a Creek callek Tiadagliton thence across the West Branch and along
the South Side of that Creek and along the North Side of Burnetts Hills to a Creek called
Awandae thence down the same to the East Branch of Susquehanna and across the same and
up the East side of that River to Oswegy from thence East to Delawar River and up that
River to opposite where Tianaderha falls into Susquehanna thence to Tianaderha and up the
West side of its West Branch to the head thereof and thence by a direct Line to Canada
Creek where it emptys into the wood Creek at the West of the Carrying Place beyond Fort
Stanwix and extending Eastward from every part of the said Line as far as the Lands
formerly purchased so as to comprehend the whole of the Lands between the said Line and
the purchased Lands or settlements, except what is within the Province of Pensilvania,
together with all the Hereditaments and Appurtenances to the same belonging or appertaining
in the fullest & most ample manner and all the Estate Right Title Interest Property Possession
Benefit claim and Demand either in Law or Equity of each & every of us of in or to the same
or any part thereof To have and to hold the whole Lands and Premises hereby granted
bargained sold released and confirmed as aforesaid with the Hereditaments and appurtenances
thereunto belonging under the reservations made in the Treaty unto our said Sovereign Lord
King George the third his Heirs & Successors to and for his and tiieir own proper use and
With t/ie Bo l/j^DARY LlJ^Z cstihhsied
Bth^retnchent and Ike Indians it the Tredty
held by SWi^il/ohiJOK dt I^Sr^h^/x mMv^-
. Corrected indl-mproved fiom£viKS Mdp^
136 NEW. YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
come to any determination concerning its course at tiie Congress held in one tiiousand seven
hundred and sixty five and in as much as the Line to the Northward became the most necessary
of any for preventing encroachments at our very Towns & Residences We have given the
Line more favorably to Pensylvania for the reasons & considerations mentioned in the Treaty,
we have lii^ewise continued it South to Cherokee River because the same is and we do declare
it to be our true Bounds with the Southern Indians and that we have an undoubted right to
the Country as far South as that River which makes our Cession to His Majesty much more
advantageous than that proposed, Now therefore know ye that we the Sachems and Clieifs
aforementioned Native Indians and Proprietors of the Lands herein after described for and in
behalf of ourselves and the whole of our Confederacy for the considerations herein before
mentioned and also for and in consideration of a valuable Present of the several articles in use
amongst Indians which together with a large sum of money amounts in the whole to the sum
of Ten thousand four Hundred and Sixty pounds seven shillings and three pence sterling to us
now delivered and paid by Sir William Johnson Baronet His Majestys sole Agent and
superintendant of Indian affairs for the Northern department of America in the Name and on
behalf of our Soverreign Lord George the third by the Grace of God of Great Britain France
and Ireland King Defender of the Faith the receipt whereof we do hereby acknowledge We
the said Indians Have for us and our Heirs and Successors granted bargained sold released and
confirmed and by these presents do Grant bargain sell release and confirm unto our said
Sovereign Lord King George the third. All that Tract of Land situate in North America at the
Back of the British Settlements bounded by a Line which we have now agreed upon and do
hereby establish as the Boundary between us and the British Colonies in America beginning
at the Mouth of Cherokee or Hogohege River where it emptys into the River Ohio and running
from thence upwards along the South side of said River to Kittaning which is above Fort Pitt
from thence by a direct Line to the nearest Fork of the west branch of Susquehanna thence
through the Allegany Mountains along the South side of the said West Branch untill it comes
opposite to the mouth of a Creek callek Tiadaghton thence across the West Branch and along
the South Side of that Creek and along the North Side of Burnetts Hills to a Creek called
Awandae thence down the same to the East Branch of Susquehanna and across the same and
up the East side of that River to Oswegy from thence East to Delawar River and up that
River to opposite where Tianaderha falls into Susquehanna thence to Tianaderha and up the
West side of its West Branch to the head thereof and thence by a direct Line to Canada
Creek where it emptys into the wood Creek at the West of the Carrying Place beyond Fort
Stanwix and extending Eastward from every part of the said Line as far as the Lands
formerly purchased so as to comprehend the whole of the Lands between the said Line and
the purchased Lands or settlements, except what is within the Province of Pensilvania,
together with all the Hereditaments and Appurtenances to the same belonging or appertaining
in the fullest & most ample manner and all the Estate Right Title Interest Property Possession
Benefit claim and Demand either in Law or Equity of each & every of us of in or to the same
or any part thereof To have and to hold the whole Lands and Premises hereby granted
bargained sold released and confirmed as aforesaid with the Hereditaments and appurtenances
thereunto belonging under the reservations made in the Treaty unto our said Sovereign Lord
King George the third liis Heirs & Successors to and for his and their own proper use and
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI.
137
behoof for ever In Witness whereof We the Clieifs of tlie Confederacy have hereunto set our
marks and Seals at Fort Stanwix the fifth day of November one Thousand seven hundred
and sixty eight in the ninth year of His Majestys Reign
for the Mohocks
Tyorhansere als Abraham
for the Oneidas
Canaghquieson
Sequarusera
Otsinoghiyata als Bunt
Tegaaia
Guastrax
for the Tuscaroras
for the Onondagas
for the Cayugas
for the Senecas
Sealed and delivered and the consideration paid in the presence of
W" Franklin Governor of New Jersey
Fre. Smyth Cheif Justice of New Jersey
Thomas Walker Commissioner for Virginia
Richard Peters
James Tilghman
of the Council of Pensylvania
[ L. s ]
[l. s]
[ L. S ]
f^ [L.S.]
[ L. S]
The above Deed was executed in my presence at Fort Stanwix the day and year above
Written
W Johnson
Vol. VIII.
18
138 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lords of Trade to (lie Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council.
[ New-Tork Entries, 0., 430. ]
To the Right Honorable the Lords of the Committee of His Majesty's most Honorable
Privy Council for Plantation Affairs.
My Lords.
Pursuant to your Lordships order of the 28"" of September last, we have taken into our
consideration a letter to the Earl of Hillsborough, one of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries
of State, from Sir Henry Moore Baronet, Governor of New York, dated June 26, relative to
an Act passed by the Council and House of Assembly of that Province, during the course of
the last Session, for the repeal of two Acts concerning Insolvent Debtors, to which Act the
said Governor had refused his Assent, as being contrary to the 13"" Article of his Instructions
forbidding the repeal of Acts passed there, altho the royal Assent had not been given to them ;
and submitting whether in matters relating entirely to their internal policy and in which
neither the particular interests of the Crown nor its Power and Dignity are concerned, a
relaxation of this Instruction may not be thought proper, and be attended in many circumstances
with benefit to the Province. Wiiereupon We beg leave to report to your Lordships : —
That upon a representation heretofore made by the Council and Burgesses of Virginia
wherein amongst other matters they pray that His Majesty's Governor may be permitted to
give his assent to all such Acts as may alter or repeal any others which have not received His
Majesty's Approbation, and which relate only to the people of that Colony, wherein the Royal
prerogative or the trade of Great Britain shall not be affected ; this Board did in their report
of the 20"' of May 1761, give it as their opinion that the restrictions contained in His Majesty's
instructions to his Governors of all the plantations and from which the Colony of Virginia
then desired to be relieved, were proper and necessary, as a general rule, and that it was by
no means advisable to take away or even relax any of them. As we see no reasons which
have since occurred for departing from this opinion and advice of our predecessors in office,
we have hereunto annexed so much of the above mentioned Report as relates to the case in
point, and beg leave to refer your Lordships thereunto We are, My Lords
Your Lordships most obedient
and most humble Servants
Hillsborough
SOAME Jenyns
J. Dyson.
Whitehall W"* Fitzherbert
Nov'' 22. 1768. Thomas Robinson.
Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore.
[ New- York, CLX. ]
(N''24.)
Whitehall, December the lO"- 1768.
Sir,
I have had the honor to receive, and lay before the King, your Letters to me N» 26, 27 & 28.
and have it in command to signify to you the satisfaction it gives His Majesty to find, that His
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLI. 139
gracious approbation of tlie Act for quarteriiic; the Troops is likely to be so well received, and
to be considered, as it realty is, as a mark of His Majesty's paternal regard for the true Interest
of His Colony of New York.
The Embarrassment which you state in your Letter N° 27. to have arisen from some doubts
in the Council as to the Construction of the Order for ascertaining the Boundary Line between
New York and Quebec, will I trust have been removed long before this Letter reaches you.
The slightest revision of your Letter upon that subject will shew, that it answers itself as to
the point upon whicli you desire an explanation; for, if the claims of the English, whilst France
was in possession of Canada, extended to the River St. Lawrence, it is evident that all the
Lands lying to the South, or on the New York side of the Boundary Line fall within
the Regulation prescribed in the latter part of tiiat Order, and the case therefore which you
state is fully provided for,
I have by His Majesty's command laid before the Lords of Trade your Letter concerning M""
White recommended to be of the Council, and their Lordships have thought fit to propose to
His Majesty that M' White should be appointed to that station so that there will be 12.
Members, exclusive of the Lieutenant Governor, as is the Rule and Practice in respect to the
Councils of some other Colonies.
I am fcc'""
. ' Hillsborough
Governor Moore to the Earl of Ilillslorough.
[New-York Topers, Bundle Kr., No. 52.]
New York. 16 Dec"- 17GS.
My Lord.
As I have always thought it my duty not only to give His Maj'^"' Ministers information of
every thing wiiich passed here, but also to lay before them any plans I could form for the
benefit of the Province under my care, I hope that the proposal I now take upon me to make
to your Lordf in this letter may be looked on in no other light than the effect of that zeal
wh'^'" should animate every officer in His Maj'?"' service to merit the Royal approbation.
The Communication between this Province and Canada has been hitherto chiefly kept up
by the various military posts which have been established ; as many of these have been or
will shortly be reduced. My intention was to obviate the difficulties under which we must of
course be laid by this reduction by substituting some other means of keeping open this
communication, which would not be attended with the expence to which all military
establishments are liable. For this purpose I apprehend that the building of a Town at Crown
Point on Lake Champlain on the plan I have here enclosed, will be attended with many
advantages to the Province, and that His Maj'^"' service will also be particularly benefitted by
it. The Lands on both sides of lake Champlain and extending from thence many miles to
the southward, have been granted chieftly to reduced officers and disbanded soldiers, who had
served in America, in obedience to His Maj'''^ Proclamation in the year 1763. These lands
are not charged with any Quit rents, for the Qrst ten years after the Grant, the consequence of
which is, that great part of them still remain uncultivated, and will continue so for some
140 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
years to come, unless proper steps are taken to encourage the settlements there. The Town
now proposed at Crown Point would induce the Proprietors of those lands to clear and
improve them, for the immediate advantages they would reap by their situation; the lots of
Land in the Town should be granted on the easiest terms, to whose who would build, and if
some particular priviledges we to be given to them for the first seven or ten years, so great a
number of people would be drawn together, as would contribute greatly to settling all that
part of the Country, and by making roads on the side of the Lake remove one great difficulty
we labour under at present in having no other communication with Canada but by water, for
this is interrupted twice every year, in the beginning of the winter when the Ice begins to
form, and in the spring when it is breaking up, during wh''' time no assistance could be given
to them or had from thence in' the distresses of either province or any intestine commotions
should require it. The Plans now offered to your Lord? were drawn by M"" Adolphus BentzelP
who has been employed as an assistant Engineer here during the last war, and as his residence
since that time has been mostly at Crown Point, no one is better able to give your Lord? an
Account of that part of the Country, for which reason I have desired that he would deliver
them himself, that he may at the same time have an opportunity of giving any information
which maybe thought necessary; I have had the honor once before of mentioning AP Bentzell
in my letter to the Lords Commiss" for Trade and Plantations dated January 10"" 1767 as
acting under a Commission I had given him to prevent the destruction of the Pine Trees
reserved for the Navy in those part[s], as we had no person in this Prov" at that time who was
impowered by any authority from England. This Commission M' Bentzell executed very
faithfully and with great trouble and inconvenience to himself, though at the same time he
was well informed that it was not in my power to annex to it any fee or Reward. I have the
honor to be with the greatest respect, My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient and
humble servant.
H : MooEE.
N° 6.
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Ilillshorough.
[ Plantations General, No. 6. ]
My Lord
On my return from Fort Stanwix I had the honour to receive your Lordships of 13"' of August
(N» 5) with the enclosures concerning the application to His Majesty for a grant of Copper
Mines near Lake Superior directing me to make Enquirys concerning the same, to which I
should have paid all due obedience sooner, but the pacquets and dispatches I had to make up,
and the multiplicity of Affairs I had to order & regulate in consequence of the late Treaty.
' Sie. if.
' Adolphcs Benzel, son of Archbishop Benzel, of Upsal, in Sweden, came to America in 1749 antl settled at Wilmington,
Del., where he inarriea in 17fi2; he was promoted to a Lieutenancy in the 2d battalion of the 1st Foot, or Royals, 2d January,
1757, then serving in America. He left the army in 1770, having been appointed on the recommendation, among others, of
the Swedish Ambassador at London, to be inspector of His MajeHly's woods and forests and unappropriated land's on Lake
Champlain and in Canada, at a salary of C.JOO sterling, besides traveling expenses, and as many deputies as he chose. — E».
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLI. 141
T now proceed to consider the Subject of your Lordships letter and the papers therewith
transmitted, and first as to the ore. — I have long since been well assured that there is not only a
large quantity of Copper ore in the environs of Lake Superior, but that on trials made on samples
of it (some of which I have seen) it has been found extraordinary good and rich. 1 likewise
about tiiree years ago saw an Estimate of the Expence of taking up and transporting &c" the
most accessible of that ore, of which I am well assured there are to all appearance entire Rocks
but this estimate which I've unluckily mislaid, was to the best of my recollection founded on
the expectation that it would continue to be obtained with verry great ease, and that it could be
transported, refined Scc'^ at rates which from the encreased value of labour &c'' in Canada since
the reduction of that country may now be much doubted, admitting that the veins of ore
would continue equally rich & accessible. — I have likewise understood that the Indians
themselves would at a verry trifling rate procure large quantitys of it, to which I may answer
that the Indians are ^ lazy people, naturally enemies to labour, and therefore it is much to
be doubted whether interesting them in it would be attended with advantage, altho the Indians
of that Country can be satisfied on much more reasonable terms than those who are more
accustomed to receive favours from the Europeans, particularly the French. — I have also heard
that some persons in Canada did formerly bring away a good deal of Ore from thence, & that
tiiey lost by it, but whether this was owing to the expence of bringing it down or to bad
management I can't say. The River Ottawa being obstructed by 42 portages small & great
would much retard and enhance the transportation of so heavy an article & give place to the
carrying it by the Lakes as the most eligible, notwithstanding the latter are at some seasons
verry uncertain and the navigation often tedious, the length and severity of the winters at Lake
Superior will likewise require consideration both with regard to the provision to be made for
those that should remain there, and for their cattle & beasts of burthen, and the verry low wages
of battoemen and all labourers in the time of the French when compared with the usual hire,
at this time, is also a matter that should be attended to.
I come now to consider what effect it might have as to His Majesty's Interests with respect
to the Indians, touching this, I am of opinion, that if the object in view is deemed worthy the
pursuit, It cannot hereafter be prejudicial to His Majesty's Interests with the Indians, provided
tiieir consent is first obtained, that the utmost care is taken to prevent their being wronged, or
•ill treated by any concerned and that no settlement be undertaken, or lands cultivated beyond
what is barely necessary ( and this too with their previous consent ) until the times become
more favourable, all which may be effectually prevented by the residence of an Officer of the
Indian Department, on the part of the Crown & by such instructions & authorities to
the Superintendant or such other officer of the Crown as is most likely to remove any cause
of complaint, & afford them justice, and for the farther satisfaction of the Indians, & removing
any suspicions they might entertain from the conduct of any of the Companys residents or
servants there, that an appeal might lye before the superintendant, or such officer as the Crown
should direct.
With regard to the next consideration as to the proper means to induce their agreement to
such Establishments as would be necessary for obtaining the advantages stated to arise from
the proposals as I understand it, the principal advantages that may be expected depend
upon the value and importance of good Mines rich in Copper, as any advantages to His Majesty's
Interests with the Indians resulting from the Proposals must be the eflect of time, & will
Solely depend upon the good conduct, civil treatment & strict integrity of the Company's
2^42 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Factors, who if they can he expected to concurr in so doing will douhtless hy degrees acquire
the esteem of the Indians, and give them favourable prepossessions of the English, to which the
adding some small presents occasionally, or making it in some measure their interest would
greatly contribute, but this must be as yet meerly matter of speculation & uncertainty. — On
the other hand, the neighbouring nations who are not interested in any advantages which
those of Lake Superior may be supposed to enjoy will probably prejudice them as much as
possible against it, & use endeavours from time to time to distress tlie Company in which they
may be sometimes successfull, for it is most certain that the jealousy of the Indians augments
as we encrease, and however they may outwardly appear reconciled to such settlements, they
consider everry Beginning of ours in a verry dangerous light, & are thereby led to commit
acts of violence before they allow us sufficient time to manifest by a series of good treatment
the purity of our intentions. — I judge it my duty to remark what may happen. At the same
time I am of opinion that provided the object is worthy attention, and ihat the distance from
the sea, with y* other obstructions & expences attending it do not render the plan unprofitable
a circumstance on which I cannot positively decide. The Indians may be reconciled to tlie
opening & working those mines, and that if strict care be taken to do them justice in
the manner I have already proposed without any attempts to private settlements or insisting
upon Charter Rights as conveying property of soil, there is a prospect of it's being enjoyed in
security; and that to obtain their consents, the Cheifs of those Nations interested should be
assembled when the whole should be laid before them without disguise, or making any
promises but such as could'& would be fully performed, and that on giving them a present, &
obtaining their consent some persons of interest amongst them should accompany those who
are to prosecute the design, and carrying^ the plan into execution, the future success of which
must depend upon the manner in which it is conducted, and upon the temper of the Indians.
I could have wished it were in my power to have more diligently enquired & to have offerred
more particular remarks regarding this proposal, but when it is known that I have scarcely
had a moments leisure from the number & importunity of Indians since my return last month
from the Treaty at Fort Stanwix, I persuade myself I shall be in some measure excusable,
should it appear that I have not been able to give it all the attention that was necessary, and
as I was desireous of complying as soon as possible with His Majesty's orders by offering my
thoughts upon the matter, which with the hopes of your Lordship's favourable indulgence I
now humbly submit to [His Majesty's] = consideration.
I have the honour to be
with the most profound respect,
My Lord,
Johnson Hall Your Lordship's
Decb' 23" 1768. most obedient & most
Devoted Humble servant,
The Right Honourable the Earl of Hillsborougli. W. Johnson.
' carry. Juhmon Manmcripts, xvii. ' Ibid. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 143
Governor Moore to the Earl of Il'dhhorough.
[ New-York Tapers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXI. ]
New York. 4. January 17G9.
My Lord.
I am very sorry to inform your Lord? that I have been under a necessity of puting an end
to the late Assembly by a dissolution. My duty would not permit me to pass over unregarded
the extraordinary resolves the house of Assembly had entered on their Journals, and I have
here inclosed a copy of them together with a speech I made to them on the occasion. I did
once flatter myself that moderate measures would have been pursued throughout the whole
session, but a small Faction has found means to intimidate the rest of the members, & brought
on this dissolution contrary to the General opinion or intention of the greater part of
the Members.
In order to explain this, I must inform your Lord? that the remains of that licentious Rabble
who during our late disorders, called themselves the Sons of Liberty, had formed a design soon
• after, the meeting of the Assembly to disturb the tranquility of the City by carrying the
effigies of certain persons thro' the Town in procession, and afterwards burning thempubiicly;
the Magistrates of the City exerted themselves so much on this occasion, that it could not for
some time be carried into execution, but their vigilance was at length eluded, & while they
were assembled in one quarter of the Town expressly for this purpose, the project was
executed in a hasty manner in another, and the contrivers made their escape with so much
precipitation, that the Constables could not be informed of their design time enough to secure
any of the persons concerned in it. A pompous account of tiiis was printed in one of our weekly
papers, and any one would suppose by the relation there given, that the greatest part of the
City was concerned in it, but this proceeding having been disavowed by the Inhabitants,
the Mayor published a true relation of the transaction, which shew'd that it was done by a few
of the lowest people, & by surprize. I immediately upon this attempt being made, issued
a proclamation offering a Reward for the discovery of the Authors of tiiis project; and on my
acquainting the Assembly of it by a Message received their thanks for what I had done, and
an Address which is set forth in the SO"" page of the printed Journals which accompany this
letter. Your Lord? will see in the preceeding page of these Journals how few advocates
this Riot, had, by the division of the house on the Address, & I make no doubt be surprised
that five Members of any Assembly whatsoever could be found in any part of the King's
Dominions, who should be so weak, to declare against the support of Government and good
order in the Town where they lived. When this design had so evidently failed, a sett of
Instructiou's to the Citty Members were drawn up, and carried about the Town to be signed.
Most of the Inhabitants of any consideration, refused to set their names to it, but a number of
the lower sort were procured who did, and your Lord? may easily imagine, what the tenor
of such Instruct"" and dictated by such heads must be; however, these were constantly held
up to view, and as the greatest part of the Assembly is composed of plain well meaning Men,
whose notions from their education, are extremely confined, their fears of being exposed to
the contempt of their Countrymen for not joining in what were called constitutional measure,
and their apprehensions of being particularly pointed out as Enemies to their Country, engaged
them in measures which they never wished to see adopted, but had not resolution enough to
144 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
oppose, for the reasons I have just mentioned, notwithstanding they had a considerable mnjority
in the house. The same Faction was particularly instrumental in keeping up a heat in the
House which would not otherwise have prevailed, and upon entring the resolves on their
Journals proposed to make them still stronger by an addition to the third Resolve, as if they
were apprehensive that there was not sufficient offence already given in the former part of it,
but this was rejected by the house and the division on the question may be seen at the bottom
of the 74"" page of the Journals. Towards the conclusion of the Session they shewed plainly
what their real intentions were, by opposing the support Bill, without any cause being assigned
for such a proceeding, as will appear by the Divison on the 69"" page of their Journals, and I
am very clear in my own opinion, that the present misconduct of the Assembly is intirely
attributed to their violent measures.
On Saturday the 31" of December, on my sending for the house to pass some Bills, the
inclosed resolves were put on their Journals. On my receiving them from their Clerk on
Sunday morning, I immediately sent out orders for summoning His Maj'^'^ Council to meet
before whom I laid the resolves on the morning of the next day ; the minutes of that day are
likewise here inclosed, and about six o'clock in the same evening I dissolved the Assembly.
I could have wished that I had been better supported on this occasion by the Council, for your
Lord? will see, that of the eight Members, wh'^'" were present that day, the voices were
equally divided, and could I have had their concurrence for the dissolution, I am perswaded
that it would have given such a blow to the Faction, as would have been attended with the
most favourable consequences to the Colony. Being disappointed of that aid which I required
& expected from them, I took the matter upon myself, and as I had spared no pains during the
course of the Session to point out to the Assembly the Rock they would split on, and laid
the Acts of Parliament before them as soon as I saw on their Journals, that a Committee was
appointed to draw up Constitutional resolves, I cannot charge myself with having omitted the
least circumstance which could give them information of the danger into which they were
running; I therefore thought, I was called upon by the duty of my Commission to Act in the
manner I have done, and shall be extremely happy if my conduct on this occasion meets with
His Majesty's approbation.
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect
My Lord,
Your LordP' most obedient
and humble servant
H: Moore
Eai'l of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson.
t PlantatloM General, COLY., No. 8. ]
(N" 8)
Whitehall 4"' Jafiry 1769
Sir, ^
I have received your Dispatches N» 4 & 5 and have laid them before the King.
His Majesty has observed with great satisfaction the judgement and zeal you have in general
testified in his service, and particularly the activity you have shewn in the important business
of the Boundary line.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 145
The King wishes however that you had not allowed the Six Nations to discover that we
entertained any doubt of their right to the country South of the Kanaway River, as it appears
from your letter tliat to tliis circumstance & to this alone, it was owing that you was induced
to depart from the Boundary line, directed by tiie Report of the Lords Commissioners for
Trade & Plantations, which upon the whole, after much consideration, had been determined
upon political and commercial principles to be the most desireable one, and to which by His
Majesty's commands you was instructed to adhere ; for besides that the deviation from that
line is contrary to the opinion of His Majesty's Servants on this side, and the obtaining so
large an additional tract of land in that part of the continent is considered by them as
productive only of disadvantage and embarrassment, the worst of it is, that it will not only
probably produce jealousy and disatisfaction amongst the Cherokees, but will also tend to
undo and throw into confusion those settlements and agreements for the other part of the
Boundary Line, which the Superintendent for the Southern Department has concluded so ably
& so precisely according to his Instructions
I have receiv^ed His Majesty's commands to lay your letters, the proceedings at the Congress,
and the Deed which was the result of them, and also the Dispatches received from the
Superintendent of the Southern Department relative to the Boundary line, before the Board
of Trade, in order that their Lordships may take the whole into their consideration & report
to His Majesty their opinion what measures it may be now proper to take. In the mean time
I can venture to assure you that if you can fall upon any method still to settle the Line
according to your Instructions, it would be very satisfactory to His Majesty ; and it appears
to me that this might be done in such a manner, with regard to the Six Nations as to make
them understand that His Majesty declines to accept of the large additional cession they wish
to make to Him out of His paternal tenderness and affection to them and their posterity and
not from any doubt he entertains of their right to the lands.
The unwarrantable conduct of the French and Spaniards, with regard to His Majesty's
Indians, deserves the most serious attention and will receive the fullest consideration, and I doubt
not that you will continue to exert the most watchfull vigilance to discover all further
attempts of that nature, as well as to prevent their pernicious effects, and give me the earliest
intelligence of any such discoveries, in order to be laid before His Majesty.
I do entirely agree with you in opinion as to the Advantages that would have resulted from
adopting the more extensive plan of Superintendency proposed in the year 1765; but having
fully explained to you, in my letter of the 12"" of October last, the necessity there was of
conforming ourselves to a more limited plan, it is unnecessery either for you or me to say any
more upon that subject; but I am commanded by the King to assure you, that you shall have
every support and protection in the execution of your office, as far as its present authority
extends, not doubting but that, under your direction, it will have the happy effect to produce
benefits of very great national Importance.
I am &c.
Sir W"" Johnson Bar' Hillsborough
Vol. VilL
146 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborougli.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXI. ]
New York. 7 January 1769.
My Lord,
I should have acknowledged, by the preceeding Packet, the honour you did me in your letter
of the 9"" of July to Sir Henry Moore, of which he sent me an extract of what relates to me ;
had he not delayed to inform me so long, that I did not receive the extract till the day after
the Mail was closed ; tho' from the date of your Lord^'s letter he must have received it four
or five weeks before that time.
I have never given Sir Henry the least personal offence since his arrival in his Govern', and
yet his conduct with respect to my obtaining a recompence for my losses, from the Assembly,
has been such that I cannot imagine from whence should arise that part of your LordP's letter,
wherein you direct him persevere in his recommendation of my case to the Assembly. He
has been entirely influenced by the popular party which I thought it my duty to oppose.
He refused formerly to send in my account of Losses to the Assembly, tho' I informed him
that it had been always customary for the Gov' to send in by Message from himself such
accounts, as he recommended to be paid, and that the Assembly expected he should do so.
On the 24"" of last Month, he sent in my ace' of arrears of salary, and losses by the Mob in
1765., with a Message, recommending the payment, but without the least mention of his
having received any directions for that purpose. At their next meeting after Xmas, the
Assembly agreed to pay my full arrears of Salary, but made no resolution as to the payment
of my losses. The reason I am told was, that, some objected, that I had put the Province
to a great expence in having the Cannon on the Batteries unspiked, which I had ordered to
be spiked up. All the Artillery of the Army which had not been brought into the Fort, were
spiked up at the same time. Your LordP knows, I could give no direction for that purpose.
The Cannon on the Batteries would have been unspiked, in the same manner that the Artillery
of the Army was, whenever it should be thought prudent, without any expence to the Province ;
but the Assembly took the direction of the Cannon on the Batteries on themselves and ordered
them to be unspiked.
Your LordP can judge whether it be for the interest of Great Brittain that the Officers of the
Crown in the Colonies, depend on the Assemblies for every recompence and Reward of their
services. I have the satisfaction in mind, that I had during my Administration, my duty in
obeying the King's instructions and the welfare of the Province, only at heart; and I am
confident, no instance can be given of my acting otherwise. The sentiments which by your
LordP'* letter to Sir H. Moore, his Maj'^ entertains of my past conduct, does me the greatest
honour, and gives me the greatest pleasure I am capable of receiving.
As the Gov"' has dissolved the Assembly, no doubt you will receive from him an account of
their conduct. It may however be proper to inform your Lord?, that the City of New York is
now divided into two parties, which violently oppose each other. One consisting of the new
Members chosen into the last Assembly, and the other supposed to be favoured by the Gov'';
both sides had the preserving their popularity in view. It is supposed this opposition will
c6ntinue at the ensuing election.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 147
I am extremely sensible of your Lord?'' favour and it shall be my constant endeavour to
demonstrate by every thing in my power with how much gratitude 1 am, My Lord,
Your most obedient & faithful serv'
Cadwallader Golden
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-Tork Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXI. ]
New York. 20 January 1769.
My Lord,
The Acts passed during the late Session of Assembly are now preparing to be transmitted to
your LordP with all possible expedition. On my informing the house of His Majesty's
instruction relative to the insertion of the Words " in the West Indies " in the Act for granting
the several duties and impositions on goods ettc imported into this Prov""", it was readily
complyed with and the alteration made. But my suspicions in regard to the Militia Bill were
soon confirmed, and the Bill entirely drop'd after having been once read.
The division of the County of Albany did not take place, neither can I very well ascertain
the reasons which prevented it. No objection was made to the Bill in the form pointed out in
your LordP'' letter to me, and it was brought into the house, without any mention being made
of the right of chusing Members, which priviledge was entirely left with the Crown. The
contested Elections at the beginning of the session took up much lime, which might have been
better employed, and a sudden period was put to all business then before the house, by the
dissolution which took place soon after the resolves were entered on their Journals ; had this
not been the case in a probability the Bill might have passed, but it would at the same time
have laid me under a new difficulty, as the Tract of Country now in question is of so great
extent, that it was proposed by the Bill to divide it into three separate and distinct Counties,
and the Bill would have passed in that form. The permission, which His Maj"" had given by
Your LordP's letter of issuing a writ of Election being confined only to one additional County,
I could not take upon me to do any thing till further orders, as an equal distribution of favour
would be expected from the Crown in granting the same priviledges to both the New Counties,
whereas his Maj'^'' Commands had been only signified in regard to one.
Our Elections are now carrying on with great warmth, and as I apprehend that I shall be
under a necessity of calling the new Assembly together, sooner than the usual time of their
meeting, on account of some additional provision to be made for the Troops, 1 hope I shall have
the honor of receiving some further Instructions in regard to what I have here mentioned
concerning the division of the County of Albany.
I have the honor, ettc.
H Moore.
148 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Moore to the Earl of HilUhorovgh.
{ New-Tork Papers C S. P. 0. ) CLXI.]
New York. 21. January 1769.
My Lord,
Immediately upon receipt. of His Majesty's orders for the admission of M' Hugh Wallace and
M' James de Lancey into the Council of this Province, in the room of M'' Walton and M''
Alexander, the members of the Council were convened, and M'' Wallace took the oaths and his
seat at the Board, but M' de Lancey declined the honour that His Maj'^ had intended him, &
after declaring before the Council, that he could not accept of the appointment, withdrew
without any further ceremony, nor was there any reason given either by himself or his friends
for such a proceeding. I have the honor of returning to your Lord? here inclosed, the Royal
mandamus in favour of M'' de Lancey, and must leave to that Gentleman the explanation of so
singular a conduct, as I should be extremely embarassed to determine what extraordinary
engagements he could possibly have entered into, which ceuld be either incompatible with his
duty to his Maj'^, or inconsistent with his attendance on the service of his Country at the Council
Board ; I hope that I shall have your LordP's pardon for what I am now going to say in favour
of my former recommendation, and that the anxiety of mind I am under, lest I should be
supposed to have recommended an improper person, may plead my excuse, for troubling your
LordP with any thing further on this head. My connections in point of acquaintance and
private friendship with M' Rob' Livingston, in whose favour I had wrote, are by no means so
strong as with many Gentlemen in this Province, whose names I have never mentioned to
your LordP, and the following are the true reasons of the preference given to him on this
occasion. He is a branch of the most considerable family in this Prov" ; his father (who is
very far advanced in years) possessed of a very great landed Estate, which will come to him
undivided, as he is an only son. He is married to the richest Heiress in this Country whose
Father is likewise very old and infirm ; so, that in all human probability he must very shortly
be the greatest Landholder without any exception, in this province ; the very large Estate which
must center in. him, cannot fail of giving him great weight here, and puts it very much in his
power to support Govern', which all my letters to His Majty's Ministers have shewed to be
very weak and to stand much in need of every assistance which can be obtained. M'
Livingston is a Member of the Church of England as by Law established, & very well affected
to His Maj"''» person and Govern'. He is at this time one of thp Judges of the Supreme Court,
and has there given frequent proofs of his abilities to serve his Country. He has likewise been
for several years a Member of the House of Assembly, where I must acknowledge myself
indebted to him, for his readiness and assistance in some difficulties I laboured under during
the troubles I was engaged in, on my first arrival here, and from the whole tenor of his conduct
I thought he deserved recommendation I had given him, being at this time fully perswaded
that if he had been a Member of the Council during the last Session of Assembly I sh"" have
been better supported than I was by that Board, when the resolves of the late Assembly were
laid before them, which brought on the dissolution. Thus much My Lord, I thought myself
bound to say, from the apprehensions I was under that M'' Livingston's character had been
misrepresented, & that I had fallen under the censure that of having wrote in favour of a person
undeserving His Maj'^'' notice, but I hope that I shall never be thought to have merited such
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 149
an accusation, but that on the contrary it will appear, that my zeal for His Maj'^'' service, has
directed and influenced every article of my conduct, since I have been honor'd with the Chief
command here.
Upon M' De Lancey's refusal of a seat at the Council Board, M'' Henry White' made another
application to me, but I have already given my opinion concerning him so fully, that I shall not
trespass any further on your LordP's time.
I have tiie honor to be with the greatest respect.
My Lord
Your LordP'' most obedient
and humble servant
H: INIoouE
Oovernor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-York Papers ( 8. P. 0. ) CLXI. ]
New York 27 January 1759.
My Lord.
Several Inhabitants of this Province being desirous of making settlements on the lands ceded
by the Indians in the late Treaty, have made application for them in the manner directed by
His Maj'y'* Instruction, but a difficulty we are at present under has prevented their requests
being granted. Out of the vast Tract of Lartd ceded by the Indians to the Crown of Great
Brittain, a very inconsiderable portion of it has fallen to the share of this province, as the
partition line has not been carried farther to the Northward than the Mohawk River, and at that
place not above three or four miles to the Westward of a grant of Land made so long ago as in
1708, as a considerable sum of money has been paid by the Crown to the Indians at the late
Congress, it is humbly requested that His Majesty's pleasure may be made known in regard
to the conditions, on which the Lands are to be granted. If the Grantees are to be called on by
the Govern' for a reimbursement of the sums expended for the settling of this line, in the same
proportion they would have paid in case the lands had been purchased by them of the Indians,
the share they would pay, would be so inconsiderable and bear so little proportion to the whole,
that it would not be worth attending to; on the other hand settlement made on the Frontiers
and so distant from the capital are attended with so many difficulties, that any increase of the
necessary and common expences, will effectually discourage those who are willing to engage in
them from all farther proceeding and drive them to another part of the Country. The inclosed
sketch was sent to me by Sir William Johnson, in order to be laid before the house of
' Henkt ■White was a commissary in the British service and a prominent merchant in ITew-York, and was one of the
consignees of the Tea sent to that city. He was sworn of the Council on the 8th March, 1769, and continued a member
of thit body until 1783, when he returned to England. His estate was confiscated in 1779. In 1755 Mr. W. married Eve,
daughter of Frederick and grand-daughter of Jacobus Van Cortlandt Frederick C, one of the sons, was appointed in 1781,
an ensign in the 64th regiment of Foot, then serving in America, and ultimately rose to be a general in tlie army. John,
another son, was a rear-admiral in the Royal Navy. Mrs. White died in New-York in 1836, at the advanced age of 99.
Her daughter Ann married Sir John Hays, and Margaret married Peter J. Munro, a distiDguished member of the New-York
bar, and one of the framers of the late Constitution of this State. Sabine's Am. Loyalists ; De Peyster'e Genealogy. — Ed.
150 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Assembly and only shews so much of the line as relates to this Province. Pennsylvania is now
bounded on the North by the East and West line drawn from Owegy to the Delaware, but the
lands to the Northward of that line do not fall into this Province, as was expected, but we are
still confined to our old boundary the Delaware for many miles, and the line is continued up
the course of that River to the Northward till it comes to that spot which is due south from the
Mouth of the Tienaderha^ Creek, which falls into the Susquehanna ; a due North line is then
drawn to the Mouth of that Creek, and continued up its course to the head of it, and from
thence by a straight course to the Mouth of Canada Creek, where it terminates. Your Lord?
will see on inspecting this draught, that in this Province we are rather sufferers than gainers
by this settlement, as we shall now be confined by a line fixed in so solemn a manner, at no
great distance from our Lands already patented, and to have it our power to extend farther to
the Westward; whereas the necessities of the Indians were constantly obliging them to make
sale of their Lands for their support, which of course, would extend our Frontier and drive
them back further into the Country.
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect
My Lord.
Your LordP's most obedient
and humble servant
H: Moore
Sir William Johnson to ike Earl of Hillsborough.
[ Plantations General, CCLV., No. 1. ]
Johnson Hall Feby IS"" 1769.
My Lord,
Since my last of Decb"^ 23'^ N" 6. I have had the honour to receive your Lordship's letter N° 6
in answer to mine N° 2. containing His Majesty's commands that I should make out some
certain Estimate of what I thought the Department might require in order to the determining
whether any greater sum should be allowed than that recommended by the Board of Trade.
And that in the mean time the annual expence should not exceed that sura. The first is already
done as I long since transmitted a short estimate for that purpose to General Gage, who
informs me that the same is now before His Majesty. The second is in part and will verry
soon be entirely complied with by the total removal of the Commissaries & all other Officers
of the Department at the out posts & frontiers, but as on the first receipt of the plan for the
reform it was judged most adviseable by the General and myself that the Provinces should
have some little time to consider in what manner they should carry that part relating to Trade
into execution, as the withdrawing those Officers abruptly without any to supply their places,
would beyond all doubt have proved of verry ill consequences; It was not till the receipt of
your Lordships letter of the 12"" of October that we could withdraw them, and some must
of necessity remain until the Lakes & Rivers are open. — I am extremely happy to find'tbat
those remarks which I humbly offered on the subject of the Reform have been honoured w""
' See note 2, mpra, p. 123. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 151
His Majesty's attention, it would much exceed the bounds of a letter to enter minutely into so
multifarious a subject, or to point out the various arguments that might be brought in proof of
the weight of any remarks, whatever I have presumed to offer in that way was perfectly
disinterested & arose from a conviction of their necessity.
The arrangements pointed out in your Lordships letter of April last were in my opinion
judiciously calculated to answer their object which to me appeared to be the releiving the
Kingdom from a large expence by transferring the management of Trade to the several Colonies
on a supposition that these Colonies would do everry thing necessary therein, but if my
experience in these matters here joined to my opertunitys of knowing the state of Indian Affairs
at this time gave me reason to apprehend that the wise measures of Government were liable
to be frustrated, or would not be carried on, so as to answer their good Intentions, or the
Publick Security, I thought it my Duty to offer my thoughts to avoid a charge of remissness
in a matter of so much moment.
My Lord I would willingly avoid any reflection on the people here especially those amongst
them whose errors may be imputed to ignorance of the consequence & importance of a
subject laid before them. But when your Lordship considers the Character, Disposition &
Practice of those who grant money for public service in America, it will not appear new or
extraordinary to suppose that they will not see the necessity of being at any expence adequate
to the importance of the subject, I could have recourse to undoubted authorities to prove their
extreme parsimony and backwardness on the most alarming occasions, when their all was at
stake, but I persuade myself that enough of this is known to justify my apprehensions
concerning their conduct in matters which appear of less consequence, on the subject of which,
they are in general totally ignorant, and will of course judge the necessary (or perhaps any)
expence as needless, it is my duty to represent this, as it may in its consequences affect the
Crown. — I gave Sir Harry Moore a sketch of my regulations for the Trade, & the last
Instructions to my Officers on that head, who laid it before his Assembly, And they have as I
am since informed done nothing therein farther than to recommend the consideration thereof
to the Albany Representatives. I likewise conversed on the subject with the Governours of
New Jersey & Pensilvania. And from all that I can hear, there is litttle prospect that the
Assemblys will do what may have been expected from them on this subject. Thus my Lord,
it stands at present. Whatever resolutions they may take I shall do all in my power to second
& promote them, but I found that the Dutys expected from the Colonies are so complicated
with many others, & the execution of them, so uncertain, that I fully persuade myself your
Lordship will pardon me for the liberty I have taken in declaring my thoughts as to the
Event. — If the Duty of Commissaries could be dispensed with until the Provinces make some
provision for Officers of that kind. The smiths & interpreters appear always wanting, & the
interests of the Crown require that the latter in particular should be under the direction of its
own Officers. — Any apology for the liberty I have taken in these matters will be needless, as
I rely entirely on your Lordship's Indulgence to the motives of duty & fidelity which have
produced them.
As to the Boundary & Purchase from the Indians, as I lost no time in calling together the
several Nations necessary after the receipt of my orders It was not in my power to act
otherwise than I did, as from all the Intelligence I could procure. It was deemed the intention
of the Crown to purchase the soil in all the Royal Govern", had it been otherwise I beleive it
would have appeared, that the adjustment of the Quotas of the respective Colonies with their
152 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
local views & interests, if they became the purchasers, would have greatly retarded the
proceeding, & possibly have rendered the Congress abortive, which must have greatly incensed
the Indians who were assembled from a great distance for that purpose, The Indians did
for the most part desire that a Line should be settled, to which the prospect of a large present
was no inconsiderable motive, but as I observed in a former letter the length of time from its
being first proposed 'till the final orders for it's settlement, created so many doubts amongst
them, and gave such opertunity to evil minded persons to misrepresent it, that the Indians were
verry far from being so unanimous as at first, and the Variety of difficulties arose, on which
occasion I did the best I could for the Interests of the Crown, and I persuade myself that on
due consideration of these difficulties, & of the value & great extent of the Cession beyond
what had been ever claimed by us in right of purchase, it will appear to be a verry reasonable
consideration, and in order that the Crown might be reimbursed give me leave to suggest to
your Lordship, that an Instruction to the Governours of the Royal Colonies, directing that all
future grants within such Cession be liable to a fine, suppose ten pounds sterling for each
thousand acres over & besides Fees & Quit rent ( which sum is about the usual rate of the
Indian purchases, &will on everry Million of acres produce ten thousand pounds sterling) That
in such case, the Crown will verry soon be reimbursed without reckoning the income annually
accruing from the Grants. — This is humbly offered in case His Majesty should not demand a
reimbursement from each province of its particular quota. And the private grantees can have
no reason to complain, as the terms I have suggested are full as moderate as Indian purchases
have been for some years past.
I am glad that His Majesty is pleased to approve the continuing the Boundary Line so as to
include the Province of New York, as I could not receive His Majesty's Commands in sufficient
time, & as I found that the Indians more imediately affected by it, were for continuing it in a
manner I looked upon to be verry disadvantagious, I thought it best to stop at the mouth of
Canada Creek till I received the King's commands, which possibly may now be carried into
execution, On which occasion 1 shall consult Sir Henry Moore.
Since the receipt of the plan prepared by the Lords of Trade, I did conceive from some
letters I had the honour to receive, that either that plan, or something similar thereto would
have been adopted, which I communicated to the Indians as Information w*" must prove highly
satisfactory to them, as they consider the interposition & management of their affairs by the
imediate servants of the Crown as best calculated for their happiness & interests, from the verry
high opinion they entertain of His Majesty, which I thought my duty always to promote. It
was therefore natural for them to found their Expectations on such a plan as seemed best for
their interests, this is all that was meant by the observation in my former letter. In order to
shew as I thought it my duty to do, that y' hopes & desires of the Indians were founded on
an establishment under the imediate direction of His Majesty's servants, Not as any remark of
mine on a reform which is the best calculated for releiving the kingdom of a heavy burthen.
As the present plan seems calculated for the purposes & from the circumstances mentioned
in your Lordsiiip's letter it is my duty and inclination, and it shall be my particular study to
recommend it in the most favourable light to the Indians & to promote the execution of it
to the utmost of my power.
The reasonableness & necessity of the small additional expence I have proposed will I
presume appear evident for the enabling me to execute the several duties which fall under my
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 153
superintendency, wliich T shall discharge to the utmost extent of my power & the fund allowed,
as becomes a good subject, and your Lordship's
most obedient
& most faithfuU humble Servant
The Right Honourable the Earl of Hillsborough, W. Johnson
(N» 8.)
Sir WiUia?n Jokn-son to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[Plantations General, CCLT., No. 8.]
Johnson Hall Febr'' 2-5"' 17G9.
My Lord,
In my last which was wrote a few days ago I had the honour to answer your Lordships letter
(N" 6) and I have now that of November last (N° 7) with enclosures which I did not receive
'till a few Days since.
The Representations in my letter N° 3 to which your Lordships last is in answer, & which
regarded the intrigues & practices of the P'rench and Spaniards with its effects upon the Indians
I have always thought a matter of the most serious consequence And have studyed to detect,
as well as to frustrate to the utmost of my power, and I shall endeavour as far as in me lyes to
obtain such evidence of Facts and other information as may be necessary, but your Lordsiiip
is doubtless sensible that such an enquiry must be involved in many Difficulties, as the
information of Indians may not be admitted as sufficient proof, & those who intrigue with them
are at such a distance, & act with so much caution that few (if any) white men have had ocular
demonstration of it, notwithstanding the variety of corresponding accounts and other
circumstances leave little reason to doubt y^ Fact. It may be that these proceedings are not
by Authority of the French or Spanish Courts, it is likewise probable that they may be in some
circumstances exaggerated, but the effect is unluckily the same, as the Indians beleive that they
are all by authority of these Crowns, and the large presents they have from time to time made
to them farther confirm them in the opinion tliat they don't come from private Adventurers.
There are a number of Renegado French & Canadians who reside about the Mississipi & the
Western Lake &c'', many of whom dare not make their appearance in any of the Colonies.
These men are ready to undertake any thing & find an advantage in everry rupture. And as it
is agreable both to their interest & inclination to disturb the tranquility of the Brittish
Government, they would be guilty of so doing without any authority, how much more if
connived at, or perhaps countenanced by France or Spain, which my Lord is far from being
improbable, if either of these Courts have a war in view, in that case the Incursions of the Indians
would prove of infinite use to them, as it would not only prove the ruin of our frontiers & trade
and give a check to privateering from hence, but involve us in a heavy expence and draw part
of our attention to the back country, even should we suppose that the Canadians would all remain
faithfull to their allegiance or that the enemy could not land troops on any part of the Continent.
— As to any assurances given by French or Spannish Governours in America, experience & their
conduct previous to the two last wars make me verry doubtfuU of them, as they gave the same
Vol. VIIL 20
154 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
assurances at those periods, whilst they acted the like part, and tho their disavowall of such
seductive practices prevented the good effect of the intelligence given of them, yet, the event
justified the information : Everry war is of some advantage to those who would rival us in trade,
& stops the sale of the Brittish Manufactures, but in case of a rupture with the Crowns T have
mentioned, as a revolt of the Indians would then be of the greatest importance to them it is
their interest to render the Indians during a peace dissatisfied with our Government, & to
continue to seduce them till they have occasion for their services, to counteract them in time is
our business, but this cannot be done without some expence and employing several persons of
integrity, influence and capacity in the Indian Country or at the out posts.
I humbly offer my most dutifull regards for the King's Speech and the Addresses which I
had the honour to receive. The firmness of the former, & the unanimity expressed in the latter
afforded me the highest satisHiction and gave me reason to hope that the unhappy disputes
excited by some turbulent zealots in this country, will be speedily terminated in a manner
consistent with the honour of Crown, and the true happiness of the people. — It gave me infinite
pleasure to hear from your Lordship that Her Majesty was happily brought to bed of a Princess,
1 beg leave most sincerely to congratulate your Lordship upon an event which must add to His
Majesty's Domestick happiness, & that of all His faithful! subjects.
I am with the most profound respect,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most
Obedient and most
The Right Honourable faithfuU Humble Servant
the Earl of Hillsborough. W. Johnson.
Earl of Hillshorovgli to Governor Moore.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXI. ]
Sir, •
Your duplicates N° 31. & 32. were received on the 11"" of February, and having been laid
before the King, I have his Majesty's Commands to communicate that which relates to the
very extraordinary proceedings and resolutions of the Assembly, to such of His Maj'^'' servants,
upon whom his Maj'>' relies for their advice in matters of the greatest importance; and I expect
that in a few days their sentiments in respect to these proceedings, will be reported to
His Maj'y—
As to the propositions for building a Town at Crown Point, which is the subject of your
letter N° 31. it seems, in the general view of it, to be a measure which, if well executed,
cannot fail of being productive of much public advantage; & if upon further examination of
it by the Board of Trade, to whom His Maj'^ has directed it sh'' be referred, it shall appear to
them in the same light; I shall hope soon to be able to send you His Maj'>"» further
orders thereupon,
I am ettc.
March 1, 1769. Hillsbokough.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 155
Lords of Trade to Governor Moore.
[ New-Tork Enlries, Q., 448. ]
To Sir Henry Moore Baronet Governor of New York.
Sir
Inclosed we send you a copy of a petition presented to His Majesty by Sir James Jay' and
others, stating their claims to certain lands in New York under an Indian title, and praying to
have that title confirmed.
As it will be necessary in order to enable us to report our opinion upon this petition, that
we should have every information which the records of New York can afford, touching the
several matters alleged therein, the situation & extent of the lands, the manner in wliicli
the property of them was originally acquired, whether they are or are not claimed by any
other persons, & whether there have been any or what publick transactions relative thereto :
we must desire you will take the necessary steps for obtaining this information and transmit
to us a full report ther-eof by the first opportunity that offers; — We are. Sir
Your most obedient
and most humble Servants
Hillsborough
Whitehall W"" Fitzherbert,
March 1. 1769 Thomas Robinson.
Earl of Hilhlorough to Governor Moore.
[ New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXL]
Whitehall. 24 March 1769
Sir,
Since ray letter to you of the 1" inst : N° 25. I have received and laid before the King your
dispatches, Numbered 33, 34, 35, & 36.
I have nothing in command from His Majesty to signify to you upon the subject of your
letter N" 32, for it is unnecessary to inform you that the King saw with great concern, the
violent and unwarrantable resolutions entered upon the Journal of the Assembly on the 31"
December last. When I compare the sentiments of duty and respect for the Constitution and
Govern' expressed in their address to you of the 23'''' of Nov', with the very contrary spirit of
those Resolutions, I am at a loss to conjecture what could be the cause of so extraordinary an
alteration in the course of six weeks, when no new event whatever had happened ; for although
the time, that passed from one to the other seems to favour such a suspicion, I can hardly
allow my mind to conceive, that there is wickedness enough on this side of the water to write
over misrepresentations of the State of Govern' here, and arguments of artifice and false policy
to excite and induce the Assembly of New York to a departure from that moderation which
' See VII., 498, note 1. — Ed.
156 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
they had manifestly adopted; nor on the other hand, that tliere would he weakness enough
on your side to allow them to give attention to any such.
It is however worth the while to make enquiries, and to find out, if possible, whether any
methods have been made use of and by whom from this side, to stir up such a spirit as shews
itself in those resolutions, and if you can make any such discovery you will be pleased to
communicate them to me, to the end that his Mnjeslys Servants may be upon their Guard with
respect to Men of so mischievous and treacherous a disposition.
M'' Charles having put into my hands the Petition to the King of the New Assembly of New
York on the subject of the Revenue Laws, I lost uo time in presenting it to His Maj'^ ; and
altho' the King considers the Assembly sending a Petition to His Maj'^ through any other
Channel, than that of his Gov'' as irregular and disrespectful, yet His Majesty was graciously
pleased to receive it; and His Maj'^ having well weighed and considered the purport thereof,
has commanded me to signify to you that he does disapprove of it, as containing declarations
and asserting claims inconsistent with the Constitution and tending to deny and draw into
question the supreme authority of Parliament to bind the Colonies by Laws in all cases whatever.
Before I received your Letter N" 33. His Maj'^ had upon the recommendation of the Board
of Trade, appointed M'' White to be of the Council, it appearing th^t there were many
precedents of Councils in several of the Colonies, consisting of 12 Members exclusive of the
Lieut' Gov''; but as the continuing that number in New York is not Judged necessary, M'
White must be considered as coming in the place of M"' De Lancey, and consequently what you
urge in favour of M' Livingston, must remain for the consideration of the Board of Trade,
when another vacancy happens.
His Maj'y considers in the most gracious manner, the attention shewn by the Assembly to
what was recommended to them respecting an alteration in their impost-Law, and hopes, that
when they find it necessary to receive ^ the Militia Law, it will be framed according to
Instructions you have received upon that subject.
There can be no doubt but that if the Assembly think fit to erect three Counties in the
district set off from the County of Albany, instead of one as was at first proposed, the issuing
writs to all three to send Representatives would be a very proper step, considering it merely
in the light of equal justice to them; but the making so considerable an addition to the
number of the Assembly, is a measure, the general expediency of which ought to be well
weighed, and the influence and effect of it well considered, before any resolution is taken, and
therefore it is His Maj'^'* pleasure that such addition should not be made until you shall have
transmitted a further Report, and have received His Maj''''' Commands in consequence thereof.
As the Lords of Trade have now under their consideration, as well the propriety of Sir
Wilh Johnson's proceedings touching the boundary line, as the arrangements it may be proper
to make in case the cession of Lands by the Indians is confirmed, I must wait for their Report
upon this business before I can give any answer to your letter N° 36. which entirely relates to
that subject, and makes a part of the papers upon which their Lord^P' are to report their opinion.
The inclosed Memorial of M"' Cummingh having been laid before the King, I am to signify to
you His Maj'y'" commands, that in case any Bill of the nature of that pointed out by M'
Gumming shall be proposed in the Assembly, you should give it all proper countenance
and facility.
I am ettc.
Hillsborough.
' Sic. Qu? revive. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 157
Governor Moore to ilie Earl of IlUlsborovgh.
[New.Tork Papers (3. P. 0.) CLXI.]
New York. 30 March 1769.
My Lord,
No one could have suffered more than I did from the disappointment I met with in regard to
the conduct of the late Assembly, as I thought it impossible, that expectations formed upon
such favourable appearances at the opening of the session, could be so suddenly destroyed by
a faction inconsiderable in itself as to number, and by no means formidable, from the abilities
of the persons concerned in it. It plainly appears by what has happened here, how much
influence the House of Assembly in the different Provinces have on each other, and how
readily a Rash and intemperate measure approved of in one will be adoped in the others.
I have already had the honor of mentioning to your Lord? in a former letter, that I should
be under a necessity of calling the New Assembly soon, on account of some further provision
to be made for His Maj'^'" Troops in this Province; Tuesday next is the day fixed for their
meeting, at which time I shall likewise recommend to them the appointment of an Agent by
an Act of Legislature, as directed by a late letter of your Lord^'s
By the first opportunity which will offer from this Port, I shall forward to your LordP the
addresses from the Council and Assembly, which I hope will be such as may do them honor.
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect
My Lord.
Your LordP's most obedient
and humble servant
H: Moore.
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-Tork Papers ( 3. P. O.) CLXI.]
New York 13. April 1769.
My Lord,
I have taken the first opportunity which has offered since the meeting of the Assembly, of
transmitting to Your Lord? my speech at the opening of the Session together with the Addresses
I received on the occasion. Your Lord? will see by the address of the Assembly, how tenatious
the Members of that house are of the power which has been assumed by them, through the
supiness of the Council, and I have endeavoured by every means in my power to break
through it. In this case I have been obliged to proceed with caution, as some turbulent spirits
have already began to take such steps, as must necessarily bring on another dissolution if
pursued ; they have hitherto proved ineffectual, and no pains shall be spared by me to render
them totally so, and to prevent if possible the imprudent warmth of a few, Individuals, from
prejudicing the whole Colony.
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect My Lord
Your LordP's most obedient
and humble servant.
H: Moore.
158 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lords of Trade to the King.
[ Plantalions General, CCLT., B. 15. ]
Representation of the Board of Trade to the King upon Sir William Johnson's
Treaty with the Indians
To the King's most Excellent Majesty.
May it please your Majesty,
We have, in obedience to your Majesty's Commands, taken into our Consideration the
reports made by your Majesty's Superintendants for Indian Affairs of their Proceedings, in
consequence of your Majesty's orders signified to them for finally fixing a Boundary line
between those Lands comprised within the Limits of your Majesty's Colonies, upon which
your Majesty has thought fit to allow Settlement to be made by your Subjects, and the lands
claimed by the said Indians, as their absolute property, and which they insist should be reserved
to them for their Hunting Grounds ; And as we humbly conceive, that the Proceedings of your
Majesty's Superintendants in this Business do, each, relate to Bodies of Indians, having
seperate and distinct interests, and that such Proceedings have, as far as they have hitherto
gone, been carried on without any inter-Communication or Concurrence, We humbly crave
leave to consider the Transactions of each Superintendant separately, and to represent to your
Majesty, what has occurred to us thereupon.
It appears from a Deed executed at Fort Stanwix on the 5"" of November 1768, in
the presence of Sir William Johnson, by the Governor and Chief Justice of New Jersey, the
Commissioners for Virginia, and two of the Council of Pennsylvania, on the one part, and by
the Sachems and Chiefs of the Six confederate Nations and of the Shawanese, Delawares,
Mingoes of Ohio, and other dependent Tribes on the other part; That the said Indians in
consideration of Goods and Money given to them to the Amount of Ten Thousand four
hundred and sixty Pounds, seven shillings and three pence, and also in consideration that your
Majesty will comply with certain Conditions expressed in their Speeches made at the
Conference with Sir William Johnson, have ceded to your Majesty all the lands on the back of
the British Settlements bounded by a "line, beginning at the mouth of the Cherokee or
" Hogohege River where it empties into the Ohio River, and running from thence upwards
"along the South side of said River to Kittanning, which is above Fort Pitt; from thence by
" a direct line to the nearest Fork of the West Branch of Susquehannah ; thence through the
" Alleghanny Mountains along the South side of the said West Branch, until it comes opposite
" to the Mouth of a Creek called Tiadaghton ; thence across the West Branch and along the
«' South side of that Creek and along the North side of Burnet's Hills to a Creek, called
"Awandae; thence down the same to the East Branch of Susquehannah, and across the
•'same, and up the East side of that River to Owegy; from thence East to Delaware River,
"and up that River to opposite where Tianaderha falls into Susquehannah; thence to
" Tianaderha, and up the West side thereof, and the \Vest side of it's West Branch, to the
"Head thereof; and thence by a direct line to Canada Creek, where it empties into the Wood
" Creek at the West end of the carrying place beyond Fort Stanwix."
With regard to those conditions upon which this Cession is made, and for which the Deed
refers to the Speeches of the Indians at the Conferences held with them by Sir William
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 159
Johnson, We find upon examination of tiiose speeches, that they relate chiefly to the following
objects, that is to say.
1. A Declaration of the Right of the Six Nations and their Confederates, in contradistinction
to the claims of any other Indians to the Country South of the Ohio, as far as the Mouth of the
Cherokee River.
2. An Expectation on their part, that their affairs both Commercial and Political shall be, as
heretofore managed by an Officer for that purpose, with Deputies in the several Nations, and
Smiths to mend their Arms & Implements. That the Mohawk Villages and all the Lands they
occupy unpatented within the Line, as also the Residence of any others of their Confederacy
affected by this Cession, shall be considered as their sole property, and at their own disposal ;
and that certain Grants, made by the said Indians to M" Croghan, a Deputy under Sir William
Johnson, and to certain Indian Traders, in Compensation for Losses sustained by them in 1763,
shall be confirmed by your Majesty.
As the Indians, whose affiiirs (so far as they relate to their political connections with this
Country) are under the immediate inspection of Sir William Johnson, have one Union of Interest,
at least in respect to the Boundary Line proposed, and form one united Confederacy, it was
reasonable to have supposed, that the negotiations with them upon a Proposition clear and
distinct in itself, and by the precision and accuracy of your Majesty's Instructions freed from
every perplexity, that even a Disposition to embarrass it could produce, might have been carried
on and concluded without much difficulty. It appears however from what is above stated, that
this has not been the case, but on the contrary, that doubts with respect to the Acquiescence of
the Cherokees in the claims of the Six Nations & their Confederates to all the lands south
of the Ohio River, (which doubts were stated in the advice to your Majesty with no other view
than as a circumstance, concurring with others, to induce the fixing the Boundary Line at the
Kanhawa River,) have been improperly and unnecessarily imparted to the Indians; and
the impressions, made upon them by those doubts, not only left unanswer'd and unremoved,
but made a ground for the final Settlement of a Line materially difiijrent from that directed by
your Majesty's Instructions, and not corresponding with what had been agreed upon with the
Cherokees by M" Stuart^ for forming one intire and uniform line of Separation.
That the Indians have been suffered to entertain expectations, and thereupon to ground
conditions acquiesced in by your Majesty's Superintendant which appear to us to have relation
only to the Plan proposed in 1764, which plan has been since laid aside, and do not correspond
' Captain Jons Stuakt -was, according to Sabine, a native of South Carolina. In 1758, he and Captain Demere, of one of
the Independent companies of South Carolina, commanded the garrison of Fort Loudon, in the State of Tennessee, ( supra,
note p. 42), which surrendered, in 1760, to the Cherokees, on terms obtained by Captain Stuart; these, however, were grossly
violated a few days after, when he was taken prisoner and carried back to the fort. Having been purchased bj' King
Attakallkulla, he succeeded by the aid of that generous chief in eventually effecting his escape. The South Carolina
Assembly not only thanked him for his conduct and great perseverance at Fort Loudon, but rewarded him with .£1500
currency, and recommended him to the government for preferment. In 17C3 he was appointed Superintendent of Indian
affairs for the Southern department. After his commission arrived, the Carolinians rejoiced and promised themselves for the
future great tranquillity and happiness. Carroll's reprint of Hewitt's History of South Carolina, 443, 456, 4G1, 491. Early in
the revolutionary contest Mr. Stuart retired to Florida, where he concerted, with others, a plan to land an army and to
proceed with it to the western frontiers of the Southern States, and there annoy the Americans, whilst a Royal fleet and
army should invade them on the sea coast. This, however, was detected and exposed ; but not, however, until it was partly
executed. Above 500 Cherokees joined Stuart in Florida. Ramsay's History of South Carolina, II., 276-2S1. His estate was
confiscated. Sabine. — Ed.
160 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
with that, which your Majesty has now adopted, and which has been so fully explained in your
Majesty's Instructions.
That stipulations have been made, by which particular bodies and tribes of Indians have
been excepted out of the General Conditions of the Treaty; and lastly,
That the claims and interests of private persons, not stated to, or approved by your Majesty,
have been allowed to mix themselves in this Negotiation, and to be introduced, not as propositions
submitted to your Majesty's Determination, but as Rights derived from the Indians, your
Majesty's acquiescence in which is demanded by them, as a condition of the Treaty.
It is. We humbly presume, unnecessary for us to recite all the passages in the minutes of the
Proceedings with the Indians at Fort Stanwix, that verify the foregoing observations ; the Facts
will be found in the Talks of the Chief Speakers on the part of the Indians, made at their
Conferences with Sir William Johnson on the 28"" and 31" of October, and I" 2'' and S""
of November.
As it was the original object & intention of this Board in forming the Proposition of a
Boundary Line between your Majesty's Colonies and the Indians, that there should be one
general Line of Separation united in all it's parts, it becomes necessary for us, before we
consider the step it may be advisable for your Majesty to take, in consequence of the Cession
by the Northern Confederacy under the circumstances above mentioned, to take a view of the
proceedings of the Superintendant for the Southern District, and humbly to state to Your
Majesty, what has passed between him and the Southern Indians on the subject of the Boundary
Line between the lands of the said Indians and the Colonies of West Florida, East Florida,
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina and Virginia, with respect to most of which the
Settlement of a Boundary Line had, antecedent to the Date of your Majesty's Instructions, been
not only an object of Negotiation, but brought to a final conclusion ; and therefore did not, as
in the Northern District, stand upon the ground of a Proposition undefined and left to
future discussion.
Under this circumstance therefore all that remained for M' Stuart in consequence of your
Majesty's Orders, was, to ratify by proper Treaties and Acts of Cession what had been before
agreed upon, with such trivial alterations only, as, when the Lines came to be marked and run
out, should appear to be necessary, from the natural state of the country & from local situation
and circumstances ; accordingly We find, that M" Stuart lost no time in carrying your Majesty's
orders into execution ; and it appears by Treaties, which he concluded with the Cherokees and
Creeks on the 14"" of October and 12"' of Novem"" last, that the Boundary Line between the
Country of the said Indians and your Majesty's said Colonies of West Florida, East Florida,
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, & Virginia, was settled in manner following, that is
to say, that the lands in the Colony of Georgia ceded to your Majesty by the Creeks shall be
separated and distinguished from the Lands reserved to the said Indians for their own use, as
Hunting Grounds, by a "Line beginning where little River discharges itself into Savannah
"River, and up the nTain Stream of little River to the Forks made by the Confluence o^
" Williams Creek with the said River, then up Williams Creek about seven miles to a place
" called William's old settlement, thence by an Indian hunting Path in an East Course thirteen
" miles distance, to the Southermost Branch of Upton's Creek, and up said Branch to the top
" of it, and thence in a straight line in an East course fourteen miles distance, to the middle
" Branch of Briar Creek, and down the Main stream of Briar Creek, eighteen miles three
" quarters distance, to the place where it is intersected by the Road or Trading Path leading
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 161
" from Augusta to the lower Creek nation, and thence along said Road or path in a South West
•' course twenty seven miles distance to Ogeechie River, where the said Road intersects it, and
" thence along the main stream of Ogeechie River eighty miles distance to the place where it
" is crossed by a Road or Path leading from Mount Pleasant or Savannah River to the lower
•' Creek Nation, and from Ogeechie River a little below said Path in a south by east half east
" course, sixty one miles distance to Conootchie or Cowanootchie River, and from that River
" running in a straight direction to that part of Aiatamaha River opposite to the lowermost
" bend or elbow of Phinholoway or Turkey Creek, and thence in a straight direction to St.
" Mary's River, which separates the Province of Georgia from East Florida."
That the Lands in the Colony of East Florida ceded to your Majesty by the said Creek
Indians shall be distinguished and separated from the Lands reserved to them for their own
use, as hunting Grounds, by a " Line beginning at that point of St. Mary's River, which shall
be intersected by a straight line drawn from Colvill's Plantation in the Forks of black Creek
which falls into St. John's River to the Mouth of Phinholoway Creek, which discharges itself
into the Aiatamaha, and thence in a straight direction to Colvill's Plantation in the Forks of
black Creek aforesaid and from Colvill's Plantation in a straight direction to the entrance of the
River Acklawaugh into S.t. John's River above the great Lake, and near to M' Spalding's upper
trading-House, and from thence up the Western Bank of St. John's River to it's source, «&
thence all along the Coast of East Florida to the River Apalachicola, across the different
Rivers, Creeks, and Bays as high as the flowing of the Tide."
That the lands in the Colony of West Florida ceded to your INLijesty by the lower Creek
Indians, shall be distinguished and separated from the Lands reserved to them for their use,
as their Hunting Grounds by a " Line to begin at the River Apalachicola, where the Line
" behind East Florida terminates, across all the Rivers, Creeks and Bays, as high as the flowing
" of the Tide, to the River Chactaw, which discharges itself into S'" Rosa Bay, and where the
" territory of the said lower Creek Indians terminates and ends."
That the lands in the Colonies of North Carolina, South Carolina & Vjrginia, ceded to your
Majesty by the Cherokees, shall be separated from the lands reserved to them for their own
use, as their hunting grounds, by a " Line beginning at a place called Towatuhie on the
" Northern Bank of Savannah River, and running a North fifty degrees East course to a place
" called Dewisses Corner, or the Yellow Water, and thence in the same course to Wanglioe or
" Elm Tree, on the South side of Reedy River, «&: from the said VVanghoe or Elm Tree in a
" north course to a Spanish Oak marked with the initial letters of the names of the North
" Carolina Commissioners, and several other Trees with the names and marks of Inds Friend,
" SalQy, Eciiy, and other Deputies of the Cherokee Nation, standing on the Top of a Mountain,
"now called Tryon Mountain, where the Ridge of Mountains becomes impervious, and from
" the top of Tryon Mountain at the marked Trees, as aforesaid in a straight Line about a North
"by East Course to Colonel Chiswell's Mine on the eastern bank of the Great Kanhawa River,
" and from thence in a straight Line to the Mouth of the Great Kanhawa River, where it
"discharges itself into this River."
These several Lines, tho' described separately and agreed upon at different times and with
different Indians, are nevertheless so connected in their courses and description, as to form one
united Boundary between your Majesty's Southern Colonies, and the Indians, corresponding
with the line, as described in your Majesty's Instructions; and your Majesty's Superintendant
attending only to what is the main object of those Instructions, has in the negociation with the
Vol. VIII. 21
162 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Indians upon that object, discreetly avoided mixing any other matter, or suffering it to be
clogged with any other conditions than a Confirmation of those ingagements in the Treaty
concluded at Augusta in 1763, by which each party binds itself to reciprocal Acts of Justice and
■ friendly correspondence ; Had the like attention to the real object of Negociation been shewn
by your Majesty's Superintendant for the Northern District and the same discretion used by
him in treating upon it with the Northern Indians, this difficult and embarrassing business
would have been, we humbly conceive, brought to a happy Issue, the Jealousies and suspicions
of the Indians, which have produced constant enmity and hostility, would have been removed;
their Affections regained ; and the Interests of both established upon a lasting basis of mutual
security and advantage; but unhappily this has not been the case; on the contrary, a new
object of jealousy has been suffered to present itself, and to operate to such a deviation in the
Boundary Line proposed; as has given birth to fresh difficulties and new claims on the part of
the Colony of Virginia, requiring in the opinion of Your Majesty's Governor and the Council
of that Colony an alteration in that part of the Line proposed to be settled with the Cherokees
which pursues a north course from Chiswell's mine to the mouth of the Kanhawa River.
The ground stated by your Majesty's Governor & Council for this opinion is, that many
settlements have been made under legal Titles & publick encouragement upon those Waters
which united from the main stream of the Kanhawa & Cherokee Rivers & which settlements
as they lye considerably to the Westward of the line now proposed to be run, would in case
that line is established be cut off from the Colony and the Inhabitants, who have settled
themselves there under the faith of Government be exposed to the disagreable alternatives of
either abandoning their possessions or remaining at the mercy of the savages.
Whether it may or may not be adviseable under these circumstances to consent to an
alteration of the line with the Cherokees as it affects Virginia must be submitted to your
Majesty; — If your Majesty shall think fit upon consideration of what is suggested on this subject
as well by the Governor & Council of Virginia as by your Majesty's Superintendant for the
Southern District in his letter of the 12"" of February last to allow of an alteration. We would
humbly recommend that your Majesty's said Superintendant should be instructed to enter as
soon as possible upon a negociation with the Cherokees for such an alteration of the Boundary
Line with Virginia, as is proposed by him in his said letter; that is to say " that such new Line
" may begin at tiie point where the North Carolina Line terminates, and run thence a West
" Course to Holsteins River, where it is intersected by the Line, dividing the Provinces of North
" Carolina and Virginia, and thence in a North East by North Course to the Confluence of the
" Kanhaway & Ohio Rivers;" which line, he is of opinion will cover all the Settlements
actually made, and may be proposed without exciting the jealousy of the Indians.
It is however our duty to observe to your Majesty, that M"' Stuart has stated, that such a
proposal cannot be made to the Cherokees upon the Ground of any title to those Lands
derived from the Cession of the Northern Indians, but must be done by way of purchase, the
amount of which he estimates at Two thousand Pounds Sterling, and adds, that the allowance
for the ordinary expense of his Establishment will not bear any part of the expence of such
new negotiation, nor indeed ought it, in our humble opinion, to be any ways chargeable upon
this Fund, hut ought to be born by the Colony of Virginia, and provision made for it by that
Colony before any steps are taken with regard to the alteration proposed; which we are further
humbly of opinion should not be made, or the Line, as now settled with the Cherokees,
altered, unless the Colony of Virginia consents to pay the expence.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 163
As we have already in the former part of this Representation pointed out to your Majesty
the indiscretion of Sir William Johnson's having admitted the claim of M" Croghan,' and the
Indian Traders, to be introduced into the negotiation with the six Naiions, touching
the Boundary Line, it only remains for us, under that head, to point out to your Majesty such
further Circumstances relative to this Transaction, as may lead to a consideration of the steps
it may be adviseable to take thereupon, consistent with your Majesty's just Rights and Authority,
which appear to us not to have been duly attended to in this Transaction: for we beg leave to
observe, that neither the foundation nor extent of the claims of these persons have at any time
been represented to Your Majesty; nor are we enabled either by a communication of the
Deeds themselves executed by the Indians, or by any other information, to state to your
Majesty the situation or quantity of the land in question.
It is indeed mentioned in that part of the negotiation, where these claims are first introduced,
that they are founded, so far as relates to the Indian Traders, upon an Article in a Treaty
made with the Indians in 17G5 ; but upon our having recourse to that Treaty, we find, that
your Majesty's approbation of any grant of lands to them, in compensation for losses, is made
an express condition of the Engagement; upon what ground therefore it was, that the
Confirmation of a Grant of Lands, the propriety of wliicli was by a former Treaty left to your
Majesty's discretion, was now suffered to be made an absolute condition of the present cession
to your Majesty, we are at a loss to guess; but as we conceive your Majesty will not think,
fit to accede to a stipulation of this nature admitted by your Majesty's Superintendant without
any authority for that purpose; We humbly conceive, that this transaction does so far as it
relates to the Indians, stand upon no other ground than that of a proposition, that, in our
humble opinion, ought to be rejected.
With regard to what is expressed by the Indians in their speeches of their expectation, that
their Interests, both commercial and political, should be under the management of the same
officers and upon the same establishmfuit, as heretofore; it does appear; that Sir Wilham
Johnson, in answer to those speeches, acquainted them, that what regarded the management
of the Indian Trade was committed to the care of the Colonies, and referred them to the
assurances given by the Commissioners from the several Colonies, that they should be well
treated in that respect; but we must observe at the same time, that what was urged by the
Indians upon this subject is nevertheless referred to in the Deed itself not as a subject of
discussion, in Sir William Johnson's Explanation of which they had acquiesced, but as a
condition of the Cession, which we humbly submit ought not to be confirmed, at least
otherwise than as a proposition made by the Indians, and acquiesced in by your Majesty, that
your Majesty's Authority shall be exerted to induce the Colonies to make, by law, such
regulation in respect to the Trade with the Indians, as shall operate to prevent those Frauds
and Abuses, to which it is in it's nature but too much exposed.
As we are not informed, under what authority Sir William Johnson has incurred the expence
of carrying this measure into execution ; and as no account or estimate of the particulars of it
has been laid before us, We cannot take upon us to offer any opinion upon that part of the
Transaction.
All which is most humbly submitted
Hillsborough Thomas Robinson
Whitehall Ed. Elliot John Roberts
April 25"" 1769 Lisburne.
' See note, VII., 982. — Ec.
164 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lords of Trade to the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council.
[Plantations General Entries, XLTI. ( N. ) P- 315. ]
To the Right Hon'''* the Lords of the Committee of His Majesty's most Honble Privy
Council for Plantation Affairs.
My Lords,
Pursuant to your Lordships Order dated the 24 of last Month We have prepared and
herewith beg leave to lay before your Lordships Draughts of an Additional Instruction ^ to the
Governors of His Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in America, conformable to the Directions
of the said Order. We are *
My Lords
Your Lordships
most obed : & most hum: Serv"
Hillsborough
W" FiTZHERBERT
SOAME JeNYNS
Geo: Rice
Ed: Eliot
Whitehall Lisburne
May 11. 1769. ' John Roberts
Earl of Ilillshoroug'h . to the Governors in America.
[ Plantations General, COLT. 1
(Copy)
Circular. Whitehall, May 13"" 1769.
Inclosed I send you the gracious Speech made by the King to His Parliament, at the close
of the Session on Tuesday last.
What His Majesty is pleased to say, in relation to the measures which have been pursued
in North America, will not escape your notice, as the satisfacti-on His Majesty expresses in the
Approbation His Parliament has given to them, and the assurances of their firm support in
the prosecution of them, together with His Royal opinion of the great Advantages that will
probably accrue from the concurrence of every branch of the Legislature in the Resolution of
maintaining a due execution of the Laws, cannot fail to produce the most salutary effects.
From hence it will be understood that the whole Legislature concur in the opinion adopted
by His Majesty's Servants, that no Measure ought to be taken which can any way derogate
from the Legislative Authority of Great Britain over the Colonies } but 1 can take upon me to
assure you, notwithstanding Insinuations to the contrary from men with factious and seditious
views, that His Majesty's present Administration have [at] no time entertained a Design
to propose to Parliament to lay any further Taxes upon America for the purpose of raising a
Revenue, and that it is at present their Intention to propose in the next Session of Parliament
' For the Instruction eee post, p. 174. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 165
to take off the Duties upon Glass, Paper & Colours, upon consideration of such Duties having
been laid contrary to the true principles of Commerce.
These have always been and still are the Sentiments of His Majesty's present Servants, and
[the Principles]^ by which their conduct in respect to America has been governed, and his
Majesty relies upon your prudence and fidelity for such an explanation of His Measures, as
may tend to remove the prejudices which have been excited by the misrepresentations of those
■who are enemies to the peace and prosperity of Great Britain and Her Colonies, and to
re-establish that mutual confidence and affection, upon which the Glory and Safety of the
British Empire depend.
I am Sic*
Hillsborough
Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore.
[ New-Tork Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXI. ]
Whitehall. 13. May 1769.
Sir,
On the 17"" of April I received and laid before the King your letters N" 37 and 38, on which
I have only to observe, that, as your former letter N" 36. in which you desire Instructions upon
what conditions the Lands, ceded by the Indians at the late Treaty, are to be granted, now
lies before His Maj'^ for His Royal consideration, I trust, no countenance or attention either
has been or will be given to any application for those lands, either upon the ground of private
agreements with the Indians, contrary to the directions of the Proclamation of 1763. and not
warranted by any orders from His Majesty or upon pretence of orders from His Maj'J' in Council,
which were issued before those lands were ceded, and can in no light be considered as giving
the possessors of them a right to locate their Grants upon lands, since acquired to the Crown
at a very large expence.
I am ettc.
HiLLSBOROUGtH.
Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson.
[ Plantations General, CCLV., No. 10. ]
N" 10. ■
Whitehall 13 May 1769
Sir,
Since my letters to you of the 4"" of January and 24"" March last N" 8. and 9. the Lords of
Trade have made their Report to His Majesty upon the proceedings of the Superintendants
for Indian Affairs in settling a final Boundary Line between His Majesty's Colonies, & the
Indian Country.
'The words -withia brackets are added from the copy of the despatch in Pennsylvania Archives, IV., 341; New-Tork
Council Minutes, XXVL, 154. — Ed.
166 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
This report has been referred by the King's Command to the consideration of such of His
Servants, upon whose advice His Majesty relies in matters of the greatest Importance ; & I
am thereupon to signify to you, that if you iiave not been able, in consequence of my letter of
the 4" of January last N° 8, to induce the iSix Nations and their Allies, to except out of the
Cession to His Majesty the lands lying South of the Ohio, below the Kanawa upon the Ground
and Argument suggested in that Letter, or if you shall be of opinion that insisting upon
such an alteration will have the effect toexcite Jealousy and discontent; in that case His
Majesty, rather than risk the defeating the important object of establishing a final Boundary
Line, will, upon your report of this matter, give the necessary directions for the confirmation
of it as agreed upon at Fort Stanwix. It is not however His Majesty's Intention that the
Settlements of His Subjects should be carried beyond the Boundary of Virginia, as proposed
to be fixed near the Kanawa River.
As to the Grant of Land made to the Indian Traders, and to M'' Croghan it is His Majesty's
pleasure that you should acquaint the Indians that His Majesty does not think fit at present to
confirm those Grants, reserving that matter for further consideration, when those persons shall
make application to His Majesty thereupon, and when the nature, extent and situation of
the grants themselves, and the foundation on which they have been solicited, shall be
further explained.
With regard to what appears in the proceedings at the Congress, of the wishes of the Indians
to have their commercial as well as tlieir political concerns managed in the manner suggested
in the Plan of 17G4, I have already so fully explained to you the reason and necessity for
departing from that plan that I have only in command from the King to desire that you will
not fail in your endeavors to represent this matter in such a light to the Indians, as to convince
them that His Majesty adopted the Plan at present commenced for regulating the Trade by
Laws of the Colonies, not merely upon what was suggested by those Colonies, but upon full
consideration of what was represented to be most desireable for the Interests of the Indians
themselves, in respect to their Commerce with His Majesty's Subjects, the improvement and
extension of which for the benefit of the Indians will ever be an object of the King's attention
and regard.
I have only to add that I have received and laid before the King your letters N° 7 and 8.
but have not any commands from His Majesty to signify to you thereupon.
I am &C''
Sir William Johnson. Hillsborough
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New- York Papers (S. P. 0. ) OLXl. ]
New York. 2G. May 1769.
My Lord,
On Saturday last the Assembly of this Province was prorogued after my assent had been
given to twenty Bills, in which number there are four, which require something to be said of
them, especially as I apprehend that some of them are liable to material objections. Upon the
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 167
first view of the Bill entitled : "An Act for regulating the sale of goods at public vendue," it
appeared to me that the Manufactures of Great Britain might be aftected by the duty which is
laid on goods sold there, but His Maj'^'' Council were of a different opinion and declared that
' the purpose of the Bill was only to put a stop to the pernicious practice, which had prevailed
here for some time past of puting up every thing to Auction, as well, dry goods, as Rum,
sugars, wines, ettc, by which the number of Vendue Masters was greatly increased to the
prejudice of the shopkeeper, and that the Bill would have this alternative either to remove
those public nuisances and the chicaneries practised there, or that it would, if the auctions
were not suppressed by it, raise a considerable sum of money annually, for the use of the
Govern*. The reasons were pressed so much upon me by the Council, that I have followed
their sentiments more, than my own, on the occasion.
I have already in my letters to the Earl of Slielbourn mentioned my objections to an Act
of this Country usually called: "the five pound Act" but as soon as I was informed by your
LordP that His Maj'^ expected that a Reform in the Magistracy might obtain the Remedy-
proposed for the inconveniencies mentioned in my letter without the Repeal of the
Establishment itself, I have endeavoured by every means in my power to correct the various
abuses which had crept into that Office, and in the late Assembly refused my assent to a Bill
which was brought in for continuing that Act for five years, 'till some alteration could be made
in it, declaring at the same time in presence of the Council, and of the House of Assembly,
that I would readily pass it as soon as it was amended. A very ungenerous as well as unjust
construction was put on what I then said, and to serve a particular purpose I was represented
in some parts of the Province as an Enemy to the Bill, which I only endeavoured to render
really beneficial to the Country. This Bill was brought in again in the last Session, and
corrected in some places, but the power of the Justices is greatly enlarged in it, as they are
now enabled to take congnizance of sums to the amount of ten pounds. 1 am persuaded that
the whole Province, will severely feel the effects of this Bill, as the decision of so much property
must necessarily be entrusted to many, whose abilities are by no means adequate to such a
task, but such is the prepossession in favour of it, that I could not have rejected it without givin<»
the greatest uneasiness, especially after the Reports which had been propagated concerning it
on the late dissolution of the Assembly. Tliis increase of authority given to Justices of the
peace, very naturally suggested to our Law Makers an enlargement of the power of the inferior
Courts, and gave rise to another Bill for preventing suits being brought in the Supreme Court
for any sums not exceeding fifty pounds; as this Bill was carried through the Council and
Assembly notwithstanding the many objections to which it is liable, boih, on account of the
largeness of the sum, and the difficulties it must put the suitors under, I did not choose it should
stop with me, as any arguments against it would have been far from carrying with them the
least conviction among those who wish to see but one side of the question. I shall trespass
no farther on your Lord^'s patience, than to mention one Act more, entitled " An Act to explain
and amend an Act, entitled an Act, for regulating Elections of representatives in general
Assembly passed the S"" of May 1699" — x\ltho' the title of this Act sets forth, that it was intended
to explain and amend an Act passed so long ago as the year 1699. . I believe it will appear to
your LordP and to every unprejudiced person, that the Law in question, did not require any
real explanation, or that any doubts could possibly arise concerning the meaning of it, as it is
expressly declared therein, that all persons chosen representatives in the General Assembly, as
well as the Electors themselves, shall be resident in the Cities, Counties and Manors, where
168 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
such Election is made. The present Law declares that the Representatives must be Resident,
but that the Electors are not obliged to be so, and gives an explanation of the Act, repugnant
both, to reason and Justice, as those persons whose usual residence is in this City, and are in
general best qualified for representatives in the House of Assembly, are precluded from being'
chosen in any Country' or Borough, notwithstanding they may have a considerable Estate there.
These were not the only objections I made to the Bill, when I laid it before His Maj'J''' Council,
for it appeared to me, that the explanation and amendment proposed, amounted to a Repeal of
Part of the original Bill, but I could not make it appear to them in that light, and a very great
majority of the Council joining in the support of it, I did in consequence of their advice and
contrary to my own opinion give my assent to it. Your Lord^ will perhaps ask, what
inducement I could have for acting in this manner? To this I would beg leave to make the
following answer. The dissolution of the late Assembly had occasioned great contests in the
subsequent Elections, and on the meeting of the house of Assembly, it was but too apparent,
how much influence private pique had on their proceedings. Their Journals give the strongest
testimony of what I here advance, and the Session was protracted to an unusual length for
the season of the year, by disputes which could only affect individuals. In this situation the
Gov' of a Province often finds himself under a necessity of acting contrary to his. inclination,
and of giving in to measures, which although they do not at first siglit appear to be proper, may
be conducive to the forwarding His Majesty's service by making that Ferment subside, which
for the present obstructed public business; two Bills were pressed upon me, one for emitting
the sum of ^120000 in Bills of Credit, the other for regulating elections, which is the subject
of this part of my letter; His Majesty's Instructions positively forbid me to pass one, except it
is conformable to certain restrictions there laid down, and common sense militates very strongly
ag" the other, as it, must appear upon the face of the Bill, that it is calcullated only to serve
particular purposes, and is contradictory in itself; notwithstanding, His Maj'''"' pleasure might
be made known here, before the Bill for emitting the paper currency could have any effect, as
it was not to take place 'till November, yet as great preparations would be making in the mean
time to carry it into execution, a dissappointment might have been attended with disagreable
consequences. The present Bill can have no effect till the next session, before which time His
Maj'J''" pleasure may be known in respect to \t, as well as to the Bill passed in 1699, which
gave rise to it. In this situation, consenting (though at the same time far from being convinced)
to the applications made to me in favour of the Bill, I passed it, and choose rather to be guilty
of an absurdity in passing such an Act, than of disobedience in regard to the money Bill, and
rather have my own understanding impeached than my duty to His Maj"' called in question.
I have the honour to be with the greatest respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient
and humble servant.
H: MoouE,
Sic. County. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 169
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillshorough.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXI.]
New York. 29. May. 1769
My Lord,
Having in a letter addressed to your Lord? by this opportunity, endeavoured to set forth the
reasons which obh'ged me to give my assent to four Bills therein mentioned. I must now beg
leave to add a few words, concerning the following Bills, which I was under a necessity of
rejecting. The Bill, to revive, and continue the Act for regulating the Militia, not being
passed for five years, and having no suspending clause as directed by His Majesty's late
Instruction fell to the ground of course.
The Bill, " to confirm Estates claimed by, or under Aliens" I apprehended to be of such a
Nature as to require His Maj'y'' permission to be first obtained before I could pass it. There
was a law passed in this Colony in the year 1715 to extend the benefit of Naturalization to all
Protestants of Foreign Birth, then, and therefore inhabiting within the same ; the Intention of
this Bill was to quiet the minds of several people who held Estates originally made by Aliens
who through their ignorance of the Laws of the land had neglected to get Acts of Naturalization
passed in their favour & although their possessions had passed by several descents to their
children, and the Collateral branches of their families born within this Province, yet, as the
title was originally deficient, it might occasion in futuro some difhculties to the possessors ; The
Bill which is very short is transmitted by this opportunity, that the whole of what was intended
by it, may appear, and is much wished for and desired by a great number of the Inhabitants
here. The Act for making a Gold and silver coin a legal tender although it fixes no other
value on the different Coins, than that for which they pass current in the common course of
business, yet it differs so much from the Act of Parliament passed in the 6"" year of Queen
Anne in regard to the value put on the different pieces of money there enumerated, that I
could not possibly pass it. This Act was intended to relieve the Colony from the difficulty it
is under by having no legal tender of any kind in the province ; I have already in a former
Letter; relative to the Emission of paper currency, had the honour of laying our distressed
situation in that respect before your Lord?, and come now to speak of the Bill which was
brought into the house during the last Session for the Emission of Bills of Credit to the value
of c£120000. The Clamours raised in the Country on account of the wretched state to which
numbers of families have been lately reduced, obliged the Members of the Assembly to bring
in the Bill at this time, but as they were no strangers to the late Instruction I had received
concerning paper currency, they endeavoured to obviate in some shape the objections to which
it was liable, and thought it was now framed in such a manner as to engage me readily to give
my assent to it. This Bill is similar to that, which I had the honour of transmitting to your
LordP, except in one or two articles, for this Act was not to take place till the Month of
November, and the following method prescribed for sinking the Bills issued. The interest of five
per cent to be paid on the whole capital for the first four years, and in the fifth year one tenth
part of the Capital was to be sunk and to be continued in the same proportion every succeeding
year, till the whole was compleated, which would take up the term of fourteen years from the
passing of the Act. I have here enclosed an extract of the Bill, together with addresses of the
Assembly, in favour of it, as likewise the reasons which were set forth by the Council, in their
Vol. VI II. "22
170 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
remarks on tlie Bill) to engage my assent to it, and submit it to your LordP, whether it would
not be for His Maj'^'' service that a Bill so circumstanced should pass into a Law, as the money
arising from it can not be disposed of, without the concurrence of the Xiov' & Council, and as
it would in effect establish a kind of Revenue for fourteen years. My predecessors in this
Govern', have not been more successful than myself, in their attempts to get a permanent
Revenue settled by the Legislature, every approach therefore towards it, should be attended
to by His Maj'^'' representative here, and I thouglit it my duty to lay this matter before your
LordP and at the same time to mention the difficulties I apprehend I shall be under shortly,
from the inability of the Province to answer the requisitions I must make. The sum of
.£1300 was granted with great chearfulness in the late Session, and the Members of the
Assembly expect that about the latter end of the year, a farther sum will be demanded for
the support of His Maj'>'" Troops here, which I am persuaded they will as readily comply with,
if they have but the means of doing it. We have no funds to furnish the supply which will
be required, and a Tax on the Estates of the Inhabitants will be impracticable in this time of
distress, when houses and lands are daily selling for the half, & sometimes for the third part
of their value, and the miseries of the people increasing to such a degree, as to be past
credibility. If His Majesty shall be pleased in consideration of the sufferings of his subjects
here, to give leave that this Bill shall pass into a Law at the next meeting of the Assembly,
and impower me to make a declaration to that effect on the opening of the Session, the
Estates and properties of great numbers will be saved from Ruin, and such an impression made
on the people in general as must be productive of the most favourable consequences to
the Colony.
1 have the honour to be with the greatest respect My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient
and humble servant
H: MooKE.
Governor Moore to the Earl of Il'dhhoroxigli.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXI. ]
New York. 3. June 1769.
My Lord.
It was with very great concern that I transmitted to your Lord? the resolutions of the late
House of Assembly, as I was fully persuaded, that so unexpected a proceeding could not fail
of being displeasing to His Maj"'. The sentiments of duty and respect for the Constitution
expressed in their address, are so contrary to those which are adopted by a licencious set of
Men who call themselves the Sons of Liberty, and who have had very great influence on the
Elections of Members for this City, that I must ascribe the sudden alteration which manifested
itself by introducing those Resolutions, chiefly to the motive of courting popularity among
those who had been instrumental in serving them in the late Elections. 1 have already in a
former letter informed Your LordP of the steps I took to prevent the Resolutions being entered
on their Journals, and cannot accuse myself of the least omission in that respect altho' my
endeavours did not meet svitii the desired success.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 171
There is very great reason to suppose that the frequent publications in our papers, of letters
said to be wrote from England to persons on the Continent here, have contributed not a little,
to the keeping up that improper heat which has so often shewed itself, and which can serve
no other purpose, but that of widening the breach between the Mother Country and the
Colonies. I have never been able to discover, whether these are real extracts of letters sent
from Europe, or whether they are forged here, but the chief tendency of them is (o encourage
Union among the Provinces, and to distress Great Brittain by not importing any English
manufactures As soon as one of these letters appears in any public paper, it is copied into
the Gazettes of all the other Provinces, and propagated throughout the whole Continent. I
have always treated these publications with the contempt I thought they deserved, &
endeavoured to make it appear, that they could be published by none but Incendiaries, and
persons who were Enemies, both, to Great Brittain and her Colonies, but the minds of Men
are so naturally prone to believe any tales however improbable, provided they coincide with
their own sentiments and wishes, that the strongest arguments loose their effect upon those,
who do not desire to be convinced. Whatever intelligence I can procure relative to these
publications, shall be immediately transmitted to England, and I hope Your Lord? will have
a more favourable opinion of me than to suppose, that through any weakness of mine, I was
silent on this head, when my duty called upon me to prevent any attention being given by the
people to these misrepresentations. I have never in my life been either ashamed or aftraid of
doing my duty, and under the numberless difficulties I have laboured for some years past,
unsupported by those His Maj'^" has appointed as my assistants in cases of difficulty, I have
never scrupled to stand forth singly, where I thought the King's service required it, and was
totally indifftirent whether my opinion of any matters then in agitation before us, gave pleasure
or pain to those who heard it, as I had no other object in view than the execution of the
duties of that Commission, with which his Maj"' has been pleased to honor me.
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient
and humble servant.
H : Moore.
Earl of ITillslorovgh to Governor Moore.
[ New-York Tapera ( S. P. 0. ) CLXI. ]
Whitehall 7. June 17G9
Sir,
I have received and laid before the King your Dispatches N" 40 and 41., the former of which
contains your speech to the Council and Assembly at the opening of the Session on the 4"* of
April together with their addresses in answer thereto.
His Majesty observes with concern the disregard shewn by the Assembly to what you was
directed to recommend to them in respect to the mode of appointing their agent, and their
description of this officer in their address is too particular to escape His Majesty's notice ; His
Majesty trusts however that when the Assembly has fully consulted the precedents upon their
172 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
own Journals in respect to the appointment of an Agent, particularly in the years 1709 and
1712, they will be the less tenacious of the present mode, which as you Justly observe can
only have obtained by the neglect of the other branches of the Legislature.
His Majesty trusts that Your measures to prevent the ill effects of the steps which you say
some turbulent spirits have already begun to take to create disturbance, will be attended with
the desired success.
Your letter iX" 41. relates to a matter which the King considers as of great importance, &
His Majesty very much approves your concurring with, and assisting Gov"' Weatworth in every
measure that can be legally pursued, for preventing waste and destruction of the King's Woods
on those Lands which lye on the West side of Connecticut River.
There is but too much reason to apprehend that the improper encouragement given to the
settlement of those lands has been one principal cause of the evil you complain of, and
therefore it is impossible that the Board of Trade, before.whom your representations in respect
to those Lands now lye, will think fit to advise His Maj"' to consent to any further settlements
in that part of the Country until some measures are pursued for reserving to the Crown such
tracts, as shall be found upon examination to produce Trees fit for Masting the Royal Navy. —
1 am &c
Hillsborough
(N-O)
Sir William Jolmson to the Earl of Ilillshorovglt.
t Plantations General, CCLV., No. 9. ]
Johnson Hall, June 20"" 1769.
My Lord,
Since my last of the 25"' February I have had the honor to receive your Lordship's letter of
the 4"" of January in consequence of which I shall endeavour to execute His Majesty's
commands respecting the surrender of the additional Cession in the best manner possible so as to
shew the Indians that the same is solely declined from y' regard His Majesty has for them, and
His tenderness for their posterity, I make no doubt of its being readily accepted by them,
and am only concerned least the Virginians especially the Frontier Inhabitants should take
possession of, & begin settlements on those Lands, If this is done after the Indians are
informed that His Majesty declines them, it will create verry strange suspicions amongst them,
& doubtless produce ill consequences, I ought to observe this to Your Lordship because I have
been well assured by Gentlemen from the Country that the Frontier People who have a great
desire for these valuable lands would at all events make settlements there, and as it is most
certain, that there are several recent instances of the weakness of civil authority & the little
regard paid to it by these people together with the inclination of many persons of consequence
to promote such settlements, & in that I saw a Deed in the hands of the Virginia Commissioners
for great part of these lands which they assured me had formerly met with encouragement
from His late Majesty & the then Ministry of which numbers were determined to avail
themselves forthwith, it did not a little contribute to induce me to accept of the Cession of
that Country to prevent the general ill consequence which must attend the Establishment
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. - 173
of such settlements without the Indians consent, as judging it best to take that opertunity for
enabling His Majesty to accept or reject it as he might think necessary.
At this distance as it is often impracticable to wait for particuhir Instructions in many
occurring cases, so it is impossible to foresee every event, & of course Instructions cannot be
expected in every Circumstance; His Majesty's Indulgence has therefore often left it in the
power of His servants to do many things for the good of the service 'till His Royal pleasure
is more fully signified in the premises.
I observed in a former letter that the minutes of private Conferences with the Cheifs where
the principal matters are first resolved on, were by much too voluminous to be ever transmitted,
it would there appear that the Indians insisted in such warm terms on the justice of their
claims to y'^ Cherokee River that I was necessitated either to disoblidge them in a high degree,
or to observe to them that the Southern Indians made some pretensions to the lands in
question, besides this, & the designs of the Frontier People, with the Virginia claim before
mentioned, I did humbly conceive it to be the desire of Government to get as extensive a
Cession as was practicable. And altho' in the letters I had the honour to receive, mention
was made of the Kanhawa River to prevent a dispute with the Cherokees &c'' yet as I had
always understood and had myself actually heard the Cherokees above twenty years ago
acknowledge that the River of tlieir name was the extent of their pretensions, as I found it was
so understood by the Colony of Virginia, & as the Northeren Indians would not be satisfied
'till this their claim was mentioned, I acted to the best of my judgement under all these
circumstances in accepting of the Cession to be submitted to His Majesty for admitting
the Cherokees do claim to the Northward, a circumstance which is quite new & which I have
reason to beleive they would not avow before the Northeren Indians, yet as the latter are more
powerfull, more zealous, more warlike and capable of doing us infinitely more misclieif than
the former, I then thought the complying with the claims of the Northeren Confederacy a
measure of the least dangerous tendency, and I flatter myself that His Majesty will for all
these reasons honor me with His indulgence in beleiving that I acted as in my judgement
appeared best for the service.
I have already observed that I shall forthwith execute the orders transmitted in your
Lordships letter in the best manner I can, as I shall everry other part of my Duty particularly
endeavouring to discover the designs of all secret enemies who by their machinations threaten
us with danger, among other instances of which I find from the examination of a man who is
lately returned from the Mississippi and well acquainted with several of their proceedings,
that Indians arrived last January at the place where he wintered, who brought belts from the
French Settlements which were imediately forwarded thro the Nations to the Lakes, the purport
of which tho kept verry private was to promote a Union for the execution of some plan & that
those Messingers made particular enquiry concerning tlie strength and number of men at the
out posts. — There has been likewise an Alarm at Detroit which put a stop to the Traders
going to tiie Westward for some time & occasioned the Inhabitants to fortify themselves, this
seems to have arisen from the claims the Indians have to the possessions of sundry French
Inhabitants at that place, but tho their apprehensions are at present somewhat abated, there
is good reason to think they are far from being over, from the concurring Ace" from all
Quarters amongst w** I have just received Information from Detroit communicated by Huron
Andrew an Indian of good sense much respected for his attachment & services to us, that
Mons"' Vercher formerly a French Officer who was trading last winter at Sandusky on Lake
174 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Erie without leave had distributed two belts with two kegs of rum amongst the Hurons,
desireing them to retaia their courage for that they would soon see their old French Father
when they would have occasion for it. — These things are so common, that the best disposed
Indians become poisoned with their principles, and all this arises from the want of proper
regulations for Trade & the pernicious practice of permitting the worst sort of men to go
where they please into the Indian Country. The State of things here induces me to think
that my going into the Indian Country may be of some service, I shall therefore set out
imediately, and at my return which I expect will be in a few weeks, shall communicate any
material Intelligence which I may have received.
I am, with the utmost respect, my Lord,
Your Lordship's
most obedient & most
devoted, humble servant
W. Johnson.
Your Lordship's last letter acquainting me that my proceedings were still before the Lords
of Trade is just come to my hands.
The Right Honourable the Earl of Hillsborough
Additional Instruction to the Governors in America against Lotteries.
Additional Instruction to Our Trusty and Wellbeloved William Campbell
Esquire, commonly called Lord William Campbell,' Our Captain General
and Governor in Chief in and over our Province of Nova Scotia in America.
Given at Our Court at S' James's the [30"^] day of [June 1769] in the
[ninth] year of Our Reign.
Whereas a practice hath of late years prevailed in several of Our Colonies and Plantations
in America, of passing Laws for raising money by instituting Publick Lotteries ; and whereas
it hath been represented to Us, that such practice doth tend to disengage those, who become
' Lord William Campbell, youngest son of John 4th Duke of Argyle, entered the navy, in which service he became a
captain on the 20lh of August, 1762, {Millan's Almanac, 1703, 122.) when he was put in command of the Nightingale, 20
■ guns. Beatsou's N. and M. Memoirs, III., 436. In May, 1763, he married Sarah, daughter of Ralph Izard, of Charleston, S. C,
(Debrelt), and 1704 was elected to represent Argyleshire in the Ilouse of Commons. London Court Register, 1765. On
the death of Mr. Wilmot he was appointed governor of Nova Scotia, and was sworn into office on 27th November, 1766. He
administered the affairs of that province until 1773, when he was promoted to the government of South Carolina. Halibuv
ton's Nova. Scotia, I., 246, 251. lie arrived in the latter country in June, 1775, during the sitting of the first Provincial Congress,
which presented him a congratulatory address, but he refused to acknowledge that body. For three months after his
arrival he was unmolested, though indefatigable in secretly fomenting opposition to the popular measures; but in September,
distrustful of his personal safety, he retired on board the Tamar sloop of war, where he remained, though invited to return
to Charleston. In the attack on the latter city in June 1776, under Sir Uenry Clinton, Lord Campbell served as a volunteer
on board one of the British sliipi, on which occasion he received a wound that ultimately proved mortal. Ramsay's History
■ of South Carolina, I. lie returned, 'tis presumed, with the fieet and died 5th September, 1778. Dtbrett. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 175
adventurers therein from that spirit of industry and attention to their proper Callings and
Occupations, on which the Publick Welfare so greatly depends ; And Whereas it further
appears, that this practice of authorizing Lotteries by Acts of Legislature hath been also
extended to the enabling private persons to set up such Lotteries, by means vchereof great
frauds and abuses have been committed; It is therefore Our Will and Pleasure, that you do
not give your Assent to any Act or Acts for raising Money by the Institution of any publick
or private Lotteries vv'hatsoever, until you shall have first transmitted unto Us by one of Our
Principal Secretaries of State a Draught or Draughts of such Act or Acts, and shall have
received Our directions thereupon.^
Instruction respecting the French Seigniories on Lake Cliaivplain.
[ Kew-Tork Entries, Q., 453. ]
5 July 1769.
Additional Instruction to our Trusty and Wellbeloved Sir Henry Moore Baronet,
our Captain General and Governor in Chief of our Province of New York
and the territories depending thereon in America. Given &•=
Whereas sundry persons, proprietors under titles derived from the Crown of France when
that Crown was in possession of Canada, of lands on that part of Lake Champlain now lying
within our Province of New York have humbly represented unto us that several parts of the
said lands so claimed have already been granted to other persons by Letters Patent under
the Seal of our said Province of New York, and have therefore humbly prayed that a
proceeding so prejudicial to their rights and pretensions may receive our royal disapprobation ;
and whereas it appears both just and equitable that the claims of persons under such titles as
aforesaid should not be affected without the fullest examination thereof. It is therefore our
Will and Pleasure and you are hereby directed and required in no case to make any grants of
lands so claimed, as aforesaid, upon Lake Champlain to the Northward of Crown Point,
within our Province of New York, until the petitions and proposals for grants of any part or
parts of such lands shall have been transmitted to one of our Principal Secretaries of State, in
order to be laid before us, and until our approbation thereof shall have been signified to you
our said Governor, or to the Commander in Chief of our said Province for the time being.
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
L New-York Papers ( S. P. O.) CLXI. ]
New York. 11. July 1769.
My Lord,
The copies o/ my last Dispatches to your Lord? are now transmitted by the Ship Ellin
bound for Bristol; I have little else to add on the present state of this Province, but my
' The date of this document is added from Xem -York Council JliiuUes, XXVI., 157.— Ed.
176 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
apprehensions that the late resolves of the Virginian Assembly, will add fresh fuel to those
Heats, which have already spread too far over the continent, and influenced the rest of the
Colonies to follow their example ; these Resolutions have been already adopted by the
Delaware Counties, and the last accounts from Boston shew, that their House of Assembly
was well disposed to join in the same measures. In this critical situation, I cannot help
renewing the application I made to your Lord? in my letter N° 44. in favour of the Bill for the
emission of paper currency there mentioned, as I imagine it must be attended with such
circumstances, as will not only benefit His Majesty's service and be of infinite advantage to
the Province, by enabling it to grant the proper supplies, which will be wanted, but will in
relieving it from the present difficulties under which it labours make such impression on the
minds of the people, as to call forth the warmest expressions of duty, and at the same time
prevent their following these recent examples of opposition, which can only tend to widen the
Breach between Great Brittain and her Colonies. I hope your Lord^ will excuse this repetition
on a subject where so much has already been said, and which nothing but my zeal for His
Maj'^'" service could induce me to make, prompted by ardent wishes that the Province under
my direction might Act in such a manner, as to give intire satisfaction, but when all our funds
are exhausted, and the scarcity of money so great, that a Farm of sixty acres of Land with a
dwelling house and several improvements on it, shall be sold under an execution for ten
pounds, and another in the same situation, sold for two hundred pounds, which but a few years
before cost two thousand seven hundred pounds, there can be but little prospect of a Tax to
be raised on Lands in a province so circumstanced. I have the honor to be with the
greatest respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient
and humble Servant.
H. Moore.
Earl of Ilillsborovgh to Governor Moore.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. 0.) OLXI.]
Whitehall. 15 July 1769
Sir,
I have received and laid before the King your Dispatches N" 42, 43 and 44.
The public transactions during the sitting of the Assembly and the various regulations
which were the objects of discussion and deliberation are of very great importance and will
require the fullest consideration.
The motions made by M"' Livingston & others for public thanks to be given to the Merchants
in consequence of their Association against the importation of goods from Great Brittain, and
for concurring in the violent resolves of the former Assembly, and the resolutions & declarations
made in consequence [of those] motions, are transactions which, tho' you have not thought fit
to point them out in your correspondence, could not escape the King's notice, and His Maj'-'
feels the deepest concern, that His subjects in New York, should, from groundless jealousy and
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIJ 177
apprehension, adopt measures and proceedings, that Manifest a spirit so adverse to the real
and true Interests both, of this Kingdom and its Colonies.
What steps it may be proper to take in consequence of the Resolve for excluding the Judges
of the supreme Court from sitting and voting in the Lower House of Assembly will require
to be further considered ; but I must not omit to acquaint you, that His Maj''' looks upon this
as an innovation of a very dangerous nature, implying a claim in the Assembly that can not
be allow'd without violation of the fundamental principles of the Constitution.
Tiie reasons you give for having contrary to your own opinion, assented to the Bills for
regulating sales by public vendue, for eniai^ing the Jurisdiction of County Courts,
for limiting that of the Superior Court, and for explaining the Election Act, must remain for
consideration, when the Laws themselves are received ; and therefore I can only say for the
present, that the objections you state yourself to these Laws are too strong to warrant that
approbation of your conduct which I most sincerely wish, upon all occasions to be justified in
expressing to you.
What you say of the distresses of the Colony for want of a currency, is very material, and
therefore it would have been a great satisfaction to me to have been enabled to have sent you
by this conveyance such Instructions as his Maj''' might have thought proper to have given
respecting the Bill for emitting ^120000 in paper Bills of Credit, proposed in the Inst Assembly,
and to which, you very properly refused your assent, until His Mnjesly's permission could be
obtained ; but your not having transmitted the Bill itself, puts this out of my power and must
necessarily create a delay that I am extremely concerned for. As to the other Bill for
confirming Estates claimed by Aliens, to which you resused' your assent, it will be proper that
it should be submitted to the consideration of His Maj'^ at the Council Board, and I shall loose
no time in taking the necessary steps for that purpose.
Just as this letter was finished a Mail arrived from New York, by which, I had the satisfaction
to receive your Dispatches i\°' 45, 46, 47 and 48. and have laid them before the King but
have nothing in Command from His Maj'^ to signify to you thereupon.
The Acts mentioned in your letter N° 4S. to be transmitted by the Clerk of the Council have
not yet been received at my office.
I am ettc
Hillsborough.
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hllhlorough.
[ NewTork Papers ( S. 1'. O. ) CtXL ]
New York, 19 July 1769.
My Lord,
Your LordP's circular letter inclosing His Maj''''' most gracious speech to His Parliament at
the close of the Session, was immediately upon its being received, communicated to His
Majesty's Council of this Province ; the general satisfaction with which it was received by all
then present, left me no room to doubt of the impression it had made, and I am persuaded
' Sic. refused. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 23
178 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
that they will most readily joyn in removing all those unfortunate prejudices which have too
long prevailed here. No assiduity on my part shall be wanting in the execution of this
necessary part of my duty, and I shall be extremely happy to contribute in the smallest degree
to that great work of reestablishing a mutual confidence and affectioa between Great Brittain
and her Colonies, by bringing back to a true sense of their duty the Province His Maj'^ has
been pleased to entrust to my care,
I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect, My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient
♦ and humble servant
H. Moore.
Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[New- York Papers (8. p. O.) CLSI.]
New York, 10 August 1769.
My Lord,
If I thought it incumbent on me to make an apology to your Lord? in my last letter at the
time I transmitted two petitions, concerning the Lands on the Connecticut River, with much
greater reason should I do it now in offering any thing more on the same subject. The
inclosed petitions were preparing at the time the last Pacquet sailed, and notwithstanding I
have informed the persons concerned in it, of what your Lord? was pleased to mention in your
letter by this last Pacquet concerning those lands, they still think it an injustice done to them
not to forward their case to your Lord?, if their grants are refused to be made out by me on
their application for them. So much, has already been said on this head, that I shall only beg
leave to submit the following observation to your Lord?. When His Maj'^'" order in Council
was first sent over by the Earl of Shelburne, forbidding any further grants to be made of the
I.ands in question it was the general opinion here, that the restriction was only intended to be
laid on the granting of any patents which could possibly affect the particular Townships, set
forth in Robinson's Petition; I took His Maj'^' order in a greater latitude, & notwithstanding
the repeated attacks made upon me, as well by reduced oificers and disbanded Soldiers, as
by the Lihabitants of this Province, I have constantly refused to comply with their demands
although the Lands for which they applyed had never been granted by the Govern' of N.
Hampshire, or included in the above mentioned Petition ; as some Townships were supposed
to be laid out on the west side of Lake Champlain (altlio' there was no other foundation for
such a supposition than a Map printed in the Province of Connecticut). I observed the same
rule in regard to that part of the Country, notwithstanding there was not the least appearance
upon Earth of a survey having been made there; it is now above two years since I wrote my
first letter to the Earl of Shelburne, in answer to the Petitions of Robinson and the Society
for propagating the Gospel, during which time, I have used every means in my power to carry
into execution the plan I had formed for making such a communication with the Prov" of
Quebec, as I have already had the honor of laying before your Lord^, but in our present
situation every endeavour of mine will be rendered ineffectual, if the Lauds on the side of the
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 179
Lake are not permitted to be, granted, for those Tracts which are now in the possession of
Officers and Soldiers, not being charged with any Quit Rent for the first ten years, remain still
in the same uncultivated state, as when they [were] first granted, and of course will be always
an obstruction to the making of Roads on the side of the Lake till some settlers can be fixed
there. Our precarious communication with the province of Quebec at certain seasons of the
year, requires that the advantage of a public Road should be procured as soon as possible, but
it is not in the power of Man to engage those who proposed settling in those parts in any such
undertaking till they have proper titles to their Lands.
The accounts which have been given to me of the falls on the Connecticut River vary so
much, as these objects are seen in different lights by different people, that I was determined
to see thenf'myself, and in expectation of receiving His Maj'^'' commands relative to that part
of the Country had made the necessary preparation for my expedition, by ordering, some
Boats to be built in the uppermost inhabited Township on that River. My intention was to
have taken a view of the whole stream from Newberry to the Massachusets Line, and to have
made an attempt to render those falls and rapids (if possible) less dangerous and inconvenient
for the floating of Timber down, for, I have been informed, that several Masts have been so
far shattered either by the mismanagement of the Conductors, or by choosing improper seasons
for such a work, as to be totally unfit for service. As the Province of New Hampshire is
equally interested in the improvement of this Navigation, M' Wentworlh has declared his
readiness to co-operate with me in any plan which could make it a public benefit, and I only
waited for your LordP's orders to empower me to proceed in this undertaking. I have the
honor to be with the greatest respect. My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient
and bumble servant.
H. Moore.
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillshorovgh.
[ Plantations General, CCLV., No. 10. ]
(NMO.)
Johnson Hall, August 21" 17G9.
My Lord,
On my way from the Country of the Senecas whither in my letter of the 24"" June (N° 9)
I informed your Lordship I was then destined, I had the honour to receive your Lordship's of
the 13"" of May ( N° 10) and I herewith inclose a seperate letter on the Issue of my journey,
and proceedings humbly requesting that your Lordship will so far indulge me as to allow the
subject of this to be a farther explanation of the Transactions at the Fort Stanwix Treaty
which from what I have heard seems necessary for the justification of my conduct; I even
persuade myself that under these circumstances your Lordship will rather approve than
condemn me for endeavouring (as every man of honor & integrity ought) to remove any the
least misinformation on that head, and to set the whole in as clear a light as the bounds of a
letter will admit of, and I have some hopes that in so doing your Lordship will be still farther
enabled to judge of the propriety of future measures respecting the objects of that Treaty,
180 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and tho I may be oblidged to extract in some places the substance of former letters yet I hope
the placing the whole in one view will attone for it. — In order to this permit me to remind
your Lordsliip that in former letters I shewed that between the first mention of a Boundary
Line (which was soon heard of throughout the Colonies) and my receiving orders for
concluding it, so much lime had elapsed as gave our enemies opertunity to misrepresent our
intentions to the Indians, so that after procuring and transporting a large valuable present to
the place appointed for the Congress, I found the Indians sentiments so much altered, as
to render the success of my negociations verry doubtful), under these disadvantagious
Circumstances I was oblidged to act as the exigency of the affairs required, and the
apprehension of being oblidged in some measure to deviate from my Instructions gave me
great uneasiness. My health already reduced to a verry low state from severe faffgues in his
Majesty's service, was on this occasion rendered much worse by being oblidged to set whole
nights generally in the open woods in private conferences with the leading men. As here the
principal matters are first agitated, and the sentiments of the rest best known, I found that
their jealousy was not to be removed but by permitting them to make mention of their claim
extending to the Cherokee River, At this time I had suggested nothing to them on that
subject but as from the circumstances of time & place the greatest part of the Transactions at
these private conferences can never be committed to writing, & if they were, their enormous
bulk would render them unfit to be transmitted. — These conversations & "previous transactions
did not make their appearance in the copy I transmitted, which according to the custom
hitherto observed contained only the public Treaty, and therefore it might have been imagined
that this was of my first suggesting, whereas I was oblidged to admit the mention of their
claim thro necessity, in consequence of what had passed, and as that was the case I could not
I am certain have given them a more favourable idea of His Majesty's goodness than His
declining so fine a Tract to remove the possibility of dispute, rather than from a doubt of their
title, & I have since repeatedly found that this was highly pleasing to them, but as they came
with fixed resolutions on that head, which I have already observed, & as I could not put off
or wait the farther sense of Government thereon, without consequences for which I could
never make atonement, I was compelled to act as I did, and I thought my conduct farther
justified on the following principles. First, That in Transactions with such a People at such
a Distance from Court, some latitude was often given to His Majesty's servants, and that the
same was never more necessary than on that occasion. Second, That my Orders on that
Head seemed to be founded on a beleif that the Cherokees claimed a right to that Country, if
this could be made to appear otherwise of which I was certain, it removed that objection. —
Third, that the Inhabitants of Virginia laid claims thereto in virtue of old purchases some of
which had been formerly countenanced by the Crown, & that the back Inhabitants of that
Colony who are a verry encreasing & enterprising people had a strong desire to establish
themselves in that Country, had already made many advances thereto, and in case the Indians
had not ceded it would soon begin settlements thereon which would certainly be productive
of a war, at the same time I was but too sensible of the inefficacy of any measures of the
Colony to prevent such selllements, and of the Interest that many persons of Consequence had
in wishing them to be extended. — Fourth, That the removing the claims of the Northern
Confederacy by a Cession to His Majesty at a time when they were so much disposed for it,
would be gaining a great point, the only means of carrying on the Treaty & the least productive
of any ill consequences, when I considered all these points, & that whatever might have of
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 181
late been said of y* pretensions of the Cherokees, the Northern Confederacy were more
powerfull & more inclined to dispute, & their dispute of more dangerous consequence, I could
no longer hesitate as to the part I had to act. And I fully persuade myself that on due
consideration of the premises the motives on which I acted will appear strongly in justification
of my measures. — For the rest I have only to say that besides some private sales ratified by
the Governour and made according to the usual mode with which I had nothing to do, there
were two Grants or Indian Deeds against which I was not aware any objection would be
made. The one to M'^ Croghan was only a confirmation of two former grants which the
Indians particularly desired to make, & beleive they did without any influence, I am certain
it was without mine, & which as he told me he took for the satisfaction of the Proprietaries
of Pensilvania in order to the obtaining a grant in the usual way. He farther assuring me
that he had mentioned his old pretensions to your Lordship. The other Grant was to the
Traders who suffered losses in the year 17G3, it was made an article of the peace with them
afterwards and was judged a verry prudent measure by obtaining from them a Retribution
in the only way in their power & thereby furnishing a precedent that might be of use
hereafter should they commit depredations, it was well known to Government, & chearfuUy
agreed to by the Indians who were disposed to give the sufferers a greater extent of land than
is in the grant, had I not interposed, thro' an apprehension that there were not wanting
malicious persons, who thro' envy or ill nature might take occasion to lessen the importance
of the Transactions of that Treaty by remarks on the extent of a private Grant, tho' such grant
could not prove any loss to the Crown, as it must be subject to the same Quit Rent of any
other, and tho it was an act of Justice & policy, & did not reach within one hundred miles
of the great Kanhawa. Some of the Indians thro' principle, and all of them from an inclination
to shew their regard to Treatys, made particular meinion of these grants in their speeches
recommending them to His Majesty, as they did everry thing that seemed necessary to their
Interest, & this I can safely assure your Lordship they did of their own meer motion, they
observed to me that from what they knew of the present price of lands here, they were sensible
they could not receive the 10"" part of the value of the Cession, that therefore they had the
stronger reliance on His Majesty's attention to their humble requests, I have upon all occasions
given as nearly as possible the litteral sense of the Indians as delivered in their speeches, but
in this case I softened them without deviating from their meaning, because I found them rather
more animated than they often are, or than I desired, & altho this could not surprise any man
acquainted with the particular mode of expression of that confederacy in matters of much
moment, I was aware that it might be liable to misconstruction unless due allowance be
made for them as savages who have the most extravigant notions of freedom, property and
independance, & who cannot as yet be persuaded to give up their hopes & expectations from the
Crown, and any person who well understands & impartially represents them must admit that
in all such treaties they endeavour to maintain their own importance by the most forcible
expressions, to which I may with truth add, that, as their words for fear of ofl!ence have been
often glossed over before they were committed to writing by many others, I was the first that
in the most critical period took upon me to check them in their sallys of that nature, whilst at
the same time I took care so to conduct myself as to point out their [error]' without driving them
toextremitys, I know there are too many people within these few years past that either think
it necessary to their importance, y* Interests of their party, or to the gratification of private
' Johnson Manuscripts, XVIL —Ed.
182 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
resentment to affect a knowledge of Indian affairs. However ridiculous or partial their reports
might be rendered by any conrpetent judge as their representations cannot be fully known,
they are not easily refuted at 3000 miles distance, there is scarcely one other subject where a
man of sense and observation who has been on the spot cannot afford many remarks that may
be of use, but these qualifications without many others can only mislead in Indian affairs, to
speak candidly, it is not during the period of a Governors residence at an American capital, of
a commandant at an outpost, or of a traveller in the country that this can be gained, it is only
to be acquired by a long residence amongst them, a daily intercourse with them, & a desire of
Information in these matters superseding all other considerations, that this is not the case
of any of those orders of men can be easily shewn, & consequently they are not sufficient
judges, but as this would lead me farther than (I still flatter myself) there is occasion, I shall
only assure your Lordship that all I have presumed to offer is capable of much enlargement,
& can be sufficiently amplified & proved whenever occasion requires, and that I should not
have presumed to add so much to all I have formerly said hereon, but from a delicacy arising
from a thorough conviction of the strictest probity & zeal for my King's service, & a perfect
disinterestedness, that as it has often procured me the Royal favour & approbation, renders it
my continual wish to be favourably understood, & my peculiar study to merit the only object
of my painfull endeavours. This, my Lord, is not a bare assertion, it is easy for me to
demonstrate that private interest governs none of my representations, that they flow from duty
to the Crown & regard for the public security, the way to which I am the better enabled to
judge of, from the nature of my office and my long acquaintance with the state of y* frontiers
& the neighbouring Indians. The honest motives w"" induced me to detain your Lordship so
long on this subject, will I persuade myself find a favourable construction from your Lordship's
candor, on this I must rest my justification whilst they plead my apology, I shall therefore
only add, that, I should not have a moment hesitated executing my last orders for signifying
to the Indians His Majesty's Inclination to decline that part of the Cession but that I was
fearfull of the consequences, when as I knew that the Virginians would at any rate settle on
these lands in consequence of which the Indians would all think the whole a delusion, & that
since the late Reform I did not think myself authorized to incurr so great an Expence as is
necessary for conveneing all those Indians who should attend on such an occasion without
particular orders, & I have the satisfaction to find that herein I acted for the best, as from
your Lordship's last letter, I observed that in case I am of opinion that it may be of ill
consequence. His Majesty will ratify the Boundary agreable to the Treaty, to which I have
only to add that since my late Tour into the Indian Country, I find my former opinion so
much strengthened, that I think it highly prudent to decline the mention of the affair unless
I receive y' Lordship's orders to the contrary, or that some thing should occur that may justify
me in so doing. — I have the honour to be with the most profound respect & esteem, my Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient, much oblidged, & verry humble Servant
W. Johnson.
The Right Honourable the Earl of Hillsborough
(NMl.)
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 183
Sir William Jolinson to the Earl of Ilillshorongli.
[ Plantations General, OCLV., No. 11, B., 27. ]
Johnson Hall, August SG"" 17G9.
My Lord,
Having had the honour to write your Lordship on the subject of the Boundary & Cession
which letter accompanys this, I am now to give your Lordship an Ace' of the Transactions •
during my late Tour through the Country of the Six Nations.
I left home on the 26"" of June and after many delays arrived at Onondaga the lO"" of July
where I found the Cheifs &c''' of that Nation with several others from the neighbouring villages
who being in great want of Indian Corn from a failure of their crops, I gave them a supply of
that & several other articles, and previous to my General Meeting, held several private
conferences with the Cheifs at their hunting cabbins returning from one of which in the night
my cannoe overset & in ascending a bank I received a verry severe cut by a fall on my wounded
leg which had verry nigh rendered me incapable of proceeding, however on finding myself a
little easier, I held a Congress with them two days after, which they opened with a speech
wherein they made many Enquirys after News, and Whether a war was not about to be
commenced between England, France & Spain, they said they were well assured of this, that
there were many things which gave them much concern, amongst the rest that some of the
Nations continued obstinately bent on war, and they feared it would compel them to disturb
the Cherokees & others with whom they had made peace, that the intrusions of the New
England people into Pensilvania they were afraid would draw some of theirs into a war, and
that it gave them concern to find that those persons who had the management of the Trade
were removed, I gave them all the satisfaction in my power on these heads, & afterwards
proceeded for Cayuga where there were about 500 Indians assembled with whom I had a
meeting to much the same effect as with the Onondagaes, only I observed that the farther I
advanced into the Indian Country, the more earnest the Indians appeared in their several
discourses. I next went to Seneca where I had summoned y* Cheifs of that Nation, as also
those Indians living near the head of Ohio to meet me, who in a few days assembled to the
amount of two thousand and upwards, before I met them in public I was visited by two Cheifs
in whom I had always had reason to place much confidence, who told me that they had
laboured hard for some months to keep their people in order, & to prevent their receiving
several belts which had been sent to their Country for verry bad purposes, but that nevertheless
many came to their hands, w*" had occasioned a spirit of discontent amongst them, as I would
find on opening the Congress, about the same time Messingers arrived notifying the approach
of a number of Cherokee Cheifs who were coming to attend a General Congress to be held at
Onondaga the beginning of next month, to which the Cheifs of the Canada Confederacy and
other Northern Indians were summoned to renew and strengten alliances. When we
assembled the Senecas began with a long detail of what they called greiviances, they said that
they found the conduct of all people altered for the worse towards them, that not a season had
passed since the late peace without the murther of some of their people by the Inhabitants,
that by withdrawing those who had the inspection of the Trade &c" frauds & abuses would
be more common then ever, that no business could be transacted without Interpreters at the
Posts, & that they could not do without Smiths to mead their arms, & other implements used
184 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
in hunting, that they were well assured that a war was near at hand, & that they were courted
to engage in it, which tho contrary to the senise of the Cheifs might probably be agreed to by
too many of the warriors if those affairs which gave them so much uneasiness were not
adjusted, for they saw there was no provision made for their redress, I then explained
to them what I had in general made known- before to the confederacy touching the present
system for Indian affairs, that they would find the Colonies heartily disposed to make
what Establishments were necessary, and to prevent frauds or injustice of every kind,
but that they ought to make allowance for the importance of these matters as they required
some time to be put on a proper footing, & that those whose Interests & Trade were
so materially connected with them would certainly pursue the wisest measures for promoting
peace & commerce. They answered that I had told them so before, that they well knew how
slow our people here were, and that altho some of the old people of everry nation were still
dif'posed to beleive all this, they found the majority of the rest, particularly of the other
confederacys were not, they gave me a long state of the politicks of y" other nations on which
they observed, that the Fact was, the Indians expected to meet the same treatment from us,
which they had done from the French, that the latter repeatedly told them they would not,
that they found it too true & that they were full of resentment thro' disappointment, it may
not be amiss here to remark, that when Indians are disposed to quarrel, they collect all the
materials they can as grounds for their conduct, and often insist on things as greiviances which
in reality have given them little concern, the true cause is often misrepresented and therefore
the proper remedy is wanting, they are jealous of us, & envious of one another, & I don't
doubt but that the late great present may prove a means of dividing the Councils of the Six
Nations with the rest, for tho' the sole right was in that Confederacy (and double the sum
would not have contented all who desired to partake of it) the rest will probably be jealous of
it, of which I am in hopes a proper use may be made. — During my stay at Seneca I saw &
spoke with several Indians from different nations who brought belts of Union & Messages,
& after having settled matters for obtaining a knowledge of what is to be transacted at the
Congress before mentioned, I took leave of the Indians and arrived here about ten days ago
much indisposed, nor am I as yet recovered from the hurt I received at Onondaga, so that I
hope your Lordship will excuse any defects in this short sketch which is extracted hastily from
my Journal. — On my way home I was overtaken with the news of a murder of a young Seneca
man, who was fired upon on the River Susquehana by some of the frontier Inhabit' without
the least provocation given (of which I have since received an account from Pensilvania)
as the father of this young man has generaly lived within the settlements, & with the whole
Family demonstrated the most zealous attachment to the English, and were much respected
by the Indians, the murder is a verry unlucky accident at this time, but it is not alone several
others having been lately committed by the infatuated and lawless inhabitants on the frontiers
of Virginia iScc" Who as they have hitherto acted with impunity are encouraged to go on. And
tho the effects of all this have not been sensibly felt for some time, they at length begin to
make their appearance particularly about the Ilinois, Ohio &c* of which your Lordship will
doubtless receive Information from the Commander in Cheif, the Indians having killed several
people, attacked & plundered several Traders boats, & in short blocked up the communication
of the Ohio, so that is no longer practicable for the Traders. Whilst at the same time they
are endeavouring to form a more strict alliance than ever for purposes that are but too obvious,
seeming only to wait the success of their negociations for the commencement of hostilities,
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 185
and altho' upon these occasions they use much caution & secrecy, yet some part of their late
conduct does not exactly agree with it, but shews an extraordinary degree of confidence from
some quarter, of which the answer herewith inclosed to the speech of L' Col Wilkins'
commanding at Ilinois furnishes some instances, to illustrate which I have annexed some notes,
I have received a copy of the Speech of Mons"" Verchere (formerly a French officer) to the
Indians of Lake Erie, as now delivered by them, this speech was made known to me by some
spies I have who with many others since positively affirm that he gave them a present in the
name of the French King, and desired them to hold themselves in readiness, but on my
communicating it to the General, who wrote concerning it to Canada, the Indians who esteem
VerChere came to the Commandant at Detroit delivered up VerCheres belt & also the speech
in the manner sent me which was evidently altered to prevent his meeting with punishment,
nevertheless the they have certainly suppressed much of what he said to them, enough
remains, which to a man conversant in their idiom would be a convincing proof without any
thing farther. In short as I suspected and frequently represented would be the case, none but
Frenchmen can go into their country to the Westward, & the Indians positively & publickly
declare to all people that they will suffer no others into their country, I was informed that the
French were at the bottom of the representations artfully prepared to get the general liberty
for trading at large in the Indian country which I then observed was calculated for them to
engross it all. In the mean time the Colonies have as yet done nothing, except £150 voted
by N York for defraying the expence of Officers of Trade &c.* a sum scarcely worth mentioning,
and the Governor now writes me that he mentioned his apprehensions of the Indians
uneasiness for want of Commissaries &c^ to the Members of his Assembly but without effect,
and adds that the inadequate provision made for Interpreters & Smiths shews how little the
matter in agitation was understood; In short none of those conversant in these matters expect
they will do any thing material, I ought the rather to mention this because in your Lordship's
letter of October 12"" 176S (N" 6.) you observe that the reliance on the benifits intended to be
the result of the late measures was not upon their propriety but upon the execution of them
*& upon the regulations which the Colonies shall think fit to adopt for the management of the
Commercial Part." I kept people on the frontiers as long as I possibly could consistant with
His Majesty's Instructions, and gave timely notice to the Colonies concerned that they must
be withdrawn, as did the Commander in Cheif, but without effect, and I persuade myself that
your Lordship's long knowledge of American affairs will render it unnecessary for me to point
out the little expectation of these measures having the effect desired be the consequences what
they will, 'tis my sense of these consequences alone that induces me to offer a word in addition
to what I formerly said hereon for I averr upon my honour I never had the smallest advantage
in the appointments that formerly existed but additional trouble in corresponding with the
officers constantly sending them instructions, paying their ace" and settled salaries when I
' Lieutenant-Colonel John Wilkins was appointed captain in the 5oth Regiment of Foot 30th December, 1755, and became
a major, unattached, in 1762; was commandant at Niagara in 1763, whence he marched to the relief of Detroit with a foice
of 600 regulars, but was attacked on the way by some Indians and driven back to Fort Sehlosser with serious loss. He made
another attempt to reach Detroit, but was overtaken by a storm on Lake Erie, wiien 70 of his men perished, and he and the
remainder were forced back to Niagara. Pnrkman'is P,m(iar, 376, 377. He became a major in the 60th regiment in August,
1764, and in June following, lieutenant-colonel of the 18th or Royal Irish. In May, 1768, he was ordered from Philadelphia
with 7 companies of his regiment to Fort Pitt, whence he proceeded to Fort Chartres, of which post he became commandant.
We find him there in 1771. PennsyUania Archives, IV., 300, 377, 395. He died, or left the army at the close of 1775.
Army Lht, 1776, 246. —En.
Vo^. VIII. 24
185 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
received it from the general, & very often oblidged to advance them money before I rec" it
myself. Your Lordship will then judge how little I ought to have covetted this from any other
motive than y' better execution of the public service.
This moment I have advice that the people have abandoned their settlements from Bedford
to Fort Pitt, in consequence of some robberies committed by some partys of Indians, & also
fearing their Resentment for their own late conduct towards them, that a party of ludians
comino- from War had robbed a House wherein there was only one Woman, whom they threw
into the Potowmack, on which a party of the Inhabitants pursued & killed three of the Indians.
That they had then resolved to augment their number and proceed to cut off a Mingoe village
not far from thence, if so, a war is inevitable. In short there is but too much licentiousness
on all sides, for by the same account, I am assured that Calleiidar a trader on his way to Fort
Pitt with 25 horses loaded with Indian goods was attacked near Bedford by thirty White men
disguised & painted like Indians who destroyed & carried away the greatest part of his goods,
declaring they would suffer none to pass on to the Indians, that this circumstance has greatly
exasperated the Indians, & contributed to alarm the peaceable part of the White Inhabitants. —
When we consider the state & disposition of the Indians, a people without laws or government,
verry revengefull & influenced much by French Councils and verry jealous of us. We may
conclude that as these people cannot in general be kept in order without an expence that may
be deemed greater than its object, all we can do, is, to divide their Councils & retain a part of
them in our Interest, which I am pretty confident I have interest & influence to do at all
events. — It is highly necessary to. prevent a too general Union amongst them, & I should
rather have declined taking the pains I did to effect a peace between the Six Nations &
Cherokees, because we enjoy the most security when they are divided amongst themselves, at
' the breaking out of the late Indian War I proposed to raise Indians to be employed against the
enemy, it was thought giving them too much consequence. However I took upon myself to
send out a few parties, which notwithstanding the pains generally taken to allow them as
little merit as possible, contributed essentially to bring that War to a conclusion, for altho it
may be said, and is in part true, that Indians are unwilling to fight against one another in our
quarrels, there are many exceptions to this opinion. There are some to be had who will join
with ardour against any enemy, & many more whom it is policy to retain in our service, who,
tho at first unwilling to act offensively from maxims of policy, yet, if by any means blood is
drawn will become principals in the War, & this the Indians are so sensible of that there
is nothing of which they are more apprehensive. — I hope that whatever is the issue of the
present alarms I shall be able to retain a large body in His Majesty's Interest, and even to get
them to act ag*' the enemy if it is required of me, and so soon as I receive any farther
information that may be material, I shall communicate it imediately.
1 have the honour to be with the
most profound Respect,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's,
most obedient,
The Right Hon'''^ ■ & verry Humble Servant
the Earl of Hillsborough. W. Johnson.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 187
Philip Livingston^ Jr., to the Earl of Hilhhorovgh,
[ New -York Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXI. ]
New York, 11 Sept' 17Git.
My Lord,
It is with the deepest concern, that as private Secretary to our late Gov', I now acquaint
your LordP, that His Excel^'' Sir Henry Moore, died on this afternoon after an illness of
three weeks.
The great loss that this Prov"^" has sustained in him, will be much better perceived, in the
general grief diffused thro' all ranks of Men among us, than in any panegyrick from me.
As the late Gov' had been pleased to entrust me with the Custody of the great Seal, I shall
deliver it to Lieut' Gov' Golden whenever he takes upon himself the Administration of the
prov", together with such of your LordP's letters as may be necessary for his correspondence.
I must beg your Lord^'s pardon for farther acquainting you, that his late ExcelK^ had
appointed me principal Surrogate and Register of the prerogative Court in this Prov"==, with
Authority to issue letters probate of wills and letters of administration on intestate Estates,
and at the same time for soliciting Your Lord^'s patronage in procuring me this office under
the Great Seal of England, or if that should be thought improper, to recommend my
continuance in this Department to such Gov' as His Maj'^ shall hereafter be pleased to appoint
Commander in Chief of this Province.
It is certainly very incumbent on me to make an apology for this request, my character
being entirely unknown to your Lord?, must therefore only inform you, that I received my
education in England and was regularly bred to the profession of the Law at Lincoln's Inn,
and upon this appointment immediately quitted my profession and applyed myself wholly to
the duties of my Department, upon which my entire subsistance depends, and trust from my
behaviour therein, and knowledge of the necessary Official business, that I may not be
improperly continued. My family connections are, I believe with great truth, among the first
in this Prov" and altho' a distant relation of my name in the last Session of Assembly appeared
to be in opposition to Govern', yet my nearer connections have always pursued very
different measures.
I have written by this Pacquet to Coll : Staats Long Morris,' Henry Drummond Esq''= of
Charring Cross, James Coats Esq'^ late Member for Edinburgh, and Richard Jackson Esq"
" General Staats Long Morris, son of Jujge Lewis Morris and Catharine Staata, of Morrissania, N. Y., and grandson of
Governor Morris of New Jersey, was born on the 27th August, I72S, ( Bolton's HiatM-y of WesUhester County II., 284,) and
educated at Yale College. Whitehead's Papers of Governor Morris, 190. Having entered the aitny, he became captain in
the 36th regiment of Foot on the 31st May, 1756, and attained the rank of major in 175S. Government having resolved
the following year to raise an additional regiment of Highlanders, by the influence of the Gordon family, at tlie solicitation
of the Dowager Duchess of Gordon, Major Morris, to whom she had been lately married, was appointed to raise that
regiment, in which the Duke entered as captain, Lord William as lieutenant and Lord George as ensign. In a few weeks
760 men were mustered and marched to Aberdeen, and Major Morris received a commission of Lieutenant-Colonel of the new
corps, which was called the 89th Highland Regiment; with it he emb.irked, in December, 1760, for the East Indies, arrived
at Bombay in November following (Browne's History of the Highland Clans, IV., 281, 282,) and served at the siege of
Pondicherry in 1761. Bealson' s Naval and Military Memoirs, II., 339, III., 259. On 7th July, 1763, he was appointed to the
local rank of Brigadier-General, ( Army List ) and on the return of the regiment to England it was reduced in 17B5, {Browne)
and its lieutenant-colonel went on half-pay, where lie continued until 1778. He became major-general in 1777, and was
appointed colonel of the 61st or South Gloueestersliire regiment in 1778. He rose to the rank of General in the British army
in 1796, received the sinecure appointment of Governor of Quebec in 1797 and died in the early part of the year ISOO, in
the 7 2d year of his age. Anny Lists. General Morris was twice married ; 1st to the Duchess of Gordon, as already men-
tioned, who died in 1770, and 2dly to Miss Urquhart, who survived her husband about a year. — Ed.
188 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of Middle Temple, they being such of my friends as may most probably be known to your
LordP, desiring that they would inform you of my Character as a private Gentleman, and
should the Representation be so satisfactory as to induce your Lordi> to countenance this
application, I shall always retain the most grateful remembrance of your goodness.
Since writing the above, I have waited on Lieut' Gov"' Golden in the Country informing
him of Sir Henry Moore's death, at which time he thought proper to inform me, that I should
not be continued in my Department, a severe stroke upon a public Officer of Govern*, to be
removed without any imputation of malconduct.
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect
My Lord
Your LordP's most obedient and
humble servant.
Ph : Livingston Jun'
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-York Tapers ( S. P. 0.) CLXI. ]
New York, 13. Sept' 1769.
My Lord,
On Monday last the ll"" Inst : Sir Henry Moore Dyed after three afternoon. I was then at
my house in the Country, next day I came to Town ; Sir Henry's Funeral being that day, \
delayed the assuming the Administration of Govern' to this day. I have taken in Council, the
usual Oaths as Lieut' Gov"' & Commander in Chief of the Province. I am not as yet sufficiently
informed of the State of Public affiiirs, to write any thing in particular, but your Lord? may be
assured, that it shall be my constant endeavour to keep the Prov" in peace and tranquility.
Since I came to Town, I have seen many of the principal Inhabitants, who give me hope that
I shall succeed in my endeavour, and I have good ground to hope that my Administration will
be made easy to me.
The appointment of a Register in the prerogative Office became necessary immediately after
the Gov''* death. I have appointed M' Banyar,^ Deputy Secretary, to execute that Office, who
executed the same while I had the Administration formerly, and many years before that time,
' GoLDSBKOw Banyar was born in the city of London in the year 1724, and is said to have come to this country in 1737.
George Joseph Moore, the Deputy Auditor-General, having deceased on the 22d February 1745-6, Mr. Banyar was appointed
his successor, and on the 2d June, 1746, was sworn in as Deputy Secretary of the Province, Deputy Clerk of the Council and
Deputy Cleik of the Supreme Court. New -York Council Minutes, XXI., 99. In 1752 he received the commission of Register
of the Court of Chancery, (Oommissions, V., 43,) and in the following year, that of Judge of Probate and of Examioer in the
Prerogative Court. Ibid, 62, 6.3. He discharged the duties of these several offices until the termination of the Royal
Government in the Province of New-York. At the breaking out of the revolution Mr. Banyar retired to Rhinebeck, wliilhcr
Sir Henry Clinton sent a sealed despatch to him, previous to the contemplated attack upon Esopus, asking for information
as to the best mode of attacking that place. After the officer and liis attendants had been properly entertained, Mr. Banyar
dismissed them with a sealed letter for Sir Uenry which, on being opened, was found to contain this laconic reply, "Mr. Banyar
knows nothing." It is impossible, says Gorham A. Worth, to reflect one moment upon the position which Mr. B. occupied
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 180
of whose ability and fidelity I am well assured, and whose conduct has been free from
all exception.
As I flatter myself, it has appeared to His Maj'^'' Ministers, that I had my duty always in
view, while the Administration was formerly in my hands, I hope not to fail in it now, and
that while I perform my duty, 1 shall have the honor of your Lord^'s patronage.
I have the honor to be with the highest respeOt
My Lord
Your most obedient and
faithful servant
Cadwallader Golden.
Lieutenant-Governor' Golden to the Earl of Hillshorough.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXI. ]
New York. 4. October 17G9.
My Lord.
Your LordP'' letter N" 33, directed to Sir Henry Moore, came to my hands after his death.
By my letter of the IS**" of last Month, I informed your Lord? of his death, and of my having
taken the Administration of Govern'. Before I wrote that letter I had met more than once
with the Gentlemen of the Council, I had conversed with the Speaker and several of the
Members of Assembly, I had assurances from them of their disposition to make my
Administration easy to me. Nothing has occurred since that time, to make me doubt of this
being conformable to the general inclination of the people; tho' at the same time I know,"tliat
some are of a quite different disposition ; but I hope their power will not be equal to their
disposition to raise difficulties in this Govern'.
1 am informed, My Lord, by those who know the inclinations of the Assembly well, that, they
have the passing the Bill for issuing a paper currency, much at heart — that the passing of that
Bill will put them in good humour; and that unless this be done it will be difficult to make
them continue the provision for the Soldiers quartered in this Province, after the Massachusets
Bay have set them an example of absolutely refusing to do it, which has been followed by the
Assembly of South Carolina.
Whatever other effect the granting a paper currency may have it will certainly increase the
consumption of British Manufactures in this Province. I conceive no inconvenience. My Lord,
duriog the Revolution, and the manner in which he sustained himself in it, without conceding to him a thorough knowledge
of the world, great sagacity and great address. Random Recollections, 67. In 1767 Mr. Banyar married Elizabeth Mortier,
daughter of the Paymaster-General, and widow of John Appy, Esq., Judge-Advocate of H. M. forces in America. He
removed after the Peace to Albany, where he always took a great interest in the internal improvements of the State, and
contributed to all a liberal support. lu 17S6 he was appointed, in conjunction with General Schuyler and the late Elkanah
Watson, commissioner to examine and report on making a canal from Wood creek to the Mohawk river, and generally as to
the most judicious plan of making that river navigable. This duty they performed in the most acceptable manner. Mr.
Banyar survived his lady 7 years, and died at Albany, full of years and of honors, on the 4th of November, 1815, at the
advanced age of 91 yeare; leaving to his descendants a large estate and a more cnduriDg inheritance — the recollection
of Ilia many virtues aud the cxamjile of a life devoted to duty.— Eu.
190 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
in allowing the payments of the money borrowed, to be made of a tenth part every year. The
reason of this, is that some of the borrowers on the former Emission, suffered by their imprudence
and had their Estates sold in execution greatly under their value.
The Clerk of the Council tells me, that, the Acts passed last sessions of Assembly, were
transmitted by the June Packet from hence, & M' Livingston Sir Henry's Secretary, says, that
the Bill for a paper currency was transmiited to your LordP by the last Packet, in the
preceeding month.
My Lord — You did me the honor to signify to Sir Henry Moore, that his Majesty graciously
attended to the losses and sufferings of a meritorious old servant of the Crown, and recommended
his insisting on a recompence from the Assembly to me which I have not obtained. How far
Sir Henry interested himself in the recommendation, I know not, but how his Majesty may
recompence me, by graciously suffering me to continue in the Administration, with the salary
& perquisites; if my conduct demonstrates an entire regard to my duty, and I be able to
preserve the Province in tranquility, as it shall be my steady endeavour to do, I hope I may
beg your LordP's favourable representation of my case to His Majesty for that purpose,
I am with the greatest respect & submission
My Lord
Your most obedient and
faithful servant.
Cadwallader Colden.
Eavl of IllUsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Colden.
[New-York Papers C 8. p. 0. ) CLXI. ]
Whitehall, 4. Nov' 1769.
Sir,
Your letter of the IS"" of Sept', containing an account of the death of Sir Henry Moore,
was received on the IG"" of October, and immediately laid before the King.
It will be a great satisfaction to me to hear, that the State of the Colony is such as to justify
the expectation you have of being able to preserve the public peace and tranquility, and that
your Administration would be made easy to you.
It is as much my inclination as my duty to promote these salutary ends, and you may rest
assured, that you will never want every support and protection in my power to give you.
The only matter of any moment relative to the Colony of New York, which seems to require
immediate consideration, is the Bill for emitting .£120000 in paper Bills of Credit, prepared in
the last Session of Assembly, but which was not transmitted by Sir H. Moore till a few days
before he died.
I lost no time after it came to my hands in receiving the King's commands to transmit it to
the Board of Trade which will be reassembled in a few days after the usual recess, and where
I doubt not, that it will meet with all the Dispatch the importance of it demands.
I am ettc.
Hillsborough.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 191
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) OLXII. ]
N° 5.
New York. 4 December, 1769.
My Lord,
By my letters N» 1 and 2, I informed your Lord? of the Assurances I had of the general
disposition of the People to preserve the Province in tranquility. Since that time the
Merchants of this Place received a letter from the Massachusets Bay, exhorting them to enter
into new Resolutions of not importing any British Manufactures, until all the Acts of
Parliament, which lay duties on goods imported into the Colonies, are repealed. This letter I
am well informed was read in a full meeting of the Merchants of this Place — that not one
spoke in favour of it, and that it passed over without the least notice.
This and some other things My Lord, gives me hopes, that a more moderate temper, begins
to gain ground among the People, and that many incline to avoid, as much as possible, what
may irritate or give offence to the parent Country.
I delayed meeting the Assembly longer than usual at this season, when the supplies for the
support of Govern' are annually granted, in hopes of receiving your LordP's commands in
relation to a Bill for emitting ^£100000 on Loan in Bills of Credit; the passing of which the
people have greatly at heart,
Inclosed are printed copies of my speech to the Council and Assembly, at the opening of
the Session and of the Council and Assemblie's addresses to me in answer to what I had
recommended to them. From these your Lord? may form some Judgement of their Disposition.
The Bill for emitting ^100000 in Bills of Credit, was on their first meeting ordered to be
brought in, and I suppose it will be one of the first Bills which will pass the House of
Assembly, and I expect will receive the Council's concurrence. The Speaker tells me it is the
same which passed last session, of which Sir Henry Moore transmitted a copy to your Lord?
The greatest number of the present Assembly I think, are now very sensible how much it is
the interest of the Colonies to have the mutual confidence, between Great Brittain and the
Colonies restored, and that it is essentia! to their well being; but as they know not with any
certainty, how far the Parliament may comply with their Petitions, they are careful not to loose
their popularity, which some among them are endeavouring to bring about. This may excuse
some parts of their proceedings which have not so good an appearnce as I wish, particularly
they concurring with an adopting the resolves of the Virginia Assembly of the IG"" of
May last, which had been transmitted to them by the Speaker of that Assembly, & which in
the present circumstances of this Place, it is said they could not avoid taking some notice of.
I hope, at the conclusion of the session, I may be able, with some certainty, to give your Lord?
an agreable account of their disposition.
I have the honor to be with entire submission
My Lord,
Your most obedient
and faithful servant.
Cadwallader Golden.
192 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Judge Livingston to the Earl of Hillslorougli.
[New. York Papers (8. P. 0.) CLXII.]
New York. 4. DecemV 1769.
My Lord,
The Prerogatives of the Crown and the liberties of the People, being alike affected by a late
transaction in our Assembly, my duty to the Crown as a Judge of the Supreme Court, and to
the people as one of their Representatives, obliges me to mention it to Your Lord?; and the
rather as His Honor the Lieut' Gov"' to whom the votes of the House are daily presented, has
suffered it to pass unnoticed.
Your LordP has doubtless been informed by Sir Henry Moore, that a vote passed last
Sessions of our Assembly declaring Judges of the Supreme Court incapable of serving in their
House. Immediately after this Resolution I was unanimously elected, and in consequence of
this vole denied a seat, notwithstanding an immemorial custom in this and all the other
American Colonies for Judges to seat as Representatives when chosen, which they very
frequently are.
I take the liberty" to present your Lord? with the arguments I urged to the House in support
of my right to a seat. I think I may venture to assure Your LordP, that the People in general
do not concurr with the house in these measures. Some evidences of which I have already
received and doubt not, that to these many more (when the matter is farther explained) will
be added.
How much the Crown is interested in this Transaction, your LordP's acquaintance with the
affairs of Govern' will enable you to Judge, as well as to distinguish it from that, which in
the case of WiJks disturbs the tranquility of the Nation.
Were I not fully assured that no part of my conduct, either in my public or private capacity
has rendered me disagreable to the people, I would not now have troubled Your Lord?, but
have resigned an Office, which nothing but the Honor of serving His Maj'J" and the Colony
induces me to hold. Your LordP will pardon the liberty wiiich a sence of duty has urged me
to take, and will believe me to be with the greatest respect. What I truly am. My Lord
Your LordP's most obedient
humble servant
Rob' R. Livingston.*
' Julge Robert R. Livingston, of Clermont, was the eldest son of Robert L., a merchant of New- York, and Margaret How-
erden and was born in 1719. Holgate'i, American Oenealngy, 181. In 1760, he was appointed one of the judges to hold a court
for the trial of offences committed at sea, and in 1763 one of the justices of the Supreme Court of New-York. He repre-
sented the county of Dutchess in the Assembly from 1759 to 1768. Ou 17th May, 1769, the House passed, unanimously, a
resolution "that no judge of the Supreme Court shall, in future, have a seat or vote as a member of this House," which waa
enforced in November fdllowing in the case of Mr. Justice Livingston, who was elected to represent the manor of that name,
( a vacancy having occurred in consequence of the seat of Mr. Philip Livingston having been voided for non-residence,) and
declared disqualified. Having been reelected in the course of the following month, his seat was again declared vacant, and
on his reelection in 1770, he was again excluded 25th January, 1771, and again in 1772, after which he did not present him-
self. Assembly .T<iurnnh ; sub annis. Judge Livingston was appointed in 1767, and again in 1773, one of the commissioners to
agree to a line of jurisdiction between New- York and Massachusetts, and died of apoplexy at Philadelphia, Dec. 9, 1776, aged
57 years. Ralph hard's Correnpovdence, 192. He was married to Margaret, daughter of Col. Henry Beekman, who survived
him nearly 25 years. Of their children, Robert R. was afterwards the distinguished Chancellor of New-York ; Janet, one of
the daughters, married General Montgomery, who fell before the walla of Quebec, and another, named Gertrude, was the
wife of Governor Morgan Lewis. Jlulgalc. — Ed.
»
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 193
Sari of JlilUhorough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden.
[New-York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXI.]
Whitehall 9. DeC 17C9.
Sir,
Since my letter to you of the 4"" of last month I have received your Dispatches N°' 2 and 3,
& having laid them before the King, I vpas commanded by His Maj"' to communicate to the
Board of Trade an extract of so much of your Letter of the 4"' of October, as relates to
the advantages wh'''' His Majesty's service as well as the Colony, will in your opinion receive
from His Maj'?'" allowance of the paper currency Bill.
The main obstacle to the wishes of the Colony as to this Bill, arises from a doubt whether
the enacting that these Bills of credit shall be a tender at the Loan Office and at the Treasury,
tho' perhaps not within the meaning and intention of the Act of Parliament of the 4"' of His
Haj'=''', does not however come so far within the letter of it as to make it unfit for the King to
instruct his Gov'' to assent to the Bill. The opinion of the Attorney and Sollicitor Gen' has
been taken upon this occasion, and as their report rather strengthens the doubt than removes
it, the matter must finally rest for decision with the Lords of the Committee of Council to
whom the Board of Trade will, in a few days make their report upon the Bill.
Inclosed, I send you an additional instruction' under His Maj'^'' sign manual, forbiding any
grants to be made of those Lands on the Lake Champlain, which are claimed under titles
derived from the Crown of France, until the Petitions & proposals for such grants, shall have
been transmitted hither and His Maj"'"' pleasure signified thereupon.
1 likewise think fit to send you a copy of H. Maj"'''' order in Council of the 24"' day of
July 1767, forbidding any grants to be made of the lands annexed to New York by His Rlaj'^''
determination of the boundary line, between that Colony and New Hampshire, together with
a copy of my letter to Sir H. Moore, of the IS"" of May last on the subject of the lands ceded
to His Maj'5; by the Treaty at Fort Stanwix, and I am to signify to you, the King's commands,
that you do carefully attend to the restrictions contained in these orders & Instructions,
and that you do not, upon any pretence, presume to Act contrary thereto.
The King having been graciously pleased to approve of the Earl of Dunmore to be Gov'' of
New York, the necessary instructions are preparing for him, and His Lord? proposes setting
out for his Govern' as early in the spring as he can find a safe conveyance —
I am ettc.
Hillsborough.
Lieutenant-Governor CoMen to the Earl of Hillshoroi.ig'h.
[New-York Papers (S. P. 0. > CLSIL]
N«6.
New Y'ork, 16. Decenib^ 1769.
My Lord,
The Assembly from the 21" of last month, till last Friday, sat without entering upon the
provision to be made for the Troops quartered in the Place. They then came to the resolutions,
'S«jjra, p. 171. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 25
194 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of which I inclose a copy, that your Lord? may receive all the information I can give of their
present disposition.
The consideration of tliis matter was delayed, in order, as I was told, that the house might
be brought to an unanimous resolution. But your Lord? will observe, that though the resolve
for granting a sum of money for supplying the Troops, did pass, nem : con : yet they unhappily
differed in their sentiments upon the mode of granting the money; and the manner in which
it was carried, was the most that could be obtain'd by those, who would willingly have given
the whole sum out of the Treasury. This difference of sentiment I think, has arisen from the
attention which many of the Members pay to their popularity; and from the artifices of others,
who may be unwilling that the Assembly should at this time, when they have not the lead,
gain too much credit. Great pains has been taken not only in this Town to intimidate the
Members, but in the Counties, to procure Instructions against granting any money for
the Troops otherwise than out of the money to be emitted on loan, and I believe this only
has influenced several of the members, who, it was confidently expected, would have voted
otherwise than they did.
This fluctuating disposition of several of the Members, makes it impossible for me. My
Lord, at this time to say on what terms they may now offer the Bill for emitting Bills of
Credit, or what will be the issue of this session. But I am resolved as far as it is my power,
to preserve the Colony in Tranquility, and I doubt not I shall be able to do so, notwithstanding
of all the endeavours of some people to raise up dissentions.
I have the honor to be with great submission
My Lord
Your most obedient &
faithful servant
Cadwallader Colden.
resentation on the No n-Importation and other Re-solutions of the New - Yorh
[ New-York Entries, LSVUI., 89. ]
To the Kings most excellent Majesty.
May it please your Majesty
Your Majesty's late Governor of the Colony of New York, having transmitted to tJs the
Journal of the proceedings of the House of Representatives Your Majesty's Colony of New
York, in their last Session of Assembly, & it appearing to us upon perusal of this Journal that
the said house of Representatives had taken up Questions and considerations of a very
extraordinary nature we think it Our duty humbly to represent to Your Majesty
That on the 10 of April last a motion was made in tlie house in the following words Viz'
That the thanks of that house be given to the Merchants of that city and colony for their
repeated disinterested Public Spirit & patriotic conduct in declining the importation, or
receiving of goods from Great Britain uutil such Acts ol Parliament as the Assembly had
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 195
declared unconstitutional and subversive of the rights and liberties of the people of this
Colony, should be repealed, and that M' Speaker signify the same to the Merchants at their
next Monthly meeting in consequence of which motion an Order vras m'ade, that the Speaker
signify the thanks of that house to the Merchants of that City at tlieir next monthly meeting
accordingly: We likevt'ise humbly beg leave to represent to Your Majesty that another motion
vpas made in the words following Viz'
Whereas it is not constitutional in England for the Judges in either England or Scotland to
sit or vote in the house of Commons it is moved that that house do enter a Resolution on their
Journals that for the future no Judge of the supreme Court shall be allowed to sit or vote as
members of that house, whereupon it was resolved, nemine contradicente, that no Judge of
the supreme Court shall for the future have a Seat or vote as a member of that house,
These proceedings may it please Your Majesty, appear to us to be of so unwarrantable a
nature and to contain matter of such High Importance that we shall not presume to offer any
opinion what may be proper to be done thereupon, submitting it to your Majesty to pursue such
measures as Your Majesty shall in your great wisdom and with the advice of your Council
think most prudent and necessary.
Which is most humbly submitted
SoAME Jenyns
W" FiTZHEKBERT
Whitehall Thomas Robinson
Dec: 21. 1769. Lisbuene
Repre'^entation of the Lords of Trade regarding an Emission of Bills of Credit.
[ New-York Entries, LX VIII., 34.]
To the Right Hon*'"' The Lords of the Cornm" of His Majesty's most Hon: Privy Council
for Plantations Affairs.
My Lords
Pursuant to your Lordships Order of the tenth of last Month we have taken into Our
Consideration the Petition of the House of General Assembly of His Majesty's Colony of New
York by their Agent humbly praying for the reasons therein contained that His Majesty will
be pleased to direct the Governor of New York to pass into a law, a Bill passed by the House
of Assembly and Council of that Colony in their late Session in April for the emission of
.£] 20,000 in Bills of Credit ; we have likewise in pursuance of your Lordships said order, taken
into Our Consideration the Copy of the Address of the General Assembly of the said Colony
to the late Governor annexed to the abovementioned Petition setting forth the absolute
necessity which they conceive there is in the present situation of that Colony for his assenting
to the Bill as proposed whereupon we beg leave to report to your Lordships
That this Board having in their humble representation to His Majesty of the O"* of Feb: 17G4
amongst other matters therein contained given an opinion at large upon the General Policy of
a paper Currency with a legal tender in His Majesty's American Colonies, agreable to which
opinion an Act was passed in the 4"" year of His present Majesty to prevent paper Bills
196 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of Credit being declared a legal tender in any of the said Colonies we have nothing to
observe to your Lordships upon the general principle of the Bill referred to in the above
mentioned Petition.
On this occasion however we think it our duty to inform your Lordships that His Majesty's
late Governor of New York Sir Henry Moore did in a letter dated May the 29"" 1769 fully
express his sentiments with regard to the expediency of this Measure we beg leave therefore
to annex to this Our report Copy of so much of his said letter as relates to this Bill, as likewise
of a paper therein inclosed containing the reasons which were set forth by His Majesty's
Council of New York in their remarks on the Bill, to these we shall beg leave to subjoin copy
of an extract from Lieu' Gov' Coldens letter 'of the i"" of October last, on the same subject,
from all which papers together with those referred by your Lordships on the part of the
Assembly, Your Lordships will'be enabled to collect the sentiments and opinions of
the entire Legislature of this Colony.
Having submitted these papers, to your Lordships we have only to add, that a doubt arising
with us with respect to the 25"" Clause of this Bill, whether the said Clause does make the
paper Notes of Credit, issued by the said Bill a legal tender within the meaning & intention of
the Act of Parliament abovementioned & whether His Majesty may or may not consistent
with the Provisions of the said Act, authorize His Governor of New York to give His assent to
the said Bill, containing such clause as aforesaid, we did refer the said Clause to the
consideration of His Majesty's Atto^ & Sol' General who have reported to us their opinion
tbereupon, copy of which, we beg leave hereunto to annex, submitting to your Lordships, to
give such advice to His Majesty upon the matter, as to your Lordships wisdom shall seem
expedient; upon consideration of the Bill itself & of the several circumstances seth forth in the
papers thereunto relating.
We are my Lords,
Your Lordships
most obedient & most
humble Servants
Hillsborough
SoAME Jenyns
Ed : Eltot
LiSBUENE 1
Whitehall Thomas Robinson
Dec' 28. 1769. W" Fitzherbert
Lieutenant- Governor Colden to the Earl of IlillsborougTi.
[ New-York Papers (8. P. O. ) CLXII. ]
New York, 4 January 1770.
My Lord,
His Majesty's order in Council of the 2-1"' July 1767 restrains me from granting the letters
Patent prayed for by the inclosed Petition. I am well assured, that the facts are, as set forth
' WiLMOT Vaughan, 4th Viscount and lat Eiirl of Lisburne, in the Irish peerage, went into office under the Bedfoid admin-
istralion, and served in the Board of Trade from 1768 to 1770. His Lordship died on the 6th January, 1800. Deirett. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 197
by the Petitioners; and whatever equitable claim to those persons may have, who took grants
of Lands from the Govern' of New Hampshire, lying Eastward of any Lands granted by this
Province, certainly can not extend to such as did lately obtain grants from that Govern', of
Lands lying nearer Hudsons River, than lands do, which were granted under this Prov"
upwards of Sixty years agoe — especially when it is considered that they passed over a large
extent of Land, much nearer to Connecticut River, to come at those Lands, which lye within
the ancient possessions of this Prov'^". That some of them even seated themselves on lands
which the Settlers under this Prov" had been obliged to abandon at the commencement of the
late War — and that they obtained grants from the Govern' of N. Hampshire, for any of these
Lands, without paying the least regard to the prior grants and notorious claim of this Province.
The Petitioners have been at considerable expence in exploring and surveying these lands,
and have hitherto been prevented from receiving the benefit of His Maj'^'' bounty. I therefore,
thought it necessary My Lord, to comply with their desire, that I should transmit their Petition
to your LordP in order to obtain His Maj'^'' commands thereon.
I find My Lord, that the settlement and cultivation of the Country lying West of Connecticut
River, which was formerly granted by the Govern' of New Hampshire, is entirely retarded by
the controversies, which have arisen between those Proprietors and this Government. When I
formerly held the Administration, I had resolved on measures respecting these Lands, which
I was then assured would give entire satisfaction to these people, & would produce the
immediate settlement of the Country, and a very considerable augmentation of His Majesty's
Quit-Rents.
I found the People, who had taken grants of Lands from the Govern' of N. Hampshire west
of Connecticut River, very willing to take new Grants for the same lands from this Govern' ;
the expence of taking out the Patents being the only objection. To obviate this, I told as
many as then applied to me, that I would give them Grants and leave it to themselves to pay
me such proportion of my fees as they could conveniently do, & that 1 would use my influence
with the other officers of Govern' to lower their fees in these Cases. This was so agreable to
the people, that the Proprietors of several Townships, immediately proceeded to take the
necessary steps, for obtaining the new Grants, but I was prevented from puting the Seal to
any of them by the arrival of Sir Henry Moore.' He afterwards took his full Fees for one of
those Grants, which had been very near ready for the Seals before he came; and I am told he
refused to pass any without his full Fees were paid. This gave great disgust to the people,
and occasioned those applications which have since been made to the King on this subject.
I think it my duty to submit my Sentiments on this matter to your Lord?, as I am still of
opinion that New Grants given by this Govern', to those people who have an equitable
pretence, by their former Grants from New Hampshire, under such fees of Office as shall be
' Sir Henrt Mooue, Bart., -was grandson of John Moore, Esq,, who settled at Barbadoes in the reign of Charles II., and
afterwards removed to Jamaica. His younger son, Samuel, married Elizabeth Lowe, whose only son and heir, Henry,
survived them, and acted as Lieutenant-Governor of that Island from 1766 until 1759, and from 1760 to 1762. During the
latter period of his administration he suppressed an alarming insurrection of the slaves, and afterwards proceded to
England, where his energy in Jamaica procured for him a Baronetcy on the 29th January, 1764, and the appointment as
Governor of New-York in July following. The latter office he filled, with ability and credit to himself, until his death,
which occurred on the llth September, 1759. He was the only native Colonist that held the commission of Governor-
General of the Province of New-York. Sir Henry Moore married Catharine Maria, eldest daughter of Chief Justice Long,
of Jamaica, and sister of the Hon. Edward Long, Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty and author of the History of that
Island. He left two children, a son and daughter. The former, Sir Jolin U. Moore, succeeded to the title, but died without
issue in 1780 and the title became thereupon extinct. NewYurk Documentary History, 8vo., Ill, 524-527- — Ed.
198 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
no ways distressing, will be the shortest and most effectual method to do justice and give
satisfaction to the proprietors. That it will immediately produce the settlement of that large
& valuable Tract of Country, and greatly increase His Majesty's Revenue. The difficulties
which have obstructed the grants of those lands for some years past, being removed, will most
effectually promote the Grant of that Tract of Land, designed as J am informed, for the Society
for propagating the Gospel, and of other Tracts, which the Trustees of the College and Church
in this City have pe[ti]tioned for.
These matters are mentioned My Lord, with entire submission to your Judgement and His
Maj'y'' pleasure, by My Lord,
Your LordP's. most obedient
and faithful servant
Cadwalladek Colden.
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade.
[ New-Tork Paper, Bundle Ss., No. 67. ]
New York. 6. January 1770.
My Lords,
Yesterday I passed a Bill granting .£2000 for supporting the Troops quartered in this place
with necessaries, and a Bill for emitting ,£120000 in Bills of Credit being ready for my assent,
I called together the Council, who all attended except Sir William Johnson, who is at 200
miles distance. His Maj""'' instruction of July IS"" 1766 for creating and emitting paper Bills
of Credit, was laid before them. After having considered the same and reasoned thereon, the
Gentlemen of the Council unanimously advised me to give my assent to the Bill for emitting
^120,000 in Bills of credit, as being absolutely necessary in the present circumstances of the
Colony ; and I accordingly gave my assent to it in the usual form.
My Lord Hillsborough by his letter of the 4"" of November, informs me that a Bill for the
same purpose, passed the last session of Assembly, and transmitted by Sir Henry Moore, was,
on your first meeting together, to be laid before your LordPP', for your consideration ; to which,
the Bill I have now passed is in every material part similar. But it is my duty to transmit
without delay by this Packet, the Act as I have assented to it under the great seal of the
Prov"^*. By this means I hope that the time allowed by the Act, before the Bills can be
emitted, is in effect equivalent to the suspending clause enjoined by the instruction, as your
LordPP' have had sufficient time to consider the same, and His Maj'^'' approbation or
disallowance may reach this place as effectually as could be done, had the suspending clause
been inserted. The Bills of credit are to bear date the lO"" day of June next, and are not to
be emitted till the last Tuesday of that month.
As I have in my letter to Mylord Hillsborough, particularly set forth the reason which
induced me to give my assent to the Bill as it now stands enacted; I think it needless to
trouble your LordPP' with a repetition of them, — I hope they are such as will convince your
LordPP' that the circumstances of this Govern' considered, I have not acted inconsistently with
my duty, or the trust with which his Majesty has honoured me.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 199
I likewise transmit to your LordPP' another Act which I have passed at this time, exphiining
the duty of the Loan Officers, it is an appendage to the other Act, but has nothing in it I think,
which can effect His Maj'^' interest, or deserve any particular remarks.
The Assembly is still sitting; as soon as the public business is done, and the session closed,
I shall as usual transmit all the Acts which shall be passed.
I shall be extreamly happy to obtain the honour of your Lord^P' approbation of my conduct,
and of being in your Lordships estimation.
* My Lords
Your most obediend & faithful servant
Cadwallader Golden.
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-Tork Papers (S. P. O.) CLXIL]
N" 8.
New York. 6. January 3 770.
My Lord,
I have the honor of your LordP's letter of the i'"" of November N" 34. At this time, when
difficulties in the Administration are unavoidable, the assurances your LordP is so kind to give
of your support and protection, gives me strength in performing my duty.
When the Bill for supplying the Troops quartered in this Place, was brought into the
Assembly, the party in opposition, made a violent effort to disconcert all the present measures,
by exciting the people to appear against the Bill. For this purpose the inclosed printed paper,
directed : " To the betrayed inhabitants of the City and Colony of New York," was, the night
before the last Packet sailed, dispersed thro' the Town, I transmit your LordP likewise two
Proclamations issued on this occasion.'
Tho' some of our Newspapers make the meetings of the sons of Liberty, as they call
themselves, on this occasion to be numerous and of consequence, the party was really
disappointed. The numbers who appeared were too small and inconsiderable to have any
weight, or be of any service to their purpose. They have been further disappointed in three
attempts since made. People in general, especially they of property, are now aware of the
dangerous consequences of such riotous and mobish proceedings.
The supply of the Troops is unpopular, both, in Town and Country. You know My Lord,
it is very generally an unpopular subject, in the English Govern', and much pains is taken to
work upon the prejudices of the People here. However, the party in the Assembly did not
think proper to oppose the supply directly, but proposed that it should be paid out of Bills of
Credit, to be emitted by a Bill then in the House. In which case that Act must take effect
immediately or there could be no supply. This made it necessary for the Friends of Govern'
to compromise the matter, by granting one thousand pounds out of the Treasury, and another
' The above mentioned address and proclamations will be found in New-York Documentary History, 8vo., III., 628-536 ;
Journals of the General Assembly of New -York, entry December 18, 1769. — El).
200 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
thousand pounds out of these bills of Credit; and even with this compromise the Bill for
supplying the Troops, was carried by a very small majority, and it could not have been carried,
had I not given the F'riends of Administration, expectations that I would assent to the Bill
for emitting Bills of Credit, if it were in the same terms with the Bill passed in the preceeding
session, and transmitted to your LordP by Sir Henry Moore, and six months allowed to know
His Maj'>''' pleasure, before the Bills of Credit can be emitted.
Yesterday, My Lord, I passed the Bill granting ,£2000 for supplying the Troops quartered
in this place with necessaries, and the Bill for emitting ^120000 in Bills of Credit, being feady
for my assent, I called together the Council, who all attended except Sir William Johnson, who
is at 200 miles distance. His Maj'>'" instruction of July 15" 17G6 for creating and emitting
Paper Bills of Credit, was laid before them. After having considered the same & reasoned
thereon, the Gentlemen of the Council unanimously advised me to give my assent to the Bill
for emitting ^£120000 in Bills of Credit, as being absolutely necessary in the present
circumstances in this Colony, and I accordingly gave my assent to it in the usual form.
It is the same with the Bill transmitted to your Lord? by Sir H. Moore (except in two or
three immaterial clauses, on the appointment of Loan Officers, in the Cities of New York and
Albany, & unavoidable alterations in Time) which the Lords Commissioners for Trade
and Plantations must have had under consideration before this time. The Bills of credit to
be emitted by this Act, are to bear date the 10"" of June next ; the interest is to arise from, and
the emission to be on the last Tuesday of that month, which is near six months from this time.
This is equivalent to a suspending clause, till His Majesty's pleasure shall be known, for His
Maj'5''' pleasure, certainly, may be transmitted before that time. I now. My Lord, transmit an
exemplified copy of the Act under the seal of the Province, in a Box directed to the Board of
Trade and plantations. No public business could have been carried on in the Assembly without
my assent to this Bill. The call for it, both in Town and Country was so general, that the
Friends of Govern', in the Assembly, could not have been supported without it, and
the Administration, must have been made very uneasy to me. Your Lord? may be assured,
I discover nothing in it prejudicial to His Maj'^'* service, and as the interest money arising from
these Bills of Credit, cannot be disposed of without the Governor's consent, it may be a fund
hereafter for supplying the Troops. The King's approbation will give general satisfaction, and
when people are in good humor. His Majesty's service may be carried on more effectually,
than when they are in a contrary disposition.
I inclose another printed paper, that your Lord? may see the Temper of the party who oppose
the measures of Govern', at the same time it may not be improper to tell you, that no Gov' in
Chief has been at any time attended by greater numbers on New Year's day, than I was on the
last, with their compliments on the season. When what appeared in this place, in past times, is
considered, my mentioning this, will not be thought to proceed merely from vanity.
The Assembly are still sitting, they have passed none but the usual Bills, except those which
I have already mentioned to your LordP — what remains to be done for His Maj''''* service in
this Session, I expect will he done without difficulty. I shall think myself extremely happy if
my endeavours in the performance of my duty, obtain His Majesty's approbation. Without
doubt your Lord? perceives the difficulties which attend the Administration of Govern' at this
Time, in all the Colonies, and therefore I flatter myself, with your most favourable construction
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. , 201
of the measures I have thought necessary for His Maj'*'" service, and that you will allow me the
honouT of being
My Lord,
Your most obedient and
faithful servant.
Cadwallader Golden.
Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXII. 1
N" 36.
Whitehall. IS. Jan-^ 1770.
Sir,
I have received and laid before the King your Dispatch" N° 5. inclosing your speech to the
General Assembly, at the opening of the Session on the 22'' of November, and the Addresses
to you from both Houses.
The late Gov"' in a letter to me dated the lO"" of July last, acquaints me that my circular
letter No 29. of which I now inclose to you a copy, altho' I presume you are in possession of
the original, had been communicated to the Council, and had given great satisfaction, and \
have also observed that the purport- of that letter, has been repeatedly printed in the
Newspapers on the Continent of America. As the contents of it, therefore cannot be unknown
to you, and are, I am certain, so clearly expressed as not to be misunderstood 1 must desire to
you will enable me to inform the King upon what authority you have taken upon you
to declare in your speech to the General Assembly, that there is the greatest probability, that
the late duties ( without distinction) imposed by the authority of Parliament upon America,
would be taken off in the ensuing Session; I very sincerely wish, you may have it in your
power so to explain and justify this proceeding as to remove the appearance of your having
acted in a manner highly unbecoming your situation.
After what I have said on this subject, it gives me much concern to find occasion to
animadvert on any other part of your conduct, but it is not fit for me to pass unobserved your
having omitted to take notice in your speech of the steps taken by the late Gov' and by
yourself in respect to the paper Currency Bill passed in the former session of assembly ; had
this been done, the Assembly could not have had the colour of a pretence, for so irregular a
proceeding as that of framing a New Bill pending His Maj'^'* consideration of the former one,
and if it shall appear, that you have suffered the Assembly to proceed upon this business,
without using your endeavours to dissuade them from it, it will be such an aggravation of your
imprudence and want of attention, as cannot fail of exposing you to His Maj'^'" just displeasure
— Upon what ground it is that you suppose this New Bill will receive the Council's
concurrence, I am at a loss to guess; but I trust that they will not be influenced by any
consideration to a conduct inconsistent with a due respect to the Crown.
His Majesty hopes that the account you give of the Temper and disposition of the majority
of the New Assembly, will in the end be justified by their actions; but their having adopted
and concurred in the Resolves of the Virginia Assembly of the IG"" of May, is not a very
favourable omen that their proceedings will have so desirable a conclusion.
Vol. Vin. 20
202 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Inclosed I send you the King's gracious speech to His Parliament, at the session on the 9""
inst: together with the addresses of both Houses, and His Maj'^''" gracious answer thereto.
The King having thought fit to take the Great seal out of the hands of Lord Camden, it was
yesterday delivered to M"' Charles Yorke^ and it is His Maj'^'^ intention, that he should be
immediately called up to the house of Lords.
I am ettc.
HiLLSBOKOUOH.
Representation on the New-Yorh Act for emitting Bills of Credit.
[ New- York Entries, LXVIII., p. 42. ]
To the King's most excellent Majesty.
May it please your Majesty
The Lords of the Committee of your Majestys most hon'^''' Privy Council for Plantation
Affairs having by their Order of the lO"" of Nov : last directed us to report to them Our opinion
upon a Bill passed in May 1769 by the Council and House of Representatives of your Majesty's
Council of New York for emitting ^120,000 in paper notes of Credit upon loan, to which Bill
your Majesty's late Governor had refused his assent without having first received your Majesty's
directions for that purpose.
We did on the 20 of Dec' make our report thereupon submitting it to their Lordships to
give such advice to your Majesty on this subject as they should think fit, and in the mean time,
and until your Majesty's pleasure could be known the Lieut' Gov' was acquainted with the
several steps which had been taken on this occasion & with the difficulties which arose in point
of law upon those Clauses of the Bill by which the paper notes to be cancelled were made a
legal Tender in the Treasury and loan office of that Colony
It is Our duty however to observe to your Majesty that notwithstanding their intimation
given to the Lieut' Gov' a new Bill in no material points differing from that now before your
Majesty has been proposed in the Assembly of this Colony & having passed that house and
been concured in by the Council Your Majestys said Lieut' Gov' did think fit by their advice
' Hon. Chaeles Yorke, 2d son of Lord Chancellor Hardwieke, was born on the 30th December, 1722. At the fire which
destroyed Lincoln's Inn, in 1752, he not only very narrowly escaped with his life, but the whole of his library of books,
manuscripts and papers were entirely destroyed, including the valuable State papers. of his great uncle. Lord Somers, which
had then lately come into the possession of the Hardwieke family, and had been deposited in Mr. Yorke's chambers. He
represented Ryegate in Parliament, and was made Solicitor-General in November, 1756, and Attorney-General in 1761. He
resigned the latter ofHoc in November, 1763, on which occasion "he burst out into tears," and returned to the outer bar and
a stuff gown. In 1764, a patent of precedence over the Solicitor-General was conferred on him. He was reappointed
Attorney-General in 1765, but held the office only a year. He was made Lord Chancellor on the 17th January, 1770, and
created a peer by the title of Baron Morden and had been gazetted on the 18th, but dying on the 20tU of the same montli, in
the 48th year of his age, before his patent had passed the great seal, it did not take effect, and was never afterwards completed.
He had been for many years a friend of Warburton, and corresponded with him at the age of twenty, on the subject of some
of his profouudest works. GreimilU Papers; Chatham Oorrespnndetice. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 203
to give his assent to it on the 5 day of January last and therefore it becomes necessary for
us to lose no time in humbly laying this Act which was received at Our Office yesterday before
Your Majesty, to the end that if Your Majesty shall be pleased to signify your disallowance of
it, either upon the ground of the doubts in point of law which occurred to the former Bill, or
upon a consideration of so irregular a proceeding as that of entering upon a proposition of this
nature & passing it into an Act pending the consideration of it before Your Majesty in Council
there may be no delay in having Your Majestys Pleasure thereupon signified to the Colony, so
as to reach it before that part of the Act which authorizes the emission of the Bills can take
effect that is to say on the last Tuesday in June.
How far the Lieut' Gov'' is justified in the conduct he has thought fit to pursue on this
occasion must be submitted to your Majesty upon the reason assigned by him in his letter to
one of your Majestys principal Secretaries of State & to this Board extracts of which are
hereunto annexed, but it is Our further duty to observe that the Instruction of July 1766, on
the ground of which he says the Council advise him to this step does expressly forbid any law
of this nature to be passed without a Clause suspending its execution until your Majestys
[pleasure] could be known
Which is most humbly submitted
Hillsborough
Geo. Rice
Whitehall W" Fitzherbert
Feb: 8. 1770. Lisburne.
N° 12
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[Plantations General ( S. P. O. ) CCLVL]
Johnson Hall. 10, FebrJ^ 1770.
My Lord.
In my last of the 26. Aug : { N° 1 1 ) I gave your Lord? an account of my journey thro' the
Country of the Six Nations to Seneca with my proceeding at several Conferences with
the Indians, and acquainted you, that Deputies were arrived from the Cherokees ettc:to
request a meeting with the Six Nations and Canada Confederacy at Onondaga, which has since
taken place agreable to their desire, the result of which I waited for, as judging it might be
necessary for His Maj'^'" information. At this Congress the Cherokees spoke on twenty Belts
to the Six Nations ettc. to renew and strengthen the late Treaty of Peace entered into between
them, and earnestly to request that in consequence thereof the Six Nations ettc, should unite
their arms with them in order to attack several of the Southern & Western Nations who had
acted as Enemys to both ; after some time spent in deliberation, the Six Nations returned
for answer, that before they could come to any resolution agreable to their former engagements,
they must first confer with me on the subject, to which end they would take care of their
Belts & Caluments and send Deputys to me to desire a general Congress in my presence, and
accordingly their Deputys have since come here with some of the Cherokees, earnestly
requesting on the part of the whole, that I would as speedily as possible assemble the two
204 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Confederacy's, and after hearing what they had to say, give them my advice and opinion on
the subject. — To support their request, they observed that we were as much interested as
themselves in the matter having suffered repeated insults from these people, as they instanced
in M"' Croghan's being attacked, several of his party killed and himself rgade prisoner by them
on his way to the Ilinois, & in their attacks upon our Traders on Ohio ; in short, I observed
that they were much inclined to unite and attack those people, which gave me the more
concern, because 1 knew, that when Indians were resolved on War, if they could be diverted
from their favourite pursuit, they would be apt to turn their arms the other way, perhaps
against ourselves ; besides I was sensible of the great expence, that must attend such a Congress,
altho' of their own proposing, and that what could be spared out of the fund allowed for the
Department, could not defray the charge of so large and unexpected a Congress. In this
scituation, I consulted Gen' Gage who is of opinion, that as any sum can be spared out of the
annual allowance will be inadequate to the expence that may attend it, I should first obtain
His Maj'5''' orders for that purpose, but as the Indian Deputys are very pressing and that it
will not be in my power to have an answer within sufficient time to satisfy their importunity,
whilst on the other hand I cannot refuse their request without occasioning a general discontent
amongst them, I have resolved to treat with some of the Chiefs only with all the Economy I
possibly can consistent with the public safety, trusting that His Maj'^ will be graciously pleased
to consider the peculiarity of the occasion, and not suffer me to be a looser, thro' the necessary
discharge of my duty.
It is a disagreable circumstance that we must either agree to permit these people to cut
each others throats, or risque their discharging their fury on our Traders and defenceless
frontiers, for certain I am from the disposition they are in, and from the conduct of the back
settlers, the latter may prove the case; but however disagreable the alternative is, common
policy and our own safety requires it, and under such circumstances, I shall endeavour to
govern myself in the manner that appears best calculated for the general security of all His
Maj'5''' subjects here.
The scituation of affairs since I had last the honor of addressing your LordP on these
subjects has not varied materially, altho' the severity of the season, and the embassy from the
Cherokees keep them at present quiet, yet the motives for their discontent still subsists, and
the lawless conduct of the Frontier inhabitants is the same whenever an opportunity offers,
so that the event depends upon circumstances, that are as hard to foresee as to prevent, and as
there is no prospect of any immediate remedy to be applied for these disorders, and the
licentiousness of many of our own people, my endeavours must be directed to prevent their
operations on the minds of the Indians, till a more favourable period, when the orders of
Govern' will be treated with more respect, and the people brought to a better sense of their
duty. — I have the honor to be with the most perfect esteem and respect.
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient and
most devoted humble servant
W'" Johnson.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 205
Earl of IlUlsborougJi to Lieutenant-Governor Golden.
( New- York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXII.]
N" 37.
Whitehall. 17. February 1770.
Sir,
Your dispatches numbered 6, 7 and 5. have been received and laid before the King.
At the same time, that the King saw with satisfaction the commendable disposition of the
Assembly to make provision for the Troops, the giving part of the money for this purpose out
of a Fund that was to arise from the establishment of a paper currency, the Bill for which
was depending at the privy Council Board, was a circumstance that could not escape His
Maj'''' observation, & which your letter N" 6. did not enable me to explain ; for it was
impossible for me to suppose that, under the restriction laid upon you, by His Maj''''" instruct"'
of July 1766, and informed as you was, that the Bill which passed the Council and Assembly
in May 1769. was under His Maj''''' consideration, you could have taken upon you, without
further directions, to have given your assent to another Bill for the same purpose, without a
clause suspending it's execution, until His Maj'^'^ pleasure could be known ; and I am yet at
a loss to guess, at the reasons which induced the Members of the Council to advise you to a
step so contrary to your duty and to your Instruct°^
Your conduct on this occasion has justly incurred His Majesty's displeasure, which I am
commanded to signify to you ; and to observe to you that altho' the King considers the
preserving the Colony in tranquility as a very desirable and commendable object, yet His Maj'y
can never approve of any Gov" seeking the attainment of it at the expence of his Instructions.
The merit, however, of your former services, and what you say in respect to the time fixed
by the Act for its operation, which you state as an excuse for your conduct, prevail with His
Maj'J" to forbear any further remarks of his displeasure, trusting that you will not for the future
suffer yourself to be withdrawn from your duty by any motive whatever.
It is necessary I should acquaint you, that the Bill transmitted by Sir Henry Moore had
received the fullest consideration at the Council Board, before your letter to me N" 8. and that
to the Lords of Trade inclosing the Act assented to by you, were received, and that the Lords
of the Council had, as you will see by the inclosed order, advised His INLijesty to reject it.
The ground for this advice was, that those clauses by which the Bills of credit are made
payable at the Treasury and Loan Office, were contrary to the Act of Parliament, which
restrains paper Bills of Credit from being issued as a legal tender in payment of any debts,
dues or demands whatsoever ; and therefore this objection does in its nature shew in the
strongest light, not only the impropriety of your having assented to this Act, but the risque to
which you personally stand exposed by the terms of the Act of Parliament in consequence of
having given your assent.
Under the circumstances of the disallowance of the former Bill for the reason above
mentioned, no time was to be lost in laying before His Maj''' the Act transmitted by you to the
Lords of Trade, and His Maj'^ having in consequence thereof been pleased to disallow the said
Act, inclosed you will receive the order in Council for that purpose, which you will cause to
be promulged with all possible dispatch. But such is the paternal attention of His Maj"' to
the wishes of his subjects, in New York, and His Royal disposition to concur in this object of
them, that notwithstanding the steady opinion of all His Maj'^''' servants that it is against the
206 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
true interest of the Colony to have a paper currency attended with any degree of legal tender,
yet I have reason to believe, the Parliament will be moved to pass an Act to enable the
Legislature of New York to carry into execution the Bill they appear to be so desirous of.
The request of Lieut' Crukshanks^ and others, expressed in the petition inclosed in your letter
N" 7. appears to be founded in Justice & Equity, and I have His Maj''''" commands to refer the
said Petition (together with a copy of your letter) to the Lords Commiss" for Trade and
Plantations, and I shall not fail to recommend to their LordPP' to take the whole of what
regards the Settlement of the Country of the West of Connecticut River into their consideration,
so soon as other matters of great importance, now before them, will admit of it.
In consequence of the death of M' Yorke a few days after he received the great seal. His
Maj'y has thought fit to commit the custody of it for the present to Commiss"; and the Duke
of Grafton having been permitted by His Majesty to retire from the Treasury Board, Lord
North is become in consequence thereof, first Commissioner of that Board.
I am ettc.
Hillsborough.
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[New- York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXIL]
N" 9.
New York. 21. Feb'-y 1770.
My Lord.
I have the honor of your commands N" 35. of the O"" of December, with His Maj'^'^ additional
Instruct" to me, which shall be punctually obeyed.
I know not how the objection made to the Bill for emitting .£120000 in Bills of Credit, can
be removed, for unless the Bills be received in the Loan Office and Treasury, they cannot be
paid in or sunk, nor can the Interest be applied to the use for which it is designed. The
making of them, a tender is carefully avoided ; nor can they be a Tender in any sense, by
this Act, in any contract whatsoever, the Loan Office and Treasury only excepted ; but tho'
those Offices are obliged to take them in, no person is obliged to receive them from either the
one or the other. Nor can they be a Tender of any duty, quitrent or Fine. — By the
preceeding packet I transmitted to your Lord?, the Bill under the seal of the Province, with
my reasons for giving my assent to it, which I hope will be satisfactory; it is a consideration
of some importance to the Govern' that as the Interest money cannot be applied, without the
consent of the Gov' the supply for the Troops quartered in this Place, may for the future be
secured, which has at all times met with opposition in the Assembly, and has been
difficultly, obtained.
The Session of Assembly ended the 27"" of January, to general satisfaction, notwithstanding
the assiduous endeavours of a party in opposition to Government to embarass affairs. A great
number of Bills were passed at that Time, for continuing or receiving former Bills, and on
' Lieutenant John Cruiokshanks obtained a commission as Ensign in the 4'7th Foot 1 Maroh, 1760, and served at the siege
of Quebec ; he became a lieutenant previous to 1763, when he went on half pay. In 1767 he obtained a grant of 2000 acres
of land on Battenkill, in the present county of Bennington, Vermont. His name is dropped in the Army List of 1771. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 207
subjects which relate to particular Counties, none of them of consequence to deserve your
LordP's attention, except two. One entitled "An Act declaring certain persons therein
mentioned incapable of being Members of the General Assembly of this Province" — an
attested copy of which I inclose ; as the Acts passed last session could not be transcribed for
the seal before the Packet sails. By this Act, the Judges of the Supreme Court, and some
otiier Officers of Govern' were made incapable of being elected Members of Assembly. The
Council amended the Bill by striking out all the other Officers of Govern' to which Amendment
the Assembly agreed.
The reasons given for this Bill are :
1" That none of the Judges in Great Brittain or Ireland are allowed to sit in the house
of Commons.
2""* That in good policy, Legislation, and the Execution of the Law, ought not to be in the
same person.
3"' That in all Elections the Judges must have an improper influence on the Electors.
Lastly: It has been observed, that in former Assemblies where the Judges have had seats,
they became attached to, or Leaders of Parties or Factions in the House, this gave a suspicion,
that they were often byassed in their Judgement on the Bench, in favour of a party interest,
all cause of jealousy of this kind ought to be avoided.
The present Assembly have repeatedly refused to admit W Livingston, who is a Judge of
the Supreme Court, to have a seat in their House, upon a Resolve made by them in their
former Session. This may be an unconstitutional power, assumed by the Assembly, and is
therefore much more safely vested in an Act of the Legislature. At all events, I thought it for
His Maj'^'« interest, that I should give my assent to the Bill, as thereby the matter is subjected
to His Maj'^'" pleasure, which it was not, while it stood on a Resolve of the Assembly.
The other Bill which may deserve your LordP's attention, is entitled : "An Act to enable all
♦'Persons who are His Maj"'' liege subjects, either by Birth or naturalization, to inherit and
•' hold real Estates, notwithstanding any defect of purchase made before Naturalization, within
this Colony" — While this B'lll was before the Council, I told them that, tho' the Bill in my
opinion was framed with much equity, and not liable to the same objections with the Bill to
which Sir Henry Moore refused his assent, yet, as the King's interest may be affected by it, I
could not give my assent, without a suspending clause was added, which they did by an
amendment and the Assembly agreed to it. On this occasion, I think it my duty to inform
your LordP, that the reason of the Assembly being averse to suspending clauses, is, they tell
me, that such Bills have often hung long in suspence, without being taken into consideration.
All the Bills passed the last Session will be ready to be transmitted by the next Packet.
I inclose Your Lord? the copy of an agreement made between General Gage and me, in
pursuance of the Act of Parliament for applying the money granted by the last Act of Assembly,
for the Troops quartered in this place. I doubt not, it will give Your LordP pleasure to find
this Affair put upon a certain & regular footing for the present, and which must probably
produce the like for the future.
I have the satisfaction to inform your LordP that among the Bills passed this Session, is one
for appointing Commiss" to meet Commiss" from the neighbouring Colonies, to fix on a general
plan for regulating the Indian Trade. This was the best measure that could be taken upon
His Miij'>'' Gracious reference of this important affair to the Legislature of the several Colonies ;
and if properly adopted by all concerned, may produce the most., beneficial plan. I liave sent
208 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
copies of our Act to the Governors of the neighbouring Colonies, and have pressed them to
procure the like to be passed in their Govern'^
My Lord, it is my duty to inform Your Lord? that a violent party, continue tlieir assiduous
endeavours to disturb the GovernS by working on the passions of the populace, and exciting
riots, who in every attempt they have hitherto been unsuccessful, The last, might have been
of fatal consequence, if not prevented by the prudent conduct of the Magistrates and Officers
of the Army. An ill humour had been artfully worked up between the Towns people and
Soldiers, which produced several affrays, and daily, by means of wicked incendiaries, grew
more serious. At last some Towns people began to arm, and the Soldiers rushed from their
Barracks to support their fellow Soldiers. Had it not been for the interposition of the
Magistrates, and of the most respectab[l]e Inhabitants, and of the Officers of the Army, it had
become a very dangerous affair — as it was, only a few wounds and bruises were received on
both sides. A very respectable number of the principal Citizens publicly met together, and
sent 42 of their number to the Mayor, to assure the Magistrates of their assistance, in preserving
the peace of the Town ; and the Officers of the Army were no less assiduous in quieting the
minds of the Soldiers, and in guarding against every accident, which might renew any dispute
with the Towns people — since which, the place has remained quiet. It is not doubted here,
that these disturbances were promoted by the Enemy of Govern', in order to raise an
indignation against the Assembly (then sitting) for granting money to the Soldiers, who were
represented as ready to cut the throats of the Citizens.
The persons who appear on these occasions are of inferior rank, but it is not doubted they
are directed by some persons of distinction in this place. It is likewise thought, they are
encouraged by some persons of note in England. They consist chiefly of Dissenters, who
are very numerous, especially in the Country, and have a great influence over the Country
Members of Assembly. The most Active among them are independants from New England,
or educated there, and of Republican principles. The friends of the administration, are of the
Church of England, the Lutherans, and the old Dutch congregation, with several presbyterians.
From this, the reason will appear of some Bills having passed the House of Assembly in favour
of the Dissenters, & in prejudice to the few ministers of the Church of England, who have
stipends by a Law of this Prov". There was less opposition to them in that house, from the
confidence they had, that they would not be passed by the Council — they were accordingly
rejected there. I must leave it to Your LordP's judgement, whether these things deserve His
Maj'^'" attention, and I transmit to the Plantation Board a printed copy of the journal of the
Assembly to enable you to form your judgem' thereon.
In my letter of January G"" N° 8. I inclosed a printed copy of a libel directed : " To the
" Betrayed Inhabitants of the City and Colony of New York" with a proclamation I issued,
with the advice of the Council, and on an address of the Assembly, offering a reward of ,£100
for tiie discovery of the author. One Alexander McDougal is now in Jail ; committed on the
oath of the Printer and his Journey Men, as the author and publisher of that Libel. He is a
person of some fortune, and could easily have found the Bail required of him, but he choose
to go to Jail, and lyes there immitating M' Wilkes in every thing he can. When he comes
to his Tryal it will appear what dependance we may have on a Jury of this place; the
most respectable persons in the place, openly declare their opinion, that he highly
deserves punishment.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 209
My Lord, I now expect soon to remove from the Administration, on the arrival of the Earl
of'Dunmore.^ It gives me great satisfaction, tiiat in this short Administration, I have had
an opportunity of doing something of importance for His Maj'''' service. That a good
agreement has been supported between the several branches of the Legislature — the friends
of Govern' encouraged — the promoters of discord checked. His Maj'^'" gracious approbation of
my conduct will make an old Man happy, and will prevent the unfavourable impressions which
a sudden removal from Administration may occasion. This is however with great humility
submitted by
My Lord,
Your most obedient and
faithful servant
Cadwallauer Colben.
Representation against the New - York Act incapacitating Judges from sitting in the
[Ne-w>Tork Entries, LXVIIL, p- 43.]
To the King's most excellent Majesty
May it please Your Majesty
We have had under Our Consideration an Act passed in Your Majesty's Province of New
York in January 1770 intituled an Act declaring certain persons therein mentioned incapable
' Jons McRRAT, 4th Earl of Dunmore, one of the representative peers of Scotland, succeeded to the title on the death of
his father William, in December, 1756, and in February, 1759, married Charlotte Stewart, daughter of the Earl of Galloway.
His commission as Governor of New-York bears date 2d January, 1770, and his administration of the affairs of that province
commenced on the 19th October, 1770, and continued until the 9th of July of the following year. He was appointed to
succeed Lord Botetourt { who died in 1770 ) as Governor of Virginia, but remained in New-York for several months after his
appointment, which circumstance excited some suspicion against him in Virginia, where he did not arrive until 1772. His
subsequent conduct did not serve to allay those suspicions. In the summer of 1773 he visited the back settlements, and
remained some time at Pittsburg, where his objects were to create a territorial dispute between Virginia and Pennsylvania,
{ See biography of George Crogkan, supra, VII., 983,) and thus weaken the bond of union between those provinces. Fortu-
nately his scheme was foiled by the sagacity and moderation of his Council, who left the matter to arbitration. With a view
to distract the councils of the Patriots of those days, he is accused of having excited the Indian war which devastated
the western settlements in 1774 ; but the Indians having been defeated at the mouth of the Kanhawa on the 10th of October,
by the bravery of the Provincials, a peace was concluded which has since become famous in history by the celebrated speech
of Logan to Lord Dunmore, who subsequently ( 22d April, 1775), in his zeal for the Royal cause, removed secretly the gun-
powder from the magazine at Williamsburg to the Fowey man of war, off Yorktown, whither he soon after sent his family,
and proclaimed Patrick Henry a rebel. His Lordship proceeded in a short time on board the Fowey, landed at Norfolk,
where he seized the printing press and, on the 17th of November, issued a proclamation declaring martial law, and inviting
the slaves to join the Royal standard. With this motley force, he kept up a series of marauding expeditions and burnt
Norfolk on lat January, 1776, but was forced to retire to St. Augustine, in the course of the summer, with his plunder. He
was needy and came over, says Bancroft, to amass a fortune, and in his passion for sudden gain, cared as little for the policy
of ministers, or his instructions, as for the rights of property, the respective limits of jurisdiction of the Colonies, or their
civil and political privileges. To get money was the rule of action which included his whole administrative conduct. IliMori/
of the United States, VL, 384. His name is included in the New- York Act of Outlawry of 1779. Lord Dunmore was
appointed Governor of Bermuda in 1786, and died in England in 1809. His daughter Augusta, married the Duke of Sussex,
Cth son of King George lU. — En.
Vol. VII L 27
210 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of being Members of the General Assembly of this Colony whereupon we humbly beg leave to
represent to Your Majesty. •
That this Act being of a new and extraordinary nature & importance affecting Your Majesty's
Prerogative &c and having on the ground of Reasons not applicable to the state of that Colony
made a very essential alteration in its constitution, ought not in Our opinion to have been
passed so as to have taken effect until Your Majestys Royal Pleasure could have been known for
which reason We humbly beg leave without entering further into the merits of the Regulations
it adopts, to lay the same before Your Majesty for Your Majesty's Royal disallowance.
Which is most humbly submitted,
HiLLSBOKOUGH
Ed: Eliot
Whitehall ' • W" Fitzherbert
April 11. 1770. John Roberts
■Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden.
[ New-Tork Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXII. ]
N" 38.
Whitehall. 14. April 1770.
Sir,
I have received, and laid before the King, your letter of the 27'" February N" 9. together
with the attested copy of the Act to which you have thought fit to give your assent, declaring
the Judges of the Supreme Court incapable of sitting in the Assembly, and also the copy of an
agreement entered into with Major General Gage, for the application of the money given by ■
the General Assembly for providing necessaries for the King's Troops.
In my letter N° 37. 1 transmitted to you an order of His Maj''' in Council disallowing the Act
for emitting ^120000 in paper Bills of Credit ; & I now inclose to you a farther order in
Council, disallowing the Act for explaining the duty of the Loan Offices, as being consequential
of, and dependant upon, the other Law.
It gives me great concern, after having in my last letter signified to you His Maj'''"' displeasure
on account of your having assented to the paper currency Bill without a suspending clause, to
be again under the necessity of taking notice of a fresh instance of disobedience to His Maj''''s
Instruc"', in the like assent given to the Bill for disqualifying the Judges from sitting in the
Assembly ; a Bill, which is not only of a new and extraordinary nature, in every construction
of those descriptive words, but is evidently founded on reasoning and precedents not applicable
to the State of New York.
What measures His Maj'^ may think fit to pursue when this Act comes before him in his
privy Council, I will not presume to say, but I have thought it my duty to loose no time in
receiving the King's Commands to lay it before the Lords of Trade, in order that they may
make such Report thereupon as they shall think tit, and I shall be very glad if your reasoning
upon the Act shall furnish their LordPP' with any arguments to extenuate the impropriety of
your Conduct in a case of so much importance to the King's Govern'.
After the experience we have had of the little utility on the one hand, and the dangerous
use that has been made on the other of meetings of Commissioners from the several Colonies,
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 211
to consider of matters, in which they have a separate and distinct interest, I have at least great
doubts of the propriety of giving encouragement to such a Congress for the purposes of
regulating the Indian Trade ; and whatever your own opinion might have been of the
expediency of such a measure, it is past a doubt, that you ought not to have given your assent
to any Law for such a purpose without His Majesty's Directions.
At the same time that the King sees with just displeasure these instances of disobedience to
His Instructions, His Maj'^ commands me to say, that as far as your conduct has been really
intended, and has operated, to promote a good agreement between the several branches of the
Legislature, to encourage the Friends of Govern' and check the promoters of discord, it will be
considered with every attention due to its merit.
I am ettc.
Hillsborough.
Earl of mUsborough to Sir William Johnson.
[Plantations General (8. P. O.) CCLVI.]
N" 13.
Whitehall. 14. April 1770.
Sir.
I have received and laid before the King your Dispatch of the lO"" of February ]\° 12.
The matter proposed to the Confederacy of the Six Nations by the Cherokees is of great
importance, and it is with concern His Maj*'' observes tliat the answer to be given to the
Cherokees is made to depend upon your opinion and advice, by which, the King will stand
committed in measures, which, if they adopt the proposition of a war against tiie Southern
and Western Indians^ are irreconcilable with the principles of humanity and if on the contrary
they tend to union of Indian interests and Politics, endanger the security of His Majesty's
Colonies by enabling the Savages to turn their arms against us.
This consequence however, which you seem to think would follow from discouraging a War
against the Southern and Western Indians, is certainly to be avoided if possible, and therefore
the King however unwillingly, cannot but approve of your adopting the alternative, and
making the security of his subjects and the peace of the frontiers, the principal object of your
attention at the Congress, but it would be most pleasing to His Majesty, if it could be attained
without encouraging the Savages in their barbarous attacks on each other.
It would have been more fortunate, upon every consideration, that this Congress could have
been avoided, not only as it does in its consequences involve His Maj'^ as a Party in a
business of so disagreable a nature, but also as it will, I find, be attended with an expence
beyond what your stated allowance will admit of.
The King however relies upon your assurances, on the one hand, that this expence is
unavoidable, &, on the other, that the service shall be conducted with all the frugality and
economy that is possible, consistent with the public safely ; and, under these assurances. His
Maj''' approves of your applying to Major General Gage, who will have orders to defray what
expence shall be absolutely necessary on this occasion.
212 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It is to be hoped, that it will not be long before those Colonies, whose security depends upon
the good will and affection of the Savages, will see the necessity of such regulations, as will
be effectual to prevent those abuses, which at present give so much discontent to them. In
the mean time you will not fail to exert every influence in your power to prevent these abuses
from having such an operation upon the minds of the Indians, as to disturb that tranquility
which is so essential to their true interest.
I am fee"
Hillsborough.
N" 10.
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of HilUhorougJi.
[ New-Tork Papers { S. P. O. ) CLSII. ]
My Lord.
To have fallen under His Maj'^'' displeasure, as I find I have by your LordP's letter of the
17"" of Febr^^ N° 37., gives me the deepest concern. I have had the honor to serve the Crown
in this Province near 50 years, and have heretofore been happy in His Maj'^''' approbation of
my conduct. It adds greatly to my affliction that I should have forfeited it when I am so near
the close of Life ; but I have this comfort, that however I may have erred, it was not from
any want or neglect of duty, but from an error in judgement, thinking that giving my assent
to the Bill for emitting Bills of Credit, at the time I did, was greatly for His Maj'^'' service, in
preventing the Tumults and disorders with which the province was at that time threatned.
The Chief Justice, and another Gentleman, eminent in the profession of the Law, were
present, when the Council unanimously advised me to give my assent to that Bill, and were of
opinion that, it contained nothing in it contrary to the Act of Parliament ; and that the time
allowed by the Act, before it was to take place, was equivalent to a suspending clause. Your
LordP blames me, for giving my assent, when I knew that a similar Bill, transmitted by Sir
Henry Moore, was under consideration, and before I knew the result ; but My Lord, the
circumstances of the Province at that time, would not permit delay, and I rnust own, it was
some inducement to me to give my assent, knowing that a similar Bill was then under
consideration, and consequently that His Majesty's pleasure must be known before any part of
the Act could take effect — and so it has happened — And in pursuance of your LordP's
commands, I immediately published His Maj'^'* disallowance of the Act, that all persons may
govern themselves accordingly.
My Lord, I flatter myself, you will indulge me in giving the State of the Province at that
time. A violent faction prevailed in opposition to Government, and the authority of the
Parliament of Great Brittain, which from many circumstances appeared to be acting in concert
with a similar Faction at Boston. Numerous papers were dispersed about the Town, exciting
the people to sedition, and exasperating them against the Soldiers then quartered in this Place.
The Soldiers walking peaceably in the Street, were several times attacked, beat and abused —
this of consequence drew on their Resentment, and we should have had the same mischievous
effects produced here, which have since happened at Boston, had not a body of the principal
Inhabitants assured the Magistrates of their assistance in preserving the peace of the City,
which, with the prudent conduct of the Magistrates and Officers of the Army, prevented this
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 213
wicked design — Of this I informed Your Lordf in my letter N" 9. — The similarity of the
proceedings of the Factions in this place and in Boston, will induce a belief that they acted in
concert. But besides this, one of the Judges who is known to have connections with those
who are thought to be the leaders of the Faction, advised the withdrawing of the Troops from
this place, as the only method to allay the disturbances; and one of the Council who is known
to have the same connections with the Judge, strenuously insisted that the withdrawing the
Troops was the only method to restore peace to the Place. These I think strong proofs, that
the views of the Factions in this Place and in Boston were the same — That they did not
succeed here was owing to the principal Inhabitants being entirely pleased with the conduct of
the Administration, and were resolved to support it, of which I have since that time received
several public acknowledgements. The giving my Assent to the Bill for emitting bills of
Credit, served much to reconcile the minds of the people and to put them in good humour.
Had I refused my assent to this Bill, and had the Assembly granted no money for the Troops,
as in that case they would not, the Faction would have succeeded in their design to disturb the
Governm', and it is not easy to say what might have been the consequences — Upon a Review
of my conduct under these circumstances, I hope My Lord, His Maj'^ may be graciously pleased
to think more favourably of it.
The good effects of the harmony which prevailed between the several branches of the
Legislature in the last Sessions, is very evident in the good order and submission to
the Authority of Govern' which has ever since subsisted in this place — Govern' has renewed its
strength, which the events of some past years had greatly weakened. A disappointed Faction
by publishing the most gross calumnies & impudent lies, in order to asperse my character, and
the characters of the Gentlemen joined with me in the Administration, have drawn upon
themselves a general detestation ; and so far sunk their own characters in the estimation of
every Man of reputation that for the future they can have no general influence — and I hope from
all these circumstances the Administration will be made much more easy to my successor, and
that I shall have the pleasure to deliver the Govern' to His LordP in good order and Tranquility —
The Grand Jury of this Citty, now sitting, have found an Indictment against Alexander
McDougall^ for publishing a Libell against the Govern' which I mentioned to your Lord? in my
' Major-General Alkxandee MoDocgali., afterwards of the Revolutionary army, was, some say, a native of Scotland ; Allen
says he was the son of a Scotchman who sold milk in the city of New-York, and that he was not ashamed to acknowledge
that, when a boy, he assisted his father. He became early an active member of the body known as " Sons of Liberty," and
was arrested in February, 1770, on a charge of being the author of the "Address to the Betrayed Inhabitants of New-York,"
and refusing to give bail was committed to prison by order of Chief Justice Horsmanden. His friends represented his case
as similar to that of Wilkes. The latter had brought down the vengeance of government by the publication of the North
Briton, No. 45. This number became the watchword of McDougali's fellow patriots, and when asked their names, on seeking
admission to their friend, their answer was — "We are forty -five ;" and saluted their champion with "forty-five" cheers.
In the two months of his confinement, he was overrun with visitors. On the 20th of December following he was arraigned
at the bar of the Assembly on the same charge, on which occasion he was defended by George Clinton, afterwards the first
Governor of the State of New- York. A writ of habeas corpus was sued out in the course of the following month, but
without any result, and Mr. McDougall was not liberated from his confinement until the 4th of March, 1771, when the
Assembly was prorogued. In March, 1775, he was a member of the Provincial Convention, and was nominated as one of the
candidates for the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, but was not elected ; in the same year he received a commission as
Colonel of the \st New- York regiment. He rose in 1776 to the rank of Brigadier-General, and in the following year was
present at the battle of Germantown. In 1777 he was appointed Major-General, and in 1778, superseded Putnam in the
command of the Highlands. After the flight of Arnold, he was put in charge of West Point on the 6lh October, 1780. In
the year 1783, he was elected to represent the Southern District in the Senate of this State and continued a member of that
body until his death, which occurred in June, 1786. At the time of his decease. General McDougall was president of tlie
Bank of New-York, and in politics adhered to the Hamilton party. Leake's Life of John Lamb. — Ed,
214 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
letters N" 8 and 9. It is thought he cannot have his Tryal this Term, as the Court will be
fully employed the few days they have to sit, in the Trial of capital criminals.
The Govern'^ of Quebec and Pennsylvania have agreed to send Commissioners to meet the
Coramiss" of this Prov", in order to form some plan for regulating the Indian Trade ; and I
expect they will meet at this Place the 10"' of July next.
As I have had my duty constantly before my Eyes, and have pursued it sincerely to the best
of my ability, the thoughts of closing my life under His Maj''''' displeasure, give me great pain,
and that by any error, I may have forfeited Your LordP's regard, for with the greatest truth
I am
My Lord
Your most obedient & faithful
servant.
25 April 1770. Cadwallader Colden.
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[New-York- Papers (8. P. 0.) CLXII.]
N" 11.
New York. 16 May 1770.
My Lord,
By the repeal of the Act for emitting .£120000 in Bills of Credit, one thousand pounds
granted out of that fund, by the Assembly in their last Session, for supplying his Maj'J"'' Troops
quartered in this Place with necessaries, it become deficient. I have no hope given me that
the Assembly will at this time supply that deficiency; and therefore I think it is prudent to
delay calling the Assembly till after the arrival of Lord Dunmore, who must certainly have
more influence, than, in my present situation I can have. The grant of money for the Troops
is unpopular — we have two parties in violent opposition to each other — one is careful to
preserve their popularity in order to secure their seats in the Assembly, and the other takes
every method to gain popularity in hopes of a Dissolution of the Assembly on the arrival of a
new Gov".
The Merchants in this Place and in Philadelphia have under consideration, whether to
import goods from Great Brittain or not. I am told, the majority, both in this place and
Philadelphia are for importing, and that they will come to a determination in a few days. —
The party in opposition to the present administration join with the people of Boston in
measures to prevent importation, and for that purpose stole late in the night last week a
procession of the Mob to expose a Boston Importer,' who happened to come to this place. The
Magistrates knew nothing of "the design till it was too late, otherwise I believe it would have
' "A certain Nathan Rogers of the town of Boston, merchant." His effigy was suspended from a gallows and burnt on
the night of the 10th of May, 1770, in the Coinnion, now the Park, New-York. He ordered his carriage and secretly left
town at 2 o'clock next morning. He is described as a man about 5 feet 8 inches high, pretty corpulent, round shouldered,
stoops a great deal, and generally appears in green and gold, or purple and gold. Leake'f. Life of Lamb, 63, 64. He lived at
the lower end of King (now State) street, Boston, aud had already been denounced at a meeting of the merchants of Boston^
on nth August, 1709, as one "of those who audaciously continue to counteract the united sentiments of tlie body of merchants
throughout Noith America by importiug British goods coutrary to the agreement." Brakes History of Boston, 767. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 215
been prevented — Tho' tlie parties are much exasperated against eacii otber, I hope the public
peace will be preserved, and the issue will be favourable to the Govern'
I have the honor to be
My Lord,
Your most obedient and
faithful servant.
Cadwallader Golden.
Earl of IlilhhorougTi to Lieutenant-Governor Colden.
t New-York Papers ( 8. P. 0. ) CLXII. ]
N" 39.
Whitehall. 12 June. 1770.
Sir,
I have received and laid before the King your letter N° 10. in which you endeavour to justify
your conduct in having given your assent to the Paper currency Bill by arguments drawn from
the then State of the Golony, and as I have reason to believe from what you alledge that you
erred from real good intention, I have not failed to represent your conduct in that light to
His Majesty.
There certainly may be circumstances and situations in which a Gov'' will find it necessary
sometimes to depart from the strict letter of his Instructions, but then the motives for such
deviations ought to be stated in the fullest manner, and no circumstance omitted that can either
tend to his own justification or give information to Govern' of the true state of the Colony; I
mention this in order to introduce the remark, that there are some Facts and observations
relative to the State of New York in the letter to which this is an answer that were not stated
in your former correspondence, but more particularly that of one of the Judges, and a Member
of the Council, advising & strefiuously insisting that the King's Troops should be withdrawn
from the Colony, a Fact which, whether it respects the measure itself, or the persons who
advised and supported it, is of great importance to His Maj'J''' service, and ought to have been
stated in the fullest and most explicit manner, and names not concealed, for as all public
measures depend in a great degree, as to their effect, upon a knowledge of the true characters
of Men in public situations, it will be very difficult to judge of the propriety of those measures
without some knowledge of the principles by which the conduct of such Men is influenced, and
the degree of Trust & confidence each Man is entitled to.
Inclosed I send you an order of His Majesty in Council containing a disallowance of the Act
passed at New York in January last, declaring certain persons therein mentioned incapable of
being Members of the General Assembly of that Colony, upon which order you will not fail to
take such steps as have been usual and are necessary for carrying His Maj'^'" commands into
execution. I likewise inclose to you an Act passed in the last session of Parliament entitled:
"An Act to enable the Gov'' Council and Assembly of His Maj'^'" Colony of New York, to
" pass an Act of Assembly for creating and issuing upon loan, paper Bills of Credit to a certain
" amount, and to make the same a legal tender in payments into the loan Offices and Treasury
216 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
" of the said Colony"— and I make no doubt, that if the Legislature of New York shall think
fit to pass such a Law as the Parliament has authorized it will be approved by His Maj'J' —
I am ettc.
Hillsborough.
Lkxitenanl-Oovernor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXIL ]
N' 12.
New York. 7. July 1770.
My Lord,
It gives me the greatest concern to learn from your Lord^'s letter of the 4"" of April N" 38.
that I had incurred His Majesty's displeasure, by giving my assent to a Bill for disqualifying
the Judges from sitting in Assembly. However necessary it appeared to me, for preserving a
good agreem' between the branches of the Legislature, at a time, when assiduous endeavours
were making to produce discord, I should not have done it, without a suspending clause, till
His Majesty's pleasure be known, had I not been confident, that there would be no session of
Assembly, before there had been sufficient time, to have His Maj'^'' pleasure known in this
place, and that in the mean time it could produce no effect. For this purpose I transmitted an
attested copy of the Bill, by the first opportunity, before it could be engrossed as usual and the
seal affixed.
Had your Lord? known in what manner some of the Judges, at several times, have made use
of their influence in Elections, not for His Maj'^'' service, but with interested views, and
afterwards in supporting a party in the house, you would not wonder that the Assembly, have
it so much at heart to exclude them. I apprehend, that unless the Assembly be gratified in
this point, it will remain a perpetual bone of contention, between them and the Gov^ — In my
humble opinion, the Judges c&n be of more real use to the Crown, by being disinterested in
all party disputes, without which, they cannot gain or preserve the general esteem of the
people, or their sentiments have that weight on the minds of the people, which otherwise a
Judge of sufficient ability & known integrity must always have.
I had not the least suspicion of any prejudice to His Maj'^'" service from the meeting of
the Commiss" of the neighbouring Colonies, for regulating the commerce with the Indians.
The Trade with the Indians from this Province, Pennsylvania and Quebec, is so much
intermixed, that no plan can be effectual without their mutual consent : Coll : Carleton
embraced the proposal heartily & desired the meeting to be at New York. Pennsylvania
seems more cool. I have since that time received a letter from Coll : Carleton signifying that
the Commissioners from Quebec cannot attend in the summer months, tho' we chose that time
from an opinion that it would be most convenient for them, as traveling in the winter from
Quebec is very difficult and often dangerous. I now suspect, that the Commiss" will not
meet, or if they do, they will not agree on any plan, by reason of the different interests of the
several Colonies. Sir William Johnson is likewise of this opinion.
My Lord, I flatter myself that from the good effects of the measures, which the administration
of Govern' in this Province has adopted, that they will receive His Muj'^'" approbation, and
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 217
will excuse what otherwise might have been partly blamed. The principal Inhabitants are
now heartily united in favour of Govern' with a resolution to suppress all riots and tumultuous
meetings, and I am perswaded, that if the same measures be pursued, this Prov" will be in
tranquility and good order.
Soon after it was known that the Parliam' had repealed the duties on Paper, Class ettc the
Merchants in this place sent to Philadelphia that they might unitedly agree to a general
importation of every thing except Tea. They at first received a favourable answer, and their
agreement to the proposal was not doubted ; but soon after a letter was received at Philadelphia,
from a Gentleman in England, on whom the Quakers in that place, repose the greatest
confidence, advising them to persist in non importation, till every internal Taxation was taken
off; this changed the measures of Philadelphia; but the principal Inhabitants of this place
continue resolved to shew their gratitude, for the regard the Parliament has in removing the
grievances they complained of. As there still remains a restless Faction, who from popular
arguments, rumours and invectives, are endeavouring to excite riots and opposition among the
lower class of people, a number of Gentlemen went round the Town to take the sentiments
of Individuals. I am told, that 1180, among which are the principal Inhabitants, declared for
importation, about 300 were neutral or unwilling to declare their sentiments, and a few of
any distinction declared in opposition to it. I am informed likewise that the Merchants of this
place resolved to acquaint the Merchants of Boston and Philadelphia with their inclinations
to import. Having removed from the City to my house in the Country, after the Earl of
Dunraore's furniture arrived, that the Gov'''' house may be fitted up for his reception, I am not
sufficiently informed of the final resolution of the Merchants, but I believe they are resolved
to import. Of this, Your Lordf will be informed with certainty from the Merchants in London
their correspondents. The Packet being ready to sail next morning obliges me to close my
letter before I receive perfect information of the resolution of the Merchants.
The disorders in North America began, while the administration of Govern' was in my
hands, while no Gov"" in any of the Colonies had sufficient authority to suppress them ; I am
happy that now, while the Administration is again in my hands, the People of this Province,
set an example to the other Colonies of returning to their duty. All Men of property are so
sensible of their danger, from Riots and tumults, that they will not rashly be induced to enter
into combinations, which may promote disorder for the future, but will endeavour to promote
due subordination to legal authority.
From the different Political and Religious principles of the Inhabitants opposite parties have
at all times and will exist in this Prov", which at different times have taken their denomination
from some distinguished person or family which has appeared at their head ; but you may be
assured. My Lord, that it is not in the power of any one family to distress the Govern', while
the Administration is conducted with prudence, which often requires a compliance with
popular humours.
I am so far advanced in years, that it is most desirable to retire, with the reputation of
having gained; and if at the same [time] I can gain His Maj'^'' approbation, I shall be very
happy, for I have had His Maj'^'^ service sincerely at heart. If I shall be so happy, I make
no doubt of preserving Your LordP's regard, and am with the greatest Jrespect & submission
My Lord, Your most obedient ettc : Cadwallader Colden.
The Secretary informs, that he sends by this Packet all the Minutes of Council to the 6"- of
June last which had not been formerly sent.
Vol. VHL 28
218 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
N° 13.
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hiilsborougti.
[New-York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXII.]
New York. 10. July 1770.
My Lord,
The Faction in opposition to importation from Great Brittain, having last week attempted
by every method in their power by Riots, Clamour and threats, to deter the Merchants in this
place from agreeing to import, without the concurrence of Philadelphia and Boston. The
Merchants were desirous to know the sence of the Inhabitants with certainty in a matter of so
great consequence, and after my last of the 7"' inst : was wrote, desired to have the packet
detained a few days, which was accordingly done to the Wednesday following. Persons on both
sides of the question, were appointed to go from house to house to collect the sentiments of the
Inhabitants. I am informed, that a great majority declared for importing, and consequently
I make no doubt, the Merchants send their orders for importing, by this packet. This is of so
great importance that I think it my duty, to give your Lord? the earliest notice of it ; it must
be agreable to you as it will give a favourable impression to His Maj'^ of his subjects in this
Prov". It gives me great pleasure to have it accomplished, while the Administration is in the
hands of — My Lord — your ettc.
Cadwallader Colden.
Alexander Colden to Anthony Todd, Esq.^ Secretary to the Postmaster- General.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXII.]
Anthony Todd Esq"
11 July 1770.
Sir,
A day or two before the Duke of Cumberland Packet Boat sailed, the Principal and most
numerous of the Merchants of this City, had a meeting and came to a resolution, that proper
persons should go, thro' the several wards of the City with two subscriptions, the one for non
importation, the other for importation, in order to collect the sentiments not only of the
Merchants, but of the Mechanicks and every inhabitant relative to importing goods from Great
Brittain as formerly.
At that time it plainly appeared by the lists a great majority was for importing; upon which
the Committee of Merchants dispatched Expresses, to Philadelphia and Boston, informing the
Merchants at these places the sentiments of this City. At this time it was known the generality
of the Merchants of Philadelphia inclined to break through the nonimportation agreement, but
before the Express reached Philadelphia, a letter was published in the Philadelphia papers
from a Gentleman in London on whose opinion and advice it is said, the Quakers and those in
their interest entirely rely, the purport of which letter was advising the Philadelphians by all
means to abide by their non importation agreement, as the only means of obtaining full redress
from the grievaacies they complained of ; this made the Philadelphians change their sentiments
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 219
and resolve to abide by their agreement. You will see the Committee of Merchants at New
York Letters, to the Merchants at Philadelphia and Boston published in the papers, and also
the above letter from London and the Merchants answers to our Committees letter. The
answers from Philadelphia and Boston did not discourage the principal and most thinking
Merchants amongst us from perusing their scheme, not doubting they should soon bring about
a general consent in this City to break through the nonimportation agreement, being sensible,
many families must starve if an importation of goods from Great Brittain did not soon take
place, ibr many could not subsist their families, especially the Meclianicks, unless we imported
sundries of which we at present stand in absolute «ieed of and can't get elsewhere, tiiis would
have been effected some weeks ago, had it not been for the opposition of a small, inconsiderable,
noisy, blustering Faction whose whole aim is to keep the Country in confusion in order to
answer their purposes, and keep up a popularity, which by vile means, they have obtained
among the lower class of the Mechanics and Inhabitants, well knowing, should an importation
take place, they would loose that popularity, be disregarded by every honest Man, and well-
wisher to his Country, and sink into their former state of being despised and perhaps treated
(as they justly deserve) as Enemies to their Country. Notwithstanding the principal
Gentlemen and Merchants have been at great pains to show the unreasonableness of abiding
by the nonimportation agreement (after the Legislature of Great Brittain had been graciously
pleased to repeal the Act relative to laying duties on sundry articles) except that on Tea ) and
how much it would redound to the honour of this Province immediately to shew their
gratitude for this favour by ordering all kind of goods from home on which there was no duty
to be paid in America (things remained in a fluctuating state till last Friiay evening) the night
before the mail by the Halifax Packet was to be closed) a number of Merchants met at a
Tavern and then agreed at all events to send their orders by the Packet to send them goods as
usual, except Tea. The Faction being informed of this Resolution published an inflammatory
anonymous advertisement the next morning, desiring all the Inhabitants to meet that day at
12 o'clock at the Citty Hall, where the Faction & their Cabal (such as they were) met
accordingly; amongst the number of the principal of them was one Isaac Sears' (who, you
' Isaac Sbaks, a descendant from the Pilgrim slock at Plymoutli, ar,d for ten years tlie reoogniz.'d head of the citizens of
New-York, was a member of the original association of the " Sons of Liberty," and of the committee appointed to corrts-
pond with tlie different Colonies with a view to a resistance of the Stamp Ac*,, in 1765. Some soldiers of the 28lh
regiment having cut down thi Liberty Pole on the lOlh of August, 1766, a party of the citizens of New-Yoik, who assembled
on the following evening to restore th=ir standard, were assailed by the soldiers, on which occasion Mr. Sears was wo' nded.
In the month of March, 1767, a party of the 16th regiment again cut down the pole, and in a collision which subsequently
occurred between the citizens and th-j military, one of the latter was arrested by Sears, » ho marched his prisoner to the
n-ayor's office. In 1769 he was a conspicuous supporter of Capt. McDougall (supra, p. 213 ) and in 1772, on a conipluiiit
hatched up against him as inspector of pot ashes, he was dismissed from office, but this only rendered him more active. In
1774 he was prominent in preventing the landing of the Tea at New-York. On 20th April, 1775, he bold y proposed that
the people provide themselves with arms and ammunition, for which he was arrested ; but the populace rescued him and
carried him in triumph through the city. News of the battle of Lexington arriving a few days afterwards, the citizens, headed
by Sears and others, rushed to arms, seized the custom-house and deta ned all the vsssels in port about to sail for the Eist.
Soon after this the Provincial Congress sat in New-York, and the great commiltee nominated Mr. Sears to represent the city and
county. Duiilap's History of New -York, II., 457. He soon after removed to New Haven, where he raised a party of horsemen
■t whose head he proceeded to Westchester county, N. Y., to disarm the leading tories of that section of the country, some of
whom they sent prisoners to Connecticut ; and on the 23d Novimber, 1775, entered the city of New-York and drew up in the
greatest regularity in front of James Rivington's printing office and destroyed his types, after which they marched out of the
town to the tune of Yankee Doodle, amidst the cheers of the vast concourse of people collected on that occasion, and returned
to New Haven, where Capt. Sears spent the winter. General Lee shortly after arriving in New-York, of his own authority
appointed Capt.iiu Sears, the following year, Deputy Adjutant-General, with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and empowered
220 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
will find often mentioned, of late in our papers) Capt" M'^Dougald the American Wilks and
some others of the same kidney. Every Merchant of any note met at the same time at
the Coffee House, and a number of other Gentlemen. The Cabal at the City Hall proposed
an opposition to importation, and as I have been informed (whether true or not, I don't
presume to say but do not doubt it) Isaac Sears publicly declared if any Merchant, or number
of Merchants presumed to break through the non importation agreement till the several
Provinces had agreed to do the same, he would loose his life in the attempt, or the goods
imported should be burnt as soon as landed, and strenuously advised that every measure in the
power of that Faction should be attempted to frustrate the resolutions taken or to be took by
the Gentlemen and Merchants for bringing about an Importation. The Merchants met at the
Coffee House resolved to use their Lest endeavours to bring it to pass, and resolved, that
persons of note should again be sent thro' the several Wards to take the same' of all the
Inhabitants on this subject in general, and made not the least doubt, but by far the greatest
number would be for importation. This being agreed to only about 1 o'clock last Saturday,
and the Mail was to close at 12. that night it would be impracticable to know the result time
enough to send the necessary order to their correspondents for goods by this Packet which,
they were very desirous to do as early as possible — Wherefore they appointed Committee of
their body to wait on me desiring me to detain the Packet for two or three days, which I told
them I could not possibly do without breaking through my Instructions. They then sent to
the Lieut' Gov"' who was out of Town at his Country seat about 17 miles off, and sent some
of the Committee to the General, requesting the Packet might be detained ; upon their
application to the Lieut' Gov' and to General Gage, they wrote me the following letters :
July V"- 1770.
Sir,
It is for His Maj'^'^ service that the Packet be detained till Wednesday next, which you are
desired to do accordingly.
Cadwallader Colden.
To. Alex: Colden Esq"' Agent for the Packets.
New York July 7"' 1770.
Sir,
Application having been made to me that the Packet might be detained for two or three
days in order to give time to the Merchants of this place to make out orders to their
Correspondents at home for such British Merchandize as they shall severally want, being on
liim to raise vol inteers in Connecticut, and afterwards sent him into Queen's county, to administer tbe test oath to certain
suspected parties " which they swallowed like a 4lb. s'lot." 4. American Archives, III., 1707; IV., 1145; V., 75, 105, 511,
1175. Long Island having fallen into the hands of the British who, it was reported, had offered a reward for Sears, he moved
to Boston, where he resided during the war, having formed a copartnership with his son-in-law. Dunlap's New -York, II., ccli.
He returned to New-York after the peace, and was chosen one of the members of Assembly for that city at the ensuing
election of 1783. In 1784, 5, the company of Sears and Smith failed, and the energetic old man made a voyage to the East
Indies, which retrieved in part his fortunes, but in 1786 he was seized with fever in Batavia and died. Dunlap. Leake, in
Lis IJfe nf Lninb, froiii which niai y of the preceding particulars are borrowed, says (p. 304) that he went on a voyage to
China, and died in Canton on the 2Sth of Octoher, 1786. The family was originally from Colchester, in England, whence
their ancestor, Richard Scars, emigrated to Holland with other Furitans, and landed at Plymouth in 1630. New England
JUslorical and Oenealogical Reginter, VIII., 214; IX., 134. — Ed.
' Sic.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 221
the point of breaking the nonimportation agreement ; I am therefore to desire that you will
detain her accordingly.
I am ettc.
Alex"" Golden Esq'^ Agent for the Packets Tho' Gage.
Upon receipt of these letters, joined with the applications the Merchants made to myself, I
agreed to detain the Packet till this day, not doubting but I should have the happiness of their
LordPP'' the Postmaster General's approbation for so doing; and immediately advertised that
the Packet was detained and to sail this day. I am now closing the mail, and the Packet will
sail as soon as the Tide permits.
_ M'' James Parker^ Secretary and Comptroller to the General Post Office for this district died
a fewdays since ; this must cause some new appointments in the Americal General Post Office ;
if any which may be more honourable or profitable, than the one I now enjoy as Post Master
in this City, I hope you will not forget me.
I am ettc.
Alex: Golden.^
' James Parker was born in Woodbridge, N. J., and served his apprenticeship to William Bradford the first printer in New-
York. He coramenced business when Bradford retired, about the year l'7o2, and began the N. Y. Gazette and Postboy, a weekly
newspaper, in January, 1743, on the discontinuance of Bradford's Gazette. In November, 1742, he began the publication of the
New-York Reflector, containing moral and political essays, but no news. Gov. Livingston, President Burr of N. J. College,
John Morin Scott, W. Alexander Lord Stirling, and Smith, the New-York Historian, were the chief contributors. He
printed at Woodbridge a folio edition of the laws of the Province of New Jersey, and in January, 1753, formed a partnership
with William Weyman, which continued for six years. At the commencement of the French war it was deemed proper to
establish a post-olBce at New Haven and James Parker was appointed, in 1754, the first postmaster, by Benjamin Franklin,
then at the head of the department in America. Having secured the post-office, he formed a partnership with John Holt,
another printer, and sent on a press from New- York at the close of the year. The first work from this press was the laws
of Yale College in Latin. A newspaper followed in January, 1755. During all this time his residence was mostly at
Woodbridge, where he managed the press on his own account, and printed a monthly magazine for more than two years.
Having dissolved partnership with Weyman, his printing house and newspaper in New- York devolved on him. He assigned
the paper to his nephew, Samuel, who printed the Postboy until July, 1760 ; when Holf, having closed his concerns at New
Haven, came to New- York, Parker, who still resided at New Jersey, formed a partnership with him, which lasted until
April, 1762. In 1765 he removed his Woodbridge press to Burlington, where he began and completed Smith's History of
New Jersey, pp. 570, demy 8vo., and then returned with his press to Woodbridge. Thomas' History of Printing: In 1766
Holt retired and Parker resumed business in connection with his nephew. At this office the Address of a Son of Liberty " To
the Betrayed Inhabitants of New-York" was printed in December, 1769, and one of the journeymen having informed the
authorities of that fact, Parker, though slill residing in New Jersey, was arrested on a charge of having printed a Seditious
Libel. He was pardoned, however, on furnishing the name of the author. Book of Commissions, V., 430. Parker was a
correct and eminent printer; besides his professional concerns, beheld various public employments; among others that of
Comptroller and Secretary of the General Post-Office for the Northern District of the British Colonies. He possessed a sound
judgment and a good heart; was industrious in business and upright in his dealings. He died July 2, 1770, at Burlington,
N. J., and was conducted by a large concourse of his fellow citizens from Burlington and Amboy, to the place of interment
at Woodbridge, where his remains were deposited with those of his ancestors. Thomas, II., 121, 122.
' Alex-^noer Golden, eldest son of the Lieutenant-Governor, was born, we presume, in Philadelphia, in 1716, and in 1737
was appointed Ranger of the county of Ulster, N. Y, which then included " Coldenham," a small district of country about
midway between Newburgh and the village of Montgomery, in the present town of Montgomery, Orange county, N. Y.i
where his father had property, and where he ( Alexander ) kept a country store, at which the early settlers of the town and
those west to Shawangunk mountains were in the habit of trading. He was appointed Joint Surveyor-General with his father
in 1751, and succeeded to that office in 1762, and was Postmaster of New-York until his death. He left four daughters and
two sons; his eldest daughter married Captain Archibald Hamilton, of the 3l6t Foot; his second daughter married John Antill.
who entered the British service and was, after the peace of 1783, obliged to leave the couutry, and settled in Canada ; his third
daughter married Captain (since Colonel ) Anthony Farrington, of the Royal Artillery; his eldest son, Richard, married a
lady at the Isle of Man, and left two sons in this couniry ; and his second son was lost at sea. Alexander Colden died in
New-York in 1775, in the 59th year of his age. Eager's History of Orange County, 236, 239, 246. — En.
222 NEW-YOEK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
(13.)
Sir William Johnson to the JEati of Ilillshorough.
[Plantations General (S. P. O.) CCLVI.]
Johnson Hall. 12. July. 1770.
My Lord.
Since I wrote your LordP on the 10"' of Febr^ last N° 12. I have been honored with your
LordP's letter N" 12 inclosing his Maj'^'" speech for which I offer my most humble thanks, as also
your LordP's letter N" 13. in answer to my dispatch concerning the proposed Congress, on which
subject I am extremely happy to find that His Maj'^ approves of the alternative, which I thought
was the only one that under the circumstances I have had the honor to represent could be
adopted with safety to the public.
As I was so fortunate as to foresee the sense of Govern' on this embarrassing occasion, I do
assure your Lord? that I took infinite pains, to avoid the Congress, but I find, that it cannot be
either set aside, or postponed with safety, and above six hundred of the Indians being already
come to the place of Rendez-vous, I purpose to set out to morrow to meet them, judging that
about the time of my arrival there, which is fifty miles from hence, the whole will be assembled,
and I am very sorry to hear, that there will be so considerable a number of them, because there
is the greatest scarcity of all provisions at present throughout these parts, the crops being
almost totally destroyed by Catterpillars, and in the Indian Country many Corn fields are
entirely ruined. After great trouble and difficulty 1 have at length got out of the hands of the
Committee of Non Importers at New York a Cargoe of Indian goods, without which I dont
know, how I should have gone to the Congress, for whatever is the occasion, we cannot meet
those people, without some proofs of his Maj'^'* esteem, more especially at some periods, as now,
when Indian goods are so scarce, that several parties have gone thro' all the stores and shops
within 100 miles without being able to procure a dozen Blankets, and when it has been
industriously propagated amongst them, by some very weak people that the scarcity is
occasioned by the King who has ordered that no goods shall be sent over to them ; this very
dangerous Report is so universal amongst them, that I have been told of it in very warm terms
by above a hundred Indians, within the course of the present week ; many of them have brought
down their Peltry & Furrs, and returned almost naked, and full of resentment the Effects of
which I am so sensible of, that I thought it my duty to undeceive them in the best manner I
could on a point of such delicacy, where the occasion of their present wants and disappointments
cannot be transferred from one to another, without some danger to the Public.
You see My Lord, some of the difficulties in which my station involves me, but I have firmness
enough to support me under greater, when his Maj'^'" interest demands it of me, and the
confidence, which I know, the Indians repose in me, will I trust enable me to clear up these
disagreable matters, so as they may not have any ill consequences, to which end the presents
will greatly contribute by removing the apprehensions till more favourable times shall set all
matters right.
I purpose at the Congress, when agreable to His Maj'?"' orders, proceed to the ratification of
tlie Fort Stanwix Treaty, to convince them that he has no desire for the Lands they ceded to
the Southward of Kanhawa River, and to explain these points in a way that I hope will be
satisfactory to the few of their Insatiable dependants, who have pretended to be discontented
at the extent of a session so fully agreed to in the largest assembly that was ever yet held of
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 223
the true and real proprietors, and as I hear from the Southward that the Cherokees deny that
their Deputys have orders to draw the Northern Nations into so extensive a war as has been
represented to me, I shall study to avail myself of it, in altering their purposes, but should it
appear, that the authority of these Deputy's is indisputable, and that the Northern Ind"' cannot
be diverted from their purposes with any safety to the public, I shall in that case make it as
much their own affiiir as possible, & endeavour to act in the manner most agreable to his
Maj'^'» inclinations, as expressed in your Lord^'s letter to me. I foresee jnuch trouble and
dilBcultys in the course of the intended Congress, as well from the discontent shewn for so
long a time by many of the Indians, and the very disagreable Report before mentioned, as
from the want of any appointments for the Regulation of Trade, and tlie little prospect there
is of its ever being duly attended to, but on all these matters, I shall endeavour to give them
the utmost satisfaction in my power to prevent their operating to any disagreable purposes.
And his Maj'J' may be assured that on this or any other occasion, I shall never presume to
recommend or incurr any expence, unless I am convinced from experience of its necessity, and in
that case I shall conduct myself with the strictest honour and integrity, and with a frugality
proportioned to the exigency and importance of the service. — As I hope, within a few weeks
to give your Lord? an ace' of the result of my transactions, I have only at present to add, that
I am with all imaginable respect — My Lord — ettc.
W" Johnson.
JiJarl of Ilillslorougli to the Earl of Dunmore.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXII. ]
Whitehall. 16 July 1770.
My Lord,
As His Majesty's ship Tweed, which is destined to carry your Lord? to New York is (I
understand) now ready for the Sea, I inclose to Your Lord? His Maj'^'' Instructions for your
guidance and direction in the administration of that Govern', and I am to signify to your Lord*"
His Majesty's commands, that you should prepare to embark with as much dispatch as your
Health and private affairs will permit.
I have the satisfaction to acquaint Your Lord? that His Maj'^ hath been graciously pleased
to direct by a warrant upon his Commiss" of the Customs in America, that a Salary of ^2000
per annum should be paid to your Lord? from the date of your Commission, out of the Revenue
arising in America by the duty upon Tea; and I am to signify to your Lord? His Maj'^''
commands, that you do not accept any Salary, or any gift or allowance whatsoever from the
Assembly of New York.
The inclosed copy of a declaration made by King William at the Treasury Board in 1698,
will inform your Lord? of the regulation established with respect to the emoluments of
the Govern" in America, in case of a Devolution of Govern' by the death or abscence of the
Chief Gov'; and it is His Maj'^'^ pleasure, that a mojety of the perquisites and Emoluments
of the Govern' of New York be accounted for and paid to your LordP from the date of your
Commission to the time of your arrival.
I am ettc.
Hillsborough.
224 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
N°14.
Sir William Jolmson to the Earl of TIilhho7'ough.
[ Plantations General (8. P. 0.) No. 256.]
Johnson Hall. J4. Aucrust. 1770.
My Lord.
On the 12 ult" I had the honour to write Your Lord? my letter N" 13. previous to my journey
to hold a Congress with the Northern Indians and Deputys from the Southward, from whence
I returned some days ago attended by so many Tribes and Messengers on the private business
of each nation, that it was not in my power earlier to transmit the proceedings which I now
have the honour to inclose.
From my last letter, your Lord? has been enabled to form some judgement of my
embarrassment arising from the disagreable nature of the business I had to engage in, on
which account I held many Conferences (too long to be inserted) with the leading men of
each Nation, upon my arrival at the place of Congress, to which the issue and determination
of the Indians as contained in the papers herewith transmitted must be entirely attributed;
they having at length agreed thro' the pains I took, and the extraordinary prudence and good
conduct of some of the Chiefs, whose abilities and influence were peculiarly exerted upon that
occasion, to stop proceedings against the Southern Indians, until they shall propose terms of
accommodation, and to decline their intended application for our assistance & support in the
war, a circumstance which gave me much uneasiness at first, as I found that they came with a
determined resolution to demand it in public, and that not so much from necessity as with
design thereby to judge of the nature of our friendship, and the regard we paid to former
engagements, of vrhich they entertain great doubts ; concluding upon this to be a favourable
occasion that must finally determine & direct their conduct towards us, for as strict alliances
with them are considered both offensive & defensive any evasion or refusal from us would
undoubtedly in their present disposition have so far encreased their suspicions and resentment
as to make our Trade and Frontiers feel the effects of that spirit of War, which now
predominates amongst them, at a time when we are very ill calculated to defend the one or the
other, however matters may be misrepresented with regard to our strength or their weakness, for
whilst they exist in their present state, they are able to make us severely to feel their power
without the possibility of their sustaining a proportionate loss even from a vigorous exertion
of our abilities, so that. My Lord, disagreable as the alternative was on which the issue of the
proceedings first appeared to depend, I found that a trifling circumstance when compared with
the prospect of either drawing his Maj's" contrary to the principles of humanity to be an Actor
in their quarrels, or to see at least a temporary end put to the Indian Trade, and the total ruin
of those settlements which industry and peace have added to the Colonies ; this, I thought
myself bound to prevent as well from humanity as duty, and I hope the measures I pursued
for that purpose will be honoured with his Maj'^'' approbation, as in so doing I carefully
avoided discovering what would have been the resolutions of the Crovpn, and so conducted it
as to make the issue of the Congress flow from their own resolutions on a farther and more
mature consideration of the business proposed.
The number of the Indians who attended upon this occasion being the great
scarcity owing to the destruction of the Farmers' crops this year, and the particular obligations
I was under, to the steadiness and good behaviour of so many leading Men amongst them.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 225
which I was under the necessity of rewarding over & beside the present, but particular!)' the
distress they were in for cloathing ettc, from the total want of Indian goods, have encreased
the expence of this Congress much beyond my inclinations, but as it was unavoidable, I trust
all things considered, it will be found cheap, salutary and advantagious to His Maj's"'* interests,
without a due regard to which I should not have incurred it.
The rest of the proceedings wliich consisted in the Ratification of the Treaty at F'ort Stanwix
and the subject of grievances, will require my saying some liitle upon. As to the first, your Lord?
will observe sufficiently from the public conferences, the satisfaction expressed by the Ind"' at
the whole of that Treaty with the resolutions they have taken to render it permanent and
acceptable to all their dependants. The latter are only the principal grievances which were
spoken in public, besides which there were many others of an inferiour nature not inserted, as
they would have added much to the bulk of my transactions and might be deemed unworthy
the attention of Government, they nevertheless gave me much trouble and occasioned great
delay, which was of most concern to me, as the daily maintenance of such a number of
Indians amounted to a large sum, to abridge which I gave them my whole time both by day
and night & thereby considerably shortened the time of our silting. Your Lord? will find that
the principal grievances complained of in public regarded the conduct of our Frontier
inhabitants towards them, and the state of thtf Indian Trade ; the first (as 1 have repeatedly
observed) is what they have but too much reason to complain of, and which they have
retaliated in a very few instances, tho' 1 know the contrary is too often represented, I have on
former occasions said so much of the Licentious spirit of the Inhabitants, on the southern
Frontiers, that I need only add, that it still continues, and that ' malevolence and disregard to all
Treatys is still demonstrated whensoever they fall in the way of any small parties, or single
Indians. Even since 1 begun this letter I have received Dispatches from M'' Croghan^ my
Deputy now at Fort Pitt acquainting me that a Soldier had shot an Indian there, and that
another was killed by a Virginian two days after near to Chate River; the continuance of
which proceedings will render all transactions with them abortive, and altho' agreable to their
wishes, some further directions to the Governors would give pleasure to the Indians; yet I fear
it is not in the present state of things in the power of our governments here to put a stop to
these evils.
As to the affairs of Trade, [ wish I could say that they had no cause of complaint, but the
contrary has been too often manifested of late; Commiss" have been appointed to meet from
some of the Colonies, but it is not expected that any expence will be incurred adequate to the
service, in which case it is much better to do nothing, and that, it is thought will be
the consequence of their meeting. But a still greater and more alarming circumstance arose
from the wants and disappointments of the Indians, in consequence of the non-importation
agreements ; these with whom they Traded embraced that opportunity of accounting for the
cause of their wants, as prejudice dictated, and therefore had just fallen^ upon a happy mode of
explanation, or they been accustomed to doubt the veracity of the Traders, it would have had
the worst consequences. These secret negociations which from their Bulk cannot appear on the
face of the proceedings are the ground work of the whole, and the before mentioned circumstance
proved no small addition to the expence, as I was willing to falsify a representation of so
villanous and dangerous a tendency, persuaded that in so doing I should be approved of.
" their. Johnson Manuscripts. ' Supra, note, VII., 982. ' had I not fallen. Johnson Manuscripts. —Ed.
Vol. Vln. do
226 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Another circumstance much complained of as well during the Treaty, as since by those Indians
who accoinpnnied me to tiiis place, is: of the great cargoes of Rum, which (of late in particular)
are sent amongst them to their ruin as they call it; many Traders carry little or nothing else,
because their profits upon it are so considerable, and whatever resolutions they enter into, the
Indians have not virtue enough to withstand the temptation when it comes amongst them.
They therefore beg it may not be suffered to come to their Castles or hunting places, and indeed
the licentious abuse of the sale notwithstanding its peculiar profit, is extremely hurtful to the
Trade in general from its effects upon the Indians, besides its giving encouragement to
the meanest and most profligate Traders to go amongst them ; in that, neither capacity or
knowledge of the Indians, or their language is necessary for the sale of it. But very little
remedy can be expected here against the abuse of that liquor, tho' its effects are daily manifested.
Again, when Indians are assembled on public affairs, there are always Traders secreted in the
neighbourhood, and some publicly who not only make them intoxicated during the time intended
for business, but afterwards get back great part of their presents in exchange for spirituous
liquors of the worst kind, thereby defeating the intentions of the Crown, and causing them to
commit many murders, & other disorders, as well amongst the Inhabitants as themselves. This
is grievously complained of by the Indians, but I know of no penal Law at present subsisting
for restraining the sale of that pernicious Liquor, even during public business, which I humbly
conceive should be recommended to the immediate attention of the American Legislatures, as
well as some Law for the more effectual apprehending and punishing offenders on the Frontiers
in a summary way. Another head of which your Lord^ may find the Indians make mention, is
the want of Religious teachers. On this subject they greatly enlarged at several conferences I
had with them, and appear to consider it as so great a neglect in Government that I judged it
most adviseable to give them better hopes and thereby put an end to their murmuring. The
Majority of Indians, 'tis true, do not as yet request it, but even they, consider our neglecting to
gratify those that are so disposed, as a further instance of our indifference and disregard. I
have, I believe formerly mentioned this subject on application from some of the Tribes, it is
now become a matter of more serious concern from the earnestness with which the whole were
about to second the desire of a few, and when so fair an opportunity is afforded, I apprehend
it is unnecessary to enlarge on the advantage it must be of to the state, to secure those, who
have been already instructed in its Religion, and to render diffusive those Religious and civil
sentiments that are best calculated for its advantage and support. The Mohawks have had
Missionaries of the Church of England amongst them, from the Reign of Queen Anne till within
tliese few years, they are now without any and from the scarcity of Clergymen, or some other
cause, the Society cannot procure them on the Salary, wh'"'' their small funds have limited them
to, whilst at the same time, the Indians find, that their Brothers in Canada, who were our
Enemies, are regularly supplied, and one lately appointed in Nova Scotia at the expence of
Government as 'tis said, 1 therefore cannot help at the intreaty of the Indians, humbly
recommending to His Maj'>''' consideration, the affording some allowance for the Mohawk
Mission, which has always been under the immediate protection of the Crown, declaring it as
my belief, that if any further provision could be made to employ others in so good a work, it
would encrease their reverence for the Crown, and their attachment to the British Interest.
The other matters spoken upon during the Treaty (tho' they occupied a good part of my time
then, and occasioned several hundred Indians to follow me home) are such as I trust may be
settled without any trouble to Governinuut. The Messages, which the Indians have resolved
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 227
upon to send to the South and Westward, supported by the steps T shall take, will I hope have
weight, and prove serviceable in a high degree, and in order to be armed against any thing
that may in another quarter threaten to disturb the public tranquility, I have taken measures
to be informed as early as possible with the proceedings & issues of the Congress, which they
are about this time to hold at the great plains of Siolo near the Ohio, where some are
endeavouring to form Confederacys for very bad purposes, secretly countenanced and supported
by French Traders, Renegadoes and all those Indians, wiio have not hitherto been iieartily
attached to the English, but with wonderfull art, have for a time past endeavoured to shake the
fidelity of the Six Nations, thro' the means of some of the Seneca Towns, who are most
dissatisfied with our conduct. — I have in the course of this letter touched upon the principal
subjects of both, the public and private conferences at the late Congress, this, is as much as 1
could do from the variety of matters that occur upon such occasions, which, however trivial
in appearance, demand my particular attention. Upon the whole I must observe that the
Indians are at present in a state of uncertainty as to what course they shall take; the measures
lately taken have strengthened the fidelity of our friends and afforded a temporary satisfaction
to others, but it is on the continuance of them and tiie adoption of the wisest measures for their
redress and satisfaction we must solely rely for the securing their fidelity, which tho'
comparatively of little moment, when weighed with the great objects of concern, wherein the
Crown is so deeply interested, is nevertiieless in a relative view, from a variety of peculiar
circumstances worthy the most serious consideration, and therefore I most humbly recommend
the heads herein stated ' of, as what may be productive of the most happy effects to this Country.
If by any means tiiey can be carried into execution under the auspices of the Crown, to promote
which. My Lord, my whole influence & the small remainder of my health, shall be most
willingly devoted. I hope to be honoured with your Lord^'s commands on the foregoing
subjects, and am with the highest respect My Lord,
Your Lordship's most devoted and
most humble servant.
Johnson liall. 14. August. 1770. W" Johnson.
Proceedings of Sir William Jolinson icith the Indians.
I Plantations General ( 8. P. O. j CCLVI. ]
Proceedings at a Treaty with the Six Nations, the Indians of Canada, the several
Dependant Tribes, and the Deputies from the Cherokee Nation, held at the
upper settlements, near the German Flatts in July 1770, by Sir William
Johnson Baronet.
On Sunday the 15"" of July 1770. Sir William Johnson, accompanied by Colonel Daniel Claus,
Col: Guy Johnson Dep : Agents, Richard Shuckburgh Esquire Secretary for Indian Affairs, &
several other Gentlemen from the neigbouring settlements, set out from Johnson Hall, and on
Monday the IG"" arrived at the place for holding the Treaty, where were assembled about
1600 Indians, and many more yet expected. At 2. P. M. the Speaker of the Six Nations, came
to Sir William's Quarter to be informed, when they should make their first visit, and whether
'treated. Johnson Manuscripts. — Ed.
228 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
they should come in a body, or each Nation separately ; to which Sir William answered, that,
as the house in which he resided, was too small to admit them, he would cause a large arbour
to be made in the Field, where he would receive them all the next morning. At 6. p. m. 80
Indians arrived from Onogkquagey,^ and other villages on the branch of Susqwihanna the Chiefs
of whom waited on Sir William, who after the usual ceremony, ordered them provisions, and
sent them to their quarters. In the everting 16. Algonkins ettc. arrived, who informed Sir
William, that they had left seven canoes of Chipaweighs n' Oswego, on their way to
the Congress. —
Tuesday the 17"" The Bunt Chief of Onondaga, with the speaker of that nation, waited on
Sir W™ early in the morning and acquainted him, that their head warrior Diaquanda had
refused to attend to business, and encamped with another Nation, which gave them all concern,
and would greatly interrupt their proceedings; but as he was Sir William's particular friend,
and much under his influence, hoped that he would make use of it to persuade him to return
to them. — Sir William gave them a gracious answer and assured them that he would use his
influence to that end.
Sir William accordingly sent for Diaquanda, and after some discourse, at length persuaded
him to join, and assist his Nation in Council, for which he received their sincere thanks.
The Indians not being all assembled as yet, Sir William received visits from the Chiefs, and
held several private meetings with the principal Men of each nation, from whom he received
much useful and interesting information, respecting the sentiments and present disposition of
the Indians. —
In the evening the old Sachems of Onoghquagey, came to Sir Williams quarters to acquaint
him of Thomas King's (one of their Chiefs) having some days ago, unfortunately killed a
young Tuscarora, for which he was so much concerned, that he determined to return the next
day to the Village, where he committed the Murder, and submit himself to the Will of the
Friends of the Deceased. Sir William Told them, that he was extremely sorry for the death
of their friend, desiring them to tell Thomas King that he would talk with him on that subject,
and contribute his endeavours, that the affair might be amicably accommodated.
At a Congress held at the German Flatts on Wednesday July the IS"" 1770.
Present — The Hon"'' Sir W" Johnson Bar' Superintendant.
Col : Daniel Claus. Dep''' Agent. John Butler Esq""*" Interpreter.
Col. Guy Johnson. d» Cap'" Norman M'^Leod^ of the late SO. Reg*
Rich* Shuckburgh Esq : Seer: for Indian Affairs Capt" Michael Byrne.
Hanj"' Harkemer Esq" and several other Gentlemen and Inhabitants from the settlements
with the following nations of Indians.
' Now Windsor, Broome county, N. Y.
' Captain Nokman MoLeod entered the army in January, I'TSG, as Ensign in the 42d Highlanders, on the augmentation of
that regiment preparatory to its embarking for America, and served under Lord Loudon in Nova Scotia ; under General
Abercrombie in the expedition against Ticonderoga in 175S; he aeoompanicd the expeditions under Amherst on Lake Cham-
plain and down the St. Lawrence in 1759, 1760. Having been transferred to the 80th or Gage's Light Infantry, he was
commissioned Cajitain Lieutenant of that corps on 4th October, of the latter year, and served in it until its reduction in 1763,
when he went on half pay, and was, some time after, appointed Commissary at Niagara. His name is continued on tlie half
pay list until 1787, when it disappears. Browne's Highland Clans, IV., 155, et seq.; Army Lists; Knox. Owing to the
Bimilarity of the names, this officer has been confounded with another, in the Note, supra, VIL, 854, which ought to be
erased. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 229
Six Nations.
Mohawks of the three Villages 209. Tuscaroras 132.
Onondagas 250. Senecas 354.
Onejdas 232. Cayugas 269.
their Dependants.
Ganaghsaragues 1 115. Oonoghquageys 124.
Nanticoks & Conoys 193. Tuteloes 78.
From Canada.
Cagnawageys and the Indians of S' Regis. 78. Abeuaquis S' Francis 2.
Algonkins 8. Hurons of Lorett 2.
Ganagsadagas 11. Nipisinks 7.
River Indians 2. Deputies from Cherokee Nation 7_
An Ottowa Chief called Okayowess from Michilimacinac.
All these were joined by 26. Missages and 230. Indians of the several Nations during the
Treaty, amounting in the whole to 2320 Indians.
Being all seated, Saghteghroana, a Chief of S' Regis stood up and said ; that agreable to
the summons they had received, there were now assembled the Chiefs of the Seven Nations of
Canada in order to attend the Congress. — Then returned the string of invitation. — Then,
Conoqiiieson a Chief of Oneida stood up on behalf of the Six Nations and said.
Brother Warraghiyagey. — We are very happy to see you here this day at our particular
request. You know, Brother, that when the Deputies who are now here from the Cherokee
Nation, first came to our Fire place at Onondaga, to request on behalf of their Nation, that we
should join them in making War upon the troublesome people who were their Enemies, and
from whom ourselves have received several insults ; as it was an affair of importance, which
required much deliberation, tho' inclined to agree to their desires, yet, as none of our
Confederacy from Canada were present, and as we had given you assurances that we should
not enter into any engagements without your concurrence, and approbation ; we thought it most
fitting to send Deputies to you, requesting you would assemble the Whole of our Conferacy,
that we might confer together thereon. — Brother, We are very thankful that you have complied
with our request, as people in alliance should do, and we are now to acquaint you, that agreable,
to the Belts and Messages sent amongst us, we are all now met here from Ohio to Canada, to
a considerable number; and I do now on behalf of all those Nations here assembled, take you
by the hand, sincerely wellcoming you to this place, where we have kindled up a fire, and
where, I hope the business we meet upon, will go on, to our mutual satisfaction —
gave three strings.
Then after acquainting the Indians of the death of an Oneida child, since they left their
village he proceeded.
Brother. — Agreeable to the Ancient custom established by our wise Forefathers, that
whenever we meet, we should mutually condole each other for our losses, and as we suppose,
that you have doubtless sustained some, since our last interview, we do now agreable to this
laudable practice Condole with you for the same. We open your eyes, that you may look
* These Indians were located on the Canaseraga creek, in the town of Sullivan, Madison county, N, T. {not Oneida county,
as stated in note 2, VIL, 512.) — Ed.
230 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
chearfully. We open your Ears that you may hear us, and clear your throats, that you may
speak freely to us. We likewise gather the bones of the deceased of your people, and bury
them deep, carefully covering the grave from your sight. And we once more kindle the fire at
this place, and sweep out all the dust from the Council Chamber, that nothing my obstruct us
in our business — gave 3. Strings.
Then Thomas King on behalf of the Warriors of the Six Nations arose and said.
Brother. I take this opportunity on behalf of all the Warriors of the Six Nations, and their
Confederates now assembled, to let yon know, that we are not well pleased with our
Sachems for neglecting to acquaint us with what they purposed to say this Morning, and for
not giving you our particular thanks for calling, and meeting us this day, as the occasion of
this assembly is principally on our accounts, upon a matter in which we as Warriors are
particularly interested. And, they well know it, for, there are the Men (pointing to the
Cherokee Chiefs) whose business they all know is Chiefly to us the Warriors, to invite us to
engage against their troublesome neighbours with whose conduct we are likewise much
dissatisfied. — I do therefore with this Belt, at the desire, and on the part of all the Warriors
here assembled from Canada to Ohio, and of the Cherokee Deputies, take you now by the
hand, in the most friendly manner, kindly thanking you for complying with our request in
calling us together, and giving you a most hearty welcome to this place, where we are all
happy to find that you are arrived in safety. — a Belt of five Rows.
Then Tagawara an Oneida Chief stood up on the part of Sir William Johnson, and first
addressed the Indians of Canada as follows:
Brothers of the Seven Nations of Canada.
I am very glad to see you all here this day agreeable to summons. It is a proof of your
attention to the affairs of your Confederacy, and I sincerely welcome you upon the occasion.
Tiien addressing the rest, and repeating what Conoquieson said, proceeded :
Brothers. I am glad to see you all this day in health, and am well pleased, that in
consequence of the circumstances you mention, you have now brought hither the Chiefs of so
many Nations, and Confederate tribes; because by them means none can plead ignorance of
our transactions, and the business will go on to the satisfaction of you all. I do therefore give
thanks to providence for permitting us to meet this day, and cordially take you all by the
hand, bidding you a hearty welcome to this place. — Gave 3. Strings.
Brothers. As a proof of my regard for the wise institution of your Ancestors, and from the
information I have received of the losses you have sustained since our last meeting, I do now
on the part of His Maj'^ the King of Great Brittain sincerely Condole with you on this
melancholy occasion. I open your eyes, that you may once more look with chearfulness, and
your Ears that you may hear distinctly, and I clear the passages to your heart, that you may
speak freely its real sentiments. I do also gather the bones of your dead, and bury them in a
deep pit, carefully covering them from your sight, and I also sweep, and cleanse your Council
fire, that we may meet therein, and proceed to business without interruption.
Gave three strings.
Then after repeating the speech of Thomas King he addressed the Warriors & Cherokees
as follows:
Brothers. I am much obliged, in that you have expressed so much desire to thank me
particularly on your parts. I entertain a high opinion, and regard for you all, and by this
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 231
Belt, I now take you all by the hand in the most friendly manner, giving you a very kind and
friendly welcome to this place, wishing that you may always conduct yourselves with prudence
and attention to the true interest of your respective Nations. — A Belt of Six Rows.
Then addressing the whole, he said :
Brothers of the several Nations here Assembled.
1 am very glad that we have now so far prepared for business by going through the usual
forms to mutual satisfaction, and shall be ready to enter on the important affairs for which we
are assembled, on the arrival of the rest of your people who are hourly expected. — Then Sir
William ordered pipes and Tobacco to be distributed amongst them, and recommended it to the
Warriors, that as he was using his utmost endeavours, that they should be supplied with what
necessaries they wanted, he expressed that they would behave wit|i order and decorum. —
that they should avoid liquor, and committ no violence on any of the property of the
Inhabitants. Then adjourned.
In the afternoon Sir William held several private meetings with the Chiefs, in order to
inform himself as to their sentiments, and resolutions at that lime. — In the evening several of
the Mohawks arrived, and reported that the rest would join them early to morrow. At night
Sir William called together a Sachem and Head Warrior from each of the principal Nations,
with whom he held a Conference untill the night was far advanced; of these, there were some
who were much to be depended upon for their integrity, from whom (amongst other things of
much importance to be known previous to the Congress) he learned that the Warriors were
for the much greater part obstinately bent on a war with the Southern Indians — that great
part of the Sachems, convinced by the arguments Sir William had made use of at the
private conferences, would have gladly declined it, and seemed disposed to send the Cherokee
Deputies back after renewing the late Treaties, and giving them farther assurances of their
friendship for that Nation, but that they very much doubted whether the warriors could be
persuaded thereto, as they were much exasperated at the insults which some of the
Confederacy had received from the Indians of Wabash ettc, and what in consequence of
the treatment the English had received from these Nations, the Warriors expected, not only their
concurrence, but their aid, and assistance to carry it on in like manner as they had formerly
assisted the English. — Sir William further learned, that there were some other very
interesting points to be spoken upon at the Congress, on all which he had much conversation
with those present, using his utmost endeavours to procure a favourable issue to the Congress,
and endeavouring all in his power to avoid their making any requisition of aid from the
English should it so happen that a War must take place.
Tuesday July lO"- 1770.
Early in the morning the remainder of the Mohawks arrived.
The Chiefs of the Canada Indians in consequence of the Murder of three of the Six Nations
formerly at Oswcgatchy, on which they had never Condoled, assembled at Sir William's quarters,
and after calling together the rest of the Indians, proceeded to the Bower, where the seven
Nations of Canada, after premising the occasion of their meeting then, and that they could not
with propriety unite in measures until they had obeyed the institutions of their Ancestors, by
performing in the fullest manner the ceremony of Condolence for those losses, and giving the
necessary Belts ettc, to the Six Nations on that occasion. This having taken up the greatest
232 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
part of the forenoon, the Chiefs of the Six Nations informed him that they would consider on
an answer, and accordingly withdrew to a private Council place to deliberate thereon.
About noon four Canoes with 26 Mississages from the North side of Lalie Ontario came to
Camp to attend the Congress.
Sir William having judged it highly necessary, as well from the temper of the Indians, the
greatness of their numbers, and the disorders they are too liable to commit when in Liquor,
advised the Magistrates to give notice to the Traders ettc by no means to sell them any, untill
the Congress was ended; and it was done previous to his arrival ; but having this day received
information that some Traders ettc had actually sold them a Keg of Rum, and that others had
resolved to follow this example, which greatly alarmed the Inhabitants, and occasioned their
applications to him to check it, he issued a notification under his hand and seal which he sent
throughout the whole settlement by a peace Olficer, strictly forbidding them at their peril to
sell any Rum to the Indians, or any spirituous liquors whatsoever during the Congress, until
they had removed, when they might sell it to ihem beyond the settlements; the apprehensions
of the Inhabitants being very great, as from the temper shewn by many of the Warriors, they
had reason to dread, that neither their property, or persons would be secure, should they get
liquor amongst them.
The Six Nations after sometime spent in Council, returned to the public Council place, &
after returning thanks to the Indians of Canada performed the ceremony of Condolence & gave
the usual Belts to them in return.
In the afternoon, the Indians being in readiness, waited on Sir William, when the future
proceedings of the day being regulated and resolved upon, they proceeded to the Bower, where
Abraham Chief of the Mohawks acquainted the rest with the business then to be entered upon,
after which Teyawarunte Speaker of the Six Nations, did on behalf of Sir William Johnson
perform the whole ceremony of Condolance for a Mohawk Chief lately dead, a Cayuga killed
by one of that Nation, and a Seneca Chief lately drowned, and delivered the several Belts for
the several purposes on such occassions, covering the graves with a black Belt, they answering
with a Yo-hah, customary on Condolances. — The Indians after being a short time in
consultation addressed Sir William by Conoquieson their Speaker, and after repeating all that
he had said to them, they returned to the ceremony of Condolance in like manner — which
ended, the Chiefs all shook hands with Sir William and the rest of the Gentlemen, returning
him many thanks for having made their minds easy. When Sir William arose, and told them
that he was happy to find that every thing was so far settled to mutual satisfaction, tiiat
there now only remained [to] attend to the principal business for which they assembled; to
that end be recommended it to them to preserve sobriety, and good order in their encampments,
and to be in readiness to attend the morning following, when he should make them a speech.
Then the Cayuga Chief arose, and condoled for the murder of a Tuscarora committed a few
days before by Thomas King, and covered the grave ettc. After which adjourned.
The Mississagaes from the North side of Lake Ontario arrived at Sir William's Quarters, &
after the usual salutations, told him, that being at Oswego with others of their Nation, they,
who were for the most part the principal Men, thought proper to attend him, on hearing that
he had opened a Congress with their Brethren.
Sir William after expressing his satisfaction at seeing them, and bidding them welcome told
them, that he could have no objection to their being present, but that on the contrary he was
always glad of any opportunity of making his transactions public, with all well disposed Indians.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 233
This Night, the Boats having on board the present for the Indians, arrived after a tedious
passage occasioned by the lowness of the water.at this season.
At a Congress held at the German Fiatts on Friday July the 19"" 1770.
Present — The Hon''''= Sir William Johnson Bar' Superintendant.
Col: Daniel Ciaus. Dep'J" Agent Capt" Norman IVPLeod of the late SO"- Reg'
Col: Guy Johnson d° Col : Hanj*' Harkemer^ Justice of the Peace.
Richard Shuckburgh Esq''^ secretary for Rudolph Shoniaker d"
Indian Aifairs Capt" Michael Byrne,
John Butler Esq'" Interpreter,
with the several Nations of Indians before mentioned.
Being all seated, Sir William addressed them as follows :
Brothers of the Six Nations, of the seven Nat"" of Canada, of the several dependant Tribes,
and all others here assembled ; Sachems, Chiefs & Warriors.
I desire that you will carefully attend to the words I have now to say to you, it being on
matters on great importance to you all. — Our Brothers of the Six Nations sent Messages to me
last fall from their great Council Fire at Onondaga accompanied by the Cherokee Deputies here
present to acquaint me, that these Deputies were charged (as Ambassadors from their Nations)
with Belts Messages, and a pipe to strengthen their alliance, and sollicit the aid of the Six Nations
against the Piankeshaws, Wawaightonos, and others, as people troublesome, and Enemies to
both; on which the Six Nations would not determine, until agreable to their engagements, they
had first in public Congress had my sentiments & concurrence thereon. At the earnest
solicitations of the Six Nation Messengers, and the Cherokee Deputies, seconded by the
representations of Thomas King who had accompanied them from the Cherokee Country, and
the many requests since repeated, of the Six Nations, I, after consulting the King's General,
laid the same before His Maj'J^, who has through my representations being graciously pleased
to impower me to meet you on this occasion, where, I am ready to hear your sentiments, and
give you my advice; after which, I shall speak to you upon your late treaty, which the King
has empowered me to Ratify, and also to attend any other public affairs that may occur. I
therefore recommend it to you in the course of this business, to pay the most serious Regard to
what 1 have to offer and to give me in answer the truth, the words of your heart.
A Belt 11. Rows.
Brothers. As so many of the Chiefs already l^ow much of my sentiments concerning the
Embassy from the Cherokees, I think it now more particularly necessary, to address you the
Warriors thereupon. In the first place you sh'* consider, that war should never be carried on
with any Nation without very sufficient reasons, and until all other measures have proved
ineffectual ; for, a desire on every slender pretence to make war, will undoubtedly cause many of
' Colonel Hanjost Herkimer was the second son of Johan Jost Herkimer, one of the Palatines mentioned in the patent of
Buruetsfield, or the German Flats, in 1725, and younger brotlier of General Nicolas, of the Revolutionary army, who was
killed at Oriskany. He filled various county offices until the Revolution, when, adhering to the Royal cause, his property
was confiscated by the New- York act of 1779. He retired with his family to Canada where he died between the years 1784
and 1787. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 30
234 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS
our friends to be jealous of you, and may occasion the forming a powerful! Confederacy on the
part of the Enemy, which although you may be able to withstand, will nevertheless so far
engage the greatest part of your young Men, that, hunting and Trade, which are the blessings
attendant on the peace you now enjoy, must be greatly, if not totally neglected ; the want of
this, you must all feel, and this is not the only loss you must sustain in any War with a
numerous people. In the next place, those Nations against wbom it is said you are disposed
to carry your Arms, have been considered as friends in alliance with you, and though from their
situation, & most probably from the evil Councils of the French, they have been induced to do
some mischief, you should still consider, that in attacking them, you weaken yourselves.
This is bad policy, as the breach is not so irrepairable, but that through proper negociations, a
mutual good understanding may be effected between you, whereas warlike people, who have
once quarrelled are not easily brought to a strict union afterwards.
I have already expressed my thoughts so candidly to the Chiefs, that I now confine myself
to these principal arguments, to which I shall add one more that ought to be of the greatest
weight with you, and that is the sentiment of the great King your Father, and of his subjects,
which will also I trust convince you that they are real friends, and teach you to regard them
accordingly. Another King, another people, indeed any people who had not esteem for the
Indians would be glad of this occasion to stir you up to War, because War would weaken both,
you, and your Adversarys ; that this is not the case with us, you must plainly discern ; for the
King esteems you, and wishes to see you happily, and at peace with all your neighbours.
These are likewise the wishes of all his subjects ; they know that it is for your interest, and
they cannot give you a stronger demonstration of their friendship, at the same time that they
lay you under no restraint in this particular, beyond what your own reason must approve of.
Consider this cooly, and deliberately, and give me in answer the real sentiments of your
hearts. — A Belt of 9 Rows.
Sir William then spoke to the Cherokee Dep"=" and cautioned them strictly to observe the
Instructions they received from their Chiefs, without addition, and alteration, as it might be of
bad consequence, should they say anything to the Northern Indians beyond what they had been
authorized. All which they assured him they would strictly observe. — To this speech the
Indians after some time spent in consultation answered, that they had heard with attention all
that Sir William had said to them ; that they were very thankful to him for the regard he had
expressed for their interests — that their Chiefs would assemble early in the morning, and
deliberate with as much expedition, as such a weighty affair would admit of, on a proper
answer, which they would deliver to him so soon as they were agreed in sentiments.
Then adjourned.
Saturday July 20"'
In the morning the Sachem, and Chief Warriors of both the Confederacys, or Leagues of the
Six Nations, and the rest, met in their encampments to take Sir William's speech into
consideration, w^here they spent the whole day in deliberation without being able to come to
a conclusion. In the mean time. Sir William finding (notwithstanding all his endeavours)
that Liquor was brought amongst the Indians, rode round the adjacent settlements to caution
the Traders, and other persons not to sell any. — In the evening, three Chiefs Deputed from the
several Nations, waited on Sir William to apologize for their not returning an answer this day
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 235
as they had purposed, which they assured him was owing to the difficulties it met with from
the Warriors, who seemed averse to any thing but war. That the three principal branches of the
Confederacy, the Mohawks, Onondagas, and Senecas had at length agreed to an answer, but
that the rest were not as yet come to any conclusion — Sir William spent some hours iu
discourse with these Ciiiefs and others whom he sent for, in order to expedite their answer, the
necessity of which he represented from the scarcity of provisions for so great a number owing
to the unfavourable season, and the loss of the Inhabitants crops, and discoursed a long time
with them on the matters he recommended to their consideration.
Sunday July the 21^' 1770.
The former part of this day was spent in private Conferences as well between the Indians
as with Sir William, and the Chiefs, in order that they might be thoroughly satisfied with his
advice, and unanimous in their answer. — Early in the afternoon they acquainted Sir William
that they were ready to deliver their answer and accordingly assembled.
Present — as before.
Being all seated, the Onondaga Speaker called to the speakers, and Chiefs of the rest to
approach the Front near Sir William in order to give in their answer, which done they
appointed Abraham Chief of the Mohawks their Speaker, who addressed Sir William as follows.
Brother. The Six Nations and their Dependants from Ohio to Canada have now assembled
after two days spent in deliberation to deliver you their answer to your speech. Then repeated
what Sir William had said on his first belt, and added, now, Brother, we have according to
your advice taken your discourse into due consideration. A Belt 11. Rows.
Brother. — You desired that we should give you an answer from the bottom of our hearts;
We accordingly met amongst ourselves and have had many debates together in order to bring
about what seemed so pleasing to the King, at your desire; this took up all our time, and has
prevented us from giving you an answer sooner. He then repeated what Sir William had said
on his second Belt, after which he proceeded as follows :
Brother. You have very kindly signifyed to us, that the King does not desire to see us at
war with Indian Nations, and you have likewise given us your opinion thereupon, and shewn
us the advantages of it in a very clear light. — Brother, We have seriously considered all this,
and believing that it is the King's regard for us that occasions him to wish us at peace, and
confiding in your friendship, which we are certain has induced you to give us the advice, we at
length do agree to the same, & shall strictly follow it, provided we can bring those troublesome
Nations to reason & submission without War, and live peaceably as we do with the Southern
Indians; to this end we shall stay all hostilities, and make use of our younger Brothers the
Shawanese, who live near them, to convince them of their folly, and presumption, and, if this
has a due effect, and that these Nations will join heartily in promoting peace, and abiding by
their ancient agreements, we shall be well pleased, and shall not make war upon them. This
Brother, you may be assured is the determined resolution of us all, and therefore you may
depend upon it that we shall observe what we have said to you. A Belt 10. Rows.
Brothers. We have endeavoured as much as possible hitherto to keep our people sober &
quiet; We are very sensible, that it would overset the business, if our people got Liquor, for,
as our young men, are with difficulty kept within bounds, when sober, it is certainly impossible
236 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to do anything with them when drunk. We therefore now assure you, that it is our resolution
during the course of this Treaty to keep ourselves sober, and should any Kegs of Liquor be
brought amongst us by the Traders we will on discovery stave them to pieces.
Gave three strings.
Brother, We have now answered you sincerely and from our hearts on one part of the business
which has occasioned our present meeting, & we hope that it will be agreable to you, and are
ready to proceed on the rest. — They then conferred for some time in private after which Sir
William addressed them.
Brothers — The Six Nations and others here Assembled.
I have attended seriously to your answer concerning the War you proposed to engage in ; I
have as well before, as during the course of our proceedings here said so much to you on the
subject, that I persuaded myself you would be convinced, and am glad to find you are so; and
I know, that it must appear as a striking proof of His Maj"''" humanity and regard for you all,
and that you may easily perceive that I have had no other motive in recommending it to you,
than my Friendship and sincere wishes for your prosperity. I know, that there are some
parties of yours that are now gone to the Southward. As this is not consistent with the pacific
sentiments you have expressed for the Southern Indians, I think, they should be recalled ; and
when you send to the Shawanese for the purposes you have mentioned, I recommend it to you
to make choice of wise Deputies, good Men, who will faithfully execute the trust you repose in
them, sincerely wishing for your own sakes that you may faithfully abide by the resolutions,
you have now expressed to me.
Brothers. I am very glad that you have determined to let no Rum come amongst you, as
that Liquor will not only obstruct business, but may be productive of the most dangerous
consequences. You see and know the pains I have taken to prevent it, and I hope that you
will do the like on your parts, agreeable to your promise. —
Brothers, The King, my Master, having received all the papers, and proceedings relative to
the great Treaty at Fort Stanwix, together with the Deed of Cession, which you then executed
to him, has laid them before his Council of great Men, and after considering the whole of it,
has signified to me (what I hope will be deemed a further instance of his paternal goodness)
that he did not require the Lands so far to the Southward, if it was of the least inconvenince to
his Children, whose interests he has, so much at heart. He has at length in compliance with
your own desires, as transmitted by me, and the public grant that you made, impowered me to
ratify the same by letters I have received from the Lord, who is one of His Maj'^'' Secretaries
(holding the letter in his hand), which I now purpose to do. — You all knew the Deed of Cession,
of which this, ( shewing a Copy ) is a true copy. You all know that it was executed in a public
meeting of the great[est] number of Indians, that has ever assembled within the time of our
remembrances, and that all who had any pretensions were duly summoned to it. You all
remember the great, and valuable present you received upon that occasion, exceeding any thing
you had ever seen. Yet notwithstanding all this, I find that there are some of your Dependants
who live by your toleration, and who never had any Title to the soil, who talk, as if they were
dissatisfied with your Act, or doubted your authority. It is therefore incumbent on you, to see
into, and make diligent enquiry ab' it, and to shew these people, if any should there be, their
Polly. — This I expect you will do without delay, as a testimony of your gratitude to the King,
and in justice to yourselves; and I expect that upon this occasion, you will make choice of
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 237
honest, wise Men, who will not deviate from their Instructions, but faithfully execute what you
direct them. Fully persuaded, that you will do this, and that you are resolved to abide for
ever faithfully by your engagements entered into at that time, I do now by virtue of the powers
to me given in the name, and on behalf of his Britanic Majesty, Ratify and confirm the whole
of the Treaty made at Fort Stanwix in 176S, and also the Deed of Cession to the King then
executed (except what relates to the private grants, which his Maj'^ will consider of) and I do
declare, that the same is ratified accordingly. A Belt.
The Indians, in answer expressed their satisfaction at what Sir William had said, to which,
as it was very late, they deferred giving an answer until next day.
then adjourned.
At night Sir William had a conference with a principal Sachem and Warrior of each Nation,
when he spoke with them on the subjects for the meeting to morrow — he found that besides
some grievances, which were to be the subject of the future proceedings, the Indians were
suspicious, that the English intended totally to neglect, and disregard them, and that this
opinion daily gained ground amongst the several Nations. The Chiefs spoke with much
warmth on the reduced state of those living under our Arms (as they called it), namely, the
Mohawks, and others living amongst our settlements, who they remarked had been veryusefull
to us, and were now greatly neglected by the English. — The Mohawks in particular,
(supported by thejest) signified their desire to speak in public, that His Maj'^ would take their
case into Consideration, and allow them a Missionary, observing that they, and their Fathers
had been Christianized, and attended for many years by Ministers of the Church of England —
that a former King had built them a Church, and had taken much care of them, but tliat they
have been now for many years without an English Clergyman, which gave them much
concern. — Sir William, foreseeing, that these, and many other matters of a private nature,
would if spoken in public, furnish part of the Confederacy with subjects for disagreable
reflections, represented to them, that there would be no occasion to bring matters before the
rest of the Nations, in which they were not particularly concerned, as he would lay them before
His Maj'^, from whose generous sentiments and pious regard for their future welfare, they
might expect that they would be attended to.
The Sachems and Chiefs of Canada Indians desired a conference in public with Sir William,
and being assembled, their Speaker addressed him.
Monday — July 22-^ 1770.
Brother. We have desired to speak to you in this public manner on an afl^air which
concerns ourselves, and which has occasioned great uneasiness amongst us. — Brother, you
know us for many years — we knew you, and esteemed your character, when we were in the
arms of the French, and when you came down with the army to Montreal ten years ago ; you
then spoke to us, gave us good words, and by the order of the General gave us solemn
assurances, that if we did not assist the French, but permitted you to descend the River
without interruption, we should be placed among the number of your friends, and enjoy our
rights and possessions and the free exercise of our Religion forever. — This we believed, for
we knew your character, and had a confidence in you, and accordingly agreed to your request,
238 - NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and have ever since behaved in such a manner, as to demonstrate our fidelity, and attachment
to the English.
Brother. You allways give us good vrords, and have shewn yourself our friend. It is
therefore vpith concern we tell you our grievances at this time occasioned by the ill disposed
people who give disturbance in several quarters.
Brother — You are not ignorant that there are many Men, of whom we have before
complained, who are no longer our friends, and either guided by interest, or, perhaps from
resentment on finding our attachment to the English, endeavour to alter the minds of all the
great Men, who have been sent to command in Canada, and to misrepresent us to them.
Through such means our brothers at S' Regis, have been distressed for sometime past by
Intruders imposed on them from another nation, who have no pretensions to live in their
village ; and last winter, a Frenchman named Clingancourt, came into our principal village of
Cagnawagee, bought a house privately, and was no sooner settled, than he began to create
much disturbance by telling false stories to the Commanding Officer there, and giving
countenance to immoralities, that are highly displeasing to us. Our Priest who is a peaceable
good Man, endeavoured as far, as was in his power to restrain these disorders in the usual
manner, and to punish the offenders according to the Religious forms of our Church, but was
threatned, and treated with the greatest contempt, so that he could not do his duty, through
the artifices of this Frenchman. This gives us great concern, and if we are not redressed, we
may in a little time be deprived of the use of that Religion, the use of which we were assured
should be permitted to us. We therefore earnestly request, that you will take this matter into
serious consideration, and if you shall think it fitting, that you may lay it before the King,
that we may not be interrupted hereafter in the exercise of our Religion, or our priests
prevented from inflicting such pains and penances, as our Church requires, on offenders.
A Belt 7. Rows.
To which Sir William answered.
Brothers. I have barkened to your speech, and do assure you, that I have not forgot any
part of the engagements we formerly entered into, and which it is his Maj'^"'* intention shall be
strictly observed in every particular. You have therefore nothing to fear on that account.
The affair of S' Regis, I understand has been lately settled to the satisfaction of the Indians
of that place ; and as to what you mention respecting your village at Cagnawagee, I make no
doubt, that it would be soon settled in the like manner, on my acquainting the Governor of
Quebec therewith ; but, as he is now I understand, sailed for England, I think, the readiest
method to gratify your desire, will be by letter to the Frenchman. I shall accordingly write
to him in a proper manner, and give Col: Claus Instructions about the affair on his return to
Canada, which will be in a few days. —
You may be assured of His Maj'^'" Esteem & that I shall continue to shew you all the
friendship in my power, so long as you continue to promote peace, and adhere faithfully to
your engagements. Returned their Belt.
The Indians spent the Forenoon of this day in Council, and about noon Sir William had a
conference with some of the Chiefs on the subject of their answer. — In the afternoon the
Indians sent to acquaint Sir William that they were assembled.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 239
At a Congress, with the several Nations of Indians, Monday July 22"'' 1770.
Present — as before.
Conoquieson asked whether Sir William was ready to attend to what they had to say —
On being answered in the Affirmative,
Abraham stood up and addressed him as follows.
Bother Gorah Warraghiyagey.
We are now met together in full Council to answer you concerning what you last spoke to
us about the King's having received our Deed, and the proceedings at Fort Stanwix, with his
Ratification of the same, with which we are highly pleased, and we shall also speak on what
you have mentioned concerning the discontent some Indians have expressed at part of our
Cession. Brother, We beg therefore that you will attend to what we have now to answer.
Brother. — When we met you to so great a number, and in so public a manner at Fort Stanwix,
we should have hardly acted as we did, unless we had been possessed of a full right to the
Lands, and had full authority to do so. We are surprised that any doubt can arise ab' it. You
very well know, that our Title has been allways Indisputable. As to the pretensions of any
inconsiderable people behind our backs, we shall soon silence them, and we now desire, that
you may assure the King, that it was our property we justly disposed of, that we had full
authority to do so. We return the King the sincere thanks of all our Nations for ratifying the
same, and we again confirm it, promising to abide always thereby. A Belt 8. Rows.
Brother. We are very happy to hear of the good disposition of the King towards us, and
the assurances you give us on that occasion. We are highly pleased with the indiflference the
King shews for Lands, and we consider it as a sure sign of his regard, that he does not love to
see us at war.
Brother. We are not desirous of making war, but when the same appears necessary. We
therefore now acquiesce with your advice to us, and shall let the Southern Nations alone,
provided they act a proper part towards us. But Brothers, whilst we express ourselves so
disposed, we cannot help reflecting on the treatment we still continue to receive, particularly
on the Southern Frontiers, where our people are frequently Robbed and murdered, and no
reparation made for all this. If we inclined to be silent on such conduct, our young Men
would force us to speak, and that warmly ; they would soon be for Revenge, as the provocation
we have received, is too great to be longer born with. — Brother. We request that the great
King will give orders to his Governors, and great Men concerning these matters, assuring you
that we are disposed to abide by our engagements, and restrain our young people, but that we
cannot pretend to do it, unless a speedy end be put to the behaviour of the people who have
so repeatedly attacked us. — A Black Belt of 10 rows.
Brother. At the Treaty at Fort Stanwix you then told us, as you had done before, that we
should pass our4ime in peace and travell in security, that Trade should flourish & goods
abound; that they should be sold us cheap, &that care should be taken to prevent any persons
from imposing on us — Brother, this would have endeared all the English to us — but we do
not see it — It is now worse, than it was before, for we cannot get goods at all at present, and
we hear from all Traders, that nobody will bring in any, and that you have none for yourselves.
Brother. We should take up a great deal of time, if we repeated all that we suffer by these
things, but you must be yourself sensible of them, and therefore we rely upon you that you
240 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
will lay these matters before the King, and represent our situation, so that he may hearken to
our words, and afford us redress. A Belt of 10. rows.
Then Conoquieson stood up and said.
Brother. Agreable to what you yesterday recommended to us, we have now fixed upon
four Chiefs from amongst us, who are men of sense that will faithfully deliver our words to
the Shawanese, of which number Thomas King is the principal, who is a Man, that you may
be assured, will faithfully execute whatever is desired of him. — Then acquainted the Six
Nations and Sir William Johnson, that, by the death of Gawehe a Tuscarora Sachem, there
was a vacancy at the Council fire, & accordingly raised up Tarriwahwage to supply his place
with the usual ceremonys. After which Saghtaghroana, on behalf of the Seven Nations of
Canada stood up and said.
Brother, We the Nations living in Canada express our sincere thanks to you for having by
your prudence and wisdom brought all the Nations here into one way of thinking, which no
other person could ever have effected. This is a great work Brother, and it gives us a great
pleasure, and, I now speak to you and all the Nations in public upon it.
Brother. When we united ourselves with the English on the reduction of Canada, we then
resolved to act like Men, to be true to our engagements and to scorn lyes, — We then agreed for
the preservation of peace, that the Caghnawagees should have their eyes on the Council Fire
of the Six Nations at Onondaga, and the other Council fire at your house, whilst our Brethren
at Canasadaga should have their eyes upon all the Nations up the Ottawa or great River to the
Westward. — Brother, we did this, we always gave you true intelligence, and studied to
promote peace ; for Brother, we are Men of our words. Men who despise double dealings, and
are incapable of deceit. We shall still act up to that character, & our actions shall prove the
truth of what we now say. We resolve in order to promote the work, which you have begun,
and so successfully conducted, to send proper Deputies to the Indians to the Westward, taking
that part of the negociation entirely upon ourselves, and we shall agree with the Six Nations
in the Message they send, that we may not speak with two mouths upon so important an
occasion. The Men we shall make choice of, shall be such as we may place the utmost
confidence in, & they shall have orders from us to return by way of Detroit and Fort Pitt to
your house to bring you a faithful report of the Negotiation.
Then shewed the Belt which they purposed to send. Then Abraham the Chief returned
Sir William the Belt which he had sent to the meeting at Onondaga last fall cautioning them
not to let their warriors go to war, or enter into any rash resolves until they heard from him
— with this having complied, they, according to custom returned the Belt. — After which
Abraham returned the Belt sent last spring by Sir William to the Seneca's Country, to require
them to collect all the horses they could, the property of the white people, and to deliver them
up. All which they promised strictly to comply with, and to prevent any from being taken
in future by their people, or dependants. ,
The Speaker then acquainted Sir William, that they had finished all the material business
of the Congress.
To all which Sir William answered as follows:
Brethren of the several Nations here assembled.
I am well pleased with the answer which you have given me on the several subjects, and I
hope that your actions will correspond with the words you have made use of. — As I am well
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 241
acquainted with your claims & pretensions, I considered tlie murmurings of some of your
Dependants, as of little importance. — It is nevertheless a duty which you owe to yourselves to
put a stop to them, and I am very glad to hear that you have taken resolutions for that
purpose, which I hope, and expect you will see performed.
Brothers. It is with concern that I hear you complain, that the people on the southern
frontiers still continue to molest you, because I know that great pains liave been taken to put
a stop to such behaviour. — Brothers, You know, that I have often told you upon that subject,
that I have reason to believe much of the ill treatment you meet with, proceeds from the
indiscretion of some of your young people, when passing through that part of the Country,
amongst people who suffered severely during the war ; I shall nevertheless, as you desire, lay
your-complaint before His Maj''', who, I am persuaded, will give any orders that may be
further necessary for your security ; and I am certain that the several Governors will use their
utmost endeavours for that purpose; but I expect in return that you will give the most strict
caution to your young people that they govern themselves in a peaceable, quiet manner, when
they resort to that Country ; for otherwise, you cannot expect that the Inhabitants will treat
them with kindness.
Brothers. — I very well remember all the promises that have been made you, and also the
engagements between us. — You all see that they are committed to writing in your presence.
I know that amongst other things, you received assurances of a free, and plentiful Trade, and I
can confidently assure you, that you will still enjoy the same. It is true, that for some little
time goods have been scarce, but I can now inform you, that they will be again in great
plenty, as the Merchants have now sent for large cargoes which may be very soon expected at
New York, and a large quantity is already come to Montreal, accordingj^to certain advices I
have lately received. I have likewise the pleasure to acquaint you, that (although the affair
has taken up some time from the distance of some of our Colonies from the others) there is
now a good prospect, that the affairs of Trade will speedily be regulated on terms of advantage
to you all, as I have heard that some Commissioners for that purpose are already met, and
more on their way to the place appointed for determining thereupon. I shall however comply
with your request in laying this matter before the King on whose attention to these, and all
other affairs in which you are interested, you may safely and confidently rely.
Brothers. I approve of the manner you have resolved upon to send Messengers to the
Shawanese, and of the Men you have chosen, for that purpose. But, as I likewise intend to
send Messengers as well to the Shawanese as to Michilimacinac, I shall expect to be made
acquainted with the purport -of your Message that we may both correspond on that subject.
Brothers of the seven Nations of Canada
I thank you for your honest and spirited address to myself, and all here assembled, and I
greatly approve of your resolutions to send Messerigers in the manner you propose. I shall
gladly join them with Messengers from myself, to which end it will be necessary that I know,
what you intend to charge them with, that we may unite in Sentiments.
Then it growing late, and a Thunder storm coming on, Sir William thanked them all for
their accordation with him in sentiments and adjourned.
Vol. VIII.
242 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Tuesday July 25"^ In the morning the Indians all assembled in Council.
Present — as before.
Sir William having desired their attention spoke as follows :
Brothers of the Six Nations, of Canada, and all others here assembled.
Having now brought the business of this Treaty to a favourable conclusion, I cannot help
expressing my satisfaction thereat, and at the readiness, and unanimity which the Chiefs have
manifested upon this occasion. It only now remains, that I close this Congress, in a suitable
manner by adding strength and weight to our proceedings. — I do therefore by this Belt, renew
and strengthen the covenant chain, or alliance entered into between our ancestors and yours.
I likewise clean and brighten it, so that it may not contract any rust, and I do assure you on
the part of the great King, that we shall take care to hold it fast, and preserve it unhurt to
the latest posterity, if you vrill on your parts be observant of the part which is in your
hands, and take equal care of it. I likewise declare, that it is the intention of His Maj'^ and
all his subjects to abide by, and fulfill the engagements with you, so far as is possible, and I
recommend it to you all to make public the transactions of this Treaty throughout all the
Nations to the setting of the sun ; and as you value yourselves, and wish to be happy, to abide
by, and faithfully perform all that you have promised.
Gave the Belt of the Covenant Chain, after which every Nation gave the Yohah.
Brothers. Notwithstanding the great additional expense which the King, my Master has
been at in bestowing favours on such an additional number of Indians, as by the reduction of
Canada have been admitted into our alliance, his Maj'^ is still mindful of you, and has therefore
been graciously pleased to consider your present wants by ordering you a handsome present,
which I have brought to this place and which shall now be delivered to you. I hope that you
may retain a grateful sense of these, and all other Marks of his Royal favor, and that you will
always be studious to merit the continuance of his protection and friendship, and the regard
of all his subjects.
Brothers the Missasagas. I am glad that by your attending at this Treaty you had an
opportunity of observing the friendship subsisting between the English and your Brothers here
assembled, and the unanimity with which we have brought several weighty matters to an
agreable conclusion. I recommend it to you faithfully to relate the particulars that have passed
here, to your Nation, and confederacy, at your return, assuring them of the Friendship of the
Great King, and that I shall allways preserve a sincere regard for them, and their interests,
so long as they continue to merit it by contributing to diffuse the blessings of peace throughout
the Country within their influence, and by joining heartily in promoting the several matters of
importance agreed upon before me by theirfriends and Confederates — A Belt.
Bretheren of the several Nations here Assembled.
Every thing for the present beeing agreabjy adjusted, and concluded upon, I have only to
add my expectations that you will be steadfast in fulfilling your engagements, and I now close
this Treaty with my kindest wishes for your prosperity.
Brothers the Cherokees.
You have heard the conclusion, & determination of the Six Nations, and their Confederates ;
and upon maturely considering all circumstances I hope they will prove agreable to your
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 243
Nation, to whom I desire you will faithfully report all the transactions at this place assuring
them of my friendship, and that I am much obliged to them for the grateful sense, which from
the Belts you delivered me, I find they retain of my endeavour in effecting the peace between
them, and your Brothers here assembled, that [ shall always continue to promote it, trusting
that they will do the like on their parts, and sincerely wishing, that by attending to the words
of your Brother in Carolina, who has the care of you, you may continue to deserve the esteem
of the great King, and all his subjects. 2. fine Belts.
The Six Nations then renewed their engagements with the Cherokees, acquainting the
Deputies, that as they had now come to a final resolution before Sir William Johnson, they
hoped that the same would be found satisfactory to the Cherokees.
The Nanticoks' then addressed Sir William, requesting that he would give them a Passport,
and letters to the Gov'' of Carolina, that they might go, and bring the remainder of their
people from thence, and dispose of some land they yet have there. A Belt.
They then earnestly requested, that he would prevent the Traders from bringing any more
Rum down the Susquahanna, as they who lived there, were determined to abstain from
drinking, seeing so many murders committed by means thereof. A Belt.
Sir William promised them, that he would grant them a Passport, and also write in their
favor to theGov"" of Carolina concerning their lands there, and recommended a proper conduct
to them as they passed thro' the several settlements, ettc. a Belt.
Sir William also promised that he would do all in his power, to discourage the bringing of
Rum to their settlements, and expressed his approbation of the resolutions they had taken, and
wished them to continue firm in the same. Returned a Belt.
The Cayuga Chief then arose, and acquainted Sir William and the Six Nations that the
Delawares, Monsies, ettc living at Chughnot,^ Wialosing^ ettc had promised to remain where
they now live, & not regard the invitation of their Countrymen living at Ohio, and further
assured the Six Nations, that they would act agreable to their directions.
Spoke with two Belts.
Then the Chiefs of the several Nations assembled to consider of an answer to the Covenant
Chain Belt, and after some time spent, Abraham the Mohawk Chief stood up, and in the name
of the Six Nations and Canada Confederacy ettc repeated what Sir William had said on said
Belt, and returned their most hearty thanks for renewing the Covenant and they on their parts
did the same.
The Onondaga speaker then arose & acquainted Sir William that they appointed
Taganaghquaghsee in the room of Kanajiakaia deceased, Tawahmgseraghse of Karaghiadirra''
in the room of Odongota Chieftain of the Warriors, and two more of the Onondaga Nation.
All which they hoped he would approve of, and give them such testimonials ettc. as are us^al
on these occasions. Sir William admitted, and approved of their recommendations, and after
giving the appointed Sachems the necessary admonitions, he told them that he would at next
general meeting give them the proper testimonials ettc. which he had at his house.
A large Belt.
' Although these Indiana have been generally considered a Maryland tribe, it appears by the text that they originally
came from Carolina ; they afterwards migrated to the eastern shore of Maryland and thence up the Susquehannah. They
exist no longer as a Nation. Gallatin's Synopsis of the Indian Tribes. — En.
" See VII., fiO, note 5. = See III., 394, note. * See VII., 723, note.
244 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Wednesday Morning the Chiefs of each Nation present waited on Sir William at his
quarters to let him know the purport of their Message, to be sent by their Deputies to the
Wawiaghtanakes, Piankashaas, Kickapos ettc, which is as follows :
Brethren. These Deputies from the Six Nation Confederacy are now sent to inform you of
the peace established between us and the Cherokees, as well as the good harmony and union
that subsists between us, our Brethren, the English, and all the Nations of Indians to the rising
of the Sun, at the same time to let you know our surprise and displeasure at your untoward
and unruly behaviour towards some of our people, as well as to our Brethren the English, who
are employed carrying goods to the Illinois for your use, and that of all the Indians in that
quarter, which shews that you are not in your senses. Wherefore we now take you by the
head, and shake you so, as to bring you to them, and also take that hatchet out of your hands,
which you run about with, doing Mischief. Should you still prove obstinate, and persevere in
your wickedness, they are in that case authorized by the whole Confederacy now assembled
to tell you, that the consequence will prove fatal to you. Repent therefore of what you have
done, otherwise you will inevitably involve your Nations in a War, which must terminate in
your ruin. A large Belt shewn.
The Canada Confederacy consisting of Seven Nations then told Sir William, that as they
intended to wait on him to his house (in their way home) they would there acquaint him
with the purport of their Message to those troublesome Nations who were now like Men void
of sense, running about with a sharp Axe in their hands at a time, when he was endeavouring
to spread peace over all the land.
The Missisagas also came to acquaint Sir William, that they intended to wait upon him to
his house, where they had something to say to him relative to their Nation.
Sir William after having returned the Chiefs his hearty thanks for the part they had acted
during the Congress, and expressing his approbation of the Message which they intend sending
to the ill disposed Nations, told them, and the Canada Confederacy, Missasages ettc, that he
intended also sending them some Belts which should coincide with theirs in a great measure.
Then told the Canada Indians & Missisagas ettc, that he would be glad to see them at his
house, as he had something particular to say to them. Then Sir William ordered provisions
for all the Nations on their journey home^ and after parting with them in the most friendly
manner, sett off" that morning for his own seat accompanied by above one hundred and
fifty Indians ettc, and followed by several other parties, on the private affairs of their
respective Nations.
The foregoing is a true copy, ex^ by me
Rich'' Shuckburgh^ Secretary for Ind" Affairs.
' Richard SHUOKBURon who, if he did not compose, at least introduced the popular and well known air of Yankee Doodle
into this country, was of German origin, and received a commission as Surgeon of Captain Horatio Gates' Independent
Company of New-Torlf, on the 25lh June, 1737. Army List, 1758, 137. Whilst encamped at Greenbush, in the neighborhood
of Albany, during the French.war, to please, it is said, some eastern levies, he composed a tune and recommended it to the
officers as one of the most celebrated airs of martial music. The air took, and in a few days nothing was heard in the
Trovincial Camp but Yankee Doodle. Little did the Doctor imagine the renown which awaited the air that he had
recommended in joke. Farmer d Moore's New Hampshire Collections, III., 217. Ou the death of Captain Wraxall, Sir Wm.
Johnson nominated Dr. jShuckburgh Secretary for Indian affairs in 1759, when he left Captain Gates' corps; but the
appointment was not confirmed, Witham Marsh having been sent out in 1761 to fill the office. Mcto-York Commissions, V., 211.
We find Dr. Shuekburgh next appointed, 22 December, I7ti2, Surgeon of the 17th Foot, then serving in America, to which
regiment ho continued to be attached until 1708, (Army Lists, 1765, 1769,) when he succeeded Mr. Marsh, and filled the office
of Secretary of Indiau ail'airs for several years. lie received a grant of land in May, 1755, in the present town of Glen,
Montgomery county, N. V. — Ku.
N°14.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 245
Lieutenaiit-Govoriwr Colden to the Earl of Ililhhorovgh.
[ New-Tork Papera ( S. P. O. ) CLXII. ]
New York. IS. August 1770.
My Lord,
I have the honor of your Lord^'s commands of the 12"" of June N° 39. with His Maj'>"»
disallowance of the Act declaring certain persons therein mentioned incapable of being
Members of the General Assembly of this Colony; and I have publish'd His Maj'^'"' disallowance
by Proclamation, as usual. I have communicated to the Council the Act passed in the last
Session of Parliament, to enable the Gov' Council and Assembly of His Maj'>''' Colony of
New York to pass an Act of Assembly for creating and issuing upon Loan, paper Bills of
Credit to a certain amount ettc. As the Colony of New York is distinguished by the favour
of Parliament in this particular, I make no doubt of its being received with that dutiful
gratitude which may justly be expected. — The other Acts of E'arliam' relating to the Colonies,
and transmitted to me by M"" Pownall, were likewise communicated and all of them lodged in
the Secretaries Office.
An Equestrian guilt Statue, of the King, made by direction of, and purchased by this Colony,
came over in one of the last ships from London. On Thursday last it was opened to view,
erected on its proper pedestal, in a square near the Fort and fronting the principal street of the
City. I was attended on this occasion by the Gentlemen of the Council, and Members of
Assembly then in Town, the magistrates of the City, the Clergy of all Denominations, and a
very large number of the principal Inhabitants. Our Loyalty, firm attachment and affection
to His Maj'J''' person was expressed by drinking the King's Health, and a long continuance of
His reign, under a discharge of 32 pieces of Cannon, a Band of music playing at the same
time from the Ramparts of the Fort. The General and Officers of the Army gave us the
honour of their company on the occasion. The whole Company walked in procession from
the Fort, round the Statue, while the Spectators expressed their joy, by loud acclamations,
and the procession having returned with me to the Fort, the ceremony concluded with great
chearfulness and good humour.
I am well assured My Lord, that the Merchants in this Place, who appeared most zealous to
prevent the importation of British Manufactures, have, notwithstanding, sent themselves orders
for large quantities of goods. At the same time they have thrown out the basest aspersions,
in the public Newspapers against those who promoted the importation. I am confident, the
example of New York will be followed by all the neighbouring Colonies, notwithstanding what
appears in the American Newspapers to the contrary. It gives me the greatest pleasure, that
the people of New York, under my Administration, are the most forward in returning to
their duty.
Lord Dunmore is daily expected here. I hope to deliver up the Govern' to him, in peace
and tranquility, and with a very favourable disposition of a large majority of the people,
especially of any rank to Government.
Nothing gives me more pleasure, than the hope your Lord? allows me to have, of your
retaining some regard to — My Lord,
Your most obedient and
faithful servant
Cadwallader Colden.
246 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America.
[Plantations General ( S. P. O.) CCLVI.]
Circular, most secret and confidential.
Governors of:
No. of letter. - No. of letter.
Quebec 34:. Georgia 33.
Island of S' John.... 1. East Florida 32.
Nova Scotia 41. West Florida 28.
■ New Hampshire 32. Bahamas 22.
Massachusets 41. Bermuda... 22.
New York 41. Barbados 28.
Virginia 36. Leeward Islands 26.
N^Carolina 34. Grenada 33.
S" Carolina 3S. Jamaica 31.
New Jersey.
The King having received advices that the Spanish Gov"' of Buenos Ayres hath thought fit
to dispossess his Maj'^'" subjects of their settlement at Port Egmont in Falkland Islands; so
violent a proceeding in time of profound peace will, unless disavowed by the Court of Spain and
proper restitution made, be considered as an open act of hostility, and therefore the King hath
thought fit with the advice of his servants to command a considerable Naval Armament to be
prepared in order to act as the honor & dignity of his Crown shall under future events require.
The suspending or increasing this Naval armam"' will probably depend upon the answer
which the Court of Spain shall give to what has been demanded on this occasion, which the
King has good reason to hope will correspond with his Maj"''' wishes for the preservation of
the public peace, in the mean time you cannot be too attentive to the security of the g^ under
your Govern' nor too early in your consideration of what may be necessary for t^, protection
and defence in case matters should, contrary to His Maj'^'^ just expectations, come to extremities,
in which case you may be assured that the security of our possessions in America, will be a
principal object of His Maj'^'» care & attention.
I am ettc.
Whitehall. 28 September 1770. Hillsborough.
P. S. Since I wrote the above letter farther advices from the Court of France, have been
communicated to me which confirm us in our hope that the peace may still be preserved.
H.
N" 14.
Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson.
[Plantations General (8. P. 0.) CCLVI.]
Whitehall. 3. October 1770.
Sir.
I have received and laid before the King your letter of the 12"" of July last.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 247
The great variety of important matter proposed to be discussed in tlie Congress wliich was
upon the point of being held when you wrote that letter, necessarily creates some impatience
to be informed of the result of it, and I have reason to hope from a letter I have received from
General Gage,^ that it will be a favourable one.
It is certainly desirable that the prejudices which have been endeavoured to be fixed upon
the minds of the Savages by the idle and wicked Report propagated amongst them, that the
King had ordered no more goods to be sent them, should be removed, and as there is no longer
any foundation for artifice of that sort to work upon, their confidence will upon this occasion
be easily regained.
The accounts which have been received through almost every channel of correspondence
from America, of reports spread abroad, that an Union between the Northern and Southern
Indians has been in agitation, have not failed to give us some uneasy apprehensions ; such an
Union cannot have been proposed, but with views of a very alarming nature, nor can it take
effect without producing the most fatal consequences ; the King therefore doubts not that you
have taken every method to investigate and discover the grounds of such Reports, and in case
there should appear any just reason to suspect such a design, that you have availed yourself of
every advantage which the late Congress afforded you to defeat and disconcert it.
I am ettc.
Hillsborough.
' Hon. Thomas Gage was the second son of the 1st, and father of the 3d, Viscount Gage of Castlebar, in the county
Mayo, Ireland. In 1705 he accuni^ianied the expedition un3er General Braddock, against Fort Duquesne, as Lieutenani-
Colonel of tlie 44th regiment, and coM.manded the vanguard in the fatal engagement of the 9th July, when he was slightly
•wounded. After the battle, he carried the General off the field. EiUick, I., 146. In May, 1758, he was appointed Coloi.el
of the SOth regiment, and Brigadier-General, (Knox's Journal, I., 212, ) and on the 8th of December following married
Margaret, daughter of Peter Kenible, Esq., President of the CoBncil of New Jersey. Debrett. In 1759 he accompanied the
expedition under Gen. Amherst, and led the 2d column against Fort Ticonderoga, which, however, had been abandoned by
the French before the arrival of the English troops. On learning the death of Gen. Prideaux, Gen. Amherst dispatched
Brigadier Gage on the 28tli July, to take the command of that division of the army, but Fort Niagara had already been reduced
by Sir William Johnson. A'jioi, 1, 403 ; Entick, IV., 137. On the 11th July, of the following year, he departed from Osw. go
with the army to Montreal, of which city he wa^ appointed Governor, after its capitulation. He was promoted in May, 1761,
to the rank of Major-General, and in March following became Colonel of the 22d Regiment of foot. At the departure of
General Amherst for England in 1763, Major-General Gage succeeded him as commander-in-chief of his Majesty's forces in
North America. He rose to be Lieutenant-General in 1770, and resided in New- York until May, 1774, when he removed to
Boston, on being appointed Governor of Massachusetts. He was a suitable instrument for CNeeuting the purposes of a
tyrannical ministry and parliament. Several regiments soon followed him, and he began to repair the fortifications upon
Boston Neck. The powder in the arsenal in Charleslown was seized ; detachments were sent out to take possession of the
stores in Salem and Concord ; and the battle of Lexington became the signal of war. In May, 1775, the Provincial Congress
declared Gage to be an inveterate enemy of the country, disqualified from serving the colony as Governor and unworthy of
obedience. From this time the exercise of his functions was confined to Boston. In June he issued a proclamation, offering
pardon to all the rebels, excepting Samuel Adams and John Hancock, and proclaimed martial law ; but the aflfair of Breed's
Hill, a few days afterwards, jToved to him that he h.ad mistaken the character of the Americans. In October he embarked
for England, and was succeeded in the command by Sir William Howe. His conduct towards the inhabitants of Boston, in
promising them liberty to leave the town on the delivery of their arms, and then detaining many of them, has been reprobated
for its treachery. Allen. In 1782 he was appointed Colonel of the 17th Light Dragoons, and rose to the rank of General of
the army in the following month of November. General Gage died in England on the 2d of April, 1787. Gentleman's Maga-
zine. His widow survived him until 9th February, 1824, when she died, aged 90 years. Debrett. — Ed.
248 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsboroxigh.
[ Now-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXII. ]
N° 17.
New York. 5. October 1770
My Lord,
As this most probably is the last opportunity by which I can have the honor of writing to
your LordP while the Administration of Govern' is in my hands, I think it incumbent on me
to give you some account of the persons who are most attached to Govern', in opposition to the
party who continue to declare openly against the authority of the Parliament of great Brittain.
In my preceeding letter, I informed your Lord? of the steps that had been taken to introduce
a general importation of goods from Great Brittain, and of the opposition which had been
made to it, by that party who have in every other instance endeavoured to embrace the
measures of Govern'. It gave me particular satisfaction to find this party entirely defeated
last week, in a violent strugle to turn out such of the Elective Magistrates of this City, as
had distinguished themselves any way in favour of Govern'
I believe your Lordi" will be pleased to know that the Members of His Maj'^''^ Council, with
a single exception, and the Representatives of this City in General Assembly have zealously
exerted themselves for a dissolution of the nonimportation agreement in New York ; which
must have a General good effect in all the North American Colonies. M'' Ludlow,^ whom I
appointed one of the Puisne Judges of the Supreme Court, in the room of M'' Smith deceased,
was very useful. He has many Friends among the Merchants, and they were the foremost in
declaring for importation. He has at all times been a Friend to-Govern', is a Man of genius
and of application, and I doubt not will distinguish himself in his station — . No particular
person has been more distinguished on this occasion, than M'' Banyar^ Deputy Secretary of this
Province. _ He took great pains to excite and preserve a proper spirit in others. He has
' Geokge DDNOA»f Lddlow originally served an apprenticeship, it is said, with an apothecary, but disliking the business,
resolved to study law. His speech having become defective in consequence of sickness, his friends, anticipating his certain
failure at the bar, opposed his design ; but he persisted and completed his studies. Those who were interested in his success
attended court on the first trial of his powers, predicting as they went that his discomfiture and their own mortification were
certain; much to their surprise, he was fluent, and argued the ease intrusted to him with great skill and judgment. His rise
at the bar was rapid. In commencing practice, he gave bis attention exclusively to commercial cases, and acquired so much
proficiency that he was constantly employed, either as arbitrator in deciding mercantile disputes, or in the adjustment and
settlement of complicated mercantile transactions. This drew him into commercial speculations and having, by honest
industry and great assiduity acquired, at a comparatively early age, an ample fortune, he retired to a handsome estate which
he had purchased on- Long Island. Shortly after his retirement, he was appointed judge of the Court of Common Pleas, in
which he gave so much satisfaction, that, though he labored under the disadvantage of deafness, in addition to an impediment
in his speech, he was appointed puisne judge of the Supreme Court in December, 1769. At the breaking out of the Revolu.
tion, he adhered to the side of the Crown. In 1779 his house nt Hyde Park, Queens county, was plundered, and it is said that
the Judge himself escaped being made prisoner, by getting upon the roof through the scuttle, and hiding behind the chim-
ney. His country seat and his other property, passed to the Stale, under the confiscation act of 1779. In 1780 he was
appointed Master of the EoUs, and Superintendent of Police on Long Island, with powers or principles of Equity, " to hear
and determine controversies, till civil government can take place." He retired to the province of New Brunswick in 1783,
where he occupied the firsf place in public affairs. He was a member of the first Council formed in that colony, and the
first Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. His place of residence was at Fredericton, the capital, where he died February 12,
1808. Francos, his widow, and daughter of Thomas Duncan, Esquire, died at St. John in 1825, at the age of eighty-seven.
Mr. Ludlow was an excellent judge, a man of integrity, of extensive information; and in private life a most agreeable and
entertaining companion. Sabine's AjAerican Loyalists, 431 ; Daly's Judicial Tribunals of ^^ew-York, 54, note. — Ed.
" See note, supra, p. 188.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 249
likewise been very useful to me in every part of my Administration ; permit me My Lord to
mention him, as one, every way deserving your LordP's attention in case any thing may offer
in his favour — I have been conversant fifty years in the public affairs of this Govern', and I
can truly say, that he has in his office exceeded all, that have been in it during that time, both
in ability & diligence. He has faithfully discharged every confidence placed in him by
Govern', and has so well established the opinion of his Integrity and honour for upwards of
twenty years past, that every Gov' in that time has placed a particular confidence in his
advice, Sir Henry Moore ^ only excepted. Perhaps My Lord, you may expect that I mention
the persons who have opposed the salutary measures of Govern'. Though every Man
conversant in public affairs, be well assured in his own mind, who are the Leaders and
Conductors of the opposition to Govern', yet as they do not appear publicly, but work by their
Tools of inferiour Rank, no legal evidence I can produce against them. I must therefore beg
to be excused from naming any person.
As now all kind of Rioting is greatly discouraged, I hope to deliver up the Administration
not only in tranquility, but with a prevailing disposition in the People to support Govern'. I
flatter myself that I shall retain some degree of your LordP's esteem and Regard.
I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect My Lord,
Your most obedient and
faithful servant.
Cadwallader Golden.
N"!.
Earl of Dumnore to the Earl of Hillshorough.
[New-York Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXII.]
New York. 24. Octob"- 1770.
My Lord.
I arrived here the 1S"» inst : and the next day my Commission was bublished with the
usual ceremonies.
I have the greatest reason to be pleased with the reception I have met with, and from the
good humour that now appears amongst the people, I conceive hopes of an easy & peaceful
administration. I am. My Lord.
Your LordP's most obed' humble aerv'
DUNMORE.
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of IlillsborougTu
[ New-Tork Papera (S, P. 0.) CLXII.]
New York. 10. Nov' 1770.
My Lord,
The Earl of Dunmore arrived here on the IS"" of last month. Every thing in my power
was done to give him a reception suited to his Rank and the dignity of the Commission he
' See note, mpra, p. 197. — Eb.
Vol. VIIL 32
250 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
bears. I have reason to think, his Lord? was well pleased on the occasion. The tranquility
good humour and order among the people could not escape his notice. I was very happy in
delivering up the Govern* in such a situation, and with the strongest perswasion, that it would
be in his Lord^'s power, to support His Administration with ease and dignity. I thought of
nothing but to retire, and spend my few remaining days with satisfaction ; flattering myself
that a faithful discharge of my duty, in the Administration of Govern', in times the most
difBcult, had given me some claim to His Maj'^'' favour. It could not then My Lord but give
me a very sensible uneasiness, when the Earl of Dunmore communicated to me, the paragraph
of a letter from your Lord? to him, dated the 16"" of July last, signifying His Majesty's
pleasure "that a moiety of the perquisites and Emoluments of the Govern' of New York
" should be accounted for and paid to His Lord? from the date of his Commission to the time
"of his arrival" which he accordingly demanded by his Secretary. I am well assured it has
not been paid to any Gov' for fifty years past. My connection with the public affairs of this
Province, with the Governors and the persons most immediately about them during that time,
enables me to assert with great confidence, that no such demand has been made on any Lieut'
Gov' or eldest Councellor, from the death of one, to the arival of another Governor, except in
one instance only. M' Van Dam' held the Administration of Govern' as oldest Councellor,
from the death of Coll: Montgomerie on July 1" 1731. till the arrival of Coll : Cosby on the
1" of August 1732, who, in consequence of a n order he had obtained, demanded one half of
the Salary and perquisites, M' van Dam had received. M' van Dam refused to pay any part.
A suit was commenced against him, but drop't before a determination, and M' van Dam
retain'd the whole profits. This demand was thought to be an Act of mere power, and gave
general disgust.
From that time to the present, no such demand has been made, tho' several similiar cases
have happened. Every oldest Councillor or Lieut' Gov' has received and retained the whole
profits of Govern', from the death of one Gov' to the arrival of another. Usage and Custom
is thought to be the Rule.
General Monckton,' tho' residing in the place, did not demand, and I believe never expected
any part of the emoluments, which I had received between the date of his Commission, and
'See VI., 153, note.
' Lieutenant-General Robert Monckton -was the second son of John, Ist Visconnt Galway, and nephew of the 2d Dute
of Rutland, and was a Lieutenant-Colonel when appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Annapolis, in \154. In June, 1755, he
reduced Fort Beausejour, which he called Fort Cumberland, and Fort Gaspareau on Bay Vertc, and in the same year was
appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia. In November, 1757, he was appointed Colonel of the fourth battalion of
the 60th or Royal American regiment then attached to the army under Lord Loudon, and commanded the 2d battalion of
the same regiment, the following year, in the operations against Louisbourg; in 1769 he served as Brigadier and second to
General Wolfe in the expedition against Quebec, and was shot through the lungs on the Plains of Abraham. For his distin.
guished services in that campaign, he was rewarded with tlie colonelcy of the 17th Foot in October. In February, 1761, he
became Major-General, and shortly after received the appointment of Governor of the Province of New-York. His admin-
istration, however, did not continue long, for the British government having determined on the reduction of the Island of
Martinico, appointed him to take the command of the expedition, whither he proceeded in November. His liberality on
this expedition is highly extolled. For, feeling for the pecuniary difBcuIties the subalterns attached to his array had to struggle
with, he ordered the negroes which were taken to be sold, and the money to be divided amongst the subalterns. On finding it
would not amount to £6 a piece, he said he could not offer any gentleman less than that sum, and made up from his own
purse the deficiency, to the amount of about £500. He kept a constant table of 40 covers for the officers, and ordered that
the subalterns chiefly should be invited, saying he had been one himself and if a chair was vacant, he reprimanded
the Aid de camp. After the reduction of Martinico, he returned for a short period to New-York, but proceeded
soon after to England, when Major Campbell of the 100th regiment, who had been dismissed the service for killing one
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 251
the publication of it. Neither did Sir Henry Moore, from whose general conduct I had no
reason to expect the least favour, make such a demand.
These recent instances, My Lord, and the constant usage in this Colony, malies the demand,
now made on me, appear in the most disagreable light. If persisted in, I shall be distinguished
by a mark of His Maj'^'" displeasure. To support the authority of Govern* has been the
invariable rule of my conduct ; I have often suffered by it, from the violence of parties and
their opposite principles — especially in supporting the authority of Parliam' in the year 17G5,
when the insults I received were tiie most public and alarming. I trust it will not be
presuming too much to suppose the house of Commons particularly attended to my case, when
they addressed His Maj'^ to recompence the officers of the Crown in America, who had suffered
on that occasion. People in general throughout the Colonies, expected I should have been
distinguished by some mark of His Maj'J"'' favour as I had been so remarkably distinguished by
their resentment — •Providence, by the death of Sir Henry Moore, placed me in a situation of
receiving a compensation, had I been suffered to remain in the Administration, and to enjoy
the usual profits — shall I, My Lord, be distinguished by a demand of part of those profits
which have been allowed to every other Commander in Chief? The Instruct" to the Gov"
of this Province relating to the salary and perquisites of Govern', has been understood in no
other light here, than to intitle a Gov'' in Chief to half the emoluments in case of his absence
after having taken upon himself the administration. In___this case the Lieut' Gov', acting under
the same Commission, must divide the profits with the Gov' in Chief. But after the
appointment of a Gov', and before his arrival and the publication of his Commission,
the Commander in Chief, not acting under this, but the old Commission, must be entitled to the
whole emoluments. The declaration of King William in 1697., referred to, in the extract
which I have of your Lord?'' letter to L"* Dunmore, I am humbly of opinion became ineffectual
at his demise, and not being renewed by any of his successors," the Instruction to the
Governors on this head, has been esteemed the only signification of the King's pleasure. If
his Maj'^ had been apprised that the Instruction had never operated in this Prov", in any
other manner than as above mentioned, I am persuaded this signification of his pleasure had
not been made, nor from his great Justice and goodness, can I doubt his gracious interposition
and protection, that I may be permitted to enjoy in tranquility, the only considerable
advantage I have reaped, in a series of long and faithful services to His Maj'^ and his
Illustrious family.
My Lord, while I am writing this, the Attorney General with Lord Dunmore's permission,
has informed my son, that, he has received His Lord?'" commands to file a Bill in Chancery
(where the Gov' is the sole Judge) against me, for recovering a Moiety of the Emoluments.
The suit is to be brought in His Maj'>''' name, to give the proceedings the semblance of Justice ;
but as it is well known to be solely for Lord Dunmore's benefit, and that he is in truth the
principal party in the suit, the injustice and oppression in making himself the Judge in such a
of his fellow-offieers, preferred charges against Gen. Monokton, for oppression, &c., on which he was tried by court-martial
and honorably acquitted. Gentleman's Magazine, XXXIV., 297, 823 ; LII., 576. He received the sinecure office of Governor
of Berwick in 1766, and became Lieutenant-General in 1770. Some time after his name was sent in by the Board of Directors
as Commander-in-chief of the Company's forces in India, and the recommendation approved by his M.ijesty, yet though the
nomination was repeated in 1773, it was without effect; the minister refused to appoint any officer recommended by the
Board. Ibid., XLIII., 298. In 1778 he was appointed Governor of Portsmouth, and represented that town in Parliament at
the time of his death which, according to the London Magazine, occurred on the 20th June, 1782. Debrett says lie died on
the 2d of May, 1782, and the last is presumed to be the more correct date. -^ Ed.
252 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
case, must strike every Man of common sense. The impression it must make on the minds of
the People, may have a dangerous effect during His Lord?"' Administration — These things are
too evident not to draw your LordP'' immediate attention, and I hope His Maj"'' wise and
gracious interposition will prevent the bad effects. I intreat your Lord?'* favourable intercession,
and that you will be pleased to lay this representation of my case before his Maj'^ : —
I have the honour to be. ettc.
Cadwallader Golden.
Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-York Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXII.]
N-S.
New York. 12. Nov' 1770.
My Lord,
Nothing of a public nature has occurred within the little time I have been arrived, except the
addresses of congratulation on my arrival, which being full of sentiments of Loyalty and
affection to His Maj'^'' person and Govern', I have thought proper to send copies of them,
imagining they might be acceptable. ~I found the Assembly prorogued to the V'*" of Nov', and
I have with the advice of Council, farther prorogued it to the 11"" of December, then to meet
to do business.
The situation of the people of this Prov", in the Counties of Cumberland and Gloucester,
on the Borders of New Hampshire, is truly lamentable ; a number of disorderly people are
continually committing .Riots ; a recent tumult has obliged me to issue a Proclamation for
apprehending the Offenders, a copy of which is herewith transmitted to your LordP, but the
authority of the Civil Magistrate will avail little, when even the Courts of Justice are
obstructed, and their proceedings stopped. The Rioters are instigated to commit those
outrages by the people of New Hampshire ; suggesting that the Magistrates and Courts of
Justice established in the said Counties act without good authority, for they assert, that His
Maj'^ intends to recall his Royal order, already issued, and to declare the above said two
Counties to be within the Jurisdiction of the Prov" of New Hampshire. Your Lord? will
observe by the Proclamation already mentioned, that I have contradicted this Report, and
affirmed the above suggestion to be false. Their only encouragement in this opinion seems to
be the restrictions laid upon the Gov' of this Prov", with respect to granting the Lands within
the said two Counties; and here, I cannot but observe what in truth is very obvious, that such
restriction obstructs the settlement of that Country, not only by excluding fresh people from
settling there, but the frequent disorders, which it has given a sort of sanction to, entirely
prevents the Industrious efforts of those already settled ; it therefore appears to me that it is
become highly necessary, that the said restriction should be taken off forthwith, that I may
thereby be enabled to exert my endeavours for the full settling of that Country, and .then, the
disorders complained of, will of themselves subside, but which at present can not happen,
from the thinness of the Inhabitants; there not being enough for the appointment of
Magistrates, consequently those few are but very insufficient of themselves, to enforce their
own authority, against those daring violators of the peace supported as they are, by their
whole province.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 253
I have made it my business to enquire and find out the opinion of the people here, on the
scheme in agitation of establishing a Colony on the Ohio ; I find, all who have any knowledge
of such affairs concurr in condemning the project; they alledge among a variety of neasons,
that a Colony, at such an immense distance from the settled parts of America and from the
Ocean, can neither benefit either those settled parts or the mother Country ; that they must
become immediately a lost people to both, & all communication of a commercial nature with
them, be a vain attempt, from the difficulty and expence attending the Transport of
commodities to them, which would so enhance the price thereof, as to make it utterly
impossible for them to purchase such commodities, for they could not raise a produce of any
kind, that would answer so difficult and expensive transport back ; such Colony must therefore
be their own Manufacturers ; and the great expence of maintaining Troops there for their
protection be a dead weight on Govern', without the hopes of reaping any advantage hereafter.
The scheme alarms extremely all the settled parts of America, the people of property being
justly apprehensive of consequences that must inevitably ensue ; that such a Colony will only
become a drain to them (now but thinly peopled) of an infinite number of the lower Class of
inhabitants, who, the desire of novelty alone will induce to change their situation ; and the
withdrawing of those Inhabitants will reduce the value of Lands in the provinces even to
nothing, and make it impossible for the Patentees to pay the Quit Rents ; by which, it is
evident. His Maj'^'' interest must be very much prejudiced. Add to this the great probability,
I may venture to say (with) certainty, that the attempting a settlement on the Ohio, will
draw on, an Indian war; it being well known, how ill affected the Ohio Indians have always
been to our interest, and their jealousy of such a settlement, so near them, must be easily
foreseen ; therefore, as such a war would affect, at least, the nearest provinces, as well as the
new Colony. Your Lord^ must expect those provinces, will not fail to make heavy complaints
of the inattention of Govern' to their interest. I cannot therefore, but think it my duty to
recommend to your LordP, not to suffer this scheme to have effect, at least, until your Lord?
shall have, from the most substantial and clear proofs, be made thoroughly sensible of its
utility. — I am.
My Lord —
Your LordP's most obed' humble serv'
DUNMORE.
P. S. I have just received intelligence, that the plague is actually raging on the Island of
Hispaniola, I have had the person who brings this advice, examined before the Magistrates,
and send to your Lord? his Deposition. And have also made all the disposition this place
admits of (there being no established health Office) for preventing the approacli of Sliipsfrom
them ports, until they perform a Quarantine.
Earl of Ilillshorougli to Sir William John-son.
[ Plantations General (8. P. O.) CCLVI.]
N»15.
Whitehall. 15 Nov' 1770.
Sir,
I have received your Dispatch N" 14. and have laid it before the King.
254 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The preventing the six Nations from engaging in a War with the Western Indians & from
entering into a Confederacy with the Southern Indians for that purpose were very important
objects of the late Congress and so far as your negociations have had the effect to answer
those ends this Congress has undoubtedly been of great public utility ; but I must observe
that the reality of these advantages seems very much to depend upon the Answer, which the
Six Nations shall give to such terms of accommodation as may be proposed by the Western
Ind°' in consequence of the Messages that have been sent to them. In the mean time I have
receiv"* the Kings Commands to signify His Maj'^'" pleasure to the Governors of several
Colonies connected in interests with the six Nations, that they should not fail of pointing out
to their respective Assemblies, the immediate necessity there is from every consideration of
justice, policy and interest to make immediate and effectual provision for regulating the
commerce upon such a plan as shall be satisfactory to them and for the Redress of those
injuries and grievances of which, they so justly complain. I am ettc.
Hillsborough.
Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America.
[ Plantalions General (S. p. 0.) CCLVI.]
Circular letter from L"* Hillsborough to the Governors of Quebec, New York,
New Jersey, Virginia, N" Carolina, Maryland & Pennsylvania. Whitehall.
15 Nov 1770.
Sir,
The inclosed extract of a letter I have very lately received from Sir William Johnson, will
fully inform you of the complaints made by the Six Nations of Indians, and their allies &
confederates, at a congress held in July last at the German Flatts, of the abuses and violences
committed by the Traders and frontier Inhabitants of several of His Maj'^"' Colonies, and the
inclosed extract of the Conferences will point out to you how earnest the Indians have been
in those complaints, and what is likely to happen if they are not redressed.
After the King had thought fit, from a regard to the Claims and opinions of the Colonies to
leave it to them to make such regulations concerning the Indian Commerce, as they judged
proper, there was good reason to hope, that a matter on which their interest and safety do so
much depend, would have been an immediate object of their serious deliberation ; but as
contrary to all expectation, nothing effectual appears yet to have been done, and as the Indians
have in the strongest manner expressed their impatience, under the abuses to which they are
constantly exposed, the King has commanded me to signify his pleasure, that you should
Gorr!"'oVpc"D^yu without delay represent this matter in the stro7igest manner to the f Council audi
(uiTworas under- -Assembly of the Colony under your Govern' and urge them in his Mnj"'' name to, fall
QuebecT'"''' ^ upou some mcaus of putting Indian affairs under such regulation as may have
the effect to prevent those abuses of the Trade and those violences and encroachments of the
frontier Inhabitants, which the Indians so justly complain of. I am ettc.
Hillsborough.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 255
Earl of Hillsborough to the Attorney and Solicitor Generals.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. 0 ) CCLVI. ]
Whitehall. 3. December 1770.
Gentlemen,
I am commanded by the King to desire you will report me your opinion whether His Maj"^
may in time of peace, order an embargo to be laid upon all ships and vessels laden, or to be
laden, in the different Ports in His Maj"''" Colonies and Plantations in America, with provisions
and warlike stores, and cleared or to be cleared out for any Port or place not belonging to Ilis
Maj'''. — And if such embargo may be laid, what will be the regular mode of laying it, whether
by order of the King in Council, by Proclamation, or by the King's pleasure signified by the
Secretary of State, to the respective Governors of America?
As it is of very great importance to the King's service, that no time should be lost in this
business, I am to desire your answer with all the Dispatch that may be. I am ettc.
Hillsborough.
Attorney and Solicitor Generals to the Earl of Ilillshorough.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLVI. ]
To the Right Honourable The Earl of Hillsborough one of His Majesty's Principal
Secretaries of State. A. Decemb'' 1770.
May it please your Lordship.
In obedience to your LordP's letter of the third instant desiring we would report to you our
opinion whether His Maj''' may in time of peace order an embargo to be laid on all ships and
vessels laden or to be laden in the different Ports in His Maj'^'* Colonies and Plantations in
America with provisions and warlike stores, and cleared or to be cleared out of any port or
place not belonging to His Maj'y and if such Embargo may be laid, what will be the regular'
mode of laying it, whether by order of the King in Council, by Proclamation, or by the
King's pleasure signified by the Secretary of State to the respective Governors in America.
We have taken the same into consideration and We humbly represent to your Lord?, that
the authority of the Crown to lay an Embargo, has never, that we know of, undergone a
judicial decision; but as the Crown has constantly exercised such authority, when the
exigency of the case has required it, in time of actual war, ^make preparations which are legal
justifiable by the occasion ; and that such demonstrations may be made of hostility and such
alarms may be given by foreign nations as may create the most instant necessity to prohibit
the furnishing them with warlike stores ; and under those circumstances, we think, an Embargo
upon such articles will become, like other preparations for war, legal and justifiable by the
exigency of the occasion. This notion comprises the American Colonies as well as the rest of
' Sic. Qu ? it may make. — Ed.
256 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
His Maj'y'' Dominions ; and we think tliat the proper method of doing it, is, by Proclamation
or order in Council.
All which, is humbly submitted to your Lordships consideration.
, W" DE Grey.'
E. Thurlow.2
Mirl of Dunmore to (lie Earl of Ililhhorough. —
[New-York Papers (Slate Paper Office) CLXIII.]
New York, S"- December 1770.
My Lord,
In consequence of the order I obtained from Your Lordship, soon after my arrival I made a
demand on M" Golden for half the emoluments &c according to the said order, which he has
thought proper to refuse complying with, and to deny the King's right of disposing of any
part thereof & firmly asserts the whole of it to be his own property; his argument or rather
subterfuge is, that untill the commission of the Governor be published in form in this place,
the Lieutenant Governor or other Commander in Chief is entitled to the whole Salary,
emoluments &c. I have consulted all the most eminent lawyers here, and they all agree,
without hesitation, in a contrary Opinion to M' Golden: persuaded therefore that Your
Lordship would not be inclined to give up a right of his Majesty's, which appears so well
established ; I have required the Attorney General's opinion how to proceed : he has advised
that it should be made a case in Equity, and the suit carried on in the name of the King, by
which means it may be brought on before me. I understand M"' Golden is now forming a
Petition to his Majesty setting forth the great hardship intended him by this order, and
alledging his services of which I do not take upon me to judge, or how far his Petition should
be listened to, but I must beg leave to suggest that it is incumbent on Your Lordship, not only
to insist on his complying with the order, but to require a faithfuU account from him, in the
name of his Majesty, of salary, emoluments &c from the very day the Government devolved
upon him to the day of my arrival ; that although it should be thought proper afterwards to
consider his services, and allow him to keep any part, that he may be made sensible, which
he is far from being at present, that it was intended as a Reward from his Majesty, that he
had not been required to account for the wholp of the moiety reserved by his Majesty for his
' William de Gret, 3d son of Thomas, of Merton, in Suffolk, England, was born 19 July, 1719, educated at Trinity Hall, Cam-
bridge, tnd studied law at Lincoln's Inn. He was appointed King's Counsel 30th January, 1*768 ; Solicitor-General to the Queen,
September, 1761 ; was elected to represent Newport in Cornwall in 1762; appointed King's Solicitor-General 16 December,
1763, and Comptroller of the Revenue of the First Fruits and Tenths; Attorney-General 6 August, 1766, and was Knighted
and appointed Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 26 January, 1771, which office he resigned 8tli June, 1780 ; he was created
Baron Walsingham 17th October following, and died 9th May 1781. Debrett.
' Edward Tuurlow, afterwards Lord High Chancellor of England, was the son of the Rev. Thomas, rector of Ashfield, in
Suffolk, and was educated at Canterbury School, and afterwards at the University of Cambridge. In 1770 he was appointed
Solicitor-General, in place of Dunning, and in 1771 succeeded Sir William de Grey as Attorney-General. He was appointed
Lord High Chancellor in June, 1778, when he was created a peer by the title of Baron Thurlow ; he resigned the great seals
in April, 1783, was again appointed to the Woolsack in December following, and again resigned in 1792. His Lordship died,
unmarried, 12th September, lb06. Debrett. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLII. 257
own disposal; and this seems now the more necessary to establish a precedent that may
prevent future disputes of the like nature. 1 am, My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obed' Serv'
DUNMORE
P. S.
I neglected at my leaving England to sign a proxy for the house of Lords, I should be glad
your Lordship would send me by the first opportunity one filled up with your Lordship's name
if you will allow me that honour.
Earl of Hillsborough.
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough. .
[New-York Papers (State Paper Office) CLXIII.]
New York, December G"" 1770
My Lord,
In my preceding of the lO"" of last month I informed Your Lordship that Lord Dunmore
had ordered the Attorney General to file a Bill in Chancery, for recovering from me half the
salary and half the perquisites of Government, from the date of his Lordship's Commission
to the day of his arrival. In that letter I insisted principall}' upon the favour which I presumed
I was entitled from my faithfuU Services to the Crown for upwards of fifty years past, often in
most difficult Times, for which I had suffer'd greatly in my fortune. I may now add that the
satisfaction which the People had in my Administration, since the death of Sir Henry Moore,
contributed greatly to the Resolution which the Merchants took to import British Goods.
After Lord Dunmore's arrival the principal and most respected Merchants to the number of
56, when they knew that I intended to retire to the Country, came in a body and thank'd me
for my Administration. By the influence of these Merchants the resolution to import from
Great Britain was earned. The Ministers, Churchwardens, Vestry & other principal members
of the Church of England did the same : and since I left the town I have been informed that
other distinguished bodies designed to have made me the same compliment had I not left the
place sooner than was expected. My Lord Dunmore's demand I hope will excuse my
mentioning these things to shew how much my Administration has contributed to his Majesty's
Service by restoreing tranquility after the Province had been for some years in a most disorderly
state, and to the renewing the Commerce between Great Britain and the Colonies: for all the
Colonies follow the example of New York.
The Attorney General by Lord Duniyore's directions has, in the King's name, filed a Bill
in Chancery, where Lord Dunmore is the sole Judge and is to receive the benefit of the suit,
should the King recover; and Process has issued against me. It is therefore incumbent on
me to shew to Your Lordship by what right I claim the whole Salary and Perquisites. Indeed
M' Smith whose advice Lord Dunmore follows must be convinced of my Right, otherwise he
never could have advised his Lordship to bring the suit in Chancery, where his Lordship is
the sole Judge. He must think that my title is such that Lord Dunmore could not recover in
any other Court of Justice, or before a disinterested Judge. If we may judge from past
conduct, M'' Smith takes a pleasure in throwing the Administration into disorder.
• Vol. VIII. 33
258 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The only pretence for bringing this suit in Equity is to discover the Perquisites which I
have received : whereas every farthing I could receive will appear in the public Offices. I never
received any private fee or Reward for any service of any kind. No other pretence or title to
Equity is made use of in the Bill.
My Lord, the whole Salary is given to me by the authority of the Legislature of this
Province. Any perquisite which I received was a voluntary donation for services done to
individuals, and I think no man can have a right to any part of them, who performs no part
of the service. In King William's declaration relating to the Salary of the Governors of the
Colonies, which, tho obselete, is made the foundation of this suit, only half the salary, in case
of the Governor in Chief's death, is reserved, without any reservation of the perquisites. At
that time the Assembly granted a sum in gross for the support of Government, and the King
granted a certain sum out of that to the Governor for his Salary. But after Col. Cosby had
made a similar demand to this now made on me, the Assembly granted a support of
Government only from year to year, and have fix'd ftud given the Salaries of all the Officers,
annually, by act of the Legislature. No instruction has been given since that time by which
the King reserves any Part of the Salary or Emoluments or Perquisites from the death of one
Governor in Chief to the arrival of another. Many instances occur when the administration
of Government has been in the hands of a Lieutenant Governor, or President of the Council,
from the death of one Governor in Chief to the arrival of another : but no instance can be
given, at least in sixty years preceding, where the Lieut. Gov"" or Commander in Chief for the
time did not receive and retain for his own use the whole salary and the whole perquisites.
Lord Dunmore haveing ordered this suit to be brought before himself in Chancery, no man
can doubt of his resolution to give a Decree in his own favour. I must plead and demurr, for
which I have the greatest cause, but as I expect his Lordship will overrule my Plea and
Demirer, I am resolved to appeal to the King for Justice, and have order'd Council to be
retained in England for that purpose.
You may immagine, My Lord, what impressions their proceedings make on the minds of
the People, and particularly in my case, in prejudice to his Majesty's service ; and you may
be assured, My Lord, the impression is universall on all ranks of People.
I have presumed to write thus freely to Your Lordship that his Majesty may interpose his
authority in ordering the Bill to be dismissed. This I not only pray in justice to myself, but
likewise to remove the prejudices which the People otherwise may entertain of his Majesty's
Ministers and which may be prejudicial to his Majesty's Service.
If Lord Dunmore thinks proper he may sue at Common Law.
As I am conscious of my dutifull endeavours in his Majesty's Service, for a series of many
Years, I flatter myself that Your Lordship will think this affair deserves Your attention: and
you'll please to make a full Representation of my huipble prayer to the King, that his Majesty
may please to order the Bill in Chancery to be dismissed. If the suit be suffer'd to go on it
will be attended with distressing expence to me, while Lord Dunmore by sueing in the King's
name is freed of all Expence.
The consideration of what I now write is submitted to Your Lordships honour & Justice, in
■which great confidence is placed by. My Lord,
Your most obedient
and faithfuU Servant
Right honourable Earl of Hillsborough Cadwallader Colden.
one of his Majesties Principal Secretaries of State.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLII. 259
Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-Tork Papers { Btata Paper Office) CLXIII.]
N" 4.
New York 6'" December 1770
My Lord,
I have received the Duplicate of your Lordship's private and confidential letter N" 41 not
yet come to hand.
This City, My Lord, is in the most defenceless State ; the works which have from time to time
been erected for its protection are so injudiciously constructed that were they still in good
repair they would afford but little security to the place ; and tho there is a considerable
number of cannon in a disorderly manner, laying on these works, no care having been taken
them, many of tffem must be unfit for service, and their carriages are all entirely useless.
The Militia also having been for several years past without exercising would be of little use in
their present state and they are so scattered as to make it difficult to collect them on an alarm.
I assembled the Council to advise with on the necessary steps to be taken for putting the
province in a condition to resist the sudden attempts of an enemy; they are of opinion that
the Frost being set in, and the earth so hardened it would be impossible to accomplish any
additional fortification or even temporary batteries, which indeed could we effect we should
not be able to mount cannon upon for the reasons above, mentioned : but notwithstanding this
I would not have your Lordships apprehensive on our accounts, the severe weather and great
quantity of ice on these coasts gives no little to fear about the approach of an enemy, during the
winter and the Assembly being to meet the 11"" Instant I shall recommend to them to provide
every thing that may be necessary for the safety of the province, against the time that the
season will enable us to employ them, and in the interim your Lordship may depend on my
taking every precaution that the circumstances of the Colony under my command will admit
of, although I am not inclined to beleive we shall find them necessary ; the spirited and
vigorous measures adopted by his Majesty's Ministers to vindicate the honour of the Crown,
will I am persuaded induce the Spaniards to make concessions rather than expose themselves
to the merited vengeance which they will perceive so ready to fall upon them.
I am daily made acquainted (as by the inclosed Deposition Your Lordship will see) with
fresh disorders and disturbances happening in the disputed Lands between New Hampshire
and this Province, a number of reduced officers and soldiers of his Majesty's troops, are suffering
the most cruel hardships while they remain in suspense. I am therefore constrained to press
Your Lordship to consider immediately their unhappy condition & send me forthwith instructions
that may enable me to releive them and establish order and Justice among a number of his
Majesty's Subjects that are now in so affecting a manner without either. I am. My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient Servant
Dunmore
P. S. In my letter N° 2 to your Lordship I gave an account of a Report of the plague's having
broke out in the Island of Hispaniola, since which many vessels have arrived from that quarter,
who have all contradicted the said Report, which we also now beleive to have had no other
foundation than perhaps a violent fever then raging.
Earl of Hillsborough.
260 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Earl of Ilillshorough to the Governors in America.
[ Plantations General ( B. P. O. ) CCLVI. ]
L"* Hillsborough's circular to the Governors in America excepting. Bermuda
S' John and Newfoundland. Whitehall. 11. Decemb: 1770.
The house of Commons having voted an augmentation to the King's forces, consisting (among
other particulars) of an additional light Company to every Battallion and of 20 men to every
company on the British Establishment, and it being of great importance in the present situation
that the several Battalions now serving in America should be completed as soon as possible.
I am commanded to signify to you His Maj'^'' pleasure, that you should exert your utmost
endeavours to give efficacy and dispatch to this plan of augmentation, by assisting His Maj'J'''
♦ The charier and <Jfficers to ralsc such a number of Recruits as shall be sufficient for that purpose.*
ToTuTat'^to^w^d giving every encouragement in your power, that may induce His Maj'^'' faithful
subjects to engage in a service so essential to their security & defence ; and I
think it fit to press this matter with the greater urgency, as nothing has happened since my
secret and confidential letter of the 2S»'' Sepf to strengthen the hopes T then expressed that the
peace might still be preserved, and consequently every motive for a vigilant attention to
the security of every part of his Maj'?'' dominions still exists in its full force.
I am ettc.
HiJjLSBOROUGH
N«l.
.Earl of Hillsborongli to the Earl of Dunmore.
[New-Tork- Papers (8. P. 0.) CLXII. ]
Whitehall. 11, Dec-- 1770.
"*Iy Lord,
I have not failed to lay before the King your LordP's letter to me of the Si"" October,
acquainting me with your safe arrival in your Govern', and with the favourable reception your
Lord^ met with, since which his Mnj'^ has been graciously pleased, in consequence of the death
of Lord Botetourt,^ to nominate your Lord? to the Govern' of Virginia, and it is a great pleasure
to me to have the honor to acquaint your Lord? with this mark of his Maj'^'* favour.
' NoRBONNE Berkeley was the son of John Symes B. and of Elizabeth Norbonne of Calne, Wilts. He was colonel of the Iforth
Gloucestershire Militia in 1761 and represented that shire in Parliament; he held the ofiioe of groom of the Bedchamber, at
£1000 a year, and was second to Lord Talbot in the duel with Wilkes, in October of Vitl. He was called to the House of
Lords iu 17C4 by the title of Baron de Botetourt. Having ruined himself by gambling, he became, says Junius, "a cringing,
bowing, fawning, sword-bearing courtier" and was appointed in 1768, Governor of Virginia. "It was not Virginia," adds
Junius, "that wanted a governor, but a court favorite that wanted the salary." Grenville Papers. However unfavorable
the character of him, drawn by his political enemies, it is but justice to state that during tlie short period he adminis-
tered the government of Virginia, viz., from the fall of 1768, until his death in the fall of 1770, he enjoyed the respect and
love of the colonists. Profoundly penetrated by the remembrance of his many virtues, the members of the House of Bur-
gesses ordered a fine marble statue to be erected to his memory ; it is still standing in the town of Williamsburg. Lord de
Potetourt having died without issue, the title became extinct — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 261
The Commission appointing your Lord? to that Govern', together with the Instructions
necessary to accompany it, are preparing with all possible dispatch, and so soon as they have
passed through the several Offices, I shall have the honor to transmit them to your Lord?,
together with such further directions as may be necessary in consequence thereof.
Inclosed I send your Lord? an order of His Maj''' in Council disallowing four Acts Passed in
N. York in 1767, 176S and 1769. and I am to signify to you His Maj''''' commands that you do
cause this order to be published in such a manner as has been usual on like occasions.
The inclosed copy of the Board of Trade's representation upon these Acts, which I transmit
to your LordP for your private information, will fully acquaint you with the grounds and
reasons for disallowance of them.
I am ettc.
Hillsborough.
Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of IlUlsborough.
I New-York Papers ( Slate Paper Office ) CLXIII.]
No. 6
New York 18 Jan'-y 1771
. My Lord,
I have received Your Lordship's circular letters dated Nov'' IS"- 1770 with his Majesty's
most gracious Speech to both houses of Parliament.. I ardently hope the issue of the event
taken notice of therein and referred to in Your Lordships secret and confidential Letter of the
28"" September may correspond with his Majesty's wishes to preserve the public tranquillity.
I will immediately in obedience to his Majesty's Commands signified to me by Your Lordship
represent to the Council & Assembly the state of the Indian Complaints, according to the
Extracts enclosed with Your Lordship's letters, and urge them to fall upon means that may
answer his Majesty's desires of preventing such abuses, and removing all subject of Complaint
from the Indians ; but at the same time I cannot forbear expressing my doubts that regulations,
which, to answer the end proposed, ought to be general, & equally well observed thro' all the
Provinces, should ever succeed, when made by the different Legislatures separately. lam
therefore of opinion that a plan for this purpose which might be effectual must spring from
and have the authority of Parliament.
Not a day passes without fresh applications from the distressed Officers and Soldiers of His
Majesty's troops who have been so long in suspense about their Grants of the New Hampshire
Lands, this obliges me again to press Your Lordship to consider my Letters on that subject
N"' 2. 4. & 5.
I inclose to Your Lordship the Copy of an Act of this Legislature passed in Jafiry 1770 and
before transmitted by M"' Colden, with an intention of reminding Your Lordship that we are
still ignorant whether his Majesty has approved of it or not, it being suspended : in the mean
time I must beg Your Lordship to signify to me by the first opportunity, his Majesty's pleasure
thereupon: it will, if approved of, releive many industrious and useful people from under much
anxiety, and does not appear to me that it can be attended with any prejudice to his Majesty's
interest, or that there are any reasons to object to the Law.
262 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I inclose also to Your Lordship my Speech to the General Assembly and the addresses
thereupon.
I am my Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient humble Servant
Earl of Hillsborough. Dunmore.
(No 15.)
Si7' William Jolmson to (lie Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-Tork Papers (Stale Paper Office ) CCLVII. ]
Johnson Hall, Febry IS'" 1771
My Lord,
Since I had the honor to receive Your lordship's letters No 14 and 15, the last of which came
to my hands a few days since, I waited to receive such informations as I had reason to expect
from the Southward in order to communicate the same thro Your Lordship to his Majesty.
The advices I have now received enable me to acquaint you that the great Council lately held
at the plains of Sioto is ended, That the design and endeavours of the Indians in that quarter,
was to promote such a Union as I before apprehended and endeavoured with all possible
caution to obstruct; but that the advice given by those of the Northern Alliance, joined to
their private aversion for some of the rest, had occasioned it to end after many debates in
general resolutions for promoting peace amongst all the nations as a necessary introduction to
a more strict alliance between the Northern and Southern People, which is to have for its
Object some particular undertaking, for which matters did not, during the Congress, appear
sufficiently ripe, and of this I can have no reason to doubt from the present Maxims of Policy
and sentiments adopted by the more belligerent Nations of both alliances, The Deputys which
were sent from y^ Northern Confederacy with sundry Belts &ca from them and myself, agreable
to the Resolutions at the Treaty I held last July at the German Flats, met the Indians from
Sioto at Fort Pitt, in December last, and have agreable to their Instructions in a spirited
speech summoned them all to reassemble at Sioto without delay, when, and not before, they
would communicate to them the determined resolutions of the Northern Indians entered into
at the German Flats Treaty, together with the subject of the Embassy, on which they have
one hundred Belts. As I have great confidence both in the fidelity & abilities of several of
these Deputys I have good hopes that when they meet those Nations to whom they have been
sent, they will be able to defeat any dangerous schemes or Resolutions which are yet in view
in that Country & awaken those Nations fears who have given offence to the Northern
Confederacy, which will prove a sufficient check to their other Designs, and if I am disappointed
in my expectations it must be thro some accident or occurrence against which no provision can
be made at this time.
The apprehensions which I long since communicated of an Union between the Northern &
Southern Indians and which Your Lordship makes particular mention of in Your letter N° 14 is
really a matter of the most serious nature, for if a verry small part of these people have been
capable of reducing us to such straits as we were in a few years since, what may we not expect
from such a formidable alliance as we are threatened with, when at the same time it is well
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 263
known that we are not at this time more capable of Defence, if so much, as at the former period.
This is in some measure the consequence of their becoming better acquainted with their own
strength and united capacity to preserve their importance & check our advances into their
Country, for at the beginning of the late War through the rapid advances for some time made
by the French &c The Indians did realy conceive that we should be totally reduced, but as
they discovered the encreased population of this country even in the midst of its distresses
and that our army was still recruited w"" fresh Regiments their sentiments altered ; they began
to entertain more respectable Ideas of us & of our resources, and thro' the imprudence of our
own people & their natural suspicions, have gradually become more and more alarmed for
themselves, tho they still beleive that it is in their power to give us such a check as may
prevent us from attempting what they apprehend we have in view. Many will talk, some
will think, and a lesser number will act otherwise, but this is nevertheless the true political
state of their sentiments in general at present. As I know the nature of their unions, and
that the Southern Indians found many of the rest in sufficient employment during the long
war that subsisted between them, so I could not help suggesting my apprehensions of the
consequence of the Peace I had orders to effect between these people, but the laws of
humanity, the entreaty of the Southern Indians, & the earnest desire of some Colonies who
represented themselves as affected by that War, being powerfull considerations, prevailed over
what might be judged as a distant or simple apprehension. I sincerely wish it may not
contribute to any ill consequence, & shall constantly and steadily use all the means in my
power to prevent it, but altho it may be treated as a chimera at this time yet I can positively
assure Your Lordship that both Spaniards & French, the latter of whom act the part of agents,
did and do still continue to make presents to all the nations to whom they can have any access
by the Rivers which discharge themselves into the Mississippi, and that they do constantly
endeavour to thwart our measures by various stories & Misrepresentations, w'^'' being
supported by favours & comeing from a People of whom they entertain no apprehensions,
against a People from whom most of the Indians imagine they have every thing to fear,
renders it almost impossible to prevent them from having some effect. The Indians have for
some time discovered that a War is probably at hand, many of them think that it has already
commenced, but that we conceal it from them on account of some advantages the enemy has
gained, and in consequence of this during last week I was visited by deputations from most of
the Six Nations, to whom I gave such answers as I judged best calculated for the purpose, in
any event that may happen in Europe. If a war commences, & that any attempts are made
in America, or in case the Indians should be seduced to disturb our frontiers to draw part of
our attention that way, I am confident, (as I formerly proposed) that I can from the measures
I have taken & the influence I possess secure & attach to our interest, if impowered so to
do, such a body of Indians, as, if not so numerous against us, will give a severe check to their
attempts, & as the distant Indians dread nothing so much at present as a quarrel amongst
themselves, I am equally confident that the verry appearance of some in the character of
vigourous allies, will in any quarrel, whether thro the intrigues of a Europian power, or of a
confederacy amongst the Indians themselves prove greatly advantagious to us, and tend to
defeat their purposes as much as any measures that can be adopted, which I most humbly
submit to Your Lordships consideration in case my apprehensions should be realised by future
events or occurrences.
264 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
In consequence of a former letter wherein Your Lordship signified his Majesty's inclination
that the Indian Boundary Line should be continued from where it was made to terminate
by the Treaty of 176S (at Canada Creek at Wood Creek) I have conferred with the Chiefs of
the nations interested over whom I have in general so far prevailed, that I beleive they will
when assembled for that purpose admit of its extension far to the Northward, perhaps to the
River St. Lawrence, I therefore hope to be honored with instructions respecting my conduct
previous to my taking any farther steps therein, & remain with profound respect, My Lord,
Your Lordships most faithfuU
The Right Honourable & most obedient humble Servant
The Earl of Hillsborough. W Johnson.
N<>7.
Earl of Dmimore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-Tork Papers (Slate Paper Offlce) CLXIII.]
New York the 9"> of March 1771
My Lord.
I have received by the December packet which arrived here the SS"" of Feb'"'' Your Lordship's
Letters of the 11"" December, I laid Your Lordship's Circular Letter before the Council and
acquainted General Gage that we were ready to give him all the assistance he could require
of us, and I immediately caused to be published in the usual form, his Majesty's disallowance
of the four Acts of Assembly, according to his Majesty's Commands, signified by Your
Lordship in N" 1, but I am sorry to be obliged to acquaint Your Lordship that the whole
Province, except the lawyers, express great dissatisfaction at it, and the more from having been
accustomed to observe the laws, thus repealed for so considerable a time.
The Assembly have continued sitting untill the 16"" of feb^" the chief part of their business
being then finished, the members were very desirous of a recess, which I was averse from
granting, before the issue of the appearances of war be known unto us; however, at their
request I allowed them a short adjournment, and upon their representation, that they would
be able to assemble again, in the space of a few days, I have prorogued them for a week,
which is to be continued only from week to week.
The Acts of Assembly, passed this Sessions, & the Minutes of Council could not be
prepared for this opportunity; I can only transmit the Votes and Proceedings of the Assembly.
They have not thought proper to discharge the arrears due upon the accounts of furnishing His
Majesty's troops; I have applied tjut it has not yet been under consideration, for the deficiencies
of last year, tho' I do not believe it will be complied with, and the only way we can suggest of
making them good is from the saving of the two thousand pounds granted for the troops,
which sum, I beleive, will be regularly continued hereafter. Your Lordship will perceive that
one thousand pounds is voted for purchasing timber and plank, and for making gun carriages
and platforms for the guns in the Fort & Battery in this City; and tho nothing more be yet
done in pursuance of the intimation made to them in my Speech of an apprehension of War,
I am fully persuaded that his Majesty may rely on having his most sanguine expectations
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 265
complied with, should the event require it. The Assembly remain inflexible in their resolution
of refusing to admit Judge Livingstone to a seat in their house, notwithstanding His Majesty's
disallowance of the law passed for excluding the Judges of the Supreme Court ; they are full
of nothing but the competency of their authority, and the expediency of the measure; which
has interested the whole Province, much the greatest part in favour of the resolution, in such
a manner, that I did not think I ought, in prudence, to interfere, otherwise than by
endeavouring to prevail on the leading Members as a means of curing the animosities subsisting
among them, to drop the affair, upon his next presenting himself to the house ; they seem
separately to be inclined to acquiesce with my sollicitation, but I found that after they had
consulted together it was determined that they were under a necessity of persisting, for fear
of their constituents, who, as I have said above are engaged warmly in the dispute, the general
opinion being that the Assembly ought to follow, the wise example of the house of Commons
in this case, & that besides in this Country, if the Judges are permitted to have seats they
can always secure their own Elections, having so great an influence over the Electors (from
their judgements on the bench, which every man at some time or other is concerned in ; and
the frequent law suits that prevail in this Country, giving the judges but too many opportunities
of revenging themselves on their opposers, should they be so inclined, they conclude that they
cannot be unbiassed when engaged in party interest, the efl'ects of which they see no other
way of avoiding than by excluding those Officers. It did not appear to me that it would avail
anything by dissolving the Assembly, as we do not know of one member, that supports the
resolution, who would not be returned again, upon a fresh election, but of the few that oppose
it, some would be obliged to give place to others of opposite interests, therefore, without
obtaining the effect desired, I might have occasioned a disposition among them to thwart my
Administration, which I have judged most for his Majesty's services to avoid, by seeming to
incline to neither party.
I have communicated to the Assembly His Majesty's pleasure, signified to me by Your
Lordship concerning Indian Affairs, in answer to which I received the address which I herewith
enclose, and which I have likewise transmitted to Sir William Johnson, desiring him to furnish
me with an account of those regulations to which the address alludes; when I make no doubt
the Assembly will proceed to pass such a Law, as I hope, on the part of this Province, may
answer His Majesty's desires in that matter : but I must repeat here, what I observed before
in my letter N" 6 that the authority of Parliament alone is able to make any plan effectual for
all the Colonies.
I likewise inclose to Your Lordship the speech of the Onoide Indians petitioning for certain
Articles of which they stand in need, and which I think highly proper that they should be
furnished with and cannot be denied them, without risking the friendship of people, whom
we ought, by every reasonable indulgence to attach to us: l_have wrote about it also to Sir
William Johnson who I hope, from out of the money allowed by Government will be able to
supply them, which if he represents to be insufficient, I shall recommend to the province to do.
I transmit to Your Lordship the proposal of a number of German People settled in this
Province, for the forming themselves into a company, to serve in conjunction with the Militia
of the Colony, in case of an emergency; I presume Your lordship will think it right to give
encouragement to their zeal and spirit; the emulation, which is observed to actuate all bodies
of men, serving with others, never fails to produce good effects, & there cannot be the same
Vol. VIII. 34
266 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
objection made, which is common to Auxiliaries, these being established in the Country and
their interest concerned in its safety.
The troubled State of the North Eastern Parts of this Province, seems to deserve Your
Lordship's immediate attention. I speak of that large district between Hudson's River & the
Lakes George and Champlain on the west, and Connecticut River on the East; and between
the North line of the Massachusetts Bay and the iS"" degree of latitude, assigned for the
partition between this and the Province of Quebec.
This is a fine Country, capable of great cultivation, and of subsisting many thousands of
useful subjects ; but, before the conquest of Canada, was so exposed to the incursions of the
French, and the Savages in their interest, that very few settlements were made in it, except
in that quarter nearest to Hudson's River.
It is clearly within the limits of this Province, as granted by King Charles the Second to
James Duke of York ; and accordingly his present Majesty in the year 1764, was pleased
to declare the Western Banks of Connecticut River to be the partition boundary between
New York and New Hampshire.
I wish I could say. My Lord, that the Royal Decision had been followed with that chearfull
submission which was due to so express & authoritative an intimation of the King's pleasure.
I am obliged, on the contrary, to complain, that there seems to be too much reason to beleive,
that the disorders in that country owe their origin and progress to the intrigues of persons in
power in the Province of New Hampshire, with aims of inhancing their private fortunes, out
of the Crown Lands ; in the vain hope that his Majesty may be moved to annex this territory
to the Province of New Hampshire under which their grants were obtained.
In the prosecution of this design some of the inhabitants have lately been excited to open
acts of Violence, as well as an immediate application by petition to the throne. Upon procuring
a Copy of this Petition I referred it to the Attorney General for his Report ; and as his
Representations appear greatly to concern his Majesty's interest, and to be supported by proofs,
of which the King ought not to be uninformed, I now transmit them to Your Lordship for the
Royal Consideration.
I must at the same time apprize Your Lordship that a great majority of the Settlers are not
only disposed to a peaceable submission to the decision of 1764, but very averse to the change
projected in New Hampshire, as will appear by their Counter Petition communicated to me,
to be transmitted in their favour.
Nor can I omit mentioning that it is in this district that many of the reduced Officers and
Soldiers have made their locations of the bounty pledged to them by the Royal Proclamation
of the 7"" of Oct' 1763. Besides this I find that others of his Majesty's Subjects have obtained
Patents for many thousands of Acres, under the great Seal of this Province, which will be all
frustrated upon detaching this Country from the Province of New York, and greatly increase
the general confusion.
Your Lordship will doubtless perceive that, untill the order transmitted to Sir Henry Moore
prohibiting Grants to be made of lands before patented under New Hampshire, is rescinded,
there can be no established tranquillity in that quarter of this Province, since it is natural to
suppose, that the discontented Settlers (countenanced as they are by New Hampshire) will
flatter themselves with hopes of favour ; and make rapid accessions to their number from the
profligate Banditti of the other Colonies, who look for safety where Government is weak
and disturbed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 267
I have only to add, My Lord, that from all the information I have been able to obtain
nothing more seems to me to be requisite for restoring peace than a Revocation of a late order,
by which the Grants of this Province were suspended. The inhabitants now amount to
between six and seven hundred families, of which number 450 odd have signed a Petition
to me, which I have by this Packet transmitted to Your Lordship, praying to be continued in
this Government; there is another Petition, as I understand sent home by Governor
Wentworth, signed by about 200, praying to be under the Government of New Hampshire ;
but how these names were obtained, Your Lordship will easily be able to conceive if you take
the trouble of looking into the different papers I have sent by this Packet ; but surely 'tis
more natural, even supposing that the New Hampshire claim was preferable to that of New
York, to have a river such as Connecticut for the boundary. Add to this that the income of
Government would be considerably increased annually by receiving half a Crown Quit Rent,
instead of nine pence, per 100 acres, for so large a tract of Land as was disputed. I am,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient humble Servant
DUNMORE.
P. S. I have to inform Your Lordship of the death of Joseph Reade' Esq' one of his Majesty's
Council in this Province. I also inclose to your Lordship three affidavits which I have lately
received, which confirm our belelf that the disorders above mentioned are promoted by people
of the greatest power in the Province of New Hampshire.
N" 7
Eai'l of I>unmore to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-TorS Papers ( State Pftper OfBce ) CLXIII. ]
New York, 2°'' April 1771
My Lord,
I have received your Lordship's letter N'* 2 and am pleased to hear that the account which 1
had transmitted, relating to the disturbances on the borders of New Hampshire has been
laid before his Majesty, and I hope that it, together with the further Information contained In
my succeeding letters to your Lordship, & particularly my last dated 9"" of March N° 7 and the
papers referred to therein will prove sufficient to determine his Majesty to confirm his Royal
Declaration of 1764, and that 1 shall speedily receive Instructions in consequence thereof.
I continue to prorogue the Assembly from week to week, that they may be in instant
readiness to meet in case of war.
The Acts of the last Sessions of the Assembly are not yet ready to be transmitted.
' Joseph Rkade was probably brother of Assistant Alderman John R., who represented the East ward in the Common Council
of New- York from 1711 to, 1713, (Valentine's Manual,) and who was for several years a Vestryman of Trinity Church. Joseph
was also a Vestryman and Warden of the same church up to the time of his death. His daughter Sarah married, in 1748,
James, sou of Abraham de Peyster. Swpra, p. 14. He was called to the Council in March, 1764, and took his seat in that body
9th June following. New-York Council Minutes, XXV. Keade Street, N. Y., which was projected in 1760, derives its n .me.
'tie presumed, from this family. See note, post, p. 269. — En.
268 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
A person in this town having received an account of the capture of some whaling Vesselis
by the Spaniards off the island of Hispaniola, I have thought proper to transmit to your
Lordship an extract of the letter whicii brought the report to this place.
Lieutenant Colonel Bradstreet having discovered as he asserts that the patent obtained by
Johannes Hardenberg and others in the year 1706, commonly called the great Patent, was
issued on false suggestions, and without the formes that are necessary to make it legal and
valid; & that therefore the said Patent is void, and the lands pretended to be granted thereby
remain vested in the Crown : This the said Lieut. Colonel Bradstreet represented, in a
petition to the Governor of this Province, in order that he might obtain a grant of part of the
said vacant lands, and the same has been examined before me in Council; &a number of
evidences, as well on the part of the Patentees, as the said Lieut. Col. Bradstreet, were heard,
all which took up many sittings, and in the end no other decision was made then, as the
Council thought fit, to grant 20,000 acres of the said lands to the before mentioned Lieutenant
Colonel Bradstreet, as a compensation for the expense he has been at in endeavouring to prove
the facts he alledges; the Patentees however object to the said grant, and determine to defend
it at law, which Lieut. Col. Bradstreet nevertheless is resolved to prosecute, and seems
confident he can support, & prove the whole, or nearly, to be vacant, as above related ; This
has indeed,! a number of officers and persons who are possessed of mandamuses, and otherwise
entitled to land by having served during the war in America, to petition me that I would, of
my own authority, order their several locations to be surveyed for them upon these said lands,
and to grant the same to them which they are willing to accept, notwithstanding the claim of
the said Patentees. I have not thought proper to comply with the said Petitions, untill 1 had
represented the affair to your Lordship, «& for that purpose transmit the petition above
mentioned & with it a state of the case to prove the suggestions contained therein, and in
consequence of which, if orders be sent me to grant the said Petitions, the Crown will be
brought into no expense thereby, the Petitioners being willing to carry on the suit at their
own expence and risk; however I shall not proceed in this affair until I receive instructions
from your Lordship thereupon. It is necessary to observe to your Lordship that the said
Patent, which contains about fifteen hundred thousand acres was granted to seven persons
only, and no more than three pounds annual quit rent reserved, whereby a manifest prejudice
is done to his Majesty's Revenue and tho the Patentees have been in possession of the said
lands since the year 1706 yet there are not ten families settled thereon at this time.
I am,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient
humble Servant
DUNMORE.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 269
Earl of Hillsborough to the Governor of Nero-YorTc.
[ New-York Papers (State Paper Office ) CLXIII. ]
N" 1
Whitehall 4"' May 1771
Sir.
By the last New York Mail I received Lord Dunmore's Dispatch of the O'"" of March No 7 &
have laid it before the King.
I was glad to find by that letter that the Session of Assembly had ended in general to his
Lordships satisfaction, and that although the House of Representatives had suffered the
tranquillity of their Proceedings to be in some degree interrupted by a renewal of their
resolutions concerning M'' Livingston, they nevertheless shewed a proper attention to the
public Interests, excepting only in the case of the arrears due upon account of supplying his
Majesty's troops, which I observe they have not thought proper to discharge.
So just a demand upon the Province speaks for itself, and therefore I hope that when the
Assembly meets again, the bare mention of it by you will be sufficient to prevail upon them to
desist from their refusal.
The attention shewn by the Assembly to the signification of his Majesty's pleasure concerning
the expediency of some Law for regulating the Indian Trade is very pleasing to the King, and
his Majesty approves of Lord Dunmore's having requested the advice & assistance of Sir
William Johnson in that business.
As the Province of New York is more particularly interested in preserving the good will and
affection of the Oneida Indians I make no doubt that if Sir William Johnson's funds are not
sufficient to supply them with the necessaries they require in their Message to Lord Dunmore
in December last, the Assembly will make proper provision for that service.
The spirited proposal of the Body of German Protestants in the City of New York, contained
in their Memorial presented to Lord Dunmore in January last, could not fail of being pleasing
to the King, and although there is not now any occasion for their service in the Military Line,
you will signify to them his Majesty's approbation of the Zeal, and the satisfaction it gave his
Majesty to receive from so respectable a Body such declaration of sincere affection to his Royal
Person and Government, and earnest desire to assist in the defence of his Majesty's possessions.
With regard to the lands in the Eastern parts of the province, where I am sorry to find the
disorders, early complained of by Lord Dunmore, continue to increase, I can only say what I
have frequently expressed to his Lordship, that the matter is under consideration of the Board
of Trade, and that I have not failed to communicate to that Board every thing that has been
represented upon that subject.
It only remains for me to acquaint you that the Lords of Trade having recommended William
AxtelP Esq'' to be of the Council in the place of M' Read, their recommendation has been
approved and the warrant for his admission will be delivered to his Agent.
I am, &c*
(Gov' of New York) Hillsborough.
' William Axtell was brother-in-law of James de Peyster, who had married the daughter of Mr. Reade, {supra, p. 267,)
whom he now succeeded in the Council, Mr. Axtell having for his wife, Margaret, 3d daughter of Abraham and sister of
James de Peyster. He was appointed to the Council 4th of May, 1771, and resided at Flatbush. Whilst he was entertaining
a party of British officers there in 1776, a gunner belonging to the American army threw a shell into the house, to the great
alarm of the family. Onderdonk's Revolutionary Incidents. Mr. Axtell having adhered to the Crown, his property was confis-
cated, and he returned to England in 1783, having lost his wife, however, before hia departure, who died without leaving any
issue. De Peyster Genealogy, 109. — Ed.
270 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Earl of Hillshorough to Sir William Johnson.
[New-York Papers (State Paper Office) CCLVII. ]
N" 16.
Whitehall, May 4'" 1771.
Sir.
I have received and laid before the King your dispatch N°15 containing general observations
on the state of Indian interests, and repeating your apprehensions that notwithstanding the
meeting of the Indians at Scioto (which had given so much alarm) had ended only in general
Resolutions of continuing their alliances, yet that there still remained some latent intention in
the Savages to form a Confederacy dangerous to the King's possessions.
You will allow me, Sir, however to observe that I am fully convinced, as well from what has
passed at this Meeting as from my Observations of the Disposition of Savages in general, that
those natural enmities and jealousies which subsist between one nation and another, if left to
have their own operation without any interfering on our part, are a full security against any
hostilities which (they well know) must in the end terminate in their own destruction, & which
therefore they will never attempt, unless provoked by such injuries and injustice as being
common to all may make the Resentment of them a common cause. To prevent such abuses
therefore, and, when they cannot be prevented, to endeavoufto redress them, will, I doubt not,
be the principal object of your attention, avoiding as much as possible interfering or becoming
party in any Councils the Indians may think fit to hold relative to their own Interests. I do
not mean by what I have said to express an opinion that there may not be some cases in which
it may be adviseable for the Servants of the Crown in the Indian Department to take some
share, nor would I have it understood that they ought to be totally indifferent about what
passes at such meetings; on the contrary they cannot be too active to obtain the fullest
Intelligence of the Views and Proceedings of the Savages, because nothing will be more likely
to defeat any designs which they may form to the prejudice of the public peace, than the lettting
them see we know what those Designs are, but if we persist in making ourselves parties in
their politics, either directly or through the intervention of any particular tribe in which they
know us to have a particular confidence, it is impossible to say to what consequences it may
lead, and therefore I was concerned to find that the Deputies which were sent from the Northern
Confederacy to the Meeting at Scioto had insisted with the Indians, whom they met returning
from that meeting, that the Congress should be re-assembled. With regard to the Continuation
of the Boundary line from where it was made to terminate by the Treaty of 1768 it is a matter
which requires much consideration but it is impossible for me to give you any Instructions
upon that head without knowing precisely in what direction and to what point the Indians
wish to have it carried.
I am &c*
Hillsborough.
(Sir William Johnson Bart.)
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 271
Lords of Trade to the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council.
[ New- York Entries, LXVIII., 4CG. ]
To the Right Hon"" the Lords of the Commtee of His Majesty's most Hon'''' Privy Council
for Plantation AfTairs.
My Lords
Pursuant to your Lordships Order of the 6 of this Month we have taken into Our
Consideration the address of Rector and Inhabitants of the City of New Yorii humbly
requesting His Majesty to remit the whole or such part as His Majesty in his Royal Wisdom
shall judge meet & expedient of certain Quit Rents reserved to his Majesty and payable upon
a Tract of Land in Glocester County within the said Province granted by Lieutenant Governor
Golden to that Corporation to be for ever appropriated for the sole use and benefit of the
church belonging thereto.
Whereupon we beg leave to report to your Lordships
That the encouragement protection and support in the Colonies of the Church of England
as by law Established are objects which do in Our opinion well deserve your Lordships
attention and therefore we think that it will be adviseable in point of Policy to comply with
the prayer of the above recited address but how far it may be expedient in Reference to the
state of His Majesty's revenue of Quit Rents and the Establishments thereon is a
consideration which belongs to other Departments If however his Majesty shall be graciously
pleased to grant the remission of the Quit Rents in the Case in Question we think tliat in
lieu thereof it may be adviseable that an annual Rent of Six Shillings and eight pence should
be reserved to be paid by the Rector and Inhabitants of the City of New York concerned in
this petition to the Governor and Commander in Chief of the said Province sitting in Council
in the Council Chamber on Monday after Easter in each year conformable to what we
proposed and was approved by your Lordships in the Case of an Application for a Grant of
Lands in New York made to his Majesty in 1764 on behalf of the College of New York.
We are My Lords Your Lordships most obedient and most humble Servants
Hillsborough
E-^ Eliot
Bamber Gascoyne
Whitehal Rob' Spencer
21 May 1772. W. Jolliffe
Earl of Hillsborough, to Governor Tryon.
[New- York Papers (State Paper Office) CLXIII. ]
N" 2.
Whitehall, June 5"- 1771.
Sir.
I have received and laid before the King a letter from the Earl of Dunmore as Governor of
New York, dated the 2^ of April, and as his Lordship continues to urge, with great Propriety,
the expediency of some speedy decision in respect to the lands on the West of Connecticut
272 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
River, I presume it will be a satisfaction to all parties, interested in the questions that have
been agitated touching those lands, to know that the Board of Trade have prepared and will,
in a few days transmit to the Privy Council their report on that business, & that you may
expect before the Fall to receive such instructions thereupon, as shall without prejudice to
titles derived from actual improvement and settlement, open a way to immediately perfecting
the grants to the reduced officers and soldiers who have been so long kept in suspense, and
that after proper reservations are made of Woodlands for the use of the Navy, and the rights of
individuals are provided for, the residue of the land remaining for settlement will be disposed
of on such a plan, and upon such terms as shall best correspond with the value and importance
of them.
I have fully considered what Lord Dunmore states in respect to the proceedings at the
Council Board upon the petition of Colonel Bradstreet, and the step which has been taken in
consequence thereof, of granting to that gentleman 20,000 acres of the Land patented to
Hardenberg and others in 1706, and as I am equally at a loss to guess upon what ground it
was that the Council took upon themselves extra judicially to draw into question and decide
upon the claims of those Patentees & afterwards to grant so large a quantity of the Land as
20,000 acres to one person, without regard to the restrictions contained in the Governor's
instructions, I cannot but consider such proceedings as irregular, & can on no account, untill
that matter shall be further explained, advise his Majesty to consent to the Prayer of the
petition for the further granting of those lands which Lord Dunmore has transmitted.
It is with great pleasure I acquaint you that the Queen was happily brought to bed of a
Prince this morning and that her Majesty and the young Prince are as well as can be desired.
I most heartily congratulate you upon this increase of the Eoyal p-amily, an event which gives
the greatest Satisfaction to all his Majesty's subjects.
I am fee"
(Gov' Try on.) Hillsborough.
Representation of the Lords of Trade on the New Hampshire Grants.
[ New-Tork Entries, LXVIII., 443. ]
To the Right Hon'''^ the Lords of the Comilitee of His Majestys most Hon'''"^ Privy Council
for Plantation Affairs.
My Lords
Pursuant to your Lordships Order of the 5 day of July 1770 we did on the 13 day of that
month take into Our Consideration the humble Petition of several Officers and Soldiers who
served in North America during the late war, and were reduced at the Peace setting forth,
" That in pursuance of His Majestys Royal Proclamation of the 7 of October 17G3. they did
"obtain warrants from the Lieutenant Governor of his Majesty's Province of New York for
"sundry tracts of Land to be surveyed and also patents for divers Tracts of Lands in the
" Northern parts of the said Province which lands the Petitioners alledge do yet remain
"unsettled owing to a claim of several grantees under the Government of New Hampshire,
" as also to a late Instruction of his Majesty to his Gov'' of New York restraining him from
"making any further Grants in these parts, till his Majestys Royal pleasure shall be known
" and humbly praying his Majesty to permit the Governor of New York to Grant Lands to
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 273
" such of the Petitioners, at whose expense they have been located & surveyed ; and to confirm
" to others the Grants which have already been made ;" a request of such a nature from
persons so respectable and meritorious induced the fullest attention to it, as it appeared to us
by a letter from the Governor of New Hampshire to the Earl of Hillsborough communicated
to Us by his Lordship, that the Council of that province were preparing, in order to transmit to
his Majesty for his consideration a full state of the Claims to Lands in that District under
Grants from the Government of New Hampshire we thought filt to postpone any Report to
your Lordships on this Case, until that Representation sliould be received. As no such
Representation has yet however been transmitted, and as his Majestys Governor of New York
has repeatedly and in the strongest terms represented the necessity there is, as well in Justice
to the Case of the reduced Officers as in propriety with respect to his Majestys service, that
some speedy determination should be had concerning that very valuable and extensive tract
of Land, which in consequence of those Claims remains in great part unsettled and unimproved,
and in which the greatest disorders are committed, it becomes our duty no longer to dehiy
making Our Report to your Lordships upon a matter, which in every light wherein it can be
viewed, seems to us of great importance.
Your Lordships are already apprized by former Reports of this Board of the very extraordinary
Circumstances, accompanying the Grants made within this District by the late Governor of
New Hampshire and when we consider how extravagant those Grants are with respect to the
quantity of Lands they contain and combine that Consideration with the many irregularities
and improprieties attending tiiem in other respects we have no doubt that they would
upon examination be found null & void But this is a matter which cannot depend upon any
opinion of Ours, and is a consideration which leads to questions that cannot now be
entered into without laying the foundation for further delay in a matter that seems to require
immediate decision.
We are sensible how difficult it will be in a case where so many opposite interests, depending
upon Claims under very diffijrent circumstances, are to be considered to suggest any
propositions that will coincide entirely with the hopes and expectations of all parties but when
we reflect how important it is to all to have some speedy determination We cannot but
flatter Ourselves that they will readyly acquiesce in any reasonable conditions, that can be
proposed to them And as this appears to us to be the only probable method of bringing this
matter to a speedy issue, we shall beg leave in the first place to state to your Lordships those
Claims which appear to us to be objects of Consideration & in the next place suggest what
seems to us reasonable to be proposed with regard thereto.
The Claim that seems to us to deserve attention in the first place is that of those persons
who possess Lands in this district under Grants legally and properly obtained from the
Government of New York antecedent to any pretence set up by the Government of New
Hampshire to exercise the power of granting Lands to the westward of Connecticut River and
before any such Grants were made From the last information we have been able to collect
relative to this Claim, it is confined to two or three Grants but a small part of which lies on the
East of the Green Mountains the Country to the West of which was at all times before
the unwarrantable Claims set up in consequence of the New Hampshire Grants admitted
incontestably to be within the Province of New York and therefore we cannot but be of opinion
Vol. VHL 35
274 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
that the proprietors of those Grants should not be disturbed in their possessions on the Ground
of Claims derived from these subsequent Grants of the Government of New Hampshire.
The Claim that in the second place seems to Us to merit attention is that of those persons
who in consequence of the Grants from the Governor of New Hampshire, have made actual
Settlements and Improvement of any Lands not comprehended within the limits of the
possessions above stated ; for however disputable their titles may be upon the Ground of
the Grants themselves yet there always has been & we think there always ought to be in the
Plantations an attention to actual Settlement and Improvement ; that in Cases where
the possession does not interfere with the Eights of others ought to have preference to any
other consideration ; And therefore we think, that persons under this description ought to be
left in entire possession of such Lands as they have actually cultivated and improved subject
to no other condition or reservation either of Quit Rent or otherwise than what is contained in
the Grants under which they claim.
The third Claim and indeed the only remaining one which appears to Us to merit particular
indulgence is that of the reduced Officers and Soldiers, as well those comprehended within the
petition referred to us by Your Lordships as all others under the like circumstances who may
have obtained warrants from the Government of New York for the survey of Lands to them in
this district the possession of which Lands has been obstructed by the pretensions of those
claiming under the New Hampshire Grants; and with regard to these persons we cannot but
be of opinion that no time should be lost in carrying Iheir Grants into effect, provided however
that the Surveys under which they claim do not include Lands which were actually & bona
fide settled and improved by persons claiming under Grants from the Governor of New
Hampshire antecedent to such warrants of Survey ; who we think for the reasons already
given ought not to be disturbed in their possessions on any account but that if any such case
should exist the Officer or Soldier, claiming such Land under warrant of Survey from the
Government of New York should have compensation made to him by an adequate Grant in
some other part of the district.
With regard to the remainder of the Lands contained in this extensive District which if the
foregoing propositions can by consent of the parties interested be carried into effect will remain
for His Majestys disposal they are on all hands represented to be of great value & Importance
not only from their natural situation & fertility but as including very extensive Tracts containing
large growth of white pine Trees, and of other Timber fit for Naval purposes And when
we consider the great advantage of them in this light it is Our duty in Conformity to what we
humbly represented to His Majesty on the 24 day of July 1767 respecting the preservation of
wood Lands in America, to recommend to your Lordships to advise his Majesty not to allow
any further Grants to be made, or warrants of Survey issued for any Lands within this
District; until the person who in consequence of that Representation has been appointed
Surveyor for that Division of North America in which this district is included shall have
carried his Instructions into execution & shall have marke[d] out, for Reservation to his
Mnjesty such parts of it, as shall contain any considerable Growth of Trees fit for the purposes
above mentioned.
"When this service shall have been executed we see no reason why the residue of the lands
may not be laid open to Settlement and improvement by Grants from his Majesty; but we
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 275
can by no means recommend to your Lordships to advise his Majesty to suffer the Governor
and Council of New York to dispose of the said Lands either upon the terms or in the manner
in which they have hitherto exercised that power.
The well known fertility & particular advantage of these Lands arising from their situation
in the midst of a well settled and cultivated Country render them we conceive far more
valuable than those which lye more distant & remote And we see no reason why his Majesty
may not in this case at least reasonably expect the same advantages which the proprietors of
the province of Maryland & Pensylvania derive from the Grants of their waste and
uncultivated Lands who over and above a Quit Rent nearly double what is reserved on Lands
Granted by the Governor & Council of New York, receive five pounds for every hundred
Acres, which is required to be paid to their respective receivers whose Certificate of such
payment is made an indispensable requisite for obtaining a warrant of Survey for the Lands.
We have hitherto avoided stating to your Lordships the pretentions of those persons who
claim the possessions of Lands in this district under the exorbitant Grants from the Governor
of New Hampshire but who have not taken any steps towards acquiring possession of the Land
or for seating or improving the same We are persuaded your Lordships will agree with us in
opinion that combining this circumstance of neglect of improvement with the little degree o
attention, which is due to the Grants themselves, from the manner & circumstances under
which they were passed the claims of these persons can or ought to have in a general view of
them little weight in the present consideration ; In order however to avoid all possible ground
of complaint and to give facility to the execution of what is proposed in the cases already
stated we submit it to your Lordships Consideration whether it may not be adviseable after
the Reservations abovementioned for naval purposes have been made, that such of the
Grantees, as shall before a certain day to be fixed by proclamation apply by petition to your
Majestys Governor and Council of New York for Grants of Land within- the said District, may
receive warrants of Survey for such parts of the said Lands as they shall chuse in quantity
proportioned to their ability to cultivate and improve the same; with this Restriction however,
that no one of the said persons, so applying shall either in his or her own name or in the name
or names of any other person or persons in trust for him or her receive more than five hundred
Acres, the said Grantees not be subject to paymentof the purchase money above recommended,
or to any other terms or conditions than what are usually contained in Grants from his
Majestys Governor of New York under the present Instructions.
We are aware that the Claims of persons under this general description must vary in their
Circumstances; and that a greater regard and attention may be due to one than ought to be
shewed to another ; but it is we fear impossible to distinguish any different Case ; and we
humbly conceive it is the less necessary in as much as these General Regulations will not
preclude any particular persons who think themselves intitled to particular Indulgence, from
making such application thereupon as they shall think proper.
We beg leave further to observe to Your Lordship, that there is another Claim of interest
in these Lands which as it stands upon Grounds very different from these already stated,
requires a seperate consideration & that belongs to the Society for the propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign parts ; who claim his Majesty's cons[id]eration in consequence of their having
in each of the Townships granted by M'' Wentworth a Reservation of five hundred Acres in
order to enable them to carry the laudable and pious purposes of their institution into effect.
276 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
As this Claim of the above Society has already been considered as meriting his Majesty's
attention and was as we conceive in Great nieasure the foundation of that Instruction to his
Majestys Governor of New York, by which the lands in this district were locked up from
settlement, until his Majestys further orders were known, it becomes Our duty to consider in
what step an adequate compensation can be made for it, and we beg leave to suggest to Your
Lordships, whether such consideration may not be most properly obtained, & every other
Religious Establishment for which Reservations were made in the New Hampshire Grants,
effectually provided for, by sul)jecting every Grant which shall be made of Lands within this
district in consequence of the above proposals to the payment to the said Society for the
propagation of the Gospell of one Shilling proclamation p' annum for every hundred Acres, over
& above the Quit Rents payable to his Majesty ; & that it be recommended to the said Society
that the moneys arising therefrom be applied solely to the purposes of providing Ministers and
School Masters for that district.
Tf these propositions should meet with your Lordships approbation and his Majesty should
upon your Lordships advice think fit to adopt them we do not apprehend that any difficulty
will arise on the part of those, whose different Claims are meant to be provided for or that
any other measure will be necessary for the present, than merely a transmission of the
propositions themselves to his Majesty's Governor of New York with the signification of his
Majestys pleasure that the said propositions be made Publick in such manner as that all
persons interested therein may have notice and that the Governor and Council do within a
reasonable time thereafter proceed to confirm to the reduced Officers by Grant the property
of such Lands for which they have obtained warrants with exception only to such parts as
may have been seated & improved by the Claimants under the New Hampshire Grants,
antecedent to the date of such warrants.
We further beg leave to submit to your Lordships, — whether it may not be proper in order
to prevent disputes & for effectually securing the settlers under new Hampshire Grants in the
possession of what they have already settled and improved conformable to what is before
proposed that the actual state of such seating and improvement should be ascertained by a
Jury of disinterested persons, to be summoned for that purpose by the Sheriff of the County
in which the lands lye, whose return thereof with a plot & description thereunto annexed of
the Lands so seated and improved, being registred in the County Court will be a full evidence
upon Record of the title in case any Question should hereafter arise thereupon.
With regard to the lands proposed to be granted to other persons claiming under the New
Hampshire Grants, but who have made no settlement or improvement whatever the execution
of what is submitted in their Case as well as in the Case of the Residue of the Lands which
will remain for his Majesty's disposal, within this district, must be suspended until the Country
has been surveyed with a view to proper Reservations of Woodlands for the supply of masting
& timber for the Royal Navy according to the directions already given for that purpose; and
we are of opinion that the Instructions to be given to the Governor of New York in the latter
Case cannot be too explicit and precise in order to guard against those irregularities & abuses
which we are concerned to say have but too much prevailed in the exercise of the powers
given to his Majesty's' in America for the granting of lands to the great prejudice of his
'Sic. Tbe word "governors" seems to be omitted. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 277
Majestys interest to the discouragement of Industry and in many Instances to the apprehension
of the Subject by the exaction of exorbitant & unreasonable fees. We are My Lords
Your Lordships Most obedient and most humble Servants
Hillsborough
SoAME Jenyns
E. EnoT
John Roberts
Whitehall W'" Fitzherbert
June 6. 1771. Thomas Whately*
Earl of Hilhlorough to the Governor of New- YorTc.
[New-York Papers (Slate Paper OIHce) CLXIH.]
July S" 1771
Sir
I have received and laid before the King a Dispatch from Lord Dunmore of the 7"" May
N" 9
There is nothing in his Lordship's letter which requires any particular directions, but as he
very properly urges the expediency of giving dispatch to the Consideration of the laws of the
Colony, which he says would be a great satisfaction to his Majesty's subjects there, it is fit I
should observe to you that the delay of which his Lordship seems to complain is principally
to be attributed to the neglect of the proper Officers in the Colony in not preparing and
transmitting in due time Transcripts of the laws under the seal; I must desire therefore
that you will make a strict enquiry into the causes of this neglect & take such steps as you
shall judge to be necessary for inducing a greater attention for the future in a matter of so
great importance.
Inclosed I send you two orders of his Majesty in Council on the 7"" of last month, The one
confirming and ratifying an Act passed in New York in January 1770, the other disallowing
three Acts passed in the same session, and that you may know the reasons which have
induced the disallowance of the said acts, I send you inclosed for your own information a
Copy of the Representation of the Board of Trade thereupon
I am, fcc"
Governor of New York. Hillsborough.
' Thomas Whatelt, of the Inner Temple, was originally a protege of Mr. Grenville, who, when one of the Secretaries of
State, appointed him his private secretary in 1*762 ; and Joint Secretary of the Treasury in 1763, at which time he represented
the borough of Ludgarshall, Wiltshire, in Parliament On the death of his patron, Mr. W. is accused of having gone over to
Lord North; by the influence of Lord Suffolk, he was elected for the borough of Castle Rising, in Norfolk, and in January,
1771, was appointed one of the Lords of Trade. In January, 1772, he obtained the office of Keeper of the King's private
roads, gates, bridges, and conductor of his person in all royal progresses ; and when Lord Suffolk became Secretary of
State for the Northern department, Mr. Whately was appointed one of the Under Secretaries. He died in June, 1772. Mr.
Whately was a very profound politician as well as an industrious and very intelligent purveyor of news, as his numerous
letters in the Grenville Papers show. In 1766, he published "Considerations on the Trade and Finances of this Kingdom,
and on the measures of Administration with respect to those great National objects, since the Conclusion of the Peace."
He was also author of a tract called, "Remarks on the Budget," in answer to Hartley's "Budget," and he wrote, besides,
" An Essay on Design in Gardening." Chatham Correspondence ; Grenville Papers. -^ Ed.
278 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
JSarl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsbor&agh.
[New-York Papers (State Paper Office) CLXIIL]
New York, the Q"- July 1771
My Lord,
Governor Tryon arrived here Yesterday and as he had not received my letter, which (in
consequence of Your lordship's intimation) proposed the exchange between us. I made the
offer to him in person, and communicated Your Lordship's letter upon that subject ; he has
not thought proper to acquiesce therein, but has taken upon him the Administration of this
Government, and I shall with all diligence prepare myself to repair to that, which it has
pleased his Majesty to appoint me, intreating that Your Lordship will represent to his Majesty
that I should not have hesitated to pay immediate obedience to the Orders I received from
Your Lordship, had I conceived that my services would prove more effectual in V^irginia, than
in New York; and I hope my zeal for his Majesty's service will enable me upon this, as well
as on every future occasion, to give his Majesty the satisfaction which will ever be the object
of my conduct, and I trust I shall be happy enough to secure to myself Your Lordships
approbation, I am, My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient
humble Servant
To the Earl of Hillsborough. Dunmore
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[New-York Papers (Stale Paper Office) CLXIII.]
New York the Q'" of July, 1771
My Lord,
In pursuance of his Majesty's Commands I embarked at Newbern in North Carolina the
30"' of last Month and arrived in this Government the 7"' Ins' The next morning I had
the honour to receive his Majesty's Commission and Instructions from the Earl of Dunmore
for my conduct and guidance in the Administration of the Government of New York, accordingly
this morning I produced to his Lordship in Council, the said Commission and Instructions,
took the oaths agreeable thereto, when his Lordship delivered me up the Great Seal of
the Province.
The Gentlemen of the Council then present Qualified by taking the Oaths prescribed, after
which I proceeded in procession to the Town Hail where my Commission was publickly read
to a multitude of his Majesty's cheerfuU and loyall Subjects.
I feel My Lord the warmest Gratitude for this fresh and most distinguished mark of my
Sovereign's most gracious favor to me and shall endeavor to the utmost of my Abilities
to deserve so highly honorable and important a Trust. I am, with the greatest respect,
and regard.
My Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient
humble Servant
W"> Teyon.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 279
P. S. I had the satisfaction to meet Governor Martin ^ in this Town who is recovering from a
long indisposition. He sails in a few days for his Government of North Carolina.
Earl of Hillsborough.
No
Governor' Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[New-York Papers ( State Paper Office ) CLXIII. ]
Fort George, New York, the 5"" August 1771
My Lord,
I have been honored with Your Lordship's dispatch, containing the Duplicate of N" 1 and
original of No 2 : the letter is now under the Consideration of the Gentlemen of the Council.
Such of my General Instructions as I conceived affected the Council I ordered to be entered
on the Minutes thereof. I have hitherto done no business of moment, receiving and returning
the Civilities of the Country has been my chief employ. I herewith forward to Your
Lordship the Addresses and Answers on the occasion of the honour his Majesty has done me
in placing me in this part of his Dominions.
The following are the number of the public papers and letters of correspondence from your
Lordship's Office which the Earl of Dunmore left under my care (1 had not the honor to see
any that he wrote) Vidz'
" Additional Instruction from his Majesty concerning the lands upon Lake Champlain
bearing date i"' December 1769.
Letter to Sir Henry Moore N° 33
Letters to Lieut. Governor Colden N" 38. 39. 40
Letter to Governor of New York N" 1
I purpose to meet the General Assembly in October next.
I thank Your Lordship for sending me the gratefull intelligence of her Majesty's Safe delivery
of a Young prince, a circumstance very pleasing to his Majesty's Subjects in this Province. 1
am, my Lord, with the greatest respect, My Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient Servant,
W" Tryon.
' Governor Josiah Maetis was brother of Samuel Martin, M. P. for Caraelford, Cornwall.iEngland, who was Secretary of
the Treasury in 1756, also Treasurer to the Princess Dowager of Wales, and who liad distinguished himself by fighting a
duel with, and wounding, the famous John Wilkes. Josiah entered the army in December, 1756, as Ensign of the 4th or
King's own regiment of Foot. On the increase of the array in 1761 he was appointed Major in the 103d or Volunteer
Hunters, and that regiment having been reduced soon after, he is afterwards found in the list of Lieutenant-Colonels until
1769. Army Lists. He entered on the administration of the affairs of North Carolina, on the 11th July, 1771, but unfortunately
his predecessor had bequeathed him political difficulties in which he soon became involved, by. the approach of the Revolution .
In the fall of 1774, Governor Martin revisited New-York, and returned to North Carolina in February, 1775: a letter of his
to General Gage, soliciting a supply of arms and ammunition, was shortly after intercepted, so finding himself suspected and
insecure, he fled, on the 24th of April, 1775, to Fort Johnston, on the Cape Fear river. But the Whigs pursued, and drove
him from the Fort, to the King's sloop of war, the Cruiser ; from this ship, on tlie 8th of August, he issued a proclamation,
which the Provincial Congress directed to be burnt by the common hangman. The battle of Moore's Creek, in which the
Loyalists, under McDonald, were defeated and dispersed by Colonel Caswell, followed in February, 1776; and Governor
Martin, embarking on board the fleet of Sir Peter Parker, arrived at Charleston, South Carolina, early in June of that year.
He retired, subsequently, to New-Tork, and died at Roekaway, L. L, in November, 1778. His estate in North Carolina was
confiscated. Sabine; Martin's NorCh Carolina. — Ed.
280 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
P. S. The German Protestants (as appears by their address inclosed) are duly sensible of
the honor done them by his Majesty's approbation of their offers to assist Government.
Earl Hillsborough.
N" 16.
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[New- York Papers C State Paper Office ) CCLYII. ]
Johnson Hall, August 9"" 1771
My Lord,
I was lately honoured with Your Lordship's letter (N^IG) which I delayed ^ for some days that
T might at the same time acquaint Your Lordship with the issue of a Congress I was then about
to hold with the Six Nations which was occasioned by informations received by my Deputy at
Fort Pitt from a Shawanese Indian and others. The substance of which was, that the Six
Nations were concerned in exciting the Shawanese, Delawares, & many others to make war
upon us, and altho this had been formerly propagated without any just grounds or foundation
I judged it best policy to call the chiefs to a Congress thereon in order to show that such
Designs, by whatsoever Nation carried on, could not be totally concealed from us, w"^"" might
prove a check on the Nation which first excited it, and render them suspicious of each other.
The Cheifs only were summoned, but many more attending, to the number of 350, 1 opened
the conference the 14"" Ult" which held for several days.
I began by acquainting them with the obligation they were under to give me the earliest
information that was anywise interesting and that I was surprised to hear from another quarter
of some dangerous transactions which might prove the ruin of those concerned, adding that I
expected to have the certain particulars from them. On their appearing ignorant of what
1 hinted at I gave them to understand that I had received an account of their being engaged in
promoting a Rupture with the Indians, the event of which must have proved verry fatal to
themselves. They gave me many assurances to the contrary and requested to know their
accusers, on which I related to them what I thought sufficient to convince any that might have
been privy thereto that no designs of any ill tendency could leng remain a secret to the English :
this produced many speeches on both sides the last of which being the most material I herewith
inclose as I did not judge them of sufficient importance to give Your Lordship the trouble of
perusing the whole. After this I told them that I could not think their answer satisfactory,
until the Belts mentioned in their Speech were delivered up, which they promised to see strictly
performed and after renewing the Covenant Chain the Congress ended.
On this Congress I have only to observe that altho there is some cause to doubt of the
friendship of the Senecas on the Ohio and at Chenussio, for reasons formerly given. Yet I
had not, neither have I, any reason to suspect the rest of the Senecas, or any other of the
Confederate Nations. Besides I know it to have been before the practice of those Nations,
more remote from us, and who are apprehensive of the Six Nations, to propagate stories much
' answeriog. Johnson Manuscripts. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 281
to the disadvantage of the latter, with a view to exasperate us against them, and thereby draw
them into their association, and I am confident that if an opportunity offered I could give a
demonstrating proof of their fidelity, from the part they would take in our quarrels if required
so to do.
I have always been entirely of Your Lordship's opinion with regard to the advantages we
may expect from the jealousies subsisting between one nation and another, and 1 have
more than once observed y" like to Your Lordship, I have been also always averse to entering
into any of their private concerns. It would therefore give me great pain could I have the least
reason to accuse myself of deviating from Your Lordships sentiments, and my own so
repeatedly expressed, and I am persuaded it can be sufficiently made to appear that no part of
my proceedings, if they have been justly expressed in my pacquets could have a tendency so
contrary to the political practice I have always adopted. Indeed it is extremely necessary &
gives the Indians a favourable idea of our justice & friendship to appear concerned at their
private divisions or differences & desireous to see them composed, but I never interfere in any
where his Majesty's interest and the public tranquility is not materially concerned, which was
peculiarly the case in the affair of the Deputies sent to Sioto where the Cheifs of the most
powerfull Nations on the continent were assembled for purposes that were too interesting to be
overlooked, so that it appeared highly necessary to me that they should know we were not
ignorant of their designs, & that they should be reprimanded for their past conduct, and
cautioned against any future Undertakings and the means by which this was ordered to be
effected, as well as the agents made use of were in my judgement the best calculated for that
purpose, as well as for keeping up that jealousy which contributes so much to our security.
Those Deputies are shortly expected home, when I shall transmit the result of their embassy
and I flatter myself that my long experience in these matters, & zeal to acquit myself as an
usefull servant to the Crown, will continue to me Your Lordsiiip's favourable opinion.^ Could
my authority extend to the redress of grievances in any thing material we should have much
less apprehension from the Indians, but, as my authority cannot be so far extended. Your
Lordship may rely on my doing everry thing in my power for the interests of the Crown and
the public within the limits prescribed to me, and that faithfully according to the best of my
judgement. I have the honor to be with the most perfect esteem, My Lord,
Your Lordships most obedient
& most humble Servant
W Johnson.
' of my capacity for the office I have the honor to hold, as after a series of successful services, nothing could be a more
sensible mortification to me than the thought of having incurred your Lordship's censure. Johnson Manuscripts. — Ed.
Vol. VIIL
282 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Proceedings of 8ir William Johnson with the Indians.
[ N(jw-Torfc Papers ( State Paper Office ) CCLVII. ]
Extract from the Proceedings of a Congress with the Six Nations held at Johnson
Hall in July 1771.
At a Congress held on Tuesday July IG"" 1771
" Present — Sir William Johnson Bar' Super Intend'
Sir John Johnson Kn'
Daniel Ciaus ] ^^
Guy Johnson j ^^ °
Richard Shuckburgh Esq"" Sec'"'' Ind° Affairs.
John Butler Esq"" Interp"'
Dan' Campbell Esq"" Judge of Com" Pleas for Albany County
The Rev"* M' Stuart, Missionary to the Mohacks.
The Rev** M' Andrews, Missionary for Schenectady,
with several other Gentlemen.
The Indians being assembled to answer Sir William's speech of the day before Tyorhansera
Cheif Speaker arose, and after repeating all that had past during the whole Congress on the
sev' Belts &c proceeded as follows
Brother Warraghyagey
We are now assembled to answer you, agreable to what you said on your first Belt and in
the first place assure you that as it has given us much concern to hear of any suspicion
entertained of our Fidelity, we have given it that serious consideration which an affair of such
importance required, and we shall give you as full and true an answer, as we are able thereupon.
A Belt of 8 Rows
Brother,
We have for your satisfaction made a very strict enquiry amongst our several nations
concerning the Intelligence that you received but after the closest examination amongst the
principal nations here we could not find one single person acquainted therewith. Yet still
further to convince you of our sincerity, and sensible that if any- of our People harbored
any evil thoughts they were not propagated on this side of the Upper Seneca Villages,
Sayenquarraghta has last night examined those of the farthest Castle, who are here, who have
declared that any evil yet remaining proceeds from Gaustarax the Cheif of Chenussio, who is
now under the ground, and was always a busy man, that privately and wickedly concerned
himself in mischief in the name but without the Privity of the Six Nations. This troublesome
man sent, at the late Indian war, a Belt hatchet with many bad speeches to the Shav?anese,
and to all the people living that way, but kept it very secret from Sayenquaraghta knowing
he was a friend to the English. By this Belt he acquainted all these Nations that he would
remove the door of the six Nations which was formerly at his village at Chenussio, down to
Scioto plains, and that he expected their assistance to enable him to fight his way there. This
was not discovered for a considerable time afterwards, as Guastarax was well known to be a
very artful designing man, always employed in mischief. We both dis-regarded him and
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 283
disavowed his acts, witli wliicli we presumed you had been well acquainted, but that you did
not particularly notice it, from your reliance on our fidelity. But, Brothers, the disposition of
those people who appear to accuse us is well known, and that they are but too ready to quarrell
with the English, and as Guastarax's cunning was well known both to you and us, we should
not be surprised, if he had at several times since, sent Belts to the Ohio, and particularly when
he met so many Indians from thence, at the Treaty at Fort Stanwix, we having now discovered
from an Indian now here, who received it some time ago from a Shawanese at the Big Island,
that Guastarax had then sent Belts, recommending it to those living at that place, to retire to
the great plains, that their young men should apply themselves to hunting for three years,
to purchase necessarys for war, and that when they were ready he would assist them. This
Circumstance was known to the person who mentioned it Yesterday for some time, but
considered by him as a project totally laid aside, and we can truely assure you that we knew
nothing even of this, till he told it us, after you had delivered your speech, and that we have
never sent any such belts, or messages, to those people, neither have we ever heard of any
such being sent by any of the Six Nations, but what we just now mention. We have often
observed that the Chenussios are neglectful, we must acknowledge they are very liable to
suspicion, they have very often differed from us in Sentiments, and Conduct, and as it is known
to you, that Gaustarax was capable of doing any bad thing, we suppose he may have left such
Belts with these people, and that they still remain there, of which they now take an advantage,
but we again affirm that none of us had any knowledge of them, or concern therein, and we
think it extremely hard to be constantly charged with the Acts of particular bad men who
neither regard our advice, or divulge their schemes to us, though they may make use of our
names as a cover to their badness of heart. A Black and White Belt. 7 Rows.
Brother,
Now having truely and fairly related to you all we are acquainted with touching this
disagreeable news, we declare that in case any such secret hatchet should be still amongst the
Indians about the Ohio, we are ready and willing to use our utmost authority to take it away
and bury it forever, but as Thomas King with our other Deputies are now gone to tliat
Country with the most ample powers for restoring peace & effectually checking all those who
would disturb you, or us, we are confident he will bring it away with him at his return, if any
such there is ; however, should it be concealed from him, & still remain in their hands, we
engage as a farther proof of our friendship, and pacific disposition to fetch it from thence, and
to prevent as far as lies in my power any such private dealings in future. These are the
Words of truth, and our sincere resolutions. A large Belt, 12 Rows.
Extracted from the Minutes of Ind" Affairs & Exam"" by Rich'' Shucicburgh
Secry for Ind" Affairs.
N^S.
Governor Tryon to the Eai-l of Hillshorough.
[ Ncw-Tork Papers (State Paper Offlce ) 'JLXIII. ] ,
Fort George, New York, Sepf 2^, 1771
My Lord,
As doubts have arrisen respecting the appointment of Surrogate and Register of the
Prerogative Court within this Government, I beg leave to submit the equity and Propriety of
284 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the claims to his Majesty: The one claiming the appointment of the Officer of the said Court,
under the King's Commission as Commander in Chief in and over the province, the latter under
the patent of Secretary of the Province.
M' Banyar's Memorial, in behalf of M"" George Clark Secretary, ^vpith a Copy he delivered
me of an Order of his late Majesty in Council at the Court of Kensington the S"" of May 1758,
I have the honor to transmit to your Lordship, together with my letter in answer to Mr
Banyar's Memorial, wherein I required the Prerogative Seal to be delivered up to me ; The
rights of this Court, My Lord, I was in the exercise of in North Carolina; with this Difference
that the Crown of the Great Seal was used to all instruments as the prerogative Seal, and that
Wills were by the Direction of a particular Act of Assembly recorded in the County Courts.
Finding therefore on my arrival here that the principal perquisites which were appropriated in
North Carolina to the support of the Governor's private Secretary, were received by the
Surrogate and Registry in Question, and also finding the Earl of Dunmore had actually given
to M' Banyar the Deputy Secretary, the Commission of Surrogate and Registry, and -after
receiving opinions, both in England and in this town, from gentlemen of the first eminence of
the Bar, that such appointment was vested in the Governor, 1 gave the Commission in question
to M"' Fanning,! „,y private Secretary, as an honorable testimony of his public and distinguished
services in the late rebellion in North Carolina, where he commanded the Orange Detachment
of 200 men, and in recompence for the loss he sustained by his house and furniture being
destroyed in the Riot at Hillsborough Superior Court in September last. I shall not trouble
Your Lordship with any law points, but rest my conduct in this instance on the Equity of the
case. 1 am, with real esteem and regard
My Lord, Your Lordships
Most obedient Servant
Earl Hillsborough. W" Tryon
Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers (State Paper Office )CLXIII. 3
N" G.
Whitehall 4"' December 1771
(Gov-- Tryon,) Sir,
I take the first opportunity after my return to London to congratulate you upon your arrival
at New York & to acquaint you that it hath given his Majesty much satisfaction to find that
' Edmdnd Fanning, -who after-wards became so notoi iotis in tlie -war of tlie Revolution, was originally an attorney of North
Carolina, and represented in the Assembly there the county of Orange, of which he was the Recorder of Deeds and Colond of
the militia. lie married Governor Tryon's daughter, and rendered himself so odious to his neighbors that he accompanied his
father-in-law to New-York in the capacity of Private Secretary. In 1776 he received authority to enlist a corps of Loyalists,
afterwards called the Associated Refugees, or King's American Regiment of Foot; it was raised with funds subscribed in
Staten Island, King's County, town of Jamaica, and city of New- York. This regiment was disbanded in 1783. In Septem-
ber of that year Col. Fanning was sworn in Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia. He was subsequently appointed Lieutenant-
Governor of Prince Edward's Island, the affairs of which Province he administered for nearly nineteen years. Sabine. He
became Major-General in the army in 1793; Lieutenant-General in 1799; General 25 April, 180S, and died at an advanced
age, in his house in Upper Seymour Street, London, on the 28th February 1818. His widow and three daughters survived
liim. Gentleman's Maguzine, LXXXA'IIL, 4G9. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 285
you have met with so favourable & affectionate a Reception from all ranks of his Majesty's
Subjects in that Colony.
I have long lamented the disorders vphich have prevailed on the lands heretofore considered
as part of the province of New Hampshire, but which were annexed to the Government of
New York by his Majesty's Order in Council of the 20"" July 1764.
By this order however all Contests between the two Governments in respect to territorial
jurisdiction were finally decided, & therefore if Acts of Violence have been committed with
impunity & the authority of Government insulted, it is not to be attributed to any want of
Decision of Government here.
It is true indeed that his Majesty hath thought fit to suspend any final determination with
regard to the different claims of Property in those Lands until the State of each claim could be
fully examined, and it might reasonably have been expected, that in a case where so many
different rights & Interests were in question, the servants of the Crown in the several
Departments would not proceed without due caution & circumspection, and would avoid
hastily deciding upon a matter of so much difficulty & importance, I have the satisfaction
however to acquaint you that the Board of Trade did some time since make a full Report to
the Privy Council upon this subject, and I doubt not but that I shall soon be enabled to send
you the necessary instructions in consequence thereof.
The King approves of your conduct in having demanded Reparation of the Governor of St.
Domingo for the losses which Capt. Frisby of the Hawke sustained by the Seizure of his vessel
and the unjustifiable treatment he met with from the Spaniards in that Government, but the
King's servants are inclined to think that you went rather farther than belonged to your
Situation in demanding the punishment of the Officers who made the Seizure.
It was very natural in a matter of that consequence for you to think of taking the advice of
your Council, I beleive however upon reconsideration of the subject you will be Opinion that
it is not proper to lay before a provincial Council for their consideration any matters of a
general public nature which have no immediate relation to the affairs of that Colony, & I am
to signify to you his Majesty's pleasure that you do for the future avoid taking that step in
any instance of a like nature.
I have read with attention the Report of the Committee of Council upon the Extract of my
letter N° 2 which you thought fit to communicate to them, on which I have only to observe
that as the Minutes of the Council to which they refer for their justification were not received
at the Plantation Office till more than a month after my letter was wrote, I had nothing to
form my opinion upon but Lord Dunmore's Representation of the Case, in which he neither
states the ground for drawing into question the Right of the Patentees of 170G, nor makes
any mention of other persons being associated with Col. Bradstreet.
As the mode however of granting lands in New York and the Council's proceeding thereupon
ai-e matters of very great importance, as well in respect to the Interests of the Crown as to the
Rights of the Subject, and will most probably be the subject of serious consideration at a proper
opportunity, I must desire you will, as soon as may be, report to me for his Majesty's
information a full state of the method of proceeding upon application for grants of lands, in
order that his Majesty may be informed whether such Method does or does not correspond
with the letter and spirit of the Royal Instructions given for that purpose; for if it should
turn out that Grants are made to persons by name who never personally appear at the Council
Board, or are examined as to their ability to cultivate and improve the Land they petition for,
286 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and that the insertion of Names in a Patent under pretence of their being associates or
co-partners is only a Colour for giving to any one person more than he is allowed by the
King's Instructions; it is an abuse of so gross and fraudulent a nature as deserves the severest
Reprehension, and it is highly necessary, both for the interest of the Crown and for the
dignity of his Majesty's Government that some effectual measure should be taken to put a
stop to it.
As the Report of the Committee of the Council will I trust lead to a discussion that has
become so highly necessary I am not on this account sorry that my Letter to you which
produced that Report was communicated to the Council, but as it contained no directions from
the King that it should be made that use of, His Majesty observes that you have not attended
to his order signified in my circular letter of the 2^ of Sepf 1768 of which, lest it should be
mislaid, I enclose you a Copy.
I am happy to be able to confirm to you the Recovery of his Royal Highness the Duke of
Gloucester from the disorder that put his life in so much danger at Legliorn, an event that I
am persuaded will give general satisfaction and joy to all his Majesty's faithful Subjects.
I am, &c*
Hillsborough.
Earl of Hillshorough to Sir William Johnson.
[ New-York Papers ( State Paper Office) CCLVIL 1
(NO 17.)
Whitehall, Dec' 4."' 1771.
Sir.
I have received and laid before the King your Dispatch No 16.
The Detention of the author of the false Reports spread amongst the Indians upon the Ohio,
with a view to engage them in a general plan of hostility, is a very happy event, and leaves
no room to doubt of the propriety of that measure which led to so important a discovery.
I am satisfied from what passed at the Congress at Johnson Hall that the fidelity of the
Six Nations is not to be doubted, & whilst they continue firm we have little to fear from
the Machinations of the Senecas at Chenussio, who seem, for private purposes of their own, to
have separated themselves from the rest of their tribe, and whose intrigues appear to be
founded in views inconsistent with the interests of, and disapproved by, the Confederacy in
general. Their Motions however ought to be watched, and there seems nothing wanting to
defeat their designs but their knowing we are not ignorant of them.
I am happy to find that my sentiments with regard to the advantages to be gained from the
jealousies subsisting between one tribe of the Indians and another correspond with your own
Ideas on that subject: I agree with you however that the operation of those jealousies to
defeat any dangerous plan that may be proposed is not always to be relied on, and I am now
satisfied as well from what you state respecting the Congress at Scioto as from what appeared
at the Congress at Johnson Hall, that our Intervention in the Business to be proposed at the
first of those meetings was necessary, and that the sending Deputies thither from the Six
Nations was a proper step.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 287
The Plan for Indian Affairs, wliich was referred to Your Consideration when I was formerly
in Office, renders it almost unnecessary for me to say how much I lament tiiat Your authority
does not extend to redress those grievances which are most material ; and lam persuaded that
could it have been foreseen, that the Colonies would have been so backward and negligent in
meeting those gracious intentions of the King, which induced his Majesty to leave the
Regulation of the Commerce to them, their Representation on the subject would have not so
far prevailed as to have occasioned such a deviation from the plan at first proposed, as has
almost entirely defeated every useful Object it had in view ; But as the matter now stands,
nothing further can I apprehend be done untill the King's Servants are apprised of the
Measures which the Commissioners, who I find were to meet at New York on the 1'' of this
month, shall have thought fit to recommend.
As you do not mention the Defection of the Kickapous Pouteatamis, two Nations of the
western Confederacy, I presume you have not received any certain advices of their hostilities,
nor had been apprized of the opinion General Gage has stated to me of the necessity of
chastising them. Gen' Gage has not however proposed to me any plan for this purpose, or
explained the Steps he intends to pursue, and therefore I am unable to give You any particular
Instruction with regard to Your conduct on this Event; But it is his Majesty's pleasure, that
you should co-operate, as far as belongs to Your Department in every measure which General
Gage shall think necessary for the King's service on this occasion.
You will have observed from the public prints the danger in which His Royal Highness The
Duke of Gloucester has been, from the attacks of a very violent disorder at Leghorn, and his
happy recovery from it. It is with very particular satisfaction I am able to confirm to you the
latter part of that Intelligence and to congratulate you upon an event that cannot fail to give
the greatest pleasure to all His Majesty's faithful! Subjects. I am, &c
Hillsborough.
(Sir William Johnson.)
Sir William John-son to Colonel Bradstrect.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXIT. ]
Johnson Hall. 23. Dec"- 1771.
Sir.
I am sorry to find by your last letter, that you have mislaid that, which you mention to have
received from me, shewing the Lands claimed by You at Popaghtunk were purchased before
the late Treaty for establishing the Boundary line, for being confined to my room with my usual
complaints and full of pains, I cannot possibly go to my study, or look over any papers of that
time which might afford me better grounds for answering your present request that I should
certify the same. As I had no concern in that or any other Indian purchase, all I can recollect
is that when some purchaes were brought for confirmation before Sir Henry Moore at this
place, the Six Nations declared that their Lands extended to the Popaghtunk branch of
Delaware, and therefore that the lands over, or to the North West of that branch claimed by
M' Harderberghs patent was their property, and had never been sold by them, or any other
288 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Ind°S but that they sold them to You, that you might patent them, and would consider the
Land between the Mohawk, and Popaghtunk branches, as your property or to that efiect.
Whether this declaration, will prove of use to you or not, I cannot say, but it is as much as
1 can recollect at this time, and is freely communicated for your use by
Sir
Your most obedient and
most humble servant.
W. Johnson.
Governor Try on to the Earl of ITillshorough.
[New-York Papers (S. P.O.) CLXIV.]
N" 14.
D"- January 1772.
My Lord.
The Commissioners from the several Colonies expected to meet in this City, on the 4"' of
Decemb' last, agreable to Lord Dunmore's and other Govern" appointments, have failed to
give their attendance. M' Nelson informed me, by letter, that His Maj'^'» repeal of a Virginia
Law, under which their Commissioners were appointed, was the occasion of their Failure ; and
Mr Penn enclosed me the Commiss" excuse to him for not giving their attendance, a copy of
which I herewith transmit to Your Lord? Such a Congress for the purpose of settling a plan
of Trade with the Indians, will be extremely difficult to effect, and when met to concur in a
general plan for regulating that Trade, will not probably be less. But this suggestion I submit
to your LordP's better wisdom.
I have received the King's Warrant for the payment of my Salary for this Govern*. I beg your
LordP will make known to His Majesty the humble and dutiful sence I retain for this and all
other his most gracious favours to me.
The general Assembly being convened the 7"' inst: I opened the Sessions yesterday with the
inclosed speech, which both houses have now under consideration.
I am ettc.
W™ Tryon
Draft of an Additimial Instruction to the Governors in America.
[Plantations General Entries, XLTI. ( N. ), p. 396. ]
1 Feb: 1772.
Additional Instruction to Our Trusty and Well-beloved William Campbell
Esquire commonly called Lord William Campbell, Our Captain General
and Governor in Cheif in and over Our Province of Nova Scotia in
America. Given
Whereas laws have been passed in some of Our Colonies and Plantations in America, by
which the Land, Tenements, Goods, Chattels, Rights and Credits of Persons who have never
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 289
resided within the Colonies where such laws have been passed, have been made liable to be
attached for the recovery of debts in a manner different from that allowed by the Laws of
England in like Cases; and whereas it has been represented unto Us that such laws may have
the consequence to prejudice and obstruct the Commerce between this Kingdom and Our said
Colonies and to affect public Credit; it is therefore Our Will and Pleasure that you do not on
any pretence whatever give your assent to or pass any Bill or Bills in Our Province under your
Government, by which the Lands, Tenements, Goods, Chattels, Rights, and Credits of persons
who have never resided within Our said Province shall be liable to be attached for the recovery
of Debts due from such. persons, otherways than is allowed by Law in Cases of the like nature
within this Our Kingdom of Great Britain, until you shall have first transmitted unto Us, by
one of our Principal Secretaries of State, the Draught of such Bill or Bills and shall have
received Our Royal Pleasure thereupon, unless you take Care in the passing of such Bill or
Bills, that a Clause or Clauses be inserted therein, suspending and deferring the Execution
thereof, until Our Royal Will and Pleasure shall be known thereupon.
No 24.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillshorough.
{ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXI V . ]
New York. 6. March. 1772.
My Lord.
I thank you for your congratulations (expressed in your LordP's letter N" 6) on my arrival
in this Govern'.
I most sensibly feel the weight of your LordP's most pointed reprehension respecting my
conduct in laying before the Council Board, an extract from your Letter N° 2, desirous, as I
am, to make known to your Lord? the full extent of my inattention to my duty, I shall
represent the steps I took on that occasion. On the perusal of the last mentioned letter, I found
your Lord? was not inclined to advise His Maj'^ to consent to the prayer of the Petition (in the
affair of Coll: Bradstreet for the granting of those Lands in question, until the matter should
be further explained. This explication I considered my task. The Earl of Dunmore, from
whom I wished to have had my information, had left the City, & was not expected to return ;
my only resource then was, to the Gentlemen of the Council. I intimidated therefore to them
(and I thought it a natural justice due to them) that your LordP was at a loss to comprehend
the grounds of their conduct in that business, at the same time signifying my wishes to give
your LordP full satisfaction in that particular. They desired an extract of the letter relative to
that matter. I complied with their request, not having been furnished by Lord Dunmore with
His Majesty's instructions of the 2'' Sepf 1768. or of any of his correspondence with your
Lordship. The manner in which the Council took up this business, was not at my instance,
yet I thought I was not at liberty to decline the request of the Council, and to transmit their
Report to your Lord? after the subject which was the occasion of it, had on[c]e been agitated
in Council, as a matter of State, and under the oath of secresy.
I was pleased to find His Maj'^ approved of my Conduct in writing to the Gov"" of S' Domingo
to demand reparation for the injuries Capt° Frisby of the Hawk Sloop had suffered. The
Vol. VI H. 37
290 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCEIPTS.
sentiments of the King's Ministers with regard to my requiring the punishment of the Officers
who offered the injury, entirely convinces me I exercised a power that did not belong to my
situation. In any similar instance, instructed as I now am, I shall be carefull to fulfill His
Maj'^'* pleasure.
I shall lose no time in procuring in order to lay before your Lord? for His Maj'^'' approbation,
a full state of the method of preceding upon an application for grants of lands, at which time
I shall subjoin such observations as occur to me on that important subject. I last month
obtained from the several officers of the Land office return of the usual and accustomary Fees
they respectively take with the services they perform. Copies of all which I here transmit, the
originals have been some time under the consideration of Committee of the Council, who are
to report thereon.
1 heartily rejoice on your Lord'''s confirmation of His Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester's
recovery of his health, and am with great respect & esteem
My Lord.
Your Lordship's
most obedient servant
W™ TllYON.
Si7' William Johnson to the Earl of Ililhlorovgh.
r New York Papers ( State Paper Office ) CCLVIII. 1
(No 17.)
Johnson Hall, April 4"" 1772.
My Lord,
I was lately honored with your Lordships letter No 17 in answer to mine N° 16 since which
I took the liberty of addressing Your Lordship by a few lines on a more private subject;
From that time I waited with much impatience for the return of Thomas King the Indian
Cheif, who with others went as Deputys to the great Congress at Sioto, as I mentioned in
my last letter, but in October to my great concern I received the disagreable news that
Thomas King died at Charles town South Carolina, after having discharged the Embassy
committed to him, This 1 considered, as I still do, as a sensible disappointment because the
Fidelity of that Cheif, joyned to his superior capacity gave me good hopes of receiving a
circumstantial account of all matters at his return, which I could not expect so perfect from
the rest of his party. After waiting some months more, I found that his party, who had taken
shipping at Charles town, were landed at Philadelphia, and in February the greatest part of
them, with many others, came to my house here. 1 found that Anawacka the next in
authority to Thomas King had died on shipboard, and that an other was so afflicted with a
lameness that he could not as yet make me a visit. T was therefore obliged to content
myself with such accounts as the young men who survived could give, who after laying before
me a considerable number of Belts, Calumets &ca began to repeat the proceedings of Thomas
King, first with the Shawanese at Fort Pitt on his way to Sioto where these people assured
him that the Wawiaghtanons would shortly send Deputys to the six nations & myself to
BoUicit a continuance of friendship. They next recounted that upon Thomas King's arrival at
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 291
Sioto, he assembled all the nations in that quarter of the country, and first addressed the
Shawanese whom he upraided for retireing so far down the Ohio, and for confederating with
people unmindfull of their engagements and in short repeated to each of the Nations faithfully-
all that he had been charged with by the six nations and myself. The Shawanese answered
that the six nations had long seemed to neglect them, and to disregard the promise thev
formerly made of giving them the lands between the Ohio and the Lakes, that thus distressed
they went on board of their Canoes determined to go wiiither soever fortune should drive
them, but were stopped (many years since) at Sioto by the six nations, who shook them by
the heads & fixed them there, charging them to live in peace with the English, but that to
their great surprize they soon after saw the six nations in arms & coasting along the Lakes
with the English (i. e. assisting us & acting offensively last war). Tliat when the war was
ended the ill treatment of the six Nations increased, to whom thereupon they sent Belts to
strengthen their union, but that they supposed Augastarax the Seneca Cheif who received them
did not make them public, for that they never received any answer thereto ; The Shawanese
and the rest then shewed some emblematical Belts representing themselves and the Ilinois
Indians with ten confederate Nations between them, they also delivered a Belt from the
Chickesaws who promised to be guided by the Six Nations.
Thomas King then, after accusing them of misrepresentation, answered them by a full detail
of all their hostile acts, as also of those of the I'outewatamies, Kickapous &c concluding
with telling them that he and the other deputys were come to restore them to their senses
& strengthen the union of those who affected the English Alliance, by opening a Road to the
Council Fire at Onondaga, & from thence to my house, for the use of those who chose to live
at peace and be happy, but that the first nation that should obstruct the same, or look another
way would assuredly be punished by the rest. To this they made reply on several Belts Ac"
excusing themselves on various pretences, ending with strong assurances of their pacific
intentions, & promising faithfully to abide by all tiiat was recommended to them, and forthwith
to bring all their confederates into the same sentiments. The Cherokees particularly thanked
the six nations and myself for the peace they had obtained in 176S whereby they began once
more to enjoy themselves. And the cheif of the Creeks who met them at Gobi, expressed
much satisfaction at seeing the Deputies, promised to make use of the Road they had opened,
and to adhere steadfastly to his engagements. After this and many other matters The Catabaws
escorted the Deputys to Charles town where Tliomas King died, and the rest proceeded as
before mentioned.
This, my Lord, is a brief summary of the Report made to me by Nicaroondase the principal
survivor, the two cheifs being dead, & and one of the principal men yet behind from which
and some farther conversations I have held with the Deputys who returned, it appears to me
that the Shawanese, who, to my knowledge, grasped at the lands on both sides of the Ohio,
tho at the late conference they only mention the North side, repenting the sale of y* Lands on
the South of that River had sent belts to the Senecas to stir up the Six Nations to disavow
their own act, propagating at the same time reports which might tend to alienate us from the
latter ; That Gaustarax and his tribe approved of this, but that the rest of the Confederacy
would not give ear to it, is evident from the speech made to the Deputies at Sioto, that
thereupon Augustarax sent Belts to the other Nations to set them up, which gave rise to the
story of the Seneca Plot & the Belts sent by Augustarax a little before his death ; These
Belts I am assured will be speedily delivered, those who promised to see the same performed,
292 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
only waiting the return of the Deputies from the Southward ; 1 have also received notice that
another general meeting is appointed to be held at Sioto, which the Indians in that Quarter
declare to be intended to communicate the sentiments of the six Nations to those who were
not present at the last Conference & to take measures in consequence of their engagements,
however I have already taken care that those who go from the Northward in consequence of
their summons are men to be depended on, & I shall have a strict eye over their proceedings.
I ought to remark that, as amongst other fallacious pretences, the Shawanese have spoke of
the sale to the Crown extending to Ohio, that it is not of that part which for the several
reasons I formerly gave I ventured to continue from Kanhawa to the Cherokee River, but this
pretended objection is to the part above Kanhawa, to which I was directed to purchase by his
Majesty's orders, & indeed no other part could effect them, but even this is a weak pretence,
for the North side of the River which they still occupy, is more than they have any title to,
having been often moved from place to place by the six Nations, & never having any right of
soil there, so that the admitting of any part of their title as just, would introduce a variety
of other claims as weakly founded, which would create a general confusion in the Colonies. I
considered the defection of y* Kicapous & Poutawatamies &c under the general denomination
of their Confederacy, of whose fidelity I have but a very slender opinion. Their murders &
robberies are however much owing to y^ jealousy of French traders, and to that lawless colony
of that Nation on the Waubache who are daily increasing in numbers, and whilst they
particularly hate us as English are realy enemies to all Government ; These men should if
possible be removed, but possessing y* Esteem of the neighbouring Indians, and acquiring a
confidence from their connections, & remote situation, I beleive it will be a verry hard task to
effect it compleatly, or in a proper manner, I understand that General Gage has this in view,
and your Lordship may be assured that I shall most chearfully obey his Majesty's orders by
co-operating with General Gage in this or any other measure which the King's service
may require.
The Complaints made daily by the Indians of the abuses & irregularities of trade are many
& grievous, and will doubtless be made use of by them in case of a defection in any quarter.
The injuries which our own traders sustain to the South West-ward thro' the superior influence
and artifices of the French, who engross the commerce of that Country, is likewise worthy
serious attention, for all which there appears no prospect of remedy, as the Commissioners did
not meet last September as was expected, neither according to the best accounts that I have,
is there any likelyhood that they will do so, or if met that any thing effectual will be agreed to
from the different interests and systems of policy prevailing in each Colony which must ever
prove an obstruction to establishments that depend on a perfect union of sentiments, & on
proportional quotas of Expense. I am persuaded that such negligence, in a matter of General
concern, could not have been foreseen by Government, and I am happy to find that my
sentiments correspond with those of Your Lordship on the necessity there is for a redress of
such grievances as must endanger the public tranquility.
I never coveted neither shall I ever wish for Authority but, where the public service requires
it, to reach abuses that may not otherwise be easily removed. The attention w*" the present
duties of my Office require would rather incline me to wish that these important points could
be effected in any other Channel, of which T express my doubts with real concern.
The event of the public negotiations in which the Indians propose to be occupied the ensuing
season are for many reasons as yet extremely doubtful, they require to be strictly enquired
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 293
into, and I shall give tliem my whole attention, highly encouraged by the favourable sentiments
with which Your Lordship has honored my proceedings. I cannot sufficiently express my
gratitude upon that occasion but by a perseverance in my attention to His Majestys Interest,
& to those duties which have procured me so flattering a distinction.
I am also much oblidged to Your Lordship for the confirmation of the most agreable news of
the recovery of His Royal Highness the Duke of Gloucester ; An event which so nearly regards
his [Majesty's domestic felicity, and which is so interesting to everry faithfull subject, affords
me the most sensible satisfaction. I have the honor to be with the utmost respect imaginable
My Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient,
much oblidged, humble Servant
The Right Honorable W Johnson.
The Earl of Hillsborough.
N» 28.
Governor Try on to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New- York Papers ( «. P. O. ) OLXI V. ]
New York. IL April 1772.
My Lord,
Agreable to your directions communicated in your letter N° 6. I have the honour herewith
to transmit to your LordP a full state of the present proceedings on applications for Land in
this Government.
The grand objection your Lord? points out in persons applying for land under borrowed
names, in trust for them, seems extremely difficult eventually to obviate; for, were each
Patent to contain but one Thousand acres, and that only to one person, no restriction I
presume could guard against his alienating his Land as soon as he had obtained the Patent for
it; consequently those, who had the command of money, might acquire an unlimited landed
property. T am very credibly informed, that in this Prov" many hundred thousand acres of
patented land may, at this very time, be purchased from half a crown to eighteen pence
sterling per acre, and some at less value. I conceive it My Lord, good policy to lodge large
Tracts of Land in the hands of Gentlemen of weight and consideration. They will naturally
farm out their lands to Tenants; a method which will ever create subordination and
counterpoise, in some measure, the general levelling spirit, that so much prevails in some of
His Maj'^'" GoverB'^
The objections that occurr to me on the present mode of granting lands, are, that on the
Gov'' preferring the Petitions, he receives for Land to a Committee of the Council, there are
no fixed periods for taking the same into consideration, and when the Report of the Committee
is made to the Gov^ and the advice of Council obtained thereon, he receives such Report and
advice as conclusive to him. The latter objection may perhaps have no weight, but the
necessity of having fixed periods to transact the Land office business, twice or thrice a year,
is important.
I must observe that upon the Gov''' receiving the advice of Council as aforesaid, the Warrant
he signs to the Surveyor General to survey the Land, & the executing the Patent when the
survey is returned, are both done out of Council. I conceive it would be much more formal
and regular to execute these instruments in Council, I would therefore submit the real
294 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
expediency of having certain periods or Terms for holding the Land Office as in North Carolina;
at which time all petitions lodged with the Governor in tlie intermediate space between the
holding of the Courts, to be laid before and considered by the Gov'' in Council (or referred to
a Committee as in the present usage), that the warrants for all Petitions that are advised to be
granted, be then signed, and patents executed, for such Tracts as have been surveyed, and the
warr' of Survey returned by the Surveyor General. It will be essentially necessary, that
the Surveyor Gen' & his Deputies, should attend at the holding of these Terms to give
such information and satisfaction as may be required of them by the Court; the want of this
information is a subject of complaint in the present mode. At these Courts likewise, all
Caveats might be heard and determined.
The next consideration will be the Officers Fees. The return of their services, and the
Fees they take by usage, has been already transmitted, and I have now the honor to inclose
the Report of the Council upon them. I should submit the reasonableness of allowing some
Fee on every Patent to the Gov"'" private Secretary, as he puts the seal to both warrants and
patents ; the Fee for this service was two shillings and eight pence in North Carolina for every
hundred acres.
I am not Master of much method in arranging my reflections on any subject; I can, however.
My Lord, with confidence declare, I have here delivered them with all the integrity my
Sovereign has a right to expect from me.
When His Majesty, shall have fixed the great outlines and such other directions as shall be
thought proper for my future conduct in granting of Lands, I should wish libert}' might
be given me to direct such lesser considerations in the Land Office, either by myself or with
the advice of Council, as in the nature and variety of that business may be found requisite.
It is extremely important I should be instructed what regard is to be paid, upon the reform
of the present mode of granting lands, to such Petitions as have obtained the advice of Council,
and on which, considerable expenses may have been incurred in making the Survey, tho'
the Surveys may not then be returned ; as well as those which are actually returned, yet
not patented.
All which is humbly submitted to His Majesty's wisdom and pleasure.
I am, with all possible respect and Esteem
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient servant
W" Tryon.
Earl of Hilhhorougli to Governor Tryon.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) OLXIV. ]
N" 10.
Whitehall. 18. April 1772.
Sir
1 have received your several Dispatches from N" 15 to 24, and have laid them before
the King.
The light in which you appear to have considered the petition of the Corporation of Albany
was certainly the proper one and His Majesty approves of your prudence in suspending any
determination thereupon until the Judges have made their Report.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 295
The representations you have made and the papers you have transmitted with regard to
Coll: Bradstreet's application and the State of the Lands upon Lake Champlain, and in that
Country vphich has been annexed to New Yorli by the determination of the boundary line,
together with the measures which you have tiiought fit to pursue for confirming to tlie
possessors the grants made of those Lands by the Gov'' of New Hampshire, are of such a
nature as to require the consideration of the Privy Council, and therefore I have received His
Maj'y'* Commands for laying them before that Board where I hope they will receive a speedy
decision. In the mean time it is His Majesty's pleasure, that you do pay a strict obedience to
the Instructions that have been already given to you with regard to both the districts in
question, and that you do not consider yourself as at liberty from any circumstances whatever
to deviate from the letter of those Instructions.
The proceedings of the Assembly in the case of Mr Livingston, are of a very extraordinary
and serious nature, but I shall certainly avoid bringing that matter into discussion, until I
receive the Journals of the Assembly, at the same time, it would have been a great satisfaction
to me, to have known upon what ground it was, that a negative was put upon the very
sensible, and 1 think truly Constitutional Questions moved by Coll: Woodall.'
' Brigadier-Geueral Nathaniel Woodhull, of the Revolutionary army, was born at Mastic, L. I., December 30, 1722. In
1758, he was appointed a major in the Provincial forces of New-York, and served in the expedition under General Aber-
erombie against Tieonderoga and Crown Point, and was engaged in the fruitless attempt to storm the former post. He
afterwards accompanied the expedition against Fort Frontenac, under Lieutenant-Colonel Bradstreet, and was present at the
capitulation of that place. He is supposed to have accompanied the army under Prid«aux in 1759, against Niagara. In 1760,
he served as Colonel of the 3d New-York Provincials, and accompanied the army under Amherst from Oswego to Montreal, after
which he retnrned home. On the dissolution of the Assembly in 1769, Colonel Woodhull was elected one of the Represen-
tatives for the county of Suffolk, and constantly supported the lights of the country by his votes. In April, 177S, he attended
the Convention, held in New -York, to choose delegates for the Continental Congress, and in the following May was a member
of the Provincial Congress, which organized the militia and appointed Col. Woodhull Brigadier-Geueial. He was elected
President of the Provincial Congress in August, 1775, and had the honor to preside over that body again in 1776, when it
accepted the Declaration of Independence. On the landing of the British army, in August, on Long Is and. Brigadier
Woodhull was ordered to march a force to the western parts of Queens county and drive off the stock ; he mai-ched accord-
ingly to Jamaica, whence he proceeded to execute his orders with the very small force under his command. Some disaffected
parties, however, sent intelligence of his exposed condition to the enemy, and on the 2Sth August, he fell back to the vicinity
of Jamaica, two miles east of which place he was overtaken by a detachment of the 17th Light Dragoons and 71sl Highland-
ers. The General immediately, on being discovered, gave up his sword in token of surrender. The ruffian who first
Bpprfiached him, as reported, ordered him to say, God save the King ; the General rsplied "God save us all ;" on which he
most cowardly and cruelly assailed the defenceless General with his broad sword, and would have killed him upon the spot,
liad he not been prevented by the interference of an officer of more honor and humanity, (said to be Major Delancey of
the dragoons,) who arrested his savage violence. The General was badly wounded in the head, and one of his arms was
mangled from the shoulder to the wrist. He was taken to Jamaica, where his wounds were dressed, and, with other prisoners,
was detained there tilf the next day. He was then conveyed to Gravesend, and, with about eighty other prisoners, ( of
whom Colonel Troup of New- York was one,) was confined on board a vessel which had been employed to transport live
stock for the use of the army, and was without accommodations for health or comfort. The General was released from the
vessel on the remonstrance of an officer, who had more humanity than his superiors, and removed to a house near the church
in New Utrecht, where he was permitted to receive some attendance and medical assistance. A cut in the joint of the elbow
rendered an amputation of the arm necessary. As soon as this was resolved on, the General sent for his wife, with a request
that she should bring with her all the money she had in her possession, and all she could procure ; which being complied
with, he had it distributed among the American prisoners, to alleviate their sufferings — thus furnishing a lesson of humanity
to his enemies, and closing a useful life by an act of charity. He then suffered the amputation, which soon issued in a mor-
tification, that terminated his life September 20th, 1776, in (he fifty-fourth year of his age. The cruel treatment of this
gallant officer and eminent citizen aroused iu every patriotic bosom feelings of indignation. Nor can the circumstances ever
be recollected without admiring the lofty spirit which no extremity could bend to dishonor, nor without disdain and abhor-
rence of a coward brutality, which vainly seeks for extenuation in the bitter animosities of the times. Thornpsottft History of
Long Island, II., 402, et seq. A ballad on the death of Woodhull, with introductory remarks, may be found in the London
296 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
With regard to the application from the consistory of the Reformed Dutch Church, it does
not appear, from the manner in which they state it in their memorial to you, to be unreasonable,
but no determination can be had upon it, until the Petition which they intend to present to
the King upon that subject has been received.
The recommendation of persons to supply vacancies in the Councils in the Plantations, is
within the Departm' of the Board of Trade, and I shall not fail to lay before them your letter
N" 23. stating M' Henry Cruger's request to resign his seat at the Council Board in order to
make way for his son to succeed him. — 1 am ettc.
Hillsborough.
He-presentation of the Lords of Trade on an Application from the College in New-Yorh.
[ New-Tork Entries, LXTIII., 469. ]
To the Right Hon''" the Lords of the Committee of His Majestys most Hon"'^ Privy Council
for Plantation Affairs.
My Lords,
Pursuant to your Lordships order of the 6 of last month we have taken into Our
Consideration the Address of the College of the Province of New York " humbly beseeching
" his Majesty to constitute that Seminary an University with such privileges, and with such an
" Establishment of Professors, as his Majesty shall approve ; and also praying the remission of
" Quit Rents reserved on a Tract of Land lately granted in that Province for the benefit of the
" said Institution." Whereupon we beg leave to report to your Lordships.
That the protection and Encouragement of Seminaries and Institutions for the Propagation
of true Religion and Learning in His Majestys American Colonies are objects well deserving
your Lordships recommendation; and His Majestys Gracious attention; and the Rev'' D'
Cooper, president of the above College who has attended us in Support of this Address,
having reported to us such a state of the Foundation under his care as gives us reason to
believe it's further extension will be attended with beneficial effects, we do on this occasion
adopt the same Policy as in Our late Report to your Lordships upon the Address of the Rector
and Inhabitants of New York ; and are of opinion that it will be adviseable to comply with
so much of the prayer of the above recited Address as respects the Remission of the Quit
Mirror for 1823, and in Thompson's Long Island, II., 423, but it is here omitted for its want of historic truth. His body was
taken by his wife to Mastic and interred on his farm. The following is the inscription on his tombstone:
In Memory of
Gen'l NATHANIEL WOODHULL,
Wlio, wounded and a prisoner, Died on the 20th of September, 1116,
In the 54th year of his age,
Regretted by all who knew how to value his many private
virtues, and that pure zeal for the rights of
his country, to which lie per-
ished a victim. Onderdonh's Revol. Incidents of Queens Co., 106.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 297
Rents submitting it to your Lordships that the expediency of this proposition in reference to
the State of His Majestys Revenue of Quit Rents and the Establishments thereon, must in
this case as well as in that of the like application from the Rector and Inhabitants of the
established Church in New York be left to the consideration of other departments ; if how ever
his Majesty should be graciously pleased to grant this Remission we think it should be
accompanied with the same stipulation which we recommended in the case above referred to
Viz'. That an annual Rent of six shillings & eight pence should be reserved to be paid by the
said College of New York to the Governor or Commander in Chief of the Province sitting in
Council in the Council Chamber on Monday after Easter in each year. And this we must
observe to Your Lordships is conformable to what was proposed by this Board and approved
by Your Lordships in the Case of an application made to his Majesty in 1764 for a Grant of
Lands in New York for the benefit of the said College.
With respect to the proposal of erecting this College into an university with such privileges
and professorships as his Majesty shall approve, the president D' Cooper^ having omitted to
' Reverend Myles Cooper, LL. D., the second president of King's ( now Columbia ) College, was born in England in 1735.
He was educated at one of the great public schools, and afterwards went to Oxford, where he took the degree of M. A. in
1760, and was soon after chosen to a fellowship in Queen's College. In this course of education, he imbibed all the habits,
opinions and tastes of an old fashioned Oxford man, in politics, religion and literature. In 1761, he published at Oxford, an
octavo volume of miscellaneous poetry, which, however, appears to have been written several years before the time of its
publication ; as he observes in his preface, that the greater part of the volume was not only written, but actually printed
ofiF before the author had seen the age of twenty-four. It may be e.viimined in tlie Society Library, New-York. His reputa-
tion as a scholar stood so high in the university, that in 1762, when Dr. Johnson, the first president of the College of New-York,
applied to Archbishop Seeker, to select from one of the English universities, a person qualified to assist him in the course
of instruction, and shortly to succeed him as president, that excellent and learned prelate, after much inquiry, recommended
Mr. Cooper, as in every point fully qualified for that important station ; who, after receiving priest's orders in the Chunh of
England, came over to this country about the close of the year 1762. He was welcomed with great affection, and was imme-
diately appointed Professor of Moral Philosophy. The duties of his office he dischirged with so much ability, that the
president, who had for some time wished to retire from active life, and had only been restrained from it by his zeal for the
interests of the College, now resigned his office to Mr. Cooper, who was elected president in May, 1763, being then only in
the twenty-eighth year of his age. In 1768, the degree of LL. D. was conferred on him by the University of Oxford ; and
in 1771, he visited England and on his return to New- York entered indiscreetly into the exciting political controversies of
the day. He published, in 1774, "The American Querist; or some questions proposed relative to the present disputes
between Great Britain and her American Colonies. By a North American. New-York, 1774." 8vo., pp. 32. This pamphlet,
on the 8th of September was, in full conclave of the Sons of Liberty in New-York, committed to the flames by the hands of
the common executioner. He is also represented as the author of a Tract entitled : "A Friendly Address to all reasonable
Americans, on the subject of our political confusions. In which the necessary consequences of violently opposing the King's
troops, and of a general non-importation, are fairly stated. New-York, 1774," 8vo., pp. 66. But Dr. Hawkins says, 'twas
published by the Rev. Dr. T. B. Chandler, of Elizabethtown, N. J. Historical Notices of the Church of England in the Colonies,
160. The boldness with which Dr. Cooper maintained, in his writings and conversation, principles and sentiments highly
offensive to a most numerous party, at a time of great popular excitement, at length so aroused the indignation of his
political opponents, that on the night of May 10th, 1775, his lodgings in the College were forcibly entered by a mob, to the
fury of which, had he been found there, he would probably have fallen a victim. A few days previous had been published
a letter, dated Philadelphia, April 25, 1775, addressed to Dr. Cooper and four other obnoxious gentlemen of New-York, ascri-
bing to them, and to their assurances of the defection of the latter city, all the hostile proceedings of England — the blood of
their fellow subjects who had fallen in Massachusetts; towns in flames; a desolated country; butchered fathers; weeping
•widows and children, with all the horrors of a civil war. They are denounced as parricides, and told that the Americans,
reduced to desperation, will no longer satisfy their resentment with the execution of villains in effigy ; and the letter con-
cludes— "Fly for your lives, or anticipate your doom by becoming your own executioners. Three Millions." But the
design of his enemies was frustrated by one of Dr. Cooper's former pupils, who, preceding the throng of several hundred
men, admonished him of his danger just in time to save him. He escaped, only half dressed, over the College fence; reached
the shore of the river, when he found shelter in the house of Mr. Stuyvesant, where he remained for that day, and during
the night following took refuge on board the Kingfisher, Captain James Montague, an English ship of war at anchor in the
Vol. VIIL 3S
298 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
furnish himself with a copy of the Charter and not being enabled to lay before Us sufficient
Lights and Documents for the due investigation of a proposition of this nature and consequence
and being also desirous of consulting his Constituents in New York upon such further
Powers and Instructions as seem necessary on this head we desire leave to postpone our report
upon that part of your Lordships reference until such time as the said president who is on the
point of embarking for New York shall have in concert with his Constituents transmitted to Us
such information respecting the proposition of erecting the College into an University, as may
enable us to state to your Lordships our opinion thereupon.
We are
My Lords
Your Lordships
most obedient and
most humble Servants
Hillsborough
SOAMB JeNYNS
Whitehall W. Jolliffe
June 2. 1772. E* Eliot
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-Tort Papers ( 8. P. 0.) CLXI V. ]
New York. 3. June 1772.
My Lord.
By late accounts from Albany County the Riotous conduct of a large body of the Inhabitants
East of Hudson's River, becomes daily more serious. Depositions of their repeated & fresh
outrages are now under the consideration of Council. On the 19"" of last mouth I wrote to
the Inhabitants in those settlements, by the advice of Council, to invite them to send some
persons, in whom they could repose confidence, to New York, to lay the causes of their illegal
harbor, io which, soon afterwards, he sailed for England. He resided for some time at Oxford, where he kept the anniversary
of those events, the following year, by writing a poem fnll of the circumstances, entitled " Stanzas written on the evening
of the 10th of May, 1776, by an Exile from America ;" which was published in the Genitemans Magazine for July, of the
same year. On the 13th December, 1776, being the day appointed for a general fast, he preached a sermon before the Uni.
versity, "On the Causes of the present Rebellion in America." Catalogue New -York Stale Library. The publication of this
bernion gave rise to much controversy between the whig and tory parties of that day. He afterwards became minister of
the first Episcopal Chapel in Edinburgh, where he continued to officiate to a very respectable congregation until his death,
which took place in 1785. He died suddenly, and was interred in the Episcopal burying ground. Dr. Cooper was, as has
already been remarked, a true Oxford man, and in all probability, fully agreed in his opinions, prejudices and tastes, with
Dr. Samuel Johnson. His political pieces are distinguished for great strength and elegance of style, as well as for a boldness
of satire and severity of sarcasm, which have seldom been surpassed. His moral character was without any serious reproach,
although grave men were occasionally offended by the freedom and conviviality of his social habits. The memory of one of
the peculiarities of his conversation, has been preserved by a sarcasm of a rival wit of the opposite party.
" And lo! a cardinal's hat ia spread.
O'er punHter Cooper's reverend head." TrmribuUfa MacFinQal.
There is a good portrait of him in one of the rooms of the New-York Historical Society, and another in Columbia College,
which have often been remaked for their striking resemblance to the common engravings of the poet Dryden. Analectic
Magazine, XIV., 73 ; Moore's Sketch of Columbia College.— 'Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 299
proceedings before the Govern' ; who, I told them, was willing to pay all due attention to their
representation. As soon as they appear we shall take the whole into mature consideration.
The situation of affairs appear very critical ; His Maj'''« pleasure once known respecting the
New Hampshire Grants, would extremely facilitate an accommodation ; for until that period,
Govern' here may pursue possibly such measures as may counteract the Royal intention. I
may venture however to assure your Lord?, that the more at large this Govern' is left, to
discretionary powers, the less difficulty there will be in removing the present discontent, as
new matter may occasionally arise which will require immediate application. I am, with all
possible respect — My Lord
Your Lordship's
most obedient servant,
W™ Trvon.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New York Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXI V. ]
N° 37.
New York. 4. June 1772.
My Lord.
As the whole proceedings of the last session of Assembly are now transmitted to your
LordP it may be agreable to you to be informed of the conduct I observed in the affair of
M"' Justice Livingston. At the opening of the Assembly, I was well apprized, if I publicly
interfered in the behalf of his Right to take his seat in the house, I could not have stopped the
proceedings against him, unless by a previous dissolution of the Assembly; it being the
determined resolution of the majority to support at all events their former vote of exclusion.
Early in the session however, I sent for the Speaker,' and urged to him my earnest desire, that
the Judge might be admitted to take his seat without opposition, and founded my request
upon principles of Justice, and respect to His Maj'^, and assured him, I was the more solicitous
for the Judge's admission, as I had reason to apprehend a repetition of his exclusion might
possibly induce His Maj'^ to send me such peremptory instructions, as, in the execution, might
interrupt that harmony, I was so sedulous to preserve among the branches of the Legislature,
He gave me very little encouragement, but ingaged to communicate my wishes to the Members
of Assembly, the event shewed, I had no foundation to flatter myself with success. I am
sensible that the Judge has, through your Lord? solicited His Majesty, to dissolve the Assembly,
a point too delicate for me to enter upon ; it is my ambition to keep as clear as possible of the
parties, not unknown to your Lord^, subsisting in this prov" ; a passion highly prejudicial to
public utility; and as all Denominations in this Prov" are affectionate & loyal subjects to His
Majesty, I must beg leave to rest this affair on the general conduct of the last Session, the
principles of good policy.
My refusal to the offer of two Thousand pounds currency as a Salary from this Govern',
was not less in pursuance of the example of my predecessor, than in obedience to the King's
' John Ceuqeb. — Ed.
300 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
instruction. Not knowing other motives than what Lord Dunmore set forth in his Messuage to
the house of Assembly for his refusal of a similar offer, I thought it particularly my duty
to decline the acceptance of a salary until I was authorized by the Crown to receive a sum I
could expend to liberal and beneficial purposes, independent of His Maj"''' generosity.
I am with perfect esteem and respect — My Lord
your Lordp's most obedient servant.
W» Tryon
(No. 18.)
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[New-York Papers (Stale Paper Office) CCLVIII. ]
Johnson Hall, June SQ"- 1772
My Lord,
Since I had the honor of writing to Your Lordship my letter N° 17 of the 4"" of April
concerning the Embassy to the Southward, & death of Thomas King Chief of the Deputies,
the Six Nations have sent Delegates from every Nation, to attend the second general Congress
at Scioto, as mentioned in my last, where my Deputy is gone to be present, whilst my Resident
on theOuabache has Instructions how to govern himself on any event that may arise from the
intended negotiations, till when we were likely to have remained in a state of suspence, but
for a late unlucky transaction, the particulars of which (as it may be productive of verry ill
consequences) it is my duty to lay before Your Lordship. A certain man of the name of
Ramsay who formerly lived amongst the Indians, and was by Cap' Brown late Commanding
Officer at Niagara sent away to Quebec to prevent his doing further mischief amongst them,
has since found means to get a small cargo of goods upon credit, with which he went to Lake
Erie, where he traded some time with the Chippawaes & Mississages at a considerable distance
from any Fort or place of inspection, or controul, but being of a disagreable temper, and
probably endeavouring to over-reach them they warned him to remove otherwise they would
maltreat him, of which however he took no notice, but seemed to set them at defiance, which
shortly after occasioned a quarrel between him and some of them who were in liquor, of whom
he killed three, upon this he withdrew to another place on Lake Erie, apprehensive of their
Resentment, and last April a Party of the Mississagaes called at his trading hut where they
drank verry plentifully, and as is usual with them on all such occasions, quarrelled and
threatened him, as he says, with death, to which he adds that they laid hands on him
and bound him. However he freed himself and killed three men, one woman and one
infant, and as an aggravation of the same took off their scalps, which he brought into Niagra
where he was immediately confined by order of the Commanding Officer, This Ace' is part
taken from his own Confession to the Officer, & from the account given of it by his brother &
others before the Story was new modelled as it has been since to favor him. To excuse his
having scalped them (which with Indians is considered a National Act and Declaration of War)
he says he was told that War had been actually commenced between the English and Indians
& that in his hurry & confusion the woman and child were killed, but it appears clearly to
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 301
me, and it is likewise the opinion of General Gage that he has been guilty of these murders
thr6 wantonness and cruelty. For in the first place the Indians whenever they meditate
mischief carefully avoid liquor, whereas it appears that they were verry much disguised, &
tho apt to use threats and quarrel at such times, yet incapable of putting them in execution,
as is evident from the number he killed of them, and in the next place he could have had but
little temptation to kill the woman, and not the least inducement to murder the child but what
has arose from sentiments of barbarity superior to the most cruel savage who seldom puts an
infant to death. The General has directed him to be sent to Canada to be tryed, but, (as is
usual on such occasions) the Interest which his creditors will make with those who are his
jurors, and the prejudices of the Commonalty against Indians, will probably prove the means
of his being acquitted, altho he makes use of threats that he will do much more mischief
when enlarged. The Nation imediately sent down fifteen Deputys to lay the matter before
me, and to assure me that they had given strict orders to prevent any sudden Act of
Resentment, and that they relied on our Justice in affording them such satisfaction as the case
required, as well as in preventing the like for the future, to which end they (after complaining
much of the want of any regulation for Trade) requested that Traders might not be suffered
to go where they pleased, but confined to the Posts, and there duely inspected. I enlarged
much on the Circumstance alledged by Ramsay that the Indians threatned his life, in which
case I observed that not only the English Laws, but the laws of nature justified his defending
himself, and after adding everry thing I thought prudent or necessary, I covered (according to
custom) the Graves of the Eight persons whom he killed & dismissed them with a verry
handsome and large present, & with proper Belts and Messages to their Nation. The Indians
at parting expressed themselves very favourably, and I am willing to hope that the affair may
be accomodated, nevertheless I am so sensible of their Resentment that I have judged it
necessary to be thus particular, because the Chippawaes and Mississagaes are by far the most
numerous and powerful! Nation with whom we have any Connection in North America, being
second only to the Sioux in numbers, and from their situation capable of affording great
encouragement to Trade, or putting an entire end to it, nor could it be expected that others
would enter warmly into Our alliance when they considered the cause of their Defection.
The Traders are all come into Niagra &c. to avoid the Resentment they apprehend from the
Indians. I have already described what may reasonably be apprehended whilst I use everry
endeavour in my power to prevent its being realised, but I leave Your Lordship to judge how
difficult a task it is to calm the passions of incensed Savages and to keep them faithfull to
engagements whilst they find themselves exposed to the licentious outrages of our own people
against which no remedy is as yet provided.
I have the honour to be with the most profound respect. My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient
and most devoted humble Servant
The Right honourable W. Johnson.
The Earl of Hillsborough
302 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
JEarl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson.
[New-Tork Papers (Slate Paper Office) CCLVIII.]
N" 18.
Whitehall, July 1" 1772
Sir W. Johnson.
Sir,
I have received Your dispatch N" 17 and have laid it before the King.
Had anything of moment been transacted at the great Congress at Sioto, the deaths of the
principal Indian Chiefs, upon whom you relied for a faithful Report of the Proceedings at that
Congress, would have been important, but, if the accounts given by Nicaroondase are true very
little of importance was transacted, and the whole seems to have ended as such meetings
generally have done, with excuses on the part of the Indians for past irregularities, and with
promises which are seldom or never kept of behaving better for the future.
I must confess to you that, after the very full assurances I had received, that all the Indians
concerned in the Treaty at Fort Stanwix had fully pledged themselves for the Cession to His
Majesty of the lands in Virginia to the West and South West of the Allegany Mountains, it is
a very great surprize to me now to find that the Shawanese are at least dissatisfied with,
if not disposed to disavow, that cession, so far as it regards the lands on the Ohio above
the Kanawah.
Every day discovers more and more the fatal Policy of departing from the line prescribed by
the proclamation of 1763, and the extension of it, on the ground of a cession made by the Six
Nations of lands, their right to which is denied by other Nations, equally powerfuU and more
numerous, instead of being attended with advantage to this kingdom, & Security to the
Colonies, is now likely to have no other consequence than that of giving a greater scope to
distant settlements, which I conceive to be inconsistent with every true principle of policy, &
which I clearly see, from Your last letter, will most probably have the effect to produce a
general Indian War, the expense whereof will fall on this Kingdom.
The King's commands have been already signified to General Gage for the removal of the
French & other vagabond traders on the Ouabache & his Majesty having also approved of
an Indian Officer being established in that part of the country, you will probably before this
reaches you have received General Gage's Instructions to you for that purpose.
You well know. Sir, what are my sentiments with regard to the regulation of the Indian
Trade, but as the plan which I had the honor, in conjunction with the rest of my Bretheren at
the Board of Trade to suggest for that purpose & which I am vain enough to think would have
operated as a Remedy to the enormities which have been complained of, was not adopted, it
must depend upon each Colony to take care of its own interests in that respect.
I am, &C''
Hillsborough.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 303
Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America.
[ New-Tork Papers ( Slate Paper Office) CCLVIII. ]
Circular.
Whitehall, August 14"' 1772
The King having been graciously pleased to appoint me to be one of his Majesty's Principal
Secretaries of State, and to commit to my care the dispatch of all such business as relates to
His Majesty's Colonies I take the earliest opportunity of acquainting you therewith.
It will give me great satisfaction to be able to fulfill His Majesty's gracious intentions in this
appointment ; and as it is His Majesty's pleasure that your dispatches should for the future be
addressed to me, I shall not fail to lay them immediately before the King, and to transmit to
you such orders as His Majesty shall think fit to give thereupon.
I am, &c
Dartmouth.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[ New-Tork Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXIT. ]
N" 43.
New York. 31. August 1772.
My Lord.
I returned last week to this City after an absence of five weeks on an excursion to the
Westward Frontiers of this Province. I passed some days at Sir William Johnson's, where I
met near a Hundred of the Mohocks, and more than forty of the Onejda Indians. A copy of
the Congress held with the Mohock Indians, I have the honor herewith to transmit to your
Lordship, and have ordered copies of the Indian deeds, that were executed on the occasion, to
be prepared in order to forward them to your Lord?. My best endeavours shall be employed
to satisfy the Mohocks in their request to me, to do them Justice, which I hope to obtain
through the aid of the Legislature, as I consider their request truly equitable. It was with
real satisfaction I viewed the credit and confidence. Sir William was held in by the Indian
Tribes. Nothing less than manifest injury in my opinion, will drive the Mohocks from their
steady attachment to His Majesty's Interest. They appear to be actuated as a community by
principles of rectitude, that would do honor to the most civilized nations. Indeed they are
in a civilized state, and many of them good Farmers.
It is impossible any man can have more uniform zeal and attention than Sir William has
in his Department, so much so, that it would be no great impropriety to style him the Slave
of the Savages.
In my journey up the Mohocks I reviewed three Regiments; the first in Johnstown, the
second at Burnet's field, and the third in the German Flatts near Fort Herkemer, amounting
in the whole to upwards of fourteen hundred effective Men ; an industrious people, and not
less seemingly pleased with the presence of their Gov' than he was with them. I heartily
wish the Eastern parts of the Province were as peaceably settled. The Land on the Mohock
River is extremely fertile, and under the highest cultivation, producing as good wheat and
304 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
peas as any in the old Countries. The Towns of Albany and Schenectady are both flourishing,
and will continue to do so, in proportion as the back settlements are extended.
I am with all possible respect
My Lord.
Your LordP"' most obedient servant
W"" Tkyon.
j- Esq" of the Council.
Proceedings of Sir William JoJin-son with the Mohawks.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXIV.]
Proceedings at a Congress held with the Canajohare Indians at Johnson Hall on
Tuesday the 28"' day of July 1772.
Present — His Excell'^'' W" Tryon Esq"= Governor ettc of N. York.
The Hon"" Sir W"- Johnson Bar' his Maj'^'' Superintend'
The Hon"^ Oliver de Lancey
The Hon^'^ Henry White
Guy Johnson Esq"* Dep'^ Agent for Indian Affairs
Edni"* Fanning Esq"* private Seer: to his Excell'^''
Rich"* Shuckburgh Esq" Sec''' for Indian Affairs and several other
Gentlemen.
Decarihoga Speaker stood up and addressed his Excell"^'' the Gov', saying that they were
happy to find that the great spirit above had permitted him to come in safety to their Council
fire ; that the Ind"' had ardently wished to see him, and now congratulated him on the occasion,
he then proceeded as follows:
Brother. We mean to take this opportunity of laying before you the grievances
under which we labour, and the ill treatment we have received from several White
people, who endeavour to defraud us of our Lands ; this we several times laid before
his Maj'J"'' former Gov" of New York, and have waited with the utmost impatience hitherto
for redress, but to no purpose. At length, our old people tired with delay, have come to a
resolution of putting the business into the hands of the young Warriors, who will speak to you
upon it.
Whereupon Joseph stood up and said :
Brother. We are extremely happy to see you here this day, as we have long desired it,
and hope that thro' your means we shall obtain redress. We have been often deceived, and
defrauded of large Tracts ; but that which at present gives us most concern, is, the little Tract
which surrounds us, on which we live, and of which we hear, we are now likely to be deprived.
This fills us all with such concern, and is of so alarming a nature, that whether we are in our
beds, or ranging the woods in quest of game, it still occurs to us, and deprives us of rest.
Brother. The reason of our having been so anxious to see your Excell'^'' of late was from
the hopes we conceived of obtaining redress through your love of Justice, and from the great
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 305
character, which we rec* of you both, before and since your arrival ; we therefore have the
strongest hopes of meeting with tiiat justice from you, which hitherto we have in vain
applied for.
Brother, By the many sales we have from time to time made of large Tracts to accommodate
your people, we are now reduced to very scanty limits, and have only one little spot left,
which we can call our own. This very piece, we are told daily, hy sundry people will be
taken from us, which fills us with great concern, neither can we by any means account for it,
having always lived in the strictest friendship with the English, & faithfully served and assisted
them in all their Wars against their Enemies; we therefore cannot but think it extremely hard
to suffer such treatm' in return for our friendship and past services. We have seen that those
Officers and Soldiers who served in this Country during the late War, have been rewarded with
Tracts of Land in return for their services, and as we were aiding and assisting in the same
cause, we must deem it a peculiar hardship in case we are not permitted to hold this little
Remnant undisturbed. We shall not at present give your Excell''^' the trouble of attending to
a particular detail of the circumstances relative to this matter, especially, as our Brother Sir
William Johnson, now present, is well acquainted with every thing concerning it, and can lay
the same before you. We shall only observe that this Tract on which we live was fraudulently
obtained and surveyed in the night by moonlight, and a patent procured for it by M" Livingston
and others without our knowledge. Of this we complained many years since, & particularly
in 17G3, when we found that possession was going to be taken of our very village, but still
desirous to live peaceably, we at length agreed with the parties to take a release of that part
of the Tract, which we occupied, in which we apprehended there was no fraud; nevertheless,
we have since found, that there were still designs to deceive us, for George Klocke one of
those concerned, refused to sign the release, and on being summoned before the late Sir Henry
Moore in 176S, he persisted in his refusal, and said that he had been so advised by M"
Livingston at New York, who told him, that his {W Livingston's) signing it, could be of no
effect, if Klocke did not sign it, and that therefore Klocke should not sign it, so that we
apprehend, an advantage is intended to be taken of us, the rather as some Surveyors have lately
attempted to survey it. Now Brother, we rely on your justice for relief, and hope we may
obtain it, so as to continue to live peaceably, as we have hitherto done. We are sensible that
we are at present but a small number, but nevertheless our connections are powerful, and our
alliances many, & should any of these perceive that we who have been so remarkable for our
fidelity and attachment to you, are ill used and defrauded, it may alarm them, and be productive
of dangerous consequences. We shall only add, that our reliance is upon your Excell'^'' and that
as our cause of complaint is well founded, and that we have repeatedly applied for redress, we
may now as soon as possible obtain such relief, as our case deserves; and we are the more
anxious to urge it at present, as we may apprehend it may be in your Excell''^''' power to
compel Klocke to execute the release without further delay.
Brother, We think it necessary to add, that at the Great Treaty held at Fort Stanwix in
17GS in the presence of several of His Maj''''^ Gov", when we joined with the rest of the
Confederacy in making a great cession of Territory to the King, we particularly expected' such
parts as were in the neighborhood of our Villages. These Tracts we were directed to get
surveyed, in the doing of which we discovered that there is a piece of Land patented by M""
^ Sic. excepted. Ncw-york Culonial Manuscriptn. — Ed.
Vol. VIIL 39
306 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Golden, with which we were never before acquainted, neither was it ever sold. This Brother,
is the sum of those grievances with which we mean to trouble you at present, and on which
we hope for redress.
To which his Excel^^ was pleased to make the following answer:
Brothers. I have given due attention to all that you have said, which I shall take into
serious consideration, and deliver you an answer bo soon as I am prepared.
At a Congress held, at Johnson Hall with the Mohock Indians on Tuesday July the
25'" 1772.
Peesent — as before.
Hendrik Speaker arose, and spoke as follows: addressing His Excellency the Governor.
Brother, We give thanks to the Great Spirit for your safe arrival at this our Council fire,
where we have long wished for the pleasure of seeing you. We have heard so much of your
wisdom and good conduct in the Colony wherein you last presided, that we cannot, but be
very much prejudiced in your favour, and we flatter ourselves that your Excell'=J'» love of
Justice, will incline you to afford us redress of those grievances under which we labour, and
which we shall now relate to you. We therefore beg you will give attention to them.
Brother, We have been very much wronged & imposed upon with regard to our Lands,
particularly by the Albany people, who lay claim to the very lands on which we dwell, and
from whence we draw our principal support. This they endeavour under colour of a deed,
which they pretend conveys our Flatts to the corporation of that City, but in truth, was only
intended by our forefathers to be in trust for us, and our posterity, judging the people of that
City to be their friends, and that they would prove as guardians of the same for our use.
When under the Administration of Gov' Cosby we discovered their fraudulent intention, we
desired to see this deed, which with difficulty was at length produced and was burnt by Aria
one of our Sachems in the Gov''"' presence; but we have still reason to apprehend that they
mean to support their unjust claim, and therefore we beg to have your Excell'^''' protection, and
that you will secure these small remains of property to us, wh''^ from your Excell"'''' known
character we have the strongest reason to expect.
Brother, As we have no doubt but that your Excell''^ has sufficient authority to secure these
lands to us and our posterity, and as it is notorious that we have ever been faithful friends and
Allies to the English, to whom we have likewise sold all the Lands they possess here, and as
we made a particular exception of the lands round us at the great Treaty at Fort Stanwix in
1768. we hope that your Excell""^ will afford us relief, in order to which we think it would be
necessary to order, that the same be forthwith surveyed, that we may know the exact quantity
of our possessions, and may be secured in the enjoym' of them ; for as we have ever assisted
the English in their Wars, and thereby so far weakened ourselves that we are now reduced to
an inconsiderable number, we think ourselves entitled to the protection of Govern'.
His Excell''^ then desired they might be asked whether any of the principal Inhabitants or
Members of the Corporation of the City of Albany had spoke to them concerning such claims,
or wiiether it arose from the talk of their neighbours. To which the Speaker answered, that
they had not been particularly applied to by the Corporation of late but that they frequently
heard of it from many oilier persons. — His Excell'^ then told them that he had attended to all
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 807
they had said, but as it was thea late, he should take the same into considerat" and give them
an answer to morrow.
At a Congress with the same Indians Wednesday July SQ"" 1772.
Present — as yesterday
His Excell'^^ the Gov"" delivered the following speech to the Conajohares :
Brothers, the Chiefs and Warriors of the Conajohares.
I gave much attention to your speech yesterday received it with a very friendly regard, and
now thank you for your hearty congratulations upon my arrival, and your favourable
sentiments of my conduct in my former Govern'. I cannot however approve of your Sachems
relinquishing the subject of their present grievances to the Young Warriors. I consider it very
extraordinary and unbecoming in them to quit the care of public affairs to young men at a time
when they are in strict friendship and alliance with King George, therefore, as I visit your
Nation as his Maj'^'' Civil Gov', I desire to treat with the Sachems, Officers of peace. Men of
wisdom and experience.
Brothers, When I came up amongst you, I was quite a stranger to the grievances you had
to lay before me, but now you told me the nature of them, and refer me to your Brother Sir
W"" Johnson for the particulars, with the former proceedings that have been had to do you
justice, which you say is not yet accomplished, I shall exert my utmost endeavors, to secure
your title to that small Tract, which is the support of yourselves and families.
Brothers, it is very probable 1 shall be obliged not only to solicit His Maj'^ on your behalf,
but the Legislative Body of this Prov" in order to effect your apparent reasonable wishes.
You must therefore wait patiently, in the assurance that I wish to serve you as soon as [it is ]
in my power.
His Maj'^'' express commands to me, are, that I should do you all possible justice, and to
support you against the Frauds and oppression of those who are inclined to do you any injury,
and it is as much my inclination as my duty to watch over your interest and security, as by so
doing I shall only obey my Royal Master's commands.
You tell me, you are more than ordinary uneasy by persons lately attempting to make a
particular Survey of the ancientjpossessions on which you now reside — they had no authority
from Govern', consequently had no right to run that Survey; that I may be informed of the
exact quantity of land you have had released to you and for your own immediate satisfaction,
I shall order the Surveyor Gen' or one of his Deputies forthwith to make a Survey of the
Course and distances of the above mentioned lands — therefore desire some of your people will
accompany, and be present at the said survey, a Copy of which, when furnished shall be sent
to me, and another copy left with your Brother Sir William Johnson.
Brothers ; long before I came into America, I heard of the warlike disposition of the Mohocks
and the renown and glory of their Actions, as well as their steady and firm attachm' to His
Maj'y* cause, but upon this interview I am confirmed in those sentiments I before entertained
of your Nation only from Report.
Brothers. I must repeat to you again, I cannot reconcile your relinquishing your affairs to
the Young Men. In a state of war, I would treat with Warriors, but in time of profound peace,
as is the present, I am to desire you will recommit your public concerns to the Sachems. Your
308 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
refusal to this just expectation of mine, I shall interpret as a want of a proper confidence on
your part in the public justice of this Govern'. You have King George for your protector, and
under him, his Representative, therefore you stand not in need of warriors to support your
present cause, especially, while you are in the possession of the lands in question.
Brothers. Sincere in my declaration & upright in my intentions to serve you, I shall only
add I would not have you make yourselves uneasy while a hunting, or suffer your spirits to be
disturbed when sleeping, on the apprehension of losing the small Tract you occupy; for while
you have the protection of Govern' in support of your ancient and equitable claims, you need
not fear the avarice, fraud or injustice of Individuals.
The Conajohares answered as follows by their Speaker.
Brother. We give your-Excell''^ many thanks for your speech, which has been very acceptable
to us, in as much, as we are inclined from your good words to place the greatest confidence in
you for redress, beyond what we have ever done, as we have laid these complaints often before
former Governors, but without effect. We shall now let our business go on in the old channel
thro' our Sachems, and wait patiently the issue of Your Excell'^>'' endeavours for the redress of
our grievances. We should wish that our lands were Surveyed without delay, that no future
mistakes may be made concerning our property ; and as your Excell'"'' has now afforded such
ease to our minds, we trust in the continuance of your protection for the more effectual security
of our just rights and property.
To which His Excell'^^' answered, that as they appeared so impatient to have their lands
surveyed he should order the same to be done immediately.
His Excell'y the Gov' addressed the Mohock Indians of the lower village, as follows :
Present — as before.
Brother the Chiefs, and Warriors of the Mohocks.
I am much obliged by your congratulations on my arrival at this place, and in return for
your very civil compliments, I do assure you that I am strongly inclined to serve you, and that
the character I have received of your fidelity and friendship to the English has already
preposessed me in your favour; I have therefore given due attention to what you have said —
I am very sorry that you should have any causes of complaint against any of his Maj'''"
subjects, in this province, particularly with regard to so interesting a part of your property,
but 1 am hopefull that you have been misinformed as to the present claims of the Corporation
of Albany, which is the more probable, as it does not appear, that you have received your
information from proper authority.
Brothers. As you have yourselves expressed a desire that the lands you mention should be
properly laid out by a surveyor which I very much approve, I shall accordingly order the same
to be done immediately, and on the return of the survey to me, I shall take such measures as
are consistent with my athority, for the security of its contents to yourselves, and to your
posterity, being heartily disposed to shew you all the favour, and afford you all the protection,
which Govern' can give in return for your faithful attachment to his Maj'>'"" interest.
I am told, you are going to sell some lands to certain of His Maj'>''» subjects, who have
obtained license from this Govern' to purchase the same. I wish therefore, what you are
determined to sell, may be your own free and voluntary act, and I recommend it to you to
take particular care, that the bounds and limits of the lands to be sold, may be so well fixed
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 309
and assertained, as to admit of no dispute hereafter, or to give you reason to complain of any
unfairness in the purchase.
The Mohocks returned the following answer by Abraham their Speaker viz'
Brother. We give your Exceli'^'' many thanks for your speech, which has been very acceptable
to us. We are particularly thankful for what you mention concerning the sales of lands now
proposed to be perfected. As this is the first caution we have received of that nature from
Govern', we are the more convinced of your rectitude and attention to our interests. We
have been solicited by several persons to dispose of lands at this time, but before we proceed
therein we think it necessary to acquaint your Exceli''^, that some years since we sold a Tract
to Mess" Glen,' Funda and Associates, for which we received a valuable consideration
amounting to above 2000 Dollars, that on the Survey of this Tract it appeared to fall short of
the quantity proposed to be purchased, owing to a Tract which was discovered to have been
patented thereout, with which circumstance we were not, neither were the purchasers
acquainted at the time of sale. Concerned thereat we then gave Mess" Glen & C° a promise
that we should make him a compensation by a grant on the North side of the West Branch of
Hudson's River, for which he now intends to solicit. We have likewise since that agreement
engaged with M' Jessup to sell him and associates a large tract in that Country, in which the
lands proposed as a compensation are not included, but we have since heard, that another
person who is interested in M'' Jessup's purchase insists on having the lands we so promised
to M' Glen ; but we think this unreasonable, & not only contrary to our agreement with M'
Jessup, but to our promise to M' Glen, whom we are bound in justice to fulfill our promise to.
We therefore beg that your Excell''' will not desire us to act contrary to our engagements.
To which His Excel^^ answered, that they might be assured that they were at liberty to
dispose of their lands to such persons as they thought proper, and had first engaged with.
Thursday July the 30""
The Sachims and Chief Warriors of the Onejdas paid their respects to His Excell'^J' the
Gov', giving thanks to the great spirit for the opportunity they had of seeing him, of whom
they had received a very favourable character, and congratulating his Excell'^^ on his arrival.
To which His Excell'^^ was pleased to answer, that he was sensible of their compliments of
congratulation, and much pleased to see so venerable a Body of Sachems and respectable a
number of chiefs assembled. That he had heard they intended to dispose of some lands in
his presence, hoped that it was their own voluntary Act, and desired they would consider of
it, and act therein so as to have no cause of complaint afterwards, and that on his part, he
was determined to see them justly dealt with therein, & for that purpose, that the same
should be Surveyed in their presence, and monuments placed to shew the limits to posterity.
Conoghquieson Chief of Onejda addressed the Gov"" as follows:
Brother, We are much obliged to your Excell'^'' for the question you asked us, and for the
attention you shew to our interests, as it is a proof of your justice and convinces us that we
shall be fairly dealt with. The Great Spirit gave us our lands and we love them so much that
we never ofliered any to sale; but whenever our Brothers the English have appeared in want
of Lands, and applied to us, we have always granted their desire, as we now purpose to do.
310 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and we are so much convinced, by your conduct, of your Excell"^'' love of justice, that we rely
confidently upon you.
a true copy,
a true copy Examined by, G. Banyar
G. Johnson. D. Agent D. Secretary,
as Secretary.
N" 44.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[New-York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXIV.]
New York. 1. Sept' 1772,
My Lord.
I have had the honor to receive your Lordship's dispatches N"' 11, 12 and 13.
It is matter of real concern to me to learn the consideration of the Canada Claims, has not
undergone a final decision. Upon a more strict examination of the claims of the French
grantees to lands within this Govern', I cannot be persuaded that the last Treaty of peace, or the
articles of the Capitulation at the surrender of Canada gives any valid title to such claims.
The territory southwards of S' Lawrence River, has been always acknowledged the property
of the Five Nations, subjects or Allies of great Brittain, and as the French settlements, as well
as grants within that district were made, not under the sanction of Cession, purchase or
conquest, but by intrusion, the justice of the Title of those Claimants seems to rest on His
Maj'y'' generosity which will operate, no doubt as powerfully in behalf of those officers and
Soldiers, who now hold a great part of those disputed lands under grants from this prov" in
consequence of His Majesty's proclamation in 1763.
Your LordP observes that it appear to be very necessary to take some effectual steps by
Proclam'" or otherwise to prevent settlement on any part of the lands between Lake Champlain
& Connecticut River until the Royal decision of the controversy. Your Lord? is sensible, no
Act of Govern' will prevent individuals from settling and improving those large Tracts, which
are already granted to them under this Govern'. Proclamations have often issued to prevent
the Grantees under New Hampshire and others from making any settlements in those parts,
all which have been treated with more or less neglect or contempt. I am under the firmest
persuasion, no effectual measures at present, less than Military Force, can prevent the Eastern
Colonies pouring in their Inhabitants between the River and the Lake, especially into
Bennington and the adjacent Townships, in order to strengthen themselves, that they may be
the better able to maintain their possessions. I have on a former correspondence candidly
informed your Lordship with my sentiments, of the steps I conceived would be most likely to
accommodate the subsisting differences between New Hampshire & New York Claimants;
differences that alarm the public peace of this Country, a consideration serious and important.
I assure your LordP, the delicate situation of affairs in that Part of the Country greatly
embarrass me, and unless Govern' will leave an extensive latitude to this Govern' to settle
these matters, I am apprehensive, the wisest and most equitable decisions of the Crown, may
not extend to all the intricacies of these disputes. As property, not mere delusive opinion, is
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 311
the object in dispute, it is natural to believe, the contest will be maintained with great
obstinacy, unless prevented by his Majesty's speedy drawing some line determining their
respective Rights, and for Govern' to act upon here.
1 have the honor to transmit to your Lordship a copy of my letter to the Bennington people
(to which as yet I have had no answer,) sent in consequence of the receipt of Coll. Reed's
letter to me with Capt° Anstruther's' inclosed, both wl>'='' are herewith transmitted, also the
minutes of the Inhabitants of Bennington and other Townsiiips delivered to me, while at
Albany by M' Fay their Agent
I am will all possible respect & regard My Lord
Your Lordship's most obed« serv'
W» Tryon.
Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Jolmson.
[ New York Papers ( Stale Paper Office ) CCLVIII.]
Sir William Johnson Bar'
Whitehall, Sept' 2". 1772
Sir.
The King having declared His Royal Intentions that a settlement should be formed upon
the lands purchased by his Majesty in 1768 of the six Nations & their Confederates, inclosed
I send you a Copy of His Majesty's order in Council on the 14"" of last Month containing His
Majesty's directions for carrying that measure into execution ; and I am to signify to you
His Majesty's pleasure that you do take an early opportunity of apprizing the six Nations &
their Confederates of His Majesty's gracious Intentions.
I am fcc"
Dartmouth.
JEarl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson.
[New York Papers (State Paper Office ) CCLTIU. ]
N" 2.
Whitehall Sept. 27"'. 1772
Sir.
Your Dispatch of the 29"" of June N" 18 has been received and laid before the King.
The murders committed by M' Ramsay are of so atrocious and inhuman a nature, and may
in the present temper and disposition of the Indians have consequences so fatal to the public
peace, that nothing ought to be omitted that can tend to bring that person to condign
' William Anstkdthkr obtained a commission as Lientenant in the 26tb Foot, 12th January, 1757, and a company
in the same regiment in 1706. He was taken prisoner by the American forces under Montgomery at St. Johns, 3d Nov.,
1775, and sent, with his regiment, to Reading, Pennsylvania, where they remained until exchanged. Government having
formed a corps called Donken's Royal Garrison Battalion, Captain Anstruther was commissioned Major in it on 20th Octo-
ber, 177'J. In 1790, he became Captain of one of the companies of Royal Invalids stationed in the Island of Jersey; Com-
mandant in 1794, and Colonel in 1795. He died in 1807. — - Eo.
S12 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
punishment, and as I find by your letter that General Gage has directed that he should be sent
to Canada to be tried, I shall not fail to write to Lieut Gov"' Cramahie upon the subject, and to
exhort him to use his utmost endeavours that he do not escape with impunity ; and if a Bill
of Indictment be found against him, that the Judges be directed in their charge to the Jury, to
guard them as much as possible against the influence of those prejudices which you think
would probably be the means of his acquittal.
The manner in which you express yourself on the subject of the present temper and
disposition of the Indians leaves but little room to doubt that if some method is not soon fallen
upon to restrain the numberless frauds and abuses which are at present committed by those
who carry on trade and have intercourse with them, we shall be involved in an Indian War ;
and therefore I will not fail to give the fullest attention to this very important consideration and
shall think myself very happy if I can suggest any method that may have the effect in the least
degree to avoid so great an evil.
I am, &c
Sir William Johnson, Baronet. Dartmouth.
N-SO.
Governw Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. O.) CLXIT. ]
New York. 7. October 1772.
My Lord.
The middle of last month I received an answer from the Inhabitants of Bennington &
adjacent Townships, to my letter sent them from Albany, requiring them to put Col : Reid's
Tenants in possession of the Tenements and Farms they had turned them out of. This letter,
with one from W Kelly a Gentleman of the Law, I laid before the Council Board, and desired
they would Report thereon ; being willing that His Maj'>' might be informed of the opinion of
that Board, as well as my own suggestions, of the present state of the distractions in Charlotte
County. As Lieut : Coll : Reid' was charged with very harsh proceedings in the Bennington
■ General John Kkid was appointed, on 3d June, 1762, Captain in the 42d Highlanders, which regiment.came to America
in June, 1756 ; on its augmentation in 1758, he became Major. He served under General Amherst in the French war and
was wounded in the expedition against Martinico in 1762. In reward for his services he was promoted to a Lieutenant-
Colonelcy the same year. After this, his regiment returned to New- York in October and was stationed at Albany until
17 6S, when 'twas sent to the relief of Foit Pitt, tlien besieged by the Indians, who were defeated in the well fought battle
of Bushy run. In the following summer, the 42d again formed part of another expedition under Bouquet against the
Muskingum Indians. In 1765, Lieutenant-Colonel Reid commanded his Majesty's forces in the district of Fort Pitt, where
he was somewhat annoyed by the lawless frontiermen, Pennsylvania Colonial Records, IX., 269 ; and in 1766, an officer of
the same name is mentioned as commandant at Fort Chartres, Illinois. Monetle's Valley of the Mississippi, L, 411. In 1770,
Lieutenant-Colonel Reid went on half pay of the 87tli Highlanders; in the following year he obtained a large tract of land
on Otter creek, in Vermont, from which, however, his tenants were expelled in 1772 by the people of Bennington. New -York
Documentary History, IV. In 1780, he was appointed Colonel of the 95th Foot, a newly raised regiment, and became Major-
General in October, 1781, but his regiment was reduced in 1783. He was raised to the rank of Lieutenant-General 12th of
October, 1793; was made Colonel of the 88lh or Connaught Rangers, 27(li November, 1794; became a General in the
«rmy Ist January, 1798, and died at his house in Hay Market, London, 6th February, 1807. General Reid was esteemed
the best gentleman player on the German flute in England and composed several military marches which were still much
admired at the time of his death. He left a fortune of £50,000 sterling. Army Lists ; Broicne's Bigklaiid Clans, IV., 166;
tfentlcman's Magazine, LXXVIL, 275. —Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 313
letter, I ordered he should be served with an extract of so much of the letter as related to
him. In consequence of which, he delivered in Council, on Monday last, his memorial with
his affidavit, and that of Archibald Clark, in confutation of such injurious charges, and in
justification of his procedure. Col : Reid's honorable conduct in His Maj'>^' service and his
delicate principles of honor, would have secured him from the malice of these aspersions,
among the unprejudiced, tho he had treated the calumnies with silent contempt. By the
transmission of these letters. Memorial, affidavits and Report of the Council, your Lord?
will be evinced of the real expediency of an immediate Royal decision to the controversy.
As your Lord^ must be sensible, that the line of jurisdiction cannot be exerted or have its
eftect until the line of property is drawn. I must beg leave to solicit His Maj'^' that I may have
permission, as soon as possible, to admit as many of the Townships of New Hampshire to
take confirmations under this Govern', on half fees, or such other Terms, as His Maj'^ shall
prescribe, as voluntarily offer to take out patents under this Govern', under the usual restrictions
and limitations. This measure is founded on the soundest policy, as every such confirmation
is securing the inhabitants of that Township in the interest of, and obedience to this Govern'.
The new Hampshire proprietors who have offiired to confirm their titles under the seal of this
Prov'" on half fees, and have been restricted by His Majesty's late order forbidding me to
proceed in giving them titles, are very importunate, and begin to be so much sowered and
disgusted, that there is much reason to apprehend as they find the Bennington people
and adjacent Country daily increase in strength and uninterrupted by Govern', they will soon
reject any offers from this Country, and combine in opposition to the jurisdiction of this
Province; besides, the partition line between this Govern' and Massachusets Bay being still
unsettled ; by the aid of those Borderers, the opposition may reasonably be expected to be
very formidable ; too much so, for militia forces to encounter.
These observations, My Lord, taking under consideration with my former correspondence
on the subject, will I am confident have that weight with His Maj'J''" ministers, as is proportioned
to their importance, and I trust, my Royal Master will believe, they flow from a zealous and
earnest desire to promote his service, and the peace and welfare of this Colony.
I am with all possible respect & esteem. My Lord
Your Lordship's most obedient servant
W" Tryox.
No. 1.
Si?- William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[Plantalions General (8. P.O.) CCLIX.]
Johnson Hall NoV S<* 1772
My Lord
I am honored with the receipt of your Lordships letter of the 14"' August notifying your
appointment to the office of Secretary of State and directing my correspondence accordingly.
I reflect with pleasure on the judicious choice which His Majesty has been pleased to make
of a Nobleman of Lord Dartmouths most amiable character to fill that important office
Vol. VI 1L ■ 40
314 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Your Lordship may be assured that I shall with fidelity and regularity transmit every thing
material regarding the Department committed to me and that as it is of the utmost importance
to the Growth of the Colonies and the Trade and tranquillity of this Country, I shall not fail to
offer to your Ldp for his Majesty royal consideration every thing that occurs as necessary
thereto, with candor and disinterestedness, presuming on the indulgence 1 have always
experienced from the King & his Ministers for long, faithfull and I hope I may be allowed to
say successful services, I beg a continuance there of under your Lordships administration, &
for a favorable reception of my honest representations, of which I shall endeavour to render
myself worthy, by every means in my power.
I have the honor to be with much respect,
My Lord
Your Lordships.
most obedient
humble Servant
W" Johnson
P S I have for some time been directed to number my letters, should your Lordship think
it unnecessary it shall be discontinued
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[Plantations General (S.P. 0.,No. 2) CCLIX.]
Johnson Hall Nov 4"" 1772
My Lord
I have had the honor to receive your Lordships letter of the 2^ of Sepf with the
inclosures acquainting me with His Mnjestys Royal Intentions respecting the Government on
the Ohio and directing that I should signify the same to the Six Nations which I had an
immediate opportunity of doing, as I shall shew your Lordship presently
My last letter to the Earl of Hillsborough was No IS of the 29"" of June, on which (as I
presume it is in your hands) I need not to add more than to remind your Lordship that
I therein gave an account of the departure of the 6 Nations Deputys for the second great
Congress at Sioto and of the murder of the eight Mississagaes & Chippewaes by one Ramsey a
small Trader on Lake Erie in which he appeared to have been actuated by wanton cruelty
more than by any other consideration. Since that letter I received an account that the
conferences to the Southward were ended, and about a fortnight since, the Cheifs and principal
Warriors of the Six Nations came to this place where they held a Congress and related
the transactions of their Deputies, a Copy of the most material parts whereof, I have now the
• NotrcceiTod. houor to transmit to your Lordship,* — The Sum of what they said was. That as
the Waubash Indians, Kicapous & Piankashaws notwithstanding they waited for them a
considerable time did not attend the Congress at Sioto, by reason or under pretence that some
of their people had last year been killed by a party of Six Nations & Cheokees, the Deputys
laid their Belts and Messages before those present reprimanding those concerned with their
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 315
past misconduct, and charging them with what they had to say to those absent, wliicii tliey
promised faithfully to deliver The Deputys likewise demand' those niischeivous Belts &ca.
which had been circulating & particularly those said to have gone from Agnmlarax a Seneca
Cheif of great influence, but without the knowledge of the rest of the Six Nation confederacy.
The Indians there accordingly directed all the adjoining Nations to collect all such Belts as
were liable to suspicion, on which several Belts were brought in, and delivered to the Deputys,
some of which came from the West side of Mississipi containing assurances of Assistance and
advising all Nations to rise against the English but the Belts from Agausturax were not in the
hands of any then present, having been stopped by the Cherokees However the Deputies
were assured that they should be collected, and that the Cheifs of all the Nations there absent
as well as present should shortly bring them, and attend a General Congress at Onondaga
where they would hear the sense of all the Six Nations and ratify all proceedings. The Belts
before mentioned were delivered up to me by the Deputies and one of them, which is one of
the largest I have seen is evidently a French Belt, and from what I can find came from Mons""
St Ange on the Mississippi in the name of the French King, which St Ange was an active
Commander under the French and is now I am of opinion a secret Agent to heighten the
Prejudice of the Indians, and prepare them for cooperate with the Enemy in case of a War.
As these Indians however have not fulfilled their promise in coming to the Grand Fire place
(as it is called) at Onondaga within the time limited, 1 spoke warmly to the whole confederacy
charging them to see that these people attended without further delay, or that these remaining
Belts were immediately delivered into my hands, which the Six Nations have promised to see
performed, as well as that at the proposed congress they will convince all Nations of their
fidelity to Us, and their resolutions to compell the rest to act in the same manner as a proof
that they the Six Nations have no part in their designs
They next represented the great irregularities in the present state of the Indian Trade, the
promises made to them that the same should be put on a good footing, the want of Regulations
therein the abuses committed by Traders rambling where they pleased with strong liquors
and the General discontentment amongst all the Nations on that account, to which I made
them the best answer I could considering the little prospect there is of any such Regulations
being made in the Colonies. Just before their departure I was honored with your Lordships
second letter and accordingly communicated to them His Majestys Intentions respecting the
Establishment of a Government on the Oliio which I observed would rather be attended with
advantage to them & to their Allies than the contrary. That it was in consequence of their
public Sale at the greatest Congress ever held and therefore it was their duty to support their
just rights, and remove any evil impressions which a few weak People their Dependants had
conceived thereon to all which they made suitable answer I likewise advised them to withdraw
the Senecas of Ohio from thence and settle them nearer their natural friends as at present by
their Connections with others they bring disgrace & suspicion on their own confederacy, and
this I was the readier induced to do, as Kaynshota the cheif of those on Ohio, a man of universal
influence was present & had privately assured me that it was agreeable to him.
I shall now, my Lord, beg leave to offer my thoughts on some of the foregoing particulars
in as few words as possible, and first with regard to the new Government I have the strongest
reasons to beleive that the Six Nations are disposed to consider it in a favorable light, and that
the Tribes who since the Cession have appeared otherwise have no just pretension or Title
there, at the same time I should remark that as all Indians are naturally jealous of their
31(3 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
liberties and extremely suspicious of our designs. And as the reduction of Canada, the
imprudence of our own people since that event, and the artifices of our secret enemies all
contribute to encrease these sentiments in the Indians, It is not at all surprising if any amongst
them particularly, to the Southward should alltho' they accord to the Cession be alarmed at
any uncommon increase of Settlements in the back Country all which whatever else may have
been surmised must be attributed to this cause following, They discover that the back
inhabitants particularly those who daily go over the Mountains of Virginia employ much of
their time in hunting, interfere with them therein, have a hatred for, ill treat, Rob and
frequently murder the Indians, that they are in generall a lawless sett of People, as fond of
independency as themselves, and more regardless of Govern"" owing to ignorance, prejudice
democratical principles, & their remote situation The Indians likewise perceive & frequently
observe that our Governments are weak & impotent, that whatever these people do their Jurys
will acquitt them, the Landed men protect them or a Rabble rescue them from the hands of
Justice, The truth of all which I am equally sensible of, the Indians are therefore certain that
they will be troublesome neighbours and that they can expect no redress from them. These
are material considerations which principally induced me to extend the purchase a little farther
down the Ohio, the Indians being willing to sell it, but more especially as I knew that at that
time these frontier People were daily pushing into that fertile country and would continue to
do so without any title whatsoever (a circumstance they little regard) & that the Colonies,
would not, or could not prevent them, this would have been such a disgrace to Government,
that I judged it most politick to purchase it for His Majesty, than farther to discover our
weakness to the Indians by admitting their Title to Lands which were dayly settling without
any Title at all, and contrary to His Majestys orders but as matters now stand a proper
authority in the hands of the Governor of that new Colony with a judicious management at
the beginning, joined to the assistance which I shall give by myself and my Deputy in that
Country may I am hopefull obviate the difficultys that at first occur, but should some
differences at first arise from the -Jealous disposition of Indians or any of the causes before
mentioned, the establishm' of a Government there will in the end prove a prudential measure,
and in proportion to its powers appear to the Indians as the most necessary check that could
have been given to the unrestrained licentiousness which prevailed long before the Cession, was
daily gathering strength, and, would have done so had no purchase ever been made in
that country.
The proper regulation of Trade at certain fixed places there, is a material consideration, and
indeed the neglect of the Colonies since it has been left to them, the vast Cargoes of Rum
carried into the Indian Country & the unrestrain"* conduct of the Traders has occasioned much
dissatisfaction and is likely to produce very bad consequences, whilst the Ideas of fficonomy
which prevail in America & the different Interests of the Colonies afford very little hopes of
any accordation of Sentiments that might be productive of any salutary establishments.
The Common Traders or Factors who are generally rapacious, ignorant & without principle
pretending to their merchants that they can not make good returns unless they are at liberty to
go where and do as they please, & present extravagant gain being too much the Object and the
only object of all, they are tempted in pursuit of it to venture amongst the most distant Stations
where they are daily guilty of the most glaring impositions — of the fatal effects of Rum (so
often requested by the Indians not to be brought amongst them) I have just received a fresh
instance in the murder of a Trader and liis two servants on Lake Huron by some of the Nation
I
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 317
whose people were killed by Ramsay. The Trader sold them Rum and neglecting to leave
them, tho advised by themselves to do so, on being refused more liquor, they seized it got
intoxicated a squabble ensued, which ended in the death of the Trader and his Servants, The
Nation have promised to deliver the murderer but I doubt it much, as the murders committed
by Ramsay can not be easily forgotten by them especially when disguised by Liquor which
they always consider as a mitigation of the offence. As I expect to have the honor to write
your Lordship soon on the subjects proposed to the Six Nations, I have only at present to
request that your Lordship will honor me with His Majestys commands touching any part of
this letter that may require it, and that you will pardon its immoderate length as my Zeal would
not permit me to abridge a subject which appeared to me of some importance. I have the
honor to be with great respect
My Lord
Your Lordships
Most obedient and
Most faithfull Servant
W Johnson
J^arl of Dartmouth to Governor Tnjon.
[New-Tork Papers (B. P. O. ) CLXIV.]
N''2.
Whitehall. Nov' 4. 1772
Sir,
I have received your Dispatches to the Earl of Hillsborough N" 43 and 44. and have laid
them before the King.
The attention you have shewn to the acquiring a perfect knowledge of the State of the
Colony, by visiting the different parts of it, is approved by the King; and I hope that
the Congress with the Mohawks will have the good effect to remove their complaints and to
convince them that there is a sincere disposition in the Gov"' of New York to redress any
injuries they may sustain from the Inhabitants of that Colony.
The engrossing of lands on the Mohawk River on pretence of purchases from the Indians,
has been repeatedly and justly complained of; and therefore I was sorry to find, by the extract
of the proceedings with the Mohawks, transmitted with your letter, that private persons still
continue to obtain Licenses from the Govern' of New York for that purpose ; but I hope no
steps will have been taken to confirm to such purchasers the possession of those lands, untill
by a transmission of the deeds, the nature and extent of the purchases can be known, and the
King's pleasure signified thereupon.
The State of the French Claims on Lake Champlain appears to me, as far as I am at present
informed, to be a consideration of great difficulty and delicacy, and by no means of a nature
to admit of an hasty decision. Those Claims are now before the Board of Trade in consequence
of a reference from the privy Council, and I will not fail from what you say of the Slate of the
Colony as well in respect to those Claims, as to the increasing disorders & confusion on
the Eastern Frontiers in general, to press an immediate attention to both those important
318 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
considerntions. At the same time, confident as I am of the wisdom that dictated the Royal
Instructions by which you was forbid to make any grants within tlie district annexed to New
Yorii by tiie determination of tlie Boundary with New Hampshire, I cannot but lament that
you should have found it necessary in your own judgement to depart from the letter of
that instruction ; which has been the more unfortunate as it has necessarily had the effect to
delay any determination upon a very full report the Board of Trade had made upon the State
of the claims in that district, which must now undergo a new consideration, not only on that
account but also from new matter arising from the complaints which have been made by the
proprietors of the Township of Hinsdale, who assert that, notwithstanding they derive their
titles from an ancient grant of the Province of Massachusets Bay and therefore are not within
the description of the grants said to have been fraudulently made by the late Gov' of New
Hampshire, they have nevertheless been deprived of a part of their possessions under a Patent
lately passed by you.
I do not mean however to convey any opinion upon the merits of the case of those proprietors
on their own state of it, and I should do injustice to the sentiments I have always entertained
of you, if I was, without the fullest examination, to give any other countenance to tiieir
complaints, than what the duty of my office requires.
The whole of this very important business will, I am persuaded, be discussed by the Lords
of Trade with that impartiality, that has always distinguished their conduct; I shall therefore
avoid saying any thing more upon that subject, or upon the Canadian Claims further, than,
that I think it proper to observe that the proposition in your letter N° 43. that all the territory
on the south side of the River S' Lawrence was the property of the five Nations, and therefore,
that every Canadian Grant on that side of the River, was an encroachment on the British
possession, does not appear to me, from any information I have been able to collect, to be
maintainable on any fair ground of argument ; an observation which I think I am called upon
to state to you, lest by my silence on that subject, I should appear to acquiesce in a proposition
that, if adopted in the extent you state it, would strip one half of the King's new subjects of
their ancient possessions and must spread an Alarm that may have very fatal consequences to
the King's interest.
I am ettc.
Dartmouth,
Judrje Livingston to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. 0. ) CLXIV.]
New York. S'" Nov' 1772.
My Lord,
I beg leave, tho' placed at this distance to congratulate your Lord? on the great trust
His Majesty has been pleased to repose in you by appointing your LordP one of his Secretaries
of State; and to assure your LordP, as I am with great truth, that no appointment to an Office
in which we are so much interested, could be more agreable to His Majesty's subjects on this
side of the Atlantic.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 319
The reason of my presuming to write to your LordP is to apprize you of an Affair wiiich
greatly concerns His Maj'^'^ autiiority in tiiis Prov", and the more so, since if not adverted to
the example will probably be followed in the other Colonies — i have in several letters stated the
whole matter to the Earl of Hillsborough, and have some hopes, that he has already laid it
before the Board of Trade, or His Maj'*'' privy Council ; for he was pleased to inform me, that
he looked upon the Conduct of the General Assembly as unjustifyable and dlsrcspcc/J id to His
Maj", but that he deferred taking any resolution, till he knew what measures Gov"' Tryon,
who was then expected here, would take on the occasion. Since this I have given His Lordi*
a further account of the Conduct of the General Assembly, which was transmitted to him by
Gov Tryon, who informed me, my letter was received; but that His Lord"" deferred giving his
particular directions, till he received the votes of the house. Had I it in my power, I would
transmit to your Lord? all I have written on the subject, hut the copies of my letters are in the
Country; and if My Lord Hillsborough has laid the affair, either before the Council or the
Board of Trade it will be unnecessary. I shall therefore only lay before your Lord? this short
account of the matter. I have the honor to serve His Maj'^ in the Office of Puisne Judge of
the Supreme Court of this Province, and have been five times chosen Representative for the
Manor of Livingston in general Assembly; four times I have been refused admittance, and on
the fifth Election, I have not yet presented myself The pretence for excluding me, was a
resolution of the House made- immediately preceeding my first Election, that: no Judge of the
Supreme Court should sit or vote in the House. I had sat there, three or four years after Gen'
Monckton had given me my Commission without the least objection, and before that we
hardly had one Assembly, of which one or other of the Judges was not a Member. I believe
there is no house of Representatives in the Colonies, where this is not the case, and in none of
them, but ours, are they excluded. Tho' the 12 Judges in England are excluded in the House
of Commons, the sole reason of that is their necessary attendance on the House of Lords. But
our Judges are never required to attend the Council, and are not admitted there, unless
Members of that Body. What renders this assumption of power in the Assembly still more
injurious to His Maj'^"'' just authority, is that they have excluded me on this Broad principle,
that they have a power, to exclude any person they think proper without the concurrence of the other
branch of the Legislature, a principle the house of Commons never adopted, as your Lord? well
knows, except when they usurped all the powers of Govern'. This dispute between the
Assembly has lasted now about three years; and the several Governors we have had in that
time, to wit, Lieut' Gov"' Golden, Lord Dunmore and M'' Tryon, have not thought proper to
do any thing decisive in the matter without His Maj'>''" particular orders. I thought the duty
of my office obliged me to lay the whole matter before My Lord Hillsborough, and this induced
me to mention it to your Lord?
Having thus discharged my duty to His Mnj'^ and the public, I beg your LordP's patience,
while by way of memorial, I add a few words concerning myself. I have served His Maj'^ in
the Office of a Judge of the Supreme Court of this Province ever since the ll"" of April 1763.
and from that time till within three years, the other Judges being of a very advanced ages,
almost the whole weight of the business has lain on me. Since this M"' Justice Ludlow,' who
was appointed on the death of M"" Justice Smith ^ has born an equal share of it. If your Lord?
considers the extent of the province, the variety of business Criminal and Civil, the number of
miles we must travel to perform a circuit almost equal to that, necessary to make the Circuit
' Supra, p. 24S, note. ' Supra, VII., p. 909, note 1. — Ed.
320 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of all England, and the small salaries we receive, scarce sufficient to defray our traveling
charges, I hope, you will think my long services in this Office give me some claim to HisMaj'J'''
favour, on a new appointment to the Office of Chief Justice for this Province.
If on the next vacancy the appointment should be left to the Commander in Chief here, I
should not think it necessary to mention my pretensions to the Office. For notwithstanding
the heat of Parties, I am confident, no one would object to them, or interfere with me. That
I have executed the Office to the general satisfaction of the King's representatives here, the Bar
and the people in General, I need give your Lord? no other proof than this: During the
violent opposition on account of my claim to a seat in the house of Assembly, which has now
lasted for three years, with no small warmth on both sides, no objection has ever been made
to me on account of my behaviour as a Judge. This I look upon as a testimonial from my
opposers, of greater weight, than the warmest recommendation of a P'riend.
I hope your LordP will be of opinion, since the honor of serving His Maj'^ in the important
office I hold, is the principal recompence, for my services, that, that ought not to be diminished
by my being superceeded, or having another placed over my head. For the truth of what
I have advanced, I appeal confidently to any one acquainted with this Colony, from whom
your LordP, may have an opportunity of receiving an information. We are often told, that a
Chief Justice will be appointed at home ; this has induced me to lay before your Lord? an
account of my services. I rely entirely on your Lordp's justice in regarding them as you think
they deserve, and on your goodness to excuse the trouble I have given you & remain with
great respect.
Your Lordp'" most obedient
and most humble servant
Rou' R. Livingston.
Minutes of the Attendance of Mr. Edmund BurJce on the lords of Trade.
[ Board of Trade Journal, LXXX., 16T. ]
At a meeting of His Majesty's Comm" for Trade and Plantations. Thursday Nov 12. 1772.
Present — M"' Gascoyne, Lord Greville, Lord Garlies.
The Earl of Dartmouth, one of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, Attends.
M'' Edmund Burke attended and moved their Lordships that he might be heard by his
Counsel, as well in behalf of the Province of New York, as of sundry persons. Proprietors of
Lands within the said Province, under grants from the Governor & Council thereof, against
the Confirmation by the Crown, of any grants made by the French King or the Government
of Canada within the limits of the said Province of New York.
Their Lordships upon consideration of M' Burkes motion, agreed that he should be heard by
his Counsel, and he was desired, so soon as his Counsel should be prepared, to acquaint the
Secretary therewith, in order that an Early day might be fixed for the further Consideration
of this business.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 321
Ordered that the Secretary do acquaint Mon^ Lotbiniere who now attends to solicit the
Confirmation of two Seigneuries on Lai<e Chaniplain, of which he claims the possession, with
RP Burke's application to be heard by Counsel, and that he will also be at liberty to be heard
by his Counsel in support of his pretensions if he thinks fit.
Greville.'
Hepresentation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of the Privy Council-
[ New-Tork Entries, LXVIII., 4S3.]
To the Right Hon''''' the Lords of the Committee of His Majesty's most Hon""'^ Privy Council
for Plantation Affairs. 20. Nov' 1772.
My Lords
Pursuant to Your Lordships Order of the 17"" day of June last, We have taken into Our
Consideration the extract of a letter from William Tryon Esq: His Majesty's Governor of New
York to the Earl of Hillsborough dated the first of Feb: 1772, in which he acquaints his
Lordship in consequence of his Majestys Royal Mandamus he had granted ten thousand Acres
of Land to Lieut' Colonel Howard in the township of Kinsdale^ on the Western side of the
River Connecticut, apprehending that his Majesty's 49"" Instruction by which he is forbidden
to make any Grants of Lands within the limits of the Townships granted by New Hampshire
on the Western side of that River was superseded by the Mandamus aforementioned
Whereupon We beg leave to Report to Your Lordships.
That the Township of Kinsdale^ which appears to have been considered by Gov' Tryon, as
one of the Townships granted by the Gov' of New Hampshire, does not derive its origin from
any such Grant but amongst several others under the like Circumstances established and settled
under a Grant from the General Court of the Massachusets Bay in the year 1672 ; and
it appears to us that the acceptance by the proprietors of that Township of a Grant of
Confirmation from the Governor of New Hampshire was only with a view to prevent their
being disturbed in their poss[ess]ions in consequence of the district in which it is situated
having been adjudged by a determination in the year 1740 to be without the limits of the
Gov' of the Massachusets Bay.
From their state of the Case it does appear to us that the proprietors of the Township of
Kinsdale^ ought not to have been disturbed in their Possessions by any subsequent Grant
whatever, and even admitting that M' Tryon is warranted in his construction of the Spirit and
Intention of His Majestys Mandamus in favour of Col : Howard yet the locating a grant within
the Limits of a Township under these particular Circumstances, was the less to be justified as
there were within the district between Hudson and Connecticut Rivers, not only many
' George Gkeville, eldest son of Francis, 1st Earl Brooke and Warwicli and of Elizabeth, dangliter of tlie Duke of Hamilton,
was born 16tti September, 1746. lie succeeded the Honorable T. Robinson in the Board of Trade 12th April. 1770;
married the only daughter of Lord Selsey in 1771 ; succeeded to his father's titles on the 6th July, 1773, and died 2d May,
1816, in the 7nth year of his ag?. Debrett. — Ed.
' Sic. Hindadale. It ia the Southeast town in the State of Vermont.
Vol. VHL 41
322 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Townships of a much later establishment on which no settlement or Improvement whatever
had been made but also very considerable Tracts of Land which had never been granted at all.
We beg leave however to observe to your Lordships that the Terms of his Majesty's Mandamus
in favor of Lieutenant Colonel Howard' do not warrant the construction put upon it by his
Majesty's Governor and for these Reasons we think that he ought not to have made the Grant
in question; at the same time we are not able to suggest any means, by which the proprietors
of this Township can be relieved from the injury they complain of, otherwise than by an
appeal to the Courts of Justice of the Colony wherein the Lands lye in which Courts alone
we can conceive the Grant of his Majesty's Governor, so far as regards the legal operation of
it can be questioned. We are
My Lords
Your Lordships
most obedient and
most humble Servants
Dartmouth
SoAME Jenyns
Bamber Gascoyne
Greville
Garlies ^
Governor Tryon to the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council.
[New-York Papers, Bundle V.T.]
(copy)
New York. 1. December 1772.
My Lords,
Your Lordships order in Privy Council upon the petition of M' Secretary Clarke, came to
my hands, so shortly before His Maj"'" service called me to the Northern parts of this Province,
that I have not been able till now to make the acknowledgments I owe to your condescension
in deferring the Report of the Committee until I had an opportunity to acquaint your Lord??'
with the reasons of that part of my conduct of which the Petitioner conceives he has cause
to complain.
The controversy with M' Clarke, as your LordPP' will observe, did not take its rise in my
Administration, for the Office of Register of the Prerogative Court was out of his posession
several years before I had the honour of the command of this Colony. Sir Henry Moore gave
' Colonel TnoMAs Howard entered the British army as Lieutenant and Captain of the 1st Regiment of Foot Gxmrds on 28th
January, 1755; served in the expedition to St. Malo in 1758; became Captain and Lieutenant-Colonel in 1765; Colonel
in the army in 1V77, and third Major of the regiment in 1778. He retired, or died in 1779.
" John Stewart, Lord Garlies, was the eldest son of Alexander, 7th Earl of Galloway, and Catherine, daughter of the
Earl of Dundonald, and represented Morpeth, Northumberland, in Parliament. He succeeded Mr. Whately, supra, p. 277,
as one of the Lords of Trade, in August, 1772, and in the following year inherited his father's titles as the 8th Earl.
He was a Lord of the bedchamber to George HI., and married the sister of Lord Greville, see supra, p. 321, note. His own
sister, Lady Charlotte Stewart, married the Earl of Punmore, Governor of New-York and of Virginia. Supra, p. 209. Lord
Garlies was created a British peer in June, 179C, by the title of Baron Stewart, and died 13th Nov., 1806. Debrelt. — 'Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 323
it to his private Secretary M' French in 1766 and when M' French died to AP Philip Livingston.
Upon the decease of Sir Henry Moore, M' Banyar became Register by the appointment of
Lieu' Gov'' Golden, rendering a proportion of the profits to M'' David Golden,' who served his
Father as his Secretary, and he (M' Banyar) took it again upon L"* Dunmore's arrival, upon
Terms beneficial to Gapt" Foy,= who came out as private Secretary to that Nobleman.
Your LordPP'' will therefore perceive that I was compelled to an attention to the validity of
M'Glarke's claim immediately after my arrival. The business of the Prerogative Gourt would
not admit of long deliberation, for it would have been injurious to the Suitors, if I had shut
up the Office 'till His Maj'^'' pleasure could be known, and there remained therefore no other
alternative, but either to hold up the Crowns claim, until it could be duly considered, or to
bury the controversy by yielding to M"' Glarke, and acknowledging his right. I preferred the
former as most prudent, and following the example of the three proceeding Administrations, I
appointed M'" Fanning my private Secretary to that Station, until His Majesty shall please to
decide upon a question never as yet adjudged and very materially afFecting the interest of the
Crown in all the provinces under its more immediate direction.
Whatever the Law may pronounce concerning the point of Right, the Train of my education
left me under a necessity, in an enquiry of this kind, to a confidence in the opinion of others,
& I was early informed, that Sir Henry Moore did not stir in this business, without previously
consulting the ablest in that profession in this Country, who were unanimously of opinion, that
the Registry was no branch of the Secretary's Office, and as their reasonings upon this subject
appeared very satisfactory to me, I must beg your Lord??' to permit me to lay before you, such
of their remarks as confirmed me in my doubts of the validity of M"" Glarkes claims, for I
' David Coldbn was the youngest son of the Lieutenant-Governor, with whom he lived. At his father's death, he
inherited the paternal seat at Spring Hill, Flushing, Long Island. He was originally bred a physician, but never practiced ;
was fond of retirement; much devoted to scientific pursuits, and kept up a correspondence with the learned men of the day
in Europe and America, which is to be found in eotemporaneous publications- Having adhered to the Royalists he signed
an address to Governor Tiyon in October, 1776, and was attainted in 1779. He was appointed, July 15, 1780, assistant
Muster of the Rolls and Superintendent of Police on Long Island, with equity powers. In 1783, he retired to England where he
died July 10th, 1784. Mr. Golden married Ann, daughter of John Willet, of Flushing, who survived her husband and returned
to this country with her family, consisting of one son { Cadwallader D.) and four daughters. Thmnpson's Bistory of Long
Island, XL, 87.
^ Captain Edward Fot received a commission of Ist Lieutenant in the Royal Artillery on the 2d April, 1757, and became
Captain-Lieutenant on the lat January, 1759. In the month of July following, he acted with such bravery at the battle
of Miuden as to be specially distinguished on the day after the battle by the Commander-in Chief in his address to the army.
Mntick, IV., 17 ; Gentleman's Magazine. He was promoted to a Captaincy in Febi-uary, 1764, and accompanied Lord Duu-
more, as his private secretary, to New- York in 1770, and went thence with his Lordship to Virginia in 1772. Burk, in his
History of Virginia, III , 368, says, that Captain Foy resigned his otEce as Governor of New-Hampshire for the purpose of
accepting the inferior post of private secretary to Dunmore, and attributes the circumstance to " some latent purpose of the
British Ministry to employ his talents in carrying out those measures which had already been devised." But this cannot well
be the ease, for Foy was gazetted Lieutenaut-Governor of New Hampshire only in July, 1774. Gentleman's Magazine, XLIV.,
335, nearly two years after his arrival in Virginia, and four years after he had become Lord Dunmore's secretary. During
his stay in that Colony, Captain Foy unfortunately shared much of the odium that attached to the Governor, with whom he
retired ou board the Fvwey on 8th June, 1775. In the address of the House of Burgesses on the 19th June following,
they accuse the Governor of "giving too much credit to some persons who, to the great injury of the community, possessed
much too large a share of his Lordship's confidence," alluding to Captain Foy, "an Englishman of violent passions and
hostile prejudices against us," who was considered Governor de facto. Burk, IV., 29, 39. The Countess of Dunmore sailed
goon after and arrived in England in August, 1775. Captain Foy returned home about the same time with despatches for
the Ministry, and at the close of the following year his name is found countersigned to an official paper issued at Crown
Point by Governor Carleton, of Canada, shortly after his defeat of the American fleet on Lake Champlaiu. 5 American
Archives, UL, 1517. Captain Foy's name disappears in 1780 from the Army List. — Ed.
324 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
presume, with great submission to your Lord'''" Committee, that nothing could justify me in
countenancing the secretary's pretensions, but the clearest convictions that the Law was on
his side.
I was informed, and I believe the fact, Mylords, to be indisputable, that the Office of Prov"
Secretary commenced immediately upon the conquest of the Country in 1664, and that there
was a succession of Secretaries before and after the accession to the Throne of his Royal
Highness James Duke of York, the first Proprietor of the Province to the Revolution in 16S3.
That none of the Commissions either in the Duke's time or since, contain any express authority
to the Secretary, for intermeddling in the business of the Prerogative Court, and that the
erection of that Court was posterior to the creation of the Office of Secretary, and from these
premises, the conclusion seemed to be just and clear, that the Register's Office could not be a
branch of another Office, which in its original creation, had no respect to the Prerogative Court.
If it should be ceded in M'' Clarkes favour that his predecessors had actually exercised the
place of Register for a very long course of years, (which your LordPP' will presently observe
to be a controverted point) yet it is conceived here, that even this will give no operation to
any words in his patent, because, tho' usage be a good Expositor of the rights of Office, yet
that rule is only pertinent when from the ambiguity of an Office, its origin is unknown, and
must be consequently misapplied to the case of a New Office, in an Infant Country, where
there is not that necessity which indicates the utility of the maxim, nor any usage venerable
for their antiquity, & especially as it is certainly known that the Office of Secretary was created
not only before the prerogative Court was set up, but for many other different uses and ends.
But the observation of the most weight, & what appears to me My Lords, to be conclusive
in this controversy, tho' the Petitioner has not suggested it in his Petition to His Maj''', is, that
the grant of the Probate of Wills & administration, is by a Law of the Colony, expressly vested
in the Gov'' or his Delegate under the prerogative seal.
YourLordPP' will remark that this Act was passed on the 11"> Nov' 1692 soon after the issuing
of the Patent to Mr Clarkson, by which, the Secretary's office is said, to be first constituted
and established.
In settling the construction of this Law, I will candidly confess, that M' Secretary Clarkson,
and the two M' Clarkes his successors, kept the Records of the Secretary's Office, and that
probates and administrations have issued from that place and been there Recorded as low down
as to the year 17(16. nor shall I deny M' Clarkes allegation to be true (tho' I know it not to be
so) that the Secretaries and their Deputies have in their attestations and signatures to the
Registry acts added the Title of Secretary or Deputy Secretary, as tho' they were transactions
of that Office ; but then, on the other hand it must be admitted in favour of the Crown, that at
the passing of the Act of 1692, the then Gov' had constituted a Surrogate or Deputy for the
business of the prerogative Court, and that there has been ever since that period a constant
succession of Surrogates commissioned by the Governours under the prerogative seal, who have
performed the prerogative Court business in the same place where the Secretary held and
exercised his Office. — hence it results.
That the authority to grant probates and Administrations if it could be pretended to have
been a part of the Secretary's Office, was severed from it by this Law, and further, that the
subsequent transactions of M"' Clarkson and his successors and their Deputies in the prerogative
Court, must henceforth at least be construed to be referable to the power they had from the
Gov", whatever may have been their modes of subscription and whether the same be imputable
to inattention or design.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 325
It can scarcely be imagined, that their practice of adding "Secretary" to their names can
be a proof of the common understanding of the day, that the Registry belonged to the Secretary ;
and that they would otherwise have been checked by the Governors ; for besides the
minuteness of such irregularity, which will account for an inattention to it, I must observe to
your LordPP' that the Old Records of this Colony afford such flagrant proofs of ignorance and
inaccuracy in all the Departments of Office, as to refute all presumptions drawn from the
supposition either of vigilance or skill in the Officers. — And for the same reasons Your Lord''?*
will perceive, that there is more of refinement than solidity in the arguments to evade the
force of this Law built upon the distinction which the petitioner has thrown out between
the Register and the Surrogate.
I shall inclose your LordPP' two Copies of the Commissions, or letters of Delegation to a
Surrogate, whence it will appear, that so far was the Gov' from restricting the Surrogate
barely to the Administration of the necessary oaths, that the Instruments (for they run in the
same form) actually put the seal of the Court into the hands of the Delegate, and thus
implicatively gave him authority to make out the Documents and perform the very services,
which the present Secretary claims as a branch of his Office, & this, with submission is not
only a refutation of M"' Clarkes first reason for distinguishing between the Surrogate and the
Register but accounts for the non appointment of any other Register than the Secretary, while
the Secretary or his Deputy had the commission of S.urrogate, and was invariably the case,
till Sir Henry Moore gave the preference to his private Secretary in 1766.
Nor does there seem to be greater weight in that other argument, which the Petitioner
would deduce from the practice of transmitting Wills & examinations in the Country, and
proof of Intestacies to the Secretary's Office ; for as the seal of the prerogative Court was
never trusted to any other, than the Surrogate at the Secretary's Office ( which, My Lords, is a
Building belonging to the public, erected in the metropolis and where the business of various
distinct Offices is transacted) and all probates and letters of Administration were finally to be
issued only by that Surrogate, the propriety of transmitting wills, Examinations and certificates
of Intestacy from the distant Counties to the Secretary's Office, because it was the Stated
place for holding the prerogative Court, is apparent ; and the implication that it was because
the Secretary as Secretary was Register, and not because he was the Surrogate of the Gov^ is
strained and inconclusive.
Nor can I think more favourably of the conclusions drawn from the Act of 1709, and the
ordinances that have been frequently made for the regulation and establishment of Fees — how
can they support a claim, against the authoritative decision of the Law of 1692, by virtue of
which there was a severance of the Registry from the Secretary's Office, if they ever had
been united.
The use which M' Clarke make of them is connected with a supposition that there was a
degree of skill and accuracy in the penning of that Act and those ordinances, which
unfortunately for his argument will be refuted by the bare perusal of them. They may be
classed among the many proofs of the infant State of the Country ; besides, My Lords, the
Act of 1709. was repeated by Queen Anne in a very few months after it was made, and
perhaps among other reasons for its tendency to countenance & implicative Repeal of part of
the Act of 1692. As to the Ordinances they too are not in force, if ever they were binding
on the subject, for they expired with the Authority of the Governors in whose names they
were issued. And to me to whom it appears that the main design, both, of the Act and the
326 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
ordinances was to fix the quantum for services performed at the respective Offices, all arguments
deduced from them to assertain the nature and extent of the Offices themselves, seem to have
not even plausibility to recommend them. As the Secretary vpas Surrogate also by the
Governors appointment, it was natural to list all the Fees that were payable to him under one
title and to distinguish him (as he is in common speech) by the Chief Office he sustains, and
for this reason alone we can not find such or so great a repugnancy between the Acts of 1692
and 1709 as to amount to an implicative Repeal of the former, had the latter Act never have
been disallowed by the Crown.
Concerning the suggestion, that the Registry is a branch of the Secretary's Office, in some
of the other Colonies, I can affirm nothing for want of information, but if M' Clarke should
have made no mistake in this respect, I believe your Lord^ will upon enquiry find such
diversities in the Office of Secretary of the diffiirent Colonies as to render it impossible to
ascertain its nature by the comparison, and settle a clear and safe interpretation of the Patent.
At all events, the Act of 1692 will render the words in M' Clarkes Commission granting him
the powers of other Secretaries of little use in the present case, if they are not merely
expletives in all others.
Thus far My Lords, I have confined myself to the Petition, to which your LordPP' were
pleased to call for my answer; but I was influenced by some other considerations, to doubt the
validity of M' Clarkes claim, and maintain the point against him until the King's pleasure
was declared.
I owed much to the Rights of my own station &a deference to the Judgements and characters
of my predecessors, upon whose honour and justice I should have cast an oblique censure, if I
had given up the contest, especially as I had not been furnished even with so much as an
opinion of any Gentleman of the Law either here or at home in M' Clarke's favour, and add
to this, that there were, as I conceived, reasons of general policy, which rendered the question
of right worthy of the Royal consideration.
It is not uncommon, My Lords, to find in New or Infant Colonies, several distinct offices
engrossed by one person, and it is owing to the low State of their business ; but when the
increase of the Country takes away the necessity for these Monopolies, their inexpediency
must be very manifest, the public becomes ill served, and the Govern' weakened, especially
when there seems to be a want of dependencies upon the Crown for a counterpoize to the
popular scale. I think it my duty therefore to apprise your LordPP' of the nature and variety
of the employments exercised here by M'' Clarke.
He is Clerk to the privy Council, Clerk of the Legislative Council, and Clerk for the Court
for appeals in Error. He is Secretary, and as such, all civil Commissions, Grants, patents,
pardons, and every instrument passing the great seal goes thro' & returns to his hands to be
recorded. Among the other branches of this extensive office, he registers and enrolls mesne
Conveyances of every kind, copies of which (the originals being proved or acknowledged) are
by the Laws of the Colony made evidence in all Courts Supreme and subordinate. He is also
Clerk of the Supreme Court, a Court of immense powers, taking cognizance of all pleas, as
fully as the three great Courts of King's Bench, common pleas & exchequer — a Court, both, of
Civil & criminal Jurisdiction, having four Terms in the year, and correcting the Errors of all
the inferior Judicatures in the province, M' Clarke alone has the keeping of all the minutes
pleadings and Records that belong to this Court with the Custody and all the profits of the seal,
for he is sole Clerk for all that immense variety of business which in three of the Great Courts
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 327
of Westminster is parcelled out to so many different officers, who aid, check and controul
each other for the common safety He is therefore. My Lord, in effect as the Gentlemen of the
Law assure me, Prothonotary, Chief Clerk, Clerk of the Crown, Secondary, Filazer,
Chirographer, Examiner, Clerk of the Judgements, Clerk of the Dockets, Clerk of the
enrolments, Clerk of the Essoins, and has some other offices of less consideration.
I am not able to inform your LordPf of the amount of the income of these employments,
which have been in the hands of the Petitioner and his Father or their Deputy, together with
the Surrogacy of the prerogative Court, for near seventy years, but priviledged as the Secretary
has been of Acting by a Deputy, who has many advantages in the Land granting Departm*
from his connection with the great Seal, this station is one of the most important in the
Colony, and allowing for his savings by the difference in living, and the Gov''' expenses in
support of the dignity of his Office, it is perhaps at least as lucrative as that of the Commander
in Chief.—
Your LordPP' will permit me to add, in justice to myself and my successors, that if the
Kegisters Office is in the Gift of the Gov', either by virtue of his authority as ordinary, or by
the Act of 1692, it is the only one by which he can without loss, support the expense of his
own Secretary, there being no provision for that Officer, and the growing business of the
Colonies, rendring such a place more and more necessary, and calling for such confidence and
abilities, as no contracted income will command. In behalf of the appointment of M'
Fanning a native of this Province, I can assure your LordPP' it was made on tiie principles of
grateful acknowledgment to that Gentleman's eminent services to the Crown in the late
disturbance in North Carolina, though but a small recompence for the injuries and insults he
received with all the aggravating circumstances of cruelty attending them, both in his person
and in his property, himself being inhumanly beat and abused in the attack made by a lawless
Banditti, upon the Officers of public Justice during the sitting of Hillsborough Superior Court,
and his house pulled down, his furniture and effects destroyed to the amount at least of twelve
hundred pounds sterling, and for no other cause, than that he with more determined spirit than
others opposed their wicked designs — A Gentleman, My Lords, that on the auspicious 16'*
May, Her Majesty's Birth day, headed two hundred Men at the Battle of Alamance, and by his
brave example, contributed to the success of that day.
I shall enclose under this cover several papers that may throw light upon the controversy
and perhaps be not easily found in the Plantation Offices, and confiding in your Lord??'
favourable and just representation to His Maj'^ of the motives of my conduct in the matter of
M'Clarkes complaint
I have the honour to be with all possible respect — My Lords ettc.
W" Tryon.
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
I New-Tork Papers (8. P. O. ) CLXV. ]
New York. DeC 1. 1772.
My Lord,
The benevolence by which your LordP is distinguished, and that intimate knovf ledge of
Govern' to which you are led by your eminent rank and station, give me the strongest
328 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
confidence that you must think it is as necessary a maxim in good politicks, to reward and
respect the faithful and diligent officer, as to punish the reverse ; and that you will be
concerned to hear of a conduct in Administration, so directly opposite, as that of leaving an
old, and I flatter myself a useful servant of the Crown, who has uniformly persevered in a
zealous attachm" to the Authority of Govern', not only neglected, but even. My Lord, marked
by measures that indicate displeasure. Such is my situation at the eve of life, when the
smiles of my Royal Master, would have sweetened the reflection of every difficulty I have
encountered in his service.
Well assured of the King's great goodness & impartial regard to all his faithful servants, I
must suppose he has not been well informed of my case, and that this must have proceeded
from an unfavourable impression, which your LordP's predecessor in office suffiired to prevail,
but on what account, I am at a loss even to conjecture. I now entreat your generous
attention. The interest and honour of Govern' is concerned ; I therefore with more confidence
presume to address you.
I cannot think of intruding so much upon your LordP'' indulgence, as would be necessary to
go thro' a recapitulation of the many occasions, on which 1 have been particularly engaged in
supporting the measures and authority of Govern', and of the resentments and difficulties to
which I have been exposed, from the prevailing contrary principles in others. Permit me only,
My Lord, to say, that I have been 50 years one of His Maj'^"'' Council, and the last 12 years
his Lieut' Gov' of this Province; throughout which length of years, my conduct has from time
to time received the approbation of the King and his Ministers ; nor had I ever reason to
think I had in any degree lost my credit, till since the year 1765. The Act of Parliament
passed in that year, your LordP knows, drew every person concerned in the execution of it,
into the most troublesome and delicate situation. The Officers appointed under the Act,
extricated themselves by resigning their appointments, whereby, the whole weight of
supporting the authority of Parliament, and the dignity of Govern', fell upon the Governors. In
this ardous duty, I found myself particularly engaged beyond any other Governor on the
Continent. This Prov" distinguished by its constitution from the Charter Govern", by
the residence of the Gov"" in a Fort, garrisoned by regular troops ; by the metropolis being the
head quarters of the general and Army, and at that time the station of several Men of War,
naturally excited the attention of all our Neighbours. If the strength of Govern' in this place
was not sufficient, under all these advantages, to support the authority of Parliament, how
could it be attempted in any other? Our Example was therefore of great consequence, and to
turn it against the admission of the Stamp duty, the most violent and daring measures were
pursued by the people, who seemed resolved to risk a dissolution of Govern' and the calamitys
of Anarchy rather, than to fail of success in their purposes. In this critical and truly alarming
situation, without any notice from the Ministry of the Act, or any instruction for my conduct,
I found my task hard indeed & difficult. The firmness with which I supported my conduct,
preserved the authority and honour of Government, I believe as far as could have been done
in such a situation. The Stamped papers were delivered to the Mayor and corporation of the
City, upon their humbly petitioning for them, and giving security to be answerable for the full
value of the paper and duty. His Majesty's Council agreed unanimously to this measure, and
pressed it, in very strong terms, as necessary to save the City from destruction. The
Commander in Chief of the army was of the same opinion, and advised me to comply.
What more, My Lord, could be done? That Anarchy & destruction were avoided; and the
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 329
authority of Govern' supported with such tolerable dignity, I flattered myself, would have
intituled me to a share of His Maj''''' favour and approbation ; but while every Man, I believe,
who had any place under the Stamp Act; or suffered any injury from the people on account
of it, even those who without the smallest attempt to support their Offices, threw them up, on
the first appearance of the displeasure of the people, have been since gratifyed and rewarded
in some way or other, I stand alone distinguished by utter neglect.
This, My Lord, was full sufficient cause of chagrin and disappointment, to a Man conscious
of having done his duty faithfully, but great as it was, it was still to be hightened. From a
casual accession to the Administration into which I since fell, by the death of Sir Henry
Moore, I was displaced by immediate appointment of another Gov"" in Chief; and this not, My
Lord, from any appearance of uneasiness among the people at my coming again into the
Administration, nor from any grounds to suppose that the affairs of Govern' would suffer, if I
was allowed to continue ; for at no time has the public business gone on more smoothly, or
the disposition of the People been more inclined to maintain tranquility, and render the Gov'
easy ; to add, as it were, a particular mark, of His Majesty's displeasure to this sudden removal,
it was ordered that I should be deprived of the advantages I received from my Administration.
A moyety of the salary given to me by Act of the Legislature, and of the emoluments annexed
to the Office which I executed, was demanded of me by order from Lord Hillsborough. A suit
was peremptorily commenced against me to compel the payment of what I withheld as being
as much my property, as any part of my Estate ; and to defend this Right, I was drawn into a
Court where the sole Judge was the person for whose Benefit the money was demanded — A
cruel and unprecedented oppression! — and to add to the misfortune, 1 was compelled, contrary
to the tenor of my whole life, to oppose, what was signified as His Majesty's pleasure, and to
show the demand to be illegal and unjust.
I cannot. My Lord, conceive, that measures, so much beneath the dignity of the Crown, so
destructive of confidence in Administration, tending directly to dispirit the friends, and to
encourage the Foes of Govern', could possibly have been adopted, had not my conduct been
somehow strangely misrepresented.
I entreat your Lord? to consider that 1 had the most difficult part to act in the disorders that
happened in the year 1765, and sustained a considerable loss at that time, and am the only
Officer who has neither been reimbursed nor rewarded ; and that I have still further suffered
by a very considerable expense in defending myself against the suit brought by Lord Dunmore.
I am confident, your Lord? will think it just that I should be no longer neglected, and that I
ought to receive, as all the other Officers have some recompence for my losses — some reward
for my zeal and fidelity in his Maj'J"'' service, and for the dignity and authority of Parliament.
There is no salary annexed to the Office of Lieut' GoV of this Prov"; and when the
Gov' in Chief is in the Prov'=% he has not a single perquisite. The Lieut' Gov"" of Massachusets
Bay, was in the same situation till lately, that the King, to recompense M' Oliver, ^ gave him
' Andrew Olivek, son of the Honorable Daniel Oliver a member of his Majesty's Council of Massachusetts, was born in
Boston in 1707, and was graduated at Harvard University in 1724. He sat as one of the representatives of Boston in the
General Court from 1743 to 1746, both years inclusive, 2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, X., 28, when he was elected a
Councillor. Drake's History of Boston, 623. Josiah Willard, secretaiy of the Province, dying, was succeeded by Mr. Oliver,
June, 1758, Ibid., 643, 645 ; Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts Bay, III., 75, note ; who was appointed distributor of stamps
in 1765, when his house was attacked by a crowd of citizens who obliged him not only to resign but to declare, upon oatli,
under the Liberty Tree, that he would never enforce the Stamp Act in America. He continued secretary, however, until
March, 1771, when he became Lieutenant-Governor; Mr. Hutchinson, whose wife's sister he had married, having been pro-
VoL. Vin. 42
g30 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the Office and annexed a salary of .£300 a year. I am persuaded that no man, who is
acquainted with my services and losses will tiiink that I deserve less favour or recompense
than he has obtained.
My Lord, \ am now near the end of my SS"" year. The period of my days cannot be distant.
Should the King be graciously pleased to grant me a salary as Lieut' Gov"" to recom pence my
losses, and be an honorable testimony of his Royal approbation of my conduct, I beg it may
commence on the IS"" o( October 1770. the day that Lord Dunmore arrived here, since which
the Office has not been of one penny advantage to me. The Custom house duties, or the quit
rents will be a proper fund for payment of whatever support or gratuity His Maj'^ may think
1 deserve.
I am — ettc.
Cadwallader Golden.
R(:presentation of tlie Lords of Trade on tlie New IlampsMre Grants.
[ New-Tork Entries, LXVIII., 4S7. ]
To the Right Hon'''^ the Lords of the Gommittee of His Majestys most Honorable Privy
Gouncil for Plantation Affairs.
My Lord
Pursuant to your Lordships Orders of the 17 day of June last we have taken into Our
consideration such parts of the papers thereunto annexed as relate to disorders which have
prevailed within the district between the Rivers-Hudson and Connecticut in consequence of a
variety of Questions & disputes which have arisen with respect to tittles to Lands and
Possessions within the said District on the Ground of different Grants made by the Governors
of His Maj'y'' Provinces of New York and New Hampshire whereupon we beg leave to report
to your Lordships
That the district between the said Rivers Hudson and Connecticut within which these
disorders and disputes have arisen lyes to the North of the Northern Limits of the Massachusets
Bay established in 1740 and is described to be of great fertility of very considerable extent and
abounding in many parts with very valuable Timber fit for Masts and other naval uses.
In early times the Government of the Massachusets Bay under its ancient Charter which
was vacated in 1GS4 assumed a Jurisdiction and granted Lands within that part of this district
which lies to the East of line drawn at twenty miles distance from Hudsons River and there
are now some Townships remaining which are derived under patents from that Colony and
moted to the place of Governor. Hutchinson, IIL, 333. In lYVS, several letters, ■written by these and other gentlemen to
persons in England, were obtained by Franklin and sent to Massachusetts. Great excitement followed and the General Court
petitioned the King to remove the one and the other from their respective offices in the Province. 1 Massachusetts Historical
Ci'lltclioiiii, II., 45. Unable now to endure the disquift and misery caused by his position, Mr. Oliver sunk under tlie burthen
end died at Boston, after a short illness, 31 March, 1774, aged B7. Allen. Though an estimable man, in private life, no one in
Massachusetts was more unpopulHr, and so violem. was the feeling against liim, that marks of disresp<'ct to his remains
were shown by the po:>ulace ut his fuTieral. Hu'chinson, III., 456, vote. Besides the letters above mentioned, Lieutenant-
Governor Oliver was llie author of seven letters signed Freeman, which were published in the Boston Censor in 1771, in
support of the Administration. 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, VI., 74. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 331
altho the Province of New York set up pretensions to tliis district under the General descriptive
Words of King Charles the 2'^ Patent to the Diii<.e of York in 1GG4 and the Governor of that
Colony did in late times make some Grants of Land witiiin the same yet it does not appear
that any attempts were made to disturb the possessions of the Proprietors of the ancient Towns
Settled under the Grants from the Province of Massachusets Bay nor were any eslablishnients
made competent to the exercise of any regular Jurisdiction therein But when hy the
determinalion of the boundary line between Massachusets Bay and New Hampshire in 1740 it
was declared that the latter of those Provinces should extend West from Werrimacks River
till it met with His Majesty's other Governments and when in consequence thereof the said
Province claimed to extend to within 20 Miles of Hudsons iliver the Government of New York
insisted upon their Claim with greater earnestness and the two Provinces became involved in
a Controversey which after much heat and altercation on both sides ended in 17-50 in an
agreement to refer the point in question to the Crown and each party made a Representation
of the state of their case; Bui after several hearings at the different [Boards] the Agents on both
sides desired further time to consult their Constituents and the War breaking out in America soon
after the bussiness was allowed to lye over till the restoration of Publick Peace when the dispute
being revived with much heat and animosity it [appeared] that the Governor of New Hampshire
had taken the opportunity pendente lite to grant away a very considerable Number of Townships
of six Miles square each in this County to the Westward of Connecticut River ( This proceeding
accompanied as it was with other disreputable Circumstances was fully stated in a Representation
made to His Majesty by this Board in 17G4 wherein it was recommended that his Majesty
by his Royal Adjudication and authority should put a period to these animosities and
disputes by declaring what should be the Boundary between the Provinces of New York and
New Hampshire and in consequence thereof His Majesty was pleased by his Royal Order
bearing date the 20''' day of July 17(i4 with the advice of this Privy Council to declare that the
Western Branch of the [fiver Connecticut from where it enters the Province of the Massachusets
Bay as far North as to the 45"" degree of Latitude should be the Boundary between the said
two Provinces Immediately after this decision which was accompanied with the usual
Reservation in Respect to private property M'' Colden upon whom the Administration of the
Government of New York had devolved granted warrants of Survey and issued Patents for
lands within the limits of several of the Townships granted by the Governors of New Hampshire
and several of those Surveys and Patents extending over Land under actual Improvement and
Settlement the Parties who conceived themselves injured by such proceedings not being able
as they alleged to obtain Redress in New York brought their complaint before His Majesty
in Council)
Upon a full hearing of those Complaints His Majesty was pleased by this order in Council
of the 24 of July 1767 to declare that no part of Lands lying on the Western side of the River
Connecticut within that district before Claimed by New Hampshire should be granted until
His Majestys further pleasure was known and an Instruction was accordingly given to the
Governor of New York directing him upon pain of His Majestys highest displeasure not to
presume to make any Grant whatever or to pass Warrants for the Survey of any part of the
said Lands until His Majestys pleasure should be signified concerning the same which Instruction
has been ever since continued in force and now forms the 49"" Article of the Code of General
Instructions given to M'' Tryon His Majesty's present Governor of New York.
I
332 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The power of Granting Lands within this district being thus suspended a Petition was
presented by several reduced Officers and Soldiers who had served in America during the late
war and being intitled to lands under His Majestys Royal Proclamation of Ocf 1763 had
previous to the above mentioned Order obtained Warrants of Survey for Lands within this
district praying that the Governor of New York, might be empowered to grant lands to such
of them at whose expense they had been located and Surveyed and to confirm to others the
Grants which had already been made and this Petition having been referred to this Board by
your Lordships Order of the 5 of July 1770 they in their Report thereupon of the 6 of June
1771 enterd fully and circumstantially into the consideration of the Question both as it
respected the Case of the Petitioners in particular as well as every other Species of Claimants
under whatsoever title or pretention submitting under each head such opinion and advice as
to them seemed best adapted for terminating all difficulties and disputes and putting that
valuable district into such a state of cultivation as repose as would make it happy in itself and
beneficial to the Mother Country.
The propositions contained in that report being of great extent and importance necessarily
requires a very serious Consideration and while this matter was under deliberation, the papers
annexed to your Lordships orders of reference and upon which we are now directed to report
Our opinions were received.
Upon examination of these papers they appear to Us to contain two objects of consideration
Viz«
1" The propriety or impropriety of reannexing to New Hampshire the Lands West of
Connecticut River which the Gov"' and Council of that Province represent to be a measure
of essential importance to its intents and of great Publick advantage.
2'><i]j The conduct of his Majestys Governor of New York in having in contradiction to the
letter of the 49"' Article of his Instructions taken upon him to pass Patents of Confirmation of
several of the Townships heretofore granted by the Government of New Hampshire within
that district and having also made other Grants of Lands within the same.
With regard to the first of these Considerations it does appear to us that the Representation
made by His Majestys Governor and Council of New Hampshire contains a variety of matter
well deserving your Lordships attention and we think there is but too good reason to believe
that many of the Proprietors of Lands in the Townships granted by the Gov' of New
Hampshire who have bona fide made actual Settlement and improvement thereon have
sustained great injury and suffered great oppression by the irregular conduct of the Gov'
and Council of New York, in granting Warrants of Survey for Lands under such actual
Settlement and Improvement yet such a reprehensible conduct on the part of the Kings
Servants in New York ought not in our Judgement to weigh in the scale of consideration
against those principles of true policy and sound Wisdom which appears to have dictated the
proposition of making the River Connecticut the boundary line between the two Colonies and
therefore we cannot advise your Lordships to recommend to his Majesty to make any
alteration in that Measure.
With regard to the conduct of His Majestys Governor of New York in having departed from
the letter of his Instruction [it is] matter which must be submitted to your Lordships
consideration upon the grounds and reasons assigned by that Gentleman in his letter of the 2 of
February last But we think it necessary [to submit] to your Lordships that it is a step of such
a nature as to have rendered nugatory and impracticable almost every proposition contained in
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 333
the Report of this Board of the 6 of June 1771 and has as well for that reason as on account
of the further information contained in these papers respecting the state of that District made
it necessary for us to take up the consideration of it upon New ground and to recommend to
your Lordships a variety of new propositions
Upon the fullest examination into all the circumstances which at present constitute the state
of that District and out of which the greatest disorders and confusions have arisen it seems to
us that the principal objects of attention in the consideration of any measures that can be
suggested restoring public Tranquility and quieting possessions are.
1" Those Townships which having been orriginally settled and established under Grants
from the Government of the Massachusets Bay fell within this District by the determination
of the Northern boundary of that province in 1740.
2""^ Those Grants of Lands made within this District by the Governor of New York previous
to the establishment of the Townships laid out by the Governor of New Hampshire after the
conclusion of the peace and which lands now lie within the limits of some one or other of
those Townships.
3rdiy Those Townships which having been originally laid out by the Governor of New
Hampshire either continue in the same state or have been confirmed by grants from New York
and also those which have since originated under Grants from the latter of those Colonies.
With regard to those Townships which fall under the first of the above mentioned description
when we consider their nature and origin and the numberless difficulties to which the original
Proprietors of them must have been subjected in the settlement of Lands exposed to the
incursions of the Savages and to every distress which the Neighbourhood of the French in time
of war could bring upon them and when we add to these considerations the great reason there
is to believe that the Grants were made upon the ground of Military Services against the
enemy we do not hesitate to submit to your Lordships our opinion that the present proprietors
of these Townships ought both in Justice and Equity to be quieted in their possessions and
that all Grants whatever made by the Government of New York of any Lands within the
limits of those Townships whether the degree of Improvement under the original Grant had
been more or less are in every light in which they can be viewed oppressive and unjust but as
we are sensible that each subsequent Grant made by the Government of New York however
unwarrantable cannot be set aside by any authority from his Majesty in case the Grantees shall
insist upon their titles we submit to your Lordships whether it might not be expedient in
order to quiet the original Proprietors in their possessions to propose that all such persons
who may claim possessions of Lands within the limits of such Townships under New York
Grants should upon condition of their quiting such claim receive a grant under the Seal of
New York upon the like terms and free of all expense of an equal number of acres in some
other part of the District lying between the Rivers Hudson and Connecticut and in Cases
where any actual Settlement or Improvement has been made by such Claimants that they
should in such Case receive fifty Acres of waste Lands for every three Acres they may
have improved.
With regard to those Grants made by the Governor of New York which fall within the
second description and upon which any actual improvement has been made they do appear to
us to deserve the same consideration and that the proprietors thereof ought not to be disturbed
in their possessions whether that improvement be to a greater or less extent but we beg leave
to observe to your Lordships that in both these Cases no Consideration ought to be had to
334 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
any claims where it shall appear that no regular possession has ever been taken and no actual
Settlement ever been made
With regard to those Townsliips which fall within the last mentioned description we submit
to your Lordships Our opinion that provided such Townsliips do not include Lands within the
limits of some antecedent Grant upon which actual improvement has at any time been made
it would be adviseable ihat they should be confirmed as Townships according to the limits
expressed in the Grants thereof and that all persons having possession of any shares in the
said Townships whether as original Grantees or by purchase or Conveyance and upon which
shares any actual improvement or Settlement has been made ought not in Justice to have been
or to be in future disturbed in the possession of such shares nor ought they to be bound to
any other conditions whether of Quit Rent or otiierwise than what is contained in the Grant.
Having thus stated to your Lordships every case that appears to us to deserve consideration
on the Ground of legal title followed by actual Settlement and Improvement we do not hesitate
to submit to your Lordships our opinion that all other lands whether the same be or be not
contained within the limits of any Township or of any other Grant whatever and of which
no possession has ever been taken or any actual Settlement or Improvement made should be
disposed of in manner following.
1" That such persons who claim possession of Lands under Grants from New York within
the limits of any of the Townships antiently established by the Government of the Massachusets
Bay have the first choise of such a quantity of the said Lands as shall be equivalent to the
quantity Granted within the said Townships excepting only in case of actual Improvement
upon such Grants they shall rective fifty for every three Acres so improved as has already
[been] suggested.
I^ndy That all commissioned an[d] non commissioned Officers and Soldiers who have in
consequence of the Proclamation of 1763 obtained Warrants of Survey from the Government
of New York for Lands within the District between Hudson and Connecticut Rivers and who
have not been able to compleat their Grants on account of the restriction contained in his
Mnjestys Instructions to his Governor of New York should be confirmed in the possession of
those Lands by immediate Grants provided such warrants of Survey do not include Lands
that have been actually settled and improved under some former Grant either of the Governor
of New York or of the Governor of New Hampshire in which Case it might be reasonable to
grant to the said OflScers and Soldiers an equivalent in some other part of the District
3'"5' That in every Township whether laid out under Grant from the Governor of New
Hampshire or that of New York a proper quantity not exceeding five hundred Acres be
reserved in some convenient part of the district as a Glebe for a protestant Minister and also a
proper quantity not exceeding two hundred and fifty Acres for a Schoolmaster
4'iiiy That the Residue of the said Lands which either have not been granted at all or which
having been granted have notwithstanding been without any actual Settlement or Improvement
pursuant to the conditions of the Grants should be granted and disposed of to such persons as
shall be desirous to take up the same upon the following terms and conditions Viz'
That each Grantee over and above the usual annual Quit Rent to be reserved in every
grant of 2|6 Sterling per hundred Acres shall upon the making such grant pay a further
consideration of five pounds Sterling for every hundred Acres.
The foregoing propositions are all which have occurred as necessary for your Lordships
immediate consideration so far as regards the Claims and pretensions which have been set up
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 335
and the disputes and Questions wliicii have arisen concerning titles to Lands within tliis
district and also to the best method of disposing of those Lands which in consequence of an
adjustment of those claims shall belong to the Crown but we beg leave to observe that there
are one or two other Considerations of a more general nature and import that will upon tiiis
occasion deserve attention.
We have already stated that the District in question between the Rivers Hudson and
Connecticut and particularly in the neighbourhood of the latter does abound in many parts of
it with Trees fit for masting for the Royal Navy and for other Naval purposes and we observe
from the minutes of the proceedings of the Council of New York that one of his Majestys
assistant Surveyors of the Woods in America especially appointed by the Lords of the Treasury
for the Survey of this District has made report to them of two Tracts of Land which he has
discovered upon Connecticut River containing a very considerable growth of White Pines and
therefore we think it Our duty to submit to your Lordships whether it wonid not be necessary in
whatever plan shall be adopted for the final Settlement of this valuable Country that the greatest
care should be taken and the most precise Instructions given that the Limits of those tracts
should be ascertained so as that they be not included within the Limits of any grants or any
Settlements made thereon and that if it shall so happen that any part of those tracts is included
within the limits of any grant already made and actual Settlement or Improvement has taken
place in consequence thereof that proper endeavours be used to induce the proprietors to quit
such possession by offering them grants of waste Lands in some other parts of th« District
equal in quantity to what is claimed by them in consequence of such possession with a further
allowance of fifty Acres of every three Acres under actual cultivation and Improvement
Another Case that appears to acquire particular consideration is the claim of the Society
for the propagation of ihe Gospel in foreign parts founded on a Reservation inserted by the
Governor of New Hampshire in the grants made by him of five hundred Acres in each
Township for the use of that Society a Reservation from which we conceive the Society could
not have drawn much advantage and that the best means of rendering the intention effectual
to the piouse purpose for which the Reservation was made would be to make conpensalion to
the Society at the rate of thirty pounds for each Township in the Grant of which such
Reservation was contained the said compensation to be made out of such moneys as shall arise
out of the sale of the forfeited Shares in the manner beforementioned.
The foregoing propositions together with what we have submitted to your Lordships upon
the Case of the Township of Kinsdalei which appeared to Us to require a seperate consideration
are all that have occured on the Subject matter of the papers annexed to your Lordships
Orders of reference of the l?'*" of June last so far as they relate to the claims to possessions
within the District that has been so long a bone of Contention between the Provinces of New
York and New Hampshire and by which Contention the public peace has been so greatly
disturbed and it only remains for us to state to your Lordships a short observation or two with
regard to the mode of regranting those parts of the Land in this District which after provission
has been made in the manner we have suggested for such claims as are in equity and Justice
objects of attention shall remain for his Majesty's disposal.
The circumstance that more particularly makes this an object of Consideration is the
proposition we have submitted for the Sale of these Lands for a valuable Consideration and
the necessity that there is therefore that the Grant or Conveyance should be burthen'd with
'Sic. Hindsdale. — Ed.
33g NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
as little expence as possible because the facility of selling them upon the plan and for the price
we have submitted will be greater or less in proportion to that expence and because we
conceive it will be utterly impossible to dispose of that all upon any such plan if the Grants [are]
to pass through all the forms now adopted in New York upon Grants of Lands and are to be
subject to the payment of the Fees at present taken by the Governor and other Officers of
that Colony.
We have upon former occasions found it necessary to take notice of the Complaints which
have been made of the injustice and extortion of the Servants of the Crown in New York in
this respect and we have at all times considered the liberty they have assumed to themselves
of taking greater and other fees upon Grants of Land, than what were established by the
Ordinance of the Governor and Council of the year 1710, as most unwarrantable and unjust.
By that Ordinance the fees allowed to be taken upon Grants of Land by the Governor the
Secretary and the Surveyor are considerably larger than what are at this day received for
the same Service in any other of the Colonies nor are fees allowed as we conceive to any
others Officers than those we have mention'd.
Of later times however the Governor the Secretary and the Surveyor have taken and
do now exact considerably more than double what that Ordinance allows and a number of
other officers do upon various pretences take fees upon all Grants of Land in so much that
the whole amount of these fees upon a Grant of one thousand Acres of Land is in many
instances not far short of the real value of the fee Simple and we think we are justified in
supposing that it has been from a consideration of the advantage arising from these exorbitant
fees that His Majesty's Governors of New York have of late years taken upon themselves
upon the most unwarrantable pretences to elude the restrictions contained in His Majestys
Instructions with regard to the quantity of Land to be granted to any one person and to
contrive by the insertion in one Grant of a number of names either fictitious or which if real
are only lent for the purpose to convey to one person in one Grant from twenty to forty
thousand Acres of Land an abuse which is now grown to that height as well to deserve your
Lordships attention In the present case however the only part for your Lordships
Consideration is whether you will not think fit if the measure we have suggested should be
adopted to advise His Majesty to give the most positive instructions to the Governor of New
York that upon any application made to him for the Lands proposed to be regranted on the
Conditions we have stated he do upon the payment of the consideration money to his Majesty's
Receiver General issue his warrant into the Secretaries Office, the Grant do pass without any
other form or process whatsoever and without any fees whatsoever to be taken either by
the Attorney General the Receiver General or the Auditor and that neither the Governor the
Secretary nor the Surveyor General do take any other fees than what are prescribed by
the Ordinance of 1710 which we have already observed are higher than what are now taken
by the same officers for the same Service in any other Colony
Upon the whole my Lords we are sensible that many difficulties will occur in the execution
of any plan that can be suggested for putting an end to those Disorders and Abuses which have
so long dishonored Government and disturbed the peace and quiet of a very valuable part of his
Majesty's possessions that it is impossible to suggest every proposition that may be necessary in
a case involved in so much difficulty and perplexity and that the practicability and impracticability
of those; we have now submitted will depend in great measure upon the acquiescence on one
hand and the obstinacy on the other of those whose different claims we have stated But if the
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 337
plan of accommodation we have chalked out, shall in the General outline of it meet with your
Lordships approbation it is all we can presume to hope for and it must be submitted to
your Lordships to advise His Majesty to take such steps thereupon as to your Lordships shall
seem meet and expedient.
We are
My Lords
Your Lordships
most obedient and
most humble Servants
Dartmouth
SoAME Jenyns
Bamber Gascoyne
Whitehall Grevtlle
Dec' 3" 1772. Garlies
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[Nevr-Tork Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXIV.]
N° 3.
Whitehall S"> December 1772.
Sir.
By the Packet which left new York the beginning of October I received your dispatches
N"^* 45 to 53. and have laid them before the King.
The inclosed copies of papers, which have been communicated to me by Lord Rocliford,' will
inform you of the State of the negociation with the Court of Spain, respecting the capture
and detention of the Hawke Sloop, Capt" Frisby ; and I am to desire you will acquaint M
Sullivan, agent for the owners of that sloop, that I have not failed to transmit to Lord
Rochford a copy of his letter to Lord Hillsborough, in order that the state of the damages
they have sustained may be sent to His Maj"''^ Ambassador at Madrid, together with the other
papers inclosed in your letter to me N» 45.
I am very glad you took occasion in passing thro' New Jersey, to concert with GoV
Franklyn, the steps proper to be pursued in order to the transmission of a regular return of
the determination of the Commissioners for ascertaining the boundary line between the two
provinces, and they are very much to be commended for having made provision for quieting
the possessions of the bona fide purchasers and settlers on the borders of the partition line.
Had the same attention been shewn in the case of the possessions of the purchasers and
settlers under the grants made by New Hampshire, within the district between the Rivers
Hudson & Connecticut, those unhappy disturbances, of which you have so repeatedly
' 'Wit.iiAM Henry Nassau de Zulestein, 4th Earl of Rocliford, was born 16th September, 1717, and succeeded to his father's
title in June, 1738. He was appointed Ambassador to Spain 8lh June, 1763, and to the Court of Versailles in 1706. He
became Secretary of State for the Korlhern department in 1768, Chatham Currespundence, liL, 338 ( compare the statement,
sttpra, UL, x.), and held the office until 1775. His Lordship died without issue 28th September, 1781. Dcbrell. — Ed.
Vol. VHL 43
338 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
complained, would I think not have happened. But I will not in this place, enter into any
further observations on that subject, or upon those parts of your correspondence which relate
to the purchases by private persons of large tracts of Land from the Indians, and to grants of
land in general, as those matters which are now under the examination of the Board of Trade,
will, in consequence of their Reports, be for the King's consideration in His Privy Council,
and will probably become the subject of a separate letter.
With regard to the case of Felix Meigs,' as stated in the papers inclosed in your letter N"
49. It is the King's pleasure that you do act therein according to your own judgement
pursuant to the authority contained in your Commission, which having vested in you a
discretioTiary power of pardoning in all cases where the persons shall appear fit objects of
mercy (excepting only those who may have been convicted of Treason or Murder) I am
persuaded you will upon further reflection, see the impropriety of granting a reprieve, 'till the
King's pleasure should be known, in any case not within those exceptions.
The settlement of the partition line between New York, and Massachusets Bay, is, as you
very properly observe, a business of very great importance, and when I reflect that it is now
more than five years since the King was graciously pleased to refer the determination of it to
Commiss" to be appointed by each province, I am at a loss to guess at the motives for delay in
a matter the speedy decision of which, they are both equally interested in.
The paper inclosed in your separate despatch of the 1*' of October will be very useful when
the Canada Claims, upon Lake Champlain come into discussion, but I think it proper to
observe that there are no facts stated in that paper, which alter the sentiments expressed in
my last Dispatch, in regard to the unreasonableness of the pretence set up by New York, that
all the Lands to the South of the River S' Lawrence, belonged of Right to the Crown of Great
Brittain, as part of that Colony.
I am ettc.
Dartmouth.
Earl of Dartmoutli to Governor Tnjon.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXIV. ]
N-i.
Whitehall. 9. December 1772
Sir
By the Packet that sailed from New York in November, I received your Dispatches N°' 1. 2
& 3. and have laid them before the King.
I have already acquainted you, in my letter of yesterday's date, that the State of the District
between the Rivers Hudson and Connecticut would probably become the subject of a separate
letter, in consequence of a Report of the Board of Trade ; and therefore I shall decline taking
any other notice, in this place, of the continuance of the disturbances on the Lands in that
district, than barely to express my hope, that the question wh"^" have occasioned those
' Fblix Meigs, of the city of New-York, bontman, was, at the July Term of the Supreme Court, in the year 1772, convicted
of passing counterfeit Bills of credit and sentenced to death. He was reprieved on the 8th September following and finally
pardoned 19th April, 1773. Book of Commhsioiis, VI., 76. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 339
disturbances, will shortly be determined in a manner that by giving satisfaction to all parties,
will be more effectual to restore quiet, than the interposition of any Military Force, which
ought never to be called in to the aid of the Civil authority, but in cases of absolute and
unavoidable necessity, and which would be highly improper if applied to support possessions,
which after order issued in 1767 upon the petition of the proprietors of the N. Hampshire
Townships, mayt be of very doubtful title. —
I am ettc.
Dartmouth.
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[ Ncw-Tork Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXIV.]
Whitehall. 9. Dec-- 1772.
Sir,
As I have mentioned to you in my Dispatch of this day's date N° J. that the state of what
has passed respecting the lands between the Rivers Hudson & Connecticut and also respecting
grants of Lands in General, would probably be the subject of a separate letter, I must not loose
tiiis opportunity of telling you that the Reports of the Board of Trade upon those subjects have
not yet been decided upon at the Council Board, and therefore the instructions which T am to
give, in consequence of their LordPP' determination, must be deferred till the next Packet — It
becomes my duty however, in obedience to the King's commands, to acquaint you, that the
deviations from the letter, & spirit of the Kings instructions in respect to the New Hampshire
Townships to the west of Connecticut River; to grants of Land to the North of Crown point,
and to liicenses to private persons to purchase lands of the Indians, are very much disapproved
by the King, and that the reasons assigned by you for that deviation in the first of those cases
do not appear at present either to excuse or extenuate a disobedience to the King's commands
declared in the most clear and positive manner.
I am further to acquaint you that the sentiments expressed in Lord Hillsborough's letter to
you of the i'*" day of December 1771. concerning the unwarrantable and collusive practice of
granting Lands in general are fully adopted by the King's servants, and I was exceedingly
surprised to find that such an intimation to you on that subject had not had the effect to restrain
that practice, & that the same unjustifiable collusion had been adopted to a still greater extent
in the Licenses you have granted to purchase Lands of the Indians.
As all the facts however, are now under examination in the privy Council, I will not
anticipate their Lord^P' resolutions thereupon; but in the mean time it is the King's pleasure
and positive command that you do not, upon any pretence whatever, sign any Grant or Patent
for those Lands ; that you do not either upon your own judgement, or by the advice of others,
presume to depart from the letter of the King's Instructions, or to Act contrary in any respect
to such explanations of them as you may have received from those to whom His Maj'^ has
intrusted the signification of his commands, which commands ought ever to be held sacred,
and which it will be my duty to see obeyed, so long as I continue in the situation in which His
Majesty has been graciously pleased to place me —
I am ettc
Dartmouth.
340 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmoxdh.
[ Plantalions General (S. P. 0., No. 2 ) CCLIX. ]
Johnson Hall Dec 26. 1772
My Lord
Since I had the honor of writing to your Lordship which was on the 4"" of Nov"' last I have
receiv** sundry accounts from the Southward of the Schemes in agitation in that quarter
amongst the Indians, which tho carried on with the utmost secrecy have not escaped the
observation of my Agents & of the Six Nations, what these will terminate in must depend on
the success of my negociations & endeavors to counteract them, but their present obvious
tendency is to form such an alliance as may enable them to act offensively against us, and so
far intimidate the Six Nations and their fast friends, as to prevent their taking any part in our
quarrell, being under more real apprehension from our Indian allies, than from any force they
expect we can send against them & several of the Nations to the South Westward are so sensible
of this that they have proposed an attack on the Six Nations first, as a necessary measure
previous to their farther designs, well knowing that Indians when they heartily engage in a
cause are the most dangerous enemies to Indians, from the knowledge they have of each other,
the Nature and situation of the back Country and the mode of Indian warfare — The common
report that they propagate, is, that they mean to enter into a general alliance amongst themselves
but the secret designs of several nations amongst them have been sufficiently detected & in
some circumstances proved to have a much worse tendency, than a mere pacific alliance altho
there is no general alliance amongst them that does not bode troubles to us. But in order to
render their measures the more secure as all their endeavours to shake the fidelity of the Six
Nations have proved abortive, a few of the Shawaneese and Delawares have lately resolved on
sending a deputation either to the Colonies or to England to represent that the six Nations
have long acted unfriendly towards them that they want protection against them, and the
Governm' may give such orders or make such establishments for their releif, as may render
them independent of the Six Nations should they succeed in this scheme, they are sensible that
the Northern confederacy can not fail of showing their resentment as an ill requital for the
faithfull attachment of the greatest part of their People, to whose conduct we are really much
indebted, & on whose future fidelity a valuable part of our frontiers, and the most valuable
part of our Trade does solely depend, as they therefore make no doubt that should they meet
with success, the resentment of the Six Nations will be kindled against the English, so they
expect to avail themselves thereof by drawing them into that alliance which they have hitherto
rejected, for allso ' they are not at bottom fond of the Six Nations, they nevertheless eagerly wish
to draw them into their schemes, from the influence of their name and the power which their
situation affords them to distress us. The Plan for forming a secret alliance is pretty general
amongst them, but this scheme for drawing in the Government as an Instrument, which I have
very lately detected, has been only as yet agitated by a few who of themselves are very
inconsiderable and may possibly be laid aside, However I judged it a necessary part of my
duty, to lay the same before your Lordship for His Majestys information. Some of these
People have of late effected to be disatisfied with the six Nations under various pretences,
which may serve to impose on those who are ignorant of their real designs, and that they have
' Sic. altho. — Ed.
LONDOxV DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 341
long endeavoured th[r]o' means of the six Nations Emigrants in Oldo to draw them into their
Confederacy for they have no real ohjection to the 6 Nations but the general attachment of the
latter to the English, one recent instance of which they can neither forget or forgive, when in
the late Indian war a large party which I sent out attacked a Party of Delawares who were
destined against our frontiers, & then very near one of our best settlements, of whom they made
forty prisoners with their cheif Cayi'^ Bull who had himself killed twenty eight English the year
before as he confessed to me and this eflectually humbled the Delawares at that time, as they
expected that we should put these Prisoners to death, if they continued the war — Your Ldp may
be assured that nothing shall be wanted on my part to prevent the evil effects of any of their
secret schemes, or associations but even if this should be found impracticable, I flatter myself
that with the countenance and support of His Majesty, I can convince them that we have a
sufficient number in His Matys Interest who would gladly display their fidelity on such
an occasion
Since writing the foregoing (in which I was interrupted by the arrival of several Onondaga
Cheifs) I have had the honor to receive your Lordships despatch of the 27"" of September (2)
by which I am happy to find that my sentiments concerning the acts of cruelty committed by
Ramsay correspond with those of your Lordship I have lately heard that thro' the want of a
material evidence who by some means was permitted to escape from one of the out Posts
nothing was done in his affair, but I understand he is still in confinement, tho' I have little
expectation of its final issue in any manner satisfactory to the Indians, who when ever ill
disposed, are well pleased with our delaying or denying justice as it serves for a pretext to
commit hostilities, a pretext we should never afford them
I take the liberty to mention to your Lordship, that the gentleman who is at present
Secretary for the Indian affairs (an office always held under the Royal Commission) is aged
and of late very infirm. As the department may suffer much by the appointment of Gentlemen
who are ignorant of the form & Duties of that office, I should therefore humbly hope that
when a vacancy happens, your Lordship will indulge me with the liberty of mentioning a
candidate for that office
I have the honour to be with profound respect
My Lord
Your Lordships
most obedient and
The Right Honble, most humble servant
The Earl of Dartmouth W.Johnson
No
Governor Tiyon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXV. ]
New York. January 1773.
My Lord
The legislative body of this Colony at their last session having passed an Act for establishing
a Militia, Commissions have been since issued by Govern' for forming the militia in most of the
342 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Counties in this Prov", and it is with a hope that the intelligence may be grateful to my Royal
Sovereign, that I presume to trouble Your Lord? with the information that the revival of a
militia Law, has been well received by tiie Inhabitants, and that the Officers, in general, have
discovered a laudable emulation of appearing and acting up to their appointments, and that
the desire of acquiring a knowledge in the Art Military, is equally conspicuous even among
those of the rank and file.
Commissions for raising several Independant Companies in this City having been given to
some Gentlemen of the first families and distinction, on condition, that they cloathed, armed &
accoutred them at their own expense, the following Companies were soon formed : viz' two
Companies of Cadets or Governor's Guards, one of Grenadiers, one of light infantry, one of
Rangers, one of Germans, & three of Artillery, forming together upwards of five hundred
Men. On the 7"' of last month, I received' them excepting two companies of Artillery, not
then in uniform, drawn up in one Batallion, when they went through the manual exercise,
and evolutions, with greater exactness and spirit, than could possibly have been expected from
the few opportunities they had had of exercising together. Their regularity, good order, and
soldierlike appearance, gave general satisfaction to all present ; and I may venture to say it
was the most brilliant Militia Review that was ever had, within His Maj'J''' American
dominions. These nine companies, when compleated, will amount to nearly seven hundred
Men, all volunteers. A body that will be of more real service in case of necessity, than treble
the number of the militia composed of the Inhabitants generall)'. — I am with the highest
respect & esteem
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient servant
W"" Tkyon.
Governor Try on to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-Tork Papers (8. P. O.) CLXV.]
N" 9.
New York. 5. January 1773.
My Lord.
I have received your LordP's dispatch of the 4"" of November N° 2. His Majesty's
approbation of my endeavours to become acquainted with the state of the different parts of
the Colony, that I may be the better qualified to discharge the important trust, which he has
so graciously honored me, demands my most grateful acknowledgments ; and I return your
LordP my sincere thanks for the obliging manner in which you have been pleased to
communicate so valuable a Mark of favour, as well as for the indulgent sentiments which you
have hitherto entertained of me.
I entreat your Lord? to believe that if in any instance, I have been so unfortunate as to
transgress the bounds of my duty, it has wholly proceeded from misconception, and not from
a disregard of the rule, by which I am directed to walk.
' Sic. Qu ? reviewed. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 343
It has long been an instruction which equally bespeaks the wisdom and justice of the
Crown, that no lands shall be granted, without a previous purchase from the Native Occupants.
At the same time, the Govern' here have thought it good policy to embrace every favourable
opportunity of promoting the improvement and cultivation of the Country, by a compliance
with the inclinations of the Mohoks, when they chose to cede their Rights. But no <und
being provided for this purpose, recourse has always been had to the subject, with whose
money advanced on the faith of a License from the Gov% with the advice of the Council, the
price was paid.
Formerly, it was left to the Petitioners to make the purchases at their own directions, but
this being too frequently attended with unfairness, & giving rise to discontents among the
Indians, His Majesty was pleased by the eighty fifth instruction, to direct the mode to obtain
licenses for Indian purchases, and in all consequences' of this nature, there is an express
declaration of trust for those, who obtained the License, & paid the consideration.
To such only as have been attended with this solemnity have I paid the least regard, nor
have I been able to discover an instance where these have proved an occasion of uneasiness
or complaint.
At the late Congress, in July last, I was apprehensive of no restraint, but what is enjoined
by the above mentioned Instruction, and I flattered myself, that I was in the faithful discharge
of my duty, in consenting to the purchases and Grants which in conformity thereto, then
took place.
In full confidence of the quiet enjoyment of those lands, a number of His Maj'^'» subjects
have already expended, as is estimated, near £5000. curr: including purchases and surveys,
and a valuable Tract, freed from the Indian claim, will be open to cultivation, and subject to
the payment of a quit Rent to his Maj'J'.
Under these circumstances it is humbly submitted, to your Lord? whether it would not be a
real hardship, and greatly lessen the respect, which for His Maj'^'' interest ought to preserved
to the Acts of his Govern', if titles regularly obtained, according to the mode established for
settlement, as it is understood by the officers of the different departments, should suffer
any impeachment.
If any alteration is thought necessary, it will not be more my duty, than it is my sincere
inclination, to yield the most implicit obedience to His Maj*''"' commands; at the same time, I
should be unworthy of a public trust, if I concealed my apprehensions, that any expedient,
suspending letters patent to a purchaser after a sale lawfully obtained with his own money
from the Indians, must prove a great discouragement to the cultivation of the frontier parts
of the province, where a strong barrier against any future attempts of the western Savages,
seems so desirable.
To pretended, fraudulent, or private purchases, I have, and shall continue to give all the
discountenance and opposition in my power, and shall make it my study to do the Indians,
upon every occasion, the stricktest Justice, to conciliate their affections, and to preserve among
them the happy temper, which distinguished the late Congress.
The opinion I presumed to give Your Lordship respecting the Canadian Claims, was
grounded on the following facts, which if I am righly informed are capable of satisfactory
proof. I hope considering the importance of the subject, to be excused in submitting them to
your LordP's consideration.
344 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Dutch, who first settled this Colony, claimed the whole of Connecticut River and Lake
Champlain, and all the Country to the Southward of the River S' Lawrence down to Delaware
River; this appears from many ancient Maps, and particularly from Blau's and Ogilhy's, which
I have had an opportunity of seeing. — In 1664. King Charles the Second granted this Country
to the Duke of York, expressly comprehending all the Lands from the west side of
Connecticut River.
On a late actual Survey, by Commiss" from this and Quebec Govern*, the head of that River>
Is found to lie, several miles to the Northward of the Latitude of forty five degrees, lately
established by his Majesty as the boundary between this Colony and Quebec.
A West line therefore from the head of Connecticut River (which will comprehend Lake
Champlain) has been always deemed the ancient boundary of New York, according to the
Royal grant; nor has been abridged but in two instances. His Maj'^'" proclamation limiting
the extent of Quebec, and an argument confirmed by the Crown with Connecticut. Every Act
and Commission subsequent to King Charles's grant, describes the province in General words:
" The Province of New York and the territories depending thereupon" and supposes its limits
to be notorious, and properly established by that grant. On this principle the Judicatories,
here have grounded their determinations, in suits between the New York Patentees, and the
N. Hampshire claimants. The original Colony of New Hampshire as it was granted by
the Council of Plymouth, and confirmed by the Crown about the year 1635, lay altogether
on the East side of Connecticut River, which it did not reach by 20 miles. As it was new
modelled, and enlarged by the Commission to Gov''Benning Wentworth in 1742. No distance
from the sea, or station, is given ; but it is " bounded to the West by the King's other Govern","
and could not comprehend the Lands on the West side of Connecticut River which were
already a part of New York, as established by the Grant of the Crown abovementioned.
Hence on the footing of original Right, our Courts determined, that the New Hampshire
Grants, were void for want of legal authority in that Govern'. They considered His Maj'^''
order in Privy Council in 1764. as a confirmation of a prior Right, and not as having altered or
enlarged the ancient Jurisdiction.
I am now cautious to give an opinion on the propriety of this decision ; but barely mention
the principles as they have been represented to me for your LordP's information.
Whether the Dominions of the French in Canada interfered with the bounds of this Colony
as anciently established by King Charles the Second, remains to be considered. All the
Country to the Southward of the River S' Lawrence originally belonged to the Five Nations
or Iroquois, and as such, it is described in the abovementioned and other ancient Maps, &
particularly Lake Champlain is there called "Meredes Iroquois," Sorel River, which leads
from the lake into the River S' Lawrence " Rivier des Iroquois," and the Tract on the East side
of the Lake, Irocoisia.
So early as the year 1683, the Five Nations, by Treaty with the Gov' of New York,
submitted to the Sovereignty and protection of Great Brittain, and have ever since been
considered as subjects, and their Country as part of the Dominions of the Crown.
By the Treaty of Utrecht, the French King expressly recognized the Sovereignty of Great
Brittain over those Nations.
Godfrey Deliius's purchase from the Mohocks, and grant under the Seal of New York in the
year 1696. is esteemed a memorable proof of the Riglit of this Province, under the Crown, to
the Lands on Lake Champlain. It comprehends a large Tract extending from Soraghtoga
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 345
along Hudson's River, the Wood Creek, and Lake Champlain, on the East side upwards of
twenty miles, to the northward of Crown Point; and it is thought, a circumstance of no small
importance, that this grant was repealed by the Legislature in the year 1699. as an extravagant
favour to one subject; which Act would have been a nullity if that territory had not been
within the jurisdiction of this ProV'
Altho' the Canadians by their Savage depredations had long obstructed the settlement of
tins Frontier part of the Colony, it was not till the year 173L that, in profound peace, they
took possession of Lake Champlain and ordered Fort S' Frederick at Crown [Point]; and
afterwards another Fort at Ticonderoga. This was regarded as an act of hostility, and as such
complained of and resented ; and the Colonies before the late War, to disappoint so dangerous
a project, raised money and Troops to erect Fortifications on His Majesty's lands, at, or near
Crown Point. The operations became more general, and the success of his Maj''''' arms,
rendered it unnecessary.
The French had endeavoured to fortify their encroachments by negociations; in 1756. their
Ambassador insisted as a condition of the Convention then proposed that Great Brittain should
relinquish her claim to the South side of the River S' Lawrence, and the lakes which discharge
themselves into that River; a demand which was peremptorily rejected, and put an end to the
conference. I depend, my Lord on Entiv's' history of the late war for the truth of this fact,
If it is well founded, it seems to show in a strong point of light the sense of the Crown at that
crisis, respecting the territory under consideration
If it was necessary. My Lord, to add prior instances of the encroachments of the Canadians,
I would beg leave to refer Your Lord? to Governor Burnet's speeches to the General Assembly
of this Province, in 1725, 1726 & 1727. and the resolutions of that house stated in their
Journals, deposited in the Plantation Office, on the subject of those encroachments. That
Gov% in his speech of the SO'"" Sept' 1727. has these remarkable words: "1 have the
•« satisfaction to inform you, that your Agent has been very active in solliciting the affairs of
"this Prov", and particularly that he has succeeded in obtaining, that pressing instances
"might be made at the Court of France, against the Stone House built at Niagara" ettc.
This shows that the Govern' at home so early as that period viewed this measure of the
Frencii as an encroachment on the limits of this Colony.
I assure your Lord? that I had no idea that the decision of this controversy could affect
the ancient possessions of any of his Maj'^'' new subjects. Unacquainted with their
settlements, on, and near the south side of the River S' Lawrence, I carried my views no
further than the province over which I preside; and which, as it is now limited does not
include the whole of Lake Champlain. I liave frequently been informed, by those on whom
I thought I could depend, that when the French, on the approach of Sir Jeflry Amherst in
1759. abandoned Crown Point, there were found no ancient possessions, nor any improvements,
worthy of consideration on either side of the Lake. The Chief were in the environs of the
Fort, and seemed intended meerly for the accommodation of the Garrrisons, and I have reason
to believe, that even at this day, there are very few, if any, to the Southward of the latitude
forty five, except what have been made since the peace, by British subjects under the grants
of this Colony.
' Sic. The General History of the late War: By the Reverend Juhii Ealick, II. A., and other Gentlemen. LonJon: 1764.
6 vols. 8vo. — Ed.
Vol. VOL 44
346 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I had the honor of transmitting to the Earl of Hillsborough a paper on this subject drawn
up by Council here, at the request of the reduced Officers, to whom and the disbanded
Soldiers a very considerable part of the Country on the East side of Lake Champlain, hath been
granted in obedience to His Maj'^'' Royal proclamation. The proof of several material facts,
which influenced my opinion, are there stated, and to which 1 beg leave to refer your LordP.
I am extreamly concerned to have been so unfortunate as to prolong the dispute with the
N. Hampshire claimants, as its speedy determination is become so essential to the peace and
prosperity of the Colony. My anxiety is greatly increased from the additional trouble it is
likely to give your Lord? and the Board of Trade. I can truly say in my justification, that
what I did, was with the best intentions, and from an opinion that the security of the
claimants, on terms which would give them satisfaction, was the object of the restraint. I
was willing to make a sacrifice of interest by accepting half the customary fees. On their
part, they removed what had hitherto been a great obstacle, by consenting to pay the New
York Quit rents of two shillings and six pence sterling a hundred acres, instead of that reserved
by their New Hampshire Charters. Importunate and clamorous as they were for titles under
this Govern', I feared unless they were gratified, the spirit of riot and disobedience, which so
unhappily prevailed at Bennington, and the other eastern parts of the County of Albany,
would spread itself into Cumberland and Gloucester Counties bordering on the West Banks
of Connecticut River, where the Townships in question lye, and which had hitherto preserved
a due respect for his Majesty's authority. I therefore ventured to adopt the expedient, which
to my great regret I found so inconvenient, and which I cannot but lament since it fails of
your LordP's approbation.
I flatter myself, that my conduct with respect to the grant to Coll: Howard, of which the
people of Hinsdale complain, will be justified from a Review of the circumstances which
attended it.
It was not a grant issued by me officially, bi;t in obedience to His Maj'^'' Mandamus. The
setting out of the Tract was not left to the Commissioners of the Crown, but a right of Election
vested in Coll : Howard, of any ten thousand acres, within the Prov", not before granted or
surveyed to others, and not posessed or claimed by the Indians ; an act of so high and solemn
a nature was considered not only as superceding the restraints with respect to the Lands
claimed by New Hampshire, but also the ordinary mode of granting lands, by the intervention
of the Gov' & Council here. When therefore Colonel Howard demanded a grant on the West
side of Connecticut River, I thought it my duty to affix the seal without hesitation.
It was not, as well as I recollect, till afterwards that I was informed that some inhabitants
who were settled on part of those lands pretended a claim under the Massachusets Bay; a
circumstance of which I am persuaded not an officer of the Govern' was apprized. I was
favoured with a letter from Gov"' Hutchinson on this subject, which induced Coll: Howard, to
get his case stated for his Excellency's satisfaction. As it would be tedious to detain your
LordP by a detail of the merits of that Claim, I beg leave to transmit a copy of the case, and
my correspondence with Gov' Hutchinson on that head for your LordP's thorough information.
It appears to me, that any claim under the Massachusets to those lands is destitute of legal
foundation, and that the offer Coll: Howard made to the occupants when he became acquainted
with their circumstances, was too generous to leave room for complaint.
I am with the highest respect and esteem — My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient humble serv'
W"" Tryon.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 347
JEarl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers (8. P. O.) CLXY. ]
Whitehall 3. Feb'^ 1773.
Sir.
I have received your despatches of the 1" and 2""^ of Dec'' and have laid them before the King.
It is very much to be wished both for the interest of the Crown and the public that the
extent, justice and legality of the claims of the proprietors of the Hardenburgh patent could be
brought into judgement and decided upon a single suit at Law, but the mode you propose of
bringing on that discussion by a grant to Coll: Bradstreet of a part of the Lands does not
appear to me either so regular & proper as that which has been already adopted, and it is I
think, the less so as I understand from your letter of the 1" of Dec'' that a verdict has been
already given on a process of Intrusion. You will therefore acquaint Coll: Bradstreet with
my difficulties, assuring him that on any other occasion, I shall be happy to show him every
attention due to his great merit and services.
The State of the Country west of Connecticut River, and your representation of the disorders
which have prevailed from the want of a decision upon disputes that had arisen respecting the
different claims to land, was one of the first objects of my attention upon my coming into office,
and I so far prevailed in my wishes to bring that business forward, as to obtain a very full and
immediate discussion of it at the Board of Trade.
The forming an opinion upon a matter that involved questions of the greatest difficulty,
necessarily took up sometime, but by a diligent and close application their LordPP' were enabled
to make their Report to the privy Council on the S"* of December, and I have the satisfaction to
acquaint you, that My Lord President fully apprized by me of how great consequence it is
to your ease and happiness, that this matter should receive a speedy decision, has assured me,
that it shall be taken up the very first day the Committee meets.
I am ettc.
Dartmouth.
Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Golden,
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXV. ]
Whitehall. 3 February 1773.
Sir,
I have received your letter of the 1" Dec' & laid it before the King.
I beg leave to assure you that it will always give me great pleasure to promote the advantage
of every meritorious servant of the Crown, and to lay before His Maj'^ a just representation of
their long and faithful services ; but as it is not the King's intention to annex salaries to the
Office of Lieut' Gov'^ in the Colonies, I cannot take upon me to recommend to His Maj'^ to
grant your request of a salary as Lieut' Gov'' of New York. In the instance of M"' Oliver of
Massachusets Bay, which you quote as a precedent, the allowance which the King thought fit
348 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to make that Gentleman, was in consideration of iiis having resigned a lucrative Office, and
was not given as a salary only annexed to his appointment of Lieut' Gov', and does not
therefore in any respect apply to your case.
I am. ettc.
Dartmouth.
£!arl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson.
[ PlantatioDs General ( 8. P. 0., No. S. ; CCLIX. ]
WhiteHall Feb^ Z^ 1773
Sir
By the last Packet from New York I received your Dispatches No' 1 & 2.
In your letter of the 4"' of Nov' you refer to a paper mentioned to have been transmitted
and which you state to be a copy of the most material fart of the late Congress at Johnson Hall but
as that paper has by some mistake not been sent, what I have to say to you upon that business
must be confin'd to y' observations contained in your letter
In general I am sorry to find from the Report made of what is passed at Scioto that our
neighbours on the Mississippi have still the means by Talks and Messages of keeping up that
jealousy, discontent & enmity towards us among the Western Nations which may hereafter
when an opportunity offers prove fatal to the security of the British Dominions in that part of
America, and I see this with the greatest concern, and my apprehensions of the ill consequences
are the stronger as the ill humour is every day increase and our only hope of preventing that
dangerous union of Interests that appear to be forming rests upon the friendship of the Six
Nations and their acquiescence in that extension of settlement which has apparently given so
much offence to other Tribes who both claim to possess the Country
From what has heretofore passed with the Six Nations upon this subject I am to presume
that no difficulties will occur on their part to the measure His Majesty has thought fit to adopt for
establishing a Government up the Ohio, but I must observe that your letter does not state that
any thing conclusive was said by them by way of answer to the communication that you was
directed to make to them of the Kings intentions in that respect and I must candidly confess
to you that the proposition which you have made to the Senecas of withdrawing from their
possession on the South side of the Ohio appears to have been founded upon Reasons &
Arguments which induce an apprehension that very great difficulties will occur in carrying
the intended Plan of Settlement into execution unless the other Tribes who reside within the
Limits of the proposed Colony can be brought into the same measure which I fear will be
impracticable though the Senecas should have consented to it, which however does not appear
from your letter.
The advantages of a regular Plan for Indian Trade are apparent and the want of it in the
present situation is very much to be lamented, But as I apprehend there is not sufficient
authority in the Crown for the execution of such a Plan ; and as the Colonies do not seem
disposed to concur in any general Regulations for that purpose, I am at a loss to suggest any
mode by which this important service can be otherways provided for than by the interposition
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 349
of the authority of the Supreme Legislature the exertion of which would be in such a case
unadviseable untill Truth & Conviction have removed the unhappy prejudices which have so
long prevailed in the Colonies on this subject.
I am very sensible of the obliging expressions with respect to myself contained in your
letter of the 3'''' of Nov"' and it will give me great pleasure upon every occasion in the course of
my correspondence with you in the office His Majesty has been graciously pleased to place me
to do justice to the Desert of so meritorious an officer and so faithful a servant of the King
I am &c Sec"
To Sir William Johnson Bart Dartmouth
Noie.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New- York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLSV. ]
New York. 7 Feby 1773.
My Lord,
I received last evening, from M"' Elliot^ His Maj'^'^ Commission under the seal of great
Brittain, and the proceedings had thereon, relative to the partition line between the Govern"
of New York and New Jersey, requesting, I would transmit the same to His Maj'^. M' Jay,
clerk to the Commiss" refusing to deliver up the Commission and papers unless authorized by
an express order of the Crown under the great Seal, or act of the Legislature, I yesterday
passed a Bill of that tenor, a copy of which is herewith transmitted, with the Commission and
papers, also Gov"" Franklyn's letter to me inclosing an Act of the Assembly of New Jersey,
which was obtained in consequence of the conference I had at Amboy last September with
the Gov' & other parties concerned in the premises — Should these proceedings meet with his
Maj'''"' approbation, we may, I hope, soon receive the Royal confirmation to the territoria
Jurisdiction between the two Govern"
Your Lord' will observe the Great Seal is entirely defaced and reduced to a small Lump of
wax, which is the case of almost all the great seals sent from Great Brittain, occasioned by its
being chiefly composed of Rosin which is reduced to powder by the friction of the voyage,
Were the seals to be formed of a proper mixture of Bees wax and Turpentine without any
Rosin, they would arrive uninjured ; a circumstance not without its weight as the validity of
those instruments have been doubted to which the Great seal has been affixed and defaced, like
the one to this Commission.
I am with all possible respect and Esteem,
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient Servant
W-" Tryon.
' Supra, p. 96. — Ed.
350 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXV. ]
N»18.
New York. 8. Febry 1773.
My Lord,
As the motives of my conduct in the Land Depart"' have been fully set forth in my former
correspondence and particularly as those parts in which I have been so unhappy as to incur
His Maj"'"' displeasure are stated at large in my dispatch to your Lord? N" 9. I have nothing
fartlier to urge in my justification except an explanation of my conduct, on an additional
weight of displeasure contained in your Lord^'s separate letter of the Q"" of December 1772.
in pursuing the usual methods of granting lands, after the receipt of the Earl of Hillsborough's
letter of the 4"* of Dec"' 1771. by the intimations and import of that letter, I understood
the reformation in the land Office was to originate at home ; and as I lost no time in sending the
fullest representation of the method practiced in this Govern', in the disposal of the King's
lands, I considered my changing the mode then in use, before I received fresh Instructions,
would create confusion rather than order. I therefore waited to be informed of the King's
pleasure on the informations transmitted to the Earl of Hillsborough with my Dispatch of the
ll"- of April 1772. N° 28.
It is my duty to explain the motives of such points of my conduct as stand impeached, and
I have here done it in conformity to that idea, altho' it should neither extenuate nor excuse
my disobedience.
The Governors, My Lord, of His Maj'^'' Colonies on this Continent, meet with many
Thorns in the Paths of their Administrations, and if they are not allowed on extraordinary
emergencies, to put a liberal interpretation on his Maj'^'^ instructions, and the Kings Ministers
as liberal a construction on the Governor's Conduct, the most faithful servant of the Crown in
that Station, cannot long keep his ground, or preserve his Govern' in peace. These, My Lord,
are the dictates of a mind influenced only by an honest zeal for His Maj'^'' service.
I shall pay a dutiful obedience to the King's Commands, and am, with all possible respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient servant.
W" Tryon.
Chief Justice Horsmanden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. O.) CLXV.]
New York. 20"' FebrJ- 1773.
My Lord,
On the 21" of January last, I had the honor of addressing your Lord? in conjunction with the
rest of the Commissioners at Rhode Island, giving some account of our proceedings and
the reasons that induced us to adjourn to the 26"" of May next.
On my arrival at that Place on the 31" of Dec', I was surprised to find, that the main of our
errand was become public, which in prudence, was to be kept secret ; nevertheless your Lord^'s
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 351
letter to Gov' Wanton' was published in the Boston Weekly paper and spread industriously
over all N England. However amazing to us, upon enquiry it came out, that the Gov' had
communicated it to his Assembly, who had got it printed ; upon expostulating with the
Gov upon it, he said, he by Law was obliged to communicate all dispatches from the Ministry,
to his Corporation, and sworn so to do ; that such Dispatches were usually directed to the
Gov' and Comp'. Upon enquiry how Your Lordship's packet was directed, neitiier he nor
his Secretary could inform us; the superscription they said was mislaid, and not to be found ;
but that this was not so directed as the Gov' said, I infer from its being addressed to him (Sir).
My Lord, as to the Govern' (if it deserves that name) it is a downright Democracy; the
Gov' is a mere nominal one, and therefore a Cypher, without power or authority, entirely
controuled by the populace elected annually, as ail other Magistrates & officers whatsoever.
The Governor treated the Commissioners with great decency and respect, and to do that
Gentleman justice, behaved with great propriety as a Commissioner, excepting his
communicating your LordP's letter to the Corporation, which indeed he seemed constrained to
do under the above circumstances.
To shew that the Gov' has not the least Power or Authority he could not command the
Sheriff or a Constable to attend us ; he prevailed with them indeed, but in expectation of
being paid their daily wages by the Commissioners, so that they were hired for this service at
our expence, and even for expresses seat to summon witnesses the Commiss" found it
necessary to advance their own money; also for the very fire wood expended for our
accommodation in the Council Chamber on this occasion ; this. My Lord, we readily disbursed
and all other contingencies relying upon the honor of Govern'.
We found. My Lord, that the Gov' upon the first notice of this piece of villany had issued a
proclamation offering ^100 reward for a discovery but without effect.
My Lord, it is suggested in the Commission that the people assembled upon this adventure
in the Town of Newport, and the places adjacent by beat of Drum, ettc, which was intimated,
doubtless, througli misinformation, for it comes out, that it was at Providence on the Narraganset
River, about 30 miles from Newport, and 7 or 8 from the place where the Gaspee run
a ground. The news of which was soon communicated to that Town, and there it is supposed
the people assembled and soon formed their scheme, to Man 6 or 7 Boats on purpose to attack
her at that disadvantage.
My Lord, the Colony of Rhode Island is branched out into three divisions; Newport on
Rhode Isl"*, Providence, and Warwick more inland adjoining to the Massachusets Colony ; at
these three places the Assemblies are held alternately, but Newport is reputed the seat of
Govern'; between the two former, there is an emulation with respect to their Trade, and a
kind of Enmity likewise, so that they do not generally correspond cordially. Providence is
30 miles distant from it, so that it seems most unlikely that the people of Newport could be
concerned in so sudden and precipitate an enterprize, nor was the fact known at Rhode
Island, till the day after the Treason Committed.
My Lord, as to the Negro evidence, which seems to be the foundation of this enquiry, it is
much to be suspected, though his story is told with much plausibility, and he pertinntiously
repeated it upon examination before the Commiss"; and a Sailor of the Crew of the Gaspee,
'Joseph Wanton belonged to a family which had already furnished four Governors to Bhode Island. He graduated at
Harvard in 1751, and was elected in 1769 successor to Governor Lyndon. He was appointed one of the commissioneis to
inquire into the burning of the Gaspe in 1772, and was deposed from office in 1776. He died in 1782. Sabine. — Ed.
§52 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
swore he was one of the Negroes after the attack, that rowed the Boat which landed part
of the Gaspees crew near Providence. But to countervail this Information, it was asserted that
the master of this Negro from whom he had escaped on board the Man of War, with intent to
run away, who is a person of undoubted Credit, would swear that about nine o'clock that
night the Gaspee was destroyed, he ordered this Negro to Bed, and that he saw him go
accordingly with his two other Negroes, with whom he usually slept, and 'twas said that these
Negroes would also depose, that he lay with them all night, 'till his Master called him up in
the morning on business.
My Lord, the Commissioners did not enter upon counter evidence, though I myself was
inclined to do it, as we proceeded, and bring the witnesses face to face, considering the
Commission required, we should report all the circumstances attending the affair.
Capt" Dudingston had been plying upon his business in the Narragansett River for some
time ; he had not communicated his Commission to the Gov"' on his arrival, as M" Wanton
informed us ; M'' Dudingston has made several seizures of prohibited goods on that Station,
and on seizing their traffick, might probably have treated the boatmen with severity, roughness
and scurrillous language, by which, the people of that place might be provoked to this daring
insult and resentment; and not knowing Dudingston bore the King's Commission of what he
had done, they, as they gave out, look'd upon him as a pirate and Treated him as such. For,
as the Cover" informed us upon complaint of his abuses, as they pretended, he expostulated
with M' Dudingston and demanded he would satisfy him as to the Commission upon which
he acted, which at length he did.
From these three different branches of Govern' My Lord, there arise three different Factions ;
their election of the Chief Officers being annual, sometimes one party prevails, perhaps the next
year a different ; I was told by a Gentleman of the Law there, he had known a Land Cause
of considerable value that had judgement reversed different ways seven or eight times ;
property being thus rendered wholly insecure, no wonder, that persons of property and best
sense and most sincerity among them have long wished for a change of Govern', and to be
under His Maj'^'^ more immediate protection. Though by their charter, they are inhibited
from passing Laws contrary to those of England, but to be as near as may be agreable to
them, yet they seem to have paid little regard to that injunction, as may sufficiently appear
upon inspection of the printed Books of them, they have never transmitted them for the Royal
approbation, nor indeed by their Charter were they obliged to do so.
Under these circumstances your Lord? will not wonder that they are in a State of Anarchy
and I assure your Lord'' that their sister Colony Connecticut is in the same condition in all
respects, Justice has long since fled that Country. I have had an opportunity of being more
intimately acquainted with the people of that Colony for about 30 years past, having had the
honour of attending there twice upon two Royal special Commissions for determining a
controversy between that Corporation and a Tribe of Indians and the Family of the Masons.
Major Mason,' a Gallant officer of the Army, a principal person among the first of the English
' Major John Mason was born in England, about the year 1600, and was bred to arms in the Netherlands, under Sir Thomas
Fairfax. After his arrival in this country, when the struggle arose in England between King Charles I. and the Parliament,
Sir Thomas requested him, by a letter, to join his standard, and assist those who were contending for the liberties of the
people. The invitation, however, was declined. Major Mason was one of the 6rst settlers of Dorchester, Mass. From that
place he moved to Windsor about the year 1635, and assisted in laying the foundation of a new Colony. He distinguished
himself in 1637 as commander in the war against the Pequot Indians, soon after which he was appointed by the govern-
ment of Connecticut, Major-General of all its forces, in which office he continued till his death. He remained a magistr.ite
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 353
who first landed in these parts, fought their battles with the Savages, conquered severals Tribe,
became the F'oster Father to the Colony, acted with so much generosity humanity and
prudence towards the Natives, and so conciliated their Friendship and esteem, that after, they
had, thro' his persuasion, granted away great Tracts of their Lands, to form the new proposed
Colony, and to mak a sufficient plantation or settlement. The Natives prudently thought of
failing upon a method for reserving and securing for the future a sufficiency for the subsistance
of their Tribe ; and puting entire confidence in Major Mason as tiieir Patron and FViend (who
had treated tliem with great generosity and humanity) requested that Corporation or Govern',
that they might with their approbation invest the remainder of their lands in Major Mason and
his heirs, as tiie Guardians and Trustees of the Mohegan Tribe, & that in future they should
be restrained from selling more of their lands without the advice and consent of that family.
Some were afterwards from time to time sold with the consent of the Masons, and to preserve
the fidelity of the Masons, the Family was to have an interest in the lands so to be conveyed,
coupled with the trust.
For this purpose. My Lord, a Deed was executed with solemnity, and by the declared
approbation of the Corporation entered upon their Records.
Notwithstanding this solemn engagement so Jlecorded, the heads of this Corporation, did
from time to time afterwards unknown to the Masons, inveigle the Indians to convey to them
several tracts of very valuable reserved lands, without consent of the Masons, and divided
them among themselves ; and this was the ground of their complaint, upon which those special
Commissions issued.
Upon the whole. My Lord, I was and am still of opinion, that the devices in consequence of
them in favor of the Corporation were unjust ; for it appeared to me, that the Corporation had
mostshamefully prostituted thegood faith and honourof Govern' by ungratefully and fraudulently,
wresting many large and valuable Tracts from that Tribe and the Masons, and becoming the
instruments of impoverishing that honest and worthy Family (whose Ancestors first founded
the Colony) in prosecuting & maintaining their Rights at their own expense for 30 years past
and hitherto in vain ; for the matter still lies before His Majesty & Council, waiting
a determination.
These two Colonies, My Lord, commenced their settlements nearly at the same time their
Charters bear date one year after the other, and they adjoin each other; the Charters are
similar, each has a Grant of "all Royal mines, minerals & precious stones" which may be
thought a privilege of too much importance for a subject to enjoy. My Lord, these Colonies
United which as Twins are so alike in features, temper and disposition, that 'twere pity they
should remain separate. For from my knowledge of the people, and credible information from
many in each, I am fully persuaded, the better sort of them have long groaned under their
motley Administrations, and wish for a deliverance, to be taken more immediately under the
Protection of the Crown. These two consolidated might become as respectable a Royal
from hi3 first election in 1642 till May, 1660, when he was elected deputy governor. In this office he continued ten years,
till May, 1670, when his infirmities induced him to retire from public life. He died in 1672 or 1673, aged 72. At the request
of the general court he drew up and published a brief historj' of the Pequot war. It is printed in Increase Mather's Rela.
tion of troubles by the Indians, 1677, and has been also republished, more correctly, under this Title: — "A Brief Ilistory of
the Pequot War: especially of the memorable Taking of their Fort at Mistick in Connecticut in 1637. Written by John
Mason, a prijiciiial Actor therein, as tlien chief Captain and Commander of Connecticut Forces. With an Introduction and
some Explanatory Notes by the Reverend Mr. Thomas Prince. — Boston: Printed and sold by S. Kneeland and T. Green in
Queen Street, 1736." 2 Massachusetts Historical Collections, VIII., 120. —Ed.
Vol. VI IL 45
354 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Government as any on the Continent. The Country in both has a rich soil, abounds in
Timber, fit for ship building; the Country upon the whole in my esteem superior to any I
have seen in my travels from Boston to Virginia. But it must be confessed as to the people,
it would require a Gentleman of very extraordinary qualifications and abilities to adventure
upon the first ardous task for modeling them into due subordination and decorum.
I humbly entreat your LordP's pardon for trespassing thus much upon your LordP's time and
Patience. I flattered myself that some account of the present as well as former temper
and circumstances of these two Colonies might not be unacceptable to me in your LordP's high
Departm'and conclude with the assurance, that I am with the most profound respect — My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient
and obliged humble servant
Dan: Horsmanden.
Lords of Trade to Governor Tryon.
[New-Tork Entries, LXVIII., p. 516.]
Whitehall Feb : 26. 1773.
To Governor Tryon
Sir
We have had under Our Consideration thirteen Bills passed by the Council and Assembly
of New York in March 1772, to which you thought fit with great propriety to withhold your
assent for the reasons assigned in your Letter to Lord Hillsborough of the 9"" of April 1772.
The observations we have to make upon these bills are short, and apply to a very few of
them and in order to avoid mistake or unnecessary Repetition, we have annexed to this letter
a list of the titles of the Bills in numerical Order.
No 1. Appears to us to relate merely to a regulation of internal ceconony and we see no reason
to its being passed into a law provided the duration of it be extended to two years for we concur
with you in opinion that the short period of one year is insufficient to carry into execution the
powers contained in the Bill.
N" 3. Is in our Judgement liable to great doubt both in point of Justice and Policy and we
think it therefore necessary that the Ground and Foundation for this Bill should be further
explained to us before it is enacted into a law.
No 10. The clause in this Bill enacting that the offence created by the Act, when committed
upon the high Seas shall be tried before such Court and in such Manner and P'orm as in and
by an Act of Parliament made in ll"" year of King William the S"* is directed and appointed
is expressly repugnant to an Act of Parliament of the 1" of Queen Anne Stat: 2 Cap 9 which
has provided another mode of Tryal for such ofl'ence, when committed on the high Seas.
As to the other parts of this Bill they do not appear to be exceptionable and therefore if
this provision be omitted you may very properly give your assent to it.
N° 11. The provisions made by this Bill appear to us to be of a very serious nature and the
general propriety of them very doubtful but there is one part of it by which it is enacted that
no person shall be prosecuted indicted or tryed for treason or misprison of Treason committed
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 355
after a certain day mentioned in the bill unless the indictment be found by a Grand Jury
within three years after the offence committed. This appears to us highly improper and
dangerous and of a nature unknown to the laws of any well regulated State and therefore
when we consider the doubtful Policy of the Bill in general and the strong objection that lies
in that particular part of it we cannot be of opinion that it would be adviseable for you to
consent to its being passed into a law.
N" 12. The objection you state to this Bill in regard to its dispensing with the publication of
the attachments in the News papers is certainly well founded and however unexceptionable it
may be in other respects it ought not to be passed into a law in its present Form.
No 13. We are clearly of opinion that the notice of sixteen weeks previous to the Sale of a
mortgaged estate is much too short but we do not concur with you in opinion that the clause
that bars the equity of redemption in certain cases is objectionable on the grounds you state on
the contrary as the Jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery is only taken away in case of bona
fide Sale in consequence of an express power give by the Mortgager and that too when the
Mortgager is of the age of 25 We think that the power of the Court ought not in this case
ever to have existed and that the exertion of it is properly taken away and as we conceive,
that as the law now stands the Court of Chancery is at liberty in every case to entertain a bill
where Fraud or Misbehavior is charged, that appears to us to be fully sufficient ; and therefore
if the time of notice can be altered from sixteen weeks to six months we see no reason why
you may not very properly give your assent to this Bill.
With regard to the rest of the Bills they do not appear to be exceptionable in any light and
we think you may consistent with your duty give your assent to them. We are
Sir
Your most obedient
humble Servants
Dartmouth
Bamber Gascoyne
Greville
Whitehall W. Jolliffe
Dec: 26. 1773 - Garlies
List of Titles of Bills.
N" 1. An Act for the better laying out regulating and keeping in repair common and publick
Highways in Richmond County and for suspending the two Acts therein mentioned.
N" 2. An Act for the amendment of the Law and the better advancement of Justice.
N° 3. An Act better to regulate elections for representatives in general Assembly for the City
and County of Albany and the County of West Chester.
N° 4. An Act for the better Security of Rents, and to prevent Frauds committed by Tenants.
N° 5. An Act for the relief of Creditors against fraudulent devises.
N° 6. An Act for enabling the Sale of Goods distrained for Rent in case the Rent be not paid
in a reasonable time.
N° 7. An Act to settle how far owners of ships shall be answerable for the acts of the
masters or mariners.
N° 8. An Act for giving Relief on promissory Notes.
356 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
N° 9. An Act to enable posthumous children to lake estates as if born in their fathers
life time.
iN" 10. An Act for punishing accessories to felonies and receivers of stolen goods & to prevent
the wiKul burning and destroying of Ships.
N° 11. An Act for regulating of tryals in Cases of Treason and Misprision of Treason.
N° 12. An Act for rendering more effectual an Act entituled an Act to prevent Frauds
in Debtors.
N" 13. An Act for the more effectual Registry of Mortgages and for securing the purchasers
of mortgaged Estates.
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXV. ]
N°6.
Whitehall. March 3. 1773.
Sir.
I have received your several Dispatches numbered from 7 to 13. (N° 6. is still wanting) and
have laid them before the King.
A well regulated Militia is certainly a very constitutional establishment and it will be a
satisfaction to me to find that the act passed by the legislature of New York for that purpose
has been framed in such a manner as to be liable to no objection; at the same time it does not
appear to me that this is in the present moment, so much an object of attention as to require
any new or particular managements, that may either induce the necessity of greater burthens
upon the people, or divert them from the pursuit of those more useful arts, which ought to be
cultivated in times of so great public tranquility.
I have already signified to you the King's commands concerning the purchases made of the
Indians in virtue of Licenses granted by you for that purpose, and I must confess to you, that
1 see no grounds to depart from the opinion which I humbly submitted to His Maj'^ upon
that subject. Had the question been, whether those purchases should have been made with or
without a License, I should have readily adopted every argument you urge upon the
proposition considered in that light; and I as readily agree with you in opinion, that you had
no reason to apprehend, there was any other restraint in respect to such purchases, than what
is contained in the Instructions to which you refer; but when I consider that by those
Instructions you are expressly forbid to grant Licenses to any one person for more than
a Thousand acres, I lament that I am not able to agree with you in thinking, that you
were acting in conformity to those instructions, in consenting to the purchases made at this
late Congress.
With regard to the grants heretofore made by the Govern" of Canada adjacent to Lake
Champlain, and by the Gov' of New Hampshire to the west of Connecticut River, I do not
conceive that the titles of the present claimants or possessors ought to have been discussed or
determined upon any argument or reason drawn from a consideration of what were or were
not the ancient Limits of the Colony of New York. Had the soil and Jurisdiction within the
Prov" of New York been vested in proprietaries as in Maryland, Pennsylvania, Massachusets
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 357
Bay or other Charter Govern'^ it would have been a different question; but when both, the soil
and jurisdiction are in the Crown, it is 1 conceive, entirely in the breast of the Crown, to limit
that Jurisdiction and to dispose of the property in the soil in such manner as shall be thought
most fit ; and after what had passed, and the restrictions which had been given respecting the
claims, as well on Lake Champlain, as in the district to the west of Connecticut River, by
which the King had reserved to himself the consideration of those claims, I must still have
the misfortune to think, that no steps ought to have been taken to the prejudice of the
claimants under the original Titles. At the same time confident of your integrity and
impressed with the most favourable sentiments of your conduct, so far as rests upon the
Intention, I will not fail to do the fullest justice to the explanation of it, contained in your
letters upon this subject, and there is no one of your friends that will be more forward than
myself to bear testimony of the sense I have of your zeal for the King's service, or more ready
to concur in any proposition, that may induce the conferring upon you such marks of the
Kings Favour, as shall be judged adequate to your great merit. I am
Sir
your most obed' humble serv'
Dartmouth.
Order in Council prohibiting all Grants of Land until otlierxoise instructed.
[New-Tork Council Minutes, in Secretary's Office, Albany, XXXI., 74. ]
At the Court at S' James's the T"" day of April 1773.
Present — The Kings most excellent Majesty
Lord President Earl of Rochford
Earl of Suffolk Earl of Dartmouth
Earl of Sandwich Lord Mansfield
Whereas it has been represented to his Majesty that the State and Condition of his
Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in America do both in Justice and Expediency require that
the Authority for granting Lands, contained in the Commissions and Instructions given to his
Majesty's Governors in the Plantations, should be further regulated and restrained, and that
the Grantees of such Lands should be subjected to other Conditions than those at present
prescribed in the said Instructions : His Majesty having taken the same into his royal
Consideration is pleased with the Advice of his Privy Council to order. And it is hereby
Ordered that the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, do take into their immediate
Consideration the Powers and Authorities for granting Lands contained in the Commissions
and Instructions to his Majesty's Governors in the Plantations, and that the said Lords
Commissioners do represent to his Majesty at this Board, such Alterations as they shall think
fit and necessary to be made therein — And his Majesty is hereby further pleased to Order that
in the mean Time, and until his Majesty's further Pleasure is Signifyed, all and every his
Majesty's Governors Lieutenant Governors or other Persons in Command in his Majesty's
358 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Colonies in North America who are entrusted with the Disposal of his Majesty's Lands in the
said Colonies, do forbear upon Pain of his Majesty's highest Displeasure and of being
immediately removed from their Offices, to issue any Warrant of Survey, or to pass any Patents
for Lands in the said Colonies, or to grant any Licence for the Purchace by private Persons
of any Lands from the Indians, without especial Directions from his Majesty for that Purpose,
under his Majesty's Signet or Sign Manual, or by Order of his Majesty in his privy Council ;
excepting only in the Case of such Commission and Non Commissioned Officers and Soldiers,
who are entituled to Grants of Land in virtue of his Majesty's Royal Proclamation of the 7th
October 1763, to whom such Grants are to be made and passed in the Proportions and under
the Conditions prescribed in his Majesty's said Proclamation.
Steph Cottrell.
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[ New- York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXV. ]
N°7.
Whitehall. April 10. 1773.
Sir
I have received and laid before the King your several Dispatches numbered from 14 to 20.
His Majesty having upon a consideration of the case of John Thorpe' been graciously pleased
to extend his Royal mercy towards him ; I have transmitted to the Recorder of London the
proper Warrant for that purpose, an attested copy of which I herewith inclose to you, in order
that you may take the steps usual on such occasions for the release of the prisoner.
The Petition of the Inhabitants of the Counties of Cumberland and Gloucester, praying to
be continued within the jurisdiction of the Government of New York, has been favourably
received by the King, and I have the satisfaction to acquaint you that there is not at present
any intention of making any alteration in the boundary line on the side of Connecticut River,
as settled by his Maj'^'' order in Council of the 20"" of July 1764. I do not well see upon what
ground it was, that M' Jay had his doubts as to the delivery of the Commission and the
proceeding thereupon for running the boundary line between New York and New Jersey ; I
am to presume, however, from the step taken by the Legislature, that there was some
foundation in Law for those doubts; at the same time I am very glad, the business has been
brought to its present issue, and hope that the final confirmation by the Crown will not meet
with any further obstruction.
The papers inclosed in your Dispatch N" 19. respecting the proceedings in the case of Col
Renslaer's petition, are so voluminous that I have not yet had time to peruse them ; but I
must not omit to say to you, that your conduct on that occasion appears, in the general
view I have of the business, to have been just and proper in every respect, and I have not failed
to represent it to the King in that light —
I am ettc.
Dartmouth.
' This man was convicted of the murder of his wife. New -York Council Minutes, XXV., 335. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 359
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers (8. P. O.) CLXV.]
N" 8.
Whitehall. 10. April 1773.
Sir.
The Lords of Trade, having in a report to the Lords of the Committee of Council, stated
several considerations and propositions respecting the claims of property, and possession of lands
lying between the River Connecticut, and a supposed similar curve line at the distance of 20
miles from Hudson's River, His Maj'J' has been pleased, upon a Report from the said Committee,
to approve the several propositions recommended by the Board of Trade, and I have received
his Maj'^'" Commands to give such directions to you as may be necessary thereupon. But as
the carrying those propositions into effect depends upon the consent thereto of many persons
having different interests in, and claims to the Lands, and upon their acquiescence therein,
and as there are, I conceive, many Facts and circumstances which have never yet been stated,
that if not attended to may create difficulties that will render the whole plan abortive, I think
it fit, before I transmit to you His Maj'^'' final Instructions upon so delicate and difficult a
matter, to state to you what those propositions are, and to desire your full and candid
sentiments thereupon
The objects that are stated to deserve attention in the consideration of this business are:
First, those Townships lying in this district between the River Connecticut and the line
abovementioned which were originally settled and established under grants from the Govern'
of Massachusets Bay in virtue of their Ancient Charter.
Secondly, Those Grants of Land within the said district, made by the Govern' of New York
previous to the Grants made by the Govern' of N. Hampshire.
Thirdly, Those grants, which, having been originally made by the Govern' of New Hampshire,
continue in the same state, or have been confirmed, by grants from New York, as also those
grants which have since been made by the Governm' of New York of Lands, not within the
limits of any of the grants abovementioned.
On the ground of these considerations it is proposed : that all claims to lands derived from the
grants of Townships heretofore made by the Province of Massachusets Bay, should be
established and confirmed, and the present proprietors quieted in their possessions, and that
all grants whatever, made by the Govern' of New York within the limits of the said Townships,
being in their nature oppressive and unjust, should be set aside, but that the persons claiming
possessions under those grants should upon conditions of their quitting such claim, receive
grants under the seal of New York upon the like Terms and free of all expense, of an equal
number of Acres in some other part of the District lying between the Rivers Hudson and
Connecticut. And that in cases where any actual improvement has been made, the possessor
should receive fifty acres of waste lands for every three acres that have been so improved.
That all other Grants of Lands made by the Govern' of New York within the district
beforementioned antecedent to any grants made by the Govern' of New Hampshire, be
confirmed, provided it shall appear, that possession hath been taken and improvement
made thereon.
That all Townships laid out within the said district, either by the Governors of New Hampshire
or New York, and which do not include Lands within the limits of some antecedent Grant, be
360 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
established as Townships, according to the limits expressed in their respective Charters, and
that all persons posessed of shares in those Townships, whether as original Grantees or by-
Inheritance or conveyance, and upon which shares actual settlement and Iiriprovement have
been made, be quieted in such possession, without being bound to any other condition of quit
rents or otherwise, than what is contained in the original Grant.
That some short and effectual mode be established, by Act of Legislature or otherwise, for
ascertaining by the Inquest of a Jury, the stale of possession, settlement and Improvement,
upon all lands within the said district, claimed under grants made by the Govern" of New
Hampshire or New York, and that all such Lands, which shall by the verdict of such Jury-
appear never to have been possessed or improved, as also all other Lands, which have not
been granted, be disposed of in such manner as the King shall think fit to appoint for the
disposal & granting of waste lands, within the Province of N. York, provision having been first
made for an equivalent to such of the Claimants of Land, under Grants from New York within
the old Massachuset's Townships, in manner as before directed, and also for making good to the
Commissioned and non Commissioned Officers and Soldiers, the amount of their several
allotments, under such warrants of Survey as they may have already received, in consequence
of the Royal Proclamation of 1763.
These, Sir, are in general the Propositions which have been suggested by the Board of Trade,
and approved by His Majesty in Council, and it will be a great pleasure to me to find by your
Report that they are satisfactory to all parties, and can be carried into execution without
difficulty or Discontent.
I am ettc.
Dartmouth.
Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. O., No. 4 ) CCLIX. ]
Whitehall lO"- April. 1773.
Sir
The information of the present state of affairs in your Department, contained in your
Despatch of the SG"" December No 2, is of very great importance. A general alliance and
confederacy of the Savages, by whatever means it is brought about, has, as you truly
observe, a very unfavorable appearance, and will most probably be attended with very
dangerous consequences
Every circumstance stated in your letter, induces an apprehension, that such a plan of
confederacy is in greater maturity than I at first conceived, and that we may probably be soon
involved in the dreadful consequences of an Indian War.
It is true that by a detection of the different Channells through which the Indians pursue
this favorite object, some advantage will be gained, and many of their designs may be
frustrated and therefore you can not be too attentive to what passes amongst them ; but I
still fear, that, unless the ground of their jealousy & discontent could be effectually removed,
which I am sensible it now can not, an Indian War is an evil which sooner or later we must
submit to ; and the only comfort I have under this apprehension is in the assurance you give
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 361
me that you shall be able to convince those Indians who are endeavoring to create this
Confederacy, that we have a sufficient number who are well attached to His Majestys Interest,
and who will be eager on such an occasion to give testiniony of their fidelity and attachment
I am &ca.
Sir W™ Johnson. Dartmouth.
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ Plantalion3 General ( S. P. O.) CCLIX.]
Johnson Hall April 22. 1773
My Lord
In consequence of my Transactions last year & proceedings which I transmitted in October
to your Lordship, the cheif Sachems & principal Warriors of the Six Nations arrived here the
e"" Instant and laid before me the issue of their proceedings since that time, a Copy of which
I have now the honor to enclose to your Lordship
Tlieir first step was to send Belts to the Emigrants from their confederacy living on Ohio,
who being removed to so great a distance, and residing in the Neighbourhood of disaffected
Tribes that are no real friends to the Six Nations became alienated from the latter, followed
other councils & were guilty of many irregularities, they were tiierefore required to remove
from thence, and settle near their own confederacy, which at their present distance can not
be made accountable for their own actions, they then called a Council at Onondaga, where
they at length brought the Senecas to a sense of their misconduct, and obtained from them
the strongest assurances that they would in future pay due regard to the true Interests of the
Confederacy, which they have likewise repeated to me, and the whole have united in declaring
their resolution, to send once more to those troublesome Nations about the Ouabash and in
case it is disregarded to manifest their attachment to the English by bringing those people to
a due submission, and that they will without delay hold a General Congress on all these points,
they likewise spoke much on the irregularities committed in Trade and declared them to be
a principal cause of most of the late disturbances. I have in former letters to His Majestys
Ministers pointed out the evil occasioned by the residence of those emigrants from the Six
Nations in the midst of a disaffected & troublesome people, who dislike a Confederacy on
whom they have been so long dependent, and seduce their people whenever it is in their
power, and who are perpetually forming alliances for very bad purposes. But whatever steps
are taken for War by the Indians in the Northern Department (particularly to the Northward
of Virginia) they can have little effect so long as the Six Nations are unanimous, and preserve
their fidelity. Indeed the Countenance of the latter would have a greater effect than all their
arms, but of this I am not apprehensive whilst due care is taken to preserve them in His
Majestys Interest, and greivances removed, their superior importance at present arises in a
great measure from their situation next to our portages, & Frontier Settlements, and qualifies
them for acting the part of our best friends, or most dangerous enemies. From these
considerations, the attachment of the Senecas is of the greatest consequence particularly of the
upper Senecas who alone have been suspected, they lye nearest to our grand communications
Vol. VIII. 46
362 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and the Portage near Niagra, they are near as numerous as all the rest of the Six Nations and
they lye next to other Nations who thro' means of the Emigrants endeavor to render them
discontented Indeed one half of the Senecas have hehaved vi^ith great fidelity, but the
Example of the Rest may have an evil effect upon them, & this conduct of the upper Senecas
will not at all appear surprizing on perusing the accounts I have formerly given of its motives
and Causes. In short they had always emissaries from, and were loaded with favors by the
French as appeared clearly by the Books of accounts which fell into my hands when I had
the honor to take possession of Niagra, which very important Fortress I beleive we should
have found it very difficult to reach, much less to reduce with so small, an army, & without a
single vessel on Lake Ontario, but for the secrecy and fidelity of the Senecas at that time,
who having had a little misunderstanding with the French, I took care to improve it by
shewing them the many advantages they would derive from its being reduced, and by Promises
concerning fair Trade fcc^" which alltho' I was authorized to make, I am sorry to say it was
never yet in my power to perform with effect For all these reasons, I was well pleased to
hear the Senecas give me such assurances as they have lately done & shall do all in my power
to improve their present disposition, as it will induce the rest of the confederacy to act with
more spirit, and strengthen their attachment to us, when they find that their advice has
succeeded with the upper Senecas & that their Interests are no longer separate — and as I
purpose to hold a congress with the Shawanese Delawares Hurons fee" next month I shall
then endeavour to put a stop to their pernicious practises with the Six Nations Emigrants &c.
as well as to other more dangerous matters, after which I shall do myself the honor of writing
to your Lordship
I have the honor to be with the highest Esteem — My Lord
Your Lordships most obed'
& very humble Servant
W Johnson
Proceedings of Sir William Johnson loitli the Six Nations.
[ S. p. 0. Plantations General, CCLIX. ]
At a Congress with the Cheifs of the Six Nations Held at Johnson Hall on Wednesday
Ap 7, 1773.
Present — Sir William Johnson Bt Superint^' &c
Daniel Claus ] ^
„ T I r Deputy Agents
Guy Johnson ) tr j o
Sir John Johnson Kn'
Richard Shuckburgh Esq" Sec'^ to Indian Affrs.
John Blagge Esq''^ Clk of the County of Tryon
John Dease Esq'" & several other Gentm".
Teyawarunte Speaker of Onondaga addressed Sir William Johnson on behalf of all the Six
Nations present and after performing the Ceremony of Condolence according to the usual
form delivered— 3 Strings of Wampum
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 363
Sir William then after acquainting them that he was unwilling to give them any delay in
proceeding to business repeated what they said, as is usual, and then returned the ceremony
of condolence on the parts of the English in due form, after which he delivered them
3 strings.
Sir William then added that as they had been detained for some days untill all their cheifs
came to the Council fire, & as the Customary Forms were now finished, he was ready, and
desirous that they should proceed immediately to business.
Teyawarunte then, on behalf, of the rest, told Sir William, that agreeable to his desire they
were ready, and would immediately proceed to business. He then repeated sundry past
transactions particularly Sir Williams speech of October last respecting their Conduct towards
the Twightwees, Piankashaws, &c, and assured him that the Six Nations had paid due regard
thereto, & would faithfully deliver their Sentiments to him, to which they begged he would
pay due attention. Gave a Belt of 6 Rows
He then proceeded
Brother Warraghiyagey
We have thought very seriously on your former speech, wherein you pointed out to us tlie
many ill consequences that must attend our People's entering into foreign alliances or
associating in Councils with those who have not paid due regard to their engngements, or who
were not of our natural confederacy — We have since taken this into full consideration among
ourselves, and we think your advice so wholesome, and friendly, that we are now sensible of
the errors into which some of our Nations were running, and have taken measures accordingly
to prevent it by withdrawing from the Councils and Politicks of these people. You may
therefore depend that it is the unanimous determination of all our People to follow your advice
A Belt of 5 Rows
Brother Warraghiyagey.
We are all very thankfull to you for reminding us in your former speech of our ancient
Customs, and pointing out to us the impropriety of the Conduct of some of our People in
carrying on private Transactions and neglecting the proper Fire Place. We are now fully
sensible of all this, and unanimously resolved to pay due regard to what you have said, by
avoiding any bad connections, and by the openness of our conduct, to which end, we shall
undertake nothing witl\put your knowledge and we flatter ourselves that we shall act mutually
together upon this occasion in preserving entire all past engagements
A Belt of 6 Rows
Brother
We have taken notice of your having pointed out to us those things in which some of us
have erred, and followed evil councils without considering our true Interests, and of your
recommending it to the Mohawks, and Onondagas, as elder Branches of the Confederacy to
bring the Senecas to a due sense of their Inattention to its true Interests. — We thank you very
kindly for your advice, and do assure you on behalf of the Senecas, whose cheifs are here
present, that it has had the desired effect, and that the are heartily sorry for their imprudent
Conduct, which was wholly owing to Aguastarax the old Cheif (now deceased) who turned
his face the wrong way and did not act as the Door to our confederacy to the Westward ; but
the Senecas now assure you that they will no longer be misguided but keep their face
towards the great Council fire at Onondaga, and this Place, and set a good example to the
rest by listening only to you, and their own confederacy, and taking care that the Door, to
354 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the Westward be not kept continually open to receive all bad News, as has been the Case —
We likewise assure you on behalf of the whole Confederacy that we shall pursue the measures
we have already taken for bringing our People from the scattered villages within the Pale of
the Confederacy, to which end we have sent to Kayashota the Cheif on Oldo, and the People
there to direct them to pay due regard to what was recommended to them, and in this we
declare that we are sincere of which the Senecas give you assurance by this Belt
A large Belt of 8 Rows
Brother
We embrace with pleasure your advice to cultivate the friendship of the English, and
strengthen the union between us — be assured we shall testify to all nations, our firmness
therein, pay due regard to all our old engagements with you, and bring any offenders amongst
us to a sense of their duty — Thoroughly persuaded that you speak for our Interest and having
for many years experienced your knowledge of all our Nations, and your capacity to advise us
to what will best tend to our Happiness, we likewise by this Belt assure you on behalf of the
Warriors, that they are determined to abide by, and enforce what we here promise, and to follow
your good council, requesting that you will continue to us your advice, and assist us in
the undertake. A large Belt of 11 Rows.
Brother
As soon as the Messengers return from our People on Ohio, we shall then as an unanimous
body call a General Council at our own Great Fire Place at Onondaga and summon the
Twightwees Piankashaws and other troublesome Nations to appear and answer for their
conduct — we have already called upon them twice, and agreeable to our own ancient customs
shall do so the third time, before we strike: but should they then neglect us, you may be
assured we shall fall upon them, and shew them their folly, and our attachment to the English, who
we beleive have suffered much from them to the Southward ; and to give them an opportunity
of making proper atonement, we prefer this delay to any harsh measures, unless we find them
irreclamable. — But, Brother, we must observe to you, and we request it may be seriously
considered that the misconduct of these Nations is much owing to the English themselves for
these Nations were never hearty, and some of them, not even pretended friends to the English.
Yet the English Traders and also the French have of late years rambled in great numbers all
over this Country, for the sake of Gain, and are hut too often guilty ^f frauds which inflame
their resentment. In the French time, their Traders rambled in that manner, they were often
plundered, and killed; but the French did not resent it, knowing it to be their own faults —
And we must again remark, as we have often done lately, that there is no certain way of
preventing this, but by having fixed Posts, and proper Regulations for the Traders, whilst
liiese, there were seldom any Outrages, the Indians were better pleased, and the Traders had
Profit enough — we heartily wish that you would consider these things as matters of great
importance to the general Peace A Belt of 7 Rows
Brother
When we first saw the White People and fastned their ship to the great Tree, the Band of
our Union was a fair Trade. When we strengthened our Alliance with the English, and
fastned their ship with an Iron chain (there being one afterwards made of Silver) Trade was
our mutual object, and in most subsequent Treaties, it was provided that Trade should be
plentiful and that we should not be cheated. The Places of Trade were few, and the Traders were
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 365
all well known ; — the like promise was made to us whenever Canada should be reduced, for a
time it went on pretty well, but of late the Traders go about where they please, and sell at the
most exorbitant Rates, besides following us to our hunting Grounds to take advantage of our
people by means of Liquor the bring with them. Of all this the Indian Nations complain ; for
as they live by hunting, it becomes a more heavy greivance to them, than it would do to
others, we have often complained ofthis, but we find no redress, and therefore if these repeated
Impositions obstruct our good intentions the fault is not ours. Brother we beg you will
consider our Case, so as that the Governors concerned may do what has been promised, we
must likewise sollicit the favor of the General that bothe he and you may lay our Hardships
before the King, who I trust will releive us. In this hope we now on behalf of all our
confederacy, renew, strengthen and brighten the Covenant Chain and the Senecas particularly
assure you that they and all their Dependants, do now take hold of it, and brighten the same,
firmly resolving to contribute all their endeavours, in conjunction with the rest of the
Confederacy to keep it bright, hoping that you will be assisting therein for our mutual Interest
and the preservation of Peace A large Covenant Chain Belt with 12 Squares, 11 Rows.
Sir William answered them that he had given due attention to what they had said, and
would give them an answer there tomorrow, then gave them Pipes, Tobacco and some Liquor,
after which the withdrew to their several Encampments
The day following the Indians had several Conferences among themselves and therefore
were not assembled till the day next succeeding
At a Congress with the Six Nations Held at Johnson Hall on Friday April 9"" 1773.
Present — as before
Sir William Johnson addressed the Indians as follows viz.
Brethren of the Six Nations
I have heard and fully considered all you said to me yesterday, and am glad you remember
so well my Speech of last Autumn. As the purport of your three first Belts is nearly the
same I answer them with this Belt, assuring you that the regard you say you have paid to my
advice & admonitions ls.highly pleasing to me, and as I advised you to shake off all connections
which were foreign to your true Interests, so I expect that it will appear by your actions, that
you have done so, which you will find to be to your advantage A Belt
Brothers
It gives me great satisfaction to hear that the Mohocks, and Onondagas agreeable to my
advice, have brought the Senecas the third elder Branch of their Confederacy to their proper
senses, in which, through the advice of the rest, and the good Councils I shall give them, I
hope they will remain, and I am well pleased to hear the same strengthened by their present
declaration, and Promises — I am not ignorant, that Aguastarax & several others of that Nation,
sought Interests foreign to yours, and that he was highly criminal in sending and receiving bad
Belts, acting therein as your general Enemy, though it was his duty, as the Western Door of
the Six Nations, to take care that nothing dangerous should enter. At the same time, I do
not yet find much satisfaction concerning those bad Belts which certainly are still lurking some
where, and which I expect to see very soon to confirm my opinion of the Senecas good
366 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
intentions You act very wisely in the Steps you have taken to bring your straggling people
within the immediate influence of your confederacy, as they are at present exposed to bad
advice and negligent of your directions. I persuade myself that Kayashota, their cheif will
cooperate with you therein, and 1 hope to see it soon effected. A Belt.
Brothers
I hear with satisfaction that you repeat your resolution of bringing all refractory members
of your confederacy to order, that you will act with firmness, and that you appear thoroughly
satisfied that my advice is wholesome, and good, and I am greatly pleased to hear the
Declaration of the Warriors to support & strengthen the same, which I expect they will do
with becoming spirit, according to the design intended A Belt
Brothers
You tell me that as soon as all matters are settled with your people at the Ohio you will call
a general Council at Onondaga, and summon the Twightwees and their adherents to attend the
same for the last time. I do not doubt, but that in this, you imagine you act right, and
agreeable to ancient custom ; but you must be sensible that I do well know your ancient
customs, that I cannot be mistaken in them, having committed them all to writing an age ago,
when they were better understood than they are at present, and from which I assure you, that
there is no necessity of your using so much delicacy with people, who so little deserve favor
from your hands, especially as you are in a great measure accountable for the actions of those
who have been always deemed your dependants : — and perhaps it were better that you brought
them to reason, than by tollerating their depredations to expose them to the powerfull arm of
the English, who will certainly no longer suffer them to Act as they have done with impunity.
Whatever therefore you do, should be done quickly before the People are so involved in guilt,
that the resentm' of the English cannot be restrained. — I can hardly think that their conduct
is merely owing to abuses in Trade, but rather to a malevolent spirit and evil Communication —
and as to the establishm" of Posts for Trade I have long since acquainted you that His Maty
has left the Trade free, and open with a view, that you should find plenty of Goods: at the
same time that he recommended it to each of the American Governments to fall upon such
Regulations, as would prevent any abuses therein which they promised to do, and which I
have often recommended, and I shall still continue as far as is in my power, to recommend the
necessary Establishments for that purpose A Belt
Brothers
I am well acquainted with the nature, and terras of your first Treaties with the English, and
that Trade was always considered as an article of much importance, neither can I find that it
was ever withheld from you.
After the reduction of Canada, it was greatly enlarged by the addition of many new
Traders, whereby goods were plenty and cheap. Among such a number, there are doubtless
some that will deceive you, especially as long as you continue your passion for that liquor,
which is the source of so many evils — There is hower no doubt, that when the Colonieg
are agreed as to the nature of the regulations. Provision will be made against the abuses you
complain of, and in the mean time I recommend it to you to endeavour at reforming yourselves
by a more moderate use of that liquor, in which case the Traders will bring less into your
Country, and you will be more on guard against their Frauds, whilst I use my endeavors as I
have hitherto done, to procure you the salutary establishments you require
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 357
Your case has been already laid fully before the Governors, and I can assure you that the
Governor of this Province, and those of the other Colonies that are concerned in the Regulations
for the Indian Trade are heartily disposed to promote every thing in your favor — The General
who commands the army, is also much your friend, and as he is shortly to go over the Great
Lake, he will I persuade myself, recommend these points to the Great King who is heartily
disposed to protect and favor all faithfull Indians
I thank you for renewing & brightening the ancient chain of Friendship, and particularly in
that the Senecas are so wise as to take a firm hold of it — Whilst they value themselves and
their confederates, I hope they will retain it firmly, and I expect that as they are the western
Door they will henceforth take care that they admit nothing among them, that may give offence
to those in the middle or at the East end of the Chain, but hearken to good advice and follow it
To promote all this, I do now on behalf of the Great King and his subjects Renew, strengthen
and brighten this Chain assuring you that it shall be held fast and kept bright on the part of
the English and that it shall last for ever, if you do your parts to preserve it. I hope you have
too much sense of its value to expose it to any danger and that you will treasure up my advice
as essential to your happiness. Gave a large Covenant Chain Belt 13 Rows Black with
White Squares
To which after a little consultation the Indians answered by their Speaker
Brother
We thank you for what you have done and for acquainting us with the good inclination of
the Governor of this, and the other Provinces. We are sorry that the General, who has been
so long known, and so kind to us is going away, as we have a great friendship for him. At
the same time we think it will be a good opportunity for laying our Greivances before the
Great King, and we hope the General will continue his friendship to us when he gets over
the Great Lake, from the Success of which we have much expectat
Saturday April 10 The Indians being all assembled. Seriohana Cheif of the Senecas of
Chenussio then addressed Sir William Johnson
Brother Warraghiyagey
If we were not sufficiently explicit regarding the bad Belts, it was really because we thought
it needless, as they are no longer of Force, nor shall they ever rise to disturb the peace. It is
very true that after having made repeated complaints ineffectually concerning the murder of
several of our friends to the Southward, as well as at Juniata we were so exasperated, and
alarmed lest the English had a general design against us, that some of our People sent Belts
thro' the Nations, adviseing them to have the Hatchet in readiness in case of an attack on notice
from us — These Belts were sent far South, and one is now in the Cherokee country, but our
bad advisers are now dead, and our Resolutions now changed, as a Proof of which we shall
immediately send for that Belt, and bring it in case it is not taken up by Kayashuta, as he was
directed, and have now entered heartily into the measures recommended by you, and the
confederacy, and assure you by this Belt, that we shall faithfully observe the same
A Belt.
Sir William then told the Chenussios, that they were right in making a plain declaration
respecting the Belts especially as it was accompanied by assurances of fetching them away and
acting a different part in future all which he expected to see fully perform'' as an atonement
for the offence.
368 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
He then acquainted them with the intelligence he had just received from the General
respecting the Conduct of the Powtawatamies, six of whom, and three Squaws, last December
had wounded and attempted to murder IVP Van Slyck a considerable Trader at St Joseph's
killed one of his People, and dangerously wounded an other and tiiat one Indian was killed, and
two wounded. That Van Slyck was obliged to fly leaving goods of his and M'' APComb's of
above ^1500 value behind them [Note. The French were in fault on the occasion, &
particularly that Lauison Chaville a very bad man who was married to a Squaw, encourages
these murders] — Sir William observed that the unparallelled ill conduct of those
Powtawatamies would no longer pass unresented, and asked them what they thought of it
After some consultation among themselves, they returned their answer declaring their
detestation of such proceedings which they said were much owing to the French who ought
to be removed out of that country. At the same time, as a proof of their aversion for the
Powtawatamies on account of their repeated ill behaviour, they the Six Nations, were ready to
resent it, to which end they delivered Sir W^illiam a Belt from them to the Powtawatamies
to be sent by his express to the Commanding officer at Detroit acquainting these Indians that
their conduct towards the English reflected on all the Nations That they advised them
immediately to desist and repent heartily of what they had done, otherwise that they the Six
Nations would think themselves under the necessity of compelling them thereto by force and
that without delay, they therefore desired to have an answer soon.
Sir William told them that he would forward their Belt, as they desired, and after
acquainting them that he intended meeting the Shawanees Delawares, and Hurons in May
put an end to the Congress, and on Monday following delivered them out the Present.
A true Copy Ex"*
G Johnson D^ Agent
as Secretary
in the absence of M"" Shuckburgh who returned home at the close of the Congress
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[Plantations General (S.P. 0.,No.5) CCLIX.]
Johnson Hall April 30. 1773.
My Lord
After finishing the dispatches which accompany this I was honored with your Lordships
letter (No 3) of Feb^ last, from which I am concerned to find that the copy of the Proceedings
referred to in my letter of last Nov' was omitted to be sent, a circumstance which never before
happened to me & which can only be attributed to the peculiar hurry and trouble in which I am
involved at the close of every Congress, a Degree of trouble which can not be conceived by
those who are not spectators of it
As the general scope of that congress was given in my letter, and as the proceedings of
the late one which accompany this are in some measure a recapitulation of the former, but
more especially as the Packet will sail by the time this can reach New York, I think it best
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 369
to forward these without waiting till a copy can be made of the former Transactions, and as
it appears necessary immediately to answer your Lordships last Dispatch.
With regard to the acquiescence of the Six Nations on the subject of His Matys Intentions
to establish a Government on the Ohio, I am to assure your Ldp that after having (agreeable to
my orders) fully acquainted them therewith, they unanimously expressed their satisfaction
at the same, and their inclination to support their Grant at the same time I beg leave to
observe that the Lands comprised within that proposed Government have never been claimed
with any colour of right, and are not more especially in the Southern Parts occupied by any
Indians claiming the same and scarcely by any Indians whatsoever.
The advice which I gave the Six Nations to draw their People from the Branches of Ohio,
and bring them nearer the Capital residences of their confederacy was cheifly in consequence
of the repeated complaints to me that these emigrants were thro' the practices of others
perpetually acting contrary to Treaty, and the Maximes of their own people, and who therefore
declared that they could be no longer answerable for their conduct, but as my not having been
sufficiently particular in describing the actual residence of these Emigrants, has naturally
induced your Lordship to consider the scheme for their removal as in some measure aflecting
the new Government, it is my duty to assure your Lordship that it was not founded on any
principle relative thereto, neither can it in any manner affect the same, for the place of
Residence of the Emigrants proposed to be removed is far to the Northward of the New
Governm' upon the upper forks & Branches of Ohio, towards its Head, and on the Northern
side thereof, but still too far from the cheif Residence of the rest, & the object is purely to
weaken the factious of disaffected Tribes, and make the 6 Nations accountable for the conduct
of all their own People whose depredations joined to those of their associates have long
threatned us with a war, a few Ineians were formerly scattered about the Neighbourhood of
Fort Pitt, but all these removed some years ago, and tis on the North side of the Ohio, and for
the most part far to the Northward of that River that these Indians reside who have created
us any trouble or are likely to do so.
I flatter myself that on due consideration of the foregoing, the design of withdrawing the
Six Nations Emigrants will appear in a more favorable point of view but if it should not, I
must request to receive the honor of your Lordships farther commands respecting the same.
I have the Honor to be with perfect esteem — My Lord
Your Lordships most obliged & most
The Right Honble humble Servant
The Earl of Dartmouth W Johnson
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York Papers (S. P. 0. ) CLXT.]
N''27.
New York. 1" May. 1773.
My Lord,
I have the honor to transmit to your Lord? two acts I rejected last Session of Assembly.
My reasons for rejecting the Act entitled "An Act for the more easy recovery of the possession
Vol. VIII. 47
370 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of Lands" I viewed as dangerous to the property of the poorer Inhabitants, by extending the
right of ejectments so far back as sixty years. This I conceived would place the meaner
settlers (who may perhaps have set down on their possessions under very colourable Titles)
too much in the power of the proprietors of the exorbitant grants in this Prov", as the doubtful
bounds to many of them would give the owners a plea to eject all those settlers, that should
come within their computed claims.
The Act entitled "an Act more effectually to call in the Bills of Credit of this Colony, and
for Cancelling the same" was objectionable, as coming in my estimation, within the Terms of
the second Clause of the Act of Parliament, passed in the fourth year of His Maj'^'* Reign to
prevent the Emission of paper Bills of Credit ettc. in America, as the object of the Bill was
to sink all the paper money remaining of the different emissions before the passing of the Act
of Parliament, and which has no other credit at present, but the common consent of the
Country. I should wish to be honored by Your Lord? by any expedient to call in and destroy
the old Bills, as the public faith seems pledged to redeem them, tho' the Laws for that purpose
have expired. If my construction of the present act is found to be too rigid, as is the opinion
of many Gentlemen here, I hope I may have leave to assent to the passing of the Bill
next Session.
I am with all possible respect & esteem
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient servant
W" Tryon,
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York Papers (S. P.O.) CLXV.]
New York. 3" May, 1773.
My Lord,
I have been honored with your Lord^' Dispatch N" 5. and agreable to your Commands have
communicated to General Bradstreet the paragraph that related to his Petition for part of the
Lands claimed by the Proprietors of the Hardenburg patent.
I esteem myself unfortunate in differing with your LordP in the mode of defending
the Crown's right against the exorbitant claims of that and other large grants. There is but
little doubt, but the original proprietors of many of the large Patents within this Govern' left
their boundaries oftentimes purposely dubious, in order to have the better plea of encroachment
on the Indians by setting up extravagant claims to their grants. Encroachments, that in many
instances operates now against the Crown where the Indians have ceded their titles to
the Sovereign.
I am peculiarly thankful to your Lord? for your earnest recommendation to My Lord
president, to obtain a speedy decision to the important disputes respecting the property of
Lands within this Govern'
I am with all possible respect,
My Lord, ettc.
W" Tryon
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 371
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York Papers (8. P. O.) CLXT. ]
N»32.
New York. 6. May 1773.
My Lord.
I was thi? morning informed by His Excell'''^ General Gage, that about a fortnight ago, the
wind being very boisterous, a Chimney at Crown Point took fire, which communicating itself
to the Neighbouring buildings, afterwards to the Ramparts, and at length to the Magazine, blew
up one hundred barrels of Gunpowder, and totally destroyed all the Fortification and other
buildings in that Garrison. I presume that your Lord? will be furnished, by the General, with
a particular account of this accident, but it being a principal post on the Frontiers of this
Province, I esteemed it incumbent on me to make some mention to your Lord? of a
circumstance of this nature, when happening within the limits of my Govern', altho' I have
had no official notice of that unfortunate affair.
I am with all possible respect and esteem
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient servant
W™ Tryon.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New- York Papers (8. P. O.) OLXV. ]
N-SS.
New York. 3L May. 1773.
My Lord.
I returned to this City from Connecticut the 22^ inst:, and have the pleasure to inform your
LordP that the Commissaries who met at Hartford have amicably and unanimously agreed upon
a line of partition between the Govern" of New York and Massachusetts Bay, and the Gov'
Hutchinson and myself assented to and approved of the same ; one of the originals of this
agreement with an actual survey of that Part of Hudson's River, which lies opposite, upon a
medium course, to the dividing line, I have the honor herewith to transmit to your Lord?. As
the earlier the Royal decision is had upon this matter, the happier for both Govern". I am
satisfied that single reflection will be a sufficient motive with your Lord? to press forward this
business, [t is very probable the parties may not agree to run the line until the Royal
confirmation is obtained. I laid the above agreement before the Council Board the 26"" when
it was unanimously approved.
My journey through Connecticut was made very agreeable by the hospitable attention I
received from the Gentlemen of that Country and particularly from Gov' Trumbull.'
' Jonathan Trumbull, son of Joseph Trumbull, of Lebanon, Connecticut, was born in 1710, and was graduated at Harvard
College in 1727. He was chosen Governor of Connecticut in 1780, and was annually elected till 1783, when he resigned,
having been occupied for fifty years without interruption in public employments, and having rendered, during the eight
years' war, the most important services to his country. At the termination of the contest and on the establishment of
the independence of America, he withdrew from public labors that he might devote himself to the concerns of religion and
to a bettor preparation for his future existence. He died August 17, 178.5, aged 74. Washington, in a letter of condolence
on his death to one of hid sons, placed Governor Trumbull among the first of patriots. Alien. — Ed.
372 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The opportunity this expedition gave me of an acquaintance with Gov'' Hutchinson afforded
me real satisfaction. It is a matter of much astonishment to me, that a Gentleman of such
genuine worth, probity and decency, of manners, should be made so unhappy in his Govern'.
Were the public Offices within the Govern" of America at the disposal of the respective Gov",
I am lead to believe, His Maj"'"' affairs on this side of the water would wear a smoother aspect,
I am with all possible respect
My Lord,
Your lordP's most obedient Servant,
W" Tryon.
N" 34.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York Papers (S. P. 0. ) CLXV. ]
New York. 1. June 1773.
My Lord.
By the tenor of Your LordP's letter N» 6. 1 have reason to apprehend my arrangement of the
Militia is not entirely approved. The Militia Law I believe is nearly similar to what has been
usually passed in this Govern', nor have I made any new arrangement under it, but in the case
where Counties by their increase of settlers made it necessary for the conveniency of the
Inhabitants to augment the number of the Battalions in some of the Counties. The nine
independent Companies formed last year in this City, were not embodied under any express
clause of the Militia Law, except one of the Cadet Companies, but purely in virtue of the
delegated prerogative of the Crown. And as this Town, by its Situation lies extremely open to
the insults of an Enemy, I thought, times of public tranquility were the most leisure (and best)
season to form a body that might in time of occasion be of public service. J purpose, however,
next session of Assembly to endeavour, under a Clause of the Militia Act, to incorporate into
one Battalion seven independent Companies, keeping the two Companies of Cadets, or
Governor's Guards as a distinct Corps, under a Coll: Commandant. But this or any other
regulation, that may be directed, shall most punctually be obeyed.
Under the consideration of the expense of Arms, Cloaths, and accoutrements, that has
attended the forming these Companies, the disbanding them by a Repeal, or a discontinuance
of the Militia Law, would cause great disappointment to those who voluntarily entered and
equipped themselves for the public service
I am ettc.
W'" TliYON.
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O.) OLXV. 1
N°9.
Wiiitehall. 2. June. 1773.
Sir.
Your several Dispatches numbered 21. 22. 23. 24. 25 and 2G. have been received, and laid
before the King.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 373
I had flattered myself that the disputes concerning Titles to Lands between the Rivers
Hudson & Connecticut, and upon Lake Champlain, might have been ended upon some equitable
Plan of accommodation ; the utmost however that I can now hope for is, that where different
Grants have been made by different Governors of the same Land, the validity of the Titles
may be tried in the Supreme Court of Justice in the Colony upon some General question that
shall comprehend every case, and the suit brought to such an issue, either by a special verdict
or otherwise, as that the whole merits may come before His Maj'^ in His privy Council
by appeal.
With respect to the lines of Jurisdiction that are finally to limit the Prov*^" of New York on
the side of New Hampshire and of Quebec, His Majesty's pleasure has been already declared
on that head ; and as to all lands within the Prov""^ of N. York for which the Governors of that
province have not granted Patents, whether they be waste Lands, or lands claimed under
grants from the Gov' of N. Hampsliire or from the Crown of France or its Officers, the King
reserves to himself as a matter appertaining to his own Dignity and Authority, the determination
of what may be advisable to be done thereupon ; His Majesty however does not think fit that
any countenance should be given to claims founded on Indian purchases of the nature of those
to which your letter refers, and therefore the utmost those purchasers can hope for is, that His
Maj'^ may be induced out of his Grace and indulgence, to consent that they should be repaid
their expences out of any monies that hereafter arise by the disposal of those lands upon such
plans as will probably soon be adopted.
I am ettc.
Daktmouth.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXV.]
N" 35.
New York. June 2^ 1773.
My Lord.
It gives me real concern, that the motives of my conduct respecting the Indian purchases, at
the last Congress, as explained in my letter N° 9. have not met with your LordP's approbation.
This transaction unhappily affects the Interest of many of his Majesty's subjects who, on the
faith and authority of Govern', having expended large sums of money in exploring the Country,
and in the purchases and necessary Surveys, and being now disappointed of their Grants, look
up to me as the author of their misfortunes, and earnestly solicit for redress; and indeed with
too much justice, as if any error has been committed, I who ought to have understood and
pursued the Royal Instructions am alone to blame. But I flatter myself when your Lord? is
more fully informed of the course of issuing Grants of His Majesty's Lands, within this Prov",
I shall still have the satisfaction of being entirely justified.
Had I been so fortunate as to have conceived that the objection arose from the License, in
not specifying that a Thousand acres only should be purchased for one person, by explaining
the occasion of it sooner, I should have spared your LordP the trouble of this letter.
However uncivilized, there are no people more cautious and deliberate in business, than the
Five Nations; and as in a Colony which begins to be 8o rapidly settled, there must be frequent
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
applications for Grants; if it should be necessary to Negotiate a separate bargain and sale for
every Tract of a Thousand acres of Land, there would be no end to the Time, the expense and
fatigue of a Congress; and indeed it must become impracticable for the Gov"' whose presence
by a late Instruction is rendered essential, to attend this Branch of his numerous duties without
neglecting others.
Besides, as the Indians have no Record but the memory, and no idea of figures or
measuration, a misconception of the Boundary in such a multitude of different Tracts, must
prove a perpetual source of jealousy and discontent; against which there is no effectual
expedient but to consult nature, and to bound their sales by remarkable Mountains and streams
of water, or some land mark notorious among themselves, or in some instances by the Magnetic
course of the Compass.
Hence has it become usual for the Inhabitants when they incline to purchase to form
associations; and after contributing to the expense, to leave it to a few of their Number to
manage the business in Trust for the rest, and in their names alone the Petition and License,
and the purchase itself are negotiated. The Cession is immediately to the Crown, and the
purchasers who advance the money derive no other advantage from it, than a Claim upon
the honor and justice of Govern', to a preference in Letters Patent. For this purpose a
second Petition is presented praying for a grant, and here the advice of Council is again as
necessary as before it had been, to authorize the License. In this stage of the proceedings all
the parties interested become petitioners by name, and to each is advised to be granted a
Thousand acres and no more. The Surveyor General then receives the Governor's Warr'
requiring him to Survey for each of those Petitioners a Thousand Acres, and their proportions
are united, and laid out in one Tract or Township or in separate lots, as they agree among
themselves. The return compleated it is presented to the Commiss" for laying out the Crown
Lands, who are to examine and see that it corresponds with the Instruction ; and having given
their certificates to that efl^ect, a Warr' issues to the Attorney General to prepare the Draft of
letters Patent, and this being done and accompanies with his certificate, that they contain
nothing contrary to His Maj'^'* interest, the draft is delivered to the Secretary to be engrossed,
and the seal being affixed, it is registered and Docketted in the Auditor Gen"s office.
Your Lord? will be pleased to observe, that according to this system, which is in all cases
(except on a Mandamus) strictly pursued, the Indian Deed makes no part of the Subject's
Title, who holds immediately from the Crown ; and it is of no other moment, than to satisfy
the claim of the Native occupants. It must therefore appear to be immaterial, whether that
deed is expressed to be taken for the benefit of one, or many, since it vests no legal right ; and
none can be obtained but by the Royal Grant, and in the mode which the Instructions prescribe.
1 am sensible, that it frequently, and I believe, generally happens, that the purchasers, by
making use of the solicitations and names of their Friends, eventually obtain a greater share
in the Tract than one thousand acres. But if this is an evil, it is hardly to be prevented.
Men of property in a Country where the soil is of little value, must have it in their power to
purchase large Tracts, if they chuse this method to raise their families, tho' as the benefit
seems, at present, remote, the temptation is not very strong. For my own part, I should think
it good policy rather to encourage than to check such a spirit. The Subordination which
arises from a distinction in Rank and fortune, I have found from experience, to be friendly to
Govern', and conducive to the strengthening the hands of the Crown, and perhaps it will prove
the only counterpoize against a levellinij and Republican spirit, which the popular constitutions
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 375
of some Colonies, and the Temper of their Inhabitants, who are spreading themselves
throughout this Continent, so naturally excite.
Precautions against the secret Trusts of Patentees, seems extremely difficult, nor can I think
of any other, than to oblige Petitioner to swear that the Grant for which he applies, is for his
own immediate benefit, and even that, would not prevent subsequent alienations, but whether
the multiplication of oaths is not already one of the great misfortunes of our Govern", and to be
dreaded as an inlet to perjury and a corruption of morals, seems to deserve consideration.
Having thus laid before your Lord^, a circumstantial detail of the method of appropriating the
Crown Lands, permit me to add in my own vindication, that as in granting the lincence and
consenting to the Indian Deed, I pursued and adopted the usual practice, so I never entertained
the most distant thought I was deviating from my duty in the least circumstance. Embarrassed
as I now am, with the purchasers who have parted with their money in a firm reliance upon
the authority and honor of this Govern', I entreat your Lord? to intercede with His Maj'^ that
I may be left at liberty to do for them what, religiously appears to me, to be no more than an
act of Justice, and which they importunately solicit at my hands. Was I conscious of having
erred, or offended, it would be my duty to be silent, and I should not presume to ask this
Favor ; but as my intentions were upright, and I was acting in the ordinary Course of the
Landed Departm', I confess it would give me very great uneasiness and concern to be reduced
to the necessity of dismissing those Petitioners & Purchasers without redress or compensation,
and I conceive I cannot in honor dismiss them.
I am sorry the conduct of this Govern' respecting the Canadian and New Hampshire claims,
appears to your Lord? in an unfavorable point of light, and altho' the chief of those transactions
happened before my Administra'" the honor of the Council Board, and the Interests of the
Officers and Soldiers, as well as many other of His Majesty's subjects under my care, call upon
me to communicate every useful information, which has come to my knowledge on this subject,
and this must plead my excuse for troubling your Lord? with a few observations in addition to
those which 1 have already submitted to your consideration.
The Country between the Connecticut River, and the Wood Creek, Lake George and Lake
Champlain, had long been the scene of war, and was first rescued from encroachment and
obscurity by the conquest of Canada. Natural was it for the Military who were entitled to
lands by the Bounty of the Crown, and of which they had the Election by the express terms
of the Royal Proclam'" of 1763, to fix upon that district, which they considered as won by
their valor. Besides, as the rest of the vacant Lands were subject to the Indian claim, the
Clause of the Proclam"", requiring that their grants should pass without Fee or Reward, could
not have been obeyed, but by complying with their Election. Indeed, I am assured, that L'
Gov^Colden, who then presided represented those applications to His Maj'^'' Secretary of State,
with his opinion of the Canadian claims, intimating, that he should withhold the Grants, for a
limited time in order to receive the King's Commands, after which, being furnished with no
directions to the contrary he proceeded to affix the seal.
The prohibitory instruction on occasion of the Petition of the New Hampshire claimants,
was not framed or communicated till the year 1767, long after the military rights had been
located & surveyed, and in general appropriated by Patents. Had it accompanied the Royal
decree of the 20"' day of July 1764. which determined the controverted boundary between
New York and New Hampshire there is no doubt, but it ought implicitly to have been obeyed ;
the jurisdiction and Soil as Your Lordship justly observes, being in the Crown and the property
376 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
at His Maj'y'" disposal, according to his gracious pleasure. Indeed, had those lands at the time
of his Royal adjudication been settled and improved either under Canadian or New Hampshire
Grants, it must be admitted that no steps ought to have been taken to the prejudice of the
occupants, without His Majesty's directions, and Your LordP will find from the proofs
accompanying the cases which I lately had the honor to transmit, that all the Country
comprized within the Counties of Cumberland and Gloucester where they now at that time
chiefly settled, were reserved for their benefit; and that even to the Westward, and within
what remained part of the County of Albany, a suitable provision was made by reserving out
of every Grant two hundred acres for each occupant, who had strayed so far within the known
limits of this Prov" If those adventurous people had not encroached within the ancient N.
York Grants, there could after so equitable a disposition in their favour, have remained no room
for uneasiness or discontent; but here it was not in the power of Govern' to protect them, if
it would have been just in itself. A small Military grant of 2000 acres in Bennington, included
a few of the settlements under N. Hampshire, but it was surveyed and returned as I am
informed before the Govern' was apprised of the circumstances of that part of the Country,
which induced them in tenderness to the occupants to make the abovementioned provision
for their security.
I hope, My Lord, that these considerations will have weight in removing any unfavourable
impressions with respect to general conduct of His Maj''''' servants within this Govern' on
occasion of a contest, which has introduced so much trouble and disorder, & which I anxiously
wish for a happy termination.
It is with the warmest gratitude that I return Your Lord? my sincere thanks, for the
honorable mention you are pleased to make of my zeal for His Maj'^'" service, Your favorable
sentiments of the uprightness of my intentions, and your disposition to recommend me to the
King's favor
I am — ettc.
W" Tryon
Draft of Additional Instructions to the Governors in America.
[ Plantations General Entries, XLVI. ( N. ) P- ^O.]
Draft of Additional Instructions to the Governor of His Majesty's Colonies &
Plantations in America. 3 June 1773
[Omitted, as the Official Instructiona are printed, post, under date of 5th February, l'Z'74.]
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII.
377
Governai' Try on to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. O.) CLXT.l
N-se.
New York. 3. June. 1773. •
My Lord.
The enclosed abstract will serve to give your Lord? an idea of the state of the Militia of
this Prov", though not of the strength of the Companies and Battalions, which I am
unacquainted with myself, not having had, as yet, any Regimental returns from the Colonels.
I am with the greatest respect and esteem
My Lord.
Your LordP's most obedient servant,
W™ Tryon.
Return of the Militia of the Province of New-YorTc.
An Abstract of the State of Militia in the Province of New York, shewing the
Number of Regiments Battalions and Companies with the Number of
Colonels, L* Colonels, Majors, Captains and Subalterns in each County.
2" June 1773.
ConnTY
Eegt
Batt:
Compy
Coin
LtCol:
Majre
Capts
Lieut
Ensgns
Eemaekb.
King's
3
'2
1
7
18
25
if
29
46
23
23
29
29
5
1
1
1
1
1
1
4
2
2
6
3
1
3
3
3
2
6
3
i
7
18
25
3
14
29
46
23
23
29
'5
7
18
25
6
28
63
92
46
46
49
68
"5
7
18
26
14
29
46
23
23
29
29
'5
And one Troop of light Horse
And two do
And one do
And one do
And one do & 9 Indepent or nnregi-
And one do [mented Compnies
And one do [the Compsof 3 Regts
And two do N. B. no return made of
And one do [in this County.
No Militia Establishment formed as yet
Companies not returned or formed.
Queen's
Richmond
New York
West Chester . . .
Dutchess.
Orange . .
Ulster
Albany
Charlotte
Cumberland
Gloucester.
Total
26
35
251
22
33
33
251
488
251.
Sir. William Johnson Bar' Major General of the Northern District
Coll: G. Johnson Adj' General Lieut: Col : John Glenn Q"' Master General
And Sir John Johnson Kn' Col : of Reg' of Horse in d"
Oliver De Lancey Esq'* Col : in Chief of the Southern District.
W"" Trton.
Vol. VIIL
48
gfS NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Edmund Burlce, Esq.^ to Secretary Pownall.
[ New York Papers, Bundle V. v., No. 71. ]
15 June 1773.
Sir,
I am honoured with your letters of the 14"" wishing to be informed, on whose behalf, and on
what question, I desire to have Counsel heard against the Canadian Grants on Lake Champlain,
You will be so good as to acquaint their LordPi", that I would have Counsel heard on behalf
of the grantees under New York Govern', who are composed in a great measure of half pay
Officers, that have received grants, agreably to His Majesty's Proclamation. And I am
instructed to take care of the interests of these Grantees, not only so far as they are concerned,
but also so far as the territorial rights of the Province may be affected by the French claims.
I beg leave to be heard by Counsel (if their LordPP" should not expressly confine the
Counsel) to all such matters, as they, or the parties shall advise as proper and effectual towards
invalidating the said French Grants, and establishing the rights of the New York Grantees —
I am with great regard
Sir
Your most obed' and humble serv'
Edm : Burke.
Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of the Privy Coimcil.
[ New-York Eotries, LXIX., 9. ]
To the Right Hon'^'^ the Lords of the Committee of His Majesty's most Hon"' Privy Council
for Plantation Affairs.
My Lords,
In obedience to His Majesty's Order in Council of the 5"" of March last We have taken into
Our Consideration the Petition of Major General John Bradstreet setting forth amongst other
things that the Petitioner for himself and in behalf of others his associates in the year 1769
in the Presence of Sir Henry Moore then Governor of New York and with the approbation
of Sir William Johnson Superintendant of Indian Affairs did in His Majesty's name purchase
for a valuable Consideration of the Tribe of Aughquagey Indians at a public Meeting of the
said Indians held for that purpose by His Majesty's said Governor agreably to the several Rules
and Forms in such case prescribed by His Majesty's Royal Proclamation a large Tract of Land
therein particularly described containing by estimation 300,000 Acres and humbly praying for
the Reasons therein contained that His Majesty will be graciously pleased to grant and confirm
to the Petitioner and his Associates under the Great Seal of Great Britain the said Lands to be
holden under the like reservation of Quit Rent &"= as in Case of Lands purchased by Sir
William Johnson and confirmed to him or in such other manner as to his Majesty shall
seem meet.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 379
This is the substance of Major General Bradstreets' Petition but before we enter into any
discussion of his particular Case it will be necessary in General to premise to your Lordsbips
that upon full and early Conviction of the many prejudicial Consequences which were found
to result from the practice of obtaining Grants and Concessions of Lands from the different
Tribes and Nations of Indians it was considered as a matter of Great Importance both to the
Interest of the Crown and the welfare of the Provinces within whose Limits such Grants bad
been obtained to restrain by particular Instructions all persons purchasing Lands of the Indians
without special and particular licence for that purpose from the Governor of the Colony within
which the lands should lye and this Policy in General obtained throughout the Provinces till
his Majesty's Proclamation of the 7"' of October 1763 put a more effectual stop to the practice
by an express prohibition strictly forbidding any private person to presume to make any
Purchase from the Indians of any Lands reserved to the said Indians within those parts of the
Colonies where his Majesty had thought proper to allow Settlement this being the case whether
we consider the circumstances of the purchase which the Petitioner alledges to have finally
concluded with the Indians in the year 1769 or advert to what has been offered in his behalf
of his having enter'd into agreement with them during the course of the War previous to his
Majesty's Proclamation it does appear to us that proceeding has been such as can neither in
the one instance be reconciled to the Spirit and intent of his Maj'^'' Instructions subsisting
before the Proclamation by which all private purchases whatever are forbidden at the same
" Major-General John Bradsteket was born in 1711, and accompanied the expedition against Lonisbourg in 1745,
as Lieutenant-Colonel in Pepperell's York Provincials, Maine. Of his conduct in that campaign, Gen. Pepperell
observes: "No person in the army could possibly have behaved with more zeal, activity and judgment in the measures
taken for the accomplishment of our design, which added to his particular knowledge in the circumstances of this placei
justly entitle him to the esteem and thanks of every well wisher to the success of the expedition." 1 Massathusetts Historical
Collections, I., 40. On the 5th of September, 1745, he received a commission of Captain in a Royal regiment called Sir William
Pepperell's foot, ( Parsons' Lifeof Pepperell, 150, 169, 312, 347 ) and as an additional reward for his services, was appointed
on the 16th September, 1746, to the sinecure place of Lieutenant-Governor of St. John, Newfoundland. London Magazine,
XV., 480; Gentleman's Magazine. Captain Bradstreet remained in garrison at Louisbourg with his regiment until 1748, in
■which year it was disbanded. On the renewal of hostilities in 1755, he was ordered by Braddock to march with a party of
Provincials to Oswego, preliminary to operations against Niagara ; and when Shirley succeeded to the command, he made
Bradstreet his Adjutant-General. 1 Massachusetts Historical Collections, VII., 96, 116. In the following year he was again
ordered to conduct supplies to Oswego. On his return, after having successfully performed that duty, he was attacked on
the 3d July, nine miles south of that place, by a strong party of the enemy, which he defeated. N'ew -York Documentary
History, 8vo., L, 482-4S7. In March, 1757, he was appointed to a company in the 60th or Royal Americans, and became
Lieutenant Colonel in the Regular army on the 27th December following, at which time he was Deputy Quarter Master
General. Ar7ny List. He served in 1758, under Abererombie, in the unsuccessful attack on Ticonderoga, immediately after
which he was permitted to march at the head of 3000 Provincials against Fort Frontenac, which he reduced on the 27th of
August. Dunlap's History of New-York, L, 394; Knox's Campaigns, I, 150. The details of this achievement were published
the following year, under this title: "An Impartial Account of Lieutenant-Colonel Bradstreet's expedition to Fort Frontenac.
To which are added a few reflections on the conduct of that enterprise, and the advantages resulting from its success. By a
Volunteer in the Expedition. London." 8vo., pp. 60. In 1759, he accompanied General Amherst as Quarter-Master-
General, in the expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and had his head quarters the following summer at Oswego,
where the necessaries were provided to facilitate the descent of the Army to Montreal, but ill health prevented him accom-
panying the troops. In February, 1762, he was promoted to be Colonel, and continued Quarter-Master-General for
a few years after. Army Lists In 1764, he commanded an expedition against the Western Indians, and negotiated a peace
with these tribes at Detroit on the 7th September of that year, after which he returned to the East. Parkman's Pontiac. On
the 25th May, 1772, he was advanced to the rank of Major-General; and after a life of great activity, and after rendering
essential service to his country, died at New- York 25th September, (Allen incorrectly says 2l3t October) 1774. The civil
and military officers, and the 47 th regiment attended his remains to Trinity Cbureh. Dunlap's History of New - York, II., cclii.
General Bradstreet's will bears date 23d September, 1774, and is recorded in the surrogate's office, New-York. It is, says
Ml-. K F. DcLancey, a model of bi-evihy and clearness, and w;i8 drawn by the famous William Smith. Further particulars of
the family are to be found in Wendell's Supreme Court Reports, XII., 602. — En.
380 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
time we cannot omit observing to your Lordship that the present petition goes to a very-
considerable extent being for a Tract which by Estimation contains 300,000 Acres and we
doubt not that your Lordships are well apprized of the objections which operate against
recommending or confirming Grants and Concessions to private persons of so exorbitant a
nature at the same time it is a justice we owe to the Character of Major General Bradstreet to
observe that thro' a long Course of public Service his merits have been such as seem to
recommend him in a particular manner to the Bounty and Munificence of His Majesty.
Having therefore laid before your Lordships this together with every other Circumstance
which may serve to direct your Judgements in the Case we must submit it to your Lordships
to give such advice to His Majesty upon the whole as your Lordships duly weighing the Matter
of the Petition on the one hand and the Merits of the petitioner on the other shall in your
Wisdom think expedient.
We are
My Lords
Your Lordships
Most obedient and
most humble Servants
Dartmouth
Whitehall E" Eliot
July 1" 1773. Bambkr Gascoyne
N° 37.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-Tork Papers ( B. P. O. ) CLX V.]
New York. 1. July. 1773.
My Lord.
The confidence with which your Lord? is pleased to honor me in your dispatch N° 8. as it is
a proof of your favourable opinion calls for my gratitude. However difficult and delicate the
task, I should be wanting in duty to my Sovereign, and respect to your LordP, if I did not
readily obey your commands by communicating without reserve, my candid & undisguised
sentiments on so interesting a subject. This appears to me the more necessary, as your Lord?
seems to be apprehensive, with good reason, that there are facts and circumstances unstated,
the knowledge of which may be found essential to any plan for reestablishing the public
tranquility to a province unfortunately involved in disputes with several of the neighboring
Govern".
Your LordP is already apprised that the measures recommended by the Lords of Trade
cannot be carried into execution without the authority of the Legislature, and you will permit
me frankly to declare that I think, 1 cannot flatter myself with the slightest hope of procuring
the concurrence of the Assembly of this Prov"* in a scheme so repugnant to the claims of
persons who from tiieir numbers and connections have a very powerful influence in the Colony.
With respect to that part of it, which concerns the Land in controversy between this
Province & tiie Massachusetts Bay, I foresee no great difiiculties ,• for the late agreement at
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 381
Hartford I believe will, if it receives the Royal approbation, happily terminate these disputes,
whether they regard private property or public Jurisdiction.
There are four Tracts of Land affected by that Partition, the Manor of Renselaerwyck
granted in 16S5 the Manor of Livingston in 16S6. The Patent of Hosick in 1688. and the
Patent of Westenhook in 1708. and I do not learn there are any possessions under either of
them to the Eastward of the line agreed upon by the Commissaries.
As these Grants are very extensive and valuable on the western side of the Line and charged
with trifling rents and reservations, I have no reason to imagine the New York Patentees will
either set up their claims in the Massachusett's Courts, or seek for a compensation out of any
other of the waste lands that belong to the Crown.
It is also very improbable on the other hand, that these N. York Proprietors will meet with
any further trouble from the Massachusett's Claimants, whose titles and possessions on tlie West
side of the line are modern, and whose losses can be abundantly recompensed by the Govern'
under which they settled, out of the vacant lands of Sagadahock which are comprehended
within tiie Charter.
In the list of claimants under the Massachusett's Bay, I do not reckon those whose lands
were discovered to be on the North side, which was adjudged on the settlement of the
controversy between that Prov" & New Hampshire in 1739, to be the North boundary of
the Massachusett's Bay. These composed the Townships of Brattleborough and Putney, and
that Part of Hinsdale, which was granted to Coll. Howard, the first settlers of which,
upon that determination all acquired new Patents under New Hampshire, esteeming the
Massachusett's title a meer nullity, and those Patents to have issued through mistake. Besides,
My Lord, as to Brattleborough and Putney, they are both confirmed under New York, and so
Hinsdale might have been, if the occupants, either from an unwillingness to pay the quit-rents,
or a slight of their Interest, had not neglected to make themselves and their case known to
this Govern', until a part of their Township was granted to Coll : Howard, who brought over
the Royal order for a grant of Ten thousand Acres, and agreeable to the priviledges given him
in the Mandamus made his Election of that spot.
To me therefore it appears clear, that no person can justly avail himself of a Massachusett's
title out of the line assigned for the North Boundary in 1739. and 1 submit it therefore to your
LordP, whether it will not be inexpedient to excite applications to the Crown for compensations ;
and to guard ag" frauds, I must observe, that as some of the New York Patents extend several
miles beyond the partition agreed to at Hartford, an ill use may be made of the generosity of
the Plan by a concert between the New York Patentees, and the Massachusett's Possessors to
set up a very extravagant demand of fifty acres for every three that are improved by the latter,
beyond the partition, and within the letter of the New York Patents, the Proprietors of which
have made no improvements there, as I have already observed, and who, (the extent of their
Grant remaining out of controversy considered, with the smallness of the rents they are
chargeable with) ought to be content, though they should receive no allowance.
Butthechief objection that will be raised against any Law grounded upon the plan proposed
by the Lords of Trade will relate to the second and third Articles of it, which respect the
disposition of the Country to the Northward of the Massachusett's Bay.
I presume that their Lord^P' were not aware tliat the curve line they propose for the Western
side of that immense Tract which is the object of their Report, will run to the Westward of
Lake Champlain, before it reaches the Northern extent of this Prov""" in the latitude 45'^. But
382 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
this, My Lord, will be the Fact, for tho' the course of the Ptiver from Albany is Northerly to
about 3. miles to the North of P'ort Edward, yet it then takes a turn for several miles to the
Southward of West, and then again a Northerly direction as far as it has been explored, many
miles to the westward of the Lakes George and Champlain. And as the River Connecticut
on the other side, tends so far to the Eastward of the North as at the 45''' degree of latitude
to be ninety one miles from Lake Champlain, Your Lord^ will perceive, that the Report of
the Board of Trade must effect a great number of Patents Granted under this Govern', and
give a preference to the New Hampshire Claims home to the waters of Lake Champlain, and
to lands three times as far west as the Curve line would leave to the Massachusett's Bay, where
the intermediate distance between such curved line and the Connecticut River, does not exceed
thirty miles; the Rivers Hudson and Connecticut being there not more than fifty miles apart,
and were probably thought to keep that distance when the Lords of Trade first conceived the
idea of countenancing an extent of the N. England claims to a line so far West as to twenty
miles from Hudson's R^
The Patents under N. York within the district distinguish'd by the Report are"very numerous,
and contain many hundred thousand acres. And as Ihey now belong to an infinity of persons,
in and out of the Prov'^"', & valuable considerations have been paid by the original proprietors,
never to be recovered back on account of the changes wh"='' time has made in their circumstances
& situations, how is it possible. My Lord, to frame any Law for the distribution of Justice to
the present claimants? or what prospect is there that such a number of persons, of all Ranks,
Civil and Military, can be brought to submit to any project to diminish Estates that are held
under the Royal Grants — that were bought for large sums, and some of which have been
improved, & maintained at a still greater expense? Indeed, My Lord, the task would be a very
difficult one, if we had only to deal with the first Patentees, but it has become unspeakably
more arduous and delicate, as these lands are now claimed by creditors and bona fide
purchasers, under all the modes of alienation, as well as by the original Proprietors and
their Heirs.
And that Your LordP may more fully comprehend the reasons that induce me utterly to
despair of the co-operation of the Assembly, I beg leave to particularize a few of the many
obstacles to the proposed Act, that rise to my view.
First — Loud Complaints will be made of the Crown's reseizing of unimproved lands by
those who have had New York Patents since the Royal decision in 1764 for Tracts not before
granted by N. Hampshire. For these Proprietors will insist that no advantage can equitably
be taken of their unsettled Parcels, since the non improvements are to be imputed to the
violence & power of the general opposition of the N. Hampshire Planters in the vicinity —
and the justice of their claims to an exemption from the forfeiture seems to be strongly inforced
by the neglect of Government to aid them in repelling this violence, which it must be confessed,
they have repeatedly implored as essential to their deriving any benefit from their grant; and
Secondly; even as to such of the New York Patentees whose claims interfere with prior
Grants under N. Hampshire ; they too indulge an unshaken confidence in their Titles, and are
encouraged in it by the common suffrage of the Colony — May I not be permitted to say more?
The two Provinces contending about their partition, it was referred to the decision of the
Crown. The King was pleased in 1764. to declare the West Banks of Connecticut River to
he the Eastern boundary of New York, and this considered with reference to the Grant of the
Province to the Duke of i'ork in 16(34, which conveyed to His Royal Highness all the Lands
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 383
from tlie head of Connecticut to Delaware, together with the wliole of the River Hudson,
which is between them, what room was there for questioning the Right of this Colony to issue
Patents for those lands ? and being issued, the Patentees will most assuredly assent and maintain
the Title in all the Forms in which they can be justified by the Law of that Land.
Thirdly; There are fifteen Townships granted by New Hampshire, and which have been
confirmed by N. York. These Proprietors, who above all things, have avoided to give umbrage
to the Govern', or disturb the tranquility in both Provinces, must surely be entitled to special
indulgencies ; but thro' the troubled State of the Country, great Part of these Townships remain
still unimproved, and their case will be thought singularly hard, if they are to loose the
unsettled parcels.
Fourthly; difficulties will also attend the provision that is to be made for the Officers and
Soldiers, who are the objects of the Royal promise in the Proclam'" of the 7"" of Octob'' 17C3
— 1 cannot comprehend, in what way the value of their lands and improvements is to be
adjusted without expense to themselves; nor by what arguments they ever can be persuaded
to dismiss their claims until they are actually vested with the equivalent. Besides, many of
these Military Grants are now owned by other persons who have paid for<heir possessions and
will never become volunteers in the cession in expectation of other Tracts, while there is reason
to apprehend, that the residue of the Land in the district, out of which they are to be satisfied,
( free from claims ) is not of sufficient value, its remoteness and quality considered to compensate
for the surrender of what they hold by their Patents.
Fifthly; how. My Lord, can the State of the possessions and improvements which are to
remain to the Patentees be settled by Inquests in so extensive a Woodland Country — will not
the partial prejudices that prevail in the respective Provinces of N. York & N. Hampshire
exclude the Inhabitants of both as Incompetent Tryers? and by whom is the expense to be
sustained? This will be considerable, for disinterested and fair Jurors, must be brought from
distant places. I shall only add, My Lord,
Sixthly; that scarce any measure can raise a more General discontent in this Colony, that a
Law to vacate Patents for non-settlement — those of which the advantage might be taken are
many, and the dread of a precedent of this kind will unite all the Landholders to oppose a
project so alarming to their Interest. I will not presume to say, there is no instance, in which
the avarice of a Patentee ought not to expose him to the forfeiture on the condition for
settlement; but I must nevertheless observe to Your Lord^ that some of these Patentees, plead
in excuse that their improvements have been obstructed by the Incursions of the Savages, or
by disputes with the neighbouring Colonies, and that it is the general opinion, that the Prov"
is improved according to its Population, and that the Burthen of the Quit Rents, is a sufficient
spur to sales & cultivation.
I should be happy. My Lord, after showing the improbability of executing the plan proposed
by the Lords of Trade if I may be able to suggest any other in its place to answer their LordPP"
benevolent design of appeasing these animosities, which have given so much trouble to
the Administration, & daily afford new ground for serious apprehension.
In contemplating the State of this Country, it is material to observe ; that there are one
hundred and fourteen Tow[n]ships of Six miles square granted by New Hampshire, besides
those fifteen which have been confirmed by New York ; that the Patents under this Prov'^'" to
Officers and Soldiers, & others include about six hundred thousand Acres ; that many of those
grants interfere, and that it is almost impossible to ascertain what part of any N. Hampshire
384 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Patent is included in the Grantunder N. York, for as N. Hampshire proceeded with precipitancy
and without previous Surveys to seize a priority of possession, and thereby countenance their
Claim, there is the utmost uncertainty in the description and bounds of these Grants; and it is
more than probable that they would be found upon a Survey to interlock with each other, or
spread beyond the breadth of the Country in which they are supposed to be contained.
That these Charters, grant Priviledges conformable to the popular Bias of the New
England Colonies.
That the Eastern Parts of this Country, comprehend in our New Counties of Cumberland
and Gloucester, pay a cheerful submission to this Govern', and that none of the Inhabitants
even on the most westerly Parts of the Counties of Albany and Charlotte, where the New York
Patents chiefly clash with the New Hampshire grants, are desirous of a change of Jurisdiction
for any other reason, than because they conceive hopes of a support of their Charters and
claims by the Juries and Courts of Law in that Province.
Whence it results, and more especially as the malady consists in the double Grant of the
same lands to different persons, that independent of the original right of this Prov" and
the Royal decision in 1764. there are the most cogent reasons for continuing that Country
under the Govern' of New York and suffering the doctrine to prevail, that all the grants
within it under the Seal of N. Hampshire are void.
I feel therefore a very sensible pleasure in the reflection that I need be at no pains to assign
any reasons to Your Lord? against a Recision of the declaration of July 1764, for I collect from
Your LordP's correspondence that His Majesty has no intention at present of changing
the Jurisdiction.
Your LordP has doubtless adverted to the smallness of the rents reserved to the Crown by
these numerous Charters under N. Hampshire ; and it is my duty to observe, that there is more
than ground for mere conjecture, that they would under that Govern' be totally lost. Issued
as they were without Surveys, and for lands described without accuracy, and often clashing
with each other, a handle would be made of their uncertainty for the purpose of eluding the
payment and performance of the Quit Rents and conditions by a spirit of litigation, which
would be restless and active in proportion to the number of Planters in like circumstances, and
the popular averson to all verdicts in favor of the Crown.
I understand it, My Lord, to be a question of Law between the Patentees of both Govern",
whose is the best title ? and that if they are obstinate in their claims it must receive a
determination in the Courts of Justice. Certainly, both Govern" had not authority to issue
grants of the same Lands.
If there is no hope of a decision from the Legislative Authority, the only prospect of a
speedy restoration of the common tranquility, must depend upon Govern" prevailing with one
or other of the contending Parties, to make voluntary cession of their claims. For reasons to
be mentioned in the sequel, I am not to expect that the N. York grantees will come into such
a measure ; but I do not despair that this event may be effected on the other side, if the
present opportunity is speedily embraced. I believe. My Lord, that the claimants under New
Hampshire may be induced to throw up their Charters, upon Terms.
The discontented inhabitants of Bennington have declared their readiness to submit to the
Royal opinion in this controversy upon an apprehension, that it must one day come before His
Maj'y in a Court of Errors. The point they hold is, that the order of 1764. settled the
Jurisdiction only from that time, and that a prior grant under N. Hampshire is valid.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIIL 385
As these are the most tenacious asserters of that Doctrine and Claim, I cannot help wishing
for some new Declaration of His Maj'^'' mind upon this suhject; for if their title should be
deemed void, and an immediate submission take place in this Quarter, it will doubtless prevail
throughout the whole extent of tlie controverted Territory. And even upon the supposition
that this desirable end should require compensations from equitable considerations, towards
the N. Hampshire claimants yet if proper distinctions are attended to, it may be eftected
without any Tragical consequences to the settlers as persons at a distance and unacquainted
with their real State and condition may imagine.
In prosecuting this subject I must first take notice of the disparity between the N.
Hampshire Patents & those under New York. The solidity of the latter being uncontroverted
in this Colony, and especially those issued after the year 1764; the sales of them commanded
high prices, not to mention that these patents cost very considerable sums for the Survey's
and Fees; whereas, the suspicious circumstances attending the N. Hampshire Grants rendered
them proportionably cheap, & the purchasers of them were considered rather as gaining
Adventures than certain and substantial acquisitions
And among these New Hampshire Grants we carefully distinguish between such as are
improved, and those which from the little value set upon them, are not only unsettled, but
their very situation not accurately known, except in their relation to others, upon which they
are described to abutt, and as they stand ranged upon a general Plan of an insurveyed
Territory.
Again, My Lord, with respect to the Townships which have the Name of being settled,
even these will upon examination be found to be but few, and tlie improvem'* on such slight
estimation, that compensating them for their losses out of the unsettled Townships, or the
unpatented part of the Country, will require no great proportion of the waste lands of
the Crown.
At all events, these waste lands alone will be more than sufficient for the indempnity of all
such of the N. Hampshire Grants, as can set up any equitable pretensions to His Majesty's
favourable notice, especially as the Crown can besides, ease the Grantee by deferring the
payment as well as reducing the quantum of the Quit Rents, and give a still further relief by
commanding that the New Patents issue upon moderate Fees to the Officers of the Govern',
and without any to His Governor, if this should be thought reasonable.
Your LordP may rest assured that of all the N. Hampshire Grants interfering with Patents
under N. York, there are none considerable for their improvements, except that part of
Hinsdale which was granted under the Royal Mandamus to Coll: Howard, and the Township
of Bennington, and one or two more in that Vicinity ; & I am persuaded, that the main
difficulty will lay in satisfying the settlers in these Townships, and that His Majesty's Grace
to the other N. Hampshire Grantees will be most gratefully accepted.
To guard against any improper advantage that may be taken of His Maj'''"' instructions in
favor of possessions and improvements. Terms used in the Report of the Lords of Trade, I
must not omit mentioning to your Lordf, that with the Inhabitants of America, they are not
restrained to Houses, and Barns and Lands inclosed, and prepared for the Scythe and Plough,
but applied often to a Tract of girded Trees surrounded by dry loose brush, and a square Hutt
made of unhewn Logs, and covered with Bark.
I am sensible. My Lord, that agreable to these Hints, the peace of the Prov''= is to be
purchased at His Maj'J'' expense, but there seems to be an inevitable necessity for the tiacrifice-
VoL. VIII. 49
386 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
If it be thought to be most eligible for His Maj"^ to take the work into his own hands,
without the Legislative aid, which, I fear cannot be had in the Colonies, I hope your LordP
will pardon my importunity in repeating the intimation that its success will depend upon the
proper measures being immediately prosecuted. The parties concerned, who, in the present
Infant State of this controversy, may now listen to the Royal Voice and overtures, will in a very
short time, look only to the Law, for a settlement of their disputes, and when strengthened
by numbers, impoverished by Law suits and animated by a concourse of Banditti, whose
interest it is to flock to such troubled quarters, the Law itself will loose the authority, and the
whole Country become a scene of the wildest confusion, equally destructive to the felicity of
the subject, and the interest of the Crown.
But tho' I conceive the restoration of the common tranquility, practicable with some
liberality to the N. Hampshire Grantees, yet nothing but a sense of duty prompts me to urge
it, foreseeing as I do, that in the execution of the trust, much must be left to His I\Iaj'>'*
servants in this Prov", and that the jealousies of avarice and ignorance of the Petitioning
Claimants will render the service neither desirable nor easy.
Before I conclude, and for your LordP's more ready comprehension of my idea of the State
of the Country in dispute, the condition and situation of the Claimants, and what general
principles will best suit the exigency of those affairs, I shall, with the utmost deference offer
several propositions for your LordP's attention, to which I confess myself a Convert.
That some more Easterly line be substituted instead of the Curve line proposed ; be it a
continuation of the line agreed upon at Hartford, or the Western boundary lines of the Counties
of Cumberland and Gloucester, dividing them from Albany and Charlotte as established by an
Act of our last Session either of which will reduce the object of the Report from that degree
of liberality to New Hampshire, so alarming to the Proprietors under New York.
That all the New York Patents within this Govern' be declared valid whether they do or do
not interfere with prior or subsequent Grants under N. Hampshire.
That all New Hampshire Patents be declared void being destitute of Legal foundation. But
that all occupants under New Hampshire Grants not covered by New York Patents, may have
confirmations of their Possessions under the Great Seal of this Prov" in such propositions, and
upon such terms as His Majesty shall prescribe.
That all occupants under New Hampshire Titles, and within New York Patents, whether
the latter be prior or subsequent, have such liberal equivalents out of the waste lands, and such
other indulgencies by a suspension of Quit Rents, as His Maj'^ shall think equitable, the
situation of these Settlers being the consideration of the greatest hardship & difficulty.
That all persons generally, who shall be found to have made settlements at the time of
the Royal order for terminating these differences be considered as bona fide occupants, it being
conceived to be impracticable to distinguish them according to the different periods of settling;
and that the settlers would not accept of such partial tho' perhaps equitable distinctions.
That a time be limited for all occupants to make their applications to Govern', and in failure
to be excluded.
That the terms of the future instructions upon this subject be, as much as possible, absolute
and unaccompanied with conditional Clauses, that are dependant on the dilatory declaration or
the consent, of the interested Parties.
It only remains to say, that the more speedy the Royal decision, the more liberal the adopted
principles, the greater the bounty to tliose New Hampshire settlers who are within the N. York
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 387
Patents, and the more extensive the confidence given to His Majesty's servants of tliis
Government, the more readily will the present storm be dispersed, and a fertile Country be
reduced to a State of cultivat" and improvement.
Notwithstanding all this, I stand ready to make any experiment with the Assembly which
Your Lordship shall be pleased to point out. I am to request in the mean time that your Lord?
will excuse any imperfections in these sentiments as they proceed from a sincere desire to give
you all the information in my power with that candour, which your commands and the
confidence you honor me with, call for. The subject being unusually delicate and difficult, I
have made the proper enquiries respecting it, but in the use I have made of the information
procured, I have preserved the free exercise of my own judgement, and the whole is humbly
submitted to His Majesty's Great wisdom, and the sagacity of his Ministers.
I am, with the greatest respect and esteem
My Lord
Your Lordship's
most obedient servant
\V"> Tryox.
Earl of Dartmoutli to Governor Tryon.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXV. ]
N° 10.
Whitehall. July 5 1773.
Sir
1 have received and laid before the King your Dispatches numbered from 27 to 32 inclusive.
Your attention to the provision of the several Acts of Assembly offered to you for your
assent, is very commendable, and the King approves your having rejected the act for the more
easy recovery of the possessions of Lands and also that for calling in & cancelling the Bills of
Credit, for the reasons assigned in your letter of the 1" of May ; but as the present State
of this paper credit of the Colony, is an object of great importance and seems to require the
aid of the Legislature in order to give it a due stability, I will not fail to take the first
opportunity of bringing the consideration of it before the Board of Trade as early as possible
in the ensuing autumn.
The final settlement of the Boundary line between the Provinces of New York and
Massachusets Bay will be equally for His Maj'J'" interest and the advantage of his subjects;
and it will be a very great satisfaction to me to hear, that this important business has been
accomplished to the mutual satisfaction of both provinces.
I am My Lord
Your Lordship's
most obedient servant
Dahtmoutii.
388 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Eavl of Dartmouth to the Governors in North America.
[riantations Gcn-raUS. P.O.) CCLIX.]
Circular Lre to the Gov" of
New York Bahamas
Quehec Bermuda
Island of St John Barbadoes
New Hampshire Leward Islands
Massachusetts Bay Grenades
New Jersey Dominica
Virginia Pensylvania
N" Carolina Maryland
Georgia Rhode Island
West Florida Connecticut
Whitehall S"- July 1773
The King having observed that the accounts received from His Matys Governors in America,
of the condition of their respective Governments, have not been so full and explicit with
respect to the state and progress of the Commerce, Cultivation and Inhabitancy thereof as
they might & ought to have been, and that they have contented themselves with barely
reporting in their correspondence the ordinary events of their administration I am commanded
to transmit to you the enclosed Heads of Enquiry relative to the Province under your
Government, and to signify to you His Majestys pleasure that you do, as speedily as may be,
transmit to me, for His Matys information, a very full and particular answer thereto,
accompanied with such Papers as shall be necessary to illustrate and explain every circumstance
that may appear to require it
The rapid progress that is making in Commerce, Cultivation & Inhabitancy is an object
that deserves the utmost attention, and it will be necessary that you do not content yourself
with barely transmitting to me answers to the present Heads of Enquiry, but that you do
continue to report, in the fullest manner such variations as may occur in any of the circumstances
relative to your Government to which those Heads of Enquiry do apply, as that you do from
time to time inform me of such alterations as may happen by death or removals, in any of
the civil & military offices. I am &c
Dartmouth.
Heads of
Provin
Enquiry relative to the present state and condition of His Majesty
nee of in America.
1 What is the Situation of the Province under your Government, the Nature of the Country,
Soil and Climate, the Latitudes & Longitudes of the most considerable Places in it? Have
those Latitudes & Longitudes been settled by good observations, or only by common
computation, and from whence are the Longitudes computed
2. What are the reputed Boundaries and are any parts thereof disputed, what parts &
by whom ?
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 389
3 What is the size and extent of the Province the number of Acres supposed to be contained
there in, what part thereof is cultivated & improved, and under what Titles do the Inhabitants
hold their possessions?
4 What Hivers are there & of what extent and convenience in point of Commerce?
5 Wliat are the principal Harbours how situated, of what extent and what is the depth of
water and nature of Ankerage in each.
6 What is the constitution of the Government ?
7. Wiiat is the trade of the {""cofonri ^^^ number of shipping belonging thereto their
Tonnage, the number of Seafaring men, with their respective increase or diminution within
ten years past ?
S What quantity & sorts of British Manufactures do the Inhabitants annually take from
hence, what good and commodities are exported from thence to Great Britain, and what is the
annual amount at an average
9 What Trade has the |''coi'J"r[ ^^^^^ JO"'' Government, with any Foreign Plantations,
or any part of Europe besides Great Britain. How is the trade carried on, What Commodities
do the people under your Government send to or receive from Foreign Plantations and what is
the annual amount thereof at an average?
10 What Methods are there used to prevent illegal Trade, and are the same effectual ?
* Maryland add l^' What is the natural Produce of the Country, Staple Commodities &
laides tobacco. Manufactures * and what value thereof in sterling money may you annually export?
12 What mines are there?
13 What is the number of Inhabitants Whites and Blacks?
14 Are the Inhabitants increased or decreased within the last ten years ; how much, and
for what reasons ?
15 What is the number of Militia, & under what Regulations is it constituted ?
] 6 What Forts and Places of Defence are there within your Governm' and in what condition ?
17 What number of Indians have you, and how are ihey inclined ?
18 What is the Strength of the Neighbouring Indians ?
ToWestFiorida 1^ What effect have the French or Spanish Settlements on the Mississippi
°^^''' upon His Majestys Plantations especially on your Province?
20 What is the revenue arising within your Government, and how is it appropriated
and applied ?
21 What are the ordinary and extraordinary expenses of your Governm'?
22 What are the establishments. Civil & Military, within your Governm' and by what
authority do the officers hold their places; what is the annual value of each office, Civil or
Military, how are they respectively appointed, and who are the present possessors?
Governor Try on to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New- York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXV.l
N»41.
New York 6. July. 1773.
My Lord.
As every appendix of Dignity to His Majesty's Commission to His Governors in America
gives an augmentation of strength and influence to the respective Govern", and in some measure
390 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
promotes, the public interest, I submit to your Lord? the expediency of His Maj'^'" investing his
several Govern" with tiie priviledge to appoint each a Cliaphiin, & the Crown out of its bounty
to allow an adequate salary for the support of the Gentleman nominated.
This would be a peculiar mark of distinction to the members of the church of England, who
stand in need of every possible aid and protection from Govern', and as such I humbly propose
its consideration to His Maj''"' attention, and your Lord^'s favorable countenance.
I am with the greatest respect & esteem
My Lord
Your LordP's most obedient servant
W" Tryon.
Gliief Justice Horsmartden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXV. ]
New York. 23. July 1773.
My Lord,
Your LordP's favour of the lO"" of April last I was honored with on my return hither, on the
IS"" inst:, after the close of our Commission at Rhode Island concerning the affairof the Gaspee.
It gives me great pleasure that my representation of the 20"" of Febr^ has the honor of your
LordP's approbation ; and now beg leave to observe to your LordP, what has occurred to me
after the finishing our Report. For waiting some days at Newport for a passage wind &
weather, I was accidentally informed of a piece of evidence, wh"'"', had it come to light sooner,
would most probably have cut our business shorter.
An Officer of a Man of War stationed at Newport, to whom the Negroe Aaron was turned
over, informed me, that upon his examining the fellow one day before his Master, and his two
Negroes who came on Board, and interrogating face to face, the fellow prevaricated much, but
still persisted in the main of his story, notwithstanding confronted by the Master and his two
Negroes, who declares that he slept with them all that night, on which the Gaspee was
destroyed. The Master and his Negroes being dismissed, the Officer upon what he had heard
from the Master and his Negroes, & had observed from the conduct of Aaron upon the occasion,
concluded, he was an Imposter, and charged him home as such, and told him he was convinced,
he was no more concerned in that affair than he himself was, and conjured him to tell the
truth, and at length he confessed twas all a fiction, which he was constrained to, for saving
himself from the punishment threatned him on board the other Man of War, as they had
charged him so positively with being one concerned, & therefore thought he must confess
himself guilty and name some principal people as Accessaries.
My Lord, a few days, after the Gaspee burnt, one of the stationed ships at Newport, went
and anchored close by the Island called Prudence, where the Master of Aaron lived, about
seven miles from where the Gaspee lay, and Aaron purposing to run away from his Master
went on board in a small Canoe, and they rightly guessed of his intention and threatened to
whip him, but on second thoughts charged him as a confederate in destroying the Gaspee, and
if he did not confess and make discovery, they would whip him, and hang him up at the
yard arm.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 391
And thus, My Lord, this forced coufession of the Negroe Aaron has been held up by the
Marine as a hopeful and sure clue to unravel this mystery of iniquity. The Fellow might
probably have heard the names of the most noted and principal Traders, at Providence and
other trading Towns in that neighborhood, though he might not know their persons, and one
D"' Weeks inserted in his list he might know personally, as an attendant upon his Masters
family ; but my sentiments upon the whole are tliat this daring insult was committed by a
number of bold, daring, rash, enterprizing sailors, collected suddenly from the neigliborhood,
who banded themselves together, upon this Bold enterprize, but by whom stimulated for the
purpose, I cannot conjecture, they cunningly calculated the attack at a time of night under
the Gaspee's disadvantage a ground, when 'twas probable, the Crew would be below deck and
a sleep, as was the case, only one centry on deck, and thus by surprize easily boarded
and plundered her.
My Lord, I have been two voyages of four hundred miles each upon this occasion at great
expense, & no small fatigue for a person of my age viz' seventy six, and 1 assure your Lord?, I
am already upwards of two hundred pounds out of pocket, and am still liable for my proportion
with the other Commissioners for the pay of the Clerks we found necessary to attend us upon
the service, and though we have not had the wished for success, we hope his Mnj'^ will
graciously accept our sincere endeavours.
My Lord, I have lately received Advice, that Ilis Maj'^ has been graciously pleased to sign a
Warr' for my salary as Chief Justice, which further adds to the obligations your Lord? has
conferred upon me, which I cannot but esteem with the utmost gratitude.
I am with profound respect,
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obliged & dutiful
humble servant
Dan: Horsmanden.
Earl of DartmoutJi to Governor Try on.
[New-Tork Papers (8. P. 0.) CLXV. ]
N" 11.
Whitehall 4 August. 1773.
Sir
Your Dispatches No' 33, 34, 3-5 and 36. have been received and laid before the King.
The settlement of the line of jurisdiction between the Provinces of New York and
Massachusett's Bay, is a very fortunate event, and your attention in this business is very much
approved by His Majesty. You may be assured, Sir, I will do every thing on my part that
the Royal Confirmation of the agreement shall be obtained as soon as possible, but I fear, the
unavoidable forms of Office, and some delicacy as to the mode of signifying that confirmation,
will not allow me to send it to you before the next Packet.
In your Dispatch 34. you say, you have reason to apprehend, that your arrangement of the
Militia is not entirely approved ; but I am persuaded, Sir, you will do me the justice to believe
392 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
that I could not mean to disapprove any arrangement which, in your opinion, was essential to
the security ol N. York or to the dignity of its Govern'; I certainly, however, did mean to convey
an opinion that such arrangements ought not to be made until the nature & extent of them
have been fully stated, and the King's pleasure signified thereupon.
I have read and considered your letter 35 with great attention, and still remain of opinion,
that a License given without the King's previous consent and Instruction, to private persons to
make purchases from the Indians of above a million of acres of Land, accompanied with an
engagement to confirm their title by letters Patent under the Seal of the Colony, was contrary
to the plain intention of the Royal Proclam'"of 176-3. incompatible with the spirit of the King's
Instructions, and an improper exercise of the power of granting Lands, vested in the Gov*" and
Council. At the same time. Sir, if I have expressed any thing in my letters to you upon that
subject, which conveyed the most distant censure of the motives on which you acted, it was
more than I either felt or intended to express, being fully satisfied, that your conduct did not
proceed from any unworthy motives, but was the result of an opinion in which you was misled
by the practice of some of your predecessors —
It will not however become me, thinking as I do of this transaction, to advise the King, in
the present moment, to permit the Royal Fiat to be given to a Grant of the Lands ; nor do I
at the same time wish that the persons, who have really and bona fide, incurred expenses upon
this occasion, should be discouraged from the hope of a reasonable and just compensation in
some shape or other; but I must be better informed of many circumstances before lean judge
in what mode it can be given ; and it is for this reason, as well as from a consideration of the
want of a more ample and precise explanation of the state of the province in general respecting
those different claims to lands which have been the source of so much disquiet and disorder,
that I have humbly moved the King that you may be directed to come, for a short time to
England, & His Maj'^ having been graciously pleased to approve thereof. Enclosed I send You
the Royal sign Manual for that purpose, not doubting that you will come fully prepared with
every information that may be necessary in the consideration of a business that involves such
variety of pretensions, and is entangled with such uncommon difficulty. I am to acquaint you
however, that it is not expected that you should come away immediately, if either the King's
service or your own private affairs should, in your own opinion, make it inconvenient to you.
I am ettc.
Dartmouth.
Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson.
[ Plantations General ( B. P. O., No. 5. ) CCLIX. ]
Whitehall 4"- Aug. 1773
Sir
I have received and laid before the King your Dispatches of the 22""^ and 30"" of April.
The importance of keeping the Confederacy of the Six Nations firmly attached to us must
be obvious to every one, and your attention to that object and to preventing any defection of
the Senecas is approved by the King
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLITI. , 393
What you state in your letter N" 5 respecting the view with which you endeavored to bring
bacli such of the Six Nations as had separated themselves from the Confederacy, is very full
and satisfactory, and from your explanation of your conduct on that occasion, and of the
situation to which they had removed, I see clearly tiie utility and advantage of your plan and
am persuaded it will have a good effect
What you have said also of the entire acquiescence of the Six Nations in the Plan for
establishing a Governm' on the Ohio, has satisfied all my doubts on that head, and I hope the
other Tribe will by degrees, be better reconciled to that measure
I am &"
To Sir W" Johnson B* Dartmouth
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXT. ]
N»46.
New York 31. August. 1773.
My Lord.
I have the honor of your Lord^'s dispatch N° 9.
No event can be more desirable or more essential to this Colony, than a generous & equitable
plan, for accommodating the disputes concerning the Lands, between Connecticut & Hudson's
Rivers, and on Lake Champlain ; and it is among my warmest wishes that, the great pains
& anxiety which your Lord"" has been pleased to bestow on these delicate points, may yet be
productive of success. My own sentiments I submitted to your Lord^'s consideration in my
dispatch N° 37. and to which after the most deliberate consideration I am obliged to adhere,
firmly persuaded, as I am, that nothing but a provision for the New Hampshire occupants out
of the waste lands, can afford any tolerable prospect of a settlement to this Branch of the
controversy. Emboldened by impunity and under no restraint of Law, the turbulent part of
these people, are continually guilty of the most flagrant excesses, which, while they call aloud
for the animadversion of Govern', lead this Country earnestly to wish, that whatever expedient
to extinguish these troubles, shall be dictated by His Maj'^"' wisdom and Justice, its etTects
may be immediate and decisive, for until each event, that part of the Country which is the
object of the dispute, will continue in a state of Riot, barbarity & confusion.
I may venture to assure your Lord? that while the New Hampshire Claimants can flatter
themselves with the idea even of the possibility of a determination in their favor, they will
never submit to Govern', and the authority of the Laws, and if the verdict of the Courts of
Law should be against them, nothing less, than compulsion will quiet or remove the Banditti
flocking to those parts.
It is a misfortune that no suite can be brought fully to comprehend the merits of every case
and lay the foundation of a general question which could be decisive, for though all the N.
Hampshire claims originate from the same source, and depend on the same authority, yet
there are particular circumstances that distinguish them. In some instances the New York
grantees have the first title, in others and most generally the N. Hampshire Charters are
prior; tho' I am told in some of these cases, a few N. York Patentees are the first occupants.
Vol. VIIL 50
394 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Again in some instances the New Hampsliire intrusions preceeded the Royal Decree of 1764.
thou'^h in general they were subsequent. In some they have encroached within 20 miies of
Hudson's River, in others, kept at a greater distance, and lastly, the reasons assigned in my
Dispatch N° 37. will show the impracticability to collect the numerous New York Proprietors,
or obtain their sentiments on any system for a general pacification. These hints I have thought
it my duty to suggest, that your Lord? may be fully informed of everything that occurs to me
on the occasion.
On the principle, My Lord, that the Grants from the Govern' of New Hampshire, or from
the Crown of France, or its officers were issued without Lawful authority, and consequently
convey no right to the grantees, nothing can be more just and proper, than, that the King
should reserve to himself the determination of what is adviseable to be done thereon, and that
the Claimants unable to sustain their pretensions, should be referred to His Maj"-'' grace
and indulgence.
These are sentiments, which I formed after a deliberate consideration of every thing
which could throw light upon the subject, and it is with singular satisfaction, that I observe,
they so well agree with what your Lord? is pleased to express on this occasion.
I shall not at present trouble your Lord"" with any remarks respecting the Indian purchases;
I can truly say it is to me a subject of pain and uneasiness, as if any thing wrong (and that
innocently) has been done, it is to be ascribed to me alone. I foresee, that the repayment of the
purchaser's whole expenses, at a remote day, and out of lands, which they consider as their
own, will neither be thought a compensation, nor relieve me from their importunities nor
complaints. Permit me therefore to beseech your Lord? to give my Dispatch N" 35, which
relates expressly to this business a favorable perusal, and to recommend it to His Maj'^'s
gracious attention.
I am with all possible respect and esteem
My Lord.
Your LordP's most obedient servant
W™ Teyon.
Governor Tryon to Major -General Haldimand.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXV. ]
New York. 1" Septemb' 1773.
Sir,
The very alarming Insults and injuries that have been lately offered by the N. Hampshire
Rioters to the persons and Properties of His Maj'^'' subjects settled under titles from this
Province, on the East side of Lake Champlain, having compelled this Govern' to seek the
protection of the Military power, in aid of the Civil authority.
I am to request your assistance, agreable to the advice given me yesterday by His Maj'^''
Council set forth in the Extract of the Minutes of the Council Board, which I have the honor
herewith to inclose to you.
I am with much respect and esteem Sir
Your most obedient servant
W" Tryon.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 395
Major -General Haldimand to Governor Ti-yon.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXV. ]
New York. 1 Sept' 1773.
Sir,
I have just received the honor of your letter of this day's date, with the minutes of Council
therewith sent, on which I beg to make the following observations.
That in the present circumstances of affairs in America, it appears to me of a dangerous
tendency to employ Regular Troops, where there are Militia Laws, and where the Civil
Magistrate can at any time call upon its trained Inhabitants to aid and assist them in the
performance of their office, and the execution of the Laws in force against Rioters, and for the
protection of the lives and properties of His Majesty's subjects.
That the idea, that a few lawless V'agabonds, can prevail in such a Govern' as that of New
York, as to oblige its GoV to have recourse to the Regular Troops to suppress them, appears
to me to carry with it such reflection of weakness as I am affraid would be attended with bad
consequences, and rendered the authority of the Civil Magistrate when not supported by the
Troops, contemptible to the Inhabitants.
I have further to observe that Crown Point, being entirely destroyed and unprovided for the
quartering of Troops, and Tieonderoga, being in a most ruinous state; such Troops as might
be sent thither, would not be able to stay a sufficient time at those posts to render them of
much utility.
If however you persist in your request and think it absolutely necessary to send troops
thither, I beg to know the number of Troops you will think necessary, & when they may be
wanted. You will also please to provide for the expenses that may attend their
transportation ettc to these Posts.
1 have the honor to be with the greatest esteem and respect — Sir — Your ettc
Fred: Haldimand.
Sir WiUiam Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ Plantations General ( S. P. O., No. 6 ) CCLIX. ]
Johnson Hall Sep Sa-* 1773
My Lord
My late ill state of Health having rendered it necessary that I should go the Sea Side, in
order to make use of the Sea Water, It was not sooner in my power to say any thing material,
to y' Lordship on the subject of your dispatch of April last (N° 4) especially as I wrote two
letters to your Lordship during that month (N"" 4 & 5)
Amongst other particulars of intelligence since my last transmitted by my Deputy to the
Southward and from the Indians, I find that a certain Captain Bullet' with a large number of
' Captain Thomas Bullit, of Virginia, the founder of the city of Louisville, Ky., was a man of great energy and enterprise.
He served under Washington on the frontier, and was afterwards in the battle which resulted in Braddoek'e defeat. Having
been sent down the Ohio in 1773, by Governor Dunmore, to make surveys, he landed and built the first cabin on the site of
the present city of Louisville. The knowledge acquired of the country in this exploration confirmed him in h's determina-
tion to settle in it, and he accordingly hastened back to his friends to procure supplies and to induce them to accompany him
to his new home. But he was unfortunately prevented from accomplishing his purpose by sickness and sudden death.
MarthcUl's EiHory of Kentucky, L, 3L — Ed.
396 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
People from Virginia are gone down the Ohio beyond the Limits of the proposed Government,
with authority (as is said) to survey and lay out Lands there, which are to be forthwith
Patented this has a good deal alarmed the Indians who sent Six Sliawanese from Sioto to
Pittsburgh with a message thereupon a copy of which is herewith enclosed. A little before
these Messengers were dispatched from Sioto, Two Indians returned to that Town from the
Arkansas and Dussesses where they had been on public business, who were called to a meeting
by some Spaniards and French who delivered them several Speeches, setting forth the danger
all their Nations were in from the designs of the English, who they said had it in view to
possess all their Country. Custalaga Cheif of the Deiawares with a hundred of his Nation
have retired on invitation below the falls of Ohioto,i the Wabash Indians, there are still eight
hundred Deiawares & Munsies at their former places of residence about Ohio, but many of them
talk of removing lower down, with a view as I understand & have reason to beleive, of joining
the other Tribes and becoming more formidable to us — The Indians in April last at Sioto,
returned my Deputy for answer to the information I gave them of His Majestys Intentions to
form a Colony on Ohio, and of the evacuating of Fort Pitt, that they were very thankfull for
the whole they had thereof and hoped that the person appointed to govern there would prove
a wise man and restrain the abuses iu Trade & irregularities committed by the Frontier
Inhabitants, which continued to cause much discontentm' amongst them. After this, they
proposed to hold conferences with the Ouabache Indians and Cherokees &c^ in July, & then
if the Season would admit of it, purposed to come to a congress with me which they could not
do earlier as my dispatches and Belts had been unluckily delayed at Fort Pitt, so long that
they could not meet me at the time appointed The Shawanese on the whole appear at
present the most attentive to the Six Nations Councils of any to the Southward, but they are
much alarmed at the numbers who go from Virginia &"" in pursuit of new settlements leaving
large Tracts of Country unsettled behind them, and who I am sorry to find can not be
restrained being numerous, & remote from the influence and Seats of Government, and the
old claims of Virginia conspiring to encourage them, so long as they confine themselves within
the ceded Tract. The Indians can be satisfied that they have little cause of complaint, & this
was one principal reason for the extent of the purchase but these People are not to be confined
by any Boundaries or Limits, and the rest of their conduct is alike disorderly, so that
Robberries & Murders are & will be committed, and I wish it may go no farther, as it
assuredly would have done long since, had I not thrown difficulties in the way of their scheme
for a general alliance.
These settlers generally set out with a general Prejudice against all Indians and the young
Indian Warriors or Hunters are too often inclined to retaliate, a Party of the latter from the
upper Senecas very lately killed four French men in a Birch Canoe on Lake Ontario, they made
light of it till they were told that these men were British Subjects and under our protection,
but I have not as yet received the particulars when I do, I shall take the Steps proper on that
occasion, most of these evils result from the rapid intrusion on Lands, and the unrestrained
irregularities in Trade, to which I see no prospect of a period, from any steps that are likely
to be taken in the Colonies.
During my absence from this place M' Richard Shuckburgh^ Secret'^ for Indian affairs died
suddenly I mentioned in a letter my desire to be permitted to recommend to that office on
' S'c. Qu ? Ohio to. ' See note supra, p. 244. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 397
such an event from the opportunity I may be presumed to have of chooseing a gentleman well
& sufficiently qualified for the discharge of its duties, iu ihe hopes of which indulgence, I shall
take tlie liberty of recommending such person in the next letter I shall have the honor to
address your Lordship, when I hope to have it in my power to impart a more satisfactory
account of the Indian Councils and the prospect of aSairs with them
I have the honor to be with great esteem
My Lord
Your Lordships
most obedient and
most humble Servant
W Johnson
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York Papers (8. P. O.) CLXV.]
N<'49.
New York. 1 October. 1773.
My Lord.
The suits of the Court of Chancery within this Colony, are so greatly encreased both, as to
numbers and the value of Property, that it is wholly out of my power to give the necessary
dispatch, so essential to Courts of Equity, and attend the other important duties of my Station.
I am therefore humbly to request your LordP's solicitations with His Maj'J" for permission
for me to appoint a Master of the Rolls, with the same powers as that office is vested with in
the Court of Chancery at home.
If it should not be found expedient to affix a salary for the support of the Master, I have
some foundation to hope a provision may be made for him by the Legislature here at the next
Session. The Country sensibly feeling, no less than myself the necessity of such an officer.
I am with the greatest respect and Esteem
My Lord
Your LordP's most obedient and
very humble Servant.
W™ Trton.
N''50.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. O.) CLXV.]
New York. 3 October. 1773.
My Lord,
By the honor of your LordP's letters N"" 10 & 11. I have the extream satisfaction to learn,
my conduct, respecting the Acts therein mentioned, has met with his Maj'^'" approbation, as
well, as my attention to obtain with Gov' Hutchinson the settlement of the Boundary line,
between this and the Massachusetts Colony ; Commiss" from the two Govern" are to meet the
11"" of this Month on the spot to carry the Survey of the line into execution.
398 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Unhappy as I find myself in not persnading your Lordi* of the equity in letting the Proprietors
of the Indian purchases, have the confirmation under the seal of the Prov"; I am nevertheless
myself much consoled by your LordP's very delicate and honorary sentiments on the motives
of my conduct in that transaction ; these Licences for Indian purchases vrere obtained in the
Earl of Dunmore's Administration; the application of the million of Acres did not originate
with me; Indeed, I thought myself truly within my duty, not viewing the steps taken, either as
incompatible with the Royal Proclamat" of 1763. or the King's instructions, otherwise than
as circumstances of the case required, in order to carry into execution the Royal intention of
Indian sales, Americans, I guess will hardly be found to buy lands, considered as already
purchased by their countrymen; if the lands remain unpatented, there, will be equal prejudice
both to Crown and Parties, the King being withheld from his Quit Rents, and the Proprietors
debarred from the cultivation of their purchases. Upon the whole, I plainly foresee, that the
confirmations of these lands to the parties soliciting for them, will be the business of my
successor in office.
Were more effijctual Laws framed in the several Colonies for the punctual receipt of the
King's Quit Rents, the whole vacant lands in America could not, in my estimation, be too soon
thrown into the hands of His Maj'^'' subjects liable to the Quit Rent. The Revenue arising
therefrom would be more solid as well as more valuable than any occasional Emolument
growing from the sales of the King's lands ; which, upon experience, I fear, will fall short of
the speculative plan (distinction being made here between the King and the subject selling of
land). As my opinion however on this point is merely speculation, I submit it with great
deference to your LordP's reflection. I am with all possible esteem and respect — My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient & very humble
servant
W"> Tryon.
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[New-Tork Paperi (S. P. 0.) CLXV. 1
NMO
Whitehall. 14. October 1773.
Sir.
Inclosed I send you by the King's commands, an order of His Maj'^ in Council on the 1" of
Sepf last disallowing two Acts* passed in N. York, in the year 1772; and that you may know
the reasons, which induced such disallowance; I send you inclosed, copy of the representation
of the Board of Trade thereupon.
By such parts of this representation, as relates to the Act for preventing private Lotteries
you will perceive that their LordP's objections are not to the object of the act which they
consider as highly laudable, but to the manner in which the Legislature have thought proper
to pursue that object, and I am to signify to you His Maj'^'* Royal permission to give assent to
' These acts were entitled, " An act more eflFeotually to prevent private Lotteries," and " An act to prevent infectious
distempera in the countiea therein mentioned." Nea-York Council Minutes, XXXI.. 83. — En.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIII. 399
anotlier act for the same purpose free from the objections stated to the former Act, if the
Council and Assembly shall think fit to present one to you in a future Session.
I am ettc.
Dartmouth
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Try on.
[ New- Tort Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXY. ]
N» 13.
Whitehall 14"' Ocf 1773.
Sir
The inclosed extract of my letter of this day's date to General Haldiband will inform you
that the King does not think, fit that His Maj'^'' Troops should be drawn out in aid of the Civil
power in the Colonies, unless in cases of absolute and unavoidable necessity; and that your
requisition in consequence of the advice of your Council is not under all the circumstances of
it approved by His Majesty. I am ettc.
Dartmouth.
Governor Try on to Governor Penn.
[Pennsjlvania Archives, IV., 467.]
New York, SS"- Oct., 1773.
Sir,
The Circular letter and Heads of Enquiry,' you mention in your favor of the 20"" Inst., have
been also communicated to me ; as you wish to know the method I propose to take to comply
with the requisitions therein, I am to acquaint you, I have furnished the Officers of the several
Public Offices of this Government, with such Articles of the enquiries, as I thought fell within
their respective Departments, and those that did not appear to point to any particular Office,
I delivered to the Secretary of the Province, requiring them all to make their Reports as fully
and amply, as the nature of the questions required ; all which reports I intend to refer to some
sensible friend here, to combine together, by way of a General Report on the subject, which,
with the Vouchers aforesaid, I shall carry Home with me in the Spring next ensuing. I
confess I have neither genius, leisure, nor inclination to prompt me to attempt the Compilation
of the History of this Colony. I must therefore rely on the aid of those better qualified than
myself for so laborious a task.
I thank you for your offer of civilities, and am with much Esteem,
Sir,
your most obed't and
Very Humble Servant
Wm. Tryon.
400 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers (S. P. 0.) OLXV.]
N« 14.
Whitehall. 2S. October. 1773.
Sir,
My letter of the 14"" inst: contains the signification of His Maj'^'* Commands upon the
occasion of the disturbances in Charlotte County, and I do not find, upon a review of such
parts of your former correspondence as remain to be answered, any other matter, which requires
instructions, except what is contained in your dispatch N° 40. respecting Mandates for Lands
issued antecedent to His Maj'^'' order in Council of the 10"" April; in regard to which I am to
signify to you His Maj'^'» pleasure that the said Mandates be carried into complete execution,
in like manner as they would have been if that order had not been made, provided they be
presented to you before such New arrangement as is now under consideration shall take place.
Your recommendation of the case of the Legatees of Rachel Smith has been Graciously
considered by the King, and it is His Majesty's pleasure that the escheat be accordingly granted
to them pursuant to your request. I am ettc.
Dartmouth.
N'SS.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York Papere (8. P. O.) CLXV.]
New York. 3. Nov' 1773.
My Lord,
It is with real regret, I acquaint your LordP of the ferment the minds of many of His
Majesty's subjects have been in since the late arrival here, of some of the Country ships in the
London Trade wh'^'' brought intelligence of the East India company's intention to ship Tea on
their own account to America ; and the refusal of the masters of those Vessells to take it
on Board. The publications inclosed are all, that have come to my hand ; productions
calculated to sow sedition, and to support and make popular the cause of those who are deepest
concerned in the iiiicet Trade to Foreign Countries. They are certainly declarative of the
extent to which smuggling is carried on in the single Article of Tea. Much discourse is had
on the construction of the Act of Parliament that Grants the License to export this Article (an
Act I have not been honored with from your Lord^'s Office). Some assert that the words:
"discharged from all duties whatsoever" respects only the exportation, and that the
importation duty of three pence per pound, still subsists; while others maintain that all duties
both, of export and Import, are absolutely wiped away by the aforesaid words, and subsequent
clause in the said Act, a construction strongly implied by the liberty granted to export the
same commodity to Foreign Countries free of Duties. Thus, while they are fluctuating in
variety of opinions, some are fertile in expedients to oppose and obstruct its sale and landing.
If the Tea comes free of every duty, I understand it is then to be considered as a monopoly
of the East India Company in America ; a Monopoly of dangerous tendency, it is said to
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 401
American liberties. By such futile argument, they endeavour to enflame the passions and
mislead the Loyalty of their fellow Citizens. So that let the Tea appear free or not free of
duty, those who carry on illicit Trade will raise objections, if possible, to its being brought on
shore or sold. Under the present uncertain situation of Public affairs, I cannot form the
judgement what ftiay be the issue ; I however flatter myself in the opinion, that the peace of
the Govern' will be preserved, an object His Maj'^ may be assured I shall be watchful to
maintain with all the diligence & prudence in my power.
I am with all possible esteem and respect My Lord,
YourLordP's most obedient humble servant.
W" Tryon.
Lords of Trade to the Committee of the Privy Coiincil.
[Plantations General Entries, XLVI., (N.) P- 467.]
To the Right Hon'''' the Lords of the Committee of His Majesty's most Hon'''' Privy Council
for Plantation Affairs.
My Lords,
Pursuant to your Lordships Order of the 28 day of last Month, we have prepared and
herewith lay before your Lordships Draughts of Additional Instructions to such of the
Governors or Commanders in Chief of His Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in North America,
except Quebec, as are Authorized & impowered by His Majesty's respective Commissions to
them, to grant to any Person or Persons under certain Conditions, the Lands, Tenements and
Hereditaments, which are or shall be in His Majesty's power to dispose of; which Draughts
we have made conformable to the Sketch of Additional Instructions annexed to your Lordships
said Order. We are. My Lords Your Lordships most obedient and most humble Servants
Dartmouth
SoAME Jenyns
Whitehall ' Bamber Gascoyne
Nov': 25. 1773. W. Jolliffe
25 Nov' 1773.
Additional Instructions to Our Trusty and Wel-beloved Francis Legge' Esquire
Our Captain General and Governor in Chief in and over Our Province of
Nova Scotia, and the Islands and Territories thereunto belonging in America,
or to the Commander in Chief of Our said Province for the time
being. Given
[Omitted, being duplicate of the draft noted supra, p. 376, and as the OfBoial Instructions are printed, ;)os<, p. 410.]
"Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Legge was appointed Captain in the 46tlli Foot, IC February, 1756; was promoted to a
majority in the same regiment 13 April, 1767 ; became Lieutenant-Colonel of the 55th in February, 1773, and In June follow-
ing was appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Seotin, tlie affairs of which province he iidministereJ until 1782. Hnlibur-
ton's Nova Scotia, I., 262. He died at his seat, called the Grove, near Pinner, England, May 16, 1783. Gent. Mag. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 61
402
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Secretary Poionall to the Governors in JVori
[ Plantations General (S. P. O. ) CCLIX. ]
Quebec
Nova Scotia
Island of St John
New Hampshire
Massachusetts Bay.
Circular to Gov" of
New York Georgia
New Jersey East Florida
Virginia West Florida
N" Carolina Barbadoes
S° Carolina Lew** Islands
America.
Whitehall 1=' Dec 1773.
Grenades
Dominica
Jamaica
Bahamas
Bermuda
I am directed by the Earl of Dartmouth to inclose to you an additional Instruction from His
Majesty, dated the 24"' of last month,
And am &ca &ca
J. POWNALL
Roijal Instruction against passing Aots of Naturalization and Divorce.
George R
[ PlantatiODB General ( S. P. O. ) CCHX. ]
(L. S.)
Additional Instructions Dated 24 Nov 1773
Whereas We have thought fit by our Orders in our Privy Council to disallow certain Laws
passed in some of our Colonies & Plantations in America for conferring the Priviledges of
Naturalization on persons being aliens, and for divorsing persons who have been legally joined
together in Holy Marriage: And whereas Acts have been passed in other of our said Colonies
to enable Persons who are our Liege Subjects by Birth or Naturalization to hold and inherit
Lands Tenements and real Estates [which] had been originally granted to or purchased by Aliens
antecedent to Naturalization ; It is our expressed will and Pleasure that you do not upon any
pretence whatsoever give your assent to any Bill or Bills that may have been or shall hereafter
be passed by the Council and Assembly of the Province under your Government for the
naturalization of Aliens, nor for the divorce of persons joined together in Holy marriage, nor
for establishing a Title in any Person to Lands, Tenements & real estates in our said Province
originally granted to, or purchased by Aliens antecedent to Naturalization
G R
(N-SG)
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-Tork, OLXVI., No. 56. ]
Fort George New York 1" Dec' 1773
My Lord,
Since information has been received that the Teas shipped by the East India Company, are
subject to the Importation Duty in America the Commissioners appointed for vending those
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 403
Teas finding it would be impossible to carry into Execution tbe Powers granted them, have
this day presented a Memorial, requesting Government would lake the Teas under its
Protection. The Memorial, and Minute of Council herewith transmitted will explain both the
extent of the Request and the measure of Protection advised to be granted. I have
accordingly applied to Captain Ayscough of His Majesty's Sloop the Swan, to take the V^essel,
when arrived, under his protection until the Tea can be landed, which I am informed will be
effected, without obstruction, 'though the General Voice is no Sales, no Consumption while
the American Duty remains unrepealed by Parliament.
The Publications inclosed are by no means to be thought the Sense of the Inhabitants further
than the general Reluctance to take any Articles from Great Britain subject to Duties
in America.
I am with all possible
Respect & Esteem,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's
Most Obedient Servant.
Earl Dartmouth. W"" Tkyon.
(N" 5S)
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-Tork, CLXYI., No. 68.]
Fort George, New York. 1" Dec' 1773
My Lord,
By the Honor of your Lordship's Dispatch N» 13. I am fully informed of His Majesty's
Intention in what cases the Military Force should be applied for, in support of the Civil
Authority. While I rejoice that the late Requisitions made to General Haldimand by the
Advice of His Majesty's Council of this Province, were laid aside, I cannot help viewing
the Settlers under this Government within the Contested District with great Compassion, and
as Subjects truly worthy of His Majesty's Protection ; It is with equal Regret I behold the
Seeds of a Civil War growing apace in the District of Bennington, and the adjacent
Townships, and which I fear, will be found out of the reach of the Civil Authority to stop,
even after the Declaration of the Royal Will is made known concerning the Controversies in
Question. It may not be improper to observe on this Subject that the shuting up of the Land
Office, particularly with regard to the Lands lying between Lake Champlain and Connecticut
River, must shortly, add to the other Difficulties, as the Inhabitants of the Eastern Colonies
are swarming over that part of the Country, and what they improve of the vacant Lands, they
hold as their rightful possessions, and to persuade them to a different doctrine may require a
Superior Force to what they can oppose.
I am with all possible Respect & Esteem
My Lord,
Your Lordship's
Most Obedient Servant
W™ Tryon.
404 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
P. S. Copies of the Depositions of Angus M'^Bean & James Henderson relative to the late
Proceedings of the rioters, I have liie honor herewith to transmit to your Lordship by the
advice of His Majesty's Council of this Day
W. T.
Earl Dartmouth
Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson.
[ PInnlatlons Gi'neral (S. P. 0. ) CCLIX., No. 6. ]
Whitehall 1" Dec' 1773
Sir
I have received your Dispatch No G, and have laid it before the King; and am glad of this
opportunity of expressing my wishes that your journey to the Sea side may have had the
desireable effect of restoreing your health
The Proceedings of such of His M;ijestys subjects as have, in open violation and contempt
of his Royal Authority, attempted to acquire the possession of, and to settle Lands within a
part of the Country where such settlement is forbid by His Matys Proclamation, are most
irregular & unwarrantable, they must have the effect to disturb the public tranquillity by
exciting the Savages already too jealous of our growing power to commit hostilities, and will
hasten that union of interest among the Savages which you have with so much industry and
ability endeavoured to prevent
You will see by the enclosed extract of my Letter of this date to General Haldimand, what
I have said to him upon this subject, and you will not fail to co-operate with him in every
measure that you shall think may have a tendency to disappoint the dangerous designs of these
lawless adventurers
There certainly has hardly ever been a time when Indian affairs vrere in a more critical
situation, & great as my confidence is in your zeal & activity I can not but be under some
alarm for what must be the consequences of the lawless and unrestrained Settlements of the
Kings Subjects on the one hand, and on the other hand of the promises & expectations held
out to the Savages by the French & Spaniards on the Mississippi.
The enclosed copy of a private letter from a Gentleman in America to his correspondent
here, contains the substance of a Message supposed to be sent from the French King to the
Six Nations thro' the Channell of Canada, but is of such a Nature and expression, that I
should not have paid much attention to it, had it not, in the general Terms of it corresponded
so exactly with the substance of the Messages and Speeches which you say the Indians have
received from the Mississippi. For this reason it appears to me to deserve some notice, and I
transmit it to you in full confidence that if any such Message has been sent from Canada you
will be able to trace it out, and to assist us in the discovery of the Channel thro' which it came
I am very sorry to hear that you have lost so able a servant as your late Secretary, and
you may be assured I will take no steps in regard to a Successor to him, till I have your
recommendation
I am &c*
Sir William Johnson Bart. Dartmouth
N»7.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIII. 405
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ Plantationa General, CCLX., No. 7.]
Johnson Hall, Decb'" IG"" 1773
My Lord.
Last month I had the honor to receive your Lordships letter N" 5) and about tlie same time
the Cheifs of the Six Nations arrived at this place on the subject (as they gave me notice) of the
murder committed by a small party of Senecas on Four Frenchmen on Lake Ontario as
mentioned in the last letter I had the honor to address to your Lordship ; when after sundry
conferences as well in private with the principal men amongst them as in public with them
all, I have at length satisfied them that their antient custom of malting attonement and covering
the graves (as they term it) is not, neither can it be deemed any satisfaction for murder, in
consequence whereof they have agreed to make restitution for the Peltry taken from the
deceased, & to deliver two of the murderers (the other having fled) for the performance of
which they have left three hostages in my hands; As this is the sum of the Proceedings at
the late Treaty, I have not thought it necessary to give your Lordship the trouble of a Copy
of the Transactions, but I must observe that in case they fulfill their engagement it will on
many Ace" be the best policy to shew the Prisoners as much clemency as is consistent with
the Dignity of Government, because they are both young, inconsiderate, & have been entirely
influenced by the wicked fellow who escaped, & indeed it is the first instance wherein the
Six Nations have been induced to make the attonement required by our laws, for as they
derive no benifit from, & are not admitted to partake of them, they think it peculiarly hard
to deviate from their own antient usages in such cases, which were even confirmed by
agreements between them & the While People at the first settlement of the Country, &
generally practiced to the present time, and more especially as this tho' an act of Justice by
our laws, will be made use of by those who are dissafFected in the other confederacies much to
our prejudice, on account of the many murders committed by our people with impunity,
of which there are no less than eighteen recent instances.
I have lately received information that one George Klock a person long known here for his
infamous practices in defrauding the Indians in Land matters as well as in a variety of other
Instances which have verry nearly produced the most dangerous consequences, is lately gone
secretly to some of the sea ports with three inconsiderate Indians of Conajohare, whom he
has seduced to accompany him to England, as it is said, with a view to some interested
matters in which thro their means he hopes even to deceive Government. This Fellow has
been oblidged for some years to keep himself concealed on account of sundry breaches of the
laws, & lately had a violent quarrel with the Conajohare Cheifs. The Indians of that Tribe
therefore have made a heavy complaint to me of his rash conduct therein, & of his taking
away their people, & request that they may be restored to them. On which subject I wrote
to the Governor of New York but I since hear he has taken another rout, so that I am oblidged
to give your Lordship the trouble of this, as a few years ago Klock was the means of sending
two Indians over with a fellow who exhibited them in London, & sold one of them, who, as
I understand, was released by General York,' then Ambassador at the Hague; — from the
' Joseph Yoeki:, first Baron Dover, was the third son of Philip, first Earl of Hardwicke. He entered the army on the 25th
April, 1741, as Ensign in the Coldstream Guards ; was promoted to Lieutenant in the 1st foot guards, 24 April, \1iZ, and to
406 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
pride & indepency of spirit of the Indians tliere is nothing can appear more disgracefull or
give more offence to their nation, but in most of the Indian Towns on our Frontiers there are
some idle fellows to be found who give themselves up entirely to ease & drinking, and being
cast out by the rest, are made the instruments of fraud by the worst part of our people, I am
sorry that these things have often happened, especially as I see no remedy against it, for altho
it has been the sense of Government repeatedly expressed to me, that Indians should not be
permitted to go to London without my pass certifying the importance of their journey, and
that even this should not be encouraged, yet designing people have seduced and are still likely
to seduce them, there being no positive law to prevent, and in this last instance the fellow
went to the sea coast by some unfrequented paths in the woods (by which means he escaped
the fury of the Indians who pursued Him) obtaining a pass from an ignorant Inn Keeper who
happens to be a Magistrate, whom he imposed on by a petition subscribed by some poor
people who do not even know it's contents. I have had much trouble in pacifying the Indians
by assuring them that the man will be punished, & their people sent back for it betrays a
weakness of us in their eyes when they see that such instances go unpunished, I should not
have taken up so much of your Lordship's time with this matter, but that it plainly shews the
dangerous tendency of tolerating private persons to interfere with the Indians, as it destroys
the designs of the regular superintendency thro' which channel His Majesty was pleased to
order all their affairs to be uniformly conducted, and at the same time it gives the Indians
reason to suspect us either of want of power or of inclination to do them justice, which enters
into their public transactions furnishes them with excuses for their own misconduct and often
proves greatly prejudicial to His Majesty's Interests & in those of the public. The schemes
that have been for some time in agitation to the South West are not as yet sufficiently
developed for me to come to any determination about them, but as everry measure has been
taken to prevent the evil they plainly portended I shall I trust in a little time be enabled to
lay before your Lordship the true state of these matters, and in the interim continue my
endeavours for the public Tranquility.
I have the honor to be
with high respect.
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most
The Right Honorable obedient & most devoted humble Servant
The Earl of Dartmouth. W. Johnson.
a company in the Coldstreams 21 May, 1745. MacKinnon's Coldstream Guards, II., 482, 483. He was afterwards employed
in a diplomatic capacity at the Court of France and on the Ist November, 1749, was appointed A. D. C. to the King. In
1754 lie was sent Ambassador to the Hague, and filled that post until 1780. On the 18th March, 1755, he became Colonel
of the 9th foot; Major-general 18th January, 1758; Colonel of the 5th or Royal Irish Dragoons, in November, 1760, in which
year he was elected member for Dover, and soon after was created Knight of the Bath; became Lieutenant-General in
December, 1761 and General in 1777. In 1783, he married the only daughter of Baron de Stoeken of Denmark ; was created
Baron Dover in 1788; became Colonel of the 1st Regiment of Life Guards in 1789, and died without issue on the 2d
December, 1792. Army Lists ; Debrett. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 407
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmoxdli.
[New-Tork, CLXVI., No. 1.]
(No. 1.)
New York, 31" Dec' 1773.
My Lord,
It gives me the greatest concern to inform your Lordship that in the Night of the SO""
Instant the Government House in Fort George accidentally took fire. So rapid was it's
progress that in a few moments after we were alarmed a thick cloud of fire and smoke
pervaded the whole building, and in less than two Hours it was entirely consumed. With
the utmost Difficulty my Family, an unhappy Maid excepted, were through Divine Providence
graciously preserved. My Daughter reduced to the sad extremity of leaping out of a Window
of the Second Story, was received on a deep snow, and escaped unhurt. From this dreadful
Conflagration Nothing else (excepting a little Furniture out of the Parlour) within the Walls
of the House, not even my Commission, Instructions or a single paper, either public or private,
could possibly be rescued. The Great Seal which was found this Evening, notwithstanding
the Intenseness of the Heat, has suffered no Injury. Captain Nicholas charged himself with
this Dispatch, and to him for the particulars of this Melancholy Event, I beg leave to refer
your Lordship.
Severe as has been my Loss I have the highest reason to be thankful to the Almighty that
so many Lives are spared, in a Calamity beyond description sudden & resistless, and which
would have communicated itself over most of the City, if the deep snow lodged on the Roofs
of the Houses, had not contributed with the Fire Engines to prevent its spreading. The
manner in which the Fire originated remains, as yet, undiscovered.
I am with all possible respect & esteem.
My Lord,
Your Lordship's
Most Obedient Servant
Earl Dartmouth. W-" Tryon.
(No. 3.)
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-Tork, CLXTI., No. 8. ]
New York S" Jan^J" 1774.
My Lord,
The Measure of the East India Company's exporting Tea to America, has given too general
an alarm on this side of the Water, and the conduct pursued has been too extraordinary for
me, in my publick Despatches to your Lordship, to be silent upon a matter which employs the
pen of many here, and engrosses the attention of all. I conceive it, my Lord, difficult to
determine with precision what might have been the Sentiments of Americans on this subject,
if they were left to the unbiassed influence of cool Reflection. The daily publications on this
Head have been so various and contradictory that it is impossible to comprize within the
compass of a letter a regular digest of the whole for your Lordship's ready and immediate
408 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
inspection. I iiave tiierefore, as the best and only Method of information, herewith, inclosed
to your Lordship the publick Gazettes of the three printing Offices in this City, from which
may be learnt the various steps which have been taken and the different sentiments thrown
out, from the Begining to the Publick, alternately, by good Citizens and fair Traders, by men
of cool sense and just discernment, on the one hand, by fraudulent dealers, artful smugglers?
inflamatory politicians & Patriots on the other.
Until the arrival of the Account of the Tea being destroyed at Boston I had conceived very
sanguine Hopes that Temperate measures might have been manifested in the Conduct of the
Body of the People of this Province on the arrival of the Tea, The association paper inclosed,
and which was universally approved by all better sort of the Inhabitants, seemed to justify the
opinion so far as to the protection of the Property, but the Boston Intelligence instantly gave
a different turn to affairs, and I am now entirely uncertain what may be the issue; My best
Endeavors, however will be constantly exerted for the peace of Society, and the good order
of this His Majesty's Government, now, if possible, since the Outrage at Boston, become a
more important object of my attention ; From the general Appearance of the united opposition
to the principle of the Monopoly, and the Importation Duty in America, I can form no other
Opinion than that the landing, storing, and safe keeping of the Tea, when stored, could be
accomplished, but only under the protection of the Point of the Bayonet, and Muzle of the
Canon, and even then I do not see how the consumption could be effected,
I am, with all possible Respect & Esteem
My Lord,
Your Lordship's
most Obedient Servant
Earl Dartmouth. W" Tryon
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[ New-Tork, CLXVI., No. 16. ]
(N» 16)
Whitehall S"" Janry 1774.
Sir,
Since my letter to you of the 1" of last Month I have rec*' your Dispatches N"' 54 & 65 ; and
have laid them before the King.
When I consider that the Alarm which has been spread with a view to excite an opposition
to the Landing of Teas sent by the East India Company to New York, is apparently, nay
avowedly founded upon self-interested motives, I cannot but flatter myself that the authors and
abettors of such unwarrantable proceedings will meet with Disappointment and Disgrace,
and that any new attempt to disturb the peace and tranquillity of a Province, so deservedly
distinguished for its peacable and good government, will be defeated.
The inclosed Extracts of my letter of this Days Date to Major General Haldimand will
however inform you, that there has not been wanting a due attention to what may be necessary
in case matters should turn out contrary to my hopes & expectations, and the civil power
should, in case of any public Disturbance be found inadequate to the preservation of the public
peace, and the protection of the King's subjects.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 409
I must however again repeat to you, that it is His Majesty's Wisli & Intention, that no
Requisition should be made by the Civil Magistrate upon a slight ground, but only in cases of
absolute Necessity when every other effort has failed.
1 am &C''
Gov'' Tryon Dartmouth
Earl of Darlmouili to Governor Tryon.
[New-Tork, CLXVI. ( No. 17. )]
(rNM7)
Whitehall Feb^^ S"- 1774.
Sir,
On the lO"" of last Month I received your letters N" 56, 57 & 58. which were immediately
laid before the King, & I have also laid before His Majesty a letter, which I received from you
yesterday, containing the very disagreeable Account of the Government House at New York
having been destroyed by Fire.
I am extremely concerned for the loss you have sustained by the Destruction of your Furniture
and Papers, rejoicing at the same time that, in a situation of such danger and distress, the
Consequences were not more fatal to yourself or Family.
The Advice given by the Council on the 1" of December, upon the Memorial of the Persons
to whom the East India Company had consigned their Tea, is a proof of their attention to the
preservation of the Public peace, without giving up the dignity of Government, and the King
approves the Measure you took in consequence thereof.
The informations however, which I have since received, of what appears to be the spirit of
the People, on hearing of the destruction of the Tea at Boston, leaves room to fear that the
landing of the Tea, should it be attempted, may be attended with greater difficulty than was
to be expected, but I am persuaded, Sir, that your Fortitude will not suffer you to yield to the
like Insults as have been offered to the Authority of this Kingdom in other places.
What has already happened, on occasion of the Importation of Teas by the East India
Company into some of the Colonies, is of the most alarming nature, and I have it in Command
from the King to acquaint you, that it is his Majesty's firm Resolution upon the unanimous
advice of His confidential Servants to pursue such measures as shall be effectual for securing
the Dependence of the Colonies upon this Kingdom
I am &c*
Governor Tryon Dartmouth
Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America.
[ Plantations General, CCLX. ]
Whitehall S"- Febry. 1774.
I am commanded by the King to transmit to ''""y"^'*'''' the inclosed additional Instruction,
containing directions for your future Conduct in the Disposal of His Majesty's Land.
His Majesty considers the Object oT these Instructions as a matter of the highest importance
to the public Interests, and as the good effect of the measure depends so much upon a faithful
Vol. VIII. 62
410 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Execution of them I have no doubt that you will be particularly attentive to discharge your
duty to the King with Honor & Fidelity, and that every attempt that may be made from
interested motives to defeat this plan will be resisted with Firmness & Resolution.
It is not the King's Intention that those who have hitherto obtained orders in Council for
Lands in America, and have not yet located them, should be precluded by this plan from
carrying those orders into execution, conformable to the Directions contained therein, nor is
it meant to preclude any claim to a Grant of Lands founded on any antecedent step that can,
in Equity give a title to such Grant.
It is intended that in every case where a Warrant of Survey has been obtained, the Grant
shall be completed, provided however that in no case whatever the location be allowed either
upon Lands, which, by Instructions you have already received, you are restrained from
granting, or upon any Tracts that shall have been surveyed for sale, conformable to the orders
now given to you.
I am &c*
Dartmouth
Circular to the Governors of Nova Scotia,
New Hampshire, New York, Virginia,
North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia,
East Florida West Florida.
[ N. T. Council Minutes, in Secretary's Office, Albany, XXVI., 396. ]
George R.
Additional Instructions to Our Trusty and Welbeloved William Tryon Esq'
Our Captain General and Governor in Chief of our Province of New York,
(l. s.) and the Territories depending thereon in America; or to the Commander
in Chief of our said Province for the Time being. Given at Our Court at
S' James's the Third day of February 1774 In the Fourteenth Year of
Our Reign.
Whereas by our Commission to you under our Great Seal of Great Britain, bearing Date
the of in the Year of our Reign, you are authorized and impowered
with the Advice and Consent of our Council for our said Province of New York under your
Government to settle and agree with the Inhabitants of our said Province for such Lands
Tenements and Hereditaments as now are or hereafter shall be in our Power to dispose of,
and them to grant to any Person or Persons upon such Terms and under such moderate Quit
rents. Services and Acknowledgements to be thereupon reserved unto us, as you, by and with
the Advice aforesaid, shall think fit; And whereas the directions for the due Execution of the
said Powers and Authorities, contained, as well in our general Instructions to you accompanying
our said Commission, as in other Additional Instructions which may have been given to you
from Time to Time, respecting the Mode of Granting Lands within our said Province, and the
Terms and Conditions, on which the said Grants were to be made and passed, have been found
to be inadequate improper and inconvenient; We have therefore thought fit, with the Advice
of our Privy Council to revoke and annul, and We do hereby revoke and annul all and every
Part of the said Instructions, and every Matter and Thing therein contained, in so far forth as
they relate to the laying out and passing Grants of Land within our said Province, and to the
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 411
Terms and Conditions upon wliich tlie said Grants are to be made. And it is our furliier Will
and Pleasure, and we do hereby direct and appoint, that the following Rules and Regulations be
henceforth strictly and punctually observed in the laying out, allotting and granting such Lands.
Tenements and Hereditaments, as now are, or hereafter shall be in our power to dispose of,
within our said Province. That is to say.
First. That you our said Governor, or our Governor, or Commander in Chief of our said
Province for the Time being, with the Advice and Assistance of our Lieutenant Governor of
our said Province, our Surveyor General of Lands for the Northern district of North America,
our Secretary, our Surveyor General of our Lands, and our Receiver General of our Quit-Rents
for our said Province of New York, or any three of them, do from time to time, and at such
times as you shall, with the Advice aforesaid, judge most convenient, cause actual Surveys to
be made of such parts of our said Province not already granted or disposed of, the Settlement
and improvement whereof You shall think will be most advantageous to the public interest and
welfare; taking care that such districts so to be Surveyed and laid out, as aforesaid, be
divided into such a number of Lots (each Lot to contain not less than one hundred, nor more
than one thousand Acres) as our said Surveyor General shall judge best adapted to the Nature
and Situation of the District so to be Surveyed.
2"^ That when the said Survey shall have been made, a Map of the district so Surveyed,
with the several Lots marked and Number'd thereon, be hung up in our Secretary's Office
within our said Province, and Duplicates thereof transmitted to Us by one of our Principal
Secretary's of State, and to our Commissioners of our Treasury, accompanied with a report
in writing signed by our said Surveyor General descriptive of the Nature and Advantages, not
only of the whole district in general, but also of each particular Lot.
3"* That so soon as the said Survey shall have been made and returned, as aforesaid. You
our said Governor or Commander in Chief of our said Province for the time being, do, with
the Advice of our Council of our said Province, and of the Officers herein beforementioned,
appoint such time and place for the Sale and disposal of the Lands contained within the said
Survey*to the best bidder, as you and they shall think most convenient and proper, giving
previous Notice thereof at least four Months before such Sale by printed Advertisements, to be
published not only within our said Province, but also in the other Neighbouring Provinces,
and that You do proceed to such Sales at the Times appointed, unless you shall first receive
directions from Us to the Contrary under our Signet and Sign Manual, or by our Order in
our Privy Council.
4"" That you our said Governor, or our Governor, or Commander in Chief of our said
Province for the Time being, do, with the Advice and Assistance aforesaid, fix the price ^
Acre, at which the several Lots shall be put up to Sale, according to the Quality and Condition
thereof, taking care, that no Lot is put up to such Sale at a less Price than six pence ^ Acre,
and all such Lots are to be Sold subject to a Reservation to Us, our Heirs and Successors, of
an Annual Quitrent, of one half penny Sterling W Acre.
5"" That the printed Advertisement, containing Notice of the Time and place of Sale, so as
to be published, as aforesaid, be as full and explicit as may be, as well in respect to the Number
and Contents of the Lots to be sold, as the Terms and Conditions, on which they are to be
put up to Sale, and the general Situation of the Lands, and the Advantages and conveniency
thereof.
e"" That the Person, who at such Sale shall bid most for any Lot, shall be the Purchaser,
and shall, upon payment of the purchase Money into the hands of our Receiver General, or his
412 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Deputy, who is to attend at such Sales, receive from him a Bill of Sale of the Lot or Lots so
purchased, upon producing whereof to you our Governor, or to our Governor, or Commander
in Chief of our said Province for the time being, he shall be forthwith entitled to a grant in
Fee simple of the Land, so purchased, as aforesaid, by Letters Patent under our public Seal
of our said Province, subject to no Conditions or Reservations whatever, other than except the
Payment to Us, our Heirs, and Successors of the annual Quit Rent of one halfpenny f Acre,
as aforesaid, and also of all Mines of Gold, Silver or Precious Stones.
7"" That the Fees to be paid by purchasers of Land in manner herein before recited, be such
as are allowed by Law and no other, and that neither our Governor, or Commander in Chief
of our said Province, or any other Officer or Officers entrusted with the Execution of these our
Instructions, do for the present and until some other Arrangement be made for that purpose
take any other or greater Fees.^
And it is our further Will and Pleasure, that neither you our Governor, nor our Governor,
or Commander in Chief of our said Province for the Time being do, upon any pretence
whatever, presume to grant any Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments within our said Province,
which are in our Power to dispose of, upon any other Terms, or in any other manner than as
herein before recited, without our express Authority for that purpose under our Signet, and
Sign Manual, or by our order in our Privy Council, except only in the Case of such Commission
Officers and Soldiers, as are entitled to Grants of Lands in Virtue of our Royal Proclamation
of the 7"" of October 1763, to whom such Grants are to be made and passed in the proportions,
and under the Conditions prescribed in the said Proclamation.
And it is our further Will and Pleasure, that in all Districts, which shall hereafter be
Surveyed, in order to a sale of the Lands in Manner herein before recited, there be a
Reservation of such Parts thereof, as shall appear from the Report of the Surveyor to be
necessary for public Uses.
And it is our further Will and Pleasure, that you our said Governor, or our Governor or
Commander in Chief of our said Province for the Time being do, from time to time, and as
often as any Survey or Sales of Land shall be made in Manner before mentioned, make a full
and particular report to Us, by one of our principal Secretaries of State, of all proceedings in
Regard thereto, together with a State of the expenses attending the said Survey, and Sales,
' The following is Clause 7 as originally drawn : ( London Documents, XLIII., 403, 404.)
Tth That the Fees to be paid by purchasers of Land in manner herein before recited be as foUoweth and that neither Our
Governor or Commander in Chief of Our said Province or any other Officer or Officers entrusted with the execution of these
Our Instructions do take any other or greater Fees, that is to say
To the Governor
For every Grant of 100 Acres 0 10 0
For every Grant above 100 Acres and not more than 500 Acres 0 15 0
For every Grant above 600 Acres 1
To the Secretary
For every Grant of 100 Acres 0 5 0
For every Grant above 100 acres and not more than 500 Acres 0 10 0
For every Grant above 500 acres 15 0
To the Receiver General.
For a Bill of Sale of a Lot of 100 Acres 0 5 0
For a Bill of Sale of a Lot above 100 Acres & not more than 600 Acres 0 10 0
For a Bill of Sale of a Lot above 500 Acres 0 16 0
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 413
and your or their Opinion of the Allowances it may be proper to make on that Account, to the
end and Intent that We may take such Orders therein, as shall appear to be reasonable
and proper.
G. R.
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[ New-Tork, CLXVI. ( No. IS. ) ]
(N« 18)
Whitehall S-^ March 1774.
Sir,
Since my letter to you of the 5"" of last month, I have received your Dispatches N' 2, 3, 4
&5. and have laid them before the King.
As your letter N° 2 relates to a matter which must remain for discussion upon your arrival
here, and as no final resolution has as yet been taken upon what has passed in America,
respecting the Teas sent thither for sale by the East India Company, I have not at present
any thing in command from the King on the subject of those Dispatches, but I must lament
that the Body of the People within your Province should have been so influenced by the
audacious insult offered to the Authority of this Kingdom at Boston, that in your opinion
the landing those Teas at New York could be effected only under the protection of the Point
of the Bayonet, & Muzzle of the Cannon.
I am fcc"
Dartmouth
P. S.
Just as I was closing my Letter, I received your Dispatch of the S"" Feb''' to which I can
now say nothing more than express my concern for the present ill state of your health, and
my hopes that your intended voyage to England will perfectly restore you.
Governor Tryon
Lords of Trade to the Lords of the Privy Council.
[ New-Tork Entries, LXIX., p. 21. ]
To the Right Hon'''^ the Lords of the Committee of His Majesty's most Honorable Privy
Council for Plantation Affairs.
My Lords
Pursuant to your Lordships Orders of the 21 of Feb^' last we have takin into Our
Consideration the humble Petition of George Clarke Esq: Secretary of His Majestys Colony
of New York complaining of William Tryon Esq : Governor of the said Colony for having
disposessed him of a Branch belonging to his said office Viz : That of Register to the Ordinary
414 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and Prerogative Court of the said Province of New York for the Granting Probates of Wills and
Letters of Administration and other business of that kind and for his having disposed of the
same in favour of Edmund Fanning Esquire his private Secretary and humbly praying for
the reasons therein contained that such appointment of the said Edmund Fanning may be
declared void and that the Petioner and his deputy may be restored to the exercise and
Enjoyment of the said Branch of his Office and that he may be also restored to the Fees he
has lost by having been dispossessed thereof we have likewise had under Our Consideration
the answer of Governor Tryon to the said Petition together with copies of several papers and
Documents relative to this Matter. Whereupon we beg leave to report to your Lordships.
That having duely weighed and examined what is here set forth by the parties concerned
on each side of the Question We are of opinion that the duty of Register to the ordinary or
Prerogative Court of the said Province of New York for granting of Probates of Wills &
Letters of Administration and other business of that kind together with all Fees Perquisites
and Emoluments legally appertaining thereto is a Branch of the office of the Secretary of the
Province constantly held and enjoyed both by the Deputy of the Province' Patentee and all
other preceeding Secretaries and agreable to such usage was virtually confirmed and renewed
to the Petitioner by His Majesty's Letters Patent under the Great Seal of Great Britain bearing
date the 10"" day of April in the first year of his Reign when the Commissioner^ of Secretary
was renewed to him together with all Fees Rights Privileges and Advantages whatsoever
thereunto belonging in as full and ample manner as any Secretary in the said Colony had
heretofore held and enjoyed or of right ought to have held and enjoyed the same and we
think that his Majesty's Gov' M"" Tryon was not warranted in excluding the Petitioner and his
Deputy from the possession of the said Branch of his office and in disposing of the same in
favour of the said Edward Fanning Esq: his private Secretary thereby depriving the said
Patentee of the exercise of the Ministerial parts of the office of Register to the ordinary
together with the fees and emoluments incident thereto which are stated to constitute a
considerable part of the profits appertaining to the general office of Secretary
With respect to the reasoning adopted by M' Tryon in his answer to the petition wherein
he contends that by an Act of the Colony passed in the year 1692 there was a severance of
the Register from the Secretary's Office of^ the said Registry put under the disposal of the
Governor we can by no means concur with him in his interpretation of this Act on the contrary
it does appear to us to operate rather in confirmation of the Petitioners claim and against the
Governors position in as much as the Courts of Common Pleas which in some of the Counties
are impowered by this law to take the examination of Witnesses to Wills are thereby expressly
required to transmit the same with the Will to the Secretary's Office that the Probate thereof
may be granted accordingly thereby implying a precedent Right in the Secretary to issue
such Probates.
Viewing the Case of the Petitioner in this light we think it Our duty to propose to your
Lordships to advise His Majesty to comply with the prayer of the petition by instructing
and directing His Governor to revoke and declare void the Grant Appointment and Authority
given by him to the said Edmund Fanning to do and transact the aforesaid Branch of business
of Register to the Ordinary appertaining to the said Patent Office of Secretary and to restore
the Petitioner and his Deputy to the Exercise and enjoyment of the same as fully as it was
' Sic. present. Book of Commissions, in Secretary of State's office, Albany, VI., 129. — Ed.
' Sic. Commission. Ibid. ' Sic. and. Ibid.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 415
held and enjoyed before the late innovation took place and also to restore the said Petitioner
to such Fees as it shall appear he has lost by means of the said Acts and proceedings of his
Majesty's said Governor.
We are
My Lords
Your Lordships
most obedient and
most humble Servants
SOAME JenYNS
Bamber Gascoyne
Whitehall W. Jolliffe
March 21. 1774 Whitshed Keene
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[New-York, CLXTI No. 19.n
(N" 19.)
Whitehall G"- April 1774.
Sir,
In my private letter to you, by a former mail, I expressed a wish that you should not come
away from your Government until you should be relieved by a Lieutenant-Governor, but having
learnt from your Friends here that your Disorder increases upon you, I must not suffer that
Restraint upon your Intentions to continue any longer, & therefore you will consider yourself
at liberty to come to England, whenever it shall be most convenient to you.
Colonel Skeene' having presented a Memorial to the Lords of the Treasury praying a
remission of the Quit Rents payable from his Lands in New York, I have reason to believe
' Colonel Philip Skene was the grandson of John Skene, of Halyards, in Fifeshire, Scotland, and a descendant of the famous
Sir William Wallace. He entered the army in 1739, in which year he served in the expedition against Portobello, and in 1741
was at the taking of Carthagena. He fought in the celebrated battle of Fontenoy in 1745, in that of Culloden the following
year, and in 1747 was present at the battle of Laffeldt, under the Duke of Cumberland. Gentleman's Magazine, LXXX., 672.
He came to America in 1756, and on the 2d of February, 1757, was promoted to a company in the 27th or Enniakillen regi-
ment of Foot, which formed part of the force under Lord Loudon's command that year. He was next engaged under Lord
Howe at the unfortunate attack on Ticonderoga in July, 1758; was appointed, on the 31st July, 1769, Major of Brigade by
Sir Jeffery Amherst, with whom he served on Lakes George and Champlain, and in October following was left in charge of
Crown Point, the works of which he had orders to strengthen. Wilson's Manuscript Orderly Book. His position at Crown
Point made him familiar with the surrounding country, and encouraged by Sir Jeffery Amherst, he projected a settlement at
Wood Creek and South Bay, at the head of Lake Champlain, and in the prosecution of that design, soon after settled
about thirty families there ; in 1762 he was ordered on the expedition against Martinique and Havana, and was one of the
first to enter the breach at the storming of Moro Castle. On his return to New- York, in 1763, he renewed his efforts
to complete his settlement at Wood Creek; went to England; obtained a Royal Order for a considerable tract of land
at that place, for which a patent was granted, March, 1765, and his tract was formed into a township under the name of
Skenesborough. New-York Land Papers, XVll. ; Book of Patents, XIY., 56. His regiment having been ordered to Ireland,
Major Skene exchanged into the 10th Foot, in May, 1768, so as to remain in America ; but he did not continue long in the
army, for he sold out in December of the following year, ( Army Lists,) and in 1770 established his residence at Skenesbo-
rough, ( now Whitehall, Washington county.) Here he erected forges for smelting iron, mills for sawing timber, and
opened a road to Salem and Bennington, which was afterwards known as Skene's road. Fitch, in Transactions of New -York
State Agricultural Society, VIH., 967. His plans were interrupted by the Revolution. In May, 1775, a detachment of
volunteers from Connecticut entered Skenesborough and seized Major Skene, his family and servants, ( Barber's Historical
Collections of New -York, 349,) and carried them prisoners to Hartford. He was allowed to reside on parole at Middletown,
416 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
their Lordships are well disposed to favor his request ; In the mean time as he is apprehensive
that some process may issue for inforcing the Payment of what is due, I should be very glad
if any step might be taken to suspend such Process untill the determination of the Treasury
can be known.
I am &c*
Governor Tryon. Dartmouth
N"?
Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson.
[ Plantations General, CCLX., No. 7. ]
Whitehall C" April 1774.
Sir,
It has given the King great satisfaction to find, by your Dispatch N" 7, that the result of your
meeting with the Indians, on the subject of the murder committed by the Senecas at Lake
Ontario, has been so favourable to your own wishes, and that you have been able to impress
upon the minds of those Savages such proper ideas of publick justice.
I intirely agree with you in thinking that we ought to shew as much clemency as is
consistent with the Dignity of Government to the Delinquents that are to be delivered up upon
this occasion, and you will do well, if they have not already been brought to trial to urge
every argument that may induce the Court, before which they may be tried, to consider the
matter in the same light.
The conduct and character of M'' Klock induced me to wish that it had been in my power,
upon his arrival here, to have taken any step that might have vindicated the honour of
Government by subjecting him to due punishment ; But, tho' I found that I could do nothing
that would have that effect, yet the enquiries I made concerning him created such an
apprehension in him of being proceeded against that I understand he remained here but a few
days, &then took his Passage back to America with the Indian that accompanied him.
I am fcc"
Sir William Johnson. Dartmouth
Connecticut; but in May of the following year, on refusing to renew his parole, was committed to prison. He was finally
exchanged in October, 1776, when he was conveyed to the city of New-York, whence he sailed in the beginning of 1777 for
England. 4. American Archives, VI., 601, 602; 5. American Archives, 11., 919; III., 1463. He Tolanteered to accompany
Burgoyne the same year, and in August was ordered to attend Lieut. Col. Baume, in his secret expedition, which met a dis-
astrous defeat at Bennington, at the hands of General Stark, on the 16th of that month. Burgoyne' s Expedition, App. xxxvi-
xxxix. In this campaign Colonel Skene had his horse twice shot under him, and was afterwards taken prisoner with
Burgoyne's army. In 1779, he was attainted and his property confiscated by the Legislature of New-York. After the war.
Colonel Skene, 'tis said, came to this country during Governor Clinton's administration and tried to recover his property, but
not succeeding, went back to England, where he lived in retirement and died on the 9th October, 1810, at an advanced age,
at Addersey Lodge, near Stoke Goldington, Bucks. In the obituary notice he is styled : "formerly Lieutenant-Governor of
Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and surveyor of his Majesty's woods and forests bordering on Lake Champlain." Oentleman'a
Magazine, — Ed.
(N- 12)
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 417
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth:
[New-York, OLXVI., No. 12.]
New York 7"' April 1774.
My Lord,
In Obedience to tlie King's Command to repair to England I shall embark this Day with my
Family on Board the Mercury Packet. 1 have delivered to Lieut' Governor Golden the Great
Seal of the Province with such publick Papers as remained in my Hands that were necessary
for his conduct.
The General Assembly I prorogued the 19"* of last Month to the l?"" of May. By the
printed Copies of the Acts and Journals of the House of Assembly herewith transmitted,
Your Lordship will see the Provision that has been made for His Majesty's Forces, and the
liberality extended to myself as a Compensation in part of my heavy losses by the late Fire
at Fort George.
I am, with all possible Respect and Esteem,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most Obedient Servant
Earl Dartmouth. W™ Tryon
Order in Council reinstating George Clarice in his office of Register of New-Yorh.
I Book of Commissions ( in Secretary's offloe, Albany, ) VI., 128. ]
At the Court at St James's the IS"" Day of April 1774.
Present — The Kings most Excellent Majesty.
Lord President Viscount Hinchinbrook
Lord Privy Seal Lord North
Duke of Ancaster Lord Mansfield
Lord Steward James Stewart Mackenzie Esq''
Earl of Suffolk Richard Rigby Esq'
Earl of Rochford George Rice Esquire
Viscount Falmouth Sir Jeffrey Amherst
Viscount Barrington Sir John Goodriche.
Whereas there was this Day at the Board a Report from the Right Honorable the Lords of
the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs dated the IS"- of this Instant in the Words
following viz*
Your Majesty having been pleased by your Order in Council of the 15 January 1772 to refer
unto this Committee, the humble Petition of George Clarke Esquire Secretary of your Majesty's
Colony of New York in America, complaining of William Tryon Esquire the Governor of the
said Colony, for having dispossessed the Petitioner and his Deputy of a Branch of his Office
Viz' That of Register to the Ordinary and Prerogative Court of the said Colony of New York,
Vol. VIH. 63
418 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
for the granting Probates of Wills and Letters of Administration and other Business of that
kind, and for his having disposed of the same in Favour of Edmund Fanning Esquire his
private Secretary, and humbly praying that such appointment of the said Edmund Fanning
may be declared Void, and that the Petitioner and his Deputy may be restored to the Exercise
and Enjoyment of the said Branch of his Office, and that he may be also restored to the Fees
he has lost by having been dispossessed thereof. The Lords of the Committee, in Obedience
to your Majesty's said Order of Reference, did on the 21" of March 1772, take the said Petition
into Consideration, and thought proper to Order a Copy thereof to be transmitted to the said
Governor for his Answer thereto, and Governor Tryon having accordingly returned his
Answer, and transmitted therewith Copies of several Papers in Support thereof — The Lords
of the Committee did on the 2]*' February last proceed to take the same into Consideration,
and directed the said Petition, Answer and Papers therewith transmitted to be referred to the
Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations who have thereupon Reported to this
Committee " That having duly weighed and Examined what is set forth by the Parties
concerned on each side the Question &c.
[ Here follows the Report of the Lords of Trade, supra, p. 413. ]
The Lords of the Committee upon Consideration of the whole Matter, do agree humbly
to Report as their Opinion, that it may be adviseable for Your Majesty to Direct the Petitioner
or his lawful Deputy or the Secretary of the said Colony for the Time being, or his lawful
Deputy, to be forthwith reinstated in the said Office of Register to the Ordinary and Prerogative
Court of the Province of New York, that he may hold and enjoy the same, as he and his
predecessors have heretofore held and enjoyed the same before the late Innovation took place
as incident to and always going with the Office of Secretary of New York and as an Appendage
thereof, together with the Salary, Advantages and Emoluments to the said Office of Register
to the Ordinary and Prerogative Court of the Province of New York belonging and appertaining.
His Majesty, taking the said Report into Consideration, is Pleased, with the Advice of His
Privy Council to approve of what is therein proposed, and doth hereby accordingly Order
require and Command, That the Petitioner or his lawful Deputy, or the Secretary of the said
Colony for the time being, or his lawful Deputy be forthwith reinstated in the said Office of
Register to the Ordinary and Prerogative Court of the said Province of New York, that he may
hold and enjoy the same, as he and his Predecessors have heretofore held and enjoyed the
same, before the late Innovation took place, as incident to, and always going with the Office
of Secretary of New York, and as an Appendage thereof, together with the Salary, Advantages
and Emoluments to the said Office of Register to the Ordinary and Prerogative Court of the
Province of New York belonging and appertaining And the Governor, Lieutenant Governor,
or Commander in Chief of the said Province of New York for the time being, and all others
whom it may concern are to Yield due obedience to His Majesty's Pleasure hereby signified as
they will answer to the contrary. —
Stephen Cotrell
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 419
Sir William JoJinson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ Planlations Geaeral, CCLX. ]
Johnson Hall 17"> April 1774.
My Lord,
1 should never have attempted to trouble your Lordship on a subject which is liable to
misrepresentation or disregard, but that I look upon it to be my duty to lay before His
Majesty the sentiments of the Indians on everry material occurrence, and that I only comply
with their repeated desire, on the present occasion ; for this reason I shall decline offering
much in favor of my own judgment in this matter, but relying on your Lordships known
character submit the matter to your Consideration, from a thorough conviction of my own
disinterestedness and zeal for his Majesty's service.
The several duties & fatigues I formerly experienced for many years both in a Military and
Civil capacity, having within these few years drawn upon me a train of Infirmities which
have often threatned my life, & at best renders it verry precarious, the Northern Indians well
acquainted with these circumstances have for some time expressed great anxiety about it, as
well on my account as they express it, as on their own, for they observe, what I have
experienced to be true, that personal regard & attachment has vast influence over their actions,
and the more thinking part of their cheifs, from the knowledge they have of other Peoples
conduct have been long & are strongly of opinion that my Death may produce events which
I know it would be deemed vanity in me to enlarge upon, they have therefore upon many late
occasions repeated (what I had by many former Instructions from His Majesty assured them)
that all affairs with them should be conducted by an Agent belonging to His Majesty as the
most regular & best channel, and that which was most agreable to them, at which they
expressed infinite satisfaction, at the same time they observed that they had judgment enough
to perceive that they were likely to be misrepresented both with regard to power, genius &
disposition; and that they had reason to fear that in case of my Death their affairs might fall
into some of those channells which gave them their first prejudice against the English, or into
the hands of some Person unacquainted with the nature & politicks of the people, and the
duties of my office, and as tliese reflections tended to render the Cheifs irresolute & to create
much uneasiness, they earnestly soUicited that I would lay their request before His Majesty
for the nomination of a Successor who should not only be acquainted with their affairs & the
mode in which they had been hitherto conducted but personally known to & esteemed by
their people, & proceeded to express their ardent desire that such nomination if agreable to
His Majesty might be in favor of one of my Deputys Col. Guy Johnson. On this head I have
often told them that they might rely with confidence on His Majesty's esteem, his love of
Justice & repeated assurances of Himself & His Royal Predecessors to afford them protection
and to guard their rights, and that therefore it was needless for them to concern themselves
about what might possibly prove a more remote contingency than the state of my health
promised, but this was in no wise satisfactory, I am so wearied out with their reiterated
soUicitations that I find myself under the necessity of communicating them with such reflections
as occurr upon the subject. — 1 flatter myself that it is unnecessary for me to point out either
the importance these People are still of in America, their capacity to hurt us, the advantages
resulting from their friendship, or the peculiar necessity there is (& likely will be for some
time) to have their affairs conducted in one regular channel, by an Agent of the Crown,
420 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
•without the difficulties & contrary interests that must result from Colony Management, as all
these points were, & still are the sentiments of the wisest & most disinterested men, and
should any doubt arise on any of these important points thro' the misrepresentation, partiality
or ignorance of pretenders, I trust, nay I am confident, I can remove it, I must therefore take
these principles for granted because I am thoroughly persuaded (not from casual or partial
reflection) but from honest principles founded on long experience that the Trade & Settlement
of this Country depends greatly on conduct flowing from such sentiments. — The reasonableness
and expediency of such an affiiir being shewn, the propriety of such application at this time
must remain with His Majesty, and it becomes not me to exceed the limits which my station
& inclinations prescribe to myself of suggesting with all humility such thoughts only as are
derived from my knowledge of the present state & inclinations of those committed to my
superintendency, with whom I have been intimately acquainted more than thirty years, and
who are so peculiarly situated and circumstanced that those only who possess thes advantages
are judges of their affairs. If this then is the case (of which I hope there is no doubt) then
it will naturally follow that this being a peculiar Department, to which no other is similar, the
person nominated to it, must possess such Qualifications, without which, he must be doubtless
inadequate to the trust, there are doubtless few officers in the State that a Gentleman of good
abilities after some little application may not be able to discharge with at least tolerable
success, but this. My Lord, is of a verry different and difficult nature, the most shining capacity
must here be at a loss without a long series of application & knowledge which verry few of
any capacity at all have inclination or opertunity of acquiring, to all which, the affections of the
Indians should necessarily be added as an ascendency derived therefrom is so indispensably
necessary, that I can affirm I have often carried the most important points neerly 'thro personal
influence when all other sanction had failed, If therefore I have the least claim to indulgence
in support of the application of the Indians, I cannot withhold my warmest recommendations
in favor of the Gentleman they wish for, and whilst I assure your Lordship that I rate my
present reputation & future fame too highly to prostitute it for interest or partiality, I would
rather hazard the imputation of both than refuse my testimony towards a measure that may
benifit the Public when I am no more.
The Gentleman I have mentioned is my son in law. He has served His Majesty from his
earliest youth, throughout the whole war in America. He often attended me in the field by
permission of the Commander in Cheif as my Secretary &c=, and was when appointed my
Deputy in Seventeen Hundred & Sixty two a Lieut, in His Majesty's service, since which, his
corps being reduced, He has been constantly employed in the Duties of his Office, and in that
of Secretary which he principally discharged, the Gentleman appointed proving either
superannuated or disqualified for that Office, by these means he early acquired a knowledge of
Indian affairs, their politicks, & the mode of conducting Transactions, in all which he has
been of great use to me, & to which he has been fortunate enough to add their highest esteem,
but. My Lord, I shall urge the matter no farther, I still beheve that I possess that confidence
which his Majesty has been pleased to honor my faithfull & long services, from which if 1
derive any judgement or value my own reputation I must have regard to the propriety of
what is recommended, and I persuade myself that your Lordship will do me the justice to
believe, that this application is owing to my disinterested convictions in it's favor. I beg to be
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 421
honored with your Lordship's answer with His Majesty's gracious determination, so as to
enable me to satisfy the Indians that 1 have fulifilled their desire,
I have the honor to be with the most profound Respect My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient
The Right Honorable & most failhfull Humble Servant
the Earl of Dartmouth. W. Johnson
N»
Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth. ■
[Plantations General, CCLX., No. 8.]
Johnson Hall May 2^ 1774
My Lord,
I have the honor to transmit herewith a Copy of the principal transactions with Two
Hundred and Sixty Cheifs and Warriors of the six Nations who brought here two Senecas
concerned in a murder committed last Year on four Frenchmen on Lake Ontario as mentioned
in my letter (N° 6) which persons contrary to antient customs I made a point of their delivering
up to justice, & having at length prevailed, they are now committed to the County Jail, where
they are to remain until I hear from General Haldimand, who some time since joyned me in
opinion that on their making restitution for the goods they plundered at that time, it would at
this juncture be good policy to discharge them, in consideration of the many murders
committed on their people, for which no satisfaction could be obtained, & of the youth of the
parties who were influenced thereto by a fellov/ who fled. Besides it being considered as an
Act of clemency, there were no proofs to convict them, neither could restitution be expected if
they suffered, w"" would have proved very injurious to those Traders whose goods were taken.
Indeed this is the first instance wherein the Senecas were ever prevailed on to sacrifice their
antient customs to our laws, by delivering up offenders, & therefore I hope it will establish a
good & wholesome precedent, without even carrying it to the utmost rigour of the Laws.
I come now to answer your Lordship's of the 1'' of December (N" 6.) the effects that may
derive from the unwarrantable establishments on the lands therein referred to, and of which
your Lordship appears so sensible, are realy alarming, and your Lordship may be assured of
my full cooperation with Genr' Haldimand in everry wholesome measure for preventing an
evil of so dangerous a tendency, tho' I must confess I have verry little hopes that settlements
can be restrained by any ordinary measures, where the multitude have for so many years
discovered such an ungovernable passion for these lands, and pay so little regard to a fair title,
or the authority of the American Governments. — At the same time your Lordship's most
judicious reflections on the present critical situation of Indian Affairs, arising from these causes
combined with the endeavours of our natural enemies give me a full persuasion that Government
will use everry consistent measure for applying a remedy to these growing evils. — Last
Summer I received a long account of a Message said to be sent to the Indians by the French
King 'thro the channel of Canada with many particulars not mentioned in the Copy I had the
honor to receive from your Lordship tho corresponding generally, indeed I have met with
the like so often since the reduction of Canada, & have so often transmitted accounts of such
422 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
intelligence that I am grown cautious how I enlarge on such reports to His Majesty's Ministers
(for reasons I shall give presently) without such undeniable authorities as will remove everry
doubt, and these are not likely to be obtained. It is true I always had some men employed
to gain intelligence, who have been of great use, who have never deceived me, and whose
attachment & interest secures their fidelity, but these men are Indians, and as such, extremely
cautious of giving a fuhUc Testimony that would endanger their lives, neither would their
authority I apprehend be deemed sufficient to criminate those they accused, for their united
accounts have borne hard on not only many of the clergy, but other persons in Canada, some
of whom have within these few years had the address to acquire powerful! advocates, of whom
they could little avail themselves were their artifices as well known to others, as they are to
myself, but however persuaded I am within myself of the truth of such informations, in general,
it is probable I may be mistaken as to some of the parties, and it is neither consistent with my
character or feelings to expose an innocent person to suspicion or bring so heavy a charge on
such authorities without demonstrative proof.
The religion, government & genius of the French conspire to render them dangerous to us,
& their enterprising disposition with the plausible manner they use to lull us into security until
they compass their views has often been felt, and may as often be experienced hereafter, but
in this capacity to do us harm, the Canadians exceed the native French, as they have less
liberality of sentiment, stronger prejudice founded on greater ignorance, so that they are never
without inclination to hurt us, or hopes of success, and this is not so much the case of their
common people as of those, who from the difference of our government, are lowered as
Noblesse or principal Traders injured by our application to commerce, which they would engross
to themselves, and which they use everry means to keep in their hands, in short their
disposition and attachment to old interests is still so strong, that I have known some of them
when speaking to the Indians, who even in my presence could scarcely be restrained from
refle[c]tions on the English & encomiums on the French. I am sensible there may be several
that think or say otherwise, but I speak from longer experience, and as little prejudice,
emboldened by a consciousness of my own integrity. This system of politicks, & national
character of the French as it led them to cultivate the affections of the Indians, has probably
occasioned the French Government to consider them as verry well calculated to create a
diversion here, in case of a rupture, or to second their endeavours should they find it eligible
to reestablish themselves in America, to which end emissaries are necessary for keeping up an
intercourse with, & encreasing the Indians jealousy of our growing power, but the effects are
nearly the same, whether the Crown of France interests itself therein, or not, for the Canadians
are full of these sentiments, and would find their account therein, if they had no other object
but that of possessing the most valuable part of the Trade, which their people in the back
country can carry on when our colonies are engaged in war, of which there were proofs
enough during the late Indian troubles. — from whichsoever of these causes or from whatever
authority, the fact is pretty certain that imediately on the reduction of Canada, verry large
belts were delivered by some of the Clergy and other persons of consequence to certain French
men & Indians who carried them 'thro all the nations to Detroit, Michilimacina &c'' importing
that the King of France 'tho conquered in one place was still alive, and that a French &
Spanish Fleet would soon make its appearance, when they should all be made happy, and freed
from the encroachments of the English. That therefore they should be in readiness with their
axes sharp to strike a blow when called upon & in the interim that they should guard the
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 423
avenues to their country against the English. The next year 17G1, more belts were sent to
Detroit advising them that the time was come for mischeif, and exhorting them to rise, care
having been taken by Jean Caire who had great influence with the upper Senecas, a people
much in[c]lined to the French, to indnce the former to joyn therein, and Deputys went
accordingly to the Nations at Detroit &c'' but the plan being timely discovered, and arriving
there myself on the same year, when I held a congress with the surrounding nations, ihe storm
blew over for that time The ensuing Winter the Belts were renewed, and four French
partizans went with them thro' all the Nations inviting them to a generall confederacy, & to
attack our posts, traders & frontiers at once with assurances of an approaching Fleet &c* The
complaints of grievances increased fast, & in my letter of the SO"" August 1762 to the Lords of
Trade I staled my sentiments & apprehensions, as well as afterwards communicated my
farther discoveries. L' Col. then Major Gladwin a worthy man & a brave officer of the 80""
Regm' in March of that year obtained from two or three different Indians a verry circumstantial
account of the whole design, with even a list of those Clergy & others who had explained &
delivered the Belts to the Indians, at the same time I received sundry corroborating proofs but
people in general were not inclined to think that the Indians were capable or willing to imbark
in such an undertaking, and many unlucky events too tedious to be at this time recapitulated
then occurring, the ensuing spring the storm begun, the Out Posts & Traders fell the first
sacrifice, & the effects are too well known to require a relation. In justice however to the
major part of the Six Nations who preserved their fidelity, & whose situation renders them so
consequential to us, I cannot omit observing that they were of signal use at that period against
the enemy, amongst others, one Indian detachment I sent out attacked a party coming against
our settlements, made the cheif with forty others prisoners who were committed to our jails, &
whose impending fate tied up the hands of their people, and these circumstances did not a little
contribute to the calm that succeeded, however the attempts to rouze the Indians did not end
with the War, those who contributed to excite it, saw plainly how much Indians could do
without aid, and how little they could suffer. The old belts were revived, additional ones
with messages brought by way of Mississipi, and delivered to the Tribes on the branches of
Ohio &c^ accompanied with verry substantial presents. False reports circulated, & everry
extravagance of the disorderly frontier Inhabitants and encroachers exaggerated, parties excited
to do mischeif on our communications, as well as to rob, murder & banish our traders whilst
those from Canada were caressed, who are now in many places become factors for the English,
& derive reputation from their goods. So that what with the artifices practiced by designing
men amongst them, the Encroachments & many other acts of injustice of the Inhabitants on
most of the Frontiers, the incapacity and (as it appears to the Indians) unwillingness of our
American Governments to redress them, thej jealousy of the Indians is rather encreased,
and the belts are secretly cherished by those most aggrieved .as so many assurances of relief,
in so much that it was with great difficulty I had some of them delivered up, and there are yet
more which I am using everry practicable measure to obtain. — The fresh ones that have lately
crept in amongst them with a view to revive the former, like all the rest were delivered by
cautious men, in the most secret manner, without witnesses, as the only information to be
obtained is in our laws defective & the testimony of Indians however clear, or corroborated
by others is in general regarded with a slight, which is sensibly noticed by themselves.
In effect my Lord, tedious as this epistle may appear it realy contains only heads, which to
state fully would require much enlargement. Your Lordship will imediately perceive from
what I have already mentioned, how difficult a task it must be to detect the authors, or trace
424 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
such belts or messages to their true origin to which I should add ^that the Indians are so
universally averse to our modes of capital punishment, that they would never stand to their
information even against an Enemy, much less a secret friend from an apprehension that the
parties must suffer death, of all which I could give instances, those who give the intelligence
are often unacquainted with the authors, or content themselves with the relation of what they
have heard, but this shall not prevent me from using all my endeavors to detect them, as well
as to prevent y* operation of such schemes, & artifices, in which should 1 fail thro' any
unhappy combination of unlucky events, I am still confident that I can divide them & make
good use of the fidelity of a verry large number, than which, nothing can be more alarming to
the Indians, who sensible of our numbers, dread most a disunion of Confederacies. —
On all those matters, I hope to give your Lordship more particular satisfaction after the
intended Onondaga Congress, & the return of the Embassy I sent to the Westward. —
I am much oblidged by your Lordships politeness respecting the appointment of a new
Secretary, for which oiUce, I take the liberty to recommend M'' Joseph Chew a gentleman of a
respectable family in Virginia, who was formerly an Officer in the Troops of that Colony, &
afterwards a Captain in the levies of this Province under my command in 1747 in which he
behaved very well, He has since had many opportunities of being acquainted with the Indians,
& has been for some time settled in this part of the Country ; where he is a Magistrate, I trust
that if he meets your Lordship's approbation, he will acquit himself with fidelity in that post.
I remain with the highest Esteem, My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient,
& most devoted Humble Servant,
The Right Honourable the Earl of Dartmouth. W. Johnson
Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Indians.
[ Plantations General, CCLX. ]
At a Congress with some of the Principal Chiefs & Warriors of the Six Nations at Johnson
Hall on the IS'" of April 1774.
Present — Sir William Johnson Bar' His Majesty's Superintend' of Indian Affairs.
Daniel Clause ]
^ T u r Esq" Depy Agents.
Guy Johnson ] ^ f o
With several other Gent"
Princip' Indians present.
Teyorhanseras Chief of the Mohawks
Sayenquaraghta " " " Senecas
Chenughiyata, or Bunt " " " Onondagas
Conoghquieson Chief of Oneida
Soherissa of Cayuga
Tarundarwego of Tuscarora
and 260 Chiefs and Warriors of the several Nations.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 425
Sayenquaraghta Chief of the Seneca Nation addressed S'' W'" as follows
Brother Warraghiyagey
I am heartily glad that Providence has permitted us to meet you in health here at this Council
Fire. 1 beg therefore, Brother, that you will give attention to what I am going to say to you
which is on behalf of all our warriors as far as Canawago, and is of great importance.
Brother, Agreeable to the Engagements entered into by our Sachems to you last fall, We
have used our endeavors to search after, and apprehend tliose men of our nation who killed
four Canadians on Lake Ontario. Altho' this was done by some of the Seneca nation only,
yet be assured that all the confederacy are much concerned, & aflected thereby lest they shou'd
be suspected of being privy thereto. — But we can assure, Brother that it was merely tiie
wanton Act of the perpetrators alone without the knowledge, and contrary to the inclinations
of the Confederacy, the Intelligence of which shocked us greatly, and accordingly we have
spared no pains to apprehend the murderers to deliver them up to you, but the Ringleader
suspecting our intentions, has made his escape, and there only remains the two young lads who
were with him, and who were persuaded by him to join therein, for which we apprehended them,
and have now brought them here with us to deliver tiiem up to you. At the same time, Brother,
we must observe, and I am sure you are very sensible it is a most delicate point with us, and
a strong proof of the opinion we have of your advice that we now deviate from our ancient
customs W^*" in this case as well as many others differs widely from yours, by putting our
people into your hands, when at the time we give you this proof of the regard we pay to our
late engagements with you. You cannot be ignorant that many of our people have been lately
murdered on the frontiers without our receiving the least satisfaction on that account, and
surely it wou'd be highly unreasonable to exact from us an obedience to your laws, when your
own people are permitted to escape. — We wou'd further observe that these young men
according to custom but obeyed their leader, and were ignorant of the consequences, and
therefore we presume that when you have duely considered all these circumstances, you will not
use them with severity. — for we cannot help saying that it wou'd be far from appearing like an
act of justice in the eyes of the many Indians Nations whom we are now endeavoring to attach
firmly to the English, and who have been so troublesome for many years past. Those indeed
who by only seeing a few of our people living within your country, may think us a people
void of power, and understanding, — but you Brother know better, that we have often
complained of the murders committed on our people without redress, and that we have at your
desire, used our strongest endeavors to prevent our warriors from revenging their treatment,
which altho' we know you are a great people it was in our power to obtain. — for our young
men are all Warriors, and the great Spirit has still preserved to us the Springs of the Waters,
and taught us all the paths to your Frontiers. — Brother. As we know all your people are
great, so we hope they will be just, and not too severe upon us, considering what we daily
suffer from them. We once more with this Belt recommend the affair to your serious
consideration, — and as there are in every nation some bad intermixed with the good, we
hope you will not lay the commission of this murder to our whole nation, but to that bad man
who was the author, whom we have made diligent search after. Gave a large Belt.
Then added that the Prisoners were in their Camp at Sir William's disposal ready to be
delivered up whenever he demanded them.
Adjourned to next day.
Vol. VIII. 54
426 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
At a Congress held on Tuesday the 19"" of April. *
The Indians being all assembled painted, and dressed, acquaintee Sir W" of their being
ready to proceed to business & accordingly Sayenquaraghta arose and spoke as follows.
Brother Warraghiyagey,
Having yesterday gone through the most essential part of our business of this present meeting,
we come now to another point, which is your having last fall strongly recommended to us to
endeavor to obtain Restitution for the Loss of the Peltries, those that were murdered had in
their possession, which belonged to some persons in Canada. We are determined, Brother,
according to our promise to you, to try all in our power to indemnify the sufferers in this
unhappy affiiir, and therefore made it known to all the Warriors as far as Canawagow,' who
have accordingly collected all the skins they possibly cou'd, some of which are already delivered
up, and there are now at a village called Onoghsadago near Canawago, two packs which will
shortly be send down with some others. — We hope therefore, brother, it will be evident to you
that we have spared no pains in making up the losses of the sufferers as much as lay in our
power, and that the English will not require us to make a double attonement.
Gave a Belt.
The Speaker then produced some Strings of Wampum relative to their Proceedings for
discovering certain bad belts said to be still in the hands of some Indians to the Sout West
& related the same as follows.
Brother, The messengers that last winter were sent by us to the Shawanese town
Kagoughsage al. Akonwarage, when they arrived at Fort Pit, were informed that there were
some of the Principal Indians of that Shawanese town, and nation then there, in consequence
of which they went to those Shawanese, and asked whether they cou'd take upon them to hear,
& receive the messages they had for their Nation from the Six Nations. The Shawanese
replied that the head men of Agonwarage were then assembled there with some Twightwee
Chiefs, and they thought it convenient, and proper they shou'd deliver their message there, and
agreed to hear them the next day. — however ten days elapsed before they met, & the meeting
being opened, the Shawanese expressed great satisfaction in seeing messengers from the Six
Nations, telling them that Darkness had a long time reigned between them, and the Six Nations,
and they were happy to see at last light appear from that Quarter, and at the same time were
glad of the opportunity of having some of the Twightwees with them to hear what they had
to impart from their Confederacy. Upon which the Deputies opened the Meeting with the
usual Ceremonies, and then proceeded to observe that as the Six Nations had been for a long
while employed in establishing peace upon a solid footing with their Brethren the English,
and their whole Confederacy, and Dependants, and being told that a War Ax was still
concealed, and unburied among them the Shawanese, which, it was said they had received
from the Upper Senecas, and which the Onondagas some time ago unsuccessfully demanded,
the Seneca Nation, in order to acquit themselves of all suspicion, were determined to come to the
bottom of the matter, and therefore had sent them once more with a strict charge to enquire as
much as possible into the affair, and if the report shou'd prove true, positively to demand the
' Tins creek rises in Cattaraugus county, thence runs west into Alleg.iny county, N. Y., Tvhere it pursues a southerly
course, and unites with the Allegany river in Pennsylvania. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 427
Delivery of that Ax. To which the Shawanese Chief Nererahhe replied, that they
the Shawanese were very glad to hear from the Six Nations, & kindly thanked them for their
message, at the same time they must inform them that they were strangers to what they
demanded of them, and that as they said they were sure where the Ax was concealed,
they wou'd be glad they wou'd point it out to them, and convince them of the truth of their
assertions that they might be able to clear up the matter satisfactorily.
The Messengers then told the Shawanese that the Onondagas Messenger Kakendanaye who
was at Kakoughsage last in quest of the said Ax, had seen it there, upon which the Shawanese
Chief replied that what Kakendanage saw at their town, was by no means an Ax Belt, and that
he wou'd explain tlie matter to them as in reality it was viz'. That a Message was sent from
the Hurons after making peace with the English at a Congress with Sir William Johnson in
1765, to the Delawares on Ohio, acquainting them that peace was made with the English in tiie
strongest and most lasting manner, and with that condition that whatever nation of Indians
declined entering into the same, or shou'd molest the English, the whole Confederacy were to
punish them until they corrected their Error, that therefore they the Hurons had sent this belt
to them the Delawares to keep themselves in reaiiness whenever called upon by the Confederacy
on the like occasion.* When the belt was delivered to the Delaware Chief, he replied that he
was an old man, and not capable of receive such messages, the Delaware nation being looked
upon as women, and that it were best to apply to the Shawanese, upon which he sent the belt to
him Nerarahhe, but he being a Sachim, sent It to the Chief Warrior of his nation, Sowanowane
to keep it, as he, as a Sachim, did not meddle but in matters of Peace, and Sowanowane received
it, and assured him that he was of one mind with the Confederacy for rendering the peace
universal, and was ready to comply with the Intention of the Hurons message of chastizing any
nation that wou'd act contrary to the engagements the Confederacy made with their Brethren
the English. — At the same time Nererahhe observed to them the Deputies, that he found by
their message that the Onondaga Deputy Kakendinaye inflamed the same account of the Hurons
Belt greatly, by calling it a Hatchet Belt against the English, and begged that Sir W" Johnson
might be made acquainted with the truth of the matter, and drop and forget any evil thought
or Construction he might have upon Kakandinaye's Report, that one of the Messengers not
being thoroughly satisfied with this account of the War Ax told the Shawanese Chief of the
Imputation their nation lay under with regard to their late Chief Akastarax, who professing
himself no great friend to the English, had been suspected of sending an Ax to them the
Shawanese, and other nations upon Ohio, and wou'd be glad to be satisfied in that point.
The Shawanese Chief told them he knew nothing of it but wou'd refer him to Kaghsigwarote,
the only one that consulted with, & delivered Akastarax his Messages to them, and was now
living in their nation, who wou'd best be able to inform him of the particulars relative to that
affair, and which Saweeto was determined to do on his return, but Kaghsigwarote having lost
his niece, the cou'd not then speak to him, it being contrary to their custom, but intended to
do it as soon as conveniently he cou'd.
With regard to the summons from the Six Nations to those on the Ohio, and its environs
Nererahhe told the Messengers that himself, and his Nation had been ready on the first call to
* N. What the Shawanese here say is partly true, that is with regard to the Belts in 1765, but they artfully evade giving
an account of the bad belts rec'd from the Enemy in search of which the Messengers then were.
t This is the Indian custom until the ceremony of Condolence is publiekly performed, but it looks like an Excuse framed
by Kaghsigwarote in this instance.
428 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
go to Onondaga, but that the rest of the Nations summoned at the same time, were not then
ready, but that now all that were summoned were determined to go, and thirty runners
were prepared to proceed from Scioto to announce their coming, and himself with another
Cheif was ready, and upon the point of setting off, desiring the Messengers to have a large
iiutt got ready for their reception, as they wou'd be very numerous, that then having all the
Confederacy together he hoped they wou'd be able to find out where the fault lay, and why
this long desired peace cou'd not be brought about.
Nererahhe proceeded addressing himself to the Twightwees.
Brotliers. You have now been present, and heard all the transactions between us, Sir William
Johnson, and the Six Nations. It gives me pleasure it happened in your presence, for we
receive all the News from the Six Nations concerning you, and the other nations round about
you, and forward, & communicate it to you carefully in order to preserve peace and a good
understanding between the Confederacy, and our Brothers the English. — but no sooner do
our Messengers turn their backs, than y" alter, and put false constructions upon the friendly
messages, and advice we send you, and by that means poison and corrupt the minds of the
Indian Nations round about you which cannot but be productive of mischief on your side, as
well as ours, & is liable to involve you in trouble, and expose you to the resentment of our
Brothers, the English, whereas if you were to mind the wholesome advice you from time to
time receive from Sir W"" Johnson, and the Six Nations, you wou'd enjoy peace & happiness.
Let me therefore admonish you to act differently for the future, and you will soon taste the
sweets of peace, and a free intercourse & friendship with your Brothers the English.
Whereupon the Twightwees replied that they wou'd defer giving an answ' until their
Deputies shou'd meet at the Congress shortly to be held at Onondaga.
Sayenquaraghta then acquainted Sir W" that Kayashota the Chief of the Ohio had been
indefatigable in the discharge of his Embassage, and that to manifest their cooperation
therewith, he had been accompanied from the Seneca country by five of their Chiefs.
At a Congress with the Indians Thursday April 21" 1774
Present — as before
Sir William Johnson addressed them as follows,
Brothers,
Though I am allways glad to see you punctual in your attendance according to engagement,
yet I cannot help expressing my concern at meeting you on so disagreeable an occasion : For
although I shou'd be unwilling to think that the murder committed upon Lake Ontario was
an act that received the sanction of your people, yet I cannot but look upon it as a piece of
cruelty, and injustice, that without proper satisfaction must reflect on the whole, — For if it is as
disagreeable to you as I am inclined to believe, the punishment of the Guilty is meerly an
act of justice you shou'd rather wish for, than oppose by any arguments whatever.
I have duely considered all you have offered upon the occasion, & as it is beneath the
character of the English to evade, I shall not deny that some of your people have been killed
on the frontiers, but I tell you as I have done before upon like occasions that too many of them
are often concerned in irregularities upon our frontiers which expose them to the resentment
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 429
of angry men who have no prospect of any redress from you. — For although among bo
numerous a people as the English who are spread all over the country some men may
act ill, especially when remote from the seats of justice, yet you will allways find an ear to
hearken to your complaints, & a disposition to relieve them on due proof of the same. — We
don't want you to set, but to follow an example which is of the highest importance to your
peace & happiness, and we may naturally conclude that as the principal in the late murder
cou'd not fly to us as some of our people have done to you, that it was in your power to have
secured him, and sacrificed him to justice, and the character of your Confederacy.
However I shall in compliance with your desire, lay the matter before the General who
commands all His Majesty's Troops in America, & use my endeavors with him in behalf of
the Prisoners, thro' compassion of their ignorance, & a belief that you are heartily concerned
at it. In the main time the prisoners must be put into confinement and when I receive the
General's answer it shall be communicated to you. A Belt
Brothers. — I am glad to find that in consequence of my desire you immediately ordered
collections to be made of skins, & peltry as a restitu-tion to the owners of the goods when the
murder was committed. Some of these are already sent down, but I expect, and insist upon
it that you see that the restitution be ample, and that both in quantity and quality the sufferers
may be fully reimbursed for their losses, for without this you can lay no claim to favor, neither
shall I pay any regard to your declarations. Remember my words, and see that this is
fully performed. A Belt.
Brothers. — I have duely attended to the particulars you gave me of your peoples proceedings
with the Nations assembled at Ohio, of which I long since received an account from thence. —
For I know all that passes in every Quarter. I have also spoken several times to yourselves
upon the occasion of that Embassy; so that I shall defer giving my farther thoughts on the
matter 'till I hear the Result of the intended Congress at Onondaga, when I expect that you
will see that all the Nations concerned do punctually attend, and that every thing is conducted
in such a manner as may convince the other Indians of your sincerity, and attachment to
the English.
I am glad to hear of the good conduct of the Chief Kayashota in his Embassage, and that
you have sent five of your Chiefs to accompany and enforce his endeavors. As I repose a
Confidence in him, from my knowledge, and experience of his good behaviour, I shall always
shew the same countenance to those who are distinguish'd for their fidelity & zeal, and I
expect that from the faithful discharge of the trust reposed in him, the Nations whose heads
have been for some time turned may be restored to their senses, which will tend greatly to
your happiness, and the satisfaction of the English, who have hitherto sat still with their Axes,
under their feet, thro' the fatherly tenderness of our Great King for these deluded people, and
his regard for you, but they must remember that our people never take up the hatchet without
cause, or lay it down w"'out satisfaction. A Belt.
Adjourned till next day.
At a Congress on Friday April 22'^. 1774.
Present — as before.
Being all seated Sayenquaraghta Chief of the Senecas arose, and addressed Sir W"'
as follows.
430 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brother. — We have considered all that you have last said, and advised us to, and the Six
Nations who always rely on, and follow your wise direction, now assure you that the most
strict Orders have been given for collecting the full quantity of skins w"^*" the Traders have
lost, what yet remains, you may be assured shall forthwith be sent to Onondaga, & from
thence brought down the country for the sufferers, that you may see we are Warriors, and men
of our words, and this the warriors desire me to assure you of.
Brother we have already told you of the escape of the principal concerned in that unhappy
affair. — Here are now the two young men who were persuaded to be concerned therein. —
We deliver them into your hands, because you insisted upon it. — We know your words to be
sound, and good, and we can refuse you nothing, but. Brother, you must remember, you must
be sensible, that this is a thing new, and uncommon to us, that it is contrary to our customs,
and we must say, what was never required formerly, — neither cou'd we have agreed to it but
to shew you that our arguments have great force with our people. — but as these are young
men, & may be much alarmed at what appears so uncommon to them, we request you will
allow us to leave three chiefs, friends of theirs here, with liberty to visit them occasionally in
their confinement, until you hear from the General, and we think that what we have already
done, is a strong assurance of our readiness to comply with all the other matters recommended
to us, and that we though of some power, and strong in our alliances set a fair example to
the other Nations.
To which Sir W™ answered.
Brothers. 1 am pleased with your repeated assurances of delivering a full equivalent to
those persons who lost their goods, and I expect you will be speedy : for it is beneath the
character of Warriors to use fraud or falshood, and your speedy performance of your
engagements is highly necessary at all times, but more especially at present. — I am not
inclined to doubt you, because as you all know I never deceived you, I am the readier
induced to think you will not impose on me, and thereby degrade, and injure yourselves.
Brothers. It gives me much satisfaction to hear that my arguments have determined you
to deliver up these persons. For those Customs which you have so much regard for, are weak,
and insufficient. — natural justice demands them at your hands, and the greatest men among
us must suffer the penalties of the Laws because the English love justice.
I have no objections to those persons staying, whom you have mentioned, and they shall be
permitted, now and then to see the Prisoners who must remain in safe custody 'till I receive
answers from the General. — In the main time I recommend it to you to act with prudence &
discretion, and to shew by your conduct with the other Nations that you deserve the favor of
the English, and that you are true to your engagements.
A true copy from the Records
Ex"^ by G Johnson D Agent
Indorsed. In S'' W. Johnson's N» 8 of 2"* May 1774. as Secy
i
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 431
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York, CLXYI., No. 1. 1
(N» 1.)
New York, 4"' May 1774.
My Lord,
By Governor Tryon's Absence from this Government, the Administration has again devolved
upon Me. It shall be my study so to discharge my duty, that I may ensure your Lordship's
Protection, and be made happy by my Royal Masters approbation of the last services of a very
old servant.
Governor Tryon went home enabled to give your Lordship the fullest Information of the
state of this Province. I need not mention any thing that he was acquainted with. The only
Matter of Consequence which has occur'd since he left us, is the Transactions relative to the
Tea from London.
Captain Lockyer, with the so long look'd for Tea from the India Company, arrived at Sandy
Hook on the 19"" of last month. The ship came no farther up, and a few days after saild
from thence again for London with the Tea on Board. Neither the Capt", nor any other, made
the least Application to me, about the ship or her Cargoe. The Account of this Affair
published in the enclosed News paper, is as particular and full as any that I could procure.
In the same Paper your Lordship will find an Account of some more violent Proceedings
against a parcell of Tea imported by Capt" Chambers of the Ship London ; who arrived here
while Captain Lockeyer was in this Place. As no application was made to me by Captain
Chambers, or any other, before or since this riotous event, I cannot give your Lordship a better
account of it than is contain'd in the printed Paper. — It happen'd early in the Evening, and,
tho' a pretty large number of Spectators were assembled, the Quarter where I reside, and the
greater part of the Town was perfectly quiet. It is said Captain Chambers drew the particular
Resentment of the People upon himself by the duplicity of his Conduct. Last Voyage he
claim'd applause here, for being the first who refused to take the India Company's Tea on
Board his Ship; and received Public thanks from the People of this place for it.
A few days after Governor Tryon went from hence, a small sloop loaded with Dutch Tea,
Duck &c. was seized by an Officer of the Custom House. She was taken in this Port, at Noon
Day, and secur'd without any tumult on the Occasion.
Since Governor Tryon embarked I have received your Lordship's letters N° 17. and IS;
likewise His Majesty's Additional Instruction of the third of February, and your Lordship's
Circular Letter of the 5"" accompanying it. I laid the Instruction and Letter before the
Council, who have them still under Consideration, in order to form such Rules for our future
Conduct, as may be consonant to His Majesty's Commands. I have likewise received your
Lordships separate Letter of the 5"" of February relative to Capt" David Price. I beg
your Lordship may be assured that I will pay the strictest Obedience to His Majesty's
Commands, and that I will endeavour to execute them in the most faithful! manner.
I am with great respect & submission
My Lord,
Your most Obedient and
faithful! Servant
R' Hon'''* Earl of Dartmouth. Cadwallader Golden
432 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Secretary Pownall to Secretary Robinson.^
[ New-Tork Entries, LXIX., p. 26. ]
John Robinson Esquire
Your letter to me of the G"" Instant inclosing a Memorial of two papers therein refered to
presented to the Treasury Board by Major General Clinton has been laid before the Lords
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations and I am directed to acquaint you for the information
of the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury that it does appear that General Clintons father
was appointed Governor of New York in 1741 that he had an instruction in like manner as
his predecessors had to take to himself out of the Revenue of this Province the annual Sum
of one thousand two hundred pounds Sterling being the Salary alloted by the Crown for the
Governor of that Province; that the operation of this Instruction was however defeated by
the Assembly having upon the expiration of the Act on which this Instruction was founded
adopted a method of providing for the support of Government annually instead of for a term
of Year and appropriating annually a certain specific Sum to the GoV for his Salary which
Sum tho at first nearly adequate to one thousand two hundred pounds Sterling very soon fell
short of it considerably by the Great variation in the course of exchange and the Consequential
depretiation of the Coinage of the Province.
Upon this General view of General Clinton's Case the Lords of Trade are of opinion that
he was well warranted to expect that both in Justice and Equity the Assembly of that Province
should have made good to him the loss he sustained by the consequence of a deviation from
the ancient mode of Granting Supplies adopted with a view to extend their own Authority
and to create in the Officers of the Crown an improper dependance upon them.
This Act of Justice to M' Clinton was however repeatedly refused and such was the state of
the Province and the conduct and temper of the Assembly during his whole Administration
that he thought it adviseable not to press a point in which his own interest was concerned from
an apprehension that it might have the consequence to occasion a disappointment of more public
Services which the exigencies of Government in time of War absolutely required and many of
which thro' the backwardness and indisposition of the Assembly, M'' Clinton was obliged to
provide for out of his own Pocket.
From these considerations their Lordships are of opinion that General Clintons claim is
equitable and they submit to the Lords of the Treasury whether it may not be reasonable that
he should be compensated in whatever sum the allowance made to his father by the Assembly
fell short of the Salary allotted by his Instructions.
I am,
Sir
Your most obedient and
Whitehall Most humble Servant
May 12. 1774. J. Pownal
'John Robinson, of Appleby, ■Westmoreland, represented that county in Parliament in 1766; he was one of the Secretaries
of the Treasury from February 6, 1770, to 29th March, 1782. Beatson't Political Index, Part III., 23.— Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 433
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York, CLXVI. ( No. 2.) ]
No 2.
New York 1" June 1774.
My Lord,
T have received your Lordship's Commands of the G"* of April N" 19. I Immediately sent
M"' Elliott the Receiver General of Quitrents, an Extra[c]t of what your Lordship writes in
favour of Col. Skeene, and you may be assured no process will issue against his lands, for the
Quitrents, 'till the Determination of the Lords of the Treasury is known.
The Act of Parliament shuting up the Port of Boston, was brought to this Place by a
Merch' Vessell, a few Days before I received it from your Lordship's Office. The Act was
immediately publish'd in all our News Papers, and was the subject of all Conversation. I
knew that People universally in this Colony had received such Ideas of being taxed at the
Pleasure of Parliament, that I was particularly anxious, upon this occasion, to discover
the Sentiments of those who might have most Influence over others, and was assured by the
Gentlemen of the Council, and others of weight in the City, that no means would be omitted,
to prevent the hot headed People takeing any measures that might endanger the Peace and
Quiet of the Colony.
The Men who at that timecall'd themselves the Committee — who dictated, and acted in the
name of the People, were many of them, of the lower Rank and all, the warmest zealots of
those call'd the Sons of Liberty. — The more considerable Merchants & Citizens seldom or never
appeared among them ; but I beleive were not displeased with the Clamour and Opposition
that was shewn against internal Taxation by Parliament. — The Principal Inhabitants being
now afraid that these hot headed men might run the City into dangerous measures, appeard
in a considerable body, at the first Meeting of the People after the Boston Port Act was
publish'd here. — They dissolved the former Committee, and appointed a new one of 61
Persons, in which care was taken to have a number of the most prudent and considerate People
of the Place, some of them have not before join'd in the Public proceedings of the Opposition,
and were induced to appear in wliat they are sensible is an illegal character, from a
Consideration that if they did not; the Business would be left in the same rash Hands
as before.
Letters had been received from Boston with an Invitation from that Town to the Sister
Colonies immediatly to come into a Resolution to refrain from any Commerce with Great
Britain and the West India Islands, till the Act for shuting up the Port of Boston was repealed.
A printed Hand Bill of this Proposal is inclosed.
I am inform'd that the New Committee, in their Answer to Boston, have given them no
reason to expect that the Merchants of this Place will adopt so extravagant a measure. And
People with whom I converse assure me, that they think it cannot be brought about by the
most zealous advocates of Opposition. — As yet no Resolutions have been taken by the People
of this Colony, and the cool prudent men will endeavour to keep Measures in suspencetill they
have an opportunity of adopting the Best. — I am told that they have proposed that the
Colonies be invited to send Deputies to meet together, in order to Petition the King for Redress
of Greivances and to deliberate upon some Plan whereby the Jealousies between Great Britain
& her Colonies may be removed. It is allowed by the intelligent among them, that these
Vol. VIII. b?,
434 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Assemblies of the People, without Authority of Government, are illegal and may be dangerous ;
but they deny that they are unconstitutional when a national greivance cannot otherwise be
removed. — What Resolutions will be taken I cannot as yet say. — The Government of this
Province has no coercive Power over these Assemblies of the People, but the authority of the
Magestrates in ail other cases, is submitted to as usual.
I have reason from your Lordship's letters to suppose there is a Design to appoint another
Lieutenant Governor of this Province. I trust in His Majesty's Justice, that when he is pleased
to dismiss an old Servant, He will evince that tho' He may think Me too old to serve Him
at a time when the task, is become uncommonly arduous, I have not forfeited his Royal
Protection and Favour. I shall persevere, my Lord, in constant application to a faithfull
Discharge of my Duty, and in endeavouring to preserve this Government in good Order
I am with the greatest respect & submission
My Lord
your most obedient and
faithfull Servant
R' Hon*"'^ Earl of Dartmouth. Cadwallader Golden
Governor Tryon to the Earl of DartmoutJi.
[New-Tork, CLXVI.]
London 11"' June. 1774.
My Lord
In obedience to the King's Commands, I have the honor herewith to inclose your Lordship
my Report of the present state of the Government of New York together with the Reports of
the Respective Officers relative to the Queries your Lordship transmitted to me. I am with
all possible Respect, My Lord
Your Lordship's Most Obed' and Humble Serv'
Earl Dartmouth &"= &"= &<=. W" Tryon
Report of Governor Tryon on the Province of Neiu - York.
[New York, CLXVI.]
Report of His Excellency William Tryon Esquire, Captain General and
Governor in Chief in and over the Province of New York and the Territory
depending thereon in America, Chancellor and Vice Admiral of the same —
On certain Heads of Enquiry relative to the present State and Condition of
His Majesty's said Province.
Question N" 1.
What is the situation of the Province under your Government, the nature of the Country
)il and Climate : the Latitudes and Longitudes of the most considerable places in it: have those
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 435
Latitudes and Longitudes been settled by good Observations, or only by common Computations,
and from whence are the Longitudes computed ?
Answer
Situation of the Pro- The Proviuce of New York is situated on the Atlantic Ocean which washes its
""■"^ Southern Shores : The Colonies of Connecticut, Massachusets Bay and New
Hampshire lying to the East, Quebec to the North, and New Jersey, Pensylvania and the Indian
Country to the West.
Nature of the coun- The Facc of the Couutry is every where uneven, with all the variety of soil
try and U8 soil. ^^ ^^ fouud any whcre — In the Northern Parts are low lands enriched by the
overflowing of Rivers, but little of this sort lies within Seventy miles of the City of New York
the Metropolis — The soil in general is much thinner and lighter in the Southern, than in the
Northern Parts and having been longer under Culture and subject to bad Husbandry, is much
more exhausted.
Climate. The Provlnce extending nearly Four Degrees and an half of Latitude, the
difference of Climate between the Southern and Northern Parts is remarkable. In Summer the
Heat is sometimes excessive, and in general much greater than in England. — Melons and many
other Things are raised here by the natural warmth of the climate which in England require
the aid of Hot Beds and Glasses. — The Winter in all parts of the Province is more severe
than in England, — tho' the Latitude of London is about ten Degrees more North than the City
of New York — Even in the Southern Part the Mercury in Farrenhight's Thermometer sinks
some Degrees below -and rises to 90° but these extremes are always of short Duration. — At
Albany and to the Northward of that City the Harvest is about a Month later than at New
York, and the Winter is much earlier, Hudson's River is generally frozen over many miles
below Albany before the middle of December but no Quantity of lee is found in the River
within thirty Miles of the City of New York, earlier than the Month of January — In March the
Navigation is again open up to Albany ; And it is observed the Seasons both as to Heat and
Cold grow more temperate.
Liiiiudes The Latitudes of the following Places have been determined by good
Observations.
The Light House at Sandy Hook 40° 27' 40.,
Fort George City of New York 40 41 50.
Mouth of Mackhacamac Branch of Delaware, where the Line
settled between New York & New Jersey terminates 41 21 37.
City of Albany 42 36 00.
The South End of Lake George 43 16 12.
Crown Point 43 50 7
Windmill Point 44 57 18.
Point au Pine 44 58 48.
Moores Point 45 00 00.
Longimde The Longitude of the City of New York has been found by good Observations
of the Satellites of Jupitor to be 74* 38 West from London.
Question N° 2.
What are the reputed Boundaries, and are any Parts disputed, and by whom ?
436 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Answer
Boundaries of the '^^^ Boundaries of the Province of New York are derived from Two Sources
Provmco First, the Grants from King Charles the Second to his Brother James Duke of
York dated the 12 March 166|, and the 29 June 1674, which were intended to convey to the
Duke all the Lands claimed by the Dutch, the first Occupants of this Colony. — Secondly, from
the Submission and Subjection of the Five Nations of Indians to the Crown of England.
As grounded on the The Descriptivc part of both the Duke's Grants is in the same Words and
Charles the 2d to exclusivc of the Territory Eastward of Connecticut River, since granted to the
•Tames Buke of '^ ^
^°"'- Massachusets Bay by their Charter of 1691, comprehends "All that Island or
Islands commonly called Mattawacks or Longlsland, together with Hudson's River, and all the
Land from the West side of Connecticut River to the East side of Delaware Bay. Connecticut
River extends beyond, and Hudson's River takes its rise a little to the Southward of the Forty
fifth Degree of Northern Latitude ; And as a Line from the Head of the River Connecticut to
Delaware Bay, would exclude the greatest part of Hudson's River, which is expressly granted
to the Duke of York, the Boundary most consistent with the Grants to the Duke, and the
Claim of New York founded thereon, is, a Line from the Head of Connecticut River to
the Source of Hudson's River, thence to the Head of Mohawk Branch of Hudson's River, and
thence to the East side of Delaware Bay.
That this has been the reputed Boundary under the Duke's title is confirmed by the Grants
of this Government extending Westward nearly to the Head of the Mohawk Branch of
Hudson's River, and Southward of that Branch to within a few miles of the North Boundary
of Pensylvania.
No other Construction will satisfy the Terms of the Grants to the Duke, nor any Lines less
comprehensive, include the Lands patented by this Province, or ceded to the Crown by the
Indians, at the Treaty at Fort Stanwix in 176S.
^n^fhcciaunflhe ^he Sccoud Source of the Title of this Government is grounded on the Claim
Fi™ Nations of In- ^^ ^^^ pj^^ ^atious who are in the Treaty of Utrecht acknowledged by France
to be subject to Great Britain.
Soon after the English conquered this Country from the Dutch, pursuing their system of
Policy, they entered into a strict Alliance with the Natives, who by Treaties with this Colony,
subjected themselves to the Crown of England, and their Lands to its protection, and from
this period were always treated as Subjects, and their Country consider'd by this Government
as part of the Province of New York, which probably gave rise to the extended jurisdiction
of the Colony beyond the Duke's Grants, signified by the Words "The Teretories depending
thereon" which are found in all the Commissions of the Crown to its Governors. Nor has the
Crown except by the Confirmation of the Agreement fixing the Boundary of Connecticut at
about Twenty miles East of Hudson's River at any Time contracted the jurisdiction of the
Colony Westward of Connecticut River and Southward of the Latitude 45 the Proclamation
of His present Majesty of the 7"" of October 1763, leaving the jurisdiction Southward of that
Latitude as it stood before, tho' it prohibits for the present the farther Extention of the Grants
and Settlements into the Country thereby reserved to the Indians, to avoid giving Umbrage
to that people who complained they were too much straitned in their hunting grounds. It is
uncertain at this Day to what Extent the Five Nations carried their claim to the Westward
and Northward but there is no doubt it went to the North beyond the 45 Degree of Latitude and
Westward to Lake Huron, their Beaver Hunting Country being bounded to the West by that
J
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 437
Lake, which Country the Five Nations by Treaty with the Governor of this Province at
Albany in 1701, surrender'd to the Crown to be protected and defended for them — MitcheP in
his Map extends their Claim much further Westward, and he is supported in this opinion by
Maps and other Authorities very Ancient and Respectable.
The above Treaty of 1701 is to be found among the Records of Indian Transactions but it
is recited and the surrender niade thereby confirmed in a Deed dated the 14 September 1726
by which the Seneca, Cayouga and Onondaga Nations also surrender'd their Habitations to
King George the first, a Copy whereof is inserted in the Article of the Appendix Number 1.
Oswego on the South side of Lake Ontario was first established by this Colony about 1724,
a Garrison of the Kings Troops supported there at the Expence of this Government, and the
Jurisdiction of New York actually exercised Westward to Oswego and its Vicinity untill
the Commencement of Hostilities in the late War.
His Majesty's Order of the 20 July 1764 confirming the Ancient Limits as granted to the
Duke declares " The Western Banks of the River Connecticut, from where it enters
" the Province of the Massachusets Bay as far North as the Forty fifth Degree of Northern
John MrrcBELi, M. D., F. R. S., was a native of England, and was sent to Virginia in the fore part of the 18th century, for
the purpose of investigating the Botanical treasures of America; his residence was chiefly at Urbanna, in the county of
Middlesex, Va., a small seaport about 18 miles above the mouth of the Rappahannock. He was a great botanist and seems
to have paid particular attention to the hybrid productions. After discovering many new genera and species he returned to
England. The following is a list of his works:
Dissertatio brevis de Principiis Botanicorum et Zoologorum deque novo etabiliendo naturae rerum congruo; cum Appendica
Aliquot generum plantarum recens conditorum et in Virgina observatorum.
The first of these two tracts was dedicated to Sir Hans Sloane, and dated "Virginia IISS;" the second "Nova Plantarum
Genera," dedicated to Peter CoUinson, and dated 17j j41. Both were printed in 4to., after the author's death, under the
above title, at Nuremberg, in 17C9. Rich.
Essay on the causes of the different Colours of People in different climates, 1743. Philosophical Transactiona, XLIIL, 102.
Essay on the Preparations and Uses of the Various kinds of Pot Ash. Ibid., XLV., 541.
Letter concerning the Force of Electrical Cohesion. Ibid., LI., 390.
Discovery of the Western Parts of Virginia, 1671, ( Supra, III., 193, ) with Remarks. Bibliotheca Americana, 4to., 81.
A Map of the British and French Dominions in North America, with the Roads, Distances, Limits and Extent of the
Settlements. Engraved by Ketchen. Folio. 1755.
This Map was published by Authority, and declared by Smith to be the only .luthentio one extant at the time. History of
New-York, 4to., 136, note.
The Contest in America between Great Britain and France, with its Consequences and Importance ; giving an Account of
the Views and Designs of the French, with the Interests of Great Britaiu, and the Situation of the British and French
Colonies, in all parts of America: In which A proper Barrier between the two Nations in North America is pointed out,
with a Method to prosecute the War, so as to obtain that necessary security for our Colonies. By an Impartial Hand,
8vo., London, 1757.
The Present State of Great Britain and North America, with regard to Agriculture, Population, Trade and Manufactures,
impartially considered: Containing a particular Account of the Dearth and Scarcity of the necessaries of life in England;
the Want of staple commodities in the Colonies; the Decline of their Trade; Increase of People; and Necessity of
Manufactures, as well as of Trade in them hereafter. In which the Causes and Consequences of these growing Evils,
and Methods of preventing them, are suggested ; the proper Regulations for the Colonies, and the Taxes imposed upou
them, are considered &c. 8vo. London. 1767.
During his residence in America, Dr. Mitchell transmitted not only to his countrymen, but also to Linnffius, much valuable
information respecting American plants. The great Swedish botanist viewed him with so much respect that he took care to
perpetuate his name, by giving it to an American plant, the Mitchella Repens. Dr. Mitchell's Manuscripts on the Yellow
Fever, as it appeared in Virginia in 1742, fell into the hands of Dr. Franklin, by whom they were communicated to Dr. Rush,
who made some of the hints which they contained the basis of his practice in that disease. Miller's Relroxpeet, L, 141, 318;
II., 367 ; Allen. Messrs. Duyekinek state in a brief note in their Cyclopedia of American Literature, I., 264, that
Dr. Mitchell " died about 1750 ;" he lived, however, eighteen years longer and died in England in March, 1768. Oeutlemau's
Magazine. ^- Ed.
438 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
" Latitude," to be the Boundary Line between the two Provinees of New Hampshire and New
York : And if the Agreement lately concluded at Hartford should finally be ratified by the
Crown, the Eastern Limits of this Colony where it borders on the Massachusets Province,
will extend about Twenty Miles only East from Hudson's River.
Dpscripiion of Without any view to the more Westerly claim of the Five Nations, supposing
ling"^hTcoion?^to the Colony to comprize within its Limits or Jurisdiction, the Country those
humiig '""^counlry Nations Surrendered to the Crown by the Description of the Beaver Hunting
eurrenderM to the , „ , -, mi -r. i . /- i i-» • r j^t xr i
Crown by Treaty Country 38 beforc mentioned — The Boundaries of the Provmce of New York
Willi this Province •'
'" ""'• are as follow.
On the South.
The Atlantic Ocean, including Long Island, Staten Island and others of less note.
On the West.
The Banks of Hudson's River from Sandy Hook, on the Ocean, to the 41 Degree of Latitude,
thence the Line established between New York and New Jersey to Delaware River — Thence
the River Delaware to the Northeast Corner of Pensylvania or the Beginning of the Latitude
43, which in Mitchel's Map is by mistake carried thro' the whole of that degree. — Thence the
North Boundary Line of Pensylvania^to the Northwest Corner of that Province; and continuing
the same Line to a point in Lake Erie which bears due South from the East Bank of the
Streight of D'Etroit and of Lake Huron to the Forty Fifth Degree of Northern Latitude.
0?i the North.
A Line from a point on the East bank of Lake Huron in the Latitude of forty five East to
the River St. Lawrence, or the South Boundary Line of Quebec; Thence along the South
Boundary Line of that Province across the River St. Lawrence to the Monument on the East
Bank of Lake Champlain, fixed there in the 45 Degree of Northern Latitude ; Thence East along
the Line already run and marked to the Monument or Station fixed on the West Bank of the
River Connecticut in the same Latitude.
On the East.
The Western Banks of the River Connecticut from the last mentioned Station to the Southwest
Corner of the Province of New Hampshire, in the North boundary Line of the Massachusets
Bay; and from thence along that Line, (if continued) and the Western limits of the Province
of Massachusets Bay, and the Colony of Connecticut.
In the Appendix Number 4, is a Map of the Province of New York according to the preceeding
Description of its Boundaries.
Disputes tiiat may The Bouudary of the Province of New York (in respect to the other
sachusetBBay.inre- Governments) being established in every part except where it borders to the
ofibis Province. East OH the Massachusets Bay, it was conceived, the late agreement with that
Province when ratified by the Crown, would extinguish every Controversy respecting the
Limits of New York, the North boundary Line of the Massachusets having in the year 1740
been ascertained by a Royal Decree of the King in Privy Council, in the Contest between that
Province and New Hampshire. But the Massachusets Commissaries at the late meeting at
Hartford in 1773, declared that they had no authority to settle their North Boundary, which
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 439
they considered as undetermined with respect to New York And one of those Gentlemen
intimated that they still left open their Western Claim to the South Sea.
Hence two very important Disputes may still arise of great Consequence to the Interests of
the Crown, as well as the Property of His Majesty's Subjects of this Colony.
Observations on The Massachuscts Northern Claim beyond the Line settled between that Province
the Massachus«l3
Northern Claim. and Ncw Hampshire, extends North from that Line about Fifty Miles, and from
thence Westward to within Twenty Miles East of Hudson's River, and after passing this Province,
is commensurate with their Western Claim to the South Sea — The immediate object of their
Northern Claim is a Country between Connecticut and Hudson's Rivers about fifty miles in
length and about Forty in breadth, and includes not only the greater part of the County of
Cumberland, but a large district of the Counties of Albany and Charlotte. — The Lands there
in question are wholly appropriated under Grants of this Province of New Hampshire, and the
Families settled thereon are not less than Two Thousand, tho' they probably exceed
that Number.
The Massachusets Bay long acquiesced in the Royal Decree of 1740, the Line established
by that Decision hath actually been run and marked from the South west Corner of New
Hampshire Westward, to within about Twenty Miles East of Hudson^'s River, And the
Inhabitants of New York and the Massachusets Bay have deemed that Line to be the utmost
Extent of the Massachusets North Boundary, whatever might have been determined as to their
Western Limits. And that this was the sense of the General Court of that Province soon after
the Treaty of 1767, for settling the Boundary of the two Provinces, appears clearly by their
Resolution of the 23'' January 176S in these Words " Resolved that this Court will concede
"to and confirm the last proposal made by their Commissioners on the Part of New York at
"their late conference, in the words of the Report of the Lords of Trade and Plantations in
" May 1757, That a streight Line be drawn Northerly from a point on the Southern Line of the
" Massachusets Bay Twenty Miles due East from Hudson's River, to another point Twenty
" Miles due East from the said River, on the Line which divides the Province of the Massachusets
" Bay from New Hampshire, be the Eastern Boundary of New York."
Nor can any Line more favorable to the Massachusets Colony be hereafter established,
without subverting the Principles, and calling in question the justice of the Royal Decree
pronounced in 1740 after full hearing of the merits of the Massachusets claim on the Appeal of
both parties to the King in Privy Council ; and which could it now be effected, must not only
prove highly injurious to the Crown in respect to the right of soil, its Quit Rents and Escheats,
but be productive of the greatest Disorder and Confusion in that Country.
Remarks on the The Proviucc of Massachuscts Bay ground their claim Westward to the South
claim of Massachu- •' '^
to'th^'^som'h'Te'a'' ^^^ °^ the Deed dated 19 March 162^ from the Council of Plimouth to Sir Henry
fn°Thefr Title a^r* Roswell &c. and their associates. — As also on the Charter or Letters patent of
^^°pripT\eiy^''o! Charlcs the First dated the 4 March 162f.— The Lands granted are the same in
ob^ectfon, "stouid both, being in breadth about sixty miles, and extending as described in these
th.?y prosecute their
claim to a North Instruments " From the Altantic and Western Sea and Ocean on the East part
Boundary beyond r
e'rabiFsheTbetwe"n " to the South Sca ou the West part."
Hew HTmps'hireTo'i But the Crowu being divested of these Lands by the Grant to the Council of
their Western claim -_-,,, i.-.^^^ ,i , i i •y-.t r> o ..it.
to the South Bea. Flimouth m 1620, could not pass them by its Charter of 162f, which had no
other Operation than to form the Massachusets Bay into a Province, and to invest the same
with powers as a Body Corporate.
440 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It became necessary therefore for the Massachusets Bay after they were incorporated, to
obtain a conveyance to the Corporation of the Lands granted to Roswell &c. and Associates.
— That they obtained such conveyance has not been pretended. — If they had, the Crown either
became reseized of the Lands of the Corporation by the Judgment in 16S4, which vacated the
Letters Patent of 162f , or the property reverted to the Grantees of the Council of Plymouth-
Had the Crown been reseized it might have passed the same lands to the Massachusets
Province by the present Charter of 1691 : But instead of so extensive and unreasonable a
Grant of Three Thousand Miles in length, they obtained, it is true, by that Charter a great
addition of Territory Eastward, but were confined in their Western Limits, which extend
" towards the South Sea as far as the Colonies of Rhode Island, Connecticut and the
" Narragansett Country," This Description in strict construction of Law will carry the
Massachusets Bay West no further than the Eastern Bounds of Connecticut, and by the most
liberal interpretation do not extend their Boundary beyond the West line of Connecticut, then
and for some years before determined by Agreement between that Colony and New York, to
be upwards of Twenty Miles East of Hudson's River.
On the other hand admitting the Massachusets Bay after their Charter of 1628|9, and before
it was vacated in 1684, did not obtain a Conveyance of the Lands granted to Roswell &c.
and Associates, the Judgment which vacated that Charter did not affect the Lands but left
the Title in Roswell &c and Associates, and the Crown could not by the Charter of 1691,
grant them to the Massachusets Colony ; so that the Title, if any exists, must at this day be
vested in the heirs or Assigns of Roswell &c and Associates in their private Right, and not in
the Government of the Massachusets Bay, unless transferred to or vested in the latter by some
Act of their Provincial Legislature, if such an Act could possibly have any Efficacy.
It is however presumed no Law of that Tendency has been passed, and if any should
hereafter be presented for His Majesty's approbation, that it will be objected to (so far as it
may countenance the Extension of their Northern or Western Claim beyond the Limits of
their present Charter) as a measure calculated to divest the Crown of the right of soil in that
very large and extensive Territory, which lies Westward of the Colony of New York to the
South Sea.
This claim had it been considered as well grounded would long since have been prosecuted
and brought to a decision. — The Massachusets General Court or Assembly assert it in a
Resolve they passed on the 23'' of January 1768, but whether with an Intention to maintain
it, Time must discover. — A claim so long dormant, can hardly be expected under any
Circumstance to be now revived with a prospect of success, and whatever Judgment the
Assembly of the Massachusets Bay may have formed, certainly their present Governor had no
opinion of its solidity, when at the late meeting of the Commissaries of both Provinces at
Hartford in 1773 he declared " That it was a mere Ideal, Visionary project, in which he
•♦ believed Nobody to be sincere," and discovered an anxiety least it should interrupt the
progress of the Treaty.
Question N" 3.
What is the size and extent of the Province, the Number of Acres supposed to be contained
therein; What part thereof is cultivated and improved; and under what Title, do the
Inhabitants hold their possessions?
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 441
Answer.
siie nn.i extent of ^lie extent of the Province from North to South is about 300 Statute Miles,
the Province Nassau Island (commonly called Long Island) is situated to the South ; its length
from East to West, is about 150 miles, and its breadth on a Medium about fifteen Miles; The
breadth of the Province Northward of this Island is various. From the City of New York
North about 20 Miles up the Country, the breadth does not exceed 14 miles, and lies wholly
on the East side of Hudson's River, New Jersey being bounded by the opposite shore — From
the 41" degree of Latitude the Province extends on both sides of that River ; Soon widens to
about 60 miles; and increases in breadth up to the 42"* Degree, where it is about SO miles
wide; supposing the Western Boundary to extend to the Line mentioned in the Answer to
the preceeding Question N° 2, the Extent from the 42'' Degree to the North Line of Massachusets
Bay (a distance of 49 miles) is about 456 miles, and from thence to the 45"" Degree, it extends
East and West on a Medium about 500 Miles, and on the like supposition the number of
Square Miles contained within this Province exclusive of the Lakes is S2.112, or 52,551,650
Acres, which is one fourth less than the number contained in the Province of Quebec.
Parts cultivated. Nassau or Long Island which contains Kings, Queens and Suffolk Counties.
Staten Island which forms Richmond County and the Counties of New York, Westchester,
Dutchess, Orange and Ulster, are all well inhabited, and not many large Tracts of improveable
land are left uncultivated. — The County of Albany tho' the Inhabitants are numerous, and the
Lands in general under Cultivation in the South, contains extensive and valuable Tracts
unimproved in the North part. — Tryon County, tho' thinly settled, as its extent is great, has
many Inhabitants. — The cultivated parts of Charlotte County are inconsiderable, compared
with what remain to be settled, and the same may be remarked with respect to the Counties
of Cumberland and Gloucester. — In the Appendix is a List of the Inhabitants White and
Black in the respective Counties, according to the returns of their number, in 1771, since which
they are greatly augmented, but it is to be observed, that the new Counties of Charlotte and
Tryon were then part of Albany.
The proportion of the cultivated to the uncultivated parts of the Province (the Limits as
stated in N" 2) is as one to four: or one fifth only improved.
Titles under which ^'^'^t^ rcspcct to the Titlcs Under which the Inhabitants hold their possessions ;
lands are held. Bcforc thls Provluce was granted on 12 March 16Gj by King Charles the
Second to his brother James Duke of York, the Dutch West India Company had seized it,
made settlements and issued many Grants of Land. — In August 1664 the Country was
surrendered by the Dutch to the English, and by the S"* Article of the Terms of Capitulation it
was stipulated " That all People shall continue free Denizens and shall enjoy their Lands,
" Houses and goods wheresoever they are within this Country and dispose of them as they
" please." Some lands of the Province are held under the old Dutch Grants without any
Confirmation of their Titles under the Crown of England, but the ancient Records are replete
with Confirmatory Grants, which the Dutch Inhabitants were probably the more solicitous to
obtain from an Apprehension that the Dutch conquest of the Province in 1673, might render
their Titles under the former Articles of Capitulation precarious; tho' the Country was finally
restored to the English by the Treaty signed at Westminster the 9"' Feb^ 1674.
Vol. VIIL 56
442 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
From that period it has remained in the possession of tlie English, and the Duke of York on
the 29"" of June 1674, obtained a New Grant from the King, of all the Territories included
within the former Letters Patent in 166|.
During the life of King Charles the Second the Duke of York as proprietor of the soil,
passed many Grants (by his Governors) in Fee, and since his Accession to the Throne, Grants
have continued to issue under the Great Seal of the Province, in consequence of the Powers
given the several Governors by their Commissions and Instructions from the Crown. — Two
Instances only occur of Grants or Letters Patent for Lands under the Great Seal of Great
Britain. — One to Sir Joseph Eyles and others on the 15"" May in the 4"" year of His late
Majesty King George the Second for a Tract of 02,000 acres, called the Equivalent Land from its
having been ceded to New York by the Colony of Connecticut (on the settlement of the boundary
between the two Provinces) in lieu of a like Quantity yielded up to Connecticut by the
Province of New York. — The other lately, to Sir William Johnson Baronet — The Lands
granted to Sir Joseph Eyles and his Associates are not possessed by them or their assigns,
Letters Patent under the Great Seal of the Province of New York having passed to others for
the same Lands, before it was known here that the Royal Grant was obtained ; and the Lands
are now in possession of the New York Patentees or their Assigns.
These are all the different modes by which the Inhabitants have derived any legal Titles to
their Lands within the Limits of this Province, whence it appears that all their lawful titles
to Lands in Fee, except in the cases of old Dutch Grants unconfirmed) originated from the
Crown either mediately thro' the Duke of York before his Accession to the Throne, or
immediately by grants under the Great Seal of Great Britain or of this Province.
Purchases from the Indian Natives, as of their aboriginal right have never been held to be
a legal Title in this Province, the Maxim obtaining here, as in England, that the King is the
Fountain of all real property, and that from this source all Titles are to be derived.
Question N" 4.
What Rivers are there, and of what extent and convenience in point of Commerce?
Answer
Eivers Hudsou's Rivcr is the only Navigable River in the Province, and affords a
safe and easy Passage for Vessels of Eighty Tons Burthen to the City of Albany, which is
about 180 miles from the Sea. — It has already been mentioned that it extends nearly to the
Latitude of 45 — but the Navigation except for small Vessels terminates at or near that City. —
To the Northward of Albany about Ten Miles this River divides. The Western Branch which
(above the Great Cahoo Falls) is called the Mohawk River, or the Mohawk Branch of Hudson's
River leads to Fort Stanwix, and a short cut across the carrying place there might be made
into Wood Creek which runs into the Oneida Lake, and thence thro' the Onondaga River into
Lake Ontario.
The other Branch being the continuation of the main River tends to Fort Edward, to the
North of which it seems practicable to open a passage by Locks &c. to the Waters of Lake
Champlain which communicate with the River St. Lawrence, passing over the falls at St. Johns.
Both Branches are interrupted by Falls and Rifts; to surmount these obstructions, an
Expence would be required too heavy for the Province at present to support, but when eflTected
would open a most extensive inland navigation, equal perhaps to any as yet known.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 443
Between Nassau or Long Island and the Continent the greatest Distance scarcely exceeds
Twenty Miles. — Near the City of New York it is less than one Mile, and is there called the
East River, and from thence bears the appellation of the Sound. The River and Sound afford
Navigation for Vessels of any Burthen towards the Collonies of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and
the Massachusets Bay, in some degree hazardous however at the noted place distinguished
by the name of Hell Gate about six miles East of the City of New York.
Connecticut River where it divides this Province from New Hampshire is included within
the Limits of the latter.
Question N° 5.
What are the Principal Harbours, how situated and of what Extent ; and what is the Depth
of Water, and nature of Anchorage in each ?
Answer
Harbours There is but one principal Harbour, which is the Port of New York being that
part of the East River fronting the City and lying between that and Long Island. — The
Harbour is in length from the North east to the South west about two Miles, and its Breadth
across to Long Island about one Mile. The Depth of the Water from Four to Eight Fathom,
tho' in some places not more at low water than Ten Feet. In Nip Tides the Water rises about
Four Feet and an half, at the Full and Change of the Moon, Six, and if at those Seasons a
Strong Easterly Wind prevails, the rise of the Tides increase to Eight Feet. The Anchorage
is good in a bottom of Mud : there is only one remarkable Reef of Rocks about Mid : channel,
half a Mile within the Entrance; And the Harbour being shelter'd in front by Long Island; to
the East by a sudden bend in the River, and to the West by Nutten Island; Vessels during the
hardest Gales ride in great safety, and are only incommoded a few days in the Winter by
the floating Ice.
The Map in the Appendix marked number 3, presents a full View of the Harbor, the
Situation of Sandy Hook, and shews the Depth of Water from thence up to the Port.
Question N" 6
What is the Constitution of the Government?
Answer
consmution of the ^J ^^^ Grants of this Province and other Territories to the Duke of York in
overnment 106^ and 1674, the powers of Government were vested in him, and were
accordingly exercised by his Governors until he ascended the Throne when his Rights as
Proprietor merged in his Crown, and the Province ceased to be a charter Governm'
From that time it has been a Royal Government, and in its constitution nearly resembles
that of Great Britain and the other Royal Governments in America. The Governor is
appointed by the King during his Royal Will and pleasure by Letters pattent under the Great
Seal of Great Britain with very ample Powers. — He has a Council in Imitation of His
Majesty's Privy Council. — This Board when full consists of Twelve Members who are also
appointed by the Crown during Will and Pleasure; any three of whom make a Quorum. —
The Province enjoys a Legislative Body which consists of the Governor as the King's
Representative ; the Council in place of the House of Lords, and the Representatives of the
People, who are chosen as in England: Of these the City of New York sends four. — All
444 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the other Counties (except the New Counties of Charlotte and Gloucester as yet not represented
send Two — The Borough of Westchester, The Township of Schenectady and the three
manors of Renselaerswyck, Livingston and Cortlandt each send one ; in the whole forming a
Body of Thirty one Representatives.
The Governor by his Commission is authorized to convene them with the advice of the
Council, and adjourn, prorogue or dissolve the General Assembly as he shall judge necessary.
This Body has not power to make any Laws repugnant to the Laws and Statutes of Great
Britain. All Laws proposed to be made by this Provincial Legislature, pass thro' each of the
Houses of Council and Assembly, as Bills do thro' the House of Commons and House of
Lords in England, and the Governor has a Negative voice in the making and passing all such
Laws. Every law so passed is to be transmitted to His Majesty under the Great Seal of the
Province, within three Months or sooner after the making thereof and a Duplicate by the next
Conveyance, in order to be approved or disallowed by His Majesty ; And if His Majesty shall
disallow any such Law and the same is signified to the Governor under the Royal Sign
Manual or by Order of his Majesty's Privy Council, from thenceforth such law becomes utterly
void. — A law of the Province has limited the duration of the Assembly to seven years.
The Common Law of England is considered as the Fundamental law of the Province and
it is the received Doctrine that all the Statutes (not Local in their Nature, and which can be
fitly applied to the circumstances of the Colony) enacted before the Province had a Legislature,
are binding upon the Colony ; but that Statutes passed since do not affect the Colony, unless
by being specially named, such appears to be the Intention of the British Legislature.
The Province has a Court of Chancery in which the Governor or Commander in Chief sits
as Chancellor, and the Practice of the Court of Chancery in England is pursued as closely as
possible. The Officers of this Court consist of a Master of the Rolls newly created. — Two
Masters. — Two Clerks in Court. — A Register. — An Examiner, and a Serjeant at Arms.
Of the Courts of Common Law the Chief is called the Supreme Court. — The Judges of
which have all the Powers of the King's Bench, Common Pleas & Exchequer in England.
This Court sits once in every three months at the City of New York, and the practice therein
is modell'd upon that of the King's Bench at Westminster. — Tho' the Judges have the powers
of the Court of Exchequer they never proceed upon the Equity side. — The Court has no
Officers but one Clerk, and is not organized or supplied vs'ith any Officers in that Department
of the Exchequer, which in England has the care of the Revenue. — The Judges of the Supreme
Court hold their Offices during the King's Will & Pleasure and are Judges of Nisi prius of
Course by Act of Assembly, & annually perform a Circuit thro' the Counties. The Decisions
of this Court in General are final unless where the value exceeds ^300 Sterling, in which case
the subject may be relieved from its errors o?/Z(/ by an Application to the Governor and Council,
and where the value exceeds ^£500 Sterling an appeal lies from the Judgment of the latter to
His Mfijesty in Privy Council.
By an Act of the Legislature of the Province suits are prohibited to be brought in the
Supreme Court where the value demanded does not exceed ,£20 Currency.
The Clerk's Office of the Supreme Court, has always been held as an appendage to that of
Secretary of the Province.
There is also in each County an Inferior Court of Common Pleas, which has the cognizance
of all Actions real, personal and mixed, where the matter in demand is above £5 in value. —
The practice of these Courts is a mixture between that of the King's Bench and Common
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 445
Pleas at Westminster. — Their errors are corrected in the first Instance by Writ of Error
brought into the Supreme Court ; and the Judges hold their Offices during pleasure. — The
Clerks of these Courts also hold their offices during pleasure and are appointed by the Governor,
except the Clerk of Albany who is appointed under the King's mandate.
Besides these Courts the Justices of peace are by Act of Assembly empowered to try all
causes to the Amount of £^ currency, (except where the Crown is concerned, or where the
Title of Lands shall come into Question ; — and Actions of Slander) but the parties may either
of them demand a Jury of Six Men. — If wrong is done to either party, the person injured
may have a Certiorari from the Supreme Court, tho' the remedy is very inadequate.
The Courts of Criminal Jurisdiction are Correspondent to those in England. — The Supreme
Court exercises it in the City of New York, as the King's Bench does at Westminster. — The
Judges when they go the Circuit have a Commission of Oyer and Terminer and General Goal
Delivery; and there are Courts of Sessions held by the Justices of the Peace ; the powers of
which and their proceeding correspond with the like Courts in England. — The Office of Clerk
of the Sessions, is invariably connected with that of the Clerk of the Inferior Court of Common
Pleas in the respective Counties.
By Acts of the Provincial Legislature the Justices of the Peace have an extraordinary
Jurisdiction with respect to some offences by which any three Justices, ( one being of the
Quorum) where the Offender does not find Bail in 48 Hours after being in the custody of
the Constable, may try the party without any or a Jury, for any Offence under the Degree
of Grand Larceny ; and inflict any punishment for these small offences at their Discretion, so
that it exceeds not to Life or Limb. — And any three Justices of the Peace (one being a
Quorum) and Five Freeholders have power without a Grand or Petty Jury to proceed against
and try in a Summary Way, Slaves offending in certain cases, and punish them even with Death.
The Duty of His Majesty's Attorney General of the Province, is similar to the Duty of that
Officer in England, and the Master of the Crown Office : He is appointed by the Crown during
pleasure, and His Majesty has no Sollicitor General nor Council in the Province, to assist the
Attorney General upon any Occasion.
There are two other Courts in the Province. The Court of Admiralty which proceeds after
the Course of the Civil Law in matters within its Jurisdiction, which has been so enlarged by
divers statutes, as to include almost every breach of the Acts of Trade. — From this Court an
appeal lies to a Superior Court of Admiralty, lately Established in North America by statute;
before this Establishment an appeal only lay to the High Court of Admiralty of England.
The Prerogative Court concerns itself only in the Probate of Wills and in matters relating to
the Administration of the Estates of Intestates and in granting Licences of Marriage. The
Governor is properly the Judge of this Court but it has been usual for him to Act in general
by a Deligate.
The Province is at present divided into fourteen Counties, viz' The City and County of
New York — The County of Albany — Richmond (which comprehends the whole of Staten
Island) King's, Queen's and Suffolk ( which include the whole of Nassau or Long Island.)
Westchester, Dutchess, Ulster, Orange, Cumberland, Gloucester, Charlotte and Tryon. — For
each of these Counties a Sheriff and one or more Coroners are appointed by the Governor,
who hold their offices during pleasure.
As to the Military power of the Province, the Governor for the time being is the Captain
General and Commander in Chief and appoints all the Provincial Military Officers
during pleasure.
446 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Question N" 7
What is the Trade of the Province, the number of shipping belonging thereto, their Tonnage,
and the number of Seafaring Men with respect to the Increase and Diminution within ten
years past?
Trade of the Pro-
vince
Answer
The Province carries on a considerable Trade with the British Settlements on
the Continent of North America, supplying some of them with the produce of
the Colony, others with British Manufactures and West India Goods. — The Trade to the
British West Indies is extensive they having a constant demand for provisions and lumber of
all kinds, which articles are the natural produce of this Province.
The returns from the American Ports and West India Islands, are made in such produce and
manufactures of the Provinces and Islands, as best suit the Trade & Consumption of this
Colony — There are also fitted out from the Port of New York several Whaling and
Fishing Vessels.
Number of Vessels The above together with the Trade to Great Britain, Ireland, Affrica and the
*age"and'numtero'f foreign ports in Europe and the West Indies as stated in the Answers to Questions
Seafaring eo. ^^ g ^^^ j^^ g^ includc the whole Trade of the Province which employed
Iq tlie year Vessels Tons Burthen. Men.
1762 477 19,514 3,552
In 1772 709 29,132 3,374
232 9,618 178
So that the increase of Shipping in that period of Ten years is 232 Vessels and of the
Tonnage or Burthen 96J8 Tons. — And the Decresse of Men 178. A less number of Hands
being employed on board of Vessels in peace, than they sail with in time of War.
Question N° 8.
What Quantity or Sorts of British Manufactures do the Inhabitants annually take from
hence, What Goods and Commodities are exported from thence to Great Britain, and what is
the Annual Amount at an Average ?
Imports from Great Morc than Eleven Twelfths of the Inhabitants of this Province both in the
^"'*'° necessary & ornamental parts of their Dress arecloathed in British Manufactures,
excepting Linen from Ireland and Hats and Shoes manufactured here. The same proportion
of Houses are in like manner furnished with British Manufactures, except Cabinet and Joiner's
Work, which is generally made here.
When the number of Inhabitants are considered a better idea may be formed of the Quality
and Variety of Sorts of British Manufactures used in this Province, than can be done by
enumerating the Names under which they are imported.
Besides tlie Articles necessary for cloathing and Furniture, there are imported from Great
Britain, large Quantities of all kinds of East India Goods. — Grocery of all sorts (except
Sugars, Coffee and Ginger), Ironmongery, Arms, Gunpowder, Lead, Tin, Sheet Copper,
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 447
Drugs, Brimstone, Grindstones, Coals, Chalk, Sail Cloth, Cordage, Paints, Malt Liquors &
Cheese. — There are indeed few articles the British Market affords, but what are in some
proportion imported here, except such as are among the Number of our Staple Commodities
particularly mentioned in the Answer to K° 11.
If the Brokers in Great Britain employed as Shippers of goods were for one year obliged to
give in the value of the Goods when they apply for Cockets, the exact amount of what the
Inhabitants of each Province in America take from thence would be easily ascertained. In
this Country it is not possible to make such a Calculation with any Degree of Precision, for as
the Amount of the Goods never appears on the Cockets, no judgment can be formed of their
Value from the Quantity or Number of pieces. — Silks for Instance come out from 25 f to 2
Shillings per yard, and in general the other Articles differ in the same proportion from the
first cost of the highest to that of the lowest in quality.
Value of Articles When no particular Stop is put upon the Trade with Great Britain, it is
Imported from i i i i
Great Britain. generally estimated here that the annual Imports from thence into this Colony,
amount on an Average to Five Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling.
Exports to Great "^^^ Goods exported from hence to Great Britain that are the produce of this
Britain Colony are chiefly pot and pearl ashes. Pig and Bar Iron, Peltries, Beeswax,
Masts and Spars with Timber and Lumber of all kinds; — And of the produce of the West
Indies and Honduras Bay, Log Wood and other Dye Woods and Stuffs, Sarsaparilla, Mahogany,
Cotton, Ginger and Pimento with some Raw Hides — And Tar, Pitch and Turpentine, the
produce of North Carolina.
vaiuethereof The annual amount of the Exports to Great Britain on an Average, is One
Hundred and Thirty Thousand Pounds Sterl^ exclusive of the Cost of Ships built here for the
Merchants in England to the Amount of Thirty Thousand Pounds Sterling annually.
Question N° 9.
What Trade has the Province under your Government with any Foreign Plantations, or any
part of Europe besides Great Britain ; how is that Trade carried on, what Commodities do the
People under your Government send to or receive from Foreign Plantations, and what is
the annual Amount thereof at an Average ?
Answer
Trade with Foreign A Considerable Trade is carried on from this Province to the Foreign West
piantaiions ica India Islauds, Surrinam and Honduras Bay: Provisions and Lumber are the
principal Articles with which they are supplied from hence. — The Returns are generally in
Sugar, Molasses, Dye Woods, Mahogany, Hides, Silver and Bills of Exchange.
With Africa. There are a few Vessels employed annually in the Affrican Trade, their outward
Cargoes are chiefly Rum and some British Manufactures. — The high price and ready Sale
they meet with for their Slaves in the West Indies, induce them always to dispose of their
Cargoes among the Islands.
Madeira & Tene- ^o Madeira and Teneriffe the Trade from hence is considerable. The outward
"*^' Cargoes are composed of Wheat, Indian Corn, Flour, Provisions in General,
Lumber and Beeswax. — The returns are made in Wines, the greatest part of which are
carried directly from Madeira to the British & Foreign West India Islands, there sold and a
West India Cargoe purchased with which the Vessel returns.
NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Spanish & other When Gfam is scarce in Europe there is also a very considerable Trade from
E'lropJ! Pmuhwafd hence to the Spanish parts in the Bay of Biscay and to other Foreign Ports in
ape innisre. E^ropc lying to the South Ward of Cape Flnnistre. — To these places are exported,
Wheat, Rye, Flour, Indian Corn and Beeswax; and the returns are in Specie, Bills of
Exchange and large Cargoes of Salt — Sometimes the Vessels employed in this Trade take in
a Load of Wines and Fruit, and call at some of the Oulports in England for clearances
agreeable to Law. — The Trade is Carried on in Ships belonging to British Subjects and
navigated conformable to the Acts of Trade.
Value of Foreign ^^^ annual Amouut of the Commodities exported from hence to Foreign
Exports. Countries is on an Average, One Hundred and Fifty Thousand Pounds Sterling;
and the foreign Imports on an Average One Hundred Thousand Pounds Sterling.
Exports to Ireland Besides the Trade to the Foreign Ports in Europe, there is every year a great
Quantity of Flaxseed and Lumber and soine Iron sent to Ireland, in ships generally belonging
to that Kingdom, which come out annually with passengers and Servants; as also Linens, Beef
and Butter.
To Gihraiter and '^'^^ Proviuce hath likewise some Trade with Gibralter and Minorca; the
Minorca. Cargoes out generally consist of Grain, Flour, Provisions of other Kinds, Lumber,
Naval Stores and Rice. — As they are British Ports, it has ever been the practice here to allow
enumerated goods to be shipped to them, the Master of the Vessel giving the enumerated
Bond at the Naval Office. — The Returns are Specie, Bills of Exchange and Salt.
Question N° 10
What Methods are there used to prevent illegal Trade, and are the same effectual?
Answer
Means t^ prevent ^^ ^^'^ ^°^^ there IS generally one of His Majesty's Ships of War, stationed near
iiiegaiTrade j^ig principal Entrance, except during the Four Winter Months when she is
obliged on account of the severe Weather and the Ice to come to the Wharf. — The Custom
House Officers are Eight in number, viz. The Collector, Comptroller, Surveyor and Searcher,
Land Waiter, Tide Surveyor and three Tide Waiters; There is also a Naval Officer. The
Tide Waiters are mostly employed on Board of Vessels that arrive with dutiable goods, so that
there are but three other out door Officers to look after the business of a very extensive Harbour,
lying on two sides of the Town, which is situated on a point between two large Rivers.
As all Articles of Commerce, Provisions and Fuel are conveyed to Town by Water in a
Number of small Boats, from landings that lay on each side of both Entrances to the Port, the
strictest attention of the Officers of His Majesty's Ship, or the vigilance of the Collector and
Comptroller (who speak favorably of their present out door Officers) cannot altogether prevent
the illegal Trade in a port situated as this is ; there can be no doubt therefore but that
assistance different from what the Officers have at present, would be very necessary, and tend
much to the increase of His Majesty's Revenues in this Province.
Question N° 11.
What is the natural produce of the Country, Staple Commodities & Manufactures, and what
value thereof in Sterling money may you annually export?
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 449
Answer
Produce Staple The natural produce and Staple Commodities of this Province, are Wheat,
Maoufaciurea Indian Com, Oats, Rye, Pease, Barley and Buck Wheat, Live Stock, Masts and
Spars, Timber and Lumber of ail Sorts, Furrs, Skins, Beeswax, Iron Ore, Pork, Beef, Flour,
Pot and Pearl Ashes. — And its Manufactures are, the making of Pig and Bar Iron, Distilling
of Rum and Spirits, Refining of Sugar and making Chocolate; from Molasses, Brown Sugar,
and Cocoa imported. — The making of Soap and Candles, Hats, Shoes, Cordage and Cabinet
Ware, Tanning, Malting, Brewing and Ship Building.
Value of those Arti- "^'^^ annual aniouut of the above mentioned Articles exported (Halts excepted)
cie» exported j^ ^^ ^^ Average Four Hundred Thous" Pounds Sterling.
Question N° 12.
What Mines are there ?
Answer
Mines There are few Mines yet discovered in the Province. — One of Iron Ore in the
Manor of Livingston in the County of Albany belonging to Robert Livingston Esquire. —
Another of Iron also in Orange County, the property of Vincent Mathews^ Esquire and one in
the Manor of Philipsburgh in the County of Westchester lately leased for 99 years (pursuant
to the Royal Order) to Frederick Philipse Esquire. — It is called a Silver Mine, but from the
small Quantity of Silver the Ore has hitherto yielded, may perhaps more properly be classed
among the Richer Sort of lead mines. — The Works belonging to the First are carried on to
great Advantage.
Question N° 13.
What is the Number of Inhabitants, Whites and Blacks?
Answer
Nnmberof inhabi- Qj jj^g jagj Accouut taken in 1771, the Number of Inhabitants stood thus
Whites 148,124
Blacks 19,883
Total Number of Inhabitants in 1771 168,007
Supposing the increase from 1771 to 1774 to have been no more than the
Average Proportion of the Increase between 1756 and 1771, there must be
added to compleat the number of Inhabitants to the present Time
Whites 12,974
Blacks 1,266
14,244
Total number of Inhabitants in 1774 182,251
* Vincent Mathews of Mathewsfield, Cornwall, Orange county, was, it is supposed, son of Colonel Peter Mathews, who
came to this country as captain under Governor Fletcher; was afterwards proprietor in Orange county, and died in 1719.
Vincent was appointed clerk of that county in 1736, ( Commissions, III.,) and died in June, 1784. It appears by his will,
which is on file in the office of the Clerk of the Court of Appeals, that he was married first to Catalina Abeel, of Westen.
hook, Columbia county, by whom he had four children, Fletcher, James, David and Bridget, who married a Jones. By hia
second wife, Elizabeth, he had a daughter of the same name, who married Theophilns Beekman of New-York. David wa»
Mayor of New- York, in which city Fletcher also resided. James was the father of General Vincent Mathews, who died at
Rochester, at the head of the Bar in Western New-York, in 1846. The family was originally from Ireland. Turner's History
of Phelps and Gorham Purchase, 614. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 57
450 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Question N° 14
Are the Inhabitants increased or decreased within the last Tea Years ; how much and for
what Reasons?
Answer
Increase of inhabi- The Number of Inhabitants in 1771, as appers in N° 13 was. . 168,007
By the Returns in 1756, from which year to 1771 no Census was taken, the
Number appears to have been
] Whites 83,233
^"^^^j Blacks 13,542
96,775
Which shews the increase from 1756 to 1771 to be 71,232
Admitting the Increase for the succeeding three years to be no more than the
Average Proportion of this Number which is much less than the proportion
at which it ought to be rated, there must be added for the Increase from
1771 to 1774 14,244
Increase of Inhabitants from 1756 to 1774 a Period of 18 years 85,476
Hence by taking the proportion of the last mentioned number it is found that the
Inhabitants of this Colony are increased during the last Ten Years according to the lowest
Calculation 47,480.
Causes of the In- '^'^^ Reasous commonly assigned for the rapid population of the Colonies, are
creased Inhabitants jpyj^j.|ggg ^j^g principal causBS of the great Increase in this Province.
The high price of Labour and the Plenty and cheapness of new land fit for cultivation, as
they increase the means of subsistence, are strong additional Incitements to Marriage, and the
People entering into that state more generally and at an earlier period of life than in Europe,
the Proportion of Marriages and Births so far exceeds that of populous Countries, that it has been
Computed the Colonies double their Inhabitants by natural Increase only in Twenty years.
The increase in this Colony has been nearly in the same proportion, but it cannot be denied
that the accession to our numbers by Emigrations from the neighboring Colonies and from
Europe, has been considerable, tho' comparatively small to the Number thus acquired by some
of the Southern Colonies.
Question N° 15
What is the Number of Militia and under what Regulations is it constituted ?
Answer
NnmberoftheMiii- The White Inhabitants amounting to 161,102 the Militia may be supposed to
""■ consist of about Thirty Two Thousand
Eejrniations nnder A Law is passed annually or every two years for regulating the Militia ; The Act
tad- now in force directs That every Man from Sixteen to Fifty years of age (a few
excepted) shall enlist himself with the Commanding Officer of the Troop of Horse, or Company
of Foot in the place where he resides. — That the Militia armed and equipped (as the Law
prescribes) shall appear and be exercised Twice a Year. — And imposes Fines on both Officers
and Soldiers for every neglect of Duty, with other less material provisions relative to this
service The Officers are all appointed by the Governor, and the Whole Militia is under his
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 451
command and subject to his Orders, agreeable to the power vested in him as Captain General
of the Province by the Royal Letters Patent or Commission.
As no Act relative to the Militia was passed during the last Session of the general Assembly
the above regulations will cease on the first day of May 1774, when the present Militia Law
expires by ils own Limitation.
Question N° 16
What Forts and places of strength are there within your Government, and in what condition?
Answer
Forts & Places of ^hs City of New York the Metropolis, is protected by a Fort and a Range of
Btrength. Batterics at the Entrance of the East River or Harbour, in good order and
capable of mounting about one Hundred pieces of Ordnance. — Albany and Schenectady are
defended by Forts, and both places incircled by large Pickets or Stockades, with Blockhouses
at proper Distances from each other, but which since the Peace have been suffered to go to
Decay and are now totally out of Repair. The Western Posts are Fort Stanwix, and the
Forts at Oswego and Niagara; the two former are Dismantled; a few men only kept at
Oswego. — Niagara is ocoupied by a Garrison of the King's Troops.
The Northern Posts are. Fort Edward which is abandoned. — A few men only are kept at
the Works at the South End of Lake George to facilitate the Transportation to the next Posts,
which are Ticonderoga and Crown Point; these are both Garrisoned by His Majesty's Troops,
but since the fire which happened at Crown Point, only a small guard is kept there, the
principal part of the Garrison being withdrawn and posted at Ticonderoga.
Question N" 17.
What number of Indians have you & how are they inclined ?
Answer
i'^ow "aily*'™ The Indians who formerly possessed Nassau or Long Island, and that part of
incimed ^.j^j^ Proyjjjce which lies below Albany, are now reduced to a small number, and
are in general so scattered and dispersed, and so addicted to wandering that no certain account
can be obtained of them. — They are Remnants of the Tribes — Montocks and others of Long
Island — Wappingers of Dutchess County — Esopus, Papagonk &c in Ulster County and a few
Skachticokes.
These Tribes have generally been denominated River Indians and consist of about Three
Hundred Fighting Men — They speak a language radically the same, and are understood by
the Delawares being originally of the same Race. Most of these People at present profess
Christianity, and as far as in their power adopt our Customs — The greater part of them
attended the Army during the late War but not with the same reputation as those who are
still deemed Hunters.
The Mohawks the first in Rank of the Six Nation Confederacy tho' now much reduced in
Number, originally occupied the Country Westward from Albany to the German Flatts, a
space of about 90 miles, and had many Towns; but having at different times been prevailed
on to dispose of their Lands they have little Property left, except to the Northward, and are
reduced to Two Villages on the Mohawk River and a few Families at Schoharie. The lower
Mohawks are in Number about One Hundred and Eighty Five, and the Upper or those of
452 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Canajoharie Two Hundred and Twenty One making together Four Hundred and Six ; this
Nation hath always been warm in their attachment to the English, and on this Account suffered
great loss during the late War.
The Nation beyond and to the Westward of the Mohawks is the Oneidaes ; The Villages
where they reside including Onoaughquaga are just beyond the Indian Line or Boundary
established at Fort Stanwix in 1768, And their Property within that Line except to the
Northward has been sold — This Nation consists of at least Fifteen Hundred and are firmly
attached to the English.
The other Nations of that Confederacy and who live further beyond the Indian Line are
the Onondagaes, Cayouges, Senecas and Tuscaroras and are well inclined to the British
Interest — The whole Six Nations consist of about Two Thousand Fighting Men, and their
number of Souls according to their latest returns at least Ten Thousand ; The Seneca Nation
amounting alone to one half of that Number.
Question N° 18.
What is the Strength of the Neighbouring Indians ?
Answer
ndghbSiring fn- '^^^ Indians North of this Province near Montreal, with those living on the
'*'*'"■ River St. Lawrence near the 43"' Degree of Northern Latitude form a Body of
about Three Thousand five Hundred. They are in Alliance with and held in great esteem by
the rest, are good Warriors, and have behaved well since they became allies to the English
previous to the Reduction of Canada. —
The Tribes of Indians within the Province of Massachusets Bay and the Colonies of
Connecticut and Rhode Island &c are under similar circumstances with those denominated
River Indians and the Stockbridge Indians living on the Eastern Borders of New York may
be considered as within it, as they formerly claimed the Lands near Albany, and still hold up
some claim in that Vicinity. They served as a Corps during the late War and are in number
about three Hundred.
Of the Susquehanah Tribes many are retired further Westward among which are some not
well affected to the British Government — They are all dependants and allies of the Six Nations.
Total Number with- Within the Department of Sir William Johnson His Maiestv's Superintendant
in tbe Norlhera . - , J J f
Department of Indian Affairs there are Twenty Five Thousand Four Hundred and Twenty
Fighting Men, and may be about One Hundred and Thirty Thousand Indians in the whole,
extending Westward to the Missisippa.
Question N° 19
What is the Revenue arising within your Government, and how is it appropriated and
applied ?
Answer.
Eovenue The Revenue of the Province arises as follows — First from the Duties on
Articles imported viz. Slaves, Wines, Dislill'd Liquors, Cocoa, and all European and East
India Goods from the British Islands in the West Indies — Also a Duty of two per cent, on
certain species of Goods sold at Public Auction or Outcry and from Lycenses granted to
Hawkers and Pedlars.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. r.-i 453
The Annual Amount of the several Duties on an Average of the last five "'"""^
Years is ^5000
Secondly from the Interest of .£120,000 in Bills of Credit emitted by a Law
of the Colony passed the IG"" February 1771 and put out on Loan at 6 per
cent, by which a clear Revenue untill 1776 is to be paid into the
Treasury of ggOS
From the year 1776 one Tenth part of the Principal sum is to be paid yearly into the
Treasury until the whole Sum of .£120,000 is paid. So that this Branch of Revenue decreasing
Annually in that proportion, will totally cease in 17S5.
Appiieation of the ^hc Revenue arising from the Articles under the first Head as it is grounded
Kev.nue. ^^ ^aws annually passed, (except the Duty on goods sold at Auction granted for
three years) is appropriated by annual Laws towards payment of the Salaries of the Officers
of Government, and other necessary Expenses for the Public Service enumerated in such Laws.
And the Interest Money arising from the Loan above mentioned, which is the Second Branch
of Revenue, is annually applied in furnishing necessaries for His Majesty's Troops quartered in
this Colony, for which there is usually granted .£2000 Currency, And the residue is occasionally
applied to the payment of Debts contracted by the Province, such as repairs to the Fort and
Batteries, the Governor's House, the making of gun carriages &c.
A Third Branch of the Revenue is the Excise on Spirituous Liquors.
Particular aprro- ^^ ^ ^^^ P^®^^^ ^'^^ ^ March 1773 This Fund is appropriated for Twenty
?ue"°on°"Blrong J^ars as follows— The Sum of £800 (part of £1000 to be raised by the Excise
Liquor.. j^ ^|^g Qjj.y ^^^ Couuty of New York) is to be paid annually for Twenty years
to the Governors of the Hospital now erecting in the City of New York for the support of that
Institution, and the remaining Sum of £200 is for the First Five years to be paid to the
Corporation of the Chamber of Commerce, for encouraging a Fishery on the Sea Coast for
the better supplying the Public Markets of the City, and during the remaining Fifteen years
this sum is appropriated for repairing the Public Roads.
By the same Law the Sums which shall be raised by the Excise in the other Counties subject
to this duty, are directed to be appropriated for the same period of Twenty years towards
repairing the Highways and defraying the necessary Charges of the respective Counties.
The whole produce of the Excise Fund before the passing of this Law usually amounted to
about £1450 per annum.
Question N" 20
What are the ordinary and extraordinary Expenses of Government?
Ordinary expeneei ^hc Ordinary expcuscs are the Sallaries allowed by the Province to the Officers
ofGoTemment. of Government, which exclusive of the Salary of the Governor now paid by the
Crown amounted in 1773 to the sum of £3120 2
And will continue nearly the same while the Salaries remain on the present
footing. —
Extraordinary ex- The Extraordinary Expenses of Government are the Allowance
P'"'^- for the necessaries with which the Troops quartered in the
Colony are furnished usually amounting to . 2000
454
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
And the Expences arising from the Settlement of the Boundary Lines of the
Colony, Repairs to the Fortifications and the Governors House, — Carriages
and Utensil for Guns, Barracks &c. which in the year 1773 amounted to.. ^1807 11 4f
For payment of Expresses and other small contingent articles of Expense there
is annually allowed 100
Question N° 21.
What are the Establishments Civil and Military within your Government and by what
Authority do the Officers hold their Places, what is the Annual value of each Office, Civil and
Military, how are they respectively appointed and who are the present Possessors ?
Answer
oiTii Establishment. The Civil Establishment in this Province consists either of the Officers whose
Salaries are paid by the Crown ; or of such Officers as receive their Salaries by virtue of a Law
annually passed by the Provincial Legislature.
Civil Estahlishmeiit paid by the Crown.
Offloe
Present Possessor
By
what authority appointed
Salary of Value of Iho Office.
Sterling Money
Governor
His Exc-^y William Tryon
By the Crown
^2,000
Lieut. Governor
The Hon. Cadwallader
Golden
D»
no Salary
Chief Justice
Daniel Horsmanden
D»
500
Auditor General
The Hon. Rob Cholmondeley
D"
100
Receiver General
Andrew Elliot
D"
200
Attorney General
John Tabor Kempe
D"
350
Secretary
George Clarke
D°
73
Surveyor of the \
King's Woods j
AdolphusBenzel
D»
300
Of His Majesty's Customs
Collector Andrew Elliot By the Commissioners
of the customs in
London by virtue of a
Warrant of the Com-
missioners of the
Treasury.
Comptroller Lambert Moore By D°
55
65
' Hon. and Reverend Robert Cholmondelet was the second son of the Earl of Cholmondeley, and brother of Viscount
Malpas. He was born in 1727, and after having received Holy Orders, became Rector of Hertingfordbury and St. Andrews,
Hertfordshire As a further provision, he obtained the sinecure place of Auditor-General to the Plantations, on the demise
of the Hon. Mr. Walpole, and died 6 June, 1804, in the 77th year of his age, — Ep.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV.
455
Office
By what aothority appointed Salary of Value of the Oltice.
Surveyor and
Richard Nicholls Golden
1 By the Commissioners \
Searcher
oftheCustomsatBos- )
ton by virtue of a War- s
^60
rant from the lords of \
Land Waiter
James Coggeshall
the Treasury /
By warrant from the j
Commissioners of the l
50
Tide Surveyor
Anthony Kendall
Customs at Boston j
By D°
60
Tide Waiters
f Thomas Bayeux
- Henry Dufour
By D"
ByD"
30
30
Thomas Kautzman
ByD°
30
Naval Officer
Samuel Kemble
By Mandate of the
Crown.
No Salary.
Superintendant
and Sole Agent
Indian Department
Sir William Johnson By the Crown
1,000
Deputies
Guy Johnson
Daniel Claus
George Croghan
Joseph Goreham
Agent at Waubach
Maisonville
Secretary
Vacant
By the Crown
Two Smiths
and ■)
Armourers with V
Names Unknown
their Assistants )
—
Three Interpreters j
for the different f-
D"
Languages
)
Surgeon.
D°
Store Keeper
or
Commissary
of .
D"
Provisions
Court of Adi
miralty
Commissary
Judge
n
Richard Morris
By the Crown
Register
Richard Nicholls
D°
Marshall
Thomas Ludlow
D"
200
200
200
200
100
100
200
162 10 0
68 6 8
23 6 8
No Salary
456
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Civil Establishment paid by the Province.
Office
Present Possessor
By what authority appointed Salary
or value of the Office
J
Sew York Currency
Governor
His Excell^ Wil-
By the Crown
liam Tryon
No Salary but allowed |
for firewood & can- V
=£400
dles for Fort George. \
Chief Justice
Daniel Horsman-
den
f Robert Livingston
By the Crown
300
By the Governor
200
Puisne Judges of (
\ George Duncan
D"
200
the Supreme ,
) Ludlow
Court j
i^ Thomas Jones
D"
200
Attorney General
John Taber Kempe
By the Crown
allowed by the Province
of
extra Services
150
Secretary
George Clarke
By the Crown
40
Clerk ofthe Council
B"
D"
30
Messenger of the
Council
Guagers of Liquors
subject to Pro- •
vincial Duty
Christopher Blundel
By the Governor
30
Thomas Moore
D"
30
John Griffith
D"
30
Land and Tide ")
Waiters for the I
Thomas Hill
Josias Smith
D"
60
50
like Duty j
Printer
Hugh Gaine
D" No Sallary but the am' of his
account annually paid.
Gunner & Keep- |
er of the Colony V
John Martin
By the Governor
20
stores )
Treasurer
Abraham Lott ^
By the General Assem :
300
Agent
Edmund Burke
ByD"
500
Clerk \ 2
Edmund Seaman
By D"
Assistant Clerk 1
1 Gerard Bancker
1 Alexander Lamb
ByD»
Doorkeeper |
ByD°
Sergeant at Arms j c
' John Scott
By D°
The four last mentioned Officers are allowed no Salary, but are paid during their attendance
on the General Assembly ; The Clerk and his Assistant each 20' and the Serjeant at Arms
and Doorkeeper each 6' p"' Diem.
' Abraham Lott, merchant of New- York, was the youngest son of Abraham Lott, of Flatbush, L. L ; he married Gertrude^
daughter of Andrew Coeymans, of Albany county ; was elected clerk of the Assembly in 1751, and superintended the printing
of the Journals of that body, 2 vols, folio, in 1762. He was elected Treasurer of the Province in 1767, and died in New-York
at an advanced age. Thompson's Long Island, IL, 470 ; Journals of Assembly. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV.
457
There is no other Provincial Civil Establishment in the Colony. Most of the above
mentioned Officers have Fees appertaining to their Offices, the amount of which (if within the
object of the present Enquiry) can only be ascertained by the Respective Officers.
The Province has a Court of Chancery, the Governor is Chancellor, and the Officers of the
Court are a Master of the Rolls newly created : — Two Masters: — Two Clerks: — a Register: —
An Examiner, and a Sergeant at Arms. — There is also a Prerogative Court of which the
Governor is Judge : It's Officers are a Register and one or more Surrogates in every County. —
In each of the Cities of New York and Albany there is a Mayor, Sheriff, Clerk and Coroner,
and in each of the other Counties of the Province there are Three or more Judges, and a
number of Justices of the Peace : One Sheriff, one Clerk and one or more Coroners. — None
of these Officers have any Salary but have Fees annexed to their Offices and they are all
appointed by the Governor.
Military Establish- Military Establishments have only taken place in Time of War. The Province
"'''"' during the late War, raised, cloathed and paid a large Body of Forces, which
was disbanded at the Peace, and there is at present no Provincial Military Establishment
unless the Militia may be regarded as such ; The Officers of this Corps are as already observed
appointed by the Governor, and having no pay their Offices must be rather expensive
than lucrative.
The Militia are not subject to Garrison Duty, and all the posts where any Garrisons are
kept are occupied by the King's Troops.
London, ll"- June 1774. W™ Tryon
{N° 1.) Deed to King George the First reciting the surrender by the Five Nations of
their Beaver Hunting Country ; and containing an actual Surrender of the
Castles or Habitations of the Senecas, Cayougas and Onondagas.
[ For this Document, see V., 800.]
{N' 2.) List of Inhabitants in the Several Counties in the Province of New York taken
in the Year 1771.
Names of the Several Counties
City aod County of New York
Albany
irister
Dutchess
Orange
Westchester
Kings
Queens
Suffolk
Richmond ....
Cumberland
Gloucester
Total.
3720
9740
2836
6721
2651
648
1253
273
616
1071
6083
9822
3023
4687
2297
5204
644
513
2126
2658
5864
9045
3275
4839
2124
5266
680
2332
3106
,726
11996
21044
94311
18316
2461
8744
11676
2253
34,877 37,302 4,314 33,492 38
9ll48,
4165,372 8484,060 5,197 19,888 168,007
Vol. VIII.
68*
W-" Tryon
458 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
( A^° 6. ) Jolinson Hall, Ocf 22^ 1773.
Sir
I am just honored with your Excellency's letter of the 29"" Ull° concerning the Dispatches
you received from the Earl of Dartmouth, & inclosing me such of his Lordship's Queries as
are connected with my Department.
On this subject, I shall most willingly transmit your Excellency all the Intelligence that can
as I conceive be deemed necessary, so far as the present state of the Indians within this
Province can be known at this time.
You are doubtless sensible that the Indians who formerly possessed Long Island and the rest
of this Province below Albany are now reduced to a small number, and that they are for the
most part so scattered & dispersed & so much addicted to wandering that no certain Ace' can
be obtained of them. It will be therefore sufficient to observe that they are Remnants of the
following Tribes, Montocks & others of Long Isleand, Wappingers of Dutchess County, Those
of Esopus Papagonk &ca in Ulster County, and a few Skachticokes, All these last have
generally been denominated River Indians, and may make Three Hundred fighting Men they
speak a Language radically the same, and are understood by the Delawares, being originally
of the same race, most of these people at present profess Christianity, & adapt as far as they
can our Customs, and the greater part of them attended our Armies during the late War, tho'
not with the same reputation with those who are still Hunters.
The next People to be considered are the Mohawks the first Nation in Rank of the Six Nation
Confederacy, 'tho now much reduced in Numbers, they originally occupied the Country
Westward from Albany to the German Flats and had many Towns, but having at different
times been prevailed on to dispose of their lands, & suffered many Impositions, they have verry
little property remaining except to the Northward, and are reduced to Two Villages on the
Mohawk River and a few Families at Scohare, The lower Mohawks are One Hundred
and Eighty Five Souls, & those of Conojohare Two Hundred and Twenty One, making
together Four Hundred & Six Souls, They are and have been faithfully attached to the English
on which Ace' they suffered great losses during the late War. The Nation beyond & to the
Westward of the Mohawks are the Oneidaes, The villages of their residence including
Onoaughquage are at a small distance beyond the present limits or Boundary Line of this
Province, but their property within it except to the Northward has also been sold, This Nation
will make at least fifteen Hundred Souls, & they are faithfully attached to the English.
The rest of the Nations of that Confederacy living farther beyond the Limits of the
Government do not appear to be the Object of the present Enquiry, it may however be proper
to observe that the whole Six Nations are about Two Thousand Fighting Men, making at least
Ten Thousand Souls according to the latest Returns, & that the Senecas alone are one Half of
that number. — The Indians North of this Province near Montreal, with those living on the
River S' Lawrence near the 45"' Degree of Lattitude make about Three Thousand Five
Hundred, they are allied to & much regarded by the rest, are good Warriors, & have behaved
well since they entered into an Alliance with Us, previous to the Reduction of Canada. — The
Indians within Massachusets Bay, Connecticut, Rhode Isleand &ca. are at present under much
the same predicament with those denominated River Indians. The Stockbridge Indians living
on the Eastern Border of this Government, may indeed be considered as within it, as they
claimed the lands near Albany & do still lay some claims in that way, they served as a Corps
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 459
in the late War, and are at least Three Hundred Souls. — Of those Tribes living West of this
Province on Susquehana Many are retired farther Westward, amongst which were some not
well affected to the English, They are all Allies & Dependants of the Six Nations. — As the
rest of the Nations do not appear to be concerned in this enquiry, it will be sufficient to add
that the whole Indians within my Department amount to Twenty Five Thousand, Four
Hundred and Twenty Fighting men, & will be about 130000 Souls, Extending Westward to
the Mississipi. — I could not be more particular concerning some of the Tribes, for the reason
I gave in the beginning of this letter, but I presume this will fully satisfy y' Excellency on the
subject. And I remain with great Esteem
Sir,
Your most Obedient
& most faithfull Humble
Servant
His Excellency Governor Tryon W. Johnson
Sii' William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth,.
[Plantations Qeneral, OCLX., No. 9.]
N» 9.
Johnson Hall June 20"' 1774.
My Lord,
I am highly gratified on finding from your Lordship's Dispatch (N° 7) which I had lately the
honor to receive, that His Majesty is so well satisfied with my conduct in bringing the Senecas
to make restitution & altonement for the murder committed on Lake Ontario. — In my letter
of last month { N"" S) 1 gave some farther particulars respecting that affair with Gen''
Haldimand's concurrence in opinion that on restitution of the goods plundered the two Senecas
should be discharged. — This proves a work of time, because according to their agreeinent the
skins are to be collected in due proportion from their severall scattered villages, and tliis delay
joyned to the close confinement so unusual to Indians has brought a disorder on one of the
I'risoners which is so rigid that he is deemed past recovery, and many of the Indians naturally
suspicious have insinuated that he has been poisoned, this report with many others occasioned
by their long imprisonment, I have been at much pains to remove, which I had nigh effected,
when I received the verry disagreable & unexpected intelligence that a certain M'' Cressop' an
inhabitant of Virginia had trepanned and murdered forty Indians on Ohio, for the most part of
' Captain Michael Cresap was the son of Colonel Thomas Cresap who immigrated from Yorkshire early in the last century
to this country and settled in Maryland, in the western part of which Province the subject of this sketch was lorn 29 June,
1742. After finishing liis education he married a Miss Whitehead, of Philadelphia, and returned to the western frontier of
Maryland, where he set np as a trader and failed. He moved thence to the Ohio in 1774, and commenced clearing land.
Difficulties with the Indians followed and Cresap returned to Maryland and received a commission of Captain in the Virginia
militia, and afterwards served in the expedition under Dunmore against the Western tribes. In July, 1776, he was commis-
sioned Captain of a rifle company required from Maryland under a resolution of Congress, and proceeded to Boston, where
he joined the army under Washington. He was obliged, by ill health, to return to New-York, and died in that city, of fever,
on the 18th of October, 1776, at the early age of 33. His remains were buried, with military honors, in Trinity Church yard.
Captain Cresap's name has been immortalized in the celebrated speech of Logan, the Indian Chief, and in Jefferson's Notes
of Virginia. Mayer's Diacourie on Logan and Cresap, before the Maryland Historical Society, 1861. — Ed.
460 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the 6 Nations, and this was followed by dispatches brought by two trusty Indians from my
Agent at Fort Pitt across the country, by which I understand that the Traders have in
consequence thereof been driven out of the Country by the Shawanese, except a few whom it
is feared have fallen a sacrifice to their resentment, and that the unworthy author of this wanton
act, is fled, together with a considerable number of the inhabitants on the confines of Virginia.
The Extracts which I herewith enclose will give your Lordship more particular information
respecting this & other matters, which excited much commotion and which must prove very
alarming to the Frontiers of Virginia and Pensilvania and may extend much farther unless the
steps I am now taking may prevent it, concerning which I must have great doubt, from
the warmth of the Indians resentment, the disorderly measures of the inhabitants, & the
present imbecility of the American Governments, who are I fear as unable to procure, as their
people are unwilling to afford justice for the Indians.
Your Lordship will please to recollect that in my last dispatch I mentioned my expectations
of a favorable issue to the prior differences that arose in that quarter thro the address of
Kayagshola, and the Embassy that then accompanied him for these salutary purposes, and from
the known influence and approved fidelity of that cheif supported by the name and heads of the
six Nations, I had good reason for such expectations, but the least ill consequence that can
attend the unlucky obstruction to this business occasioned by the cruelly & baseness of Cressop,
is, the present disappointment of the object intended by that Embassy, for altho some of the
Indians in that quarter have spoken fairly & profess to believe it was meerly a private act,
they in reality regard it in a verry different light, the professions we are often necessitated to
make of the advantage derived from our laws, & of our authority over our people, will
strengthen their suspicions, and the disorderly behaviour of the Frontier Inhabitants will confirm
them, neither is there any hopes that those who have occasioned these troubles, will
contribute to the defence of the country, for I have had occasion often to observe, & now find
it true, that those who disturb the public tranquility, thro' mistaken and ill timed zeal against
the Indians, are the first to abandon their settlements. — for more than ten years past the most
dissolute fellows united with debtors, and persons of a wandering disposition have been
removing from Pensilvania & Virginia fcc" into the Indian Country, towards & on the Ohio, &
a considerable number of settlem" were made as early as 1765 when my Deputy was sent to the
Uinois from whence he gave me a particular account of the uneasiness it occasioned amongst
the Indians, many of these emigrants are idle fellows that are too lazy to cultivate lands, &
invited by the plenty of game they found, have employed themselves in hunting, in which they
interfere much more with the Indians than if they pursued agriculture alone, and the Indian
hunters (who are composed of all the Warriors in each nation) already begin to feel the
scarcity this has occasioned, which greatly encreases their resentment.
The Cession to the Crown at the Treaty in 1768 was secured by the plainest & best natural
boundaries, and the Indians freely agreed to make it the more ample that our people should
have no pretext of narrow limits, and the remainder might be rendered the more secure to
themselves & their posterity, neither did they expect that we should push settlements
imediately over the whole of their cession, and His Majesty with great wisdom and discretion
was pleased to direct that none should be now made below the Great Kanhawa River, with
which I acquainted the Indians agreable to my orders, but numbers of settlements had been
made there previous to the cession, attempts made since to form others on the Mississipi, and
great numbers in defiance of the cession, or the orders of Government in consequence thereof,
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 461
have since removed not only below the Kanhawa, but even far beyond the limits of the Cession,
and in a little time we may probably hear that they have crossed the Ohio wherever the lands
invite them ; for the body of these people are under no restraint, they perceive that they are in
places of security, and pay as little regard to Government, as they do to title for their possessions,
whilst at the same time not only individuals but bodies of men are interested in the growth of these
settlements, however injurious to the old colonies, & dangerous to all ; but 'till better order is
restored elsewhere, little can be expected in that quarter, & in the interim these settlements
increase, and what is much worse the disorders of which the Indians principally complain grow
to an enormity that threatens us with fresh wars. — under such circumstances, my Lord, I fear
the most that can be done, is to prevent the evil from being too generall, to encourage the
fidelity of those Nations on whom I can rely, with those that will joyn them, & secure as much
of the frontiers as possible from incursion, should the various methods I am now taking to
ward off the impending evil, in any part fail.
My Lord, I have daily to combat with thousands who by their avarice, cruelty or indiscretion
are constantly counteracting all judicious measures with the Indians, but I shall still persevere,
the occasion requires it, and I shall never be without hopes, 'till I find myself without that
influence which has never yet forsaken me, on the most trying occasions.
Since the news of the murders committed by Cressop and his banditti, the Six Nations have
sent me two Messages requesting the enlargement of the two Senecas who are confined, &
representing that it is in their opinion a reasonable demand, after the late loss they have
sustained, for which they have such slender expectations of satisfaction, & I trust I shall be
enabled to gratify them in a few days, as they are daily collecting skins, & firrs as a retribution
for the robbery. The Cheifs of the whole Confederacy have likewise signified that they
request to hold a congress with me imediately on the present critical situation of Affairs,
above two hundred of them are already arrived for that purpose and the rest are on the road
to the amount of three or four hundred more. — I have discovered from some private conferences
with the principal men, that many of them are sensible of the Artifices practiced for sometime
past by the Shawanese and their adherents, it is therefore my design at the Congress to
strenghten that opinion and shew them that the conduct of these people have not a little
contributed to produce the late unhappy disorders, and I shall do everry thing in my power for
rendering the Congress advantageous at this critical juncture; the issue of which I shall
transmit to your Lordship as soon as possible.
I beg to be honoured with your Lordship's commands, signifying His Majesty's pleasure on
any matter contained in this letter, and I remain with the utmost respect.
My Lord,
Your Lordship's
most obedient
The Right Honorable & most Humble servant
the Earl of Dartmouth. W. Johnson
Extract from the Journal of Alexander McKee, Sir William Johnson's Resident
on the Ohio &c» March the 8'" 1774.
A Shawanese Speaker address'd M' M'Kee as follows.
462 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brother,
We came here last fall upon a friendly visit to you, and as we are now about returning home,
we request you may inform Sir W" Johnson of what we have said, and that we shall do
every thing in our power to preserve the peace, and tranquility of this country.
Brother. We must observe to you, that to facilitate this good Work, your wise men should
be acquainted of the very great numbers of your people going down this River beyond the
Bounds fixed for them, and overspreading the Hunting Country of our young men. no doubt
but it is in the power of your great men to stop it. This is the only direct method of bringing
about good order on your side, as well as ours, for from this cause proceed at present all our
disturbances ; and altho' it is highly contrary to our Inclinations and Intentions, as Chiefs, that
our young men shou'd be concerned in any mischief, yet it is likewise out of our power to
prevent these evil Resolutions they form when absent from us; for when they are disappointed
in their hunting, and find the woods covered with the White People, and their horses, where
they used to find their Game, they are foolish enough to make reprisals without waiting to
apply to the great men that shou'd redress their complaints and regulate the conduct of their
White Brethren towards them.
Breth" We have had many disagreeable Dreams this Winter about this matter, and what
we have seen and been witnesses to since we came here serves also to confirm our fears, as
well as the constant assembling of our Brethren with Red flags* convince us that war is still
apparent in their minds, otherwise such preparations wou'd be laid aside. — We are likewise
informed that the White People propose building a large Fort low down the River this
Summer. — let our wise men be strong. — it is still in their power to govern headstrong, and
foolish people, and restore that regular friendship that ought to subsist between us.
Kayashota the Seneca Chief who then arrived, after repeating to me the heads of several
speeches he was charged with from Sir W™ Johnson for restoring good order to the Southward,
and bringing the refractory Tribes to reason, addressed Cap' Connoly Command' of the Militia
as follows.
Brother,
As I understand you bave an appointment to command in this country, I therefore take this
Opportunity of informing you that at this time it will be very detrimental to the public Interest
to suffer spirituous liquors to be sold, or carried into the Indian Towns, for I am sorry to
observe that there appears at present a great deal of confusion, and discontent among many of
the Indian Tribes, and the addition of Rum will serve greatly to increase their disorderly
conduct. — I spoke to the Traders last fall upon this subject, & desired they wou'd desist for
their own sakes as well as ours from taking such quantities of rum with them a trading; but
I received no answer from them and it seems, since they pay no regard to what I recommend
to them, but have continued this pernicious practice. — This is the reason, I wou'd therefore
request you to use your influence in preventing them until things appear more settled.
A String of Wampum
On May the 1" the following alarming intelligence arrived at Fort Pitt by one Stephens who
had proceeded in a Trader's Canoe which was attacked on the 16"" by the Cherokees in order
to have carried her to the Scioto, who gave the following particulars viz'
* By this is meant the Surveyors who use flags in laying out the lands.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 463
That on the 26"" upon his way down the river, and near Whaling Creek, he observed a
canoe coming up the River, which suspecting to be Indians, he made to the opposite side
to avoid them, but upon his approach near the shore was fired upon, and a Shawanese Indian
in the canoe with him was killed ; upon a second fire from the shore, a Delaware Indian who
was also in the canoe was likewise killed. — Said Stephens further sa}'s that he cou'd not
perceive who it was fired upon him, as they lay concealed in the weeds, & having thrown
himself into the river, observed the canoe that was coming up to be white people, upon which
he m.ide towards them, and found it to be one Michael Cressop with a parly of men who denied
knowing any thing of what had happened to them, although from circumstances he the said
Stephens is well convinced that the above murder was done by some of said Cressop's
associates. — Stephens likewise informed me that while he was in company with said Cressup,
he heard him make use of threatening language against the Indians, saying, "he wou'd
" put every Indian he met with on the river, to death, and that if he cou'd raise men sufficient
" to cross the River, he wou'd attack a small village of Indians living on Yellow Creek."
The same evening one Major M'^Daniel of Virginia, who had been down the river as low as
Kannaway returned to this place with an account that a skirmish had happened between a
party of Virginians, and the Indians near the Big Kannaway, that a number was killed one
both sides which had occasioned the Surveyors, and Land hunters from that Colony to return,
— and that on his way hither the 27"" ins' he was at Mich' Cressup's House at or near Whealing,
when an account was brought to said Cresup by one M^Mahon, that five Indian Canoes had
stopped at his house on their way down the River, containing fourteen Indians, who asked him
the said M^VIahon for some provisions, which he refused to give them, and told them that two
of their Brethren had been killed by the White People the day before. The Indians replied
that if it was so, they knew nothing of it, and then proceeded down the River. — Upon this
information the said Cressup collected fifteen men, pursued them, & overtook them near Grave
Creek where they had stopped, and drawn up their canoes in the mouth of a Creek that was
hardly perceivable on account of the bushes, where they had prepared themselves to receive the
White People, suspecting that they wou'd be followed after what M^VIahon had told them, and
that upon the s"* Cressup's observing the Indians, he fired upon them, upon which a skirmish
ensued between them ; but the Indians retired after losing one man, — & one man was killed also
on the White People's side. — Cressup & his party found sixteen Keggs of Rum, two saddles,
and some bridles in the deserted Ind° canoes.
Upon receiving the above Intelligence I dispatched Messages to the Chiefs of the Indians
who are nearest at hand, to attend here as soon as possible, and made application to the Officer
commanding the Militia to dispatch expresses to the said Cressup to know from what
provocation he acted towards the Indians in this manner, and to desist from any further
Hostilities till matters cou'd be enquired into, and settled if possible.
May the 2^.
Parties of Militia were employed in bringing in the Inhabitants of this Place, in order to set
about fortifying, but instead of going upon this service, most of them fled down the country to
avoid the resentment of the Indians. —
464 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
May the S-*
Received Information from Cap* Crawford ' and one M' Nevill ^ from Virginia tliat on their
way to this place they met a number of Inhabitants settled below this, moving off, among
whom was a party who presented sev' Indian Scalps, and related their having taken them
in the following manner, Viz' — " That a number of Indians having encamped at the mouth
" of Yellow Creek, they with one Grithouse had collected themselves at the house of one
" Baker opposite to the said Indian Camp, and decoyed two Indian men, and two women
" over to their side of the river to drink with them, who upon finding them intoxicated fell
" upon them & knocked them in the head, and scalped them, — that soon after two other
" Indians came over to see what detained their friends, and were served in the same manner,
" after this the Indians appeared uneasy, and six of their men were coming across the River to
" see after their people, who approaching near the shore observed them the said White People
" where they were laying in ambush for them, and attempting to return to their camp,
" were fired upon, and two of them were killed, who dropped into the river, and two others
" they observed fall dead in the canoe, and the fifth upon their landing, they cou'd discern to
" be very badly wounded, so that he cou'd scarce get up the bank, — and that they heard the
•' Women and Children at the Camp raise a very melancholy cry. Among those who were
" killed, was an Indian Woman the wife of one of our Traders who had a young child upon
" her back, which she had bore to him, and after some altercation between those murderers
" whether they shou'd put the child to death, they agreed to take it along with them. — the
" said W Nevill asked the person in whose custody the child was, if he was not near enough
" to have taken its mother prisoner without putting her to death in that inhuman manner?
" He answered that he was about six feet distance, and that he had shot her in the forehead,
<' & cut the strap by which the child's cradle hung at her back, and that he intended to have
" dashed its brains out, but that he was struck with some remorse on seeing the child fall
«' with its mother. — That one of his companions recommended their taking it along with
«' them that they might have an opportunity of sending it to its father to take care of it &
' Colonel WiLUAM Crawford was born in Barkeley county, Virginia, in 1732. He afterwards emigrated with his family
to Pennsylvania and was a Captain in Forbes' expedition against Fort Duquesne in 1758. Ue also served, during the
Pondiao war, in defence of the frontiers of Pennsylvania in 1763-64, and was an efficient officer in Dunmore's campaign
against the Scioto Indians. He was an intimate friend of Washington. Having settled at Braddock ford, on the Youghio-
geny, in 1768, he raised, at the commencement of the Revolution, a regiment by his own exertions and held a commission of
Colonel in the Continental army. In 1782, he accepted, with great reluctance, the command of an expedition to ravage the
Wyandott and Moravian Indian towns on the Muskingum. On this expedition he was taken prisoner in June 1782, conducted
to Sandusky and put to death by the most excruciating tortures. Howe's Virginia Collections, 193; Craig's History of Pitts-
burg, 179, 180; Monette's Valley of the Mississippi, II., 137, 139.
' General John Neville was the descendant of a lad who at a very early day was kidnapped in England .ind brought to
Virginia, where he subsequently accumulated a good property. He was born on the head waters of the Oceaquan river, in
that colony, on the direct road from Washington's paternal estate to Winchester and Cumberland. He served in Braddock'a
expedition in 1756, and subsequently settled at Winchester, Frederick county, where he held the office of Sheriff for some
time. Prior to 1774, he had made large purchases on Chartier's creek, Pa., and was about to remove there when the Revo-
lutionary troubles began. He was elected in that year a delegate from Augusta co., (Pittsburg) to the Provincial Convention of
Virginia, which appointed Washington, Peyton, Randolph and others to the first Continental Congress, but was prevented by
sickness from attending. Subsequent to the Revolution, he was a member of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania.
When Congress passed an excise law in 1791, Gen. Neville was appointed inspector for Western Pennsylvania, as, in conse-
quence of his claims as a soldier and a patriot, 'twas supposed his popularity would help the execution of that odious statute.
But in the Whiskey Insurrection, as it is called, in 1794, his property in the vicinity of Pittsburg was totally destroyed by
the insurgents, and he himself barely escaped with his life. Craig's Pittsburg, 229. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 465
" that after they had perpetrated this barbarous murder, they made off with their families —
" Also they further said, that by this time the whole country was deserted, as Michael Cresup
" who committed the first mischief was likewise then on his way to Redstone."
May the 3-» 1774.
I called. a Meeting with Kayashota, the White Mingoe, and some other six Nation Chiefs at
Col. Croghan's house, where was present the Commanding Officer of the Militia, and several
other Gentlemen, when I informed them of the melancholy murders of their people as before
mentioned, which they had not before heard, and assured them at the same time of its being
done by a few inconsiderate White People, and not by the intention or knowledge of any of
our wise people, — that I made no doubt but the Governor of Virginia, when he was made
acquainted with the unhappy loss they had sustained by his people, wou'd fall upon every
measure to make them ample satisfaction as it was not done by the intention of Government,
that in the mean time I enjoined them to afford all the assistance in their power in
accommodating the unfortunate breach of friendship that had happened between our people,
and them, as a general difference could not be attended with any thing but the utmost distress
on their sides. A large string of wampum.
They returned for answer.
That they had considered what we had said to them, and as the Chiefs of the Delawares
were expected in, to night, or to morrow, tiiey wou'd consult with them and know what reply
to make, that we might be assured they wou'd do every thing in their power to keep matters
quiet, which they made no doubt might be done, from the general dispositions of their own
people, provided we wou'd be strong on our parts in preventing our rash people from
commencing any further outrages against the Indians.
May the S"-
This day I had a meeting before a number of the principal inhabitants of Pitsburgh with
several chiefs of the Six Nations and Delawares, when I condoled with them for the losses
they had sustained by the barbarity of some rash people from Virginia, covering the bones of
their deceased friends with some goods suitable to the occasion & agreable to their custom.
I delivered them some messages also agreeable to the present circumstances to be conveyed
to their people at their sev' towns with tiie utmost dispatch, desiring some of them who had
influence, to exert themselves upon this business, as the present emergency required the answer
of those of their other friends who had likewise suffered by the late unhappy outrages, hoping
they wou'd not delay acquainting us as soon as possible with their sentiments on this
unfortunate affair, and in order to convince those people of our sincerity, and to shew them
that we did not countenance these misdemeanors, two of our people wou'd accompany them
in the execution of this good service.
May the 2i«* The answer of the Shawanese to Capt" Connolly and others, viz'
Brethren
It is you who are frequently passing up and down the Ohio, and making settlements upon
it, and as you have informed us that your Wise People were met together to consult upon this
matter, we desire you to be strong, and to consider it well.
Vol. VUI. 69
466 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Bretli" We see you speak to us at the head of your Warriors whom you have collected
together at sundry places upon this River where we understand they are building forts. — and
as you have requested us to listen to you, we will do it, but in the same manner that you
appear to attend to us. Our People at the Lower Towns have no Chiefs among them, — but
are all warriors, and are also preparing themselves to be in readiness that they may the better
be enabled to hear what you have to say.
Bretti" You tell us not to take any notice of what your people have done to us. We desire
you likewise not to take any notice of what our young men may now be doing. — And as no
doubt you may command your Warriors, when you desire them to listen to you, we have
reason to expect that ours will take the same advice from us when we require it, — that's to
say when we have received peacable tidings from Virginia.
Breth" of Pennsylv'* It is some years ago since we had the satisfaction of seeing you at
Pitsburgh when you came there to renew that antient friendship that subsisted between our
fore fathers, and it gave us great pleasure to assist you in the good work, when the path was
opened between you and us, — And we now tell you that your Traders who have travelled it
shall return the same road in peace, and we desire our Grandfathers the Delawares to be strong
in conducting them safe to you. A string.
May ao"" Capt' S' Clair,i on behalf of the Pennsylvanians having made a speech to the
Six Nations highly commending them for their good disposition in maintaining the peace, and
tranquility so long subsisting between them and their forefathers, and at the same time expressing
liis thanks for their good conduct towards their Traders &c. The Delawares then returned
thanks for the good opinion their Brethren of Pennsilvania had expressed of them, and that
their sentiments corresponded so nearly with their own with respect to keeping bright their
antient Chain of friendship, and they called upon their Uncles the Six Nations to witness
their now declaring their resolutions to preserve it unhurt from the attacks of bad people.
Kayashota then told his nephews the Delawares that he was rejoiced to find them so
determined upon supporting the good order, & peace of the Country, which he had been sent
by Sir William Johnson to promote, that they might always depend upon being backed by the
Six Nations in so laudable a resolution, who were so strongly linked in friendship with
the English, that it cou'd not be broken, — therefore that what they had now heard from them
was very agreeable.
A true Copy Ex''
G Johnson D Agent
as SeC
(Indorsed) In Sir Will™ Johnson's (N" 9)
of SO"- June 1774.
' Major-General Akthur St. Claie, of the Revolutionary army, was bora in Edinburgh, Scotland, in ITSS, and accompanied
the fleet to America in 1755. On the 17th April, 1759, he was appointed Lieutenant in the 60th or Royal Americans, and
served under Wolfe at Quebec. At the close of the French war he obtained a grant of 1000 acres of land in the neighbor-
hood of Fort Ligonier, Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, where he settled, having been placed in command of the fort
by the government of that Province. When the Revolution broke out, he embraced the American cause; in January, 1776,
was appointed to the command of a battalion of Pennsylvania militia, and was engaged in the expedition against Canada ;
he was afterwards at the battle of Trenton ; in August was appointed brigadier, and in February, 1777, Major-General of
the Continental army. At the close of the war, he returned to his former residence in Pennsylvania, of the Executive Coun-
cil of which Stiite lie was a member in 1783. In 1785, he was elected to Congress, and in 1787, elected president of that body.
In October following, he was appoineed Governor of the Northwestern territory and retained that office until November,
1S03. In 1791, he commanded an expedition against the Miami Indians, by whom he was defeated. He was worn d6wn
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. •^^
Private Intelligence lately received from a Shawanese Indian by M'' M'^Kee Sir
William Johnson's Resident on Ohio.
Although you have frequent Meetings with our great men, and they profess a friendship
for you, and that they wou'd not keep any thing a secret from you, I have reason to believe
that they do not divulge all they know, to you, therefore I am come to inform you of what I
have heard. I have not lived long among them, altho' I am a Shawanese, but am only on
a visit from the Creek Country which is my home, and to where I intend to return in a
short time. — Brothers, You have heard that a great Meeting has for some years past, and is
now expected to take place at Scioto, & Indians from Nations Westward and Southward
expected to it, this meeting, whenever it happens is the fixed time of striking the English;
for when the Chiefs are once assembled the Warriors can readily bring all Nations into the
Measure, and although the Chiefs of several Nations have been busied in conducting good
speeches about, the Warriors are of different sentiments in general & use it as a cover to this
general design, and the hopes depending upon it have prevented many broils with the white
people, though now mischief seems almost unavoidable from the Disposition of our people in
general, owing to the Encroachments upon our Lands, the ill treatment received from the
Frontier People, & the interruption the Indians meet with in their Hunting. — The Chenussios>
tho' tiiey may deny it, have their share in this plan ; for it is no new one, but it has been upon
foot many years, — and indeed, I may say such a one has been in being since our first
acquaintance almost with the English, & particularly since the French left their belts to the
Northward, for we discovered an early design in Ihem of taking away our Country, and it
will be a difficult Task to collect all the bad belts that have been handed from the Canada and
Ciienussio Indians to us upon this subject. — At present allmost all the Indians this way wish
to strike those people gone down the River, and we are only waiting to hear again from the
Northward, the Senecas being disatisfied with the terms offered them by the English on account
of a breach of friendship their young men had been guilty of, which Terms were so hard that
they could not comply with them.
A True Copy Ex" by
G. Johnson D. Agent
as Sec'
The foregoing intelligence appears to have been the real sentiments of the Informer, but he
was ignorant as to those of the different nations intended to compose the Scioto Congress, who
held very different opinions from the Shawanese, and it was chiefly the last mentioned nation,
that designed to inflame the Warriors at that Congress.
(Indorsed) to Sir Will" Johnson's (N° 9)
of 20"" June 1774.
by fever at the time and had to be borne on a litter throughout the whole of the engagement. He resigned his commission
in the army in 1792. He was reduced in his old age to poverty ; applied to Congress for relief and was allowed a pension
of $720 a year. He died on the Slst August, 1818, in the 34th year of his age, and was interred in the Presbyterian Church
yard of Greensburg, Westmoreland county. Tlie Masonic fraternity erected a monument over his remains in 1832. Day't
Historical Collections of Pennnylvania, 686. — Ed.
468 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Golden.
[ New-Tork, CLX VI., No. 21. 1
(N°21)
Whitehall July C"" 1774.
Sir,
I have received your letters N" 1 & 2. & have laid them before the King.
As there is nothing in these letters which requires any particular Instruction, T have only to
express my Wishes that His Majesty's Subjects of New York may not be led into any further
rash & hasty proceedings, that may expose them to the just Resentment of Parliament, and that
persons of Credit and Character in the Colony will exert their Influence to put a slop to
that licentious Spirit which has led to Measures so disgraceful to the City of New York.
Sir William Johnson having acquainted me that two Seneca Indians have been committed
to the Goal in Tryon County as Accomplices in the Murder of Four Frenchmen in the last
year. His Majesty is graciously pleased upon Report to him of the Circumstances of their
Case, to signify his Pleasure that they be both set at liberty forthwith, & you will not fail to
take the proper steps for that purpose.
It being under Consideration to reestablish the Military Posts, either at Crown Point or
Ticonderoga, or at both ; It is the King's Pleasure that the Lands reserved by Sir Jefferey
Amherst for the Convenience and Accommodation of those Posts, be excepted out of any
future Sales or Grants of Lands whatever.
I am &c.
Lieu' Gov' Colden. Dartmouth
Earl of Dartmoutli to Sir William Johnson.
[ PlanUtloni Qeneral, CCLZ., No. ». ]
Nog
Whitehall July G* 1774.
Sir,
I have received your dispatch of the 2^ May, & have laid it before the King.
The delivering up, by the Seneca Nation, of the two Indians concerned in the murder of
the four Frenchmen, last year, is such a testimony of their submission to our Laws as deserves
a proper return on our part ; and it is the King's pleasure that, if not already done, the
Prisoners should be immediately released, & restored to their friends, and I have accordingly
signified the same both to Governor Gage, and to the Lieutenant Governor of New York.
The intelligence which I acquainted you in my letter N" 6 had been received that some of
the King's subjects had formed a design to make settlements on the lower part of the Ohio
was but too well founded, for I find, by a letter which I received a few days ago from Lord
Dunmore, that some persons, Inhabitants of Virginia, have purchased of the Illinois Indians
a very large tract of land extending 30 leagues up the River, and I wish that this Transaction
had met with such Discouragement from that Government as the nature of it deserved.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 469
There are many reasons urged by Lord Dunmore in favor of this measure, but they have
no weight with me, and as f still continue of opinion that such a proceeding cannot fail of
being attended with the most dangerous and alarming consequences, I shall lose no time in
tailing the sense of the rest of the King's servants upon such propositions as it may be
necessary to submit to His Majesty upon this occasion.
What you state in your letter respecting the expectations that have been from time to time
held out to the Indians of measures being taken by France to recover possession of Canada,
gives a greater degree of credit to the paper I transmitted to you in my letter N" 6 than I at
first thought it deserved, & therefore 1 shall be impatient to receive from you that intelligence
which you say you expect to collect after the intended Onondaga Congress, & the return of
the Embassy you sent to the Westward.
The King has been graciously pleased to appoint M'' Joseph Chew Secretary of Indian
Aflairs, and, inclosed, I send you a warrant for that purpose.
I am &c°
Sir W" Johnson. Dartmouth
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
r New- York, CLXVL, No. 8. 1
No. 3.
New York 6"- July 1774
My Lord,
In my letter of June the 1" I inform'd your Lordship that the People of this City had
chosen a Committee of 51 Persons, to correspond with the Sister Colonies on the present
political Affairs that many of this Committee were of the most considerable Merchants, and
Men of Cool Tempers, who would endeavour to avoid all extravagant and dangerous Measures.
They have had a continual struggle with those of a different Disposition : and haveing for
several Weeks succeeded in suspending any Resolutions, I was in hopes they would have
maintaind the only Conduct which can excuse them. But accounts repeatedly coming to
hand, from different Parts of the Continent, of the Appointment of Deputies to meet in
general Congress, this Measure was so strenuosly push'd that it was carried in the Committee
of 61 ; on Monday last; and five Persons were named for the Deputies from this Province. —
The Persons named are James Duane^ and John Jay,^ two eminent Lawyers, Isaac
' A Memoir of Mr. Duane is published in Documentary History of Kew -York, IV.
" John Jat, LL. D., tbe eighth child of Peter J. and Mary Van Cortland, of Westchester county, was born on 12th Decem-
ber, 1745, and in 1753 was put to school at New Rochelle. He was graduated at King's College, New-York, in 1764, after
which he studied law; was admitted to the bar in 1768, and acted as Secretary to the Commission for running the boundary
line between New-York and New Jersey. He was a prominent member of the Congress of 1774 and of that of 1775, and in 1776
assisted in framing the government of New- York. He was elected Chief Justice of that State in May, 1777, and resigned
that office in 1779. when elected President of Congress. In September, 1779, he was appointed Minister to Spain ; was one
of the signers to the definitive treaty of Peace at Paris in September, 1783 ; and returned to America in 1784, having been
previously appointed Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. He became Chief Justice of the United States in 1789, and in
1794 was appointed Minister to England; was Governor of the State of New-York from 1795 to 1801, after which he retired
from public life, and di«d at Bedford, Westchester county, on 17th May, 1829, in the !i4th year of his age. Blake's Biographi.
eal Dietinnary. — Ep.
470 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Low,' Philip Livingston ^ and John Alsop, Merchants. — I am told a violent Effort was made in
the Committee to have John Scott, an eminent Lawyer, and Alex' ISPDougle, the Wilkes of
New York, named, in place of Jay and Alsop. — It is said the People are to be invited to meet
on Thursday, to approve of the Deputies named by the Committee. — These Transactions are
dangerous, my Lord, and illegal; but by what means shall Government prevent them? An
Attempt by the Power of the Civil Magistrate, would only shew their weakness, and it is not
easy to say upon what foundation a Military Aid should be calld in. — Such a Measure would
involve us in Troubles, which it is thought much more prudent to avoid ; and to shun all
Extreams, while it is yet possible. — Things may take a favourable turn. — The Purpose of the
Congress, it is said, is to Petition for a redress of Greivances, and to consider of a Plan for
settling the Controversy with Great Britain. But no Instructions for the Deputies have yet
appear'd that I know of.
The present Political zeal and frenzy is almost entirely confined to the City of New York.
The People in the Counties are no ways disposed to become active, or to bear any Part in
what is proposed by the Citizens. I am told all the Counties, but one, have declined an
Invitation, sent to them from New York, to appoint Committees of Correspondence. This
Province is every where, my Lord, except in the City of New York, perfectly quiet and in
good Order : and in New York a much greater freedom of Speech prevails now, than has done
heretofore. An Opposition has been declared to the vile Practice of exhibiting Effigies, which
I hope will prevent it for the future.
I beleive your Lordship will expect a particular Account of the state of the Province from
Me, which I hope will be a sufficient Excuse for my troubling you with such minute
Transactions. I am anxious to perform my Duty, and to merrit your Protection by being
My Lord
Your Lordsbip's most faithfull
and obedient Servant
R' Hon"^ Earl of Dartmouth. Cadwalladek Colden
' Isaac Low, mercliant of New-York, was, at this date, a prominent Whig, and on his departure to attend Congress was
accompanied to the ferry by the people with flying colors, music, &c. He signed the Association in October, 1774 ; also
the ad.lress to the inhabitants of the Province of Quebec. He was reelected to the Continental Congress in 1775, but some-
time after fell under the suspicion of the Whigs and was arrested in 1776 on suspicion of holding correspondence with the
enemy. Dunlap's New-York, ccxii., ccxv. ; 5 American Archives, I., 980. On the British taking possession of the city of
Kew-York, Mr. Low remained within the Lines, and in 1779 his name was included in the Act of Attainder and his property,
which was extensive, was confiscated. In 1782, be was Prt sident of the New-York Chamber ef Commerce and on the evacu-
ation of the city, went to England. Sabine.
' Philip Livingston, of New-York, fourth son of Philip, 2d proprietor of the Manor of Livingston, was born in Albany
January 15, 1716, and was graduated at Yale College in 1737. He afterwards became a merchant; in 1754 was elected
Alderman of New-York, which city he represented in the Assembly from 1759 to 1769, having been, for the last year of his
time. Speaker of the House. He was a member of the first Congress which sat in Philadelphia in 1774 ; of the second in
1775; and in 1776 affixed his name to the Declaration of Independence. He continued in Congress until his death, which
occurred at York, Pennsylvania, on the 12th June, 1778. Previous to his decease he sold part of his property to sustain the
public credit. Holgate. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 471
Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Bartmouth.
[ riantations General, CCLX. ]
Johnson hall July 12'" 1774.
My Lord,
I am so deeply affected at the Melancholy occasion which renders it my duty to write to
your Lordship, that I hope it will procure an indulgence for tiie inaccuracies of this letter.
My much esteemed P'ather in law Sir Wm. Johnson in his last Dispatch to your Lordship
which was of the 20"" June (N° 9) had the honor to lay before you the very critical situation
of Indian Affairs occasioned by the Cruelties and Murders committed by Cressop, who with
some Frontier Banditti causelessly murdered near 40 Indians on Ohio, & that the Six Nations
were then on the way to and some of them already arrived at this place in consequence
thereof. — About the 7"" of this inst. they all assembled at a time when Sir Wm. found iiimself
much indisposed, which may principally be attributed to his indefatigable labors for the public
security at an alarming juncture, he nevertheless held several conferences with them on the
present posture of affairs until yesterday afternoon when his disorder encreased thro' his over
exertion so much that he was obliged to be supported to his chamber where he was seized with
a suffocation of which he expired in less than two hours. — The Effect this produced on the
Indians was as he had always apprehended, they assembled to the number of 500, around the
House, and expressed the utmost confusion & doubt, they next proceeded to send Belts thro'
all the Nations to notify his death, & their apprehensions that he had not as yet received his
Majesties pleasure, respecting the care of their affairs, disorder might ensue & the Chiefs could
no longer consult on, or promote peace. — I must confess my Lord, that the sudden loss of a
man of his public & private virtues very much disconcerted me, until my attention was
awaken'd by their resolutions, the consequences whereof at this time were but too obvious, I
therefore went to them, & charged them not to be too hasty, that if their professions of regard
for me so often made to Sir W. Johnson were as sincere as I had reason to believe, they
should follow my advice, & do nothing rashly; that his Majesty was too wise & just a Monarch
to neglect his attention to all faithful Nations, that they might be assured he would pursue such
measures as in His wisdom seemed best for the Agency of their affairs, that they should with
full confidence in his justice and regard patiently wait His Royal pleasure which could not yet
be obtained, and that in the mean time I should take particular care of their affairs and
endeavor to the utmost of my power to pursue the wise measures of that worthy Man for
whose loss they expressed so much concern, in full expectation that they would shew their
regard for their engagements, and his memory by acting like men, and attending to the
important business now before them.
The satisfaction this afforded them is scarcely to be described, they imediately assured me
that their minds were made easy by my words, that they should return to their Encampment
& consider on the Ceremony of Condolance, after which they would be ready to proceed to
buisness as usual desiring that I would express their hopes & confidence in His Majesties gracious
attention to their request as formerly signified by Sir VV. Johnson. —
This Morning I prepared a proper message, suitable to the exigence with which they have
sent Messengers, and when the Ceremony of Condolance is performed, I shall meet them again,
& endeavor to bring the Congress to a Conclusion on the Principles it was begun with.
472 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Request which the Indians referred to me at this time, your Lordship will find at large
in Sir Wm. Johnson's dispatch of 17 April last ( N" 7. ) which was occasioned by the Declining
state of his health, the alarm it caused amongst the Indians, and their repeated sollicitations in
my favor, he therein set forth the importance it was of to keep the office of Agent for Indian
affairs imediately under the direction of the Crown, and the Transactions in one channel,
the peculiar qualifications required for its discharge, and that such an officer should have a long
acquaintance with and influence over the Indians. — On these heads he was pleased to make
mention of me (at their desire) in terms that are very flattering as coming from a Gentleman
of his judgment and candour, but such as I cannot conceive myself entitled to: All 1 can
venture to offer, is. That I have for many years served in his Department, and particularly
dedicated my time thereto, (as his imediate Dep>') since the reduction of the Corps I
served in, ' & laid aside all endeavors that might contribute to my advancement in any other
way, and that if thro' the desire of the Indians and his recommendation I am judged capable
of that difficult office, on its present establishment or under such regulations as His Majesty
shall see fitting I am ready & desirous to devote the rest of my life, and the utmost of my
abilities to the public service in that station. — I am sensible, My Lord, of the disadvantages I
must lye under, being unknown, unsupported by sollicitations and at a distance, neither is it
prudent that I should attempt a personal application at a period when my presence here may
be of some use, I must therefore chiefly depend on His Majesties opinion of His late honest
& faithfull servant, and on your Lordship's Discernment, for I have no pretensions to your
Patronage tho' I would willingly aspire to it. —
L' Gov' Penn has in a letter just received, strongly represented the distresses of his frontier,
and requested Sir W"" Johnson to use his Influence with the 6 Nations thereon, and endeavour
to procure their mediation Sec" I am preparing to pursue this and every other object of the
Congress in the best manner I can, the particulars of which I shall take the liberty of laying
before your Lordship humbly requesting to be honored with his Majesties Commands that I
may govern myself accordingly
I have the honor to be
with much respect
My Lord
Your Lordship's most
The R' Hon"* Obedient and most Humble servant
the Earl of Dartmouth. Guy Johnson
Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[PlantatloDB General, CCLX.]
Johnson Hall July 20. 1774
My Lord,
I have the honor to acquaint your Lordship that the Congress with the Six Nations (which in
my last of the IS"" instant I mentioned had been interrupted by the sudden death of Sir Will""
Johnson Bar*) is now happily terminated and such measures resolved on by that Confederacy
' He had been Lieutenant in one of the New-York Independent Companies, Army LiiL — Ed,
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 473
as will I trust be very soon productive of advantage to tlie Public, the Indians liaving
dispatched an Embassy composed of some of the principal men of each nation to the Southward
charged with such helts and messages as will I persuade myself have considerable effect at this
alarming Crisis; the principal parts of their public transactions I have now the honor to
transmit a copy of.
In one of Sir W™ Johnson's last letters he complained of those who by their indiscretion
w^ere constantly counteracting all his endeavors for the public tranquillity, and it is with concern
I repeat it, for those people whose characters and conduct have been fully described by him,
increase in numbers & irregularities and under pretence of revenge for acts which their own
cruelties occasioned, they have formed large bodies, one of which of more than a thousand
men is gone to penetrate into the Indian country and build forts, whilst small detachments are
acting offensively against all Indians they meet. — One of these parties lately pursued some
faithfull Indians who had escorted a body of Traders to Fort Pitt, — As such Acts of injustice
and indiscretion must tend to destroy the confidence, and weaken the attachment of those
Indians there who have hitherto acted as friends, so is it in a particular manner disagreable to
the Six Nations who are alarmed for their Emigrants on Ohio. — On the Other hand the people
on the frontiers of Pensilvania have abandoned their settlem" to avoid the resentment of the
Indians, and the authors of all this never reflect that their conduct must produce such an union
of Interests amongst the several Tribes as may end in their utter ruin which they would have
experienced long since but for the successfull measures adopted by Sir W"" Johnson. — I
have since his decease had the good fortune to convince the Six Nations that it was their duly
and interest to calm their people, and their resolutions thereon will have that effect unless the
disorderly persons on the frontiers shall continue their Acts of Violence and Intrusion. — At all
events the fidelity of that Confederacy is what I principally depend on for restoring peace to
that Country, & preventing the disorder from Spreading.
Since my last I had the satisfaction to receive General Gage's approbation and direction
to take upon me the Superintendency of Indian Affairs until His Majesty's pleasure is signified,
which has induced me to make such provision for the exigency of the times during that
interval, as will prove a sensible inconvenience to me sbould superior interest, or different
representations disappoint my hopes derived from the recommendation of so experienced an
officer as Sir Wm. Johnson, whose sentiments of me have been so fully expressed to your
Lordship as to leave no room for any addition of mine. — I must however beg your Lordship's
indulgence to add that tho' warmly soliicited by the Indians, as will appear from the papers
herewith transmitted I should not sollicit for the management of their Affairs, was I not
conscious that from personal influence & the superior opportunities I have had, I may be
enabled to render His Majesty some services, tho' I enter upon it at a most critical period at
the risque of my own reputation, and (which is as dear to me) that of the worthy man, to
whose good opinion & recommendation I am so much indebted.
Iq one of the private conferences I had with the Indians they agreed to send a private
instruction to Kayashota, & the delegates with him, with a view to divert the attention of the
other Tribes near Ohio from the Shawanese who depend entirely on their support, and thro'
them have endeavored to effect that general but dangerous union they have long had in view;
I shall very soon hear the result of these measures as well as of the proceedings of the
Shawanese themselves, wch will enable me to consider on the part the Six Nations should next
take, their Chiefs having given me private assurances that whenever required they will proceed
Vol. VIII. 60
474 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to extremities with those Tribes, an offer which I am humbly of opinion should not be accepted
of but in case of great necessity.
I hope my next despatch will afford your Lordship more satisfaction respecting Indian
Affairs, and I humbly soUicit your Lordship's countenace & directions, as it shall be my study
to cultivate the one, by a constant attention to the other, and the faithfull discharge of my duty.
I have the honor to be
with much respect
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient
The R' Honorable & most humble Servant
The Earl of Dartmouth. Guy Johnson
'ini]s of Sir William Johnson with the Indians.
[Plantations General, CCLX.]
Proceedings at a Congress with all the Chiefs, and Warriors of the Six Nations
at Johnson Hall in June and July 1774.
Present — The Hon"^ Sir William Johnson Bar' Superintendant.
Guy Johnson Esq' Sir W"'" Dep'^ as Sec'^
Daniel Clause Esq" Dep'' Agent for Canada.
On the 19"" of June a large party of Ouondagas &c. arrived at Johnson Hall, and acquainted
Sir William Johnson that the Chiefs &c of all the Six Nations were on their way to his House
to hold a Conference on the critical state of Indian Affairs, and other matters. From the IQ""
of June to the S"" of July, parties continued to come in, amounting in the whole to near 600.
On the morning of the 8"" of July, one of the Prisoners confined in Goal for the murder of
the Frenchmen on Lake Ontario, died, & the Indians held a Conference with Sir William,
earnestly requesting that the other Prisoner might be restored to them, as they had lately been
so ill treated to the Southward, and as the one had died, as they apprehended, through the
Circumstances of a confinement, to which he had not been accustomed, for all which, and as it
appeared agreeable to the General from the state of affairs, and as they had brought in all the
skins they had been able to collect, as a restitution for the robbery, Sir William agreed to their
request, & they thereupon delivered up some packs, and a quantity of some loose bear, racoon
and other skins, which with those delivered up at Ontario amounted nearly to the real loss
sustained by the Canadians w"^'' appear'd to have been much exaggerated.
The Senecas expressed great satisfaction on the occasion, and Sir William told them that
he expected they wou'd act a faithful, and becoming part for this instance of lenity which they
owed to their particular sollicitations, His Majesty's compassion, and that he expected this
wou'd be the last instance of irregularity on their parts.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 475
At a Meeting of the Six Nations at Johnson Hall the 9'^ of July 1774.
Present — Sir W° Johnson Bar' Superintend'
Guy Johnson Esq'
Daniel Clause Esq' with several other Gent"
Conaghquayeson, an Oneida Chief opened the Meeting with the Ceremony of Condolance
with the Indians on the death of the young Indian Prisoner, who died the day before, to which
the Indians returned their thanks in the usual manner.
Gave Six Strings, & two black Strouds.
Then Serihowane a Seneca Chief proceeded upon the business they assembled for, and
addressed Sir William as follows, viz'
Brother Warraghiyagey.
You told us last fall to remember, and keep up strictly to the old engagements entered into
with the English which was in general intended for our interest, and welfare, and that you
was apprehensive that the sincerity of the Senecas was not so perfect as you cou'd wish. —
We can assure you. Brother, of the contrary on our side, and shall be happy if the English on
their parts are as sincere towards us, and we beg you will not give ear to every report that is
made to our prejudice. Returned a String
Brother, To convince you that we keep fresh in our memory the engagements entered into,
with you, we now produce to you the Chain Belt of Alliance and Friendship, you delivered to
us at Niagara in 1764 after the Senecas had got bewildered, and acted an unbecoming part
towards you. We can assure you. Brother, ever since we have endeavored our utmost to
keep that chain of Friendship bright, and the Path of Peace unobstructed, notwithstand? which
we have observed with concern that many of our people were still suspected of insincerityt
which we cannot think we deserved from the English. Shew'd the Belt.
Brother, You likewise recommended to us to collect all our straggling people about the
Ohio, and its Branches, & convinced us that it was for the good of the Public that they shou'd
be brought under our eyes to prevent them from being led astray by bad people. This
Brother, we have endeavored, and are still endeavoring to do, but hitherto without success,
which is in a great measure owing to the conduct of the English, the neglect of the Provinces,
and the behavior of the Traders.
When you convened us at Niagara, and after settling every matter for our mutual welfare,
You also told us we shou'd enjoy a plentiful Trade, and mentioned to us the different Marts
where we could have our necessaries, and trade with the English, which we really accordingly
enjoyed, and Trade was carried on for some years to our mutual satisfaction, but to our sorrow,
that Regulation, by some means or other, did not continue long, and as you informed us soon
after, the management of Trade was left to the Regulation of the respective Provinces : but the
Provinces have done nothing, and the Trade has been thrown into utter confusion by
the Traders being left to their own will and pleasure and pursuit of gain, following our people
to their Hunting Grounds with Goods and Liquor, where they not only impose on us at pleasure,
but by the means of carrying these Articles to our scattered people, obstruct our endeavors to
collect them, which we might have easily effected if the Traders had been obliged to bring
their Goods to Niagara, or other Markets, as before. — Brother, you cannot imagine the many
476 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
ill consequences this change in the regulation of Trade has occasioned : but we shall still
persevere, and hope that you will give orders to your Resident at Fort Pit to assist us in
Removing our People living at Canawago & elsewhere.
Brother, We are sorry to observe to you that your People are as ungovernable, or rather
more so, than ours. You-must remember that it was most solemnly, and publicly settled, and
agreed at the General Congress held at Fort Stanwix in 1768 on behalf of the great King of
England our Father, and the Governors, and Commissioners of the several Provinces then
assembled there, that the Line then pointed out and fixed between the Whites and Indians
should forever after be looked upon as a barrier between us, and that the White People were not
to go beyond it. — It seems, Brother, that your People entirely disregard, and despise the
settlement agreed upon by their Superiors and us; for we find that they, notwithstanding that
settlement, are come in vast numbers to the Ohio, and gave our people to understand that they
wou'd settle wherever they pleas'd. If this is the case we must look upon every engagement
you made with us as void and of no effect, but we hope it is not so, & that you will restrain
your people over whom you say you have authority, and make them lay aside their ill designs,
and encroachments, as it has already occasioned jealousies and ill blood, and may be productive
of infinite mischief, and trouble, and we must beg that if your people insist upon settling so
near ours, they may be made subject to some authority that can keep them in order. We
entreat you will make this, our request, known to His Majesty, and the Governors of these
unruly people, until which time, and until the return of Kayaghsliota from his Embassy to the
Nations on the Ohio, we promise for ourselves, as well as on behalf of our Head Women, who
have much influence with our young men, to keep them quiet, they being much aiFected, &
exasperated at the cruel murders committed by their lawless people on their friends and
relations Gave a Belt.
Brother, You recommended to us the Six Nations, last fall, to consider the distressed situation
of the Montauk Indians who being surrounded by the White People of Long Island, were in a
fair way of being disspossessed of all their lands by them, on which they had requested that we
wou'd afford them a piece of land in our country to which they might retire, and live peacably
hereafter. We have taken your desire into Consideration, and agreed to fix them at
Canawaroghere. We are glad of the opportunity of serving them in this respect, and shall
with pleasure take them under our protection in the same manner as fond parents do their
children, & hope they may prove deserving of it. Gave a Belt.
Then a Cayuga War Chief arose, and addressed Sir W" Johnson, saying that he must
inform him how disagreeable it was to their nation to have Traders continually among them
who sell rum, and thereby occasion much mischief, and trouble, and requested they might for
the future be prevented to go there, in order to avoid accidents that might happen to them, —
that they thought it not so far, if they had any thing to sell, to bring it to market on the
Mohawk River, and therefore desired that neither the White People, or Indians be allowed to
come to Cayuga to trade for the future, that if they chuse to pass their towns in their way
to the Seneca Country they had no objection, but only desired they wou'd not dispose of any
thing to their people, and at their towns. Gave a Belt.
P. M. Sir William had a conference with the Chiefs wherein he communicated to them the
particulars of the account he had received from the Southward respecting the late murders,
with the steps taken by his Deputy on the occasion, after which he enlarged on the many
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 477
irregularities committed by the Indians about the branches of Ohio and Mississippi, and some
late charges against them, as the cause of the late ill behavior of Cressup and his associates,
and after using many arguments to convince them they shou'd exert more authority over their
allies, and keep them in better order, he lastly gave them a particular account of the different
schemes of the Shawanese, and their friends for several years past to cast an odium on tiie Six
Nations, with a view that the latter might lose our friendship, and then be induced to join in
their evil designs, adding, that it was now high time to stop such doings, and that charity for
these weak people induced him to wish that the Six Nations wou'd save the English the
disagreeable trouble of compelling these troublesome people to alter their behavior. He
likewise fully explained to them the consequences, shou'd the Shawanese &c. continue to
prosecute their revenge on the Provinces of Pennsylvania and Virginia, without waiting
to obtain regular justice whenever they appeared to be injured.
At a Congress with the aforementioned Indians on Monday the 11"" July 1774.
Present — as before
Sir William addressed them as follows.
Brothers, I have considered your speeches, and am always glad to hear that you preserve in
Remembrance your engagements, which I trust you will be equally careful to fullfill. You now
all see that through my Representations, and the tenderness of the English Government, you
have the Prisoner restored to you, I hope you will make a good use of this, and of every other
act of kindness you receive, and then you need not to apprehend you are in any wise suspected,
or fear evil reports, to which I am by no means inclined to give ear.
Brothers. I am glad you have preserved the Great Belt I delivered to you at Niagara, and
I hope you will keep the contents of it, and all others I gave y" in Rememberance, for, if you
do, you cannot neglect endeavoring to the utmost to keep your people in good order, and
preventing those who live at a distance from following evil Councils, which draw reflections on
your Confederacy.
Brothers. 1 told you long since the reasons why the affairs regarding trade were left to the
Direction of the Colonies, who it was imagined wou'd best regulate, and restrain their own
people, and I also shew'd you the difficulty and time it must take up to make regulations
adapted to their respective circumstances and youi's. I am persuaded the Colonies have it
still at heart : but I cannot think it any material obstruction to the withdrawing your people
from about the Ohio, and I apprehend it is in your power to redress yourselves in the particular
you complain of without giving offence. — For, wherever you find traders obtruding themselves
upon you, with liquor, or following your parties to their hunting Grounds, you may easily tell
them to retire to more convenient places, as you will not allow them to go about in the manner
you mention, in which case, I have great reason to think that such traders will withdraw, and
give you no trouble.
Brothers. I am sorry to hear of the encroachments made by some of our people, of which
you so often complained, this, you may be assured is without the consent or knowledge of
government, and the King will take measures to prevent Intrusion ; but it does not so
materially affect you as it aflfects some of your Southern Dependants, several of whom have
acted such a part of late as to encourage some of our ignorant frontier Inhabitants to commit
478 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
irregularities, of which, otherwise I hardly think they wou'd be guilty. — These men will be
sought after & punished. It is your business to enquire into the conduct of these your
Dependants, & to punish them, who by their misconduct afford encouragement to others. —
You may easily believe that in so extensive a country, and among such a number of people, it
is a matter of difficulty to find out and punish the authors of mischief, although we have
good, and sufficient laws for that purpose. — but none of our principal men are concerned in
these Acts, whilst many chiefs of the nations to the Southward are the real authors of the
mischiefs done by the Indians. I wou'd therefore advise you to put a stop to such evils in
time, and you may rest assured that I will lay these matters you complain of, before His
Majesty, and the Governors concerned, that every thing on our parts shall be done to restore
peace, and afford you satisfaction where you have a claim to it. At the same time I must
greatly approve of the steps of my Deputy on the late unfortunate affair, as well as of
Kayaglishota, and the Delawares, I expect you will strengthen their hands on this occasion,
and that I shall soon receive favorable accounts from that Quarter.
Brothers the Cayugas. — I have heard the complaints you have made of the traders who
are among you, and I apprehend if you pursue the advice I just now gave to the rest of your
Confederacy, it will have the desired effect, however I shall willingly do every thing in my
power for preventing their giving you any trouble, and I expect you will be satisfied with
my endeavors for that purpose. A Belt.
Then Deckarihoga Chief of the Conajohares spoke as follows.
Brother. It is with pain I am under the necessity of complaining again, against that old
Rogue, the old Disturber of our Village George Klock. You are long acquainted with his
artifices, and evil conduct, & you have often assured us you had applied for redress, but
whatever is the reason we never yet obtained any satisfacton, and we begin to be doubtfull
whether the English will afford it to us, for which reason we are driven to the necessity of
mentioning our grievances to you in the presence of the whole confederacy that they who
know our rank may espouse our cause, as it is their duty to do, and convince the English that
we have friends & deserve attention.
Brother. I will not take up your time with telling you and your brothers here present, the
many artifices he has made use of to cheat us of our lands, & to create divisions among
ourselves. — I shall only mention his last Actions, — This tvil sph-it last winter by his cunning
seduced one of our foolish young fellows to steal away with him to England, where he exposed
him for a show, and cheated him out of his money. — Klock has since, stolen home like a
Rogue as he went out, and when we had notice of it, and applied to him to sign the release
of the lands which he stole, which all the rest did, he appointed a time for it, but when we
came to his house, and brought a Justice of Peace to be present, he refused admittance to
him, and us, and has since ran away, and propag[a]ted a story that some of us threatened his
life. — It is true. Brother, that the man he cheated went and took some of his own money,
and probably some of our young fellows, after his own evil example, might have used angry
threats to induce him to sign the release, but we disavow it, as we do all his falsehoods, and are
ready to wait for justice. It has often been promised, but never been afforded us. We beg the
great men who manage the White people may obtain justice for us, and cause him to sign
the Deed, and let us alone, and if we thought this wou'd still be done we wou'd willingly
wait a while patiently, otherwise we cannot answer for the consequences.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 479
To which Sir William answered. —
That they need not to have mentioned this matter to their Confederacy, who had no business
with it, — that he wou'd again lay the matter before Government, and use all his endeavors
for their satisfaction, that they shou'd patiently wait without attempting any act of violence,
which wou'd be highly resented, and that he was authorized to tell them, Klock's conduct
was disagreeable to the King. —
Then Sir W" ordered Pipes & Tobacco, and some Liquor for the Indians, and adjourned
with design to give them time to consider of the principal objects of the Congress, but having
been very weak from his former Indisposition, the fatigue brought on him a Relapse which in
about two hours threw him into a fit in which he suddenly, and most unfortunately expired.
Immediately on the Death of Sir William Johnson, the Indians assembled in the most
apparent Confusion, and applied to Colonel Johnson to know whether he had received
authority to transact affairs with them, to which he replied that there was not then sufficient
time to receive His Majesty's Commands touching their former Requests, but that they shou'd
rest contented as he would continue to conduct these matters 'till farther Orders ; Whereupon
the Indians appeared very uneasy and proposed to send off alarming Belts thro' all the Nations,
but Colonel Johnson prevailed on them, as it was then late to retire to their encampments,
assuring them that he shou'd early in the morning give them more particular Information, on
which they retired.
Tuesday July the 12"'
On this Day Col. Johnson assembled the Chiefs & addressed them as follows.
Brothers,
As it is not conformable to your Customs that those who have suffered a great loss should
speak first, I shou'd have declined addressing you 'till after the Ceremony of Condolance, did you
not express so strong a desire to send extraordinary messages through the iVations with the news
of the late melancholy accident. — Upon this occasion I am necessitated to advise you, least it
might occasion too great an alarm, that the worthy Sir William Johnson, agreeable to the
desire you have often signified, recommended it to the consideration of the Great King, that I
shou'd be in his stead. His Majesty's answer is not yet arrived ; but there is no doubt from
his esteem for all good and faithful Indians of his doing what he shall think best; and in the
mean time you may acquaint all the Nations, that though I feel myself at pres' unequal to
the load, when I reflect on the conduct and character of that great and good man who left us
yesterday, yet as I have long lived under his direction, and transacted, for many years, his
affairs, and correspondences respecting you, I trust that the Great Spiril will give me strength,
and wisdom to conduct those important matters in some measure corresponding with his great
example. It remains for you. Brethren, to be strong and steady in your engagements, all which
I am well acquainted with, and to shew your friendship to the English, and your respect and
reverence for the memory of your great & good Adviser, by supporting me under this
arduous undertaking, which if you do, you may be allways assured of my sincere regard. —
Send these Words thro' the Nations, assuring them that the fire still burns, and the Road is
open to this place. — And let it be told Kayaghshola, that he may be strong, and continue his
good endeavors for the preservation of Peace, and the security of yourselves, and your Posterity,
whose Interests I shall be ever desirous to promote. A Belt.
480 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
After which the Indians returned thanks promising to forward the Belt directed, and to
consider on the Ceremony of Condolance to be performed after Sir William's Interrment,
requesting likewise to be permitted to attend his Funeral Obsequies.
P. M.July the IS'"
The Corps of the late Sir William Johnson was carried from Johnson Hall to Johnstown,
and deposited in the Family Vault in the Church which he erected, attended by. upwards of
2000 persons from the neighboring Country, with the Indians, who all behaved with the
greatest Decorum, and exhibited the most lively marks of real sorrow. The Pall was
supported by His Excell'^J' the Governor of New Jersey the Judges of the Supreme Court of
New York, and other Persons of note who happened to be at Johnstown at that time, and on
their return from the Funeral to Johnson Hall, the Indians acquainted Col. Johnson that they
wou'd perform the Ceremony of Condolance the next day.
Thursday July the 1 4'"
Th» Chiefs of the Six Nations assembled early in the morning to perform the Ceremony of
Condolance for the Death of Sir W™ Johnson.
Present. — Guy Johnson Esq' Sir W""'^ Dep'^ acting as Ag' for the Department.
Daniel Claus Esq' Agent for Canada
James Duane Esq' Col. Dan' Campbell
G"^ Banyar Esq' M' Jessup
Stephen De Lancy' Esq' Joseph Chew Esq'
John Duncan Esq'
Conoghquieson Chief of Oneida w"" three strings cleared the sight &c* 3 Strings
Then with a double Belt covered the Body Double Belt
Then with a Belt of 6 rowes covered the Grave Belt of 6 rowes
And addressed Col. Johhson as follows viz.
Brother. It yeilds us vast pleasure to find that the Fire which was in danger of being
totally extinguished by the great loss we have sustained, is for the present rendered bright by
you. — the good Words you have spoke to us yesterday, having revived us, and keptouryoung
men within reasonable bounds, who otherwise wou'd have lost their senses, we rejoice at it
and accordingly with this Belt we cause the Fire to burn clear as usual at this Place, and at
Onondaga which are our proper Fire Places, & we hope the great King will approve, and
confirm it. A Belt of 7 Rowes
' Stephen de Lancet Vas the son of Peter de L. Supra, VI., 469. On 25th January, 1765, he was commissioned clerk of
the city and county of Albany, where he married Esther Rynderts. Holgate says he was a member of the Albany Commit-
tee of Safety at its first formation, but if so, he afterwards fell off from the popular cause. In that city, the 4th of June,
1776, ( the King's birth day) was ushered in with firing of guns, and other rejoicings " not agreeable to the inhabitants,"
and in the evening a party assembled to do honor to the day, with Abraham C. Cuyler, the Mayor, at their head, and were
found "carousing, and singing God save the King." The citizens became exasperated, rushed in and seized Stephen de
Lanoey and others and carried tliem off to jail, whence they were shortly after removed to Hartford, Conn. Mr. de L.
remained at that place until 26th December following, when he was released on his parole and allowed to return to his
family. 5. American Archives, I., 690; III., 14.S4. At the close of the war he retired to Nova Scotia. Holgale's American
Genealogy, 120. Mr. de Lanoey's name is omitted by Sabine. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 481
Brother. With this Belt we sweep the Fire Place clean, removing from it all impure, and
disagreeable objects, so that we may sit round it, and consult for the public good as usual
A Belt of7Rowes.
Brother. With these strings we request that when our Ceremonies are performed, you will
apply y'' attention to our affairs and continue to give good Advice to the Young men as your
Father did. A Bunch of Strings
Brother, We know that you must be loaded with grief on this melancholy occasion, we
therefore now cleanse your Body, and wash your Inside with clear water so that you may
once more attend to & proceed upon business.
Brother. The heavy clouds which have hung over you, and us, have prevented us from
seeing the Sun, it is therefore our business with this string to clear the sky which was overcast.
— And we likewise with this String put the Sun in its proper Course, that it may perform the
same as before, so that you may be enabled to see what is doing & pursue the good works
of peace. 2 Strings.
Then added. Brother. Since it hath pleased the Great Spirit to take from us our great
Brother Warraghijagey, who has long desired at our Request to put you in his place, we very
much rejoice to find you ready to take this charge upon you, without which we shou'd be in
Darkness, and great confusion. We are now once more happy, and with this Belt we exhort
you to take care of our Affairs, to follow his footsteps, and as you very well know his ways, and
transactions with us, that you will continue to imitate them for the good of the Public.
A Belt of 6 Rowes.
Then, Tyerkansera Chief of the Mohawks spoke as follows, viz*
Brother, — The business being so far happily set on foot again, we think it necessary to
observe to you tftat this is a very critical time, and that our Brother having suddenly died at a
time, when great troubles are begun to the Southward, it is incumbent on you to be strong,
and to follow closely his practises in all things, as you knew them. Our business with our
brother was nearly brought to a conclusion, and his last words to us concerning the great
troubles in Virginia to withdraw our people, were answered by us in the papers lying
before you. —
Brother. — We must tell you that it is the White People only who prevent it ; for if they did
not make a Practice of coming in great numbers with rum into that country, our people wou'd
be wise, and come to our Fire Places, but they are tempted to stay there. — And now. Brother,
we must desire you to be strong, and to use all your endeavors for putting a stop to your
people, and fullfilling his promises to us, that we may be enabled to bring them away, as you
desire. — Another thing, Broth"' we have to say, is, to remind you that at the Fort Stanwix
Treaty in 176S, we gave up a great deal of land which we did not expect wou'd be suddenly
overspread with people, but we now see with concern that they do not even confine themselves
within their limits, which must end in troubles. We therefore beg that they may be restrained,
and brought under some Government. These things, Brother, and particularly the murders and
robberies your people commit have kindled a flame which is as yet small, but unless quenched
in time, it will overspread the country so that we can't stop it, We therefore hope for your
vigorous Endeavors to put it out.
Then Conoghquieson stood up, and with a large black & white Belt said.
Brother. We now speak in the name of our whole confederacy, and dependants, expressing
our thanks that agreeable to our former request to Sir W"* Johnson, we now see you taking
Vol. VII J. 61
482 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
care of our affairs. — We earnestly exhort you to take due care of them, as ih<\t great man did,
who promised you to us, and we now desire that you will send these our Words to the Great
King, who, we hope will regard our desires, and approve of you as the only person that knows
us, and our affairs, that business may go on as it did formerly, otherwises in this alarming time
of trouble without your care, and attention our affairs will fall into great confusion, and all
our good works will be destroyed. We beg therefore you will accept our good wishes, and
that you will continue to take care of the great business in which we are all concerned.
A large black Belt of 9 Rowes.
Then added that they wou'd retire for the present, and wait Colonel Johnson's answer
which he told them they shou'd have in the Afternoon.
P. M. Assembled as before.
Present — His Excell'^J' Governor Franklin of New Jersey
Cap'Chapmani M"" Banyar M"" Duane
Colonel Johnson addressed them as follows.
I am extremely happy that by your Condolance, & our mutual performance of these
ceremonies occasioned by the Death of your late worthy Superintendant, I am now enabled
to lift up my head, and proceed upon business of public concern, and I am particularly glad
that you join me so heartily in making up the Fire, which was very nigh being extinguished. —
be assured that nothing shall be wanting on my part to preserve it.
Brother. — I am very happy to find that my acting for the present in consequence of your
former desires, proves so agreeable to you and you may be assured that li«wever unequal I
am to follow the steps of so great an experienced a man, I shall endeavor, so long as I am
authorized, to do every thing in my power for the Interest of the Public, and your own ; but
I expect at the same time that your good behavior will continue as an encouragement to me
to follow his good example.
Colonel Johnson answered Tyorhansera as follows.
Brother. 1 well remember the wise maxims which governed your late worthy adviser in the
business on which you come here last, and you may be assured that I shall to the utmost
strive to put his last Words, and Promises into execution by a faithful Representation of your
Grievances to those persons in Authority, whose Duty it is to correct the abuses of which you
complain. — but I cannot help thinking that it is in your own power to bring your people from
among those Tribes, who by their daily practices, endeavour to bring a general reflection on
your Confederacy, and I trust that you will join heartily with Kayagshota in this good Work,
whereby you will pay a kind Tribute to the memory of your deceased faithful friend, and shew
your influence over these your own people.
Brothers of the Six Nations Dependt"
I have heard your words, and kindly thank you for the regard you express for me, and the
desire you shew for my conducting your affairs. — This matter has been already laid before His
' Benjamin Chapman entered the army on the 8th March, 1760, as Ensign in the 18th or Royal Irish regiment of foot, in
■which he became Lieutenant 11th September, 1765; in 1767 the regiment came to America, and he obtained his company
there on 2d June, 1771. He became Major in 1781; Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment in 1790, and died in 1793. Army
Lists. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 483
Majesty who regards all faithful Indians, and will act therein as he sees most fitting, with
which determination, it is your business to acquiesce. I shall however comply with your
Request, at the same time it is my duty to communicate your Transactions to the General of
the Army who is newly returned to this country, & has long known, and regarded you, and
whose authority will enable him to do what shall appear necessary at present, and I earnestly
desire that you will act such a part as shall entitle you to the attention of Government, by
taking fast hold of the chain, and giving ail your assistance towards the restoring peace in the
country, and security to yourselves, as the only means of convincing His Majesty of your
fidelity; — and I desire that these, my words, may go to the se/tivg of the Sun. A Belt
Brother. The purport of the Intelligence that came from the Governor of Pennsylvania
respecting the Ravages committed by the Shawanese & others in his Province, are of such a
nature that I expect you will enable me to assure him that you will immediately discountenance,
& put an end to all such cruelties, otherwise your Reputation as a powerful Confederacy will
greatly suffer in the Eyes of the English, and the Resentment of that Province may fall heavy
upon that deluded people, who have done so much mischief, without waiting for that justice,
which Government was willing to afford to your complaints.
Conoghquieson then arose, and said.
Brother. — You all know that Kayagshota, with three of our people of the greatest consequence
are at present employed in the good work you recommend ; but further to promote it, we have
agreed to send this Belt forward through the Nations with a deputation to consist of two, or
three Chiefs from each of our Nations to enforce it; and we are glad that the Governor of New
Jersey has heard what we have said, as he may assist in making our Sentiments & Grievances
known to the neighbouring Governors. — To which His Excell'^^' answered that the Inhabitants
of New Jersey had no concern in any of the Disputes but were well disposed towards them,
and that the Indians might recollect that three men were formerly executed under his
Administration, and that through his inclination to do them strict Justice, but that nevertheless
he wou'd be aiding in promoting peace & harmony between the English & Indians. —
They were then treated with Pipes, and Tobacco &c. as is usual, after W"" they adjourned.
Friday July the 15""
Col. Johnson assembled the Indians & spoke as follows.
Brothers. — It pleases me much to find you unanimous in your late Resolutions, as it is a
proof of your sense, and fidelity, at the same time it is so essential to your importance and
happiness that I will not entertain a doubt of your determined intentions to .check the
Incursions of your Dependants who run about like drunken men, and ought to be disarmed by
those who are sober, and peaceable, least the English shou'd be obliged to raise their powerful
arm against them, which might have dreadful consequences. On my part you may be assured
that I shall communicate your Grievances respecting the Affairs to the Southward, to the
Governors interested, who will do their utmost to restore order, and tranquility.
I shall likewise lay the Complaint of the Conajoluires concerning George Klock before the
Governor of New York and acquaint the Montauk Indians with your good Intentions towards
them, and in evry thing else, to the utmost of my power, fullfill the promises made to you, in
consequence of which I expect that my words will be faithfully, and without any alteration,
delivered by your Deputies, and that you will continue to testify your reverence for the King,
and youT Regard for His Subjects, and your love for the Memory of your faithful friend, my
484 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
deceased father in law, by a punctual discharge of your engagements, and the strictest candour
in your transactions w"" me which you may rest assured I shall return, so long as I have any
thing to do with your affairs, by a faithful attention to your Interests, and an upright conduct
towards yourselves, which characterized the actions of your late worthy Superintendant, and
will always secure the esteem of a wise & good people.
The Indians returned many thanks for this speech, & shook hands purposing to return home
the Day following, and in the afternoon Colonel Johnson had a private Conference with
Sayenquaraghla, and some other principal men, to whom he pointed out the danger to which
the Ohio Senecas wou'd be exposed, unless the present disturbances were accommodated, and
concluded with advising them by all means to withdraw their people from the neighborhood
of the rest, who were endeavouring to alienate them from their own Confederacy.
Saturday July the 16"-
Colonel Johnson gave a handsome present to the Chiefs, and to those who were instrumental
in apprehending the Murderers, as well as to such as had acted a good part on receiving the
news of the late murders on Ohio, after which they took their leaves with many expressions
of Satisfaction, having first presented the Chiefs who were to go [to] the Southward, and
explain the purport of their Embassy.
A true Copy
G. Johnson
Indorsed in Col° Guy Johnson's of 26 July 1774
Lords of Trade to Governor Try on.
[New-York Entries, LXIX., 19.]
William Tryon Esq:, Governor of New York.
Sir,
The Acts of Legislature in the Province of New York are in General so reasonable and the
objects of them so commendable that it is with great Reluctance We cannot comply with
the wishes. of the Assembly in the Case of the Law " for defraying a moiety of the expenses
" accrued on settling the contested boundaries between the Patented Lands commonly called
•' Cheescocks and Kakiate"
The inclosed copy of M' Jacksons Report on that Law states very material objection to it:
they are not however the only ones; the unlimited power given to the Commissioners to
ascertain whatever Sum they please as the proportion to be paid by that part of the pretended
Lands of Kakiate which are contested is not only liable to great objection in the abstract view
of it; but is still more so by the provision made, that the Certificate of those Commissioners,
as to the Sum, shall be final without any appeal either to a Court of Quarter Sessions or any
other Superior Court whatever.
Upon the whole therefore we cannot lay this Act before the King for his Majesty's
Confirmation ; It certainly ought to be disallowed ; but when we consider its general utility,
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 4g^
and that it has probably been long ago carried into execution and has had its full effect we shall
at present suffer it to lye by trusting that if it has not been carried into execution the legislature
will from a conviction of tbe Justice of our sentiments upon it pass an explanatory Act that
shall remove the objections and that you will in that case take care that a clause be inserted
therein suspending its execution until the Kings pleasure be known the omission of which in
the original Act has occasioned much difficulty and was an inattention to your Instructions
which it is our duty to take notice of.
We are
Sir
Your most obedient
humbe Servants
Dartmouth
SoAME Jenyns
Whitehall . Bamber Gascoyxe
31 Jan: 1774. W. Jolltffe
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York, CLXVI., No. 4. ]
No 4.
New York 2^ August 1774
My Lord,
The Public have met with a very great loss in the Death of Sir William Johnson, which
happened on the ll"" of last Month. He was engaged in Business of Importance, with a large
Number of Indians who were then with Him, on the present critical state of Indian Affairs on
the Frontiers of Virginia and Pensilvania. He had been unwell some Days, but applied
closely to Business, in consultation with the Indians Cheifs, 'till he was obliged to call for
Assistance to get to his Room, and expired soon after.
Sir William Johnson's greatest Abilities, and singular Disposition, enabled him to acquire
and hold a greater Influence among the Indians than any other English Man ever had. — I am
told he recommended his son in law. Col. Guy Johnson, to His Majesty to succeed him in his
Department. The Col. took up the remaining Business of the Congress, after Sir William's
Death ; and I know no Person so proper to succeed his Father in Law. By Sir
William's Death his Seat is vacant at the Council Table. I hope Governor Tryon is now
with your Lordship. He is the proper person to recommend for filling up that vacancy.
In my letter N° 3. I submitted to your Lordship my Opinion, that Government here, cannot
prevent the frequent Meetings of the People, which have become common everywhere ; and I
am now convinced that if Government had interfer'd, the most violent men would have gaind
great Advantage, and would have prevented the acquiescence in the nomination of moderate
Men, which has now taken place, to meet at the general Congress of Deputies from all the
Colonies proposed to be held at Philadelphia next Month.
The Meeting of the Deligates, I am of opinion, cannot be prevented. If they pursue only
such prudent measures as are calculated to remove the distructive Dissentions which subsist
486 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
between Great Britain and her Colonies, the meetings, tho' illegal, it may be hoped, will
produce some good. Great pains has been taken in the several Counties of this Province, to
induce the People to enter into Resolves ; and to send Committees to join the City Committee ;
but they have only prevailed in Suffolk County, in the East End of Long Island, which was
settled from Connecticut, and the Inhabitants still retain a great similarity of manners
& sentiments.
From a view of the numerous Resolves of the People in all the Colonies, which appear in
every news Paper, your Lordship might be led to think a stupid, fatal hardiness intoxicated the
whole. But there are every where many People who are seriously alarm'd at the critical
Posture of the contention between Great Britain and her Colonies. They look forward with
deepest anxiety, and would rejoice in any prudent Plan for restoring Harmony and Security.
— Could it be thought consistent with the wisdom of Parliament to lay aside the right of
raising money on the Subjects in America ; and in lieu thereof, that the several American
Assemblies, should grant and secure to the Crown, a sufficient and permanent supply to pay all
the Officers and ordinary Expenses of Government; They are of Opinion this would be a
ground work upon which a happy reconciliation might be effected. — The Dependance of the
Colonies on Great Britain secured. — Government maintaind and this Destructive Contest
amicably terminated. For this purpose they hope an Address to His Majesty will be form'd
at the general Congress.
I am with the greatest respect & submission
My Lord,
Your most obedient & faithfull Servant
R' Hon"' Earl of Dartmouth. Cadwallader Colden
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to Governor Try on.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXVII.]
New York 22'' Aug. 1774.
Sir
The Governors of Kings College in New York have desired that the Draft which they have
made of a Royal Charter may pass through my hands to your Excellency, I make no doubt
you will use your Influence with the ministry in order to obtain it
The Dissenters from the Church of England have the sole education, not only in all the
Seminaries of Learning in the New England Colonies, but likewise in New Jersey and other
Colonies. It therefore seems highly requisite that a Seminary on the principles of the Church
of England be distinguished in America, by particular Priviledges not only on account of
Religion but of good Policy, to prevent, the growth of Republican Principles which already
to much prevail In the Colonies. But your Excellency is so well acquainted with the State of
the Colonies that it is needless for me to add any thing more than that I am with the
greatest Respect
Your Excellency's
Most dutifull & obedt Serv'
His Excellency Gov' Tryon, Cadwallader Colden
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 487
Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden.
[ New- York, CLXVI., No. 23. ]
(N- 23.)
Whitehall V"- Sepf 1774.
Sir,
I have received your letters of the 6"" of July & S"" Aug' N° 3 & 4. and have laid them before
the King.
You certainly are right in thinking that it is your Duty to transmit a particular Account of
all public Occurrences in the Province under your Government, & you will not fail to embrace
every opportunity that offers of writing to me.
The King has seen with concern that His Subjects in the different Colonies in North
America have been induced upon the ground stated in their different Resolutions to nominate
Deputies to meet in general Congress at Philadelphia.
If the object of this Congress be humbly to represent to the King any Grievances they may
have to complain of, or any propositions they may have to make on tiie present state of America,
such Representations would certainly have come from each Colony with greater Weight in it's
seperate Capacity, than in a channel, of the Propriety and Legality of which there may be
much doubt.
I fear however the Measure has gone too far to encourage any hope that it has been retracted,
& I can only express my Wish that the Result of their Proceedings may be such as may not
cut off all hope of that Union with the Mother Country, which is so essential to the Happiness
of both.
Among the many Objects that will deserve your attention in the present state of America,
the Contraband Trade carried on between New York & Holland is not the least important.
The number of Vessels that continually load in Holland for that Province is a Melancholy
evidence of the extent of that illicit commerce, & it is more particularly alarming now from the
IntellTgence received of very large Quantities of Gunpowder shipped there for New York.
My Information says that the Polly Cap' Benjamin Broadhelp bound from Amsterdam to
Nantucket has among other Articles received on board no less a quantity than three Hundred
thousand pounds weight of Gunpowder & I have great reason to believe that considerable
quantities of that commodity as well as other Military stores are introduced into the Colonies
from Holland through the Channel of S' Eustatia.
You will therefor, Sir, with as much Secrecy and Prudence as possible endeavour to inform
yourself of the nature and extent of this Contraband Trade in General, & to attend particularly
to the Intelligence I now send you with respect to the Ship Polly Cap' Benjamin Broadhelp.
It is most probable that the object of her voyage will be compleated before this reaches you ;
but if any measures can be fallen upon that nlay lead to a Discovery of the Circumstances
above stated, it will be of great Use, & may possibly suggest a means of putting a stop to so
dangerous a Correspondence.
I am fee*
Dartmouth
Lieutenant Governor Colden.
488 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
N«5
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-Tork, CLXVI., No. 5.]
New York. T'"" September 1774.
My Lord,
I have the honor of your Lordship's Letter of the 6"" July N° 21.
The Destruction of Captain Ciiamber's Tea was so unexpected and sudden, that no measures
could be previously thought of lo prevent it.
Afterwards, the Gentlemen of Property, and principal Merchants attended the Meetings
of the Populace, when call'd together by their former Demagogues, who thereby have lost
their influence, and are neglected. The Populace are now directed by Men of different
Principles, and who have much at stake. Many papers have been publishd in this City, to
expose the Measures which had been proposed by the former Demagogues, in opposition
to Government. — Men now speak and publish Sentiments, in favour of Government, and argue
upon the political subjects of the Times, with much greater freedom and security than has
been known here for some years past, which I hope is a sign, that the licentious spirit which
has govern'd the People to their great Disgrace, is check'd. — We have no more burning of
Effigies, or puting cut-throat papers under Peoples Doors. I hope I am not deceived in
thinking that the People of this Province will cautiously avoid giving any new offence to the
Parliament, but great Numbers, are so fluctuating, that some unexpected Incident may produce
bad effects. —
The Five Gentlemen whom T formerly inform'd your Lordship, were appointed by this City
to be their Deligates at the general Congress, went to Philadelphia, the place of meeting last
Week. — Seven Counties of this Province, neither appointed Deligates for themselves nor
concur'd in the choise made by the City; and two Counties have sent Deligates of their
own. — I found the City Deligates were embarrassed by this Dissention of the People.
You may be assured, my Lord, that I will grant none of the Lands reserved for the
Garrisons of Crown Point or Ticonderoga ; but I am inform'd that Lord Dunmore, while in
this Government, granted the Land reserved for the use of the Garrison at Crown Point, to
Adolphus Benzell, an Officer of the Army and Assistant Engineer; and that there is a Clause
in the Pattent, that he shall surrender the Land, whenever the King shall require it for the
use of his Garrison. In the meantime the Firewood may be cut off".
I am with entire submission
My Lord
Your Most faithfull
and Obedient Servant
R' Hon''''' Earl of Dartmouth • Cadwallader Colden
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 489
Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson.
[ Plantations General, CCLX. ]
Whitehall S'" Sepf 1774.
Sir.
A few days ago I received your letter dated Johnson Hall July 12"' 1774, containing an
Account of the death of Sir William Johnson on the 7'^ of that Month, and by a New York
Mail that arrived yesterday I received your letter of the 26"" of July, inclosing copy of the
Proceedings with the Six Nations of Indians in the late Congress.
These letters have been laid before the King, and His Majesty was graciously pleased to
express His concern for the loss of so able and faithful a servant and to command me to signify
to you His Majesty's pleasure that you do for the present, and until the state of the Indian
Department can be further considered, continue to act as His Majesty's Agent to His faithful
subjects and allies the Six Nations of Indians, with the like allowance and emolument enjoyed
by Sir William Johnson, under the Commission granted to him for that Office in the
year 1764.
I am &*=
M"' Guy Johnson. Dartmouth
Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[Plantations General, CCLX.]
Guy Park Sepf lO"- 1774.
My Lord,
I am just honor'd with your Lordship's Dispatch of 6"" July (N" 9) to the late Sir Wm.
Johnson my father in Law, whose sudden Death during the July Congress, I communicated an
Account of in the letter which I had the Honor to address to your Lordship on the 12"" of
that Month with the steps I had taken in consequence thereof; my next which was of the
26"" July was accompanied with a copy of the principal transactions at that Congress, and
General Gage's Direction to take upon me the Superintendancy of Indian Affairs until His
Majesty's Pleasure should be signified on the recommendations in my favor, and the particular
one made at the desire of the Indians by Sir Wm. Johnson in his letter to your Lordship of
the 17'" April last (N" 7.).—
In Sir Wm. Johnson's last letter to your Lordship which was of the 20"" June (N" 9) he gave
his opinion fully on the extravagance & disorderly behavior of the Frontier Virginians, and the
consequences they were likely to produce, the death of one of the Seneca Prisoners and his
intention to release the other which has been since done with the approbation of the
Commander in Chief.
The Conduct of the Frontier Inhabitants to the Southward is not only the source of great
discontent amongst the Indians but is liighly disagreeable to the other Colonists whose Frontiers
&c*are thereby endangered, Of this Sir W. Johnson appeared truly sensible in his last dispatch
to your Lordship where he observes that under the Circumstances he stated " he feared the
most that could be done was to prevent the Evil from being too general, to encourage
Vol. VIIL 62
490 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the fidelity of those Nations on whom he could rely, with those that would joyn them & secure
as much of the Frontiers as possible from Incursion." &c. I trust my Lord it appears that
since I have had the honor to [be] Superlntendant [of] this difficult Department, notwithstanding
many additionally aggravating Circumstances affairs do not wear a worse aspect.
Soon after my last Dispatch I received accounts that the Shawanese and tlieir Confederates
had sent Belts with Messengers to the Nations living about Lakes Huron, Michigan &c" to
invite them to take up the Hatchet & joyn them against the English who they complained had
began their attack from Virginia but that they apprehended it would be general. — Some of the
Nations to the Westward, with those who had attended to the advice of the Chief Kayashota,
rejected their application. They then sent 3 Deputys to Onondaga to soUicit the aid of the
Six Nation Warriors claiming their right of protection, but as I had reason to suspect they
would take this measure, and that several of the Upper Senecas who had lost their Friends
when Cressop first attacked the Shawanese, were full of resentment, I imediately dispatched
some persons of Weight & Character with proper Belts thro' all the Confederacy, advising
them to shut their ears against those who might endeavor to seduce them from their
Engagements, and to regard only the Council of their own Chiefs, & that which they should
receive from this Council Fire, where I attended to their true Interests ; My Messengers
fortunately arrived at Onondaga before the Shawanese Deputys, which proved a great Check
to those who were inflamed by the late losses ; The result was that the Shawanese Dep>" were
told, they must expect no assistance from them, That they the Six Nations should in a few
weeks hold a general Congress of the whole Confederacy, when they would take proper
measures for promoting peace, to which they expected all Nations would pay regard.
The Principal Chiefs of each nation are now on their way down to consult me respecting
their measures at the ensuing Congress, I shall take care to prepare them accordingly, and
shall take every other necessary step for rendering it of much importance at this time, whereby
the Frontier Inhabitants (who have been much alarmed) will recover themselves and the
Shawanese fee" be convinced that they will meet with opposition rather than countenance from
the Six Nations. — I have constantly laid all material occurrences before the Commander in
Chief, and I have good hopes that my endeavors will produce a more favorable issue at this
juncture than may be expected, But, My Lord, I labor under great disadvantage in the Exercise
of my Interest & Influence at this time from the uncertainty of my continuance in Office which
lays a great restraint on me in several matters, and renders many of our most faithfull Indians
irresolute & uneasy. I am sensible that this is unavoidable at present and I have endeavored
to do every thing consistent with the nature of my tenure, or rather more when the service
required it.
My Lord, I was peculiarly circumstanced when I undertook the Office, The Southern Indians
had been Struck (as they term it) they formed alliances, carried bitter complaints to the Six
Nations who had likewise suffered loss in that affair. The Northern Indians were all alarm'd,
& full of resentment ; At this Critical Period Sir William Johnson the object of public hope to
whom the Governors had wrote in the most earnest terms suddenly died, the consequences
were obvious to all persons conversant in the stale of the Country or of the Indians;
I imediately sent Belts and Messengers to prevent the effects and to tell them that the Fire
still burn'd, after which I gave the Chiefs as promising an account as the exigency required, &
went thro' buisness as usual assuming all Expenses &c" 'till I received the General's letter that
he had wrote in my favor, with orders to continue in Office 'till his Majesty's pleasure was
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 491
signified; Since which I have done all that the service required, with good success, and I
trust that before the receipt of the Royal Determination I shall be enabled to do justice to Sir
W. Johnson's warm recommendation of me, by transmitting a very agreable account of the
fidelity of the Northern Indians.
I have the honor to be with great respect
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient
and most humble Servant,
G Johnson
I have received M' Chews Warrant for Sees' of Ind° AfHiirs, and I take the liberty of inclosing
a Copy of Sir Wm. Johnson's Letter N° 7. attested by Sir John Johnson, the original was sent
off, a few days before his Dispatch of the 2"^ of May. — I shall acquaint the Indians with M'
Chew's appointment.
The R' hon'''-^ The Earl of Dartmouth
Liexdenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York, CLXVL, No. 6.]
(N»6)
New York. 4"' October 1774.
My Lord,
The enclosed Copy of a Petition, and affidevit, laid before me and the Council, will inform
your Lordship, how much His Majesty's peaceable Subjects in a part of the Province mentioned
in the Petition are moUested and insulted, by a lawless sett of Men who at first settled there
under a claim made by the Government of New Hampshire; but since they have been
disown'd by that Government, they will pay obedience to none — assume all power to
themselves — chuse Magestrates, erect Courts and inflict punishments &c. — Fugitives from all
the neighbouring Governments resort thither, so thatthey are now become a numerous and
dangerous Body of Banditti, which is every Day encreasing. The Council advised me to
apply to General Gage for Military Assistance to preserve the Peace only : His answer is that,
General Haldimand, had, on a similar Requisition, declined giving any Military Assistance,
and his refusal had been approved of by His Majesty's Ministers, and for that reason he
declined giving any Assistance.
My Lord, this Body of lawless men, fugitives from all parts, daily increasing, may soon
become very dangerous, by encouraging the worst of Men to resort thither, and to stand in
defiance of Law and Government; I therefore humbly conceive it deserves your Lordships
immediate attention. The first settlers from New Hampshire, and the leading men among
them, pretend that they have Encouragement from their Agent in England, that your Lordship
entertains a favourable Opinion of their claim and pretensions, but I am persuaded they can
have no foundation for such hopes.
The greatest part of the lands those troublesome people are settled on, my Lord, have been
granted by this Government, to reduced Officers and disbanded Soldiers of His Majesty's Army
492 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
who served the last War in America, in obedience to the Royal Proclamation of the 7*^ October
1763. I hardly need to mention to your Lordship that where the lands are private Property,
dispute of title can only be determined in the Courts of Justice. The Pattentees under New
York, those who hold by Military Grants, as well as others who have Pattents in the common
Way, think their title is indubitably good. The Governors of this Colony have had full
authority to grant the lands quite to the West Bank of the Connecticut River, ever since the
Duke of York received his grant of the Colony. A dread of the French and Indians from
Canada, prevented for many years, any grants or settlements being made in that part of this
Province where these People are now settled. The Governor of New Hampshire who never
had authority to grant one Foot of Land West of Connecticut River, his Government being
bounded to the Westward by his Majesty's other Governments, finding this Country an
uninhabited Desert, upon the peace after the War before the last, laid hold of the opportunity,
and in a very short time granted away this extensive tract of country, down to the waters of
Wood Creek and Lake Champlain. A full information, has been different Times, transmitted
to your Lordship and your Predecessors in Office, of the very unjustifiable manner in which
those grants were made, in defiance of the earliest Notice from this Government that
Connecticut River was our Boundary. Your Lordship is possess'd of such ample Information
on this subject, that I will not presume to trouble you with any thing more upon it now, but
to repeat my humble opinion of the necessity there is that these lawless People should be
discouraged from entertaining any Hopes, but in the Judgements of the Courts of Justice ;
where only the Property of the Subjects can be determined
I am with most entire submission
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most faithfull
& obedient Servant,
R' Hon*"'* Earl of Dartmouth Cadwallader Colden.
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York, CLXVI., No.T.]
N»7.
New York. 5"^ October 1774.
My Lord,
I have received your Lordship's Commands N° 22, and in obedience thereto, have publishd
in the usual manner, His Majesty's Disallowance of the Act pass'd here in February 1773.
By my letter of the 7"" of September, your Lordship would find I entertain'd Hopes that the
People of this Province would adopt moderate Measures, and avoid giving any new offence to
the Parliament. — I knew such was the sentiments of the Farmers and Country People in
general, who make a great mnjorily of the Inhabitants. I had a confidential conference with
one of the Deligates from this City to the Congress now met at Philadelphia, who I thought
had as much Influence as any from this Place, and he gave me assurance of his Disposition
being similar.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 493
A great Deal of pains has been taken to perswade the Counties to chuse Delegates for the
Congress, or to adopt those sent by this City. Several of the Counties have refused to be
concernd in the Measures. In Queens County, where I have a House and reside the Summer
Season, Six Persons have not been got to Meet for the purpose ; and the Inhabitants remain
firm in their Resolution not to join in the Congress. In the Counties that have join'd in the
Measures of the City, I am informd that the Business has been done by a very fevc Persons,
who took upon themselves to act for the Freeholders. A Gentleman who was present when
the Deligates were chosen in Orange County, says there was not twenty Persons at the
Meeting, tho' there are above a thousand Freeholders in that County: and I am told the case
was similar in other Counties that are said to have join'd in the Congress.
The violent men in this City, who lost the Lead among the People, when the Committee of
61 were appointed, as mention'd in my former Letters to your Lordship, hoped they had got
an opportunity to regain their importance, and to throw the City into Confusion on Occasion
of Orders which were received by some of our Merchants to furnish Articles wanted by the
Army at Boston. These violent Men, last Week call'd a Meeting of the Citizens, which few,
but the lower Class of People attended, and not a great many of them: yet they had the
Impudence to send a Committee to the Merchants who were engaged in supplying the Articles
wanted for the Army at Boston, with a very Impertinent Message, and endeavourd to deter
them, and all others, from furnishing the Army any Transports with any thing whatever.
These Manceuvers occasion'd some Bustle among the People for a few Days, and obliged the
Committee of 51 to desire a Meeting of the Inhabitants on Friday last, when a large body of
the principal People and Merchants appear'd, and declared that those who had taken upon
them to threaten the Merchants, had acted without any Authority from the Public, and that
they highly disapproved of their Conduct; which has once more silenced the turbulent factious
few, who are never easy, when the People are quiet and orderly. The Merchants now go on
compleating their orders without further Interruption.
It is my Duty to give your Lordship the best Information I am able, of the Disposition of
the People of this Province. With this view I mention the most material transactions among
them. It is extreamly Difficult at such times to give an opinion of what may happen. The
most trifling unforeseen incident may produce the greatest Events. I have already said, my
Lord, that I am well assured almost the whole Inhabitants in the Counties wish for moderate
measures. They think the Dispute with Great Britain is carried far enough, and abhor the
thoughts of pushing it to desperate Lengths. In the City a large Majority of the People wish
that a Non- importation agreement may not be proposed; and were very much surprised on
finding that such a Measure would probably be resolved on by the Congress. I have some
hopes that our Merchants will avoid a Non-importation agreement even if proposed by the
Congress. I am certain a majority of the most considerable are convinced it is a wrong
Measure, and wish not to come into it, but whether they will have resolution enough to oppose
the Sentiments of all the other Colonies, can only be known when they are put to the tryal.
The Speeches in Parliament, and other inflammatory Papers publish'd in London, and
reprinted in America, make the worst Impression on the minds of the People. They are
opposed in this Place by publishing more Papers in favour of Administration, and against
Measures which must be offensive to Parliament, than in all the other Colonies put together.
494 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Pamphlet which I received under cover from your Lordship's Office, in Defence of the
Quebec Bill is reprinted here.'
Sir John Johnson has desired me to inform your Lordship that he is desirous of being
appointed of the Council of this Province, in place of his Father, deceased. — Sir William
Johnson has deserved so much by his great and indefatigable Services, that I make no doubt
of your Lordships Inclinations to give such an Instance of His Majesty's favour to the Son of
so worthy a Man, Sir John excuses his not makeing an earlier application, by reason of his
affliction on the sudden Loss of so affectionate a Parent. — As Governor Tryon is in England, I
did not intend to trouble your Lordship with my Recommendation on this Subject, but I could
not reject such a Request, from the Son of my old and much esteem'd Friend.
I am with entire submission
My Lord
Your Lordship's
most faithfull and
obedient Servant
R' Hon'''* Earl of Dartmouth. Cadwallader Golden
Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ PlantatiODB General, CCLX. 1
No 4.) .
Guy Park Oct^ 6"> 1774
My Lord,
In my last of the S"* Ult" after mentioning what occurred respecting affairs I acquainted your
Lordship that the Chiefs of the Six Nations were on their way to conferr with me respected the
measures to be pursued at the proposed General Congress at Onondaga ; Imediately after writing,
the Indians arrived at Johnstown to the number of 235 Chiefs and Warriors, and 1 have now the
honor of transmitting herewith a copy of the Proceedings at the Congress with them which
lasted till the 20"" ult" & which has terminated much to my satisfaction, and I am persuaded
greatly to the advantage of the Public. The Indians present were the first Men throughout
the Confederacy as to character, fidelity & influence, and some of them persons in whom Sir
William Johnson had reposed an entire confidence, whose loss they sincerely regretted, and
then proceeded to express their satisfaction, at finding their Affairs conducted by me as they
had desired and wished, after which they laid before me the Great Old Belt of Union, with
the succeeding ones for strengthening the same, & some others, all tending to shew their
resolutions to act faithfully and be governed by my advice, as they had been by Sir William
Johnson's, In short the advice I gave them in Public, as well as in private audiences, (not
inserted in the procedings,) and their assurances thereon will I trust prove an effectual means
of rendering their Measures at the Council at Onondaga of much advantage to the Public by
' Probably the one entitled : " The Justice and Po icy of the late Act of Parliament for making more effectual provision
for the Government of the Province of Quebec, asserlcd and proved ; and the conduct of the administration respecting that
Province, stated and vindicated. Svo. London. 1774." Rich. — En.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 495
uniting them in such resolutions as shall intimidate those Tribes who thro' the conduct of the
Virginians have disturbed the Frontiers.
Two da}'S after the Departure of the Six Nations, Kaijashotu the great Ohio Chief, who had
been sent on an Embassy by Sir Wm. Johnson, returned to report it's issue which had proved
as successful! as could be expected after the obstruction occasioned by the Virginia banditti,
several of the Nations thro' which he passed having given him assurances of their readiness to
reduce the Shawanese to peace j^rovidcd no farther atremjils tvere made by the Evglish that might
prove alarming, they likewise agreed to call all their Chiefs to the General Council Fire early
in the Spring to enter upon general and conclusive measures; On hearing of Sir W. Johnson's
death and that I acted as Super Intendant they transmitted 3 Belts by him to assure me of
their friendsiiip, and that they would unite with the Six Nations in following my advice. The
Belts he has delivered to the Mohock Chiefs to be laid before the General Council, and he will
imediately return to Ohio charged with belts from me to the Nations there, acquainting
them with the steady resolutions of the Northern Indians, and with my Intention to pursue
such measures, and afford them such advice as they have hitherto found to be for their benefit,
I have also fully explained the Ambition & views of the Shawanese & their allies in such a
manner as the necessity of the times require, These latter must sue for peace finding themselves
unsupported by the Six Nations, but the Virginians having lands for their object neither
consider their own frontiers or the state of their neighbors, and I am well assured that 3000
men are proposed to be raised there to march imediately against the Shawanese, at the
Expense of .£70,000 that currency, as these people are few in number, so large & expensive
a body may confirm the reports that circulate amongst the Indians o^ a. general design against
their liberties which may produce very serious effects, or at least interest many Warriors in
the defence of a people whom they consider as the first victims in a common cause, however I
shall use all my endeavors to prevent tiiis as far as is possible. From my knowledge that the
French left many belts amongst the Indians & transmitted others thro' Agents who are
Canadians which thro' prudent management were defeated in their object I she'' incline to pay
little regard to those remaining; the Agents concerned, Sir Wm. Johnson glanced at in his
letter of May last N° S. but thro' delicacy declined giving names on Indian Evidence, however
convincing to himself, Yet as a circumstantial account had been given of the belt your Lordship
mentioned to Sir William, I imediately made some enquirys which produced the French axe
belt I have now the honor to send herewith, and which is the only one remaining amongst the
lower Nations; some of the particulars regarding it are mentioned near the close of
the proceedings that accompany this, and I am persuaded the Indians have spoken with candor
in their acco' of it, but altho' a neglected belt, the circumstance of their delivering it up which
they did inform the other day will have a good effect on the ill disposed, and I have already
made a proper use of it.
As the bearer M' Phyn, a Merch' of good credit and most fair character is returning to
London, I shall commit these dispatches, and War belts to his care to be delivered to your
Lordship in order to be laid before his Majesty, and I thought it a good opportunity, as this
Gentleman's extensive acquaintance with the back Country, & his strict integrity enables
him to answer any occuring Questions in the compass of his knowledge in a candid &
satisfactory manner.
I have the honor to be with much respect. My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient and most faithfull humble serv'
G. Johnson
496 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Oct. 12"" Since writing the foregoing I have received a letter from L* Col. Caldwell of the
S'* Reg' which, as it contains, the substance of his inquiries at Niagara, corresponding with my
own, 1 judged it fitting to lay before your Lordship with the Inclosure he referrs to, of which
I lately received an acco' from the Indians & am endeavoring to trace it out.
' G. J.
Th R' honble.
The Earl of Dartmouth.
Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson xolth the Six Nations.
[ Plantations General, CCLX. ]
Proceedings at a Meeting with the Chiefs & Warriors of the Six Nations held at
Johnstown in September 1774.
Present — Col. Guy Johnson Superintendant.
Joseph Chew Esq"' Sec''' to Indian Affairs.
John Butler Esq' Interpreter.
John Dease Esq' M. D.
with several Gent"
p. M. — The Bunt Chief of Onondaga with Tagawarunte the Speaker Deiaquanda, head
Warrior, & Sayenqueraghta, & other principal men desired, and had a private Interview with
Col. Johnson, to whom after usual salutations, & giving thanks to the Great Spirit for enabling
them to meet, they expressed their great concern for the death of Sir William Johnson, & for
their absence at that time. The Bunt then recapitulated the many instances he had of Sir
William's friendship and confidence, the effects it produced, & his firm resolution to act with the
same fidelity towards Col. Johnson, whose Appointment afforded him, and all that Nation,
the greatest satisfaction, as they were sensible of his thorough knowledge of their affairs, and
capacity to superintend them.
To which Col. Johnson answered in a few words, thanking the Onondagas for all they had
said, professing his particular regard for, & attachment to that respectable nation, founded on
his particular knowledge of their conduct, & of Sir William's peculiar good opinion of them.
After which Deiaquanda a Chief who had long enjoyed Sir William's particular confidence,
arose & said.
Brother,
Though full of the deepest sorrow for our late severe loss, a loss which not only we, hut all
the English must in our opinion feel, I cannot help expressing the pleasure I feel in seeing you
act in his place, without which we are all persuaded nothing cou'd be seen, but Confusion.
The hope of seeing you acting in this Situation was my sole Comfort, after losing my great
friend, who reposed his greatest Secrets in me, and to whom I made always the like return, —
And now, Brother, I shall, to shew you my disposition towards you, communicate a circumstance
that he mentioned to me in private conference about three years agoe, when he was very much
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 497
indisposed, on which Occasion I cou'd not help expressing my apprehensions for his safety,
and my uneasiness for the consequences in case of his sudden death, unless yourself, with
whose abilities 1 was acquainted, was empowered to act in his Office. — He then told me not
to be concerned at the Event of an Accident with which his ill state of health threatened him,
for that you who enjoyed his particular confidence, and knew all his aff^iirs, would doubtless
act in his place, that therefore whenever I shou'd hear of his death, I shou'd use my influence
to assure the Indians that they wou'd not be neglected, and to make them sit still, after which,
I should come down to you, or in case of accident to Col. Glaus his other Deputy, when I
should receive particular information, but that he trusted and expected that you wou'd succeed
him. — These, Brother, were his words, which he afterwards repeated more than once to
myself, and be assured that this comforted me greatly when I heard of his death, & encouraged
me to go amongst the Indians, and to keep their heads from being turned, without which they
would certainly have gone astray, — for we lost him at a dangerous time, when the White
People had made the Indians to the Southward mad, and had alarmed us all, and filled us
with discontent. — Brother, I tell you this as an assurance of my Love, & of my inclination to
confide in you, as much as I did in your great Father in Law, & as he did in me, which was
attended with many advantages both to the English, and to the Indians. I enter warmly into
your friendship, and shall communicate many other material things to you, in confidence, that
as you know his Rules and Ours, you will do the same, & walk in his steps.
He then advanced, & saluted Col. Johnson who answered him. —
Brother, It is a mark of a good mind to repose a generous open confidence in those who
are deemed entitled to it. I agree to your Desire, and embrace your friendship in the same
manner as my dear Father in Law did, and with the same openness you shall always find
me act. The instance you now give me is a proof of the esteem he had for you, and as I
know your merit, I shall always set a true value on it, as well as for all your nation, whom
Sir William Johnson particularly esteemed for their honesty and fidelity, and who I trust will
continue to act in the same manner towards me whilst I have the care of their affairs. — Then
shook hands with the Chiefs who told him that the next day they wou'd proceed to other
matters, then ordered them some Refreshments after which they retired to their Encampment.
Monday September the 12""
In the Morning the Chiefs, and Warriors of the Onondaga Nation desired a Conference, and
accordingly assembled.
Present — Col. Guy Johnson Superintendant
Joseph Chew Esq' Secr^ Bryan Lefferty Esq' Clerk of the Pleas.
John Butler Esq' Interp' Robert Adems Esq' Coroner of the County.
Alex' White Esq' High Sherriff'of the County. John Dease Esq' M. D. and sev' other Gent"
Indian Chiefs
The old Bunt, Chief of Onondaga
Tegawarute. — Speaker of Onondaga
Deiaquanda Chief Warrior. —
Serihoana, Ch. of Seneca
Atrawana of Cayuga &c" &c' &c* in all 235.
Vol. VIII. 63
498 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Tayawarunte arose, and addressed Col. Johnson as follows.
Brother Gorah,
We are very thankful to the Great Spirit for permitting all our Chiefs & Warriors to see
you here this day, and we hope that the Dark Cloud which our late & heavy loss of your
Father in Law occasioned may be dispelled by your presence and assistance, — As some of the
principal men now present did not attend at the last congress, they must continue in grief 'till
the Ceremony of Condolence is performed, when they will be enabled to attend to public
affairs of consequence. — They are all happy in this opportunity of doing so, and particularly
in seeing you sustain the post of that great man who loved our Nation, and whose sudden
Death spread grief and concern all over the Country. Then with three strings, the Onondaga
Speaker went through the Ceremony of condolance. Covering the Grave, wiping away tlie
tears that were shed, removing the grief from the Heart, clearing the Sky &c. &c.
3 Strings
Col. Johnson then addressed them.
Brothers, I am heartily thankful to the Great Spirit for permitting me to see you all this
day, more especially for seeing so many great and wise men amongst you, from whose
Deliberations much good may be expected. — I am also much obliged by your Ceremonial of
Condolance, and the regard you shew for the Memory of your true friend and my Dear Father
in Law whose sudden Death left us all in Affliction. I consider your Words as proofs of your
affection to him, & as an earnest of the affection I may expect from you, and which 1 shall
return by a faithfuU attention to your true interests, and a close imitation of that great man
who merited all your esteem. — Then returned the Ceremony of Condolance in the usual
manner, and gave three Strings. 3 Strings.
After which the Bunt's Eldest Son arose & after giving thanks for the Ceremonial he
recapitulated the several services in which he had been engaged by Sir William Johnson from
his first entering into his friendship, and produced the different marks of regard he had received,
Then (according to the old custom after such an event) he laid them down consisting of a
silver hilted sword, laced hat, medals, flags &c. before Col. Johnson, observing that his dear
friend, being now no more, these things must be restored to Col. Johnson for his disposal,
then a noted Chief and particular friend of Sir W" Johnson's arose, took off"
his medal &c and did in like manner as the former, as did some others, after which Col.
Johnson took them up severally, and having surveyed them, said that he was pleased to find
that they had so carefully preserved those Testimonials of their merit, received from their
departed friend, — that he well remembered the different occasions on which they were given,
and that agreeable to antient usage, he requested them to receive them back & preserve them as
mementos of past friendship, and that they wou'd serve to remind them of their engagements,
and encourage them to deserve his M.ajesty's favour in future, and that Col. Johnson wou'd
likewise according to custom, deliver them some distinguishing badges of his friendship, and
esteem for their past services, in expectation of their future good behavior.
Then Col. Johnson put the medals &c. about their necks and returned the several articles
they had surrendered, exhorting them to continue their good behavior, at all which they
expressed much satisfaction.
Deiaquanda, next arose & related to Col. Johnson his proceedings with the Indians since the
death of Sir William Johnson, and the particular steps he took to preserve peace, adding that
LONDON DOCTTMENTS : XLIV. 499
OJonqiiat, the Seneca Chief had related to him the satisfaction he had received from his
conferences with Col. Johnson, with his assurance to observe his words, & to do his utmost for
restoring tranquility.
Col. Johnson thanked Deiaquanda and OJonquot for their conduct. These Indians then
observed, that, as the Chiefs of the other Nations were not all arrived, they must defer entering
upon business, but wou'd give notice when they were ready.
At a Congress held at Johnstown with the Chiefs & Warriors of the Six Nations on Thursday
September the IS"" 1774.
Present. — Col. Guy Johnson Superintendant
Jos. Chew Esq' Sec'"^ John Dease
John Butler Esq"" Interpreter Chris"" Yeats
Doctor Adems Bryan Lefferty
James Stevenson Esq"" Benjamen Hilton ( ^^^^
Peter W Yates Esq' Walter Butler
John Myers
Indian Chiefs
The Bunt |
Teyawarunte >-Onondagas
Deyaquanda J
with the Chiefs & Warr" of the rest.
Being all seated Teyawarunte of Onondaga Speaker for' the Six Nations arose and spoke to
Col. Johnson as follows, viz'
Gorah Ughscare, — Our late Superintendant Sir William Johnson gave us this Belt in order
to bring the Shawanese our younger Brothers to a meeting, & desired to know the result of
that Meeting, in consequence of which we sent Messengers, as we did on your Belt after Sir
William Johnson's death. These last Messengers met deputies coming from the Shawanese
with whom they returned to Onondaga, where the Siiawanese spoke as follows. — Elder
Brothers, You are very much for making peace, and have sent your Messengers thro' all the
nations for that purpose, and you have also taken the Ax from us, and buried it. — When you
took this Ax, you desired us to promote peace with all about us ; but whilst we were doing
this, an Ax was struck into your Heads, and ours by the Virginians, You, therefore who took
the Ax from us, shou'd now consider our case, and as we have nothing left us to defend
ourselves except a small Switch, we earnestly desire you will give us the Ax again.
Returned the Belt.
Brother. We told the Shawanese that we shou'd not agree to their request, but as we find
that they are, not only using all their endeavour to disturb the peace between the Six Nations,
but also between them and the English, we have sent Messages to the Seven Nations in Canada,
and the rest of our Confederacy to meet us at our Council Fire at Onondaga, where we shall
determine on measures to put a stop to these troubles, and where we request that our Brothers,
the Mohaxvh will send Deputies to attend, and represent you, and we hope they will send wise
men, and not young, or foolish boys, on a matter of so much consequence.
500 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brother. When we made our Council Fire, it was agreed between us, and all our
Confederacy, that if any thing disturbed it, we wou'd all meet, and throw that thing from
amongst us, and that we wou'd on these occasions strenghten the Fire that it might
burn brighter.
Brother. The Shawanese told us that they very well knew whenever any thing was told to
the Six Nations, that they immediately informed the great man the Superintendant, and the
English of it, but desired that this might not be told th^i, but kept private ; but Odonquot
the Seneca Chief, & Otrawu7ioe, ihe Cayuga Chief together with the rest of the nations directly
agreed to acquaint you with this.
He then produced the great old Covenant Chain of twenty one rowes & spoke as followes
Brother. This is the Covenant Chain delivered to the whole Six Nations by our late
Superintendant in presence of Commissioners from nine Governments, which we have kept
clean from rust, and held fast in our hands. — This makes us remember the words that were
told us when it was given, and which we always look upon, if any one offers to disturb that
peace, and harmony subsisting between us. — this we now shew you, that you may know the
bad words of the Shawanese have no effect upon us. —
Brother. This Belt of fourteen rowes was given us by that great man, our Superintendant
Sir William Johnson to make us always keep in mind the Covenant Chain, and to assure us
that his heart was always with us to do us good, and keep us in the right way, which we now
bring you, that you may see that we have followed his advice.
A large Belt of 14 rowes.
Brother. It gives us great satisfaction to see you here taking care of our affairs and it is our
earnest desire that you do so as long as you live, and also that Col. Clause may continue to act
for us. Brother, as you are long acquainted with our customs, and the ways of that great man
your Father in Law, who has been taken from us, we beg you will continue to attend thereto,
and walk in his steps. It wou'd grieve, and trouble us to have any body else concerned in our
affairs: — for others have no knowledge in them. — We love you, and all Sir William's Family.
A Belt of Six Rowes.
Brother. I now speak to you for, and on behalf of the Onondaga Sachems & Warriors, the
particular friends of your Father in Law, our late Superintendant, who are now here and
rejoice to see one of his family, whom they so much regard, and respect, acting in his place,
and who, we hope will long continue to take care of our affairs. A Belt of 8 Rowes.
Brother. — We assure you that we will be steadfast and hold fast by the Covenant Chain, —
that we will follow the good advice given us by our late friend your Father in Law Sir William
Johnson, and what you also told us since, and we hope & desire that you will follow his ways,
it being our earnest Desire that the Peace & Friendship between us, may always continue, and
never be interrupted, and we hope that M'' Butler, and those who have been employed, may
continue to interpret, and act faithfully, promoting the good work of peace.
A Belt of Six Rowes.
Then Decarrihoga Titular head of the Mohocks arose & in a short speech repeated that the
Six Nations had been the night before in private Conference where according to antient
custom they had fixed on a new name for Col. Johnson in consequence of the oflRce he now
discharged. — The Onondaga speaker then arose, and repeated the same on behalf of all the
Confederacy, and mentioned the name which was Uraghquadirha i. e. Rays of the Sun
enlightening the Earth, after which Col. Johnson stood up, and the name being repeated
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 501
by a Chief of each Nation, the Ceremony concluded with the Yo-Ha as is usual, the Speaker
directing that the same might be proclaimed in every Nation of the Confederacy. —
Co! Johnson then told them that he had received His Majesty's Commission appointing M'
Chew (then present) to be Secretary of Indian Affairs, who was to act as such for the future,
whereupon they immediately agreed to confer a name on him by which he shou'd be known,
and accordingly named him Decariaderoga} i. e. the Junction of two Lakes of different
Qualities. — After which the Speaker addressed Col. Johnson and told him that the Seneca
Messengers who arrived last night were ready to relate their Intelligence. — The Messengers
then seated themselves next to the Speaker, who delivered the same as follows.
Brother Gorah Uraghquadirha.^
We have received messages from Kayashota, who was sent by our late Superintendant to the
Western Nations, acquainting us that he had been with many of them, and had used his best
endeavours towards effecting the business he was sent upon, but that they were greatly
obstructed by the Virginians, and that the Season being far advanced theycou'd not be expected
'till the Winter or Spring. — Brother these four Strings of Wampum we have received from the
Delawares, our Nephews, who thereby assure us they will mind our Words, keep their Young
Men from doing mischief, and avoid all things by which the public Peace might be disturbed,
and they desire you may be acquainted with these their good Intentions. Four Strings.
Brother Uragiiquadirha. — Kayashota and Canaragayatia have also sent us word by these
Strings that in consequence of Sir William's, and our desires, they have done all in their
power to persuade our people that are amongst the Shawanese, to leave them, but have been
able to prevail on only two families as yet, and almost dispair of getting any more of them to
come away in these troublesome times. — 4 Strings
Brother. This Bunch of Strings the Messengers received from M"" M"'Kee, and M' Croghan,
who assured them that they are using their best endeavours to keep Peace on the Ohio. —
A Bunch of Strings.
After which Deiaquanda head warrior of Onondaga arose, and said he desired to acquaint
Col. Johnson that in Conversation with Adonquat the Seneca Chief, on returning from the last
meeting, he had assured him that he was so well pleased with Col. Johnsons words [in private
Conference that he had determined to promote peace, and cooperate with Deiaquanda therein,
and sent a Belt of Wampum as a proof thereof — Then the Day being far spent they were
treated with pipes, tobacco & a dram & retired to their encampm".
At a Congress with the aforementioned Nations on Saturday September the l?"" 1774.
Present — as before.
Col. Johnson addressed them as follows. —
Brother. — I have maturely considered the several matters you have laid before me the other
Day, and am now prepared to answer them, to which I must desire your attention.
' From Caniadare, Lake, and tiogen, junction of two waters.
' From the verb Oaraghxadiron, whereof the 3d person of the Indicative present is Haraghsadirha, signifying the ray
of the Sun passes to a place; from Oaragh^a, the Sun. Both names are of the Onondaga dialect. — Ed.
502 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brothers. It is with great Satisfaction I find that you immediately dispatched Messengers
to the Shawanese agreeable to Sir William Johnson's desire, that you might support your
Dignity by bringing them to the proper Fire Place, & I am well pleased that you have so
faithfully related all that passed with the Shawanese Deputies at your Council, as well as with
your declining to give any Satisfaction to a People whose endeavors are to lead you from you
engagements, and disturb the Public. — Your calling a Congress of your whole Confederacy, is
a very proper measure at this time, provided you take particular care that it is conducted with
wisdom, and a strict regard to your Alliance with the English, so as to convince the Disturbers
of peace that they have nothing to expect from you, but resentment. — And I think you have
given a very prudent caution to the Indians to send men of wisdom on business of such
importance, 'Tis what I have always recommended, & which I hope will be followed.
Brothers. It was wisely agreed when you made the Council Fire, to cast from you whatever
shou'd disturb your Union, and refresh your fire that it might burn brighter, and more
steadily. — Brother I have long observed, and your late worthy Superintendant well knew,
and told you, that the Shawanese were they, who created trouble, and aimed at raising
themselves on your ruins. — I am very glad you perceive it yourselves, so that you may guard
against their Artifices. — Their accusing of Communicating matters of Import to the
Superintendant, & to the English, is much to your Honour: for they are your true friends,
and you would fail in your duty to solemn engagements, if you concealed anything from
them. — I am obliged to Odonquat, and Atrawana, as well as to all your people for communicating
this charge of the Shawanese, which I hope you all despise, as an artful contrivance calculated
to lead you into such behavior towards the English, as would render your fidelity suspected.
Brothers. I view with much pleasure the Great Belt of the Covenant Chain, which binds
you fast to the English, and gives you Importance and Security. I am happy to find you
remember so exactly the Contents of it, that you have preserved it so long entire, and that
you cast your eyes upon it on every difficulty. I must exhort you to continue to preserve it
with the greatest care, to repeat what was said upon it to your young men, and children, that
your latest posterity may reap the benefit of it, and that you always look upon it, as your best
friend, & surest guide. This will enable you to guard against all enemies, and I am glad to
find it has produced so good an eff'ect on your conduct with the Shawanese. — I now return
the same to your custody charging you to preserve it with the utmost care, and I now renew,
brighten, and strengthen the same recommending it to every Nation to keep fast hold of it,
and to consider it as the band that secures Happiness to them, and that it shou'd be preserved
for ever. — Returned the great Covenant-Chain Belt.
Brothers. I well remember the large Belt now before me, and the occasion, on which it
was given by your worthy friend Sir William Johnson. — I thank you for the care you have
taken of it, and assure you that if you will carefully preserve it, it will fix your Eyes and your
Heart forever on the Coven' Chain. As often as you see this Remember the words of your best
friend, and the Happiness you enjoyed under his wise Councils, and this will direct you to act
in such a manner as will secure these blessings to you. I now return it to you, and I charge
you to keep it safe as formerly, and to preserve the Words that were given upon it, and I now
strengthen, and renew it on my part that the memory of it may remain for ever.
Returned Sir William's Belt — 14 Rowes.
Brothers. I am much obliged for the preference and regard you express for Sir William
Johnson's Family, for the Satisfaction you express at my having the management of your
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 503
affairs, and your desire tliat it sliou'd continue. Be assured that so long as it does, I siiall
exert all my abilities, and employ all the experience I have acquired for your interest, and
happiness, and that Col. Claus who much respects you, will do the same on his part, & you
may depend on it, that whatever his Majesty may be graciously pleased to direct respecting
the care of your Affairs, will be dictated by wisdom & an attention to your happiness. I
therefore request you will consider your own Interest, and continue to deserve his Royal favour.
A Belt.
Brothers of Onondaga. I am particularly to thank the Chiefs & Warriors of your faithful
Nation for the respect shewn to Sir W" Johnson's family, by your approbation of me, & your
wishes for my continuance in office. — You may be assured I shall employ my time for your
Interest ; and as I have long been acquainted with your faithful conduct, I expect the
continuance of it, which will encourage & strengthen my endeavors for the public benefit.
A Belt.
Brothers. — As I interest myself warmly in all that regards your welfare, I receive with
great pleasure your assurances of holding fast by the Covenant Chain, & following the wholesome
advice you have received for that purpose. I now assure you, you may rely upon it, I shall
do the same, and that the great King, and the English are of the same way of thinking.
A Belt
Brothers. M"" Butler who has been long employed in the Department, is continued by me,
and will, I dare say, act w"" fidelity in every thing committed to him.
Then Col. Johnson answered in regard to the Messages bro' by the Senecas. viz'
Brothers. I am much obliged to you for your good conduct in promoting the affairs of
peace, & laying before me the substance of the Intelligence you have just received from the
Ohio, and I thank the Senecas for their faithful communication of the same wishing they may
continue to unite closely with you in all good works, and that Kayashota's endeavors may have
success; — I am also well pleased to find the Delawares are wise & have given assurances of
their pacific Disposition. Returned the Strings.
Brothers. I am extremly well pleased with the conduct of Kayashota and Canaragayate, but
sorry that their endeavors have, thro' the late troubles failed in some measure, with regard to
the removal of your people from Ohio. I wish that you may still persevere, and exert your
influence to bring them from a place where they get corrupted, & draw reflections on the
confederacy. I therefore by these strings, exhort them to persevere in their good endeavors
for removing their people. Gave a Bunch of Wampum.
I wrote long since to M"" M"=Kee at Fort Pit, am glad you have heard from thence, and
persuade myself that he will do his Duty with strict fidelity. Ret* the Strings.
Brothers. In order to convince you of my openness, and readiness to return your good
offices by a free communication of whatever concerns you, I shall now lay before you some
intelligence I have received from the Southward, by which you will further see into the
Artifices, and Pride of the Shawanese. (Here communicated some necessary parts of
Intelligence received from Fort Pit, Detroit &c.) & proceeded.
Brothers. I have mentioned these things to you that you may see how these people whom
you conquered, are endeavouring to raise themselves above you, & whilst they speak to their
friends on Ohio in the most lofty stile, amuse you at Onondaga with their distresses to draw
you into a quarrel, & abandon you afterwards. — All the Nations to the Westward, who are
wise have rejected their reqflests, they know them to be a troublesome people, who have been
504 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
so long engaged in mischief, that they at length excited the resentment of some Frontier
Virginians, who struck them and fled, whilst without waiting for redress, they fell on the
innocent Inhabitants, contrary to the ancient rules, and practices subsisting between us, and
now want you to countenance them in their Wickedness. — Be strong, Brothers, and despise
their Artifices. — Consider your present happiness, and the danger into which they wou'd involve
you, and shew yourselves men of sense, and men of your words at the ensuing Congress.
Sunday Septem'' the IS""
The Chiefs desired to meet again to answer Col. Johnson's Speech and confer on &
communicate sundry matters, previous to which the Chiefs of Conawaroghere' desired a private
conference, when they spoke as follows by Thomas al. Adioghkonoraii their Speaker.
Brother Gorah Uraghquadirha.
We the Oneidas have been for some time employed in endeavoring to discover any thing
that is bad remaining amongst our Confederacy, to remove any suspicions, or misrepresentations
cast upon our people by any ill designing people, which we had reason to suspect was the case
from some matters which Sir William Johnson informed us, particularly regarding an Axe.
After much enquiry, we have found a large black belt with two axes on it, which was given
by the French at the end of the War to one of the people who had been in their
Interest, desiring him to watch the motions of the French, that when they raised themselves,
the belt would shake, and give him notice when he was to rise. — This Belt afllicted him much
when he had time afterwards to reflect on it, and on his death bed, two years since, he
divulged the whole to His Brother, whose wife now has it, & is desirous to take it to pieces
for the sake of the Wampum, otherwise we wou'd have brought it down, as we will do if you
desire it; — but really we thought little about it, — For as it is well known we are a faithful,
and a Christian People, we cou'd not suppose that any wou'd be so weak, or illnatured as to
imagine we regarded such things, seeing we mind nothing but peace — besides it is well
known that there have been many such belts given by the French to different Indians at
different times, most of which we believe are disregarded, so that it must be some ill designing,
or some vain person, who wanted to appear very wise, that made this report, and thought he
wou'd get something for his news, by telling what every body knows to be a common thing.
We hope there is no person amongst us who wou'd go to cheat the King by telling such a story
seriously, if there is any such man, he must be dangerous, and we know to deal with him.
3 strings.
Col. Johnson thanked them for their information, and told them that he had recollected
there had been some Representation made to Government concerning a bad belt but that the
suspicion did not lye on any nation in particular, however he desired to see the belt, for which
the woman shou'd be paid, and hoped they would always act above suspicion.
Then all the Chiefs of the Oneidas, and Tuscaroras came in and by their Speaker addressed
Col. Johnson as followes.
Brother Uraghquadirha.
We take this opportunity to express in a particular manner the great concern which our
dear friend Sir William Johnson's death occasioned amongst our people, chiefs, warriors, and
' lu Vernon, Oneida county, New- York. Supra, VII., 101 — Ei>.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 505
women. We hung our heads, and sat in darkness 'till we heard the agreeable news that you
rose up to take charge of our affairs. This, Brother, we always hoped, & wished for, and we
beg you may be assured of our fidelity, and that it is the Resolution of all our people to act
agreeable to your advice, which we hope you will continue to aflTord us, and that you will walk
in our late Brother's steps with which you are well acquainted. A Belt of 10 Rowes.
Brother.
At the close of the French War we left a large Belt with Sir William Johnson for an
assurance of our affection, and that as we were Christians, and of one heart, we wou'd follow
his advice & live & die with the English. In Consequence of this our warriors went in the
late Indian war against your Enemies about Susquahanna & were successful. About three years
after finding Sir William's health decline, we were uneasy, & desired to know of him what
was to be done in case of his death, when he observed to us that you knew our affairs & his
mind, and he hoped you wou'd take care of us, at the same time charged us to behave well,
and peaceably as we had done, & to shew this great Belt to his Successor, which we beg you
will take notice of and set a mark upon it.
Deliv'd a very large white with black Diamonds.
Brother. — With this String we beg on behalf of our Hunters for some ammunition of which
they are much in want. A String.
Brother. — We are in the last place to tell you that we are in want of a Chief to replace
Onowacka, who was killed by the English to the Southward, & we have fixed our inclinations
on his Brother here present, who is a man of sense, and knows our affairs. We hope you will
approve our choice, and appoint him in the place of his late Brother.
Three Strings. —
Col. Johnson answered.
Brothers. — You have much obliged me by the concern you have expressed for the Death of
my worthy father in law, whose sudden death was a very severe loss. It is with pleasure I
find you express so much satisfaction at my entering on the care of your affairs, to which you
may be assured I shall pay all possible regard ; and as I hope for the continuance of your good
behavior, it is also ray determined resolution to imitate his virtues as far as it is in my power.
A Belt.
Brothers. I very well remember the Belt you left with Sir William Johnson, & the large
one you now produced from him, and I am glad you recollect the occasion of both, and that
your intentions are still the same. As you are Christians, it would be inexcusable in you to
swerve from solemn engagements entered into with your true friends. — I respect this belt
very much, and I desire you will remember the good advice j'our deceased brother gave you
thereon, — and I have fixed a parchment to it that its contents may be better known hereafter. —
Returned the belt with a label to it.
Brothers. — I am glad you have made choice of so fitting a person to supply the place of
Onowacka. I approve of him very much, and shall cause an entry to be made of his
appointment with the name desired. — Then returned their Strings, and took the new Chief by
the hand, exhorting him to follow good examples.
Brothers. — To morrow, when I consider the wants of the rest, I shall not forget those of
your Hunters.
Vol. VIII. 64
506 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Oiieidas &c. then retired after wliich the Chiefs of Onondaga &c, desired to meet on
business of the Confederacy, and being assembled their speaker addressed Col. Johnson as
follows, viz'
Brother Gorah Uraghquadirha.
We now meet you to express the very great satisfaction which we have received from your
whole speeches, but particularly for your strong recommendation of the Covenant Chain, and
of Sir William's great Belt, and for your good Advice, and also for the Intelligence you so
freely communicated to us. This we consider as a strong proof of your Regard, and we will
shew you that we deserve it.
Brother. To shew you our sincerity, We of the Great Council, and Fire Place at Onondaga,
considering the great age of our Chief, the Bunt a true friend to the English, and that all our
late appointed Chiefs may be made known to you, do now introduce them, that you may be
well acquainted with those to whom our affairs are committed. — Onagogare is to succeed the
Bunt at Chenughivata, he will in his steps, and follow your Councils. — the next are
Deiaquanda a (head Warrior) Sayenqueraghta, Oghsaghta, Keekhoa, Serihoana, Teyawarunla
(Speaker) Onoghranoron, Kakedoa (Bunt's son) Tegatscara, and Goananonda. — These are
all great men who rule us, they are of one mind, resolved to remember Sir William Johnson's
Words, and follow your advice. — They are men to be trusted. — This Brother is our old custom,
which has been always used to acquaint those who get the management of Indians, with the
names & characters of our great men. — This we did on former occasions. We did it with
Sir William, and now we do it with you. We are, at the same time sensible, that you know
them all, and we hope that you will regard them, as they mean to do you.
Brother — We have now one private matter to communicate to you, and then we have done.
Brother. There came lately to our Council at Onondaga several Missasages charged with
Belts, and speeches from Ten different Nations. The Ottawas of Michillimacinac also sent
Deputies on behalf of seven other Nations, by their Chief Oneghiatis; The purport was to
enquire into our resolutions, & to assure us that they would fling ail Evil behind them, and
abide by our Councils, all which they have desired to lay before our Confederacy at the
General Congress.
We have nothing further to say at this time, but that you may rest assured we shall
strictly abide by the Covenant Chain, and that the sole cause of our meeting is to unite in
strengthening the same, and bringing those who have disturbed you, to order.
Col. Johnson then returned them thanks for the fidelity they expressed and for the great
Decorum they had shewn during the Congress, advised them to act in the like manner on their
way back, and told them he expected soon to find their assurances realized by their resolves at
the proposed Congress. — After which he told them he had some marks of favor to bestow
on the Chiefs, and such as distinguished themselves by their fidelity, which shou'd be delivered
out the next day.
A True copy of the Proceedings of a Congress held with the
Chiefs and Warriors of the Six Nations at Johnstown
Jos. Chew Secret^
The Day following Delivered out a handsome present to the Principal men, after which they
took their leave, the Bunt and 5 other Chiefs excepted who went to conferr with Col. Johnson
at his own house on private matters respecting their conduct, at the propos'd Congress.
Indorsed In Col" Guy Johnson's of 6'" October 1774 ( N° 4)
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. . 507
Frencli Axe -Belt sent to the Indians.
[ Pluntations General, CCLX. ]
Extract of Intelligence just received from Niagara.
Some time since an Indian reported here, that on his way to hunt he called on a M' Sang-
Blanc, a Frenchman trading among the Senecas who at that time had a number of that nation
together & and spoke to them as followes.
Children — Tho' your Father the French King has not been able for some time past to take
care of you lie cou'd wish to do of his children, I hope you have not altogether forgot his former
kindness. — I am happy now to be able to acquaint you that an army of French and Spaniards are
expected up the Mississippi early in the Spring to free you from the Tyranny of the English, who
are at this time plotting your ruin, and gathering together from all Quarters, to cut you off.
Orders to that purpose are already sent to Niagara, Detroit and Fort Pit. Remember, I now
warn you of your danger, and it is my advice to you to take up the Hatchett & give the
English the first blow. — I understand they want to draw me from among you, but I do not
care for them. The ground about Fort Erie & that side of the Lake they may call theirs, but
this where I live is my ground, French ground, and I will not be turned off it by any man, —
And if the Commanding Officer of Niagara was to send me an order to that purpose, I wou'd
tear it in pieces, & trample it under my feet. This Speech (tho' the Indian himself said he
did not believe it) had such an effect upon him, that he immediately returned home to guard
his family. The same Indian, and many others have since reported that the said Sang Blanck
has often since began the War Dance & invited the Senecas to join the Shawanese against the
Virginians as that he wou'd go with them.
Endorsed, In Col. Guy Johnson's of 6"^ Oct' 1774 (N" 4)
Lieutenant -Colonel Caldwell to Colonel Ouy Johnson.
[ Plantations General, CCLX. ]
Copy of a letter from Lieu' Colonel Caldwell Command' at Niagra dated 29""
Septem"' 1774. to Col" Guy Johnson.
Sir
Though I am confident that you are already made acquainted with the Reception the
Deputies from the Shawanese met from the Sachems of the Six Nations, assembled in Council
last August, yet I think it right to inform you that Soieiwa, the Chief of the Senecas has been
here & acquainted me that the Shawanese demanded in form the aid & assistance of the Six
Nations to carry on the War against the English, which being refused, they wou'd not accept
of a Belt of Peace, or the Advice given to make up their Quarrel with the Virginians, but
offered a War Belt and demanded a Hatchet to strike the English, which so enraged old King
508 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Bunt, that he threw their belt back to them, with great resentment & told them that the Six
Nations had lately sent out belts of friendship, and peace which they were determined not to
recall, that they were resolved not to take any part in the present disputes, and that all they
would or could do for the Shawanese, was to act as Mediators, by recommending Peace, and
endeavoring to procure it for them by sending this autumn a Deputation of their Chiefs to
Fort Pitt, for_ which purpose a Council is to assemble immediately, & they have dispatched
Messengers to the Coghnawagey Indians and those of the Onondagas residing on the River S'
Laurence to acquaint them, with their resolves, to insist on their remaining faithful to the
English, & to desire the attendance of their Chiefs at the approaching Council. I find likewise
that the business is now likely to be carried on more systematically, and in a more regular
manner than formerly, as all the Chiefs of the Warriors have lately entered into an agreement,
not only, as usual to consult the Sacliems, but also to allow their Determinations to be decisive,
& to follow immediately their advice ; if any Individual receives Intelligence he is to report
it immed'iately to the Chief Warrior of his Tribe who is to communicate it without Delay to
his Sachem, whose Advice & Orders he is to receive, and punctually observe. This Plan will
prevent each man from acting from either private caprice or revenge, and in respect to us must
be favorable, for as the Sachims are old men, may be sufferers, & cannot expect any advantage
from War, they naturally will be inclined to peace, whereas the young men, were they allowed
to act of themselves, must as naturally wish for war, as the only road left them to acquire fame,
flatter their pride, indulge their ambition, and gratify their revenge, passions so very
characteristical amongst them. — I have spared neither trouble, or expense to get all possible
intelligence relative to the Dispositions of the Six Nations, & the Senecas in particular. I
have conversed with many of them. Chiefs & others, drunk & sober, and by all I can gather
from them, I am certain that, tho' the young men are ripe for mischief, yet the old men will
keep them quiet, at least 'till it is known whether peace can be obtained for the Shawanese,
which (as the Six Nations will not join them) they will gladly accept, if not sue for: but
shou'd the Virginians persist in carrying on the War, I think it is most natural to conclude
that the War will be general, & that the Six Nations will take up arms sooner than see their
younger Brothers, as they call the Shawanese, cut oflffe entirely destroyed. Your knowledge,
experience & abilities in conducting Indian Affairs will undoubtedly greatly facilitate, on the
part of the Indians this intended accomodation & certainly Government & Lord Dunmore in
particular will take every step that wisdom & justice can suggest towards promoting that peace
& tranquility so necessary for the Traders & those other of His Majesty's Subjects who inhabit
the interior parts of America. In all my speeches with Chiefs and Warriors, I have
endeavored to convince them of our strength and their weakness, that as I was sent to Niagra
in the character of Sachim, as well as Warrior, I wou'd recommend Peace, tho' indifferent as
to war, that as they were a wise people, I esteemed them, that as they had been long friends
& neighbours of the English, I loved them, and wou'd assist them whilst the Hatchet lay
buried, but if once lifted, I bid them consider & remember well that it cou'd never be laid by,
and that there must be an eternal war between us whilst a man of their nation existed. I
granted that they might at first get some few traders scalps, and plunder, but that they must
soon suffer in their turn : for if the English when at War with all the World found little
difficulty in conquering America, how easily cou'd they now, when universal peace prevails,
extirpate every savage upon the Continent. Shawalongue who delivered me a belt of Friendship
soon after my arrival here, listened very attentively to the latter part of my speech, which I
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 509
have reason to think he has made a proper use of, in every conversation he expressed tlie
strongest attachment to the English, and I believe him sincere, iho' I often wished to find more
content in his countenance than I coud perceive there, certainly his mind was not ease, tho' he
wou'd not discover what disturbed it. — Soiewea is undoubtedly a clever fellow, I wish he may
go to Fort Pit this Autumn, as by all accounts he wishes well to the English, & may be
depended upon. — I send the inclosed paper for your perusal, it is but a report, and an Indian
one. I shou'd be glad of your sentiments upon it, as well as upon any other subject, you think
may be of use to a stranger in this Indian World, and unacquainted with the business, but who
wishes to be of use ; the only excuse I can make for troubling you with this tedious letter.
I have the honor to be, Sir,
Your most obedient & humhle serv'
John Caldwell^
L' Col. of the King's or Eight
Regiment & Commandant of Niagara.
. ^arl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America.
[ Plantations General, CCLX. ]
Whitehall IQ"" October 1774.
(Circular.)
His Majesty having thought fit, by His Order in Council this Day, to prohibit the Exportation
from Great Britain of Gunpowder, or any sort of arms or ammunition, I herewith inclose to
you a Copy of the Order, and it is His Majesty's Command that you do take the most effectual
measures for arresting, detaining and securing any Gunpowder, or any sort of arms or
ammunition, which may be attempted to be imported into the Province under your
Government, unless the Master of the Ship having such Military Stores on Board shall
produce a Licence from His Majesty, or the Privy Council, for the exportation of the same
from some of the Ports of this Kingdom.
I am &c*
Dartmouth
Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Golden.
[New-York, CLXVI., No. 24. ]
(N''24.)
Whitehall Nov' S"* 1774
Sir
I have received your letter of the 7* of Sepf & have laid it before the King.
' Lieutenant-Colonel John Caidwell was appointed Captain in the 'Tth or Royal Fusileei-s, on the 20th December, 1765,
and became Major of that regiment ISth July, 1766. He was appointed -Lieutenant-Colonel of the 8th or King's Foot 27th
October, 1772. Army Lists. This regiment, during the war of Independence, was stationed at Niagara, where Lieutenant-
Colonel Caldwell presided at a Council held with the Six Nations and western tribes, in September, 1776, at which they
resolved to take up arms against America. Stone's Life of Brant, IL, 4, note. Detachments of the 8th accompanied the
Indians in most of their forays into the settlements, and took a part in the battle of Wyoming in 1778, but Lieutenant"
Colonel Caldwell did not participate in these operations, as it appears by the Army Lists that he had retired from the service
or died in November, 1776, or shortly after presiding at the Council above mentioned. — Ed
510 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
From the Accounts you give of the Characters and Tempers of the Five Gentlemen
appointed by the City of New Yoric to be their Delegates at the General Congress I should
suppose they would not be likely either to advise or support rash & violent Measures ; but
there is but too much reason to fear that the Majority of Delegates are of a different
Complexion.
In my letter to you of the 7"" of Sep"" I acquainted you with the Information I had received
of large quantities of Gunpowder exported from Holland to North America & I mentioned to
you a particular Instance of that dangerous Commerce: I make no doubt that you have in
consequence thereof done every thing in your power to detect & punish such Practises; but
I am nevertheless again called upon to exhort you to be more than commonly attentive to that
object, as every day almost furnishes some fresh intelligence of the Americans purchasing large
Quantities of Arms & Ammunition in the different parts of Europe.
I am &c*
Lieut. Governor Colden. Dartmouth
Lie^dena lit -Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-Tork, CLXVI., No. 8. 1
N» 8.
New York 2-"^ November 1774.
My Lord,
I have received the Honor of your Lordship's Commands of the 10"" of September, N" 23.
The Congress, at Philadelphia, broke up last Week. They have publish'd an Extract of
the Proceedings, of which I inclose your Lordship a Copy. It was received in this Place only
two Days agoe, so that there has not been time to discover the General Sentiments of the
People upon it. It is certain that the Measures of the Congress do not meet with rapid
applause here ; but on the contrary the People, even in the City, appear to be rather Dissatisfied.
They continue, so far as I can discover, averse to all violent and irritating Measures. The
Merchants seem to disrelish the Non-importation Association. — and if I am not very much
deceived, the Farmers will not bear the Non-Exportation — but at present it is impossible to
say with certainty what steps the People will take in Consequence of what has been advised
and determined by the Congress.
I think I may continue to assure your Lordship that a great Majority in this Province are
very far from approving of the extravagant and dangerous Measures of the New England
Governments. — that they abhor the thoughts of a Civil War, and desire nothing so much as
to have an End put to this unhappy Dispute with the Mother Country.
Our Assembly have not met, for some years past, till after the Christmas Holidays. Before
that time I will endeavour to learn whether I may expect that they will propose conciliatory
Measures, and pursue the Method which your Lordship so justly points out as most proper.
If I have reason to hope they will, I shall propose it, and use my utmost Influence to have it
done in a proper manner.
Nothing material has happend in this Place since my last letter to your Lordship. The
Merchants are at present endeavouring to sift out each others Sentiments upon the Association
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 511
proposed by the Congress. A certain Sign, I take it, that they wish to avoid it. — General
Haldimand left me half a dozen Officers, and about One Hundred Men of the Royal Irish Reg'
here, when he went to Boston. About four score Artifficers went from hence with the General,
lo work on the Barracks there; and last week some Iron Potts and Stores were ship'd for the
use of the Troops at Boston, without an attempt being made to prevent it.
The Contraband Trade carried on between this place and Holland, is my Lord, an object
that I behold with great concern. It prevails to an enormous Degree. — Must destroy the
morrals of the People — create the most inveterate ennemies to Government — Nourish the
spirit of mobing; and abolish all fare Trade. It appears to me that the Officers of the Customs
at this place want more assistance than they at present have. There is not a Boat of any
kind belonging to our Custom House. The Surveyor and Sarcher of this Port, who is my
Grandson,' has made several seizures since he was appointed. He has been an Officer in the
Army, and was some Time in Quarters on the Isle of Man. He thinks two or three such
Vessells as they have there, under similar regulations and directions, would be the most
effectual means of stoping this illicit Trade. Men of War, even the Sloops are too large for
this purpose; and besides the Captains seem to think it an indignity to become Custom
House Officers.
As Mankind, my Lord, are in general most active when their Duty and Interest are connected, ,
1 think the Officers and Men employed in this Service, should have such an allowance out of
the seizures, besides a daily pay, as would make to^ too expensive to the Merchants to offer
them any thing nearly equal in Bribes. The Officers of the Boats might likewise be frequently
removed from one Port to another, in Order to render Bribes ineffectual. A superior Officer
at each Port might have the direction of the Cutters and Boats independant of the Custom
House, which I am told is the case at the Isle of Man.
My Grandson tells me that soon after he enterd upon his office, he was made to understand
that if he would not be officious in his Duty, he might depend upon receiving ^£1500 a year.
His Answer and Conduct has convinced them of his Integrity and Resolution to discharge his
Duty with fidelity. I mention this, My Lord, as an Instance how highly the illicit Traders
can Bribe.
The Vessells from Holland, or S' Eustatia, do not come into this Port, but anchor at some
Distance in the numerous Bays and Creeks that our Coasts and Rivers furnish, from whence
the Counterband Goods are sent up in small Boats. I beleive it would be very proper to
make some Regulations that might discourage the owners of these small Boats from engaging
in this Business. When they are now seized, their Boats are sold at so low a price, that the
Owners recover them with a Loss that the poorest of them does not regard. The risque
being so small, they engage with the illicit Traders at low Wages. This increases the Proffits
of that Trade. But if all Boats and Vessells, that did not fetch above certain Rates to be fix'd
in proportion to their Burthen, were ordered to be burnt or destroyed, the illicit Traders
would find it much more difficult to procure the assistance they require.
' Richard Nioholls Coldes, was son of Alexander C, postmaster of New- York. He received a commission of Ensign in
the 42d Royal Highlanders, 27th August, 1766, whilst that regiment was stationed in Pennsylvania. Whilst quartered in
the Isle of Man he married a Scotch lady, by whom he had two sons, Alexander and Cadwallader. He left the army at the
close of 1771 or beginning of 1772, and returned with his family to New- York, where he was appointed Surveyor and
Searcher of Customs, and soon after di«d. Army Listt; Jiaget's Orange Oounty, 246. — Ed.
' Sic. it.
512 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It is, I think, very probable that the Crowns share of the seizures would at first defray the
Expense of such an Establishment. The Fund would decrease as the illicit Trade decreased ;
but then, the Increase of Dutys paid might be more than equivalent.
Dutch Gun Powder has been in use in this Colony ever since I came into it. How it was
formerly imported, I know not. — I make no Doubt, all we now have is brought in clandestinly
I have not been able to learn any thing of the ship Polly, Captain Broadhelp. I shall pay the
strictest attention to your Lordships Directions on this Subject, which appears to be a matter
of great Consequence.
I shall not neglect to observe your Lordship's Commands, to lay before you, by every
Opportunity, an Account of what occurs among Us.
I am with the greatest Respect
My Lord,
Your most obedient and
faithfull Servant
Cadwallader Colden
P. S. Another Paper from the Congress addressed to the Inhabitants of Quebec is just now
publish'd here — I inclose one of them
R' Hon"' Earl of Dartmouth.
Lietdenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-Tork Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXVII., No. 9. ]
New York Dec"" V"- 1774.
My Lord
Notwithstanding the business which this time agitates America, is such, that we continually
expect some event of great importance, what has occurred in this Province since my letter to
your Ldp of the 2^ of November, has not been very material.
The first thing done here, in consequence of the resolutions of the Congress, was the
dissolution of the Committee of 51 in order to choose a new Committee to carry the measures
of the Congress into effect. A Day was appointed by advertisem' for choosing sixty persons
to form this new Committee. About thirty or forty citizens appeared at the election, and chose
the sixty persons who had been previously named by the former Committee I can, no otherwise
my Lord, account for the very small number of people who appeared on this occasion than by
supposing that the measures of the congress are generally disrelished. The non importation
association affects the smugglers as well as the fair Traders. No Tea is to be imported from
any part of the world after the first day of this month. The Smugglers expect large
quantities of Dutch Tea, and insist that it shall be exempted from the effect of the Association.
Others declare that the fair Traders shall not be the only sufferers. It is a dispute which I
think may very probably defeat the Association Several Vessels are daily expected here with
goods from England and I am told ten or twelve from Philadelphia. It is however shocking
to reflect my Lord, that smuggling is such a business among us as to be publicly espoused by
numbers and more strenuously advocated than the legal Trade
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 513
In the present Committee of this Place there are several gentlemen of property and who are
esteemed to favor moderate and conciliatory'. I was surprised to find such men joining with
the Committee whose design is to execute the plan of the Congress. I have at length
discovered that they act with a view to protect the City from the ravage of the Mob. For
this purpose, they say they are obliged at present to support the measures of the Congress.
That if they did not, the most dangerous men among us would take the Lead ; and under
pretence of executing the dictates of the Congress would immediately throw the City into the
most perilous situation. That however considerable the numbers may be, who disapprove o^
violent riotous measures, yet the Spirit of Mobing is so much abroad, it is in the Power of a
few People at any time to raise a Mob; and that the Gentlemen, and men of Property, will
not turn out to suppress them. I fear my Lord there is too much truth in this representation.
It is a dreadfull situation. If we are not rescued from it, by the wisdom and firmness of
Parliament, the Colonies must soon fall into distraction and every Calamity annexed to a total
annihilation of Government
M' Callaway one of the Philadelphia Delegates, has been lately there ^ on a visit. He
furnished me with Heads of a plan for the Government of the Colonies proposed by him to
the Congress and seconded by M"' Duane of this Place — These Gentlemen are of opinion my
Lord, that there is a defect in the constitution of the British empire with respect to the
Government of the Colonies, and that the most effectual means of reconciling the present
unhappy differences; and for preventing the like hereafter, would be to obtain from the King
and Parliament one General constitution that should establish a political Union not only among
the Colonies, but with great Britain upon Principles of safety and freedom to both. These
were the guiding objects in M' Gallaways Plan, which underwent a Debate in the Congress,
and was entered on their minutes; but was afterwards not only totally rejected without
proposing a substitute but expunged from their minutes. I enclose your Lordship a copy of
M' Galloways Plan, with two sets of introductory resolves How amazing is it my Lord that
when a rational mode of proceeding evidently tending to a Reconciliation, was introduced and
supported by men of the best judgm' the Congress should prefer a method big with wickedness,
extravagance & absurdity. A fatal Pride and obstinacy seems to have governed them. The
Delegates from Virginia were the most violent of any — those of Maryland and some of
the Carolinians were little less so these Southern Gentlemen exceeded even the New England
Delegates: — they together made a majority that the others could have very little effect on
M"" Gallaway and M' Duane tell me that, at the close of the Congress they dissented from the
proceedings, and insisted to have their dissent entered on the Minutes, but could not by any
means get it allowed.
The Assembly of this Province stands prorogued to the tenth day of January, and by the
advice of the Council, Summonses are issued for them to meet on that day. Many people
think there is a probability that they will go upon conciliatory Measures, and propose some
thing that may be countenanced by administration. The event is uncertain but on such
occasions I think every thing is to be tryed, that may possibly avert the calamity which hangs
over this country. I do not apprehend there is any danger that the Assembly will make Matters
worse than they are Several Peices have been published there exposeing the extravagant and
dangerous proceedings of the Congress; and advising the people to rely on the Assembly that
' Sie, measures. ' Sic. here. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 05
514 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
they will take the most reasonable and constitutional means of restoring Peace and Harmony
between great Britain and this Province
I am with the greatest Respect
My Lord
Your most obedient
Rt Honble & faithful Servant
Earl of Dartmouth Cadwallader Golden
Sari of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden.
[New-Tork, CLXVI. (No. 25.) ]
(N°25.)
Whitehall Dec' lO'" 1774.
Sir,
I have received your letters No' 6 & 7 and have laid them before the King, together with
the Petition & Affidavit enlosed in the first of them, relative to the lawless and violent
proceedings of such of the Inhabitants of the Township of Bennington, as claim lands in that
Township under Grants from New Hampshire.
The circumstances attending those Disturbances are very alarming; and if it be true that
those parts of the Province are now an Asylum for Fugitives from every other part of America,
it certainly is become an object that deserves the fullest attention. 1 cannot however be of
opinion that the assistance of the King's Troops ought to be called for until every other effort
has been tried & found insufficient.
Whenever the matter comes to that Issue it will certainly be the Duty of the King's Servants
to advise His Majesty to strengthen the hands of Government by an application of a Military
Force, but I do not at present see sufficient ground for the adoption of such a Measure, and I
cannot [be] without hopes that, when the present very alarming situation of the King's affairs
in North America, from other causes, will leave our hands more at liberty, some means may
be found to accommodate these Disputes without the Risk of Bloodshed.
I trust it will not be long before We shall find sufficient Leisure for such a consideration,
and His Majesty's subjects who have claims in that part of the country, under Grants from
New York, may rest assured that their Pretensions will meet with every Countenance and
Support that can be shewn consistent with Justice ; for I can with truth say that the Conduct
of that Province in general, & more especially in the present Moment, has been such as justly
intitles its well disposed and peaceable Inhabitants to His Majesty's particular Favor and
Indulgence : and I have the satisfaction to assure you that their Conduct is seen in a very
favorable Light, and the Wishes they have in general expressed that all Violence might be
avoided, & the Sovereign Authority of the Supreme Legislature might be supported, are
graciously considered by the King as Evidences of their Respect & Affection for His Majesty,
& of the just sense they entertain of the Rights of the British Empire.
I am &c*
Lieutenant Gov' Colden. Dartmouth
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 515
Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America.
[ PlantaUons General, COLX. ]
Circular
" Whitehall lO"" DeC 1774
Inclosed I send you, by His Majesty's Command, printed copies of His Majesty's most
gracious Speech to His Parliament, and of the Addresses in answer thereto, which were passed
in both Houses by a very great Majority.
The Declaration which His Majesty has been graciously pleased to make, of His firm &
steadfast Resolution, to withstand every Attempt to weaken, or impair the authority of the
Supreme Legislature, over all His Majesty's Dominions — The Resolution of both Houses to
support those great Constitutional Principles, by which His Majesty's conduct hath been
governed, and their entire approbation of the steps His Majesty has taken for carrying into
Execution the Laws passed in the last Session, will, I trust, have the effect, to remove those
false Impressions which have been made upon the minds of His Majestys Subjects in America,
and put an end to those Expectations of support, in their unwarrantable Pretensions, which
have been held forth, by artful and designing Men.
I am &c»
To all the Governors in America Dartmouth
Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
r PlantaUons General (8. P. O. ) CCLXI. ]
Guy Park. 14. December. 1774.
My Lord.
With my last Dispatch of October 6"" (N" 4. of mine) I had the honor to transmit my
proceedings with the Six Nations at the September Treaty, with a French Belt delivered to
me, all which I committed to the care of a Gentleman returning to England. I have now the
honor to acknowledge your Lordship's dispatch of Sepf 8"" containing his Majesty's Commands
for my continuing as superintendant for the present, and until the state of the Indian
Department could be Tarther considered ettc, on which I beg to express my most dutiful
obligations for His Majesty's Royall attention to my endeavours and to the warm
recommendation of his very faithful servant Sir William Johnson, and others, as well as my
most grateful thanks to your Lordship; most humbly assuring His Majesty, that as I have
spent much time and pains, in acquiring an influence with the Indians and the knowledge of
an office for which very few persons are by any means qualified, I shall continue to discharge
it as an active servant, and an honest Man, and although I am sensible that at this distance,
both Men and things are exposed too much misrepresentation which his Majestys most faithful
servants have often experienced, I shall always ofier my sentiments with candour and truth,
from a perfect reliance on your LordP's indulgence.
In my last I mentioned, that the Six Nations were to hold a general Congress at Onondaga
at which Deputys from all their immediate Dependants were to be present and whither I had
516 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
sent persons of approved fidelity. I have novsr the honor to inform your Lordship that the
Congress ended very favourably, and that the principal Chiefs with others amounting to 106.
have laid before me the vsrhole proceedings a copy of which, together with their transactions
with me here, I have the honor to transmit herewith.
The Indians after duly considering all I had said at the September Congress, and the nature
of the application from the Shawanese for support, rejected the latter, and having agreed on an
answer to them, and appointed Deputys to carry it, directed that they with the Chiefs of each
Nation should imediately lay the whole before me for my farther direction, which they have
determined to follow.
I find that the intelligence the Six Nations lately received from the Southward has greatly
increased their suspicions of the other Colonies, and that those most distinguished for their
fidelity found it a very difficult task to procure a favourable issue to the Treaty ; that some
weak but furious Zealots have busied themselves in telling several Indians of the American
disputes, that the King was set against the Americans and Indians, and that the latter must not
expect any further attention, which occasioned much disquiet and many private conferences
when it was agreed on, that the Chiefs should make further enquiry of me into these matters,
that if I satisfied them thereon, they should fulfill their resolutions otherwise they were
immediately to take measures for their general interest by supporting their oppressed
Dependants and carrying on war against the Frontiers. However, many of the Chiefs declared
their determined resolution to abide by their engagements, and some persons of considerable
influence observed that if their suspicions were well founded there was time enough to take
violent measures; that they remembered what Sir William Johnson had said to them; that I
had several times since his death explained these matters with assurances on which they might
rely, and that as they wished for me and had many other suits to make to his Majesty they
should recommend themselves to favour by their fidelity and good conduct. This had a good
effect and contributed to the resolutions that followed ; in consequence of which they have now
dispatched Messengers to the Southward with a speech a copy of which goes herewith ; they
likewise mentioned some private grievances that will appear in the minutes; they are
nevertheless still in doubt in some measure, and the evil reports they hear greatly encrease it,
for Indians should never be engaged in our differences, least it should lead them to disrespect
Govern", and incline them to measures they would not otherwise think of, and this is the more
to be apprehended, when they hear that such disputes will affect themselves, and therefore I
have done all in my power hitherto to restrain those whose indiscreet warmth, might lead
them to intermeddle with the Indians. So many concurring circumstances must. My Lord,
render it very difficult to conduct matters successfully at present but I have as yet succeeded
and 1 shall still endeavour to do so. The Indians are not as unreasonable as may be imagined ;
they will hearken to those in whom they have confidence, and who understand their aflfairs,
whilst they find support from the Royal authority, on which they have always depended, and
this has contributed greatly to the public tranquility, for the different interests, and views of
the Colonies are by no means agreable to their inclinations.
The invasion of the Shawanese Country by Virginia, is very alarming to them. It has been
the practice of some of the Colonies to acquire territory by conquest rather than purchase, and
this renders every movement in that quarter suspected, and the Indians cant help believing,
that it will be followed by other attempts on their Country or liberties, whilst many private
unredressed grievances strengthen their apprehensions, and most of the frontier settlers, are
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 5I7
rude, and insensible of the danger to which their indiscretions expose them. This is
particularly the case of those to the Southward, encouraged by success without reflecting that
they owe it to the address by which the Northern Indians have been hitherto prevented from
assisting their dependants, for I can affirm with confidence that had the Six Nations been
permitted to afford their aid to these people, the whole frontiers and Trade, would have
severely suffered. The Delawares intermeddled little in it; the Shawanese can scarcely
muster 300 Men, and had but few associates who were chiefly Mingoes and others intermarried
amongst them, and living on the branches of Ohio, yet they attacked 14, or 1500 Virginians at
the Great Kanhawa in October, of whom Coll' Lewis^ and Field, with 4. Captains, 3. Subalterns
and 45 Rank and file were killed ; One Field Officer, 3. Captains, 4. Subalterns and 79. Men
wounded, with little loss on the side of the Indians, altho' the number and loss of the latter are
in all such cases much exaggerated ; what must have been the consequence if supported by the
Northern Ind°'? The Six Nations alone can muster 2000 fighting Men without taking in their
Dependant Tribes in Canada, or about the Lakes who would for the most part follow
their fortune and who lately sent them Messages to that effect. The want of reflecting upon
this and the little attention one Colony pays to the distresses in which it may involve its
neighbours is a very alarming consideration. Tho' all the Colonies might be sensibly affected
by an irruption of the Six Nations ; the Northern frontiers and the Furr Trade are more
particularly exposed to them, both of which depend on their peacable disposition, and have
never experienced the contrary, thro' good management and attention, as in the late War with
France, they were preserved in our interest, as well as in the succeeding rupture, (a few only
excepted of the Upper Senecas). As I know, that these observations are capable of the clearest
demonstration, I venture with all humility to suggest them from the attention they appear to
me to deserve at this time.
I immediately communicated to the Indians His Maj'J''^ commands respecting my Super
Intending their affairs at present which afforded them great satisfaction and contributed to
remove some of their apprehensions, for having been so many years acquainted with me and
my office as Sir William Johnson's immediate Dep''', and of my connection with him, for
whose memory they retain the warmest regard, their partiality for me is extremely natural.
The inconveniences I labour under through the uncertainty of my Authority, never abated
my endeavours; for altho in this office a variety of steps are often necessary that in
prudence require some knowledge of its duration, I did not neglect any thing that the service
required, but made proper provision as well for the necessary subordinate Officers, as for the
various contingences of the Department omitting nothing that was essentially requisite, thro'
regard for the public security, and the interests of the Crown, in humble confidence, that as I
had long detached myself from all other interesting objects, to qualify myself for attaining an
honest reputation in this peculiar post, it would prove an additional recommendation to His
Maj'5''' favour, and the continuance of it in myself under the present or such other establishment,
' Colonel Charles Lewis was the youngest son of John Lewis, a native of Ireland, who had immigrated to Virginia in the
fore part of the last century, and settled near West Augusta. Here Charles was frequently engaged in skirmishes with the
Indians, in one of which he was taken prisoner, and effected his escape almost by a miracle. He served in the expedition
under Braddock, and fought against the Western Indians in the battle of Pleasant Point, above the mouth of the Great
Kenhawa, on 10th October, 1774, in the early part of which engagement he fell, mortally wounded. He continued to cheer
on his men to victory', notwithstanding, until he was removed from the field. His brother, Andrew Lewis, who commanded
the Virginia troops ou this occasion, was afterwards a brigadier-general in the Kevolulionary war. Howe's Historical Collec-
tions of Virginia, 181, 182, 204; Monelte's Mississippi, I., 380. —Ed.
518 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
as might enable me to employ my talents and acquirements in the manner most conducive to
His Maj'^'^ service, and thereby gratify a laudable ambition. These hopes and sentiments
encourage me to a vigorous discharge of my duty, and the times require it, for the Indians still
apprehend they have much cause to doubt, and design as I find to watch all motions, till those
evils which have been long engendering are removed from their remembrance and such
measures carried into execution as may enable the Government to lessen their attention by
imperceptible degrees & without hazard.
There is an account, that peace has been made with one of the Southern Tribes since the
Action at Kanhawa, on their ceding a Tract of Country to Virginia. The Indians have heard
of it, and have sent to me for particular information which I cannot as yet give them, but if it
is as reported it must have been the effect of necessity on the one side, and therefore will be
little regarded, by the Shawanese, who will doubtless excuse themselves to the Six Nations,
and probably excite the latter to regard it as an invasion of their rights, in which light it will be
too readily considered, as the Shawanese have no Title, or pretensions to treat about lands.
This with the revival of some alarming claims may aggravate their discontent and without
good management produce very serious consequences, so that it will be expedient for me to be
honored with His Maj''''^ commands respecting them that they may be explained in the way
most agreable to Govern', and likewise to know whether ihe Indians should be passive, or take
an active part (which many enquire about) in the present or any other disputes. In the
interim I shall in these matters act to the best of my judgement and with the approbation of
General Gage, relying on His Maj''''' favour, Your Lord^'s countenance of my endeavours, &
indulgence for the immoderate length of this letter.
I have the honor to be with high
respect — My Lord
Your LordP's most obedient and
humble servant.
G. Johnson.
Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the Six Nations.
[ Plantations General (8. P. O.) CCLXI.]
Proceedings of a Congress held with the Chiefs and Warriors of the Six Nations
at Guy Park December P' 1774.
Present — Col : Guy Johnson his Maj'^''' Superintendant
Col: Daniel Claus, agent for Indian Affairs
Joseph Chew Esq: Secretary
John Butler Esq Interpreter.
W Daly, Doctor Adams and other Gentlemen, and
The Sachems, Chiefs, and Warriors Deputed for that purpose.
The Superintendant informed them he was ready to proceed on business, when Abraham
the Mohawk speaker performed the ceremony of condolence with three strings ; by wiping
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 519
the Eyes and clearing the throat ettc in order to speak freely & prepare them properly for
entering on business. After which Tyawarunte the Speaker of the Fire place, returned the
ceremony of condolence in the usual manner, and then proceeded to repeat all that had been
recommended to them by Sir William Johnson and Col : Johnson, that they well remembered
& had strictly regarded it ; and accordingly had called together all their people and Dependants
at Onondaga to a general Congress the proceedings of which he was going to relate and
therefore desired attention might be paid to it.
He then arose and Addressed the Superintendant as follows :
Brother Gorah Uraghqudirha
As Joseph Tayendanegah^ attended the general Congress on your behalf and by your
authority & took down in writing what passed, all which we believe he did very exactly shall
be brief in repeating the same and we desire your attention.
Then repeated the transactions at Onondaga as in the annexed sheets after which he
proceeded as follows:
Brother. — When we had settled matters at Onondaga as we have related to you with the
heads of the Six Nations, the Deputies from our Dependant Tribes in Canada and on
the Susquehanna We then produced this large Belt with which we confirmed and strengthened
our resolutions and bound all present to fulfill the same, this is the great Belt of union delivered
to us before the late war, for the purpose of peace and friendship with the English, it likewise
reminds us of the King's kind promises to us formerly and we beg that you will lay these
our proceedings before the King, entreating his Majesty to continue his kind attention to us
and to our affairs as he has done, and that he will give orders to his Governors to the
southward to check their people, and be aiding to us in reestablishing peace, and we also desire
that you will signify the same to the Governors themselves, who we hope will consider the
matter wisely and not give us reason to think ill of their designs.
This great Belt has always lain at our Council fire, but we shall now deposit it with the
Senecas who are the western door of our confederacy, and whom we thereby charge and injoin
to look towards us and to follow strictly the resolutions they have now confirmed with us and to
unite strongly therein. — Delivered an extraordinary Belt near 6 feet long and consisting of 30.
Rows of white wampum in breadth with a figure of Black wampum in it. —
Brother. This Belt the Seneca's of the Ohio as far up as Canwagan^ received from the Governor
of Pennsylvania inviting them to Fort Pitt to a Council there to assist in restoring peace ; but
upon a Message received from thence, that a skirmish had happened between the Virginians
and the Delawares, in which two of the latter were killed, and the other succeeding troubles,
we thought it would not be safe for them to go there and that the meeting proposed, could not
take place; we therefore now bring the Belt to you in order to have your opinion on the
matter, and that you may give a proper answer to Gov' Penn for us.
Brother. This is a Belt sent by Sir William Johnson to us requiring us to call all our
people living on the Ohio away in consequeuce of which they all expect a few that were
married amongst the Shawanese, came away.
Then they concluded with expressing their concern at hearing that the dispute to the
Southward had rather increased, and that there had been an engagement lately, that they
expected to be fully informed as to this and any other intelligence as a test of friendship and
' Known afterwards as Captain Joseph Brant. Hib life has been written by Col. Stone. 2 vols., 8vo., 1838.
' Supra, p. 426, note. — Ed.
520 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
also as to reports propagated of a large body of troops at Boston and a dispute between the
King and the people here that might affect them.
Col : Johnson answered in a few words expressing his esteem for them and his satisfaction
in finding them unite in such wise resolutions, that he should consider the whole and answer
them fully thereupon the next day in such a manner as must convince them of the good
intentions of Government and of his personal regard. — on which they appeared satisfied.
Saturday December S*" 1774.
At a Conference with the Chiefs of the Six Nations
Present — as before.
The Indians being all assembled and seated, Col : Johnson addressed them as follows.
Brothers. Having duly considered your speeches and the several matters laid before me, I
am now to answer you and desire your attention thereto. It gives me much pleasure to find,
that what you say corresponds so exactly with what had been laid before me by the person I
sent to attend the Congress, and that the issue was so strictly conformable to my advice, and
to the measures, which it was your interest to pursue. —
I consider this as not only a proof of your wisdom and friendly regard to the English, but of
your particular affection for me, which I shall always return by candid advice, faithful
representations of your conduct & plain dealing with yourselves. I much approve of your
making use of the Great Belt on this occasion and I exhort the Senecas to pay the utmost regard
to it, for the future, as I now put my hand to it, to prevent its falling to tiie ground and as a
proof that it will be supported; you may be assured that I shall lay what you desire before
his Maj'y and the Governors concerned and I am convinced of the King's Regard for your-
welfare and interest, and that his General and the Governors will use their endeavours for
restoring peace. Returned the great Beit.
The Belt the Ohio Senecas received from Gov' Penn was undoubtedly for pacific purposes,
but the unhappy troubles that succeeded did not admit of their taking any resolutions thereon
& I persuade myself that the resolutions you have lately taken and now repeated to me will
render it unnecessary, and therefore as you desire it, I shall acquaint GoV Penn with your
answer, and your present good dispositions.
Your next Belt is a proof of what I have often said to you ; You there find that it was the
desire of your great and worthy friend Sir William Johnson, to draw your people out of
temptation that they might not get connected with those who are remote from, and secret
Enemies to your Council fire ; & I am glad to find that you have at length complyed with his
and my repeated advice. Therefore let me advise you now, that you have collected so many
of your people to keep them in good order & turn their faces to your proper Council fire.
Then acquainted them with the intelligence from Ohio and the dispute with the Colonies
as a matter in no wise relating to them.
Then Col : Johnson addressed them as follows.
Brothers of the Six Nations.
It now remains for me to hear from you the particulars of the Message you have agreed to
send to the Southward, and whether you do not intend to send Messengers from each Nation
and whom.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 521
Brothers. You have acted wisely hitherto in your Councils but it will be to little purpose
unless your resolves are carried effectually into execution by trusty Men, who will faithfully
discharge what is committed to them, I find you have chosen some faithful and spirited men.
and I hope they will prove so, I leave you to consider of this matter and rely on your giving
me a true and satisfactory answer.
Then retired according to custom.
The Indians continued in private Council ab' an hour after which Col : Johnson returned
when their Speaker addressed him as follows :
Brother. We are thankful to you for your good advice and we tell you, that we have at
the late Congress, acted in all respects agreable to your advice and desires. The Mohawk
Messengers have been with you some days; the Senecas sent a very able Messenger who
voluntarily offered his services for the public, and is a great Man. The Cahugas have also
made a proper choice as have the Onondagas. — The Oneidas have chosen a young Man, but a
Man that is brave and may be relied on ; and to prevent mistakes we purposely made our
Message short, having put all, that was on 13. Belts from our allies into one great Belt to tell
the Indians to the southward that we have heard of their situation, but after mature deliberation
we will take no part in it, as they are a troublesome people, that we have sent them two
Messages, and now send the third and last desiring them to consider their interests and lay
down the axe, and that if they neglect to do so, they shall not hear more from our Chiefs, or
from those who are concerned in affairs of peace. Now Brother, as we take so much pains we
expect the English will take some also; that the people of Virginia who are white Men, and
supposed to be under command, will stop their hands, bury their Axe and not invade any part
of our country. This & this only, Brother, can make us easy, we have been greatly disturbed
but the satisfaction we receive from your councils and assurances, had made us sit still, for
we the six Nations are not inclined to break our engagements, till we see ourselves lessened,
or our affairs in danger. Our dependants around the lakes and in Canada, wait for our call,
and not we for theirs. — We thank you Brother, for what you have told us concerning the
affairs to the Southward and we hope the fire will not spread further there. — We also thank
you for informing us concerning the disputes we have heard of, to the Eastward, we have
strange stories about them, and many other things concerning ourselves. — But we hope that
the great King will remember that we are a iaithful people and that at the Great Treaty at
Fort Stanwix when we gave up so much land we did so, as we then mentioned, in the hope
and confidence, that His Maj'J' would continue his regard to us and prevent us from being
defrauded ; by giving strength to the great Man who had the care of our affairs, that they
might be, conducted in one direct road and properly attended to, and we hope, that what we
have said, will not be forgotten, for we remember it still, and you have it all in writing; and
we rely on your reporting what we have said to the great King and that you will acquaint
the Gov'' of Virginia with our desires and send an answer to Gov" Penn's Belt, which we now
leave with you for that purpose, and we hope that you will supply the Messengers going to the
Southward with such articles as they may want on so long a journey.
To which Col. Johnson answered
Brothers. I approve much of your Message to the Shawanese and of the persons, who are
to be the bearers of it; who, I have reason to believe will deliver it faithfully and thereby do
you much credit and prove of service to the mad people to the Southward — at the same time,
I have reason to hope that the dispute is nearly terminated, as it is at most only a dispute with
Vol. VIII. 60
522 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the people of Virginia in whicli none of his Maj'^'" troops on any of the other Colonies are
concerned, and in which a wise people should be cautious how they interest themselves, least
it should prove hurtful to them, without benefiting others. You may be assured that I shall
lay all your proceedings faithfully before the King, and that you will continue to experience
his fatherly protection, so long as you act with discretion and fidelity. It is therefore, your
particular interest to be governed by good Councils, to listen to my advice and act as you have
done, and for your further satisfaction, I can now acquaint you that the Great King, thro' his
regard to you has been pleased to order me by a dispatch from the Secretary of State to
continue the superintendancy of your affairs at present, and he will doubtless in all his actions
consult your happiness and satisfaction, provided you continue to deserve it, by adhering
strongly to your engagements and by your good behaviour, enabling me to report you a faithful
people. — I shall not fail to lay your desires before the Governor of Virginia and I trust it will
merit attention. I shall also send your answer to Gov' Penn, and report your good resolutions ;
and as I am sensible that your Messengers have a long journey to make, I shall furnish them
with such articles as are necessary to assist them on the Road. —
December the 4""
Present as before.
The Indians assembled when Col : Johnson delivered a large kettle to the Speaker of
Onondaga to be used at a dance in consequence of a dream agreable to their ancient Customs.
— He also delivered a Flag to a Chief; after which the Indians having signified that they
were ready, the Speaker arose and spoke as follows: —
Brother. We have heard for sometime, that there are some bad white people, who have
been endeavouring to deprive our Brothers the Mohawks at Fort Hunter and at Conajoharie
of the little remains of land at these Villages, and we heard always, that our late Brother Sir
William Johnson protected them & prevented the Conajoharies from being driven to despair.
We find however, that the same wicked endeavours to cheat them, are still practised and that
the Rogue Klock continues to render them very uneasy. This Brother, gives us much
concern, for we cannot suppose, the English will be well disposed to us if they do not do
Justice and shew kindness to those faithful people living at their doors.
We therefore by this Belt request that you Brother will continue your good Offices to them
as Sir William Johnson did, and that you will represent strongly their case to the King and his
wise Men, that they may at length be made easy, and that their heads may not get turned, for
being a part of us, it may affect our sences. A Belt of seven Rows.
Then the Indians returned a Belt delivered by the Mohawks at Onondaga, recommending it
to all the Nations to obey their Chiefs ettc, and assured the Mohawks that they approved
& would follow their advice. They also delivered a Bunch of Strings to Col: Johnson to the
same effect. The Onondagas then, on a Bunch of strings gave a strict caution to their Hunters
to behave well, & acquainted Col : Johnson (according to ancient custom) that 18 more of the
Hunters of their Nation were then come to Hunt in the neighbourhood and hoped that they
would be assisted with some ammunition. — Col: Johnson answered that as they hunted of late
much in that part of the Country, he thought their caution to their Hunters extremely necessary
and in hopes of their behaving well, would consider their wants. He then arose and addressed
the whole as follows :
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLIV. 523
Brothers of the Six Nation Confederacy.
I have heard, what you have said regarding the case of the Mohavpi^s, who I trust will be
honestly dealt with by the people at Albany, claiming the lands, and my endeavours shall not
be wanting to procure a final settlement of the affair. — As to that of the Conajoharies it was
settled (thro' Sir William Johnson's endeavours) by all parties concerned but one Man who
imprudently stood out. However the matter has been laid before the Gov"' lately, and I am
persuaded that every possible measure will be taken for their relief, as your speech will be
sent to your kind Father the King, and also to the Gov"' of this province, who is heartily
disposed to serve you.
Brothers. The business of this meeting being thus far satisfactorily concluded it remains for
me (according to Custom) to give you this belt as a proof of my being ordered by the King,
to continue for the present in the management of your affairs; to assure you of my sincere
attachment to your interests and of my resolution to follow the most prudent measures for
promoting your happiness.
With this Belt I remove all evil Councils from you, cleansing your Council fire and turning
your heads to the right way, and I have affixed to it my seal, as a mark of my sincerity and a
representation of my heart, which is open and will be always inclined to you, whilst you
continue to act wisely and to follow my advice; to reverence the King and to live in peace
with his subjects, and after this Belt has been shewn as usual, thro' the Nations, I desire that
it may be deposited at Onondaga there to be as a proof of my words and as a necessary guide
to you for your future conduct. — A Long Belt of 9. Rows.
The Indians returned Col: Johnson thanks for his assurances respecting the Mohawks and
then the Onondaga Speaker arose and after repeating all that Col: Johnson had said on the last
Belt addressed him as follows.
Brother Gorah Uraghquadirha.
This Belt which you have now given us affords us more satisfaction than any thing else.
We are made very happy by hearing that you have the King's orders to take care of us, we
were really a good deal uneasy on account of many idle stories, and this has lor the present
removed our concern. We wish you long life and health and that you may long continue to
take care of our affairs after the example of your late Father in Law. We shall, after we have
shewn this Belt put it carefully up amongst our great Belts at Onondaga, and frequently look
upon it that we may never forget any part of it. We desire that you may particularly offer
the thanks of the Six Nations and their Allies to the great King for his continuing to us a
person so long and so well acquainted with our affairs, the only person we wished for, hoping
that his Maj'y will continue you to us, and assuring the King that His orders to you have given
us more satisfaction, than we could receive from words or speeches for it strengthens our
belief, that he really loves us and consults our happiness and satisfaction and we shall
act accordingly.
To which Col : Johnson replyed :
Brothers. I am much obliged to you for your speech and I have great reliance on your
sincerity; it only remains for me to advise each of you to contribute on your parts towards
the reestablishment of tranquility by repeating your engagements frequently to your people at
their Towns, and as you are the most considerable persons in your Confederacy, enforcing iheir
observance by your example, keeping your eyes fixed on the proper Fire place ; shutting your
524 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
ears against all rumours and flying reports and opening your hearts to me according as T have
done to you with a firm reliance on the Fatherly attention and justice of the great King of
England whose favour will always be proportioned to your fidelity.
After which Col : Johnson gave a charge to the Conajoharies to live united and peacably
amongst themselves, and to avoid any further threats against G. Klock or any of his Maj'J'''
subjects, but to recommend iheir case to Government by their patience and moderation.
He also advised the rest to direct their Hunters who came down in greater numbers than
formerly, not to intermeddle in the white peoples affairs, or to hearken to the Stories they
might hear least it might prove of ill consequence as they were incompetent Judges of the
characters & capacities of the white people, most of whom on the frontiers were strangers to
public affairs ; that it besides exposed tliem to temptations from liquor, which produced
quarrels, and the train of evils incident thereto. All which, the Indians faithfully promised
to observe.
a True copy examined with the Indian Record
John Chew. Seer''
On the S"" of December, the Chiefs and others who had distinguished themselves for their
fidelity received some suitable presents, after which, they proceeded for their respective nations.
Proceedings at a Congress held by the Six Nations with their Dependants at
Onondaga in November 1774. Refered to in the 2"^ page of the foregoing.^
The Indians of the Six Nations and of Canada having waited for several days for the upper
Senecas, the Deputies from the latter arrived at last and on the S"" inst : they all assembled
when Tyawarante Speaker of Onondaga opened the Congress with the following speech.
Brothers of the Six Nation Confederacy.
We are all assembled this day at this our Council fire, which our Forefathers unanimously
established as the Grand Council fire, and where they made rules and settled all things in a
proper manner, (here he repeated all the original rules and ceremonies, and their different
Treaties and alliances, and proceeded) Brothers, we are now according to custom lay before
you all the business on which we are assembled, which is to remind each other of our
engagements with all Nations and to take your determined resolutions on the subject of the
application made to us by the Shawanese for Assistance. — Now Brothers, we the Onondagas,
who keep the great Council fire remember almost every thing that our Fathers did and
agreed upon, and we resolve to follow their advice and will stand to our engagements with the
English, and the assurances we have given our Brother Uraghquadicha i. e Colonel Johnson ;
we will not take any notice of these Shawanese Belts, for the Belts are not of weight enough
to get an axe from us. — Having thus delivered our minds to you all, our desire is to hear of
your determined resolutions, and we leave these things to the consideration of you & the
Confederacy. We hope you will do it well, for we look upon it that this of the Belts is such
a case as our Fathers meant, when they said if any tiling should happen after we have made
every thing good or if a bad Creature or Snake should come near the fire, we are to join all
'Supra, p. 520. —Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 525
hands to take a stick and throw the Snake away, (then layd the Shawanese Belts and five
Scalps before the Confederacy, which they threw down) — After a short silence :
Takerehoga the Conajoharrie Chief arose, and on behalf of the sachems of the Mohawks,
Oneidas, and Tuscaroras, spoke as follows.
Brothers, We the Mohawk Sachems on behalf of ourselves and also on behalf and at the
desire of the Sachems of Oneida and Tuscarora, are going to deliver our sentiments at this
Council place, on the affair the Confederacy are now met about, as it is very necessary and
expedient that every Nation here present ought to give and deliver their opinion freely — We
the three above mentioned Nations have consulted together, and hereby unanimously declare
before this Congress, that we are firmly determined to hold fast and preserve the peace and
to hold fast by the agreements we renewed with Uraghquaderha i. e. Col : Johnson, as much
as is in our power and the more as we find all our most sensible allies and dependants are that
way inclined. It would be acting a very wrong and base part to take notice of the Message
from one inconsiderate Nation (meaning the Shawanese) and therefore our sentiments are
as above declared.
Then a Cayuga Chief named Oyeghseragearat spoke as follows :
Brothers of the Confederacy. We the Cayugas approve of what you desire that every
Nation ought to declare publicly their sentiments and I hereby on behalf of my Nation assure
you that we are all one mind with our Father and Brothers, Col. Johnson, Mohawks,
Oneidas and Tuscaroras and being firmly determined to stick to peace and tranquility, I by
this Belt assure you that nothing shall be able to shake my firmness in this resolution. —
A large Belt.
The Senecas then in behalf of their whole Nation spoke by Sorihawane a Chenussio
Chief as follows:
Brothers of the Confederacy.
You are very right in making every Nation declare their sentiments upon the matter in
question, it being certainly of more weight. I therefore on behalf of our Nation being the
upper Door tell you that it is but lately, you have repaired the door of tiie Confederacy at a
meeting at this place, and then settled every matter tending to the peace and welfare of the
whole, and that then we assured you, that we the Chiefs & Warriors of our Nation should
always join in sentiments with you for the future, our late friend and Gov"" Sir William
Johnson the very day he died having so strongly recommended it to us to preserve peace
amongst us on this alarming News from the Shawanese, and we having given the same
assurances to Col : Johnson since, we should fail in respect and esteem to Sir William Johnsons
memory and regard to our engagements with his successor if we did not act up to our last
promises and therefore, we once more assure you, that we will maintain peace in our Nation. —
Then the Mohawks, Oneidas and Tuscaroras, resumed speaking and little Abraham proceeded
as follows.
Brothers. Having unanimously agreed in sentiments at this fire place, upon the affairs we met
and that we are all for the preservation of peace thro' the whole. — we therefore recommend it
to you Onondagas, who in a manner are head of us all to keep up the Council fire and to study
the welfare of the whole Confederacy in every respect, we now recommend it to you in the
strongest manner to cause your young Men to be vigilant on the present critical occasion in
giving due notice to the Confederacy on any emergency, and you th(! Cayugas and Senecas,
we once more admonish you to enforce your present determinations, since after this your
526 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
declaration, should you fail in your performance, our great King and his people would consider
you in a very bad light after your solemn promises; We the Mohawks on our part are not the
least apprehensive but that our young men will always look for advice to the Chiefs. —
according to the custom long since established and therefore shall never be the aggressor and
hope that you and your Warriors will follow the same example.
The Warriors then spoke :
Brothers. We the Warriors also speak our minds in the strongest manner, that we are
firmly resolved and determined to pay strict attention to what our Brother Uraghquadirha i. e
Col : Johnson and our head Men advise, and shall not oppose their endeavours for preserving
peace and will be always subject to them, because if any thing should happen, that appears to
be to our prejudice or hurt, they will consider on it and make use of the best means to settle
it, in the properest way for us. We therefore recommend it to you all, to do the same and
endeavour to help all our Sachems to perform their promises — we will therefore wait, until
we hear further from them. a Black Belt.
Then Serrihowane in behalf of the Seneca Warriors spoke as follows.
Brothers. The Warriors of our Nation charged me to acquaint you, that they are sorry,
they had not an opportuity of being all present at their Congress, they not having been
summoned as they had a Message from you and the Cognawagey Ind"' in Canada last summer,
by which you hinted to them, as if they had been the occasion of disturbing the peace for
several years past, and in consequence and by virtue of the said Belt (being a very large one) you
advised them to reform and for the future be peacabiy inclined as it would be satisfactory to
the whole Confederacy, they the Seneca Warriors therefore intended to return their thankful
answer to the Confederates for their good advice, & they had upon consultation together
resolved to follow it, and it was also the full determination of all the Seneca Warriors from
Canadauge to Canawako, that they would listen to their Chiefs and prevent all their people
and young Men from doing any thing that might disturb the peace.
Gave a large Belt in return for that of the Confederates.
Then the Seneca Chiefs said, they had also a Belt from the rest of the Confederacy, to
almost the same purport as that of their warriors, wliich they then also exchanged with their
thanks thereupon, assuring them, that they had taken a full resolution for the future to
communicate & be of one mind with the rest of the Confederacy which they hoped would
strengthen and preserve the chain of peace and friendship inviolable for ever. — After which the
Onondagas & Mohawks in a spirited speech observed that there was no occasion for a moment's
hesitation about a Message to the Shawanese, that it would be time enough to think of violent
measures when they found themselves in real danger, that Sir William Johnson's last words
assured them of the contrary, that Col : Johnson had at two Congresses since fully satisfied
them all; that they should be wanting in respect to Sir William's memory and confidence in
Col : Johnson, if they doubted what had been said, and that as they had so much wished to
have him to manage their affairs, their good conduct then, would recommend them to the great
King as deserving his favour.
The Indians then of every Nation after a little deliberation, declared themselves of one
mind, after which they proceeded to consider & repeated on a large Belt the purport of what
they intended to say to the Shawanese and others to the Southward, to compel! them to
consider their situation and sue for peace, and resolved that the Chiefs of each Nation should
wait on Col : Johnson and lay the whole before him and take his advice as to the Messages to
the Shawanese.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLIV. 527
The Conajoharieg afterwards raised John of the Wolf Tribe to be a Sachem and delivered
three strings of 2000 Wampum to the younger Branches of the Confederacy on the occasion,
after which they spoke on a large Belt to ail assembled recommending peace and unity amongst
themselves respect and reverence to the person, who had charge of their affairs and to their
Chiefs and that noffie should envy any favours bestowed on them.
Then Congress ended.
A literal translation of the Message from the Six Nations Confederacy to the Shawanese ettc.
Younger Brothers.
We are come running to you from the great fire place, take notice of what I have to say as
I am the Older Brother. It happened that you came lately to the middle of the Council house
to our fire place of peace, for the Six Nation Confederacy, you there spoke to us on a subject
we did not understand, we would not give ear to, or agree to it as our fire place is for peace,
and we tell you we will only listen to affairs of peace there.
Younger Brothers. We are now here and we tell you again before all the Nations who
observe you and see your bad works, we have been twice here to advise you to peace, but you
have not attended, and in compliance with our ancient customs, we are come the third time to
tell you, you must be at peace, this is the third time, & the last that you shall hear from us if
you do not hearken to us.
We charge you to consider the case of your Warriors your women and your children, and we
desire you sachems to use your authority over your people, that they may mind what we say.
Leave the business of War, repent and mind peace alone and then you will be preserved.
Quarrelsome people are dangerous, we advise you for your good, for we pity you, and we
know from our Superintendant, that the King is inclined to desire you should be at peace &
has sent orders to Virginia to promote it. Mind our words, they are strong, they are the
words of the Six Nations, who are the heads of the Confederacy; all the Northern nations
have left their Belts in our hands and refered themselves intirely to our Government and
determination, they have joined their words to us, who are the head of the whole, and you
now see them all in us here present, who are now sent with authority to charge you to follow
our advice. a Very large Belt is then to be given.
a true copy compared with the Indian records.
Jos : Chew Secr'^
Earl of Dartmouth to tJie Governors in North America.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. O. ) CCLXI.]
Whitehall. 4. January 1775.
Sir,
Certain persons styling themselves Delegates of several of His Maj'^'' Colonies in America,
having presumed, without His Maj'^'' authority or consent, to assemble together at Philadelphia,
in the mouths of September and October last ; and having thought fit, amongst other
unwarrantable proceedings, to resolve that it will be necessary, that another Congress should
528 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
be held, at the same place, on the lO"" of May next, unless redress for certain pretended
grievances be obtained before that time, and to recommend that all the Colonies in North
America should chuse Deputies to attend sucii Congress, I am commanded by the King to
signify to you His Maj'*^'' pleasure, that you do use your utmost endeavours to prevent any
such appointment within the ~^^^^ under your Government ; and that you do exhort all persona
to desist from such an unjustifiable a proceeding, which cannot but be highly displeasing to
the King.
I am ettc.
Dartmouth
Lieutenant- Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New- York Papera (8. P. 0.) CLXVII., No. 11.]
New York i"" Jan-^ 1775
My Lord
I have received your Ldps Commands of the 19"" of October, with His Majestys order in
Council of the same date, which I shall endeavour by every means in my power, to execute in the
most effectual manner. I immediately communicated to M' Elliot the Collector of this Port,
the orders which I had received, and gave him the necessary directions for the conduct of the
officers of the Customs. I am well assured he will be very attentive to this important duty.
A day or two after this order was received one of the Custom House officers discovered ten
chests of Arms, three Boxes of Lead and one Barrell of Gun-Powder on Board a Vessel bound
to Rhode Island. It has been found on enquiry that these arms were lately imported on board
the ship lady Gage Capt" Mesnard and it is said, were shipped at London as Hardware; but
there was no Cockett for them under any Denomination. M' Elliot secured them all, and for
greater safety sent them on Board the Man of War in the Harbour where they remain
That sett of people who lye waiting for every opportunity to raise a Mob and throw the City
into confusion, made an infamouse attempt to frighten M"" Elliott into a surrender of the Arms,
which they insisted were legally supported. The principal Gentlemen and Merchants, to
prevent mischeif waited upon M" Elliott in a body, assured him they were perfectly satisfied
with his behaviour, and declared warmly against any who should attempt to insult him on
account of what had happened, which silenced the others who were working in the dark and
endeavouring to raise the populace My Lord the measures pursued as well by the Southern
as Eastern Provinces puts the moderate & peaceable disposition which prevails among the
Majority of the people of this Province dayly to the Tryal. Enthusiasm is ever contagious;
and when propagated by every artifice, becomes almost irresistable. The Assembly of this
Province, as I formerly informed your Lordship are to meet next tuesday. If I find that there
will not be a Majority for prudent measures, I shall incline to prorogue them for a short time,
that the Plan of the New Parliament may be known here, before the Assembly do any thing.
On the other Hand there is Room to fear, that if the Assembly do not meet, an attempt will
be made to convene a provincial Congress in immitation of our Neighbours which may be of
worse consequence. I propose to take the advice of His Matys Council Tomorrow upon the
interesting and important situation of affairs. When all depends upon the humour of the
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 529
Populace, one can only, My Lord, form very uncertain Conjectures of future measures. I can
only say with certainty that there is still a good Majority of the most respectable people in this
Place who promote Peace and discountenance violence. 1 am, my Lord, with entire submiss°
Your Lordships mo faithfull and most obedient Servant
Cadwallader Golden
Earl of Dartmovth to Lieutenant-Governor ColJen.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXVII., No. 26. ]
Whitehall Jan^ 7'" ]775
Sir
Since my letter to you of the 10"" of December I have received two from you, the one dated
the 2^ of Nov' inclosing the Proceedings of the general congress, the other of the 7"' December
inclosing a Plan of Union between Great Britain and the Colonies, proposed by M'' Galloway
in that congress
The affairs of America are now come to a crisis, and as the consideration will be taken up
by the Houses of Parliament immediately after the Holidays, it can not but be the wish of
every candid & unprejudiced person that the proceedings of the general congress had been
of such a colour and complexion, as to have united accommodation without provoking the
vengeance of the mother country.
The Idea of Union upon some general constitutional plan, is certainly very just, & I have no
doubt of its being yet attainable through somechannell of mutual consideration and discussion.
Inclosed I send you the copy of a memorial of Colonel Ord ' whose long & faiihfull services
in America render him an object of public attention ; and I am commanded by the King to
signify to you His Majestys Pleasure, that he be allowed to locate the 5000 acres for which he
obtained a Mandamus, upon the Tract to which he refers in his Memorial
With this letter you will receive a Package inclosing to General CaVleton the King's
Commission & Instructions & other Documents, for the Government of Quebec under the pew
constitution and as it is of great consequence that he should receive these Instruments as early
as possible, I am commanded by the King to signify to you His Majestys Pleasure that you do
engage some trusty person to carry the dispatch to Quebec by the way of the Lakes and that you
do draw a Bill upon M' Pownall for whatever reasonable expence shall be incurred in
that Service
I am &"
Lt Gov Colden Dartmouth
'Thomas Ord was appointed Captain in the Royal Artillery on 1st March, 174G. He was an excellent officer, and stood
high in the Duke of Cumberland's esteem, by whom he was selected to command the artillery in the expedition under Brad-
dock. Landing in Newfoundland, he hastened to New- York, and arrived in Philadelphia 7th June, 1755, whence he
proceeded for the seat of war accompanied by 13 non-commiesioned officers. Sargent's Expedition of Bradilock, 364. In 1759
he was Major and accompanied Amherst in tlie expedition up the Lakes, after which he was promoted to be Lieutenant-
Colonel on the 21st November, same year. On 1st January, 1771, he became Colonel-commandant of the -Ith battalion of the
Royal Artillery serving in America, and died in 1777. The land mentioned in the text was located in the town of Newcomb,
Essex county, N. T. Army Lists; Burr's Map of Essex County. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 67
530 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York Papers (8. P. O.) CLXVII.]
New York 21 Jan')- 1775
My Lord
The address which I received yesterday from the General Assembly of this Province, has
given me so great satisfaction, and appears to me to be of such importance at this time,
that I think it my duty to lay hold of an opportunity by a merchant ship going from hence to
Exeter, to transmit to your Lordship's my speech at the opening of the Sessions and the
Councils and the Assemblys addresses
It was some days before a sufficient number of the members of Assembly got to town, to
make a House, and there are still twelve of them absent; which has occasioned the House
to put off the farther consideration of their important business to the seventh of next month
at which time they have ordered ail their members to attend. It is thought, my Lord, that
tiiere at least as many friends to Government among the absent members, as advocates for the
late congress and that the House will therefore when they are alltogether, be able to act up to
the sentiments of their address — Every Machination that restless spirits can devise, will in the
mean time be exerted to obtain an approbation of the Proceedings of the Congress which is
the grand point the aim to carry — This delay to the 7"" of next month will however my Lord
be of advantage by giving us an opportunity of receiving the Kings Speech and the addresses
of the Lords and Commons which we hope the December Mail will bring out
I am with great respect & submission
My Lord
Your Lordships mo: obed*
Right Honble and faithfull Servant
Earl of Dartmouth Cadwallader Colden
Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden.
[New-Tork Paprrs ( S. P. O. ) CLXVII., No. 2T. ]
WhiteHall 1" Feb'' 1775
Sir
I have received your letters of the 3'' & i"" of January N" 10 & 11. and have laid them before
the King.
The appointment of the office of Survey' General of Lands is in the Lords of the Treasury,
and I find upon enquiry that M'' Fanning was nominated to it some time since by commission
from their Lordships that must certainly supercede any other nominal" In any thing that
depends upon me I shall always be forward to shew every mark of attention to a faithful
Servant of the Crown
The Discovery of the Arms, Lead and Gun Powder imported in the ship Lady Gage is a
proof how necessary our precautions were, and M"' Elliotts spirited and proper conduct is very
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 531
much approved, as well as that of the gentlemen who assured him of their protection on the
occasion A few instances of such a determined resolution not to submit to the Tyranny of
Mobs would soon I am persuaded overcome their violence and restore vigour and tranquillity
to Government more especially if it should turn out that the Assembly when it meets adopts
as I trust it will measures of Prudence and conciliation
I am &c &c
Lt Gov' Golden Dartmouth
Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson.
[ Plantations General ( S. P. O. ) CCLXI. ]
Whitehall. 1 Feb"- 1775.
Sir,
I have received your despatch N» 5. of the 14. of Dec'' and have laid it before the King.
I am very glad that the signification to you in my letter of the S"" of September, of the King's
pleasure, respecting the Indian Department was agreable to you, and I have no doubt that you
will merit [by] your conduct the confidence His Majesty has placed in you.
The preserving the good will and affection of the six Nations is an object of which we ought
never to lose sight, and I hope, thro' your zeal and endeavours, we may avoid any ill
consequences that might be expected to follow from the measures which have been pursued by
the Virginians.
I am yet at a loss from the want of advices, from Lord Dunmore to guess at the motives
which led to the hostilities against the Shawanese, and I can only say that the provocation
must have been very strong to have induced enterprizes of so much hazard, and which have
been productive of so much bloodshed.
I am ettc
Dartmouth.
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York Papera C S. P. O, ) CLXVII., No. 12. ]
New York 1" Feb 1775
My Lord,
Yesterday I had the Honor to receive your Lordships circular letter of the JO"" Dec'', with
His Matys most gracious speech, and the addres's of the Lords & Commons, and your despatches
No '25 of the same date
The Assembly of this Province which was to meet on the 10"" of last month did not make
a House till the 13"" when I opened the Sessions with a speech which I now take the honor of
enclosing to your Lordship The Councils addresses did not give so much satisfaction even to
the people, as that which I received afterwards from the Assembly, I am happy in having it
in my power to transmit to your Lordship an address which I am persuaded will give you
532 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
pleasure to lay before His Majesty and will confjrm the favorable opinion he is graciously
pleased to entertain of his Subjects in this Province
Allthough the address passed in the House my Lord with only one dissentient voice, there
is a party in the Assembly of very different principles who I expect will be continually
endeavouring to do Mischeif, Finding a great Majority against them, when the address pass'd,
the moved to have a call of the House on the 7"" of February, and that the consideration of the
weighty business which was before them should be put off to that day. Tliis the House
agreed to, and immediately sent out orders for the absent members to attend, However, two
Members coming in last week, who were known to be violent in their opposition to
Government, a Motion was made that the House should take into consideration the Proceedings
of the Congress lield at Philadelphia in September last. A warm debate ensued and upon the
Previous Question the Motion was rejected by eleven to ten. These ten are my Lord
the whole strength of that Party The nine members which have not yet appeared in the
House, it is well known will join the eleven. When they come the Majority will be so great,
that I hope the House will not again make so near an escape from a Motion brought by
surprize upon them
When your Lordship considers that every American Assembly which has met since the
Congress was held at Philadelphia, have approved of and adopted the Proceedings of
the Congress, and that in those Colonies where the Assembly has not met, the People have in
Provincial Congress, or otherwise done the same, the loyalty and firmness of the Assembly of
this Province, and of the People in general, will appear in a very striking light. 1 am
persuaded his gracious Majesty, and his Ministers will encourage this good and singular
disposition, by such instances of indulgence and favor, as shall be wisely calculated to render
most evident the good effects of the conduct of this Province.
Yesterday before the Packet arrived, a motion was made, and agreed to in the Assembly, to
appoint a day to take into consideration a state of the Greivances of this Colony — to make an
humble firm, dutifull and loyall Petition to the throne, a Memorial to the Lords, and
Representation and Remonstrance to the Commons of Great Britain. A Committee was
appointed for this business, who are to report after the call of the House on the 7"" of this
month I have strong expectations, my Lord, that the conduct of this Province will every day
more evidently shew the loyalty and affection of the People for their gracious Sovereign, and
their ernest desire for a Reconciliation with great Britain
I enclose to your Lordship a Paper Published last week by the Quakers of Philadelphia,
they are likewise a very respectable body of People in this Province. It is imagined the
address of our Assembly was even a great means of producing this paper from the Quakers
Till the address appeared every Body was afraid to oppose what seemed to be the Sentiments
of all the Continent
I thought the address of our Assembly of such consequence that in order to give your
Lordship the earliest intelligence of it I transmitted it to you by a Merchant ship which sailed
from this Port for Exeter, the beginning of last week
I am with great Submission and respect
My Lord
Your most faithfull
To the R' Honble & obedient Servant
The Earl of Dartmouth Cadwallader Colden
N-'G.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 533
Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ PlanlalioDs GeDcral (S. P. O.) CCLXI. ]
Guy Park. 13. Feb'^ 1775.
My Lord,
I had the honor to transmit to Your Lord? with my last Dispatch of December 14"" the
proceedings of the Six Nation Deputies who came to advise with me concerning their
transactions at a general Congress at Onondaga, and I then fully stated the situation of Affairs.
Soon after I received an express to notify the approach of the Chiefs on very important
business, who arrived and opened their conference on the 20"" Ult°, a copy of the principal
parts of which I have now the honor to inclose, tho' I have been scarcely able to digest it, as
I caught cold during the Congress which brought on me a severe fit of the gravel, from which I
am now slowly recovering.
The coming of the Indians was occasioned by a Message they had just received from
the Shawanese, giving an account of their transactions and Treaty with Virginia, and that the
latter intended to quarrel with the Six Nations, on which the Shawanese invited them to a
Congress on Ohio next Spring. This intelligence has given them great concern, at the same
time the Oneidas gave an account, that they were told, His Maj'^ would allow no more goods
to be sent to the Indians or Colonists; that powder would soon be at 3 or 4. dollars for a Jill,
with other particulars corresponding with what was mentioned in my last, and amongst others
they accuse a Dissenting Missionary at one of their Villages (a Native of New England lately
returned from his Friends in Boston) and a Trader of that Country, who resides amongst
them, as the authors of this report of which I had heard before from some white people of
credit ; as well, as that various schemes are on foot, to persuade the Indians to take part in
the dispute. Tho' I can scarcely believe that Men of good character, more especially any
Clergyman would recommend such a measure, yet I know there are not wanting, inferior
enthusiasts in the cause who are capable of, and even speak of it, and who on particular
enquiry, can easily deny the charge, or attribute it to malice in the Indians whose testimony
has seldom the deserved weight. Such Reports, when powder rises so much in value, and
other Articles grow scarce, are easily credited and (notwithstanding all my endeavours)
removed with great difficulty.
The Indians seem satisfied that the greatest part of the Shawanese intelligence is without just
foundation, and that it is calculated to create a jealousy of the Virginians for some future evil
purpose, and accordingly propose to decline meeting the former, and to require their attendance
at a Congress to the Northward in my presence, when the Confederacy meets in the spring, for
which I am now making the necessary provision as well as the scarcity of some articles will
permit, as it will be an important Congress, and the Tranquility of the Northern Indians
will greatly depend on it for the ensuing summer, the event of which I am anxious about, as
I have an opportunity of discovering many things that cannot be known to Government, and I
see plainly that (unless timely prevented) some extraordinary steps may be taken to embarass
Govern', and its Officers, the Indians being rather in a state of suspence than any other, until
their different disputes are accommodated, and they hear respecting the several matters laid
before the Crown.
The tranquility of this part of the Country to which the Indians always so much resort has
been hitherto much owing to the influence of the family, with which I am connected, and
534 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
some threats of a deluded populace have been thereby prevented ; I am not to be intimidated
by the ordinary modes practiced, the' I may meet v?ith some obstruction in my duties, and
the Indians get disturbed at a time when their uneasinesses are not extinguished.
The last Conferences, were but just ended, when a party of Deputys arrived to acquaint
me, that the Shawanese had sent a second Message to desire the attendance of the Six Nations,
otherwise the Virginians would put seven Senecas to death, who having lived for many years
with the Shawanese, and engaged in their cause were now confined and in irons at Fort Pitt;
and although their conduct is condemned, yet the Six Nations have requested the interposition
of Govern' and are much alarmed at their situation, they being no more culpable than the
Shawanese, and the latter will seize this occasion to irritate the Six Nations, whose fidelity
they have long endeavored to shake. — So many circumstances will oblige me to meet the
Confederacy soon, and I shall be very happy if, in the interim, I am honored with His
Majesty's commands, respecting the points in my former letters, that regard the security of
the Mohawk's Lands, the boundary line, or any of their requests, as they may apply for an
answer, and it will conduce much to their satisfaction, and the public repose, if I am enabled
to give them satisfactory assurances thereon.
I have the honor to be with great respect,
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient and
most humble servant
G. Johnson.
Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the Six Nations.
[ Plantations General ( S. P. 0. ) CCLXI. )
At a meeting with the Chiefs of the Six Nations, who were Deputized to come to Guy Park
ou matters of importance. Fryday 20"' January 1775.
Present — Guy Johnson Esq''* Superintend' of Ind" Affairs.
Daniel Glaus Esq'* agent of Ind" aff: for Canada
Sir John Johnson B' with several other Gentlemen
Joseph Chew Esq'* Secretary.
John Butler Esq'* Joseph Brant. Interpreters.
69. Warriors and Chiefs of the Six Nations, also the Mohawks and
Conajohares.
Teyorhansera the Mohawk Chief arose and performed the ceremony of Condolance for the
deaths of some Oneidas and Cayhuga Chiefs, and gave three strings; which ceremonial being
returned as usual by the Onondaga speaker with three strings, the speaker arose and addressed
the Superintendant as follows.
Brother Gorah Uraghquadirha.
We thank the great spirit for enabling us to meet this day being sent with full authority
from our whole Confederacy to you on business of very great importance otherwise you could
not have expected to see several old Chiefs at this season of the year.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 535
Brother. There arrived lately at our great fire place, Messengers from the Southward
acquainting us with the particulars of the Battle at Kankawa, who say, that the Virginians
marched an Army and fought with our Dependants the Shawanese for almost a day, that the
Commanding Officer of the Virginians, then required a cessation till the Gov' arrived, who,
when he came, desired to speak with the Indian Chiefs; that some warriors went to him,
whom he sent back, that then some Chiefs went, who asked him why he invaded and
destroyed their people, observing, that they had only attacked some Virginians for having
killed their people ; the Gov"" acknowledged he had bad people in his Government, but advised
them to make peace, if it was most agreable to them. That whilst this was in agitation, a
Shawanese runner arrived and declared he was the only person escaped alive from a village
then lately attacked ; on which, the Indians upbraided the Virginians with their falsness, but
the Governor took pains to excuse them, and still advised them to peace, which was at length
agreed to, and that the Indians lost thirty Men in the Action of which three were Senecas of
Ohio; that when the peace was made, the Gov' gave some arms and presents to the Shawanese
and sent for the Mingo's who were at some distance to join in the peace, but on their arrival,
he put them all in irons and has sent them prisoners to Williamsburgh, telling them, that as
they associated with the Shawanese he was determined to collect his Troops at Fort Pitt and
elsewhere, and march against the Five Nations in order to cut them off; and the Shawanese
further advise us that the prisoners are to be put to death in case the five Nations take
measures for their security. The Shawanese therefore requested us by these strings to
consider their case and to come with all the Northern Indians in the spring to a meeting at
Fort Pitt, and that the Superintend' or some of his Officers should attend the same.
Delivered the strings from the Shawanese.
Brother. When we considered this Message, we were greatly surprized at the unreasonable
conduct of the Virginians and looked upon, it high time for us to shew our power and the
strength of our alliances to these people, who have used us so ill in return for our fidelity, for had
it not been for our sitting still and following your advice, they would have felt our power long
ago ; at the same time we thought it a little extraordinary, that the Shawanese, our dependants,
should call us, who did not engage or assist them to a meeting, and therefore we agreed to
disregard their Message, and to come down to you, in order to have more information in these
matters & to see if you could affijrd us more satisfaction upon these and other things that
disturb our minds. — We therefore desire on behalf of all the confederacy, that you will give
us full information advice and assistance, on this and what else we shall say, and as we have
likewise heard that this quarrel was partly occasioned about land, and that the Shawanese
have now given a great deal of land to the Virginians, which you know they have no right to
do, we desire to hear from you about it and that you will acquaint the great king, it is our
earnest desire and expectation that he may remember our large cession made in 1768. and set
his foot on the boundary line then settled, that no person may cross it; and we desire by this
Belt that you will do the same. A Belt of 8. Rows.
Then Conogqueisen Chief of Oneida on Behalf of the whole arose and said.
Brother. We are now to speak to you on another subject which much affects us ; we hear
many strange stories of late from the White people, that give us much trouble. We lately
told you of some bad advisers we had met witli about your own disputes they now come into
our towns. We complained to you last summer that the Clergyman at Canowarighare was a
very busy Man, that he refused to Baptise some of our people, who were not agreable to him,
536 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and administering tlie Sacrament to children, wiiose parents were of his party. We have
now much more to say on this head, for he goes on in such a manner that our chiefs are
desirous to get rid of him; for he has a store in our village and is concerned in trade with his
Brother, which is very unbecoming in him, and he minds public affairs more than Religion, for
he is always collecting news and telling us strange matters of the white people, whilst he
endeavours to represent us as a people of no consequence to them, in short, he has become
such a meddler in things he has no business with, that we desire once more that you will
cause him to be removed to prevent further trouble with him.
The Onondaga speaker next arose and spoke as follows:
Brother. When our Chiefs returned last from hence to Onondaga our young Men were
mostly abroad, so that the Message to the Southward was delayed for some days and we have
since heard that in consequence thereof one of the Messengers wrote a letter to you upon it
which letter arrived at the village of Canowaroghare, where it was stopped and read by the
Minister, who advised not to forward any news that might be disagreable, but to burn it,
which was accordingly done. We therefore beg that you will not look upon it to be an act of
ours, or with our knowledge, and that should you hear any accounts of the Messenger's delay
in consequence thereof, that you will believe our sincerity and not give ear to it, and by this
Belt we beg that you will give orders that no busy people shall hereafter give ill advice, or
obstruct the Messengers sent by you and us, as we believe this Minister has done, who we find
to be a very busy Man, and a Man interested in Trade and things which we always thought
unbecoming the character of a Clergyman. A Belt of 7 Rows.
Having ended ; Col: Johnson answered as follows.
Brothers the Chiefs. I have carefully attended to your speeches, and as they contain some
weighty matters, which require some thought, 1 shall consider the whole seriously and give
you a full answer with such advice and directions, as will I trust prove satisfactory to you.
Then gave them pipes, Tobacco, & some liquor, & adjourned.
Saturday 21. January.
Some Indian Chiefs being still behind, did not proceed on business, and as the Post was
expected with some letters on Sunday, that might contain matters necessary to be
communicated to the Ind"' the Superintendant's answer was postponed to Monday Morning.
Monday SS"" January.
At a meeting with the before mentioned Ind°'.
Present — as before
The Indians being all assembled and seated Colonel Johnson, made them the following speech.
Brothers of the Six Nations here assembled.
I am glad to see you all here safe and in health this day, especially as the season is severe
and some of your Chiefs are aged Men and as I have now duly considered the subjects you
spoke upon I desire your particular attention to my answer which 1 expect will prove very
satisfactory to you.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 537
Brothers. In answer to what you say concerning your intelligence from the Shawanese, I
must remind you, that at our last meeting, I told you what I had heard relative to the action
at the Great Kanhawa, the particulars of which were not then so well known, and you
thereupon determined to send Messengers, who were accordingly dispatched to the Southward,
directing the Shawanese to make peace ; since which it appears from the accounts I have
received from my Deputy, that the Shawanese have made peace with the Virginians, have
delivered up all prisoners, negroes and horses in their possession, with hostages for the
performance of it; and it is in the prints, that the Shawanese have ceded a Tract of Land to
the Virginians; on this subject I wrote to the Earl of Dunmore who is Governor of that
Province, but as I have not yet received his answer, I, consequently cannot give you particular
information respecting the situation or extent of the cession if any such has been made; the
particulars you have mentioned respecting what passed at and after the Action may possibly
be in some measure true tho' not altogether; as to the Lands ceded, if they lay within the
limits of your cession to the King in 1768, you have no reason to complain, for it will be
considered as only a relinquishment of the pretended claim of late set up by the Shawanese
to lands there; if they are of lands beyond the Ohio, you may be assured, that on proper
representation to His Maj'^ you will have Justice. With regard therefore to the Lands, I
recommend to you to be moderate and wait patiently until I have an opportunity of more
particular information respecting the same, when, if it appears that any thing has been done
contrary to the Cession in 1768 you may be assured of my exerting myself in the best manner
for procuring you Justice by proceeding in the only proper channel for obtaining redress.
Brothers. As to any threats you may have heard made use of by the Virginians against you,
I advise you to pay little regard to them, & consider the character and views of the people who
brought you such intelligence; they, tho' a small people and your Dependants have long
endeavoured to lessen your reputation, and it is their design to bring you over to their purposes
by various artifices. Be assured that whatever common people might indiscretly say, the Gov'
or any persons in high station, must think differently and would never make use of threats
against a people, that far from associating with the Shawanese have taken great pains to restore
peace; as persons in authority must know, that the few stragglers of your Confederacy, who
are dispersed to the Southward are too remote and negligent to attend to your Councils, ard
that you can hardly be accountable for their errors, or much interested in their punishment,
neither can I find that any of them are in confinement. But with respect to the invitation of
the Shawanese, I look upon it, as of a dangerous tendency, and calculated to make you appear
as parties in their quarrels, and therefore agree with your Chiefs to reject their invitation.
Returned the Shawanese strings.
Brothers. The application of the Shawanese to you to attend a meeting with them next
spring on Ohio, appears to me to be one of the strongest proofs of their artifice; if any of
your people are disliked or threatned by the Virginians, you probably owe it to their
misrepresentations. You have ofien been told by Sir William Johnson that your Emigrants
and stragglers on the Ohio have also often brought your name in question ; with this view,
you were desired to call them from thence. I know, this is a difficult task, as they are married
and intermixed with others, but I hope you may still effect it. Your Dependants, the
Shawanese, have twice declined to come to you on a summons to the great Council fire, yet
now, ask you to a meeting on Ohio; this seems to me as done with a view to make you
partners in their guilt, and to lay part of their faults on your head, and that you may be on
Vol. VIIL 68
538 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
some future occasion the easier suspected, and thereby drawn in to join in their quarrels. I
advise you to avoid this snare which is laid for you, to reject their desire as you had no part
in their quarrels and rather to call them to your proper Council fire to answer for all their
neglects and misconduct ; this you will find to be wholesome advice, and if you follow it, you
will act wisely and encourage me to represent the protection of your land and of the great
Treaty of Cession in the strongest manner to his Majesty, who, you will always find, warmly
disposed to protect and promote your interests, as a Tender Father would those of his children.
Provided, by attending to his advice, and those to whom he has given authority for your affairs,
you appear to deserve his favour and protection. I therefore give you this Belt, in assurance
of my attention to all your concerns and interests. A Belt of seven Rows.
Brothers the Chiefs of Oneidas.
I hear with much concern your complaints against the Clergyman at one of your villages;
you have, 'tis true, more than once applied on this subject, and I am very sorry to find them
now much aggravated, as I am always inclined to judge favourably of the Clergy and willing
to hope, that they have only for their object the promoting Religion and virtue. I could wish
for the credit of Religion and the character of that Gentleman, that your charges were not well
founded ; I hope that you have considered all this, and as the nature of this charge, if true,
renders his conduct very culpable, I shall be glad to have the most circumstantial account of
such particulars, before 1 can determine on any thing, and in the interim, if you are convinced,
that you have fairly stated the matter you may signify your disgust in such a manner as
becomes moderate Men towards a Minister, whose person should always be treated with
respect on account of his sacred profession. His recommending it to you to Burn a letter sent
to me on public affairs, appears very extraordinary indeed, for whatever were the contents, it
was unjustifiable to stop it and I hope you yourselves will be more careful! in this particular
in future and not give encouragement to people who have no authority to intermeddle in
public affairs.
Brothers of the Six Nations.
You have greatly surprised me with the news of the stopping a letter sent, from a public
Messenger who was on his Maj""'* service, and being an intelligent Indian, was ordered by me
to write from time to time, and furnished with paper and other implements for that purpose.
I shall inquire further into this matter, as it may, if passed over be attended with very
dangerous consequences to the public on some future occasion. I am heartily sorry for the
person who is accused as the adviser of it, but as 1 am not inclined to credit idle reports, you
may be assured, that I shall not entertain any doubts of your sincerity, my disposition will
naturally incline me to point out to yourselves any errors I discover whilst I trust your
prudence and good conduct will seldom render it necessary. — A Belt of 8 Rows.
Brothers. With concern I have heard that many of you, excited by reports from idle people
have busied yourselves with the little differences between England and some people in
America, a dispute which I sufficiently explained to you at our last meeting and with full
authority, I have further to tell you that this dispute was solely occasioned by some people,
who notwithstanding a law of the King and his wise Men, would not let some Tea land, but
destroyed it, on which he was angry, and sent some Troops with the General, whom you have
long known, to see the Laws executed and bring the people to their sences; and as he is
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 539
proceeding with great wisdom, to shew them their mistake, I expect it will soon be over.
This matter, I hope you are ail convinced you have nothing to do with any more, than you
have with those foolish people who taik to you about, what they dont themselves understand.
I charge you therefore to shut your ears against such reports, and I have full authority to
assure you, that His Majesty, the great and amiable King of England, is and will be your only
true Father, Protector and Friend, that the General of the army, whose long residence in
America has enabled him to know your character and whose benevolence inclines him to favour
you, will manifest himself your true friend and that as neither himself or the troops under his
command have done or intend to offer you any injury you have nothing to fear but a great deal
to hope from his friendship & their protection, and I trust and expect you will continue to
distinguish between those who are your true friends, and those who are not, & recommend
yourselves to his Maj'^'"' fatherly attention as well by your loyalty, as by your pacific conduct,
in the hopes of which I give you this Belt. A Belt of G. Rows. —
Then adjourned.
At a Meeting of the Six Nation Chiefs ett. at Guy Park. Tuesday January 24.
Present — as before.
The Speaker after asking whether they were all present and being answered in the affirmative
acquainted the Superintendant, that they had met to reply to his speech. On which
Teyerhansera Chief of all the Mohawks being appointed for that purpose arose on behalf of the
rest and spoke as follows :
Brother Gorah Uraghquadirha.
Having yesterday to our satisfaction heard from you such particulars as you received
concerning the affairs of the Virginians and the Shawanese and other very interesting matters,
we now return you our hearty thanks for your free communication thereof, and for your good
advice to us. — As to the invitation of the Shawanese to meet them next spring to be present
at their transactions with the Virginians, we are sensible of its impropriety, it never having
been the case of any of the Dependants of the Six Nations on such occasions to change the Fire
place or appoint them to meet any where else, but at the Council place at Onondaga, or the
residence of the Superintendant of their Affairs; we are therefore determined to refuse their
invitation and call them to one of our fire places early in the spring, and have pitched upon
two principal Shawanese Chiefs, Soherise and Onererarhe to bring with them what assistance
they think necessary of their Chiefs ettc of that Nation and if it is necessary, we desire you
will write to the Gov'' of Virginia to send some of his principal Men to be present at what is
transacted (if they have any business with us) in order to be convinced of the Six Nations
Neutrality in their disputes. — They then mentioned three Messengers who were to carry the
Message to the Southward to be delivered to the Delawares who were to forward it to
the Nations on the Ohio. Shewed the Belt of invitation.
Brother. You acquainted us yesterday with the particulars of what occasioned the King to
send an armament to Boston, and told us it was a matter not in the least concerning us, which
we were sensible of when we heard your reasons, and therefore shall not readily give ear to
the reports spread relative to that affair by those who have no authority to treat with us on
public business, and request of you to do the same and listen to nothing upon Indian matters,
540 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
but what comes from us by authority; but as some of our people may be exposed to hear such
idle stories, we wish you would endeavour to prevent them. We are very thankful for the
good will and attention the great King our Father has shewn us and for the general's regard
and we hope may continue to merit the King's favour and the General's friendship —
Exchanged a Belt.
Brother. Your answer upon what the Oneidas mentioned to you concerning the behaviour i
was quite pleasing to us, and it will behove that nation to make a strict enquiry into those
matters, it being of great consequence to our mutual welfare, to come to the bottom of such
out of the way practices, and we advised the Oneidas to tell the plain truth, and use their
utmost endeavours to detect such matters.
They then asked for the necessary articles the Messengers would require on their journey,
and desired Col : Johnson's advice and directions respecting their intended Message and the
manner in which it should be transmitted which he promised to take into consideration.
Then adjourned.
Wednesday January 25.
Col: Johnson being much Indisposed with a fit of the gout and gravel occasioned by a cold
he had caught the day before, the Indians did not assemble.
Thursday January 26.
The Indians had a private meeting respecting the Message, and in the evening Col : Johnson
had a private meeting with some of the Chiefs in his bed chamber.
Fryday January 27.
The Chiefs assembled in the morning in Col : Johnsons Room.
Present — as before.
Col: Johnson then gave them his opinion fully respecting their conduct towards the
Shawanese and after shewing them how negligent the latter had been of their past advice and
invitations, & that the Shawanese had now undoubtedly misrepresented the affair with the
Virginians and appeared to have some artful design in calling them to Ohio, recommended it
to them to fix on a short Message that could not be mistaken, to send it after the former
Messages, and if they could be overtaken, to acquaint them that the present state of affairs
required the original Message to be altered.
The Indians thanked Col: Johnson for his advice and begged that he would frame the
substance of a Message for that purpose, which they would take into consideration, which was
accordingly drawn up in the words following and being transacted into the Indian language
and delivered to one of them who could read, they withdrew to consider on it.
Message to the Shawanese.
Younger Brothers. We had just sent off our Messengers to you for the last time with good
peaceable advice, when we received a strange Message from you, telling us of your Action
with the Virginia people, that you had made peace, and that they threatned to invade us and
requesting that we should go to a meeting with you in the spring at Fort Pitt to settle matters.
' of tha clergyman — or soma such words, seem wanting to make up the sense of this sentence. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. , 541
Younger Brothers. This greatly surprises us and we cannot pay regard to it. Sure, you
know that our proper Council fires are at Onondaga and at our Superintendant's, and that
you lately neglected to come to us, when we called you to our great Fire place ; besides, you
know, we have had no concern in your quarrel, we were all along for peace, and therefore we
have nothing to do with the Virginians, whom we did not attack — we therefore cannot go. —
But as we have heard many things concerning you, we desire that you will be in readiness to
come to our proper Council Fire, when we next send to you.
The Oneidas then came in and being seated, Conoghquieson the Chief, acquainted Col :
Johnson that they came to lay before him the particulars relative to their charge against the
Clergyman on which he spoke as follows :
Brother. I shall lay the whole before you in a few words ; one of our first disputes with
the Minister of which we formerly complained to you, was, for refusing to Baptize some of
our children, whom we carried to him for that purpose, and earnestly requested it, but he
refused us, altho' one of the children was at the point of death, and died soon after, saying
that unless the parents were Christians, he would not Baptize the Children, when we told him
we could take our Children to the German Calvinist Minister, or any other at the German
Flats, who had offered to Baptize them, he answered, that we might as well throw them into
the fire; for that the French, the English and Dutch, were all wrong, but that he was in the
right way, and stood under the protection of the Arm of the Almighty. — On our reckoning
up, we find, that thirty children died, to whom he refused Baptizm. These and many other
things we formerly related, have greatly disgusted us at him ; but of late he grows much worse,
for he engages in civil matters; he told us some time ago, that the New England people had
taken a survey of all the Indian Country, and the Numbers of each Nation ; and on being
asked the reason, said : it was with a view to take possession of several fine flatts. — On his
last return from Boston in October he told us, that he had very bad news for us, that the King
wanted to be paid for all the money he had laid out on America, and had sent Tea over, which
occasioned a quarrel, whereupon the King had stopped all goods and would not permit any
more to be brought to America, and that they would shortly be obliged to pay perhaps three
or four Dollars for a jill of Powder.
The Indians of Canowaroghere then held a meeting, on which, the New England Trader,
who lives there, came from the Minister's house and said he was sorry to tell them that,
that was the last time he believed he should have any goods for them as the King had stopped
all goods from coming over and although he would try, if they desired it, he despaired of
succeeding in getting any more.
Brother. These and many other matters are still better known at the Village he lives at, as
well, as his carrying stories to and from Boston that gives great uneasiness, and on these things
our Chiefs had several conferences and resolved to come down and lay it before you some time
ago. It is with great satisfaction therefore that we hear from you, that these bad stories are
without foundation.
Col: Johnson answered them, that he was very sorry to hear that any Minister of the Gospel
should have acted so base a part as they represented ; that he would consider of measures for
preventing the like in future, and charged them to remember his advice and not to hearken to
any persons who misrepresented Government or entered upon Matters foreign to their
profession in which they had no concern.
542 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
Sunday January SS""
The Chiefs Assembled.
Present — as before.
The Onondaga speaker addressed Col : Johnson and after repeating the Message to the
Shawanese, declared their entire approbation of the same and their resolution to have it
faithfully delivered, then gave an exhortation to those veho were to carry it recommending it to
them, not to hearken to any ill advisers they might meet on the road, but to mind alone the
business they were sent on. — Col : Johnson then gave the whole particular advice respecting
their conduct, charging them to avoid giving credit to the several Reports which were
propagated by designing persons, whether Whites or Indians, that his Maj'J' having first formed
the Depart"' for preventing abuses, had directed that ail transactions with them, should pass
thro' one general Channel whereby, their grievances and all their affairs would be soonest
known, and attended to by Government, from whom they should conceal nothing, and in so
doing, every thing necessary for their information siiould be communicated to them, and that-
their adherence to this advice would secure them the continuance of His Maj"'' favour
and protection.
The Indians in return expressed their thanks for this advice, which perfectly corresponded
with their resolutions — and then after some cloathing and presents ettc were given to the
Chiefs they took their leave. —
a True copy. Exd.
Joseph Chew Seer'''
Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors of New - Yor\ New Jersey^ New Hampshire
and Deputy -Governor of Pennsylvania.
[ Plantations General (S. P. 0. ) CCLXI. ]
Inclosed I send you, by the King's command a joint address by both Houses of Parliament
to His Majesty upon a Consideration of the papers which had been communicated to them
relative to the state of the American Colonies, together with His Majesty's most gracious
answer to the said address.
I likewise send you a printed copy of a Bill brought into the house of Commons for
restraining the Trade and Fisheries of the four New England Governments for a limited time,
together with the copy of a resolution declaratory of the sense of Parliament upon the subject
of taxation, which resolution was moved in the Committee on Monday last, and carried by a
Majority of 274 to S8.
As these two measures are as yet in the first stages only of consideration, and as the Bill
may possibly admit, in its farther progress, of some alteration, I shall only say upon them, that
I flatter myself, that the firm determination of Parliament to preserve the Colonies in a due
dependance upon this Kingdom, tempered with the Justice and moderation expressed in the
last resolution of the Committee, will have the effect to produce such a conduct on the part of
the Colonies as shall lead to a restoration of the public tranquility.
I am ettc.
22 Feb'T' 1776. Dartmouth.
LONDON DOCUMENTS': XLV.
543
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXVII., No. 18. ]
New York 1" Mar 1775
My Lord
I informed your Lordship in my last letter of the 1" of February that the Assembly of this
Province had resolved to petition the King &c. The Committee of the House appointed to
state the greivances of the Colony, did not report till the latter end of last vreek. The Report
was recommitted to a Committee of the whole House and is to be taken into consideration
this day. They have not got their Petition ready to transmit by this Packet. I was informed
that the Boston and Quebec Bills were at first rejected in the Committee, as not being any
part of the Greivances of this Colony, it seems, however, my Lord, that they were at last
brought into the Report, and I am afraid may not now be got rid of in the House. The
Assembly have been very firm in rejecting several attempts to draw them into an approbation
of the Proceedings of the Continental Congress. The numbers on the negative side have been
neerly two to one. Last week a Motion was made to take the sense of the House on the
necessity of appointing Delegates to join the continental Congress in May next, which passed
in the negative seventeen to nine
It is surprizing, my Lord, that nothwithstanding the firmness with which the assembly have
discountenanced the Measures of the late Congress, and the approbation this part of their
conduct has received from a large Majority of their constituents, the non importation association
of the Congress is ever rigidly maintained in this Place. The enemys of Government do all
they can to propagate an opinion that the Ministry will yet draw back and quiet the Colonies
by a Repeal, they constantly hold up the case of the stamp Act, and find this an Argument
which influences many friends of the Government to lye bye ; dreading the consequences of
making themselves conspicuous in the Cause should Government again yield. I doubt not
they will before long be convinced of the Folly of such expectations But at present I really
think, my Lord, such an opinion has a good deal influenced the measures that have been
pursued here, so contrary to the Spirit of our Assembly Votes. Two vessels have arrived here
since the first of February one of them from Glasgow has been obliged to depart with her
Cargoe to Jamaica. Neither the Master of the Ship nor the merchant to whom the Cargoe was
consigned, would demand any assistance, or shewed any inclination to have the goods landed.
It was not therefore possible for Government to interfere with any propriety. The second
ship is from London ; she still lies a few miles below the Harbour, and it is said is to carry her
Cargo to Halifax. Neither the master nor owners of this ship or Cargoe, have made any
application to Government. The success, my Lord, which the violent Party have had in
preventing there vessels from Landing their Cargoes here, has given them great spirits, and is
a strong counterpoise to the conduct of the Assembly — Your Ldp. will beleive it has chagrined
me a good deal
Since it was known that our Assembly would not appoint Delegates for the May Congress
the mischeivous folks have been very busy at work endeavoring to bring about a Provincial
Congress in this Colony; in order by that means to get provincial delegates appointed. They
may no doubt get some people to meet, and these may take upon them to act for the whole
Province, tho not the twentieth part. 1 find my Lord many people are apprehensive this
business may embroil the Colony in troubles, that have been hitherto kept at a distance
544 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
We have had, My Lord, only one hundred men of the Royal Irish Regiment* in this City
for several months past, and the Kings Fisher Sloop of War in the harbour. The moderate
Inhabitants have constantly expressed a wish that we had a more formidable Power in the
Place to awe the licentious & encourage the freinds of Government, convinced that it would
be for His Matys Service, I wrote to Admiral Graves on the 20"" Ull" and suggested to him the
utility of sending one of the large Ships from Boston to this Place. I mentioned of what
consequence it would be to keep the command of Hudsons River which must be passed by
the Southern People before they can join the Eastern. The Idea of their really fighting the
Kings Troops, is so full of Madness and folly, that one can hardly think seriously of it — yet my
Lord a neglect of proper precautions may encourage wild enthusiasts to attempt what they
would not otherwise venture upon.
Except the measui-es that are pursued in support of the non importation association, the
people of this Province are in other respects very quiet and shew no inclination to copy
the extravagant Plans of their neighbours
I send your Lordship a Pamphiett lately published in this Place. We have had several
good political peices published here this winter this is esteemed one of the best, it is wrote
by M' Galloway of Philadelphia^
I am My Lord with great submission
To the R' Honble Your most faithfull & obed' Serv'
The Earl of Dartmouth Cadwallader Golden.
Lords of Trade to the Governor of New- York.
[New-Tork Enlries, LXIX., p. 85. ]
To the Governor of New York
Sir
We have had under Our consideration the Laws of New York passed in February and March
1774 and altho we do not see sufficient reason to recommend the disallowance any of them
yet some of them appear liable to objections which it is Our duty to point out to you.
The Acts for empowering the Magistrates of Albany and New York to raise money for the
purposes therein mentioned subjects those Magistrates to punishments and penalties of which
there is no example or precedent in any case of the like nature provided for by similar Laws
in this kingdom and such severity is not only in its nature improper as tending to lessen the
dignity of and throw an odium upon the first Magistrates of those Cities but is also unecessary
because by the common law they would be responsible for any neglect that should have the
effect essentially to defeat the purpose of the Acts.
The Act to prevent the abatement of Suits is in many respects very objectionable indeed
the whole tenor and purport of the Bill is liable to much doubt but the principal objections lie
» The 18th Foot.
' " A candid Exaraination of the Mutual Claims of Great Britain and the Colonies; with a plan of Accommodation, on
Constitutional principles." New York. 8vo. pp. 62. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 545
to those Clauses by which an Action may proceed without making all the persons interested
parties in the Cause, and allowing only eighty days for the appearance of the Representatives
of deceased parties which term however reasonable it may be in respect to persons residing in
the Colonies must be accompanied with a manifest injustice to such as may happen to be
resident either in England Ireland or the East Indies.
The Act for the relief of Insolvent Debtors with respect to the imprisonment of their persons
by confining the benefit to a few individuals appears to us to be improper it is contrary to the
usage and practice in this Kingdom and has an aspect of partiality that ought ever to be
avoided in such Cases.
Unless there may have been some paculiar reasons which do not appear for adopting this
Mode. We cannot but think it is a precedent that ought not to be followed in any future
provision for such a purpose but that the benefit of Insolvency whenever it may be fit to be
granted should be made general.
We are
Sir
Your most obedient and
most humble Servants
Dartmouth
SoAME Jenyns
Whitehall Bamber Gascoyne
March 2. 1775. C. F. Greville ^
Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in North America.
[ Plantations General (S. P. O.) CCLXL ]
To the Governors of :
Nova Scotia Maryland
New Hampshire Virginia
Massachusets Bay North Carolina
New York South Carolina
New Jersey Georgia.
Pensylvania Gov' & Comp'' of Connecticut.
Gov' and Comp^ of Rhode Island.
Whitehall 3 March 1775
You will have seen in the King's answer to the joint address of both houses of Parliament
on the 7"" of February, which address & answer have already been transmitted to you, how
much attention His Maj'^ was graciously pleased to give to the assurance held out in that
address, of the readiness of Parliament to afford every just and reasonable indulgence to the
' Cbarlbs Francis Gbetille, second eon of Fiancis, latEsrl of Brooke and Warwick, was born 12 May, 1749, and died,
unmarried, 23d April, 1809. He was a member of the Board of Trade from January 25, 1774, to September 6, 1780. Bealton't
Political Annals, la, 61. — Ed.
Vol.. VIII. 69
546 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Colonies, whenever they should make a proper application on the ground of any real grievance
they might have to complain of, and therefore I have the less occasion now to enlarge upon
27 Fehy UTS the Satisfaction it hath given His Maj''' to see that address followed by the inclosed
resolution of the house of Commons, which, whatever may be the effect of it, (1 trust a happy
one) will forever remain in evidence of their Justice and moderation & manifest the temper
which has accompanied their deliberations upon that question, which has been the source of
so much disquiet to His Maj'^'' subjects in America, and the pretence for Acts of such criminal
disorder & disobedience.
His Maj'y ardently wishing to see a reconciliation of the unhappy differences which have
produced those disorders, by every means through which it may be obtained, without prejudice
to the just authority of Parliament, which His Majesty will never suffer to be violated,
approves the resolutions of his faithful Commons, and commands me to transmit it to you, not
doubting that this happy disposition to comply with every just and reasonable wish of the
King's subjects in America, will meet with such a return of duty and affection on their part,
as will lead to a happy issue of the present disputes, and to a re-establishment of the public
tranquility on those grounds of equity justice and moderation, which this resolution holds forth.
The King has the greater satisfaction in this resolution, and the greater confidence in the
good effects of it, from having seen, that, amidst all the intemperance into which a people
jealous to their liberties have been unfortunately misled, they have nevertheless avowed the
Justice, the equity, and the propriety of subjects of the same State, contributing, according
to their abilities and situation, to the public burthens ; and I think, I am warranted in saying,
that this resolution, holds no proposition beyond that.
I am unwilling to suppose, that any of the King's subjects in the Colonies, can have so far
forgot the benefit they have received from the Parent State, as not to acknowledge that it is
to her support, held forth at the expense of her Blood and Treasure, that they principally owe
that security which hath raised them to their present state of opulence and importance; in
this situation, therefore. Justice requires that they should in return contribute, according to
their respective abilities, to the common defence, and their own welfare and interest demand
that their Civil Establishment should be supported with a becoming dignity.
It has been the care, and I am persuaded it is the firm determination of Parliament, to see
that both these ends are answered ; and their wisdom and moderation have suggested the
propriety of leaving to each Colony to judge of the ways and means of making due provision
for these purposes, reserving to themselves a discretionary power of approving or disapproving
what shall be offered.
The resolution neither points out what the Civil Establishment should be, nor demands any
specific sum in aid of the public burthens. In both these respects it leaves full scope for that
Justice and liberality which may be expected from Colonies, that, under all their prejudices,
have never been wanting in expressions of an affectionate attachment to the Mother Country,
and a zealous regard for the general welfare of the British Empire, and therefore the King
trusts that the provision they will engage to make for the support of Civil Government will be
adequate to the Rank and Station of every necessary Officer, and that the sum be given in
contribution to the common defence will be offered on such terms, and proposed in such a way,
as to increase or diminish according as the public Burthens of this Kingdom are from time to
time augmented or reduced, in so far as those Burtliens consist of Taxes and duties which
are not a security for the National debt. By such a mode of contribution the Colonies will
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 547
have full security that they can never be required to tax themselves, without Parliament's
Taxing the subjects of this Kingdom, in a far greater proportion, and there can be no doubt, that
any proposition of this nature made by any of the Colonies, and accompanied with such a state
of their faculties and abilities as may evince the equity of the proposal, will be received with
every possible indulgence, provided it be at the same time unaccompanied with any
declarations, and unmixed with any claims, which will make it impossible for the King,
consistent with his own dignity, or for Parliament, consistent with their Constitutional rights,
to receive it. But, I will not suppose that any of the Colonies will, after this example of the
Temper and moderation of Parliament, adopt such a conduct ; on the contrary, I will cherish
the pleasing hope that the public peace will be restored, and that the Colonies, forgetting
all other trivial and groundless complaints, which ill humour hath produced, will enter
into the consideration of the resolution of the house of commons with that calmness and
deliberation which the importance of it demands, and with that good will and inclination to a
reconciliation, which are due to the candor and Justice with which Parliament has taken up
this business, and at once declared to the Colonies what will be ultimately expected from them.
I have already said that the King entirely approves the resolution of the house of Commons,
and His Maj'^ commands me to say that a compliance therewith by the General Assembly
of will be most graciously considered, by His Majesty, not only
To New York add : — Assfmbly
of New York, which has
already shewn so good a
disposition towards a
reconciliation with the
Mother Country
as a Testimony of their reverence for Parliament but also as
a mark of their duty and attachment to their Sovereign,
who has no object nearer to his heart than the peace and
prosperity of His Subjects in every part of His Dominions.
At the same time His Majesty considers himself as bound by
every Tye to exert those means the Constitution has placed in
his hands for preserving that Constitution entire, and to resist with firmness every attempt to
violate the rights of Parliam', to distress and obstruct the lawful commerce of his subjects ;
and to incourage in the Colonies ideas of Independence inconsistent with their connection with
this Kingdom.
I am ettc.
Dartmouth.
Mirl of Darttnouth to Lieutenant-Governor Golden.
[ New-York Papers (8. P. O. ) CLXVII., No. 28. ]
Whitehall 4 March 1775
Sir.
The American Packets having been detained a few days beyond the usual time of their
sailing gives me the opportunity of acquainting you that your Despatch of the 1" of Feb"'' has
been received, and of assuring you that the Sentiments of duty to the King, & wishes of a
reconciliation with the Mother Country, so fully expressed in the addresses of the Council &
Assembly in answer to your very prudent and proper speech to them have been very graciously
received by His Majesty and have given great satisfaction to all ranks of People in
this Kingdom
I am &ca
Lt Gov Golden Dartmouth
548 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
N»7.
Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ Plantations General ( S. P. O. ) CCLXI. ]
Guy Park. 16. March 1775.
My Lord,
The G"" ult", I had the honor to write to your Lord^, and enclosed some proceedings with the
Indians about a Message they had received from the Southward, since which several
Deputations of Chiefs have been with me on the matters contained in the minutes I now have
the honor to transmit. The first part concerns some farther advices brought by the Onejdas
Onoghquageys of another Message from the Shawanese, the request of the former ab' the
boundary line, and matters regarding their Missionaries, one of whom had been accused by
the Oneidas of spreading alarming reports of the American Disputes as mentioned in my letter
of last month. This last party of Oneidas are his friends and speak in his favour, but are at
least as partial as his Enemies, for according to the Clergyman's ace' whom I have since seen,
they made a very false report of the transactions of the rest a this place. He acknowledges
that he has occasionally explained the prints to them, & agreable to his judgement
observed that the Dispute arose, from the Crown's endeavouring to obtain a large
reimbursement, for the expenses of the late War, which the Colonies could not comply with
and therefore an Army was sent to compell them ; I remarked that this was a gross
misrepresentation of a matter, with which the Indians, should have had nothing to do, and
that some persons of credit had corroborated the charge brought by the Indian Chiefs, to
which he replyed with many protestations of his innocence, and I heartily wish they may be
relyed on, but at all events I have taken care to prevent the evil operation of such reports
amongst the Indians in future.
The next part of the inclosures contain Transactions with the Chief of the Lower Senecas
(a Man of great fidelity) and with a party of Cayugas, and the last is the substance of my
proceedings with those Six Nation Indians who inhabit about the Susquehanna, and who are
much alarmed on finding that the boundary line lately run from Owegy on the before
mentioned river to Delaware includes four of their Villages contrary to the intention of the
Fort Stanwix Treaty in 1768. — This error was occasioned thro' the want of a proper survey
of the course of the Susquehanna, at that time, all the Maps then to be found having given it a
much more Northerly direction than it appears to have (above Owegy) according to the late
survey which leaves their Villages within the limits of the Colonies & thereby causes much
discontent, not only amongst those immediately affected, but the rest, who have applied to me
for redress, as previous to their executing the Deed of Cession they in a public speech
stipulated : " That the Lands of the Mohawks, as also the residences of any others of the
"Confederacy, affected by the Cession should be considered as their sole property" And
therefore it may appear necessary to give them some security for the lands they occupy about
the Villages so circumstanced, otherwise at a time when so much jealousy subsists on account
of lands and encroachments, this would be aggravated into a high grievance by the Confederacy
(who are bound to provide their people with lands) and probably incline them to engage in
some of these evil Councils or Associations, which it has been my constant endeavours to
prevent. I therefore hope to be enabled to signify to them His Majesty's commands thereon,
and if I can also receive orders respecting some land (and other) matters mentioned in former
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 549
letters, previous to the General Congress, that must shortly take place, it will prove of great
advantage to the service, for J find that reports of encroachments ettc, have spread amongst the
Nations to the Westward, and, I likewise discover, that measures are now in agitation to
draw the Six Nations into the schemes of the disaffected by persuading them, that they are in
danger and that their applications will be disregarded ; so that any marks of attention at this
time will strengthen their confidence in His Maj''' which I continually labour to promote, than
which nothing can be more necessary, when not only many amongst themselves, but also a
great number of the White people are endeavouring to alienate their affections and even spirit
them up to the worst purposes. This I have hitherto been fortunate enough to prevent, and
under the sanction of Govern' I trust, I shall neither prove wanting in zeal or influence to
render their schemes abortive.
I have the honour to be with true respect,
My Lord.
Your LordP's most obedient and most
humble servant
G. Johnson.
Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the Oneidas and Ougliquageys.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. O. ) CCLXI. ]
Extracts from the proceedings with the Chiefs ettc of Oneida and Oughquaga,
before Col : Guy Johnson Superintendant.
Friday February lO'" 1775.
Twenty one Oneidas and Oughquagas arrived here and after shaking hands condoled with
three strings, and then with two gave an account of the death of their Chief Chiketah, which
they desired might be told to the Mohawks, who, they wanted to be present, having news of
importance to communicate to them.
Saturday IT" of February
The Oneidas and Oughquagas assembled.
Present — The Superintendant with the officers of the Departm'
Col : Jolinson first returned the ceremony of condolence with three strings, and then
the like for the death of Chiketah, one of their Chiefs. Then Thomas arose and spoke
as follows.
Brother. Here is the Belt which was sent thro' the Nations with the account of the death
of our late worthy Superintendant Sir Wiliam Johnson ; when it came to the Hurons, they
expressed their great concern on the occasion, and joined in recommending it to the Six
Nations to withdraw their people from the Shawanese. When the Belt came to the Shawanese,
they doubled it, and desired that the Six Nations should listen to them, and come to a meeting,
proposed to be held at Fort Pitt, at which they requested you to be present. —
A Belt of 8 Rows.
550 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brother. Here is a string from Canawagore where Kayashota and Adonquat now are, the
former of whom, when at Fort Pitt, saw some of his people in confinement, but could not
procure their reieasment ; they therefore beg, that you and the Six Nations will come to the
meeting proposed by the Shawanese, and thereby procure a discharge for their people. —
3. Strings.
He then gave an account of Kayashota's application to the Gov"" of V^irginia to have seven
Senecas released, that at length two of them were released, and the irons taken off the rest,
but that they were still detained in confinement; that some of them, tho' they had for many
years lived very distant from the Six Nations, were nearly connected with several principal
Chiefs, who requested Col : Johnson's interposition with Gen' Gage and the Gov% that they
might be discharged in consideration of the fidelity manifested by the Six Nations
Then Peter with a Belt expressed the concern which Sir William Johnson's death had given
them, for which, they had heard the rest of their people had long since condoled, and had
congratulated Col : Johnson on succeeding him, that they now again repeated their satisfaction
at the latter, hoping that Col : Johnson would always continue to follow his steps, and give
them good advice. — A Belt of Six Rows.
Then after repeating Sir William's having established a large Fire on the Mohawk River for
the purposes of peace, and to bring all Nations into a right way of thinking, he expressed their
satisfaction that it continued, and hoped that it would still be a place of peace and shelter, and
to which all people should resort, give an account of their conduct, and receive good advice.
A Belt of ten Rows.
Then repeated Sir William Johnson's past care of them, and his sending Soldiers to protect
their Families in the late war, his recommending it to them to cast their eyes one way, and
use one road of peace, which they faithfully observed, and refused all advice, and invitations
from the Enemy, assuring Col: Johnson they still continued in the same sentiments.
A Belt half Black and White, nine Rows.
Then produced a Belt, and observed, it had been given to them formerly by Sir William
Johnson, as a proof of his regard, advising them by the King's authority to look only to him,
and not meddle with, or attend to provincial affairs, and that, whenever any thing happened
among them, or any bad news arrived, they should look to him for advice, and direction, and
that his ear would be open to them.
A Black Belt with nine Rows, with the letters "%^ : I- and I'^^G- '" white on it.
Adding, that they had strictly followed these advices, and always kept them in remembrance,
and that they were determined to continue firm in their resolution, and to promote peace, and
every thing required of them; — that, no doubt Col: Johnson must have great trouble in
conducting the affairs of so troublesome a DepartmS but they hoped the great spirit above,
would enable him to do it wisely, and would give him strength to support it. —
A Belt of 7. Rows.
Next with three strings observed they were very happy in pursuing their present resolutions
and following his good advice, — that as so many disputes had arisen about lands, it had given
them great pleasure to find the line between them and the White people established at Fort
Stanwix, and that the King liad strengthened the boundary, and set his foot on it to secure it,
so that no person should in future attempt to encroach on any part of it, on any account. This
the Indians had desired, not meaning that it should be only a temporary boundary, — that they
were now greatly alarmed at the endeavours of people to cross it lately, and requested that
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 551
they might be immediately prevented ; adding, that the Surveyors had lately run a line Ihro'
their Country, vs-hich came up to the Tuscarora village, and was in no wise agreable to their
intentions in 1768, and that they requested the Gov" of Pennsylvania and New York, might be
acquainted with it, that they might desist. 3. strings.
Then Adam of Onoghquagey arose & said that they had now some matters of a private
nature to mention. — That many years ago, M'' Schuyler the Presbyterian Minister at Scohare
applied to them for some lands at their village for Baptizing their Children, and other Religious
services, which he had long neglected, and therefore they had resolved on taking the lands
back; that some of their people were for, and others against it, but that his sons came there,
and were very urgent to get the land, and many others were continually teazing them for
settlements; all which they begged might be prevented.
He then proceeded to give an account of their Disputes about the New Englan Minister at
Oughquagey, and the divisions occasioned in their village, some taking part with him, and
others threatning to drive him away, as he was not a member of the Church of England,
and as he refused to Baptize the children of those who had led immoral lives, or did not approve
of his worship; and expressed their wishes that these differences might be accommodated.
Then delivered a letter from M' Aaron Crosby Uhe dissenting Minister, to Col: Johnson, which
was in the words following :
Ononhoghquage 25, Jan'^ 1775.
Honoured Sir,
The differences subsisting here, and the desire of a considerable number of the Inhabitants
together with some things reported among them induce me to write to you, not to refer the
matter to your decision, for that would be inconsistent with the nature of that part of
administration committed to me, as well, as an unlawful [Imposition upon you. For the
Supreme head of the Church, requires that every one should act conscientiously in matters of
such importance, agreable to which there has been an Act passed by the King and Parliament
proclaiming liberty of conscience to all the worshippers of the true God.
As to the manner of Worship ; here I am, though unworthy to be called a servant of Christ
laboring in his Vineyard, acting according to the dictates of my conscience, aiming at the glory
of God and the good of souls. Against the Church of England, have 1 spoken nothing, neither
against the Church at Scohare. — The things reported concerning me, are througii mistake or
malice, I would hope the former; though some are of a different opinion with respect to the
administration of ordinances, also with respect to the qualifications of persons to be admitted
to ordinances, yet I would put on that charity which hopeth all things, and believeth all things,
and so hope, that all act conscientiously in their Administration, therefore I can't condemn
others, altho' my conscience obliges me to act in some instances, different from them. I require
those who are guilty of great sins, which are known to all, to make public confession, thereby
to satisfy those whom they have offended and aggrieved, then exhort them to take care for the
' Rev. Aarox Crosby was born in Cambridge, Mass., in 1743 : was graduated at Harvard College in 1770, and afterwards
employed as a missionary to the Indians at Onoquaghe, Broome county, N. Y. A report was made November 27, 1776, to the
Continental Congress recommending that Mr. Kirkland and Mr. Aaron Crosby, whom the commissioners at Boston, appointed
by the Society for Propag;iting the Gospel among the Indians, had employed as missionaries for that pujpose, the former at
Oneida, the latter at Onoquaghe, be continued in their offices one year, at a salary of four hundred and sixteen dollars and
two-thirds, equal to one hundred pounds sterling. He was ordained pastor of the Congregational church in Dummerston,
Vermont, in 178-t; resigned his charge in 1804; and died January 13, 1824, aged 79. Kote furnished by Rev. W. B. Sprague,
D, D.; 5 American Archives, HI,, 1683. — Ed.
552 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
future, that they don't again fall into these sins, of which they have repented, and give them
such instructions as appear necessary, as they are liable to bear them. Yet there may be some
among them here who insist upon it that I shall Baptize Children, without conversing with
the parents respecting their knowledge in these important matters; in short, they would have
me Baptize those that come for Baptizm, be their life, and conduct what it will. — And old
Isaac lately told, that a certain Man living near the Mohawk River, who has great influeuce
among the Indians told him to drive away their Minister, if he would not Baptize Capt" Jacob's
child in that manner in which he desires; but I don't credit the report, for I can't believe that
Gentlemen of such superior wisdom as those Gentlemen are said to be endowed with, could
be guilty of acting such a part so unbecoming their character. The old Man Isaac and Capt°
Jacob have publicly ordered me to leave the place, but the rest of the Headmen, and all the
Tuscaroras with united voice, desire me to continue with them, which request I am in duty
bound to comply with ; for there are 290 souls of those who desire my assistance. I understand
that Isaac expects to leave it to your honor to determine the affair, but the others
understand so much of the nature of the affair, that they would not willingly impose upon your
honor in such a manner as to ask him to decide matters which they ought to do themselves,
and which they have done already — Thus much from Your most obedient and humble servant.
Aaro\ Crosby.
P. S. I determine by leave of Providence tj wait upon your honor in my journey to or
from New England. Your's as above
A: Crosby.
* This letter being read, Thomas said, that he had heard the dissenting Minister at
Canawaroghere was accused by the Indians of interfering in worldly matters and of many
other things; that as to his burning a letter, he could not tell whether it was done by the
Minister, or not, as he was abroad when it happened, but he believed the Minister never meant
to concern himself in any thing, but Religion ; that indeed they all found that the New England
Trader there, was a bad Man, and they had accordingly ordered him away, and concluded with
a request that Col : Johnson would rely on their sincerity and assurance of following his advice. —
Then adjourned.
Monday February 13.
The Indians assembled to receive Col: Johnson's answer, which he delivered as follows:
Brothers. I have heard, and considered attentively the several subjects on which you spoke,
and am now going to answer the same, desiring you will hearken to my words.
Brothers. What you tell me on your first Belt concerning the Shawanese, having doubled
the Belt, and invited you to meet them the next spring to the Southward, is very extraordinary.
I have lately given the Chiefs of your Confederacy my full sentiments respecting these
people, and their motives for drawing them to a meeting, that they may appear interested in
their quarrel, of all which the Chiefs appeared so sensible, that I looked upon it as a thing
concluded upon, that they should disregard their invitation. The News I have from my
* Mr. BoTLER the Interpreter, considering himself as alluded to in this letter, said that he had not told the Indns to banish
their Minister for refusing Ba|itisai, but that he said, he looked upon it as very uncharitable, to refuse it to children for the
faults of parents, and that he still thought so
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 553
Deputy, and others to the Southward does by no means justify their apprehensions respecting
the persons in confinement, who are not kept, as I hear for any other purpose, tiian as
Hostages, till their friends about the Scioto shall lay down their arms and join in the peace
made by the Virginians with the Shawanese, and as these who are confined, are long alienated
and estranged from you, I think you should not interest yourselves in their fate, but regard
them as a people, who have been doing wrong, and who endeavour to draw down reflections on
the Confederacy ; if therefore they act contrary to their first resolutions they will find the ill
consequences of it very soon, and therefore I expect they will persevere in what they agreed
to, in which case I shall lay the matter before his Excell""^ the General, & Lord Dunmore, who
will take the case of these persons into consideration and act agreable to Justice.
Brothers. The strings which you have delivered that were forwarded from Canawagon
have been occasioned by mistaken notions of the Chiefs, who are interested for those in
confinement, whose cause you should not espouse, & therefore I can neither approve of their
desire, or of your paying any regard to it, and I am fully persuaded, that the persons said to be
in confinement, are by this time either released, or that they will be soon so, being only
detained until they made the same concessions, as parties in the war, which the Shawanese
have done, & with which you have nothing to do ; for altho' you may pity their folly, you
cannot interest yourselves in their fate, without appearing to favour a War you publicly
disapproved ; some of these complied with your desires, though often signified, and therefore
their temporary confinement for crimes, in which the name of your Confederacy was brought
in question, should not disturb you.
Then Col : Johnson returned them thanks for the concern they had expressed for the Death of
Sir William Johnson and for their congratulations on his succeeding, and assured them of the
continuance of his regard and attention to the duties of his Office.
Returned their Belt of 6. Rows.
Then told them that he was glad they received so much satisfaction from the Establishment
of the King's Council fire, and that they should still find it a place of peace and shelter for those
who acted discreetly. Returned their Belt of 10. Rows.
Next he said, he was pleased to find, they remembered their many obligations to Sir William
Johnson, and his good advice, and that as they had always profited by it, he expected they
would still follow it. Returned their Belt.
After which he told them, that he recollected tiie Belt, with the initials of Sir William's
name, which was to keep them steadfast in obeying the King, and following the advice of those
his Maj'^ appointed to take care of them, by which, whenever they were disturbed, they should
be entitled to his powerful protection ; that they had hitherto lived happily by keeping that in
remembrance, and that so long as they did so, they might be assured Col: Johnsons Ear
would be open to them in like manner, and his endeavours directed to their interest
and advantage. Returned the Belt.
Then told them, he was glad to hear them declare their strict observance of past advice ; that
he knew they had in general acted agreable thereto, and that it was their interest to do so.
That no doubt the office he held was very troublesome, but if they acted wisely and steadily
in their engagements, endeavoured to promote peace, and hearken to wholesome advice, he
did not doubt with the divine assistance he should acquit himself of its duties, as he should
not have been recommended, neither would he have taken the office upon him, if he
had been unacquainted with it. Returned their Belt.
Vol. VIII. 70
554 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Then observed that they might be assured the Government had no intention to violate the
Treaty at Fort Stanwix, or break thro' the Boundary line, that their apprehensions were
therefore ill founded ; that some of themselves had given ratlier too much encouragement to
individuals to iiarbour in their neighbourhood, who once established, could not be easily
removed, and therefore, they must blame themselves in such cases ; that if any persons intruded
it, or passed the line, they should warn them to retire, and they would certainly do so, or on
notice, would be compelled to do it, and that thro' the want of an actual survey of the
Susquehanna at the Fort Stanwix Treaty in 1768, the boundary line, though run strictly
corresponding therewith, did on measurement appear to come very close to them ; that
however, he was persuaded the Governments concerned, would not take any immediate
advantage of distressing them ; that he would lay the matter before them according to desire,
advising them to rest satisfied with their good intentions. Returned the strings.
He next answered the Oughqugoes, observing that their old promises of land to individuals,
gave no title to such persons to force themselves upon them, that they might tell M"' Schuyler,
or any one else claiming under the same, & who had neglected the conditions, that the
settlement of the Boundary line precluded them from any title there, and that they could not
be expected to make good any old conditional promises that defeated the purposes of it, and
that in all these matters, they should endeavour to be unanimous, otherwise their application
to Govern' would be defective. — As to their differences about the New England Missionary at
Onoghquagey, he heard of them with concern. — That Sir William Johnson shortly before
his death wrote to them about it, remarked, that they had hitherto lived happily under the
direction of Old Isaac, a pious Chief who had read the service to them, and gave them
many wise exhortations, which he thought might answer their purpose, till a fitting
settlement could be made there. — That Sir William Johnson's advice was good and wholesome,
and that Col : Johnson was sorry to find, that notwithstanding the residence of Missionarys
at two of their villages, discord and quarrels appeared to have increased which had occasioned
one of their people to be dangerously wounded ; that the letter this Missionary had now wrote,
set forth his disinclination to Baptise the children of those parents, whose lives were not
agreable to him, and gave an account of a large party, equal in number to the whole settlement
who had entered into fixed resolutions in his favour, and particularly mentioned the Tuscaroras.
That Col : Johnson could not take upon him to interfere about religious tenets, and presumed
that the Tuscaroras, who were a people lately received from principles of humanity by the rest,
would not dictate to them in matters of Religion, that they might determine for themselves,
and if the Missionary was disagreable to them, or, endeavoured to force the consciences of
those educated in a different persuasion, he should certainly be prevented, adding, that the
Christian Religion was a Religion of peace & moderation, that those persons were wrong, and
bad Men, who endeavoured to pervert them, or lead away those who were educated in different
sentiments from theirs; and that they should come to some terms of accommodation amongst
themselves, in which case they would meet with the protection of Govern' ; that although he
was no Enemy to any religious people, he could not help remarking that the complaints against
some of their Missionaries were too many and various to be destitute of some foundation, and
that the charges against the Clergyman among the Oneidas, demanded a particular enquiry,
and that he was glad to find they had discovered the faults of the Trader there, and would
remove him — adding, that any persons who interfered in matters foreign to their duty, should
be discountenanced and removed ; and concluding with desiring them to remember his
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 555
repeated advice, to pay no regard to those who were not authorized by the Crown to transact
affairs with them, as it was to the Crown they owed their happiness and security, and all the
favour they received, the continuance of which depended on their following the King's advice
and those in authority under him. After which adjourned.
February the 14""
The Indians assembled again to answer Col : Johnson.
Present — as before.
The Chief arose, and on behalf of the rest, returned Col: Johnson many thanks for his
speech which gave them great satisfaction.
Then proceeded to observe, that they were so fully satisfied of the artifices of the Shawanese,
and the little they had to do themselves in their affairs, that they would not only disregard
their summons, but send three faithful Messengers to Kayashota and Adonquat to explain their
sentiments and resolutions to them, to advise those who had their friends in confinement, to a
reliance on the clemency of government, and not give themselves any trouble about the fate of
these foolish people. That they would use all their influence to dispose the whole Confederacy
to continue to look upon the Crown as their true protector, whence they expect redress in all
matters, & in the interim to avoid hearkening to ill advisers. — The Oughquageys said, that
their Minister was mistaken in saying they had determined on matters before they left home,
for that they had really come to Col : Johnson for his advice and direction, and that what he
had said was so convincing to them that they should return, and in order to restore peace in
their Town, enter into a general resolution to abide by the Lithurgy printed in the Indian
Language; that they had reason to believe the Missionary would conform to it in which case,
they would let him stay, otherwise they would use the Lithurgy themselves till a proper person
could be provided.
Then they retired to make choice of proper persons to send thro' the Confederacy, on which
Col : Johnson charged them to choose only Men of character and fidelity.
Wednesday February the 15""
The Indians assembled and repeated to Colonel Johnson the Message they had agreed on
as before mentioned, and acquainted him, that agreable to his advice, the Mohawks would send
Capt: Daniel, The Oneidas Thomas alias Adiaghquonoron, and that they would be directed
to apply to the Bunt at Onondaga to send two persons of his own family with them. — Col:
Johnson approved of their choice, and told them he would send a Belt with a particular
message from himself to the Onondaga fire place, and that he expected it would be faithfully
delivered ; that its purport, would be to strengthen the late advice he had given to direct them
to rely on the crown for redress, and on account of tiic people in confinement to be in
readiness to attend his next summons. — Then gave particular advice and instruction to the
Messengers who retired with the rest to prepare for their departure.
Thursday the IG"" of February.
In the morning Col: Johnson delivered his Belt to the Messengers, after repeating its purport,
and then after recommending it to them to be firm and steady in their conduct, he clothed the
Messengers and several of the principal Men, and they all departed.
Exam"*
Joseph Chew Secr'^
556 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with Cayuga and Susquehanna Indians.
[Plantations General (S. P. O. ) CCLXI.]
Proceedings of a Congress with the Chiefs and Warriors of the Cayugas and
several Chiefs of the Six Nations Confederacy held at Guy Park Feb'^
as"- 1775.
Present — Col: Guy Johnson Superintend' for Indian affairs
Col : Daniel Claus agent for Canada.
Several Officers of the Departm' & other Gentlemen.
The Cayuga Chief, began with the usual salutation of the Warriors, who being, as he
observed, a plain people, would use but few words. — He then recounted briefly the proceedings
and resolutions at the General Congress at Onondaga, and that in consequence thereof, the
Chiefs of the Cayugas on their return- to their Towns recommended it to their Warriors to
live peaceably have nothing to do with the Axe but to support their engagements. The Chief
women joined in promoting the same ; to all which, the warriors paid strict regard. That
at first, they were uneasy on account of the absence of seven of their people, least they might
have been misled by the Shawanese, but they fortunately returned, without hearkning to bad
advice, and the warriors after a meeting on the occasion, resolved that a deputation of their
Chiefs should come down to acquaint the Superintendant with the news they had brought,
and with their firm resolutions to abide by his advice, and have nothing to do with the
Shawanese or their Councils. Gave a Belt of Seven Rows.
then proceeded as follows:
Brother. The seven Cayugas who returned from the great plains, at their Departure received
three strings from Decarohogas Brother and a young Mohawk, who have both lived there for
several years, setting forth that the Six Nations have not appeared to be attentive for some
years to the news that passed tlirough that Country or to tiie Messages. — they therefore
ordered these strings to be delivered to the Chiefs of the Senecas at the Western door of the
Confederacy desiring them to forward the same to exhort them to be more attentive to these
interresting matters and to all public messages assuring them, that they would return and see
them early in the spring. Gave 4. white strings.
Brother. These strings came from another warrior from Canundageh, on this side of the
great plains on behalf of three Nations, recommending it to the warriours of the Six Nations to
he for the future in all things unanimous, to mind the true interests of the confederacy, and
to follow strictly the advice & councils of their Chiefs, and desired these strings to be forwarded
thro' all the Nations. Gave 4. short strings black Wampum.
Brother, These strings were delivered to our people at the same place on behalf of
Aghelaghcrcge the head of the Hurons and their eight Confederate Nations whereon they
remarked the good advice they received formerly from Sir William Johnson the Message
they received from Colonel Johnson and their adherence to peace and their engagements. — in
the midst of which they heard of an unlucky quarrel between the people of Virginia and tiie
Shawanese, which gave them great uneasiness, but shortly after, they received a message from
Col: Johnson and the Six Nations assuring them that the latter would not engage in any
quarrel against the English but would promote peace, which Message settled all their minds
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 557
and gave them great satisfaction ; they therefore after condemning the conduct of those of the
Six Nations who lived at a distance from the Confederacy exhorted each of the nations to be
particularly attentive to the Superintendant's advice and to the Councils of their Chiefs, at the
two proper Fireplaces and to attend only to peace and their engagements. Expressed a desire
ofmeeUngus here, and they particularly recommended it to the Onondagas to continue faithfully
to preserve all transactions and to promote attention to public affairs at their Fireplace.
Gave 4. strings, Black Wampum.
Brother, This is a string from the Senecas to the Onondagas in consequence of a drunken
quarrel at Adigie on Ohio, between the Senecas & others — wherein the former killed a
Shawanese and two Delawares, for which a Deputation, according to ancient Custom is to be
sent by the Onondagas that the affair may be passed over and this matter is to be immediately
taken into consideration. 4. Black strings.
Brother, As these matters are of weight & moment, it was not thought adviseable to
send it with three or four Messengers, and therefore, we, the Cayugas have been accompanied
at the desire of the Confederacy by sundry of the principal Men of each Nation, that they might
hear the same faithfully delivered and receive your advice and direction.
To which Col: Johnson answered:
Brothers. I have heard with great attention the several matters, you were directed to lay
before me. I thank your Chiefs for their attention to the same which I shall take into
consideration and give you an answer to morrow. — Then distributed pipes, Tobacco and some
liquor amongst them and adjourned.
Wednesday March. 1"
At a meeting with the Chiefs of the Six Nations.
Present — as before.
Col: Johnson asked them whether they were all assembled; and being answered in the
affirmative he proceeded as follows:
Brothers. I have duly considered and am now prepared to answer your speech and to give
you my opinion on the several matters you laid before me, and I desire your attention.
Brothers, I am very well pleased with the Conduct of your Chiefs at the Onondaga meeting as
well as with the Warriors for paying a due regard to the advice they received, and I hope they
will always be governed by wholesome advice. Your apprehensions for those of your people
who were to the Southward, was very reasonable ; they were in a dangerous situation and
exposed to evil temptation, which Warriors are too often apt to listen to. Every instance
shows plainly that, which you have been often told, the danger of your peoples living and getting
connected to the Southward and tbe necessity there is for the removing them, I wish your
endeavours hitherto had met with more success, and I again advise you, either to bring them
home or to cast them off in case of refusal, as a people who bring disgrace on your Confederacy
and endeavour to attach you to interests, which may at some one time prove your ruin ; it
is for your benefit that I repeat my advice, and you may depend on my sincerity as my heart is
open, :my inclinations disposed to serve you, and my judgement constantly exercised in
promoting your happiness. A Belt of 12. Rows.
Brothers. These strings which you received from the two young warriors near the great
plains, appear to me in a very odd light. It is not a miss to hear good Council from any person
558 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
but I believe it never was the practice of Whites or Indians to take Council from a few Lads
who have left their Country and associated with people of a troublesome disposition ; neither
does it appear to be intended so much for your benefit as to draw you into measures with
others and I find from the Journal of my Southern Deputy, that these young Men talked big
and represented themselves as of great consequence to the Virginians and as having vast
influence over you ; Your Warriors therefore did right in hearing the same with caution and I
address them plainly as a warrior to hearken to me and to the Councils of their Chiefs in their
own Towns as that is the sure road to reputation. — Returned the strings.
Brothers. The Strings you received from the Indians at Canundageh, appear to be to the
same effect and for the same purposes as the former, for I can't see how they who have left
your Confederacy and hitherto have declined returning to it, can with any propriety direct you,
and I clearly understand that the unanimity they recommend has in view an intercourse and
association with interests you should avoid ; let those who express so much regard for your
interests, give a solid proof of it by returning to their proper Council fire, where their advice
will be better credited ; but whilst they remain where they are, they can have no true regard
for your welfare. Returned the Strings.
Brothers. The strings, which went to the Southward from the Hurons and their Confederacy
were I believe well intended. The Hurons have acted wisely during the late troubles; but
the reports that came from the Southward in which thro' the folly of your people that live
there, your name is always liable to be brought in question, gave concern to the Hurons till
they heard of your good and pacific resolutions, and their advice to you to persevere therein
and to hearken to your true advisers, is a proof of their wisdom and friendship and merits your
particular regard and I have that confidence in your Chiefs that I believe they see there true
interests, and I charge them to pursue them. Returned the strings.
Brothers. The quarrel which was the Effect of that pernicious liquor, to which you are so
much adicted, is a fresh instance of the fatal consequences of intoxication. You see it has
ended in blood and gives you the trouble of sending a great way to make reparation. I have
no objection to your complying with the Institutions of your Ancestors in these cases, which
may be done by a small Deputation of those most interested in it.
Delivered the strings to the Onondagas.
Brothers. I approve of the wisdom of your Chiefs in causing all these matters to be laid
before me and they may be assured of my Best and most candid advice in return. — I doubt
not (seeing so many great Men here) that it has been faithfully related, but I wonder I hear
nothing of an extraordinary string lately brought to me by the Oneidas as sent thro' the
Nations from the Shawanese, with a strange account that some of your people would be put
to death at Fort Pitt, and that you must go and meet them on Ohio. Perhaps this string rose
out of the ground or came from the evil spirit, for I am sure that it could not come from any
persons that understood and regarded your true interests. I have given my opinion fully on it
to those that brought it and they have joined in sending a proper answer by special Messengers
who were dispatched a few days past. I have also explained these matters fully in private
Conferences with the Chiefs here present and others and I hope you will all regard it as coming
from your true friend. What I have further to say thereon is but a few words to exhort you
all to consider solely the interest of your proper confederacy and not to take part in any dispute
with those who never apply to you, but for their private purposes or to lessen you in the King's
estimation by making you appear as parties concerned with them — you have been often advised
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 559
to keep your eyes fixed on tlie place from which you always receive the greatest benefits and
the wisest Councils ; 'tis to the King alone you are indebted for redress of grievances and for
all the favours you receive and not to any particular Colonies or Societies of White people,
they will all, I trust, do you Justice, but where they refuse it, the King will consider your case. —
'Tis therefore to him you are to look in all cases, and in the affair' he has intrusted with your
affair you should solely confide and I give you this Belt to strengthen the hands of your Chiefs
for that purpose. A Belt of 9. Rows,
then adjourned.
Thursday March 2"*
The Indians assembled, and after thanking Col : Johnson for his speech, and assuring him
that they did not look on the strings sent from the Shawanese as deserving their attention,
proceeded to acquaint him, that as the Hurons had expressed a desire of conversing with them
on the State of affairs, they had considered together and it would be very agreable to them,
that Col : Johnson should signify to that Nation the desire of the Six Nations that some Chiefs
from that Country might attend their next public meeting and this they observed would be the
surest Channel for conveying their Message that it might not be liable to misrepresentation
Then the Speaker proceeded as follows :
Brother. We are very sensible of the truth of what you have said to us and extreamly
thankful for your advice on all the subjects we spoke upon — we greatly regret that the late
troubles interrupted our correspondence to the Southward and prevented our collecting our
scattered people; in this matter we mean to be governed by your advice, as well as in every
thing else, and we put our hearts into our hands with a resolution to continue to love the King
and to follow your directions and faithfully to deliver what you have said at the great
Council fire.
To which Col: Johnson answered :
Brothers, I have great pleasure in your Conduct whenever you act with wisdom and discretion
and I shall confide in your declarations from the good opinion I have of you. I shall be glad
to see some of the Huron Chiefs and to that end I shall give them notice of your desire to
which they will doubtless agree, and I now take this opportunity to acquaint your whole
Confederacy, that I continue in the same sentiments 1 have always expressed for your collecting
your scattered people, without delay, and I advise you to cast off all those who refuse to comply,
as Enemies to their country. I therefore give you this Belt to strengthen the resolutions of
your Chiefs and encourage them to Act with vigour in collecting these people and placing them
under your immediate guidance, within the influence of your great Council fire, and I desire,
this Belt may be forwarded through the Nations for that purpose. — Gave a Belt.
Then acquainted them, that in consequence of their request last fall, he had wrote to, &
received Gov' Penn's answer, which was agreable to what he had before told them, that the
Gov'"' Message to* Fort Pitt, had been sent early the last summer to recommend peace with his
people to them ; that he was pleased with their conduct and had no intention or occasion for
calling them to a meeting. After which Col : Johnson delivered out some presents to the
principal Men particularly to Sayenguaraghta the faithful Chief of all the Lower Senecas and
his family, and recommending it to them to preserve his words and act accordingly. He
dismissed them in the usual manner.
' Sie. Qu ? Officer. — Eb.
560 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Friday March 3'*
The Indians after receiving provisions orders ettc, took their leave and set out on their
return home.
P. M. Thirty two Chiefs and Warriours arrived from Chenango and the branches of the
Susquehanna, vcho after tiie customary entertainment and salutations went to their incampment.
Saturday March 4""
The above Chiefs and Warriors assembled.
Present — as at the last meeting :
After performing the ceremony of condolence on both sides as usual, the Speaker addressed
Col : Johnson as follows :
Brother. We the Chiefs of the two Tribes at Chenango the Chughnuts, Owegy, and
Tiaogos, being five several Nations express our great satisfaction at meeting you this day the
rather as few of us have had the pleasure of seeing you since you have had the care of
our affairs.
Brother. We heard from the Six Nations long since, the death of our late Worthy Brother
and Guardian, Sir William Johnson but had not the particulars, till sometime after, when we
were told that you had succeeded him, which gave us all much pleasure, and by his death,
we were thrown into the deepest sorrow; our eyes were cast down, and our bodys lay
groveling on the earth ; but so soon as we had intelligence of your being raised up in his
place, we revived again, arose and became chearful. We now give you these strings as an
assurance of the satisfaction we receive from your Management of our affairs.
three strings.
Brothers; We the Chiefs, having heard of your several wise transactions with our
Confederates in very troublesome times, do on behalf of all our people express our entire
approbation thereof and our determined resolutions to follow and be governed by your advice
and to attend to the Councils of the great fire place, we have acted agreable to the advice you
gave by the Messengers sent thro' the Nations on the death of Sir William Johnson, we shall
continue to do so and we give you this assurance of it. — a Belt of seven Rows.
Brother. The Warriours desire to acquaint you by these strings, that they were cast down
to the earth on account of the death of Sir William Johnson, and that they are alone revived
by the news of your succeeding him, and are now once more happy and ready to follow
your advice. 4. Strings.
Brother. Our Chief Women who have great influence with us, take this opportunity o^
congratulating you on your present Office assuring you that they are now become chearful and
will always assist in recommending good works to the young people that they may act
agreable to you and obtain your favour. 3. Strings.
Then after speaking of the boundary line fixed, and Cession made to His Majesty at Fort
Stanwix in 1768, he added that they had something interesting to say on that subject,
and proceeded :
Brother, We very well remember and know, that the boundary line was run from Owegy to
the Delaware, and to run from thence North to the Susquehanna River at the mouth of the
Tienaderhah. This we agreed to. Brother, and at the same time, we mentioned in our speech,
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 5(31
that should any of these lines appear to affect any of our settlements, it should not be taken
advantage of, but our properties should be excluded; all which was promised us. Now
Brother, we find, that the Surveyors last Summer have run that line in such a manner along
the Susquehanna as to affect our property very much, and as we apprehend contrary to the
intention of the Treaty ; we are not fond of disputing and have great confidence in the King
and therefore we hope you will represent our case in such a manner as to obtain redress for
us, that we may be made easy in our minds.
To which Col : Johnson answered :
Brothers. I am glad to see you here this day and I have heard your speeches with attention
and shall deliver you an answer to morrow.
Then after treating them as usual adjourned.
Sunday March S""
The Indians assembled to receive Col : Johnson's answer
Present — as before.
Brothers. I heartily thank the Chiefs of the several Nations here assembled as well for the
regard they express for the memory of Sir William Johnson as for the satisfaction they shew
at my succeeding in his Office as I shall always endeavour after his example to promote the
happiness of all well disposed Indians. I am well pleased with the assurances of the Chiefs
and hope they will pay due regard to their engagements. 3. str^'
Brothers. I am happy to find, that my transactions during a troublesome period are so
agreable to you, as I know and consult your true interests, you may always be assured that
my advice shall be wholesome and good and so long as you follow it and hearken to the
Councils of your proper Fire place you will enjoy the protection and favour of the Great King
and may rely on my best Offices for your service. I therefore give you this Belt as an
assurance thereof and as a renewal of the ancient league of friendship and alliance between
you and the English. A Belt of 8 Rows.
Brothers. I am much obliged to the Warriors for their expressions of regard, and the
promises they make, and they may rely on their friendship & good advice; I therefore
recommend it to them to regard it as tending to promote their true interests, and not to be led
astray from the Councils of their wise Men at the proper Council fire. 4. strings.
Brothers. I also thank the Chief women for their kind congratulations and I expect they
will continue to act wisely and to lead the young people to follow good Councils by which
means they will enjoy the blessings of peace and the protection of Government. —
4. strings.
Brothers. I have considered what you said respecting the boundary line with the particulars
of which I am well acquainted, and I have often explained it since to many of your people,
particularly at a late meeting with the Oueidas. You all remember, that at the lime of the
Fort Stanwix treaty the line was agreed on, to be run Eastward from Owegey to Delaware;
now as the English had never surveyed the Susquehanna above that place to avoid giving you
any suspicion, the course of that River from thence to the patented lands was taken from the
Maps then in being, and your own description, which I am sorry to find does not agree with
the late Survey, as the great Bind comes to that line contrary to all our expectations. This
was not the fault of Govern*, it arose from the want of information, and no doubt, according
Vol. VIII. 71
562 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to the terms of the Treaty, the Govern' will tiike some measures for your satisfaction on my
making a proper representation of the matter. Here is a Map drawn by myself, from which
you will see the real course of the River and be satisfied that as it was not formerly conceived
it took that direction. There could have been no design in view to deceive you, I recommend it
therefore to you to be satisfied with my assurances, and you shall soon hear further
respecting it.
Then shewed them a Map^ lately made of that Country, after which they returned thanks
for the kind assurances they had received and begged, the affair might be attended to as
it affected 4. Villages.
After which, they represented, that several of their old people were in great want, and they
were accordingly supplied with some necessaries and departed March 6""
Exam"*
Joseph Chew Secr'^
Warrant to Lieutenant -Colonel Maclean to raise a Regiment in the Colonies.
[ Plantttliona General (S. P. O.) CCLXI.]
Geokge R. (secret)
Additional Instruction to our trusty and Wei beloved William Tryon Esq" Our
Captain General and Governor in Chief in, and over our Province of New
(l. s. ) York, in America; or to our Lieut: Gov"' or Commander in Chief of our
said Province for the time being. — Given at our Court at S' James's the
third day of April 1775. in the IS'"" year of our Reign.
[A like Instruction, mutatis mutandis to Our Trusty and Wellbeloved Josiah Martin Esqre, Our Captn General h
Govr in Chief, in and over our province of No Carolina, in America, or to our Lieut. Govr or Commander in
Chief of our said province for the time being — Given, ettc]
Whereas an humble application hath been made to us by Allen M'^Lean Esq" late
Major to our 114"" Regiment, and Lieut Col: in our Army setting forth, that a considerable
number of our subjects, who have, at different times, emigrated from the North West parts of
North Britain, and have transported themselves, with their families, to New York, have
expressed a desire, to take up Lands within our said Province, to be held of us, our heirs and
successors, in fee simple; and whereas it may be of public advantage to grant lands in manner
aforesaid to such of the said Emigrants now residing within our said province as may be
desirous of settling together upon some convenient spot within the same. It is therefore our
Will and pleasure, that upon application to you by the said Allen Maclean, and upon his
producing to you an Association of the said Emigrants to the effect of the form hereunto
annexed, subscribed by the heads of the several families of which such Emigrants shall
consist, you do cause a proper spot to be located and surveyed in one contiguous Tract within
our said Province of New York, sufficient in quantity for the accommodation of such Emigrants,
' In New -York Dooumenlary History, IV., is a "Map of the country of the VL Nation Proper with Part of the Adjacent
Colonies. By Guy Johnson 1771 " — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 563
allowing 100 acres to each head of a family, and 50 acres for every other person of which the
said family shall consist ; and it is our further will and pleasure that when the said Lands shall
have been so located as aforesaid, you do grant the same by letters patent under the seal of
our said Province unto the said Allen Maclean,^ in trust, and upon the conditions, to make
allotments thereof in Fee simple to the heads of Families, whose names, together with the
number of persons in each family, shall have been delivered in by him as aforesaid, accompanied
with the said association, and it is Our further will and pleasure that it be expressed in the said
letters patent, that the lands so to be granted shall be exempt from the payment of quit-rents
for 20 years from the date thereof, with a proviso however that all such parts of the said Tracts
as shall not be settled in manner aforesaid within two years from the date of the grant shall
revert to us, and be disposed of in such manner as we shall think fit; and it is our further will
and pleasure, that neither yourself, nor any other of our Officers, within our said Province, to
whose duty it may appertain to carry these our orders into execution do take any Fee
or reward for the same, and that the expense of surveying and locating any Tract of Land in
the manner and for the purpose above mentioned be defrayed out of our Revenue of Quit rents
and charged to the account thereof. And we do hereby, declare it to be our further will and
pleasure, that in case the whole or any part of the said Colonists, fit to bear Arms, shall be
hereafter embodied and employed in Our service in America, either as Commission or non
Commissioned Officers or private Men, they shall respectively receive further grants of Land
from us within our said province, free of all charges, and exempt from the payment of quit
rents for 20 years, in the same proportion to their respective Ranks, as is directed and
prescribed by our Royal Proclamation of the T"" of October 1763. in regard to such Officers
and Soldiers as were employed in our service during the last War.
G. R.
' Colonel Alas Maclkam, of Torloish was, in 1747, Lieutenant in the Scotch brigade, which also went by tlie name of " the
Dutch briga.ie," from the circumstance of its being at the time in the pay of the States-General. In cutting his way through
the French lines at the famous siege of Bergen op Zoom, Lieutenant Maclean was taken prisoner and immediately admitted
to parole by General Lowendnhl, with this complimentary address: "Hud all conducted themselves as you and your brave
corps have done, I should not now be master of Bergen op Zoom." Having left the Dutch service, he obtained a company in
the 62d or first Highland battalion on its organization in 1757. Wilh this regiment, whose number was afterwards changed
to the 77th, he came to America and served under Forbes, at the taking of Fort du Quesne in 1758, and in the foUowingyear
was with Amherst in the expedition up the Northern lakes. He raised the 114th Highland regiment in 1759, of which he
was appointed Major commanding, but it was reduced in 1763 and Major Maclean went on half pay. On 25 May, 1771, he
became Lieutenant-Colonel in the army, but was not again called into active service until 1775, when the paltry scheme
detailed in the Text was concocted to raise men in America, to support the Royal cause. With that warrant and some
followers. Colonel Maclean came to New-York in the spring of 1775 ; next visited Boston, where his scheme got wind ; then
hastened back to New-York, repaired to Col. Guy Johnson on the Mohawk river and theuce proceeded to Oswego and so to
Canada, where he collected, in the course of the summer, a body of men, chiefly Scotch refugees and disbanded soldiers,
formerly belonging to the42d, 77th and 78th Highlanders, under the title of the Royal Highland Emigrants. On the approach
of the American army by Lake Champlain, Col. Maclean was ordered to St. Johns with a party of militia, but got only as
far as St. Denis when he was deserted by his men. Quebec being next threatened by the American army, under Arnold,
Col. Maclean mide the best of his way to that city, which he entered on the 12th November, 1775, just in time to prevent
tlie citizens surrendering the place to the Americans. His conduct during the siege is mentioned in the handsomest terms.
But after all his zeal, his corps was not yet recognized, though he had at the outset been promised establishment and rank
for it. He therefore returned to England, where he arrived on the 1st September, 1776, to seek justice for himself and men.
They were not received until the close of 1778, wlien the regiment, which consisted of two battalions, one in Canada and
one in Nova Scotia, was numbered the 84th. In January, 1780, he was appointed Colonel in the Army. The Royal High-
land Emigrants were disbanded in 1783 and Colonel Maclean died in 1784. Army Lists; Brown's Highland Clans, IV., 242,
307, 368 ; Smith's Canada, II., 83; Oameau'a Canada, 2d ed., IL, 436; 5. American AnnaU, I., 24, 626. —Ed.
564 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Form of Association.
We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, do hereby severally and respectively promise
and engage, that we will demean ourselves as good and Loyal subjects to His Majesty King
George the Third, and peaceably submit to the Laws enacted by the Parliament of Great
Brittain, and that we will, at the hazard of our lives & fortunes, oppose all illegal combinations
or insurrections whatever, and give our utmost aid in suppressing all such proceedings &
practices as are contrary to the Laws of the Land and the autiiority of the King. — And if His
Majesty or those acting under His Royal authority, shall judge it necessary or expedient for
us to be assembled and embodied for the purpose of maintaining the peace, order and good
Government of the respective provinces in North America, wherein we reside, We, the
subscribers, to hereby bind and oblige ourselves, forthwith to assemble and embody
accordingly, and to serve on the same terms, and under the same regular discipline and
command, as in His Maj'^" other Military service & establishments.
And moreover, if his Maj'^, or those acting under his Royal authority, shall deem it requisite
for such of us, as are fit for actual service, to be embodied, and to act in conjunction with His
Majesty's regular forces, we do hereby bind and oblige ourselves forthwith to assemble and to
be embodied accordingly, to obey all the orders of our proper Officers, and commanders
respectively, and to continue to serve, in our respective stations, during his Majesty's Royal
Will and pleasure. —
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. O.) CLXVII., No. 14.]
New York d"- April 1775
My Lord
The General Assembly of this Province being yesterday adjourned, by my directions, to the
third day of May, I am now to give your Lordship some account of the Bills which have been
past, I have assented to seventy one Bills, and refused two; viz a naturalization Bill, and one
for making perpetual a particular Section (the VI) of the Quit Rent Act
It has been on this occasion mention"* to me, my Lord, that His Majestys Instruction,
prohibiting his Governors from passing a naturalization Bill, opperates very partially to the
prejudice of this Colony surrounded as we are by charter Governments where such Instructions
have no effect. Many usefull Foreigners are by this means driven out of this Province where
they cannot acquire landed property, and settle in the Charter Governments, where they meet
with the greatest encouragement
The Bill for making perpetual the sixth Section of the Quit Rent Act, I did not assent to,
because I thought it was inadviseable to make any part of that Bill perpetual, while those,
which provide for collecting the Quit Rents, are left to expire
A Militia Act appeared to me to be very expedient at this Time, to prevent that confusion
which the Province might otherwise be thrown into, by the endeavors that some People would
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 565
certainly make, to establish a militia, by election of the People — This was so strongly
represented to me by the friends of Government that I could not doubt of the propriety of
passing the Militia Bill, which was one of the number prepared for my Assent.
There are only two other Acts on which it is necessary to trouble your Lordship with any
remarks the rest being Cheifly to revive other Acts with a few new ones for ordinary &
immaterial purposes
Upon the Act for the general quiet of His Majestys subjects in this Colony, against all
pretence of concealment whatever, I need only to observe to your Lordship, that it is passed
with a suspends clause, and therefore it is entirely in His Majestys Power to give it effect
or not
The Act to regulate elections for Representatives in general Assembly for the City and
County of Albany is thought necessary to prevent the exhorbitant Influence which the very
large Manners in that County give to the Proprietors or Lords of the Mannors as they are
called : There are two Mannors & a Borough, my Lord in that County which each send a
Representative to the Assembly, besides the two Members that are return'' for the City and
County. The Freeholders in the Borough & Mannors have had a right to vote in the County, as
well as in the Borough or Manner upon a Freehold which lay [in] the Mannor or Borough only.
This Right they have never exercised, but should they at any time do it, they are now become
so populous that it is in their power to determine every Election in the County & may in effect
return all the five Members In this light the People of the City & County view the privilege
claimed by the Mannors, as dangerous to them; and in my opinion it must be very
disadvantageous to Government, that any one or two families should be able to return so large
a proportion of the Members of our assembly. The present Representatives of the Mannors
have distinguished themselves in the opposition to Government, and were the warmest
supporters of the Congress. I therefore thought it was a proper time, my Lord, to abridge
this privilege, when the Majority both in Council and Assembly were for it. It may not
hereafter be in the power of Government, to have it done, when the Effects have taken place
An other Act which your Lordship may take notice of, is one for admitting the mode of
administering an oath practiced in Scotland to be used by such persons in this Colony as make
matter of Conscience of it. There are many sober discreet Inhabitants, who from the prejudices
of education, have suffered great uneasiness for want of such an indulgence in this Government.
No alteration is made by this Act, but that of holding up the Right hand, in place of kissing
the Book. I could not therefore my Lord, discover any thing to induce me to refuse my assent
to the Bill, which the Council & Assembly upon mature deliberation thought proper to pass
I am with perfect submission
My Lord
Your most obedient
Rt Honble and faithfull Servant
The Earl of Dartmouth Cadwallader Colden
566 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New- York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXVII., No. 15. ]
New York 5 April 1775
My Lord
I have received your Ldps commands of tlie 7"" of January N» 26 and your circular letter of
the 4"" of the same month. I have the pleasure to inform your Lordship that the conduct
of our Assembly, with respect to the congress proposed to be held at Philadelphia in May, is
entirely agreeable to His Majestys Sentiments, as expressed in your circular letter. No person
has been appointed by ihem to attend that Congress, and when it was proposed in the House,
the motion passed in the Negative by a large Majority. The disaffected party are however
exerting their utmost influence to obtain an appointment of Delegates by the people It is not
in the power of Government to prevent such measures; they are supported by individuals in
their private characters and do not come within the energy of our Laws. Your Lordship may
however be assured that a great part of the people are against appointing Delegates to meet
the May Congress, and that their disapprobation will be public. I therefore hope His Majesty
will look, upon the Majority in the Assembly as speaking the sentiments of their constituents
When I reflect my Lord upon the event of this Session of Assembly how much the measures
pursued have tended to preserve this Government from the dangerous and extravagant Plans
which are formed in almost every other Part of the Continent. The moderation, loyalty
and affection with which the Assembly have laid their Greivances before His Majesty and
Parliament & the hearty disposition they have testified to obtain a permanent reconciliation,
I feel a satisfaction which can only be heightened by His Majestys approbation, and the final
happy accomplishment of this important business
On Monday last I gave my assent to all the Bills which passed the Council and Assembly,
except two, and then directed the speaker to adjourn the House to the third day of May. In
an other letter I gave your Lordship a particular account of the Bills
I now transmitt the printed Journals of the Assembly from which your Ldp will be able to
judge of the disposition of the different parties, and I am persuaded you will be convinced that
the Majority in the Assembly have acted with a very sincere Inclination to accomplish a
permanent reconciliation with great Britain.
About a month agoe I received accounts of farther outrageous and most illegal proceedings
of the Benington Rioters, of which your Ldp has already heard so much. Their Acts grow
from time to time more daring and dangerous. Tiiey iiave now had the hardiness to seize
a justice of the Peace, to try him before a mock Tribunal of their own, formally to pass sentence
upon him, and after inflicting a punishment of 200 Lashes on him, to banish him from that
part of the Country which they call their own Indeed the authority of Government is entirely
lost among them, and I am afraid can not be restored but by Force. They began with pretending
only to hold possession of the Lands on which they had settled, but your Ldp. may be assured
they have extended their Designs much farther, and are dayly growing more and more
formidable and dangerous to Government.
I have lately received accounts likewise, my Lord, of a dangerous Insurrection in Cumberland
County of this Province which is connected with Massachusetts Bay on one side and New
Hampshire on the other. A number of People in Cumberland, worked up by the example
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 567
and Influence of Massachusetts Bay, embraced the dangerous resolution of shutting up the
Courts of Justice. With this design they took possession of the Court House immediately
before the Courts of General Sessions of the Peace, and common Pleas, were to be opened
there in March last. They persisted with so much obstinacy to resist the Sheriff and his Posse
that he was obliged to have recourse to fire Arms, by which one of the Rioters were killed and
several were wounded upon which they quitted the House and the Courts were opened. But
by the next day such numbers had joined the Rioters from New Hampshire & Massachusetts
Bay, as made them too powerfull for the Majistrates : they took one of the Judges the Sheriffs
Clerk of the Court and several other persons prisoners, and after confining them for several
days in the Goal of their own County carried them into Massachusetts Bay, and put them into
the Goal of North Hampton where they remaind when the last accounts came from them
It was necessary for me, my Lord, to call upon the Assembly for aid, to reinstate the
authority of Government in that county and to bring the atrocious offenders to Punishment.
They have given but one thousand Pounds for this Purpose which is much too small a sum,
but the party in the Assembly who have opposed every measure that has a tendency to
strengthen or support Government by working on the parcemonious disposition of some of the
Country Members had too much influence on this occasion I am now waiting for an answer
from General Gage to whom I have wrote on this affair in Cumberland: by his Assistance I
hope we shall soon be able to hold a Court of Oyer and Terminer in that County, where I am.
assured there are some hundreds of the inhabitants well affected to Government ; and that if
the Debts of the people who have been concerned in this outrage, were all paid, there would
not be a six pence of property left among them
It is proper your Lordship should be informed, that the inhabitants of Cumberland County
have not been made uneasy by any dispute about the Title of their Lands; those who have
not obtained Grants under this Governm', live in quiet possesssion under the Grants formerly
made by New Hampshire The Rioters have not pretended any such pretext for their conduct :
the example of Massachusetts Bay is the only reason they have assigned. Yet I make no doubt
they will be joined by the Bennington Rioters, who will endeavor to make one common cause
of it, tho' they have no connection but in their violence to Government
Some weeks before I received His Majestys commands for locating Coll Ords Land, I had
sealed a Patent granting 5000 Acres of Land to him upon his mandamus, in another part of the
Country, where his agent had petitioned to have it granted before Governor Tryon went from
hence. It was now therefore out of my Power to comply with his Majestys directions
I am with entire submission
& respect
My Lord
Your most obedient
and faithfull Servant
Cadwallader Colden
The Printer has not compleated the Journals of Assembly, but those I send contain all that
is material.
568 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Secretary Pownall to Mr. James Rivington.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CXLVII. ]
Whitehall 5"- April 1775
Sir
I am directed by the Earl of Dartmouth to transmitt to you the enclosed Commission, under
His Matys sign manual, containing His Matys appointment of you to be His Matys Printer
within the Province of N York and I am further to acquaint you that the King has been
graciously pleased to signify His Matys Commands to the Lords Commissioners of his
Treasury, that they do mal^e an allowance to you, out of such Fund as their Lordships shall
think proper, of one hundred pounds P'' Annum, to commence from the 1" of January last past
I congratulate you upon this mark of His Majestys Grace and favour & am
&c &c &c.
Mr James Rivington ^ J Pownall
' James RrriNGTON was born in England in the year 1724, and was bred a bookseller in London and as suoli went extensively
into business in that city. He became fond of amusements and regularly attended the horse races at Newmarket ; at one of
which he lost ?o much money as to conceive himself to be ruined. He was therefore induced to persuade one of his principal
creditors to take out a commission of bankruptcy against him. After due examination into his affairs, his creditor assured
him that it was unnecessary, as he possessed property more than sufficient to pay all demands against him. Rivington, how-
ever, persisted in his request, and went through the process required by the bankrupt act ; he eventually paid twenty
shillings in the pound and had something left. This event determined Rivington to remove to America, where he arrived in
1760 and settled as a bookseller in Philadelphia. The year following he left his business in Philadelphia with a partner by
the name of Brown, and came to New-York ; opened a book store at the lower end of Wall-street and made that city his
place of business. After some years he failed; but very speedily settling hi= affairs, he recommenced business. He eventu-
ally adopted printing; and, in April, 1773, published a newspaper, entitled Rivinglon'a New-York Gazetteer; or The
Connecticut, New Jersey, Hudson's River and Quebec Weekly Advertiser. This paper commenced its career April 22, 1773, on
a large medium sheet, folio. He also printed several books for his own sales, among which was Cook's Voyage, in two
volumes, 12mo. and dealt largely as a bookseller and stationer. In the beginning of 1775 the Gazetteer contained a number
of attacks against Congress and the leading Patriots, whereby Rivington became very obnoxious to the popular party, and
as early as March of that year was denounced in Rhode Island, New Jersey and Ulster county, N. Y. On the 10th of
May the storm burst over his head. The mob which had paid a visit to President Cooper ( supra, p. 297, note ) attacked
Rivington, who was fortunately rescued by one or two friends and subsequently sought refuge on board the Man of War.
His conduct was taken up by the Provincial Congress, which referred his case to the Continental Congress, then in session
in Philadelphia. Rivington thought it best to make his peace and sent an apologetic letter, promising to avoid giving any
further offence ; he afterwards signed the General Association. But his appointment as King's Printer and his intimate
connection with the pensioned writers on the Royalist side, brought him again into collision with the popular sentiment
and his press and printing office were destroyed in November, 1776 ( supra, p. 219, note), when a stop was effectually put to
his Gazetteer. Soon after this event Rivington went to England, where he supplied himself with a new printing apparatus
After the British gained possession of the city, he returned ; and, October 4, 1777, recommenced the publication of his Gazette
under the original title, but in two weeks exchanged that title for the following, Rivington's New-York Loyal Gazette, and
on the 13th of December following he called his paper The Royal Gazette. "Published by James Rivington, Printer to the
King's Most Excellent Majesty." While Rivington entertained the supposition that the Americans would be subjected by
the British arms, he continued his hostility to their cause ; but when he despaired of their subjection and believed that
Great Britain would, herself, acknowledge the Independence of the United States, he deemed it prudent to conciliate the
minds of some of the leading American characters. To this end, it is said, he sent out of New- York such communications
as he knew would be interesting to the commanders of the American army. In consequence of these peace offerings he was
protected when the war ended, and remained in the city, having discarded from his paper the appendages of royalty. It
was no more the Royal or Loyal Gazette, but a plain republican newspaper, entitled Rivington's New -York Gazette and
Universal Advertiser. It was, however, considered as a wolf in sheep's clothing, and not meeting with support, the publica-
tion of it terminated and the editorial labors of Rivington ended in the year 1783. He continued his trade in Books and
Stationery, but failed a third time, and died in July, 1802, at the advanced age of seventy-eight years. Thomas' History of
Printing, II., Ill, 812. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 569
Secretary Pownall to the Reverend Drs. Cooper and Chandler.
I New- York Papers ( 8. P. 0. ) CLXVII. ]
Whitehall 5"' April 1775
I am directed by the Earl of Dartmouth to acquaint you that His Majesty has been graciously
pleased from a consideration of your merit & Services to signify His Commands to the Lords
Commissioners of the Treary that they do make and allowance to you out of such Funds as
their Lordships shall think proper of two hundred Pounds per annum, the said allowance to
commence from the first of January last.
I beg leave to congratulate you upon this mark of His Majestys favour and am with
great truth
Yours &c
Pownall
£Jarl of Dartmouth to the Govei-nors in America.
I Plantations General ( 8. P. O. ) CCLXI.]
To the Governors, of :
Quebec North Carolina
Nova Scotia South Carolina
New Hampshire Georgia
Massachuset's Bay . East Florida
' New Jersey West Florida
New York Pennsylvania
Virginia Maryland.
I am commanded by the King to acquaint You, that it is His Majesty's pleasure that the
orders of the Commander in Chief of his Maj'^'' forces in North America, and under him of
the Major Generals and Brigadier Generals shall be supreme in all cases relative to the
operations of the said Troops, and be obeyed accordingly.
I am ettc
Whitehall, 15 April 1775. Dartmouth.
£Jarl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXYII. ]
Whitehall 21 April 1775
Sir
Inconsequence of the conversation I had with you yesterday, respecting the proposition of
making grants to Mess" Totten, Crossfeild, Van Renslaer, Low, Jessup & others, His Majestys
Vol. VHL 72
570 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
subjects in New York, of lands purchased by them of the Indians in 1772, 1 think fit to acquaint
you, that, fully sensible of how much importance it is in the present moment, that His Majestya
faithfull and well disposed subjects in New York should be gratified in every reasonable
request, as far as may be consistent with the Kings Justice and dignity, i shall submit to His
Majesty my humble opinion that whenever the persons really, and bona fide interested and
concerned in those purchases shall make humble application to His Majesty for such grants
accompanied with a disavowal of all association to obstruct the Importation or Exportation of
goods to and from Great Britain it may be adviseable for His Majesty to comply with their
request and to confirm to them the possession of the said Lands by letters Patent under the
Great Seal of Great Britain & not otherwise
With regard to the other matters stated in your letter to me of the 12"" Instant, and which
you think are objects of importance to Government in the present Situation, I shall not fail, at
a proper time, before your return to New York, to receive and to communicate to you His
Majestys commands upon such of them, as are not in train of consideration before the privy
council & Board of Trade and upon which therefore I am precluded from giving any Instructions,
until! those Boards shall have submitted their opinions to the King
I am &c &c
Gov' Tryon Dartmouth
^arl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson.
I Plantations General ( S. P. 0.) CCLXI. ]
Whitehall 3 May 1776
Sir,
I have received and laid before the King your Dispatch of the IS"" February N° 6.
It is to be expected, that the Enemies to the restoration of the public tranquility will pursue
every indirect measure, and propagate every falsehood that may answer their wicked purpose
of exciting jealousy and apprehension in the minds of the Indians; but the King trusts that,
through your influence and attention, their evil designs will be defeated.
His Majesty has at all times being desirous of complying with every just and reasonable request
of his faithful subjects and Allies the Six Nations of Indians, and if you are of opinion that, in the
present moment, any particular instructions from hence are wanting for the accommodation
of their Disputes, or upon any other matters necessary to their welfare and satisfaction, it will
be your duty to make an immediate and particular representation home of the different heads
upon which you wish to be instructed and your opinion of the means by which His Maj''' may
manifest his gracious purpose of exerting his Royal authority in every case in which their peace
and security may require it
I am ettc
Dartmouth.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 571
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXVII., No. 16. ]
New York May 3" 1775
My Lord
I have received your Lordships Despatches of the 22'' of February and S"* of March, both
circular and one private of the last date. Likewise your letter No 28.
In all my correspondence I have studied to give your Lordship an exact Idea of the real
situation of the Province, and of the most material transactions of the People. The Accounts
which I am now to give will almost entirely destroy the expectations you have had reason to
entertain of the conduct which this Province would pursue : yet I am persuaded the Proceedings
of our Assembly and other information which I doubt not your Lordship has received, will
justify the representations I have made
The disunion of the Colonies being held up in America and by many in Britain likewise as
the only thing which could defeat the measures of the congress, the moment that the legislative
Body of this Province, deviated from the General Association of the Colonies, and pointed out
a different conduct, a design was evidently formed in the other Colonies, to drive the people
from acquiescing in the measures of their Assembly, and to force them into the General Plan
of Association and Resistance. This design was heartily seconded by many among ourselves.
Every species of public and private Resentment was threatened to terrify the Inhabitants of
this Province if they continued disunited from the others. The certainty of losing all the Debts
due from the other Colonies, which are very considerable and every other argument of private
Interest that could influence the Merchants, or any one was industriously circulated The
minds of the people in the city were kept in constant agitation, by Riots and attempts to
prevent the Transports from loading here, with stores. Provisions &c for the army. The want
of any degree of Resolution in the Magistrates to support the authority of Government in
opposition to popular measures, rendered the leaders of the People insolently bold and daring
— The friends of order and Government saw no power either in the exertion of the Magistrates,
or the feeble aid that could be afforded by the very small body of Troops quartered in the city
to protect their persons and property from violence and destruction. Several Incidents
combined to depress all legal Authority; and to increase the Terror of the Inhabitants, which
seemed to vanquish every thought of Resistance to popular Rage. In this unfortunate situation
of the City, the first accounts of an action between the Kings Troops and People, near Boston,
was published with horrid and aggravating circumstances. The moment of consternation and
anxiety was seized. The people were assembled, and that scene of disorder and violence
begun, which has entirely prostrated the Powers of Government, and produced an association
by which this Province has solemnly united with the others in resisting the Acts of Parliament.
The Gentlemen of His Majestys council, in support of their advice for prorogueing the Assembly
to the 7"' day of June having gone into a particular detail of the most material Transactions of
the People from the 23'* of last month to the present time, I beg your Lordships leave to refer
to the extracts of their Minutes. It contains a full description of the present state of the
Province, which at this time I think will be most properly laid before you in their own words.
Two of the Council have this moment informed me that a copy of the minutes has been shewn
to the City Committee and that they have sent to request that it may be transmitted Home.
572 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The pretence given out for the necessity of shutting up the Custom House, was to prevent the
exportation of Provisions of which it was said all that was in the place would be wanted for
the armies of the Colonies. But it is more probable, my Lord, that the real Intention was to
strike terror by the boldness of the action. Having effected this purpose and established the
absolute Power of the Committee ; the Keys of the Custom House have been return"* to M'
Elliott, but at the same time a declaration published that no vessel! shall be suffered to clear
for Boston or Halifax
The whole military Force we have in this Province, my Lord, is the Kings Fisher sloop of
War and 100 men of the Royal Irish Regiment commanded by Major Hamilton.^ This small
Body of Troops are quartered in the City Barracks without any kind of Protection but in their
arms Lord Dunmore when in this Governm' converted the Fort Barracks into Stables, and
dismantled the Fort itself which before that time was a sufficient security against the attempts
of a Mob The Troops now found the want of this security and that they were not only a force
too small to make any formidable opposition to the violence of the People, but in their situation
appeared insufficient to deter the rash designs which were meditated to destroy them, and which
there is reason to think would have been attempted if some of the inhabitants had not supported
moderation and wisdom enough to prevent the spilling of Blood
The Posts between this place and Boston are stopped, as all letters have been opened on the
way, and many secretted since the affair of the 19 April I hope General Gage will employ a
Cutter to go between us, as a communicat" of intelligence may be very necessary
Governor Carleton informs me that he has received the Box with his Commission and
Instructions, which I received from your Lordships office with your orders to forward it to him
I inclose a printed Copy of the Association
I am with great respect
and submission
Your Lordships
most faithful & obed'
To the Rt Honble Servant
The Earl of Dartmouth Cadwallader Colden
Uarl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers (8. P. O.) CLXVII.]
Whitehall 4"- May 1775
Sir
As it is the Kings pleasure that you should without delay, return to New York, I have
thought it my duty humbly to submit to His Matys consideration the several matters stated in
your letter to me of the IS"" Instant, and upon which you urge the necessity of having some
Instructions before your departure
' Isaac Hamilton was appointed Lieuteoant in the 18th or Royal Irish, Ist October, 1756, and Captain 4th March, 1760.
The regiment came to America in 1767 ; on the 16tU December, of that year, he was promoted to be Major. He left the
army in July, 1775. Army Lists. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 573
The difficulties wiiich have arisen in a variety of cases occurring in the Land department,
are obvious points of immediate attention, and I should do injustice to the intentions of my
Royal Master if I did not assure you of His Majestys gracious disposition to give every
reasonable satisfaction to His faithfull subjects in Nevr York, as well upon those points, as in
every other case in which it may be proper to meet their wishes To this end the board of
Trade has now under its immediate consideration not only the claims of Lands lying to the
Westward of Connecticut River both under New Hampshire & Canadian Titles, but also
the case of Kings District between Hudsons River and the Western Limit of Massachusetts
Bay, and as it is their Lordships Intention to proceed upon this business de die in diem, 1 hope
it will not be long before I shall be able to send you His Matys orders upon those heads. In
the mean time, it will be your duty to take no further steps whatever regarding those cases,
and to avoid, in conformity to the Instructions you have already received, making any grants or
allowing of any survey or location of Lands in those parts of the country which are the seat of
the present disputes The Proposition of establishing a Title to those Lands which have been
purchased of the Indians under Licenses from Lord Dunmore and yourself, is happily not
embarrassed with those difficulties, which prevent an immediate Determination in the other
cases ; and it is with great satisfaction I signify to you his Majestys Pleasure, that you do
acquaint the persons interested in those purchases that when ever they shall make an humble
application to His Majesty for a confirmation, of their Titles, His Majesty will give direction
for passing a grant of the Lands by letters Patent under the Great Seal but as it appears, from
your representation of this matter that most of the considerable Persons within the Province,
are interested in the purchase such a mark of His Majestys Grace and favor must not be
expected, so long as any association shall subsist for preventing the lawfuU importation or
exportation of goods, or otherwise obstructing the Commerce of this Kingdom
It is with concern the King sees that difficulties have arisen in the final completion of the
agreement for a Boundary Line between New York and Massachusets Bay and His Majesty
acquiescing in what you have suggested on that head, will direct instructions to be given to
the Surveyor General of the Northern District conformable thereto
The rebuilding the Governors House, Secretarys office, and the Hospital, are considered by
the King as very commendable Services, and his Majesty is graciously pleased to allow you to
assent to any Bills, that either have been, or shall be preferred, for making provision for
defraying the expence of those services, either by Lottery or iu any other mode the Assembly
shall think fit to adopt
The King has no doubt that the religious communities in New York as well the Dissenters
as those of the Established Church are fully satisfied of His Majesty's gracious Intentions to
affiard them all reasonable support and Protection ; His Majestys good disposition in that
respect hath been manifested in many recent Instances of Grace and favor to both
What is now requested, however by the reformed Dutch & Presbyterian churches and by
the Members of Kings College involves constitutional questions of great difficulty, and it is
more especially necessary that the Charter proposed in the latter case should have the fullest
consideration before any step is taken upon it. To that end I have received the Kings
Commands to lay the Draft of that charter, transmitted to you by M' Colden, before the Privy
Council in order that it may be put into such a train of examination as shall be judged
necessary, but I do not think it likely that their Lordships will be induced to advise the King,
to grant a charter which is to have the effect to increase the number of Members in the House
574 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of Representatives without the consent and concurrence of that House ; in other respects the
Charter does not appear to me to be liable to any material objection
The only doubt or difficulty that has occurred, upon the request of the reformed Dutch &
Presbyterian Churches for Charters of Incorporation, is whether such Charters would not have
the effect to give an establishment inconsistent, with the Principles of the Laws of England,
and it is the more necessary to attend to this difficulty, as it was first stated by the Council of
New York, in the case of the application made in 1766 by the Ministers, Elders and Deacons
of the Presbyterian church within the City of New York ; if however upon consideration of
the several cases in which this priviledge is now requested, the Law Servants of the King in the
Province, and the Council whom you will consult upon them shall be of opinion that they are
free from any difficulty of such a nature, it is the Kings pleasure that you do grant such charter
enclosed in Got. of incorporation, Conformable to what has been approved of by His Majesty in
11: May 1772. alike Case within the Province of New Jersey of which you will be particularly
informed by the enclosed Papers.
The foregoing, sir, are all the Instructions which I have at present in command from
the King to signify to you in consequence of your letter to me of the 12"' Instant, but it is with
very particular satisfaction that I add thereto, that I am further commanded by the King to
acquaint you, that His Majesty is graciously pleased to permit and allow that the Assembly of
New York, may if they think fit, by an Act, or Acts, settle upon you such sum or Sums, in
addition to your salary, as they shall think proper, and you are accordingly allowed to give
your consent to any Act or acts of Assembly for that purpose provided that such sum or sums
be settled on you and your successors in that Government, or at least on you during the whole
time of your Government there, and provided the same be done by the first Assembly, and
within one year after your arrival in your Government
I am &c &c
To Dartmouth
Governor Tryon
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[ Naw-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXVII., No. 29. ]
Whitehall 23'-'' May 1775.
Sir, ^
In a very short time after you embarked upon your return to your Government, the Petition
to the King, the Memorial to the House of Lords, and the representation to the House of
Commons of the Assembly of New York upon the subject matter of the Greivances they
complain of in various instances of the exercise of the constitution' authority of Parliament
were received and M"' Burke having delivered to me the Petition to the King, I had the honor
to present it to His Majesty who was well pleased to receive it with the most gracious
expressions of Regard and attention to the humble requests of His faithfull subjects in New
York who have on this occasion manifested a duty to His Majesty and a regard for the authority
of the parent state, which had they not in the Memorial to the House of Lords and in the
Representation to the House of Commons been unfortunately blended with express"" containing
claims which made it impossible for Parliament consistent with its justice and dignity to receive
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 575
them, might have laid the foundation of that conciliation we have so long and so ardently
wished for.
I will however still hope (and I am encouraged in that hope by private advices received
from Pensylvania) that the resolution of the House of Commons of the 27"'of Feb^ will remove
all obstacles to the restoration of the public tranquillity and I am commanded by the King to
say that nothing can give greater satisfaction to the Royal Breast than to see us again a happy
and united People
Should such an event take place it will be and ought in Justice to be attributed in great
measure to the moderation and good disposition which has appeared in the Assembly of New
York and whilst they continue firm the body of the People must soon be convinced how
equally vain and improper it is to insist upon claims inconsistent with their dependance on the
authority of Parliament, and that the only constitutional method of obtaining redress for any
greivances they may have to complain of is through the channel of their legal Eepresentatives
in Assembly
I am &c &c
To Governor Tryon Dartmouth
..^<.H
Represeiitatian of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of the Privy Council.
[New-York Enlries, LXIX., p. 88. ]
To the Right Hon'''^ the Lord[s] of the Committee of His Majesty's most Hon'"« Privy
Council for Plantation Affairs.
My Lords,
Pursuant to two Orders of your Lordships of the 26 of August 1773 We have taken into
Our Consideration the Petition of sundry Officers of His Majestys Army who served in North
America during the late War humbly praying that certain Lands lying in the Province of New
York heretofore claimed by John Van Rensselaer Esq: may be granted to them agreable to the
proportions specified in His Majesty's proclamation of the 7 of Ocf 1763 whereupon we beg
leave to report to your Lordships.
That the Petitioners having failed in a Suit which under His Majesty's protection and
support they had instituted in the Courts of New York in order to set aside M"" Rensselaers
claim under his original Grant and the Governor of New York having in consequence thereof
thought fit upon a surrender of part of that claim to establish M"' Rensselaers Title to the rest
by new grant there remains reserved out of the said claim a very considerable Tract of Land
lying between the North and South Manors of Rensselaer bounded on the West by a Patent
called Kinderhook and on the East by a line of Jurisdiction between the Province of New York
and Massachusets Bay.
It is necessary however that we should observe to your Lordship that there are two claims
to these lands which upon this occasion will require to be considered the annexed Copy of a
Petition presented to us by M"^ James Savage in behalf of himself and others will shew your
Lordships that this Country has been for a long Series of years in the actual possession of a
number of his Majesty's Subjects who principally under encouragement from the Government
576 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of Massachusets Bay while it was supposed to belong to that province have seated themselves
upon those Lands.
The other claim to which we beg leave to refer your Lordships is founded upon a Grant to
sundry Inhabitants at New York in the year 1705 commonly called the Westhook Patent the
Circumstances of which Grant will more fully appear to your Lordships from the annexed copy
of a petition presented by^ Governor Tryon by the proprietors of that Patent and by him
delivered to us But we beg leave to observe to your Lordships that upon the fullest
consideration of this Claim and of every thing which has been offered to us in support of it we
cannot think it ought to have any weight in this Consideration there being no evidence
whatever the lands supposed to be conveyed thereby were ever taken up at any time or indeed
that they ever could have been so taken up as the description of the limits in the Grant itself
has no reference whatever to any places or point of determination at present known or to be
found with 2 the district in question.
With regard to the case of the other Claimants who are stated to be in actual possession of
the Lands comprehended within that district we submit to your Lordships that it appears
to us to deserve a much more favourable consideration not only from the Claimants having had
possession for many years and from their having cultivated and improved the Land with great
Industry and labour and at a great expence tut also from their having at all times according
to the representation made to us by Governor Tryon demanded^ themselves with distinguished
loyalty and attachment and from their having by their dutiful and peaceable conduct merited
the encouragement and protection of the Government of New York under these circumstances
therefore however desirous we are of shewing every proper attention to the case of the Officers
whose Petitions have been referred to us by your Lordships yet we could not consistently with
any principles of Justice and Equity recommend such a Location of their Grants upon this
Tract as should prejudice the interests of the other claimants at the same time we have the
Satisfaction to acquaint your Lordships that this difficulty has been happily removed by
the following proposition suggested by the petitioners and assented to by M' Savage on behalf
of his constitutents which proposition is as follows Viz'
" That the Officers be allowed to locate their Lands claimed under the Proclamation upon
" that Tract within the Province of New York which lies between the North and South
•' Manors of Renselaer bounded on the West by the Kinderhook patent and on the East by
" the Jurisdiction line between the Provinces of New York and Massachusets Bay as far as
•' such locations can be made without prejudice to the present occupancies (now under actual
"improvement) allowing to each occupant at the Rate of fifty Acres of Woodland for every
" two hundred Acres of Land under actual Improvement and so in proportion for a greater or
•' lesser number of Acres such parcels of Woodlands to be as contiguous as possible to each
" occupancy to which the same shall be respectively allotted and if any quantity of Woodland
«' shall have been already inclosed by any of the occupants such Woodland if less than the
" proportion abovementioned shall be reckoned as part of the Woodland so directed to be
" allotted to each occupancy as aforesaid and if it exceeds the number of fifty Acres in that
" case no Woodland shall be allotted and that in so far as the vacant Lands shall fall short of
" the quantity claimed by the Petitioners they be allowed to locate double the quantity of such
«' residue in some other part of the province of New York or elsewhere in North America not
" already Granted."
' Sic. to. ' Sic. -within. ' Sic. demeaned. — Eb.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 577
As this proposition appears to us to be just and reasonable in every light in which it can be
viewed we trust your Lordships will agree with us in opinion that it will be fit for his Majesty
to give his Royal sanction to it and therefore we beg leave to recommend to your Lordships to
advise his Majesty to send such Instructions to his Governor of New York as shall
correspond therewith.
We are
My Lords
Your Lordships
most obedient and
most humble Servants
Dartmouth
SoAME Jenyns
Bamber Gascoyne
Whitshed Keene
Whitehall May 25. 1775 C. F. Greville
Report of the Lords of Trade on the French Seignories on Lake Champlain.
[New-Tork Entries, LXIX., 44 ]
To the Right Hon"'' the Lords of the Committee of His Majestys most Hon*"'* Privy Council
for Plantation Affairs.
My Lords
Pursuant to your Lordships order dated the 11* day of June 1772, we have taken into our
consideration the Petition of Michel Chartier de Lotbiniere, Cheavalier and styling himself
Seigneur de Alainville and d'Hocquart, setting forth amongst other things that he has been
deprived and dispossessed of his two Lordships of d'Alainville and d'Hocquart situated at the
head of Lake Champlain in a most advantageous position and consisting of the best and
richest land in the Province of New York to which they were annexed eighteen Months after
the Treaty of peace and humbly praying for the reasons therein contained that they may be
reinstated in the full enjoyment of his said two Lordships in the same manner as when under
the Government of France and that he may be reimbursed the expense he has been at in
endeavouring to obtain redress therein and to be indemnified for having been kept out of his
estate and property for so long a time as well as for the damage his said Estates may have
sustained. Whereupon we beg leave to report to your Lordships,
That the petition of Mons' de Lotbiniere refers to two tracts of Land under very different
circumstances.
With regard to that Tract which is claimed by the Petitioner under a Title derived from
a purchase made by him of Mons' d'Hocquart in April 1763 after the conclusion of the peace
with France, it consists of two Seigneuries which amongst several other Seigneuries were
granted by the most Christian King or under his Authority by the Governor of Canada upon
Lake Champlain after France had in violation of the Rights of the Crown of Great Britain
Vol. VIIL 73
578 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
usurped the possession of the late and the circumjacent Country and forcibly maintained that
possession by erecting in the year 1731 a fortress at Crown Point.
It appears by the most authentic evidence upon the Books of our Office that Lake Champlain
and the circumjacent Country were at all times claimed by the five nations of Indians as part
of their possessions and that by agreement with them the Land on both sides the Lake to a
very great extent was granted by the Gov" of New York to British Subjects long before
any possession appears to have been taken by the Crown of France which having by the
express stipulation of the fifteenth Article of the treaty of Utrecht acknowledged the Sovereignty
of the Crown of Great Britain over the Five Nations had upon every principle of Justice and
Equity precluded itself from any claim to the possession of any part of their Territory
Upon these Grounds it was that erecting a Fort at Crown Point in 1731 was then, and ever
after complained of as an Incroachment on the British Territories and a violation of Our Rights
and 80 carefull were the Ministers of this Country to preserve those Rights that when in the
consequence of the Treaty of Aix La Chapelle Commissaries were in the year 1750 appointed
to settle with Commissaries on the part of France the limits of each others possessions in
North America, they were instructed to insist that France had no Right to any possession on
the South side of the River S' Lawrence.
Under these circumstances therefore and for as much as we are clearly of opinion that the
Stipulations of the Treaty of Paris, by which Canadian property is reserved doth both in
the letter and Spirit of them refer only to the property and possession of the Canadians
in Canada of which we insist that the Country upon Lake Champlain was no part, we cannot
recommend to your Lordship to advise his Majesty to comply with what is requested by the
Petitioner or to do any Act which may in any respect admit a right in the Crown of France to
have made those Grants under which the possessions upon Lake Champlain are now claimed
either by Canadian Subjects or others deriving that claim under purchases from them : We do
not however mean by any opinion of Ours to prejudice their claims in any Suit they may bring
for establishing those claims by due course of Law and we submit [whether] under any
circumstances of the Case the question in dispute between these claimants and the possessors
under New York Grants can be properly decided by his Majesty in Council, unless upon any
appeal from such Courts as have constitutionally the cognizance of such Matters.
On the other hand when we consider that many of his Majestys Subjects trusting to the
validity of the Canadian Titles have become proprietors of these Seigneuries under purchases
for valuable considerations We cannot but be of opinion that the making Grants under the
Seal of New York of any part of those Seigneuries was an unjust and unwarrantable proceeding
That the claimants therefore ought to be quieted in the possession of at least those parts which
remain yet ungranted by such order as his Majestys Law Servants shall think more effectual for
that purpose that the Governor of New York should receive the most positive orders not to
make any further Grants whatever of any part of the Lands within the limits of any of these
Seigneuries and that a suitable compensation should be made to the claimants for what has
already been taken away by giving them gratuitous Grants, equivalent in quantity, in other
parts of his Majestys Provinces of Quebec or New York.
With regard to the other Tract claimed by the petitioner under the description of the
concession of d'Alainville, when we consider its situation to the South of Crown Point, that it
is stated to have been granted to him at a time when his Majestys Armies had penetrated into,
and occasionally possessed themselves of the Country and that independent of these objections
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 579
there is no evidence of the Grants having been ratified by the Crown of France, or registered
within the Colony we cannot recommend to your Lordships to advise His Majesty to give any
countenance thereto ; But if the Petitioner, if he thinks he lias a good title, should be left to
establish that Title by due course of law in such mode as he shall be advise' to pursue for
that purpose.
Having said thus much upon the merits of the petition itself, in so far as it regards the validity
of the petitioners title to the Lands he claims we think, it necessary in Justice to the noble
Lord, that presided at this Board in the year 1764 to take some notice of what is alledged therein
in respect to the declaration said to have been made by his Lordship to the effect of what is
stated by the petitioner ; and to observe that admitting that his Lordship had, in conversation
with the petitioner made use of the expressions he states, they could only refer to possessions
and property in general any where, to which he could shew a legal title ; and as an evidence of
this meaning we beg leave to lay before your Lordships the annexed extract of a letter to the
Lieutenant Governor of New York written in consequence of the petitioners application and
subscribed by the Earl of Hillsborough which is so far from admitting a Title in the petitioner
to these Lands which he claims in particular that it expressly reserves any discussion upon
that question until the evidence of the legality of the Title should be more authentically
adduced and in the mean time with equal Justice and humanity forbids any further Grants
being made within the limits of the Seigneuries claimed by the Petitioner
We are
My Lords
Your Lordships
most obedient and
most humble Servants
Dartmouth
SoAME Jenyns
Bamber Gascoyne
Whitehall Whitshed Keenb
May 25. 1775. Greville
Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLX VII., No. IT. ]
New York 7"- June 1775
My Lord
My Letter to your Lordship No 16 o{ the S"* of May, and the minute of Council then
transmitted, contained a full account of the unhappy confusion and disorder introduced into
this Province in consequence of what had happened at Boston on the 19"" of April. After
those accounts, and every particular circumstance of our situation which your Lordship would
be informed of, by the Gentlemen of the Council, and others who went to England in the May
Packet, you will not be surprized to hear that congresses and Committees are now established
580 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
in this Province and are acting with all the confidence and authority of a legal Government.
The Provincial Congress of this Province, now setting, consist of upwards of 100 Members.
Except the remote Counties of Tryon, Gloucester and Cumberland, and some districts in
Queens County on Long Island, every other part of the Province have sent Deputys. The
City Committee and Sub Committees in the Country places, are likewise kept up; and that
the new Plan of Government may be compleat, for carrying into execution the determinations
of the continental and Provincial Congresses, those few places which have not yet appointed
their sub Committees are now called upon by the provincial Congress to do it immediately.
The principal matters said to be under consideration in the Congresses are raising money
and an army to oppose the Kings Forces, and erecting such Fortiiications as may best keep the
command of the Country, and obstruct the March of an army. The Congress are well aware,
that an attempt to raise money by an immediate assessment upon the People, would give a
disgust that might ruin all their measures, and therefore propose to do it by issuing a paper
Currency. I am told this measure has been referred by the Continental Congress to the
several Provincial Congresses and that the Congress of New York have approved of it, as no
doubt all the others will.
The Places proposed to be immediately fortified, in this Province, are Kingsbridge, upon the
little River which separates the Island of New York from the Continent, about 14 miles from
the City : and some place on each side of Hudsons River, which may be best situated for
maintaining the Command of that River. It was mentioned in the xVIinute of Council
transmitted with my last letter to your Lordship, that a number of Cannon were removed
from the City into the Country. The Continental Congress approved of this measure and
recommended that all the Cannon and Ammunition should be remov"* into the Country, except
those belonging to the King ; which has accordingly been done. I am told the amount to above
100 Pieces of Ship Cannon belonging to the Merchants, tho' many of them are not fit for use.
It is said there is but a small quantity of Ammunition in this Province, it having been bought
up by the New England People, whatever there is, is removed into the Country. The Spirit
of arming, and military Parade still runs high in the City Several companies are formed who
have appointed their own officers, are well armed and cloathed in uniform. The Contagion
has not yet spread much in the Country where the people would be very glad to remain quiet,
but indefatigable pains are taken to bring the whole Province into one plan of Measures
It must excite the most poinant sensations of Pain and anxiety, my Lord, in every Breast
where the principles of humanity, are not obliterated by the rage of Political Enthusiasm, to
see a people thus calmly determine to involve a Country in dreadfull War and desolation ; not
even seeming to pay the least attention to a peaceable accomodation tho' benevolently held
out to them by their gracious Sovereign and the Parliament In this gloomy prospect of affairs
the friends of Government have received a glimpse of hope upon hearing that M' Duane a
Delegate from New York, has moved in the Continental Congress to Introduce a plan of
accommodation which produced a warm debate but was carried in favor of the Motion. Any
measures, my Lord^are to be preferred to those of Hostility. A Negotiation once begun, will
give the people time to cool, and feel the consequence of what they have already done, before
they become as desperate as are the Eastern Colonies
I transmit your Lordship Copies of an address made to me by the Committee of New York
on the IS"" of last month, and of my answer It is evident that the real design of the address,
tho' the pretence is different was to take an opportunity of declaring their Sentiments upon the
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 581
present unhappy controversy. A direct answer to this, tho' the material part of the address, I
was well convinced would not be of any use at this time of Delusion. I therefore, in opposition
to their assertion that all applications from the Colonies have been rejected introduced a short
account of the benevolent disposition of His Majesty and the House of Commons as expressed
in your Lordships letters and the resolution of that House. The recent instance of Disorder
attended to in my answer, was a most scandalous outrage upon D" Cooper, ^ the president of our
College. He narrowly escaped being seized by a Mob, who broke tlie College Gate open, and
would certainly have committed the most violent abuse upon him if he had not happily saved
himself by Flight. The Doctor is since gone from this distracted country to England and will
give your Lordship a further particular account of the transactions here. The odium excited
against him is for his warm attachm' to Government and his being a supposed author of almost
every peice that was published on that side of the Question I presume your Lordship is so
well acquainted with his Character & Merit that I need not add anything to introduce him to
your attention. M"' Revington the Printer of one of our newspapers was attacked by the same
Mob and rescued out of their Hands by the Resolution of one or two friends He has since
taken refuge on Board of the Man of War and will not yet venture to return to his House.
His Crime is only the liberty of his Press
While these transactions engrossed the attention of the City a matter of greater importance
was carried on in the Northern part of this Province No less than the actual taking His
Majesty's Forts at Tienonderoga and Crown Point, and making the Garrison Prisoners. I have
not any account my Lord of this affair, but what I have collected from the Current Reports for
all intelligence to Government, thro' the country is effectually cut off. The only people of this
Province who had any hand in this expedition, where that set of lawless people whom your
Lordship has heard much of under the name of the Bennington Mob. They were joined by a
party from Connecticut and an other from Massachusetts Bay They surprised the Garrison &
took the Forts without opposition. The Prisoners are carried into Connecticut These people
advanced across a lake as far St Johns ; took a Vessel there and destroyed a number of
Boats and some Store Houses. This will retard the operations which Governor Carleton will
probably undertake on this occasion. He alone has it in his power to do any thing in that
quarter, and I hope he may have an opportunity of severely retaliating this wanton Act of
Treason. Many people there are of opinion, my Lord, this has been a plan concerted by our
neighbours of the East, in order to embarrass this Colony, and impell us into a situation like
their own — It is evident that all the neighbouring Colonies saw with outmoust Jealousy, the
moderate Temper of the Majority of «ur people, and the conduct of our Assembly — They
determined to hold up such terrors as should effectually prevent us from accepting of the
indulgences and favours intended by Parliament. We were looked upon as highly inimical to
their Designs, and plans were laid to effect our Destruction, or produce an explicit union with
them which have been executed with great success I am told the People who took the Forts,
immediately dispatched a Messenger to the Continental Congress but I have not learnt, with
any degree of certainty, what resolutions either they or the provincial Congress have taken
upon it.
His Majesty's Ship Asia came into our Harbour about ten days since. In my letter of March
1=' No 13 I informed your Lordship that I had suggested to Admiral Graves the propriety of
sending one of the large Ships to this Place. He answer"^ that I might expect the Asia here by the
' See note, supra, p. 297. — Ed.
582 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
1" of April. I am heartily sorry she was not, for I really think the Countenance of that Ship
would have had a good effect by encouraging some and discouraging others — The friends of
Government saw no security for their persons or Property but by joining with the multitude
I have considered my Lord, with great attention, the sudden change of Measures, and to all
appearance of Sentiments, which has happened in this place, and upon the best judgement I
am able to form, it is my opinion, that if the same number of Regular Troops had been here
which we have had at all times since the Peace, till now, this change of Measures and
Prostration of legal Authority had not happened. And upon the information I have received,
I will venture to say, that when ever a sufficient Protection appears, it will be found that His
Majesty has many true and loyal Subjects who are at present compelled to acquiesce in the
Plans of opposition. I have reason to beleive that numbers now appear in Arms in the City,
who have not the least intention to oppose Grovernm' but will join to support legal Authority
when there is an opportunity. I know of one company in particular who have associated to
support Government, but for the present appear and parade as others do. The association
mentioned in the minute of Council to which I have already referred was signed by many
Hands during the first impulses of Confusion and Despair ; but that having subsided, the spirit
of signing has very much abated. I am told only 1800 have signed in the City of New York
There must be at least three times that number who have an equal Right to sign. The
Congress have lately directed a fresh application to be made to every Man throughout
the Province who has not signed and- the names of those who do not sign to be returned to
them by the IS"- July
As it is not possible for me my Lord, in our present situation to obtain regular Intelligence —
I am obliged to mention such Reports of Matters of consequence, as I have any reason to
believe true. Of this kind is a Report that a body of 2500 Connecticut men are enchamping
at Greenwich, a place in that Government about 40 miles distant from New York City, the
declared purpose of this army is to keep this Government in awe, and prevent any defection
here from the general Plan of Measures ; and to assist, if necessary, in opposing the measures
of Government
In my letter to your Lordship N° 16 I mentioned the very disagreeable & critical situation
of the Few Troops who were quartered in the Barracks of this Place and that only by the
interposition of the more prudent Inhabitants, they were suffered to remain in Peace. No
Pains however were spared to debauch the men and induce them to desert. Large Rewards
and certain Protection they were assured of; which had such effect that the officers began at
last to apprehend they were in danger of looseing the whole. In this situation General Gage
wrote to Major Hamilton, by the Asia, that he thought it would be a proper measure to put the
Troops under his command on Board of that Ship, and desired him to consult with me upon
it. As I was very sensible this small number of Troops could not be of any use in the Barracks,
and were exposed to those very disagreeable circumstances I have already mentioned, I did
not doubt of the propriety of the Measure proposed by Gen^ Gage a difficulty however arose on
account of the women and Children, who were too numerous to be taken on Board with the
men, almost the whole that belong to the Regiment being in the Barracks here with this
detachment. This occasioned a delay of eight or ten days in which time several soldiers
deserted. We at length thought of enchamping the Women and Children on what is called
the Governors Island, till they could be otherwise taken care of, and yesterday was fixed for
embarking the Troops on Board the Asia, The Provincial Congress had notice, that some
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 583
people proposed to stop the embarkation upon which tiiey published a hand Bill adviseing the
People by no means to molest the Troops, or interrupt them in their design. They likewise
appointed a number of their members to join the City Magistrates and assist them in preventing
any interruption to the Troops. As soon as the Troops marched from the Barracks, several
People began to harangue them, exhorting them to desert, and assuring them of sufficient
Protection Two or three fellows had the hardiness to turn off with their arms, from the Ranks,
and were immediately carried away by the People, when the Troops got upon the Deck' where
they were to embark on board of Boats, the Carts following in the rear with their Baggage,
were stopp* and in the Face of the Mayor, Aldermen, Congress and Committee men, turn'd
about by a few desperate fellows, carried to a Place in Town, where they opened the Baggage,
and took out a number of spare arms and all the ammunition belonging to the Detachment.
The Troops embark'' without their Baggage
This violent outrage has much alarmed the Inhabitants, and many of the Congress and
Committee Men themselves, who did not expect that their authority would meet with a public
contempt, which demonstrated how inadequate they were to the Government or Protection of
the People. Yesterday made it sufficiently evident that a people encouraged to trample on
Majistrates and legal authority, will not be governed by any thing but their own wild and
dangerous Passions
I have received the Despatches from your Lordships office, by the April Mail and the Secret
Dispatch by Lieut' Coll M'^Lean with whom I have not yet had any consultation He
immediately after he arrived, embark'd again for Boston in a vessel which waited here for the
Generals Despatches, I hope the Plan he is on may succeed
I am with entire submission and respect
Your Lordships
most faithfull and obedient Servant
To the Rt Honble Cadwallader Golden
The Earl of Dartmouth
Address of the New-YorJc Association to Lieutenant-Governor Colden.
I New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) OLXTII. ]
To the Honorable Cadwallader Colden Esq'* Lieutenant Governor and Commander inCheif
of His Majestys Colony of New York & the Territories thereon depending in America
&c &c.
The Humble Address of the General Committee of Association for the City and
County of New York
May it please your Honor
It frequently happens under every Form of Government, that the measures of administration
excite the just jealousies of the People, and that the same measures pursued divest them of all
' Sic. Qu ? Dock. — Ed.
$§^ NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
confidence in those, in whose Hands the ordinary executive Powers are lodged. In such a
state of things it is natural for the people to cast their eyes upon those of their fellow sufferers,
on whose abilities and integrity they can rely ; and to ask their advice and direction for the
Preservation of all that is dear and valuable to them.
That such is the Frame & Temper of our Inhabitants; you have had the fullest opportunity
to know, in the course of that Residence with which you have lately honored us
This City and County, as well as the rest of the Colony have exercised the greatest Patience
in waiting tho' in vain, for a redress of the many unconstitutional Burdens under which this
whole Continent has groan'd for several years past. To their inexpressible greif they have
found, that the most dutifull applications for Redress have not only been rejected but have been
answered by reiterated violations of their Rights
You cannot therefore wonder. Sir, that at this most interesting crisis, when their all is at
stake, and when under the authority of administration the Sword has been drawn, tho'
unsuccessfully against their Brethren of Massachusetts for asserting those invaluable Rights
which are the common inheritance of Britons and Americans, that the City and County of
New York have proceeded to associate in the Common cause, and to the election of a Committee
and Delegates in Congress to represent them in their claims, and to direct their Councils and
conduct for the preservation of those inestimable priviledges, to which the Great Creator the
Order of their being as rational creatures, & our happy constitution, have given them an
undoubted title.
To this important end they have unanimously invested us their Committee with a Trust
which we are determined, with the best of our abilities, and most faithfully to discharge; and
in the execution of which we think it our indispensible duty to declare
That our Constituents, while they chearfully yield that the legislative of the Parent State
may make Provisions in their Nature merely calculated to regulate the Trade of the empire,
yet they claim as their indefeazable Birthright a Total exemption from all Taxes internal and
external by Authority of Parliament; and from every Aid to the Crown, but on Royal
Requisition to their Representatives in Assembly, constitutionally convened and freely
deliberating & determining upon every such requisition
That they never can, nor will submit to the establishment of unconstitutional Admiralty
Jurisdictions ; but will ever regard them, as Engines that may be employed for the most
Tyrannical Purposes
That they are determined never to part with their precious and lately invaded Right of Trial
by Peers of their Vicinage in any case whatsoever
That they look with the utmost dread on every expedient by Authority of Parliament or
otherwise, that may tend to secure from condign punishm' Offenders against the most essential
Rights of human Nature, by removing them for their trial to places distant from the Scene of
Perpetration at the discretion of a Governor or Commander in Cheif
That they esteem and therefore will by every lawfull means oppose the late oppressive
restraints upon Commerce as subversive in their Nature of the liberties of America.
That they regard the hostile blockade of the Port of Boston, the attack upon the venerable
Charter Rights of Massachusetts, the extension of the Bounds of Quebec, the establishment of
Popery, and an arbitrary form of Government in that Province, and the exclusive Priviledges
virtually given to it in the Indian Trade; as so many Steps of an ill judging administration
that most eminently endanger the liberty and prosperity of the whole Empire
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 585
That they view with inexpressible horror the bloody Standard erected in the Eastern Part
of the confederated Colonies ; and feel as in their own bodies every stroke which their brave
compatriotes have received from the hands of their fellow subjects; cruelly & unnaturally armed
against them by mistaken ministerial severity
In short that they are determined to equip themselves for maintaining with successful!
bravery & resolution, the unquestionable Rights of Englishmen
Permit us at the same time, Sir, to assure you in their behalf that tho' they are arming with
the greatest Diligence and industry; it is not with design to oppose, but to strengthen
Government in the due exercise of constitutional Authority, it is to be in a state of readiness
to repel every lawless attack by our Superiors, and to prevent anarchy and confusion to which
ministerial misconduct has evidently paved the way. It is to defend the liberties of the
subject, and to enable your Honor and those in office under you efficaciously to administer
the just Government of this Colony
Your Honor cannot but see the sudden Transition of the Inhabitants of this Capital, from a
state of Tumult occasioned by the Hostilities committed against their Brethren ; to Tranquillity
and good order, as the consequence of our appointment. It is our ardent wish, Sir, that the
same Tranquillity and good order may be permanent.
We look forward therefore with deep concern at the expected arrival of Troops from Great
Britain. An event that will probably be attended with innumerable mischeifs. Their
Presence will doubtless revive the Resentment of our Inhabitants at the repeatedly avowed
design of subjugating the Colonies by military Force. Mutual jealousies may break out into
reciprocal violence. Thousands will in that case be poured in upon us from our other Counties,
and the neighbouring Colonies, who we are well assured have resolved to prevent this City
from being reduced to the present situation of Boston. Thus, instead, of being a secure
Garrison Town and Place of Arms, as is vainly expected by some, the streets of New York may
be deluged with Blood, Such a destructive evil we are well assured your Honor will do every
thing in your Power to prevent. Permit us then, sir, to beseech you to apply to General Gage
for orders that such Troops as may arrive from Great Britain or Ireland, do not land or encamp
in this City and County, and in case of their arrival before your honor shall receive the Generals
answer to solicit the command^ officer to the same purpose
Give us leave. Sir, to conclude by assuring you, that we are determined to improve that
confidence with which the People have honored us, in strengthen^ the hand of the civil
Majistrate in every lawfull measure calculated to promote the Peace and just Rule of this
Metropolis; and consistent with that jealous attention which above all things we are bound to
pay to the violated Rights of America
We are Sir, with the great"
Respect
Your Honors
Most obedient and
humble Servants
By the unanimous order of the Committee
May 11. 1775. Henry Remsen Dy Chairman
Vol. VIII. 74
586 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Answer of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Address of the New-Yorh Association.
[ New-Yi.rk Papers ( S. P. O ) CLXVII. ]
Gentlemen
I have the best authority to assure you, that our most gracious Sovereign and both Houses
of Parliam' have declared their Readiness to afford every just and reasonable Indulgence to the
Colonies, whenever they should make a proper Application, on the Ground of any real
Greivances they may have to complain of. This Declaration has been followed by a Resolution
of the House of Commons, which it was expected would have manifested the Justice &
moderation of Parliament, and a disposition to comply with every wish of the Subjects in
America. They offer to forbear every kind of Taxation or Assessment on America; except
such as are necessary for the Regulation of Commerce; and only require that the Colonies
should make Provision by such ways and means as are best suited to their respective
circumstances, for contributing a proportion to the Common defence of the Empire, for the
support of their own civil Government and the administration of Justice. His Majestys
Ministers did not doubt this Temper in Parliament would meet with such a Return on the part o^
the Colonies, as would lead to a happy issue of the present disputes, and to a re-establishment
of the public Tranquillity on Grounds of equity, justice, & moderation. Is it not then to be
lamented as a most unfortunate event, that the Patience of the People was exhausted at the
moment of this prospect of a peaceable and happy accomplishment of all their wishes. Will
not those in whom they now confide yet endeavour to obtain it? must this Country, till now
happy and flourishing beyond Paralell be involved in the dreadful Calamities ever attendant
on civil Wars, while there remains one possible means untried, by which so great so cruel an
evil might be averted? — You tell me, Gentlemen, that the people have lost all confidence in
the ordinary officers of Government and that they have cast their eyes upon you for advice and
direction. I can not divest myself of the most affectionate concern for the welfare, the Peace,
and prosperity of the people over whom I have so long presided as the immediate Representative
of their August Sovereign ; with whom 1 have lived the Term of a long life & among whom
I leave all that is dear and valuable to me. I am impelled by my duty, and a most zealous
attachment to the Interest and safety of this People, to exhort you not to irritate the present
enraged state of their minds, nor suffer them to plunge into Labrynths from whence they can
neither advance nor retreat, but through Blood and Desolation
His Majestys ministers have, in the Strongest Terms expressed the satisfaction with which
the King received the Assurances of the loyalty & affection of his faithful subjects in this
GovernmS and of their ardent desire for a permanent Reconciliation with the Mother Country
I can not then conceive upon what grounds a suspicion is entertained, that the City of New
York is to be reduced to the present State of Boston, I have not had the least intimation
that any Regular Troops were destined for this Province. It is proper that General Gage
should know your sentiments on this subject, and I shall embrace the first opportunity of
communicating your request to him. At the same time I think there is reason to suspect,
that this report has been invented to facilitate the introduction of an arm'd Force from
Connecticut, which I am told is meditated. Will not the Apprehension of such a design rouse,
you, Gentlemen, & every virtuous cityzen to avert, by every means in your power, a Measure
so degrading, so dangerous to the Honor, safety, and freedom of this Colony
I have beheld with inexpressible anxiety, the state of Tumult and disorder which raged in
the Metropolis of this Province ; and I am sorry that a recent instance, since your appointment,
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 587
revives the threatening prospect of Insecurity, to which the inhabitants are reduced. I exhort
you to carry into effect the assurances you give me, that you are determined to improve that
confidence with which the people have honored you, in strengthening the hands of the civil
Majistrates. Let this be done immediately, and with impartial Firmness on every occasion ;
that the Houses, Persons, & Property of your fellow citizens may not be attacked and insulted
•with impunity, and every Degree of domestic security and Happiness sapped to the foundation.
Cadwallader Golden
May IS"- 1775.
Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon.
[New-Tork Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXVII. ]
Sir
Whitehall, 1« July 1775
The Proceedings at New York upon the first Intelligence of what had passed on the IQ"" of
April in Massachusetts Bay, are of a most extraordinary and alarming Nature for as, on the
one hand, the acts of Violence committed and the Powers assumed by the Populace are (as
the Council truly state) a Prostration of all Government, so, on the other hand, the advice of
that council in consequence thereof, that General Gage should be told, that unless he desisted
from all measures of Irritation, or, in other words laid down his arms, no Reconciliation could
be expected is in effect no less a Prostration of the authority of this Kingdom to the
unwarrantable claims and Pretensions of America
It is hoped however that this advice proceeded from their Timidity in consequence of
the consternation they were thrown into by the Intelligence of an event untruly and unfairly
related and His Majesty receiving it in that light, is graciously pleased to excuse a conduct
which if it had proceeded from other motives must have been considered as an insult to the
Kings dignity, more especially after the fullest assurances had been given of His Majestys firm
Resolution to maintain the constitution and after both Houses of Parliament had in their joint
address pledged themselves to support His Majesty at the hazard of their lives and Fortunes
against the Rebellious Attempts of His Subjects in Massachusetts Bay
I am persuaded. Sir, you must have seen that transaction in the same light, and as you
would have been able to have fully explained to the People the real Sentiments of Government
here upon the present unhappy disputes with America, and the true spirit of His Majestys
Measures; I am in great hope, that, upon your arrival, the vigor of Government would have
been restored and the People would have recovered that good sense and good Humour which
gave us so well grounded an assurance that they would have calmly and dispassionately have
taken up the consideration of the Resolution of the House of Commons of the 20"" of February
Be that however as it may, I am commanded by the King to say, that it is His Majestys
firm Resolution to exert every power which the constitution has placed in His hands to compel
obedience to the Laws and authority of the supreme Legislature. To that end orders have
been already given for augmenting our Naval Forces in America, and we think we shall soon
be able to make such addition to the Army under General Gage as will enable him to withstand
the utmost efforts of that Rebellion into which the People of the four New England Provinces
have so rashly plunged
588 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It is hoped that notwithstanding the present unfavorable appearances at New York & the
other Southern Colonies they will not attempt to send assistance to the Rebels, but it is judged
expedient at all events to guard as much as possible against it, and for that purpose the Admiral
will be directed to send to New York such a Part of his Fleet, as he shall think may be
necessary to secure (as far as depends upon Naval Service) the Passes of Hudsons River, and
to support the operations of the Four Battallions ordered thither, in case General Gages situation
will admit of their acting as a separate Corps
In our present State of uncertainty anxiously waiting for further advices from America, I
have nothing to add but this single reflection ; that however desireable a Reconciliation with
America may be, it must not be sought for on the ground of a submission of the authority of
Great Brittain to their Pretensions, but can only be found in their submission to that authority
which as it can never be exerted but for the common good Obedience to it is and must be that
Bond of Peace & unity, upon which the Dignity and security of the empire are to depend.
I am &c
Dartmouth
Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New.Tork Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXVII., No. 18. ]
New York S-* July 1775
My Lord
In my letter No 17 I inform"* your Lordship that I had received your secret dispatches by
Col Allan M'^lean and that he was gone to Boston. He has since returned and sat out again
from hence the 25"" ult° for Albany. He is obliged to proceed very cautiously, and must use
some address to get to Coll Johnson ; from thence he proposes to go, by way of Oswego
to Montreal
While Col Maclean was at Boston, the Provincial Congress discovered that one M'^Donald,
formerly a Serjeant was endeavouring to engage men to join the Kings Troops; they seized
him, and on his examination found that he had been employed by Major Small ^ for this Purpose ;
' John Small was born in 1726 and entered the army early in life. He was on half pay in 1766, -when appointed Lieu-
tenant in the 42d Highlanders on the eve of its departure for America, to join the expedition under Lord Loudon. In 1768,
the regiment served under Gen. Abercromby against Ticonderoga, and Lieut. Small accompanied the expedition under
Amherst the following year to the same part of the country, and in 1760 went down from Oswego to Montreal; he served in
the West Indies in 1762, and on the 6th of August of that year was promoted to a company. The second battalion then
returned to Scotland, where it was reduced in 1763, and Captain Small went on half pay, where he remained until April,
1765, when he was appointed to a company in the 21st or Royal North British Fuzileers which came soon after to America.
He continued with this regiment until 1775, when ho received a similar commission to that of Lt. Col. Maclean (Supra, p.
663 ), to raise a corps of Highlanders in Nova Scotia in aid of the crown. He was accordingly appointed Major, command-
ing the 2d battalion of the 84th Royal Emigrants, with a portion of which he joined the Royal armies under Sir H. Clinton
at New- York in 1779, and in 1780 was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of his regiment. The Grenadier company was at the
battle of Eutaw Springs. In 1782 he was quartered on Long Island and in 1783 the regiment was disbanded. The men who
were Americans, and had enlisted while the 84th was stationed on Long Island, emigrated to Nova Scotia, where they settled
the present town of Douglas. Lt. Col. Small became a Colonel in the army on the 18th November, 1790, and was appointed
Lieutenant-Governor of Guernsey in 1793 ; he was promoted to the rank of Major-General 3 October, 1794, and died at
Guernsey on 17th March, 1796, in the 70th year of his age. Gentleman's Magazine, LXVL, 353; Browne's Highland Clana,
IV., 155, 167, 309; Army Lists ; Beatson't Naval and Militari/ Memoirs, Yl., 269; MaUburton's Nova Scotia, 11., \\1; Onder-
donk't Queens County, pp. 20S, 619, 623. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 589
they sent him a Prisoner into Connecticut. This has raised a violent suspicion against the
Scots and Highlanders and will make the execution of Coll Maclean's Plan more difficult
The Connecticut Troops, which in my last letter, I informed your Lordship were stationed
on the Borders of this Province, marched last week to this City and encamped in the suburbs
This we are told is done by the order of the Continental congress, but for what purpose is kept
a secret. The same Congress have appointed George Washington Commander in Cheif of
the American Army. Lee and Philip Schuyler Major Generals and Horatio Gates Adjutant
General — They all arrived here from Philadelphia the 25"' Ult" Schuyler who is of this
Province is left to take the command in this Quarter, the others went forward to Boston
I have now informed your Lordship of every thing of consequence that has happened in this
Province up to the day of Gov"^ Tryons return to his Government which was on the 25'* Ult°
I entreat your Ldp to beleive that I am with the firmest attachment to His Majestys Person
and Government and the Greatest respect to your Lordship
Cadwallader Colden
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York Papers ( S. P. O.) CLXTII., No. 1.]
New York 4"" July 1775
My Lord
I arrived in the Governm' the 25"" of last month with apparent satisfaction to the Inhabitants
of this city, and received the next morning the Great Seal of the Province, and the diminished
authority the Lieutenant Governor had to transfer to me.
The General Revolt that has taken place in the Colonies has put his Majestys civil Governors
in the most degraded situation, left in the exercise of only such feeble executive Powers as suit
the present conveniences of the Country, and this dependant on the caprice of a moment. To
attempt coercive measures by the civil aid would hold up Government to additional contempt
by the exposure of the weakness of the executive and civil Branches, and as to calling in the
legislative authority the reasons set forth in the minutes of Council herewith transmitted, as
well on the first of May as upon the occasion of my asking the advice of Council in this time of
general Tumult, will point out the impossibility of obtaining at present any success to the
Resolution of Parliament for accommodation especially since the Colonies to the Southward
whose Legislatures have met have uniformly referred the consideration thereof to the Continental
Congress. If it were the wish it is not in the Power of any one Province to accommodate with
Great Britain being overawed and controuled by the General confederacy Oceans of Blood may
be spilt but in my opinion America will never receive parliamentary Taxation. I do not meet
with any of the Inhabitants who shew the smallest inclination to draw the Sword in support
of that principle, a Principle, I apprehend, the extremity of Calamity which threaten* America
will not induce her to accept The firm friends of Government here upon any other Ground
of Parliamentary authority are now depressed by those who have taken the Power into their
Hands possibly for deeper designs.
Five thousand men are raising through this Province for the general Defence as it is said of
the liberties of America to be paid out of the two millions of Dollars issuing in Paper money
590 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
at Philadelphia a measure that will be permanent ruin to the Merchants of this, who will be
compelled to take it in discharge of Bond Debts, Dry Goods &c &c
The Continental Troops were ordered here by the Continental Congress, as well to endeavor
to check the four Regiments which were intend'' for this Province, as a mark of disgrace and
Punishment to New York for the conduct of her General Assembly last Session. The pay of
these Troops, who are embodied for five months from May last is placed to the account
of this Province
The Communication through the Province, and I understand through the Continent, are
stopt. Every traveller must have a Pass from some Committee, or some Congress. We are
therefore extreemly in want of more frequent Communication by Water to Boston As General
Haldimand is well informed of the military operations on this Continent, I beg leave to refer
your Lordship to him for particulars. And to Coll Morris* & M' Watts ^ for the true State,
Sentiments, & desperate Situation of this once happy, but now distressed Country
I am with the greatest respect My Lord
Your Lordships most obedient Servant
Earl of Dartmouth W" Tryon
' Colonel Roger Morris was born in England 28th January, 1717, and obtained a Captaincy in the 48th Foot, 13th Sep-
tember, 1745. Army List, 1758. Hia regiment having been ordered to accompany the expedition under Braddoek, Captain
Morris was appointed one of the General's Aid de Camps and was wounded in the engagement of the 8th July, 1755, on
the banks of the Monongahela. In 1757 he served, with his regiment, in the expedition under Lord Loudon. On 19th
January, 1768, he married Mary, daughter of Frederick Philipse, of Yonkers, Westchester county, N. Y., and in February
following, purchased a majority in the 35th Foot, with a detachment of which he did duty at Halifax. In the winter follow-
ing he was stationed at Fort Frederic, and was occasionally detailed to chase the Indians who harassed the British settlements
in Nova Scotia. In 1759, he accompanied Wolfe in the expedition against Quebec and was attached to the corps d'elite, the
Louisbourg grenadiers, with whom he participated in the battle on the Plains of Abraham ; Major Morris also performed
good service at the battle of Sillery, 28th April, 1760, in which the French defeated the English. In May following, he was
promoted to be Lieutenant-Colonel of the 47th Foot in the place of Hale, appointed to the 18th Light Dragoons, and com-
manded the 3d battalion in the expedition against Montreal that summer, under General Murray. He sold his commission
and retired from the army in June, 1764, when he was elevated to the Executive Council of the Province, in which body he
took his seat on the 5th December following. Council Minutes, XXV., 594. Having adhered to the Crown in the Revolution,
his name was included in the New- York Act of Attainder of 1779. In December, 1781, Commissary-General Hake addressed
a letter to Lieutenant Colonel Oliver De Lancey, Adjutant-General of the Royal forces, accusing Mr. Morris of " disloyalty."
This letter was forwarded by Sir Henry Clinton to Governor Robertson and laid before the Council ; but after investigation,
the charge was declared "false, scandalous and malicious." Council Minutes, XXVL, 452-467. At the peace, Mr. Morris
retired to England, where he died on the 13th September, 1794, aged 77 ; hia widow survived him until July, 1825. Their
remains were deposited near Saviorgate Church, York. Sargeant's Expedition of Braddoek, 369, note ; Knox's Hiilorical
Journal, I., 163, 203, 297 ; II., 69, 344, 374; Warburton's Conquest of Canada, II., 364. — Ed.
•Hon. John Watts was the oldest son of Robert Watts, of Rose Hill, near Edinburgh, and Mary, eldest daughter of Wm.
Nicoll, of Islip, L. L He was born in New-York on the 6th of April, 1715, and in July, 1742, married Ann, youngest
daughter of Stephen De Lancey. In 1747, he acquired the Rose Hill farm, containing over 130 acres, and which lay on the
East river, between 21st and 30th streets, and between the 4th avenue and the water; he had a smaller farm adjoining on
the west. Valentine's History of New - York, 382, and map annexed. His town house was No. 3 Broadway. He represented
his native city in the Assembly for many years, and was appointed to the Council 19 December, 1757, and took his seat in
that body 10 June, 1758, during the administration of his brother-in-law, Lieutenant-Governor De Lancey. New-York Council
Minutes, XXV., 241. He continued a member of the Council until the 4th May, 1776, when he retired to England, two
months after which ( 3 July, 1775,) he had the misfortune to lose his wife. In October, 1779, he was attainted by the legis-
lature and his property confiscated ; but on the 1st July, 1784, the Commissioners of Forfeitures for the Southern District of
the State of New-York, reconveyed the most valuable part of the forfeited premises to his sons Robert and John, the 1 itter of
whom afterwards endowed with princely liberality that noble institution of charity, " The Leake and Watts Orpnan House,"
New-York. The Hon. John Watts died in Wales in August, 1789, in the 60th year of his age. Gentleman's Magazine, LIX.,
769. The following are the names of his children : Robert m. Lady Mary Alexander ; Anne m. Capt. Archibald Kenijedy, R. N.
( supra, VIL, 822 ), John : Susanna m. Col. Philip Kearney ; Mary m. Sir John Jolmson ; Stephen m. Mary Nugent and
Margaret m. Col. Robert Leake. De Peysicr Genealogy, 1, 18. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 591
Earl of Dartmoiith to Governor Tryon.
[ New-York Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXTII., No. 81. ]
Whitehall S"- July 1775
Sir ^
I have already in my dispatch of the first instant said every thing to you that veas necessary
in consequence of what passed at New York upon the Intelligence that was received of the
affair in the neighbourhood of Boston on the 19"" of April.
The advices which we have lately received contain the fullest evidence that all America,
Quebec, Nova Scotia, Georgia, & the Floridas excepted, is in arms against Great Britain,
and that we have to encounter an unnatural Rebellion that menaces the subversion of
the Constitution
In this situation it is the Kings firm Resolution that the most vigorous efforts should be
made both by Sea and Land to reduce his rebellious subjects to obedience and the proper
measures are now pursuing not only for augmenting the army under General Gage but also
for making such additions to our Naval strength in North America as may enable Admiral
Graves to make such a disposition of his Fleet as that besides the Squadron necessary for the
New England Station there may be seperate Squadrons at New York within the Bay of
Delaware, in Chesapeake Bay and upon the Coast of Carolina.
After what has passed there can be no doubt what ought to be the Plan of Operations for
the Squadron upon the New England Station, and I think it necessary to acquaint you,
for your own information, that Admiral Graves will be instructed to exert the most vigorous
efforts, for suppressing the Rebellion now openly avowed & supported in that Country and to
seize & detain all ships and Vessels belonging to the Inhabitants thereof, such only excepted
as are the property of Persons who are friends of Government & have shewn an attachment
to the Constitution
There is still some Room to hope that the Colonies to the Southward may not proceed to
the same lengths with those of New England, it is however His Majesty's intentions that the
Commanders of the separate Squadrons I have mentioned should be instructed to prevent all
Commerce between the Colonies within their respective stations and any other places than
Great Britain Ireland and His Majestys Islands in the West Indies That they should receive
on Board and give protection to any officers of the Crown who may be compelled by the
violence of the People to seek for such an Asylum and to proceed as in the Case of a Town
in actual Rebellion against such of the sea port Towns being accessible to the Kings Ships,
as shall hereafter offer any violence to the Kings officers or in which any Troops shall be
raised or military works erected, other than by His Majestys authority, or any attempts made
to seize or plunder any public Magazine of Arms or Ammunition
With regard to the plan of operations to be adopted by General Gage it must depend upon
his own Judgment and the opinion of the able Generals with him, and therefore I have only
to add that it is His Majestys express command that you do exert every endeavor and employ
every means in your power to aid and support him and Admiral Graves in all such operations
as they may think proper to undertake for carrying the Kings orders into full execution and
restoring the authority of His Majestys Government.
592 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
J^arl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. O. ) CCLXI. ]
Whitehall 5. July 1775.
Sir,
I have received your letter of the 17* of March, N" 7 and have laid it before the King.
The present state of affairs in His Majesties Colonies, in which an unnatural Rebellion has
broke out that threatens to overturn the Constitution, precludes all immediate consideration
in the Domestic concerns of the Ind"" under your protection ; nor it is to be expected that
any measure v^hich the King may think fit to take, for redressing the injuries they complain
of respecting their lands, can, in the present moment, be attended with any effect. It will be
proper, however, that you should assure them, in the strongest terms, of His Majesty's firm
resolution to protect them and preserve them in all their rights ; and it is more than ever
necessary that you should exert the utmost vigilance to discover, whether any artifices, are
used to engage them in the support of the Rebellious proceedings of his Maj'''' subjects, to
counteract such treachery, and to keep them in such a state of affection and attachment to the
King, as that his Maj''' may rely upon their assistance, in any case in which it may be
necessary to require it.
At the same time it will be very proper that you should collect together, and state to me in
the fullest manner, the different subjects of complaint referred to in the several conferences
you have held with them, and that you should report your opinion, by what means those
grievances may be effectually redressed, and all ground of discontent removed ?
I am ettc.
Dartmouth.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-Tork Papers {8. P. O.) CLXVII-]
New York 7'" July 1775
My Lord
In the delicate state of my health and public situation, & it being very probable I may be
either taken Prisoner, as a state Hostage, or obliged to retire on board one of His Majestys
Ships of War to avoid the insolence of an inflamed Mob, you will see the expediency of my
humble request to His Majesty for discretionary leave to return to England and that it may be
sent out to me by the next Packet ; was I to remain three four or five months on board the
ship on Salt Provisions, in my billious Habit of Body I should afterwards have but little
prospect of compleating the voyage, the King may be assured I will make no wanton, hasty,
or improper use of such Grace, and if T find I cannot stay in my Government will resign my
Commission as Governor on my arrival in England. But should His Majesty have the least
wish to recall me, I shall most cheerfully and obediently submit to His Royal Will Your
Lordships good offices in obtaining for me the above request will greatly oblige my Lord
Your Lordships
most obedient Servant
Earl of Dartmouth W" Tryon
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 593
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New- York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLSVIl., No. 4. ]
New York July T"- 1775
My Lord
The Mayor & Corporation of this City having come to a Resolution to present an address
to me a copy of which was left with me by the Mayor the S** Instant, I appointed yesterday to
receive it. About ten in the morning the Mayor came to me to acquaint me he had an order
from the Provincial Congress forbidding the Corporation to wait on me with their address.
An order carrying so much personal Insult to the Kings Governor and so derogatory to the
liberties of the Citizens, I told him, I hoped would not be regarded by the Corporation,
and that they might reconsider the propriety of their waiting on me after they had left the
copy of their address, and that I would be at home this day at twelve o'clock to receive it.
Accordingly the Mayor waited on me with the inclosed apology from the Corporation, I then
ordered him to deliver to the Corporation when assembled the answer I had prepared to their
address as the best means to convey it to the citizens, since the situation of public affairs
forbad them to wait upon me The address and answer I have the honor herewith to transmitt
The intimidation and apprehension under which the Mayor & Corporation have acted on
this occasion is a melancholy evidence of the impotence of His Matys Officers and Ministers
of Justice in this Province and of the Dispotic Power with which Congresses & Committees
can controul any body of People among the Inhabitants of America
I am, with great regard My Lord
Your Lordships
most obedient Servant
Earl Dartmouth W" Tkyon
Enclosure N" 1.
To His Excellency William Tryon Esquire Captain Greneral and Governor in Cheif of the
Province of New York and the Territories thereon depending in America and Vice
Admiral and Chancellor of the same
The Humble Address of the Mayor Aldermen & Commonalty of the City of
New York
May it please your Excellency.
We wait on you Sir, to congratulate you on the better establishment of your health and to
bid you welcome to a people, who from the rectitude of your administration could not part with
you without the deepest regret, and who must therefore receiveyou again with all that confidence
of safety and protection which the experience of your virtues and abilities can inspire
Would to Heaven that an event so honorable to you as this fresh mark of the Kings
approbation really is and which is so acceptable to us, had found us in a condition more
propitious to your felicity, for even amidst the complicated distresses of this melancholy hour
we feel an addition to our Greif from the unfriendly aspect of the times, upon the happiness we
sincerely wish you to enjoy.
Vol. VIII. 75
594 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
To whatever causes the suspension of the Harmony once subsisting between the parent
state, and her colonies, may be imputed be assured. Sir, that we sigh with the utmost ardour
for the reestablishm' of the common Tranquillity upon that ancient System of Government and
intercourse which has been such a fruitful source of general Prosperity and opulence
It is with affliction we behold a nation as renowned for wisdom as for valor involved in a
civil War, in which disloyalty in His Majestys American Subjects to their Prince, or want of
affection to their mother country constitute no part of the unnatural Controversy, and we
trust, under a merciful God, in the aid of your intercession with His Maty, for a speedy
termination of those hostile animosities of his contending subjects, which undermine the
power and threaten the destruction of the empire.
The above is a copy of the address which was intended to be presented to his Excellency
Gov' Tryon by the Corporation of the City of New York and which I delivered to him on the
3'^ July 1775 by order of the Common Council
Whitehead Hicks,' Mayor.
N°2.
In Provincial Congress New York
July 5'" 1775
This Congress being informed that the Corporation of the City of New York intend to
address His Excellency Governor Tryon. Resolved that tho' this Congress entertain the highest
Respect for His Excellency, yet it will be alltogether improper for the said Corporation, or any
other Body corporate or individals in this Colony to address His Excellency at this most critical
Juncture — Resolved also that one of the Secretaries of this Congress Do forthwith serve his
worship the Mayor with a copy hereof
A true copy from the Minutes
Rob' Benson Secry
The above Copy of an order was served on me the day of the date thereof
Whitehead Hicks Mayor.
' Whitebead Hicks, the eldest son of Thomas and Margaret Hicks, was born at Flushing, L. I., August 24, 1728, and being
destined by his father for the legal profession, received a good preparatory education, after "which he was placed as a student
in the office of the Hon. William Smith, where he had for his associates William Smith, Junior, the historian of New-York,
and afterwards Chief Justice of Lower Canada, and William Livingston, aiterwards Governor of New Jersey. Mr. Hicks
was admitted to the bar Oct. 22. 1750 (New -York Commissions, lU., 606), and immediately entered upon the practice of
the law in the city of New-York, where he met with well merited success, and shared with his cotemporaries in the best
business of his profession. He rose in a few years to the highest rank at the bar of the superior courts of the province, and
was esteemed in a special manner for the integrity and courtesy which distinguished his professional and private conduct.
On 12th March, 1752, he was appointed clerk of the county of Queens, and held that office until 28th February, 1757. New-
York Commissions, VI, 23, 118. In October following he married Charlotte, only child of John Brevoort. In October, 1766,
he succeeded Mr. Cruger as Mayor of the City of New-York, and continued in that office till 14th February, 1776, when he
resigned on being appointed one of the judges of the Supreme Court of the Colony {New-York Commissions, VI, 184, 186 ),
and thereupon retired with his family to Jamaica, where he remained a few months, when, his father dying, he took possession
of the patrimony at Bay-side, Flushing, and there spent the remainder of his life. It is believed that he was privately in
favor of indepsndence, but timid in disposition, and holding an important judicial office under regal authority, he concluded
to remain silent on political matters, while his cautious prudence equally prevented suspicion and ill treatment from both
parties; in consequence of which, his person and property were unmolested. But he was not without apprehension that
his neutrality might incur the reputation of favoritism to one party, or hostility to the other. This stale of apprehension,
which was wholly imaginary, produced such an effect upon a constitution naturally excitable, that it evidently hastened his
death, which took place, October, 1780, and was a subject of the most universal regret. Thompson's History of Long Island,
Vol. II, 511, whose errors, however, are corrected from official sources. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 595
N°3.
The Mayor, Aldermen & Commonalty of the City of New York in Common Council
convened, present their most respectful compliments to His Excellency Gov"' Tryon, beg leave
to assure him, that it was their intention to congratulate him on his safe arrival, and testify
their regard for him by an humble address a Copy of which was left with His Excellency the
3"^ Instant, since which they have had reason to think, that any address from any public body,
presented at this critical Juncture would occasion a dissatisfaction, not from a Disregard to
His Excellency, but from the present troubles of the times They therefore humbly beg His
Excellency will excuse their not waiting on him to day as was proposed, flattering themselfs
that His Excellency, will waive such a publick Testimony of their Esteem for the reason
above mentioned
By order of the Common Council
(Signed) Whitehead Hfcks, Mayor.
New York July G'*- 1775.
N" 4.
The Governors Answer to the address of the Mayor, Aldermen & Commonalty of the City
of New York, delivered to the Mayor to be laid before the Corporat"
Gentlemen
I receive with satisfaction your congratulations on my return to this Country, and obliging
assurances of your affectionate regard from my former Residence among you and your
continued confidence in me at this melancholy crisis of public affairs, already carried to an
extreem much to be lamented by every good man and well wisher of his King and Country
I confess my disappointment at the change of Circumstances in this Government, and feel
the weightiest distress at the present unfriendly aspect of the Times — Long Residence in the
Colonies and a happy experience of repeated friendships have as it were naturalized me to
America, & bound me while I remained in England, faithfully to represent the loyalty,
Sentiments & situation of the inhabitants of this Province, and to support their Interests with
my best endeavours. — At the same time, my Breast glowing with an ardent zeal for the
Honor of my Sovereign and affection for my native Country, I was induced to embark again
for this Government cherishing the pleasing hope of being able to contribute, in some small
degree, the hastening the General wish of the Nation for a speedy and happy reconciliation
between Great Britain and her Colonies
If there can be a Time when it would be wisdom and Humanity to listen to the calm and
dispassionate voice of reason and moderation it surely must be at present. I wish to embrace
the Idea that neither Disloyalty in His Majestys American subjects, or disaffection to their
mother country constitute any part of the present unnatural controversy. But that the
Contention flows from a mere misconception of constitutional principles
The Parliament in their Resolution of the 27"' of February have made the first advance to
a measure of accommodation. It would surely be glorious in tlie Americans to avail
themselves of so important an opportunity in so noble a cause. In the present moment were
America to liberate the restraints she has laid on her Commerce & constitutional authority, and
596 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
through her Provincial Assemblies, grant, suitable to the ease of their circumstances, supplies
to the mother Country for the protection of the whole British State. I am confident in my
own mind the controversy would fall to the Ground and that many Acts of conciliating Grace
would be extended to America by Great Britain, which National honor cannot suffer to have
torn from her by violence. I am acquainted in a Dispatch from the Earl of Dartmouth,
that tho the memorial & Representation of the General Assembly of this Province were
unfortunately blended with expressions containing claims which made it impossible for
Parliament consistent with its Justice and Dignity to receive, yet the Petition to the King has
been presented to His Majesty who was pleased to receive it with the most gracious
expressions of Regard and attention to the humble requests of his faithfull subjects in New
York and I am authorized to say that nothing can give greater satisfaction to the Royal Breast
than to see us again a happy & united People
W-" Tryon
Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson.
[ Plantations General ( S. P. O. ) CCLXI. ]
Whitehall. 24. July 1775.
Sir,
I have already in my letter to you of the 5"" inst: hinted that the time might possibly come
when the King, relying upon the attachment of His faithful Allies, the Six Nations of Indians,
might be under the necessity of calling upon them for their aid and assistance in the present
state of America.
The unnatural rebellion now raging there, calls for every effort to suppress it, and the
intelligence His Maj'^ has received of the Rebells having excited the Indians to take a part, and
of their having actually engaged a body of them in arms to support their rebellion, justifies the
resolution His Maj'^ has taken of requiring the assistance of his faithful adherents the six Nations.
It is therefore His Maj'^'' pleasure, that you do lose no time in taking such steps as may
induce them to take up the hatchet against his Majesty's rebellious subjects in America, & to
engage them in His Maj'^'' service upon such plan as shall be suggested to you by General Gage
to whom this letter is sent accompanied with a large assortement of goods for presents to them
upon this important occasion. —
Whether the engaging the Six Nations to take up arms in defence of his Maj«'''» Government,
is most likely to be effected by separate negociation with the Chiefs or in a general Council
assembled for that purpose, must be left to your judgement, but at all events as it is a service
of very great importance, you will not fail to exert every effort that may tend to accomplish it,
and to use the utmost diligence and activity in the execution of the orders I have now the
honor to transmit to you.
I am ettc.
Dartmouth.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 597
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXVIl., No. 6.]
New York V"- Aug. 1775
My Lord
Since I had the honor of transmitting to your Lordship my publick Dispatches by the last
Mail Colonel Skeene' has been taken through this Province under a military Guard The
Detachment from Philadelphia delivered him to the Connecticut Troops who conducted him
to Hartford. While the Colonel was at the encampment near this City I sent my Secretary to
wait on him and receive his commands, but he was not admitted to an interview, supposed
to be owing in a great measure to M'' Lundie, (who was confined with Col Skeene) having
made his escape the evening before
Last week Capt" Nordbergh^ who was taken prisoner at Lake George the IS"" of April last,
informed me that the Provincials had taken about a hundred Cannon & some mortar pieces at
Crown Point, which they were mounting on Carriages for the purpose of converting them to
the use of the continental army. He also inform"^ me that several armed vessels or Boats were
building and fitting out on the Lakes. The Captain also adds that he thinks the number of
Continental Troops at Tyconderoga, Crown Point and Lake George, may be about three thousand
On the IS"" ultimo a Boat belonging to His Majestys Ship of War the Asia (the only Kings
Ship now in this Harbour) under the command of Capt° Vandeput^ was seized and set on Fire
by the Mob. The Mayor and Corporation took up the Matter as a high misdemeanor, &
attempted a discovery of the perpetrators of an outrage so manifestly contrary to the general
sense and inclination of the Citizens. At the same time they engaged to Captain Vandeput an
immediate restitution, and in that were supported by both the City Committee & Provincial
Congress. The Boat when partly finished has since, in the night been secretly cut in Pieces.
An other Boat I am told is to be built, and I hear it is to be secured against any attempts to
destroy it.
The Kings Stores have been frequently broke in upon, and some carried away. The Report
of M'' Stevens the Keeper of the Kings Stores will best explain this matter to your Lordship
Part of the Connecticut Troops are gone to Albany, as will the Regiment raised in this city
in a few days, tho' at present in possession of both the upper and lower Barracks
Eleven companies of Riflemen, consisting of about one hundred men each, with Ammunition
from the Provinces of Pensilvania, Maryland and Virginia have lately passed thro' this Province
crossing over Hudsons River at New Windsor in their march to the Provincial Camp
near Boston.
' See supra, p. 415, note.
" John Nokdberq was appointed Lieutenant in the 60th regiment 28lh July, 1758, and went on half pay at the peace of
1763 ; he again joined the regiment 29th March, 1766, and became Captain in America 31st August, 1773. He remained a
prisoner until December 15, 1775, when it appearing to the Provincial Congress that his health was in such a state as that
tenderness and humanity demanded his going to Great Britain for the restoration of his impaired constitution, and that he
had with the strictest honor behaved towards the inhabitants of the American colonies, as a soldier and a gentleman, he was
permitted, in token of their respect, to proceed to England with such of his effects as he chose to remove, and the people
were recommended not to interrupt him. Journal of the New -York Provincial Congress, 220. His name appears in the
Army List of 1774 for the last time. — Ed.
" Gkobge Vandeput was appointed Lieutenant in the Royal Navy in 1759 ; was promoted to be Commander April 17, 1764,
and Captain, June 20, 1765. He continued on the American station, in command of the Asia, until near 1772. Beatson.
598 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Capt" Sinclair' was taken up last week by order of the provincial Congress in his way through
this City to his Government in Canada and sent Prisoner to Suffolk County on Long Island.
We have had no intelligence from Canada, and nothing from Boston, since the account of the
action at Bunker Hill. These are the principal occurrences of late. There are other
Circumstances dependant on report and matters of opinion that I confess myself at a loss how
to write upon. Every thing is conducted in the Committees and Congresses with such Secrecy,
and Reports are so various & contradictory that scarcely any conclusion can be formed from
them they are the Rumours of the Day and mostly founded in Fiction and misrepresentation.
The Gazettes and other Papers which accompany this Dispatch it is hoped may assist your
Lordship in forming some conception of the deplorable state of affairs in the Colonies. The
Gentlemen who go passengers to England in the Packet from this and some other of
the Provinces may be able to give your Lordship further information.
From the Military Manoeuvres and preparation already made and making, the complexion of
the declared original cause of contention between Great Britain and the Colonies seems to have
undergone an entire change. The Americans appear to have lost sight of first principles &
first causes, and have gone on to adopt measures & prosecute Plans of the most determin'd
opposition and resistance, and I fear are fatally abandoned to the Resolution of hazarding every
thing rather than to submit to the principle of Parliamentary Taxation. Unhappily therefore,
my Lord constrain'd to adhere to my former sentiments on this subject, I would with the
greatest defference submit it to the wisdom and Beneficence of His Majesty and His Ministers
whether it might not be expedient in compassion to the unhappy prejudices of opinion and wild
delusion of His Majestys American subjects to hold forth some further conciliatory measures
and also to grant a Repeal of the duties on Tea. It would be removing the original ostensible
cause of discontent and greatly abate the early prejudices among the Populace and Peasantry
of this Province. Five or six thousand or more. Regulars being then sent to New York,
supported by three or four regiments of Americans which I am confident might then be raised
in this Province & the Jerseys, the authority of His Majestys Government, now entirely
prostrate through the Colonies might at least be reinstated in this The influences of
Committees and Congresses receive a check and a body of the People brought to a sense
of duty and Allegiance. The embodying of a few Regiments of Americans upon the same
establishment with His Matys regular Troops I apprehend, my Lord, might be followed with
the happiest effects, actuated by a sense of duty as well as allured by the Rewards of offices
& appointments, for I would recommend that the officers of the Regiments so raised should be
' Lieutenant-Geueral Patrick Sinclair entered the army as an Ensign in the second battalion of the 42d Highlanders in
October, 1758, and served the following year against Guadaloupe, in the West Indies, where he was wounded. Browne's
Highland Clans, IV., IGO, 163. He served next in America, where he was promoted to a Lieutenancy 27th July, 1760. On
the regiment being ordered to the West Indies in October, 1761, Lieutenant Sinclair exchanged into the 16th Foot, and
continued to serve in America until 1768, when that legiment returned to England. In April, 1772, he was promoted to a
company, and thereupon applied for leave to come back to America, but could not, it seems, perfect the arrangement; and
he sold out or retired in 1773. The English government having resolved on employing the Indians, Captain Sinclair was
appointed Lieutenant-Governor and Indian Siiperintendeut at Michiliniakinac, but on landing at New-York was summoned
before the Provincial Congress, 3 August, 1775, by whom he was sent a prisoner, on parol, to Long Island, where he remained
until March, 1776, when he was allowed to return to Europe. In April, 1780, he was appointed Captain in the 84th
or Highland Emigrants, on duty in Canada, with permission to retain his rank in the army, in which, in June, 1782, he
became Major, and retired on half pay in 1783. On 12th October, 1793, he became Lieutenant-Colonel, and on the 26th
January, 1798, was promoted to be Colonel in tlie army ; in September, 1803, he became Major-General ; Lieutenant-General on
25th July, 1810 ; and was the oldest Lieutenant-General in the army at the time of his death, which occurred in 1820. Army
Lists; Journals of New-York Provincial Congress, I., 100, 380; IL, 97, 175; 4 American Archives, V., 102, 352, 1393.— Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 599
nominated by the Governor, and at reduction both Officers and men have the same bounty as
under the Royal Proclamation in 1763) many would enter into the Service who by their influence
and Connections would divide the opinions, excite the Jealousies and weaken the Confidence
of the Inhabitants of America among themselves, with a facility & in a Degree most probably
superior to any other measure whatever.
A Body of Troops in this Province with a strong Naval Force, seems highly necessary and
important as it might check a disposition in some of the Americans evidently verging towards
an independancy it also would occasion a division of the Continental Forces and extend the
awe of His Majestys arms more generally through the Colonies. For permit me to assure
your Lordship that the influence and terror of His Majestys Forces at Boston has hitherto been
very little felt at this place and it must necessarily be still less in the Colonies further Southward
Confined within so very limited a prospect of rendering His Majesty the least service in my
civil Capacity here, and being frequently informed it will be my lot, will all other Crown officers,
to be led captive to Hartford as hostages for the good treatment of any prisoners General Gage
may take I most humbly request my Sovereign to grant me discretionary leave of absence
from my Government or to recal me, as his Majesty in his wisdom shall think most proper.
I am with the greatest Respect
My Lord
Your Lordships
most obedient Servant
Earl of Dartmouth W"" Tryon
Report of Mr. Francis Stephens, Storekeeper of His Majesty's Ordnance.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXVII.]
Memorandum
On Wednesday the la"" Fnstant, between the hours of 9 & 10 oclock at night, being at the
house of M"' Banyar, in the neighbourhood. The Clerk of Stores came and acquainted me,
that a number of men with side Arms &c, had got over the Fence of the shot yard, and were
breaking open the several doors of the Armory, Store house and those of the Artificers shops
whereupon I immediately repaired to the front doors of the two first menf* places, and on
hearing a great noise proceeding from their ransacking the premises, Instantly called upon M'
Alderman Brewerton acquainting him therewith and requested his interposition, but he replied,
as an individual he could by no means render me any assistance, and in that case advised me
to wait on the Mayor, which I accordingly did, but he was not in Town. I then, in my way to
the Governors met with Capl" Thos. W" Moore who had the command of the Guard appointed
to preserve the Peace of the City & to whom I communicated the above & entreated his
assistance in order to put a stop to the Felonious proceedings of a number of armed men who
were carrying off his Majestys Stores, as also some of my own private property, & which I
conceived was his Duty to protect, soon after Capt° Moore came down to the Storehouse, and
brought with him a party of armed Men who with myself went in amongst the people that
were committing the depredations aforesaid, demanding by what authority they presumed to
600 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
carry off the Kings Stores when some of them replied to M' Moore — That it was by order of
their Colonel Ritzma they came there, and did what they had done, upon this Captain Moore
told them, That no persons whatever had a right to order them to act in that manner and
advised them to disperse which they soon did after carrying off several Drums a considerable
number of Iron flam-Rods and sundry other articles of His Majestys property. Two hours
after they were gone namely about 2 oclock in the morning a considerable number of the
Connecticut Forces, supposed to be upwards of a hundred came to the Store Houses afore
mentioned, where they continued untill nigh day light, rummaging & ransacking every place &
carried off such articles as they thought proper.
Thursday the 1 3"" about 8 oclock in the evening, Francis Staple, the person who has the care
of Turtle Bay, came to Town, and informed me of the following particulars (Viz') that about 3
oclock this afternoon, a Sloop came from New York, there, and run along side the Wharfe, and
was met by a party of the Connecticut Troops, supposed to be about fifty men, who put on
board the said Sloop (as near as he could well guess) about five Hundred, 24 pounder Round
Shot, Fifty 10 inch &like number of Cohorn Shells. They likewise broke open the Storehouse
took out the Major part of what remained there, such as sand Bags, empty Boxes &■= and then
went off: The same night about half past 9 oclock, a company of armed [men] came to my
dwelling house & demanded admittance, pretending that they had received certain intelligence,
of a number of small arms being concealed in the upper apartment of said house, and as such
was determined to be satisfied by searching the premises, which was accordingly done, to their
great disappointment. They then requested of me the Keys of an other Store House which
they said had not as yet been examined into, observing that the arms must of course be
certainly there & notwithstanding my utmost endeavors to dissuade them to the contrary
They violently broke open the Doors of the same & robbed it of the following articles (Viz'
Two Brass Pettards, some Tents, Powderhorns, nails Ballast Baskets & many other things
which at present is by no means in my power to particularize
New York 21" July 1775
(Signed) Francis Stephens
Storekeeper of His Majestys Ordnance
List of a General Committee for New-YorTc.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXVII. ]
List of a General Committee for the city and County of New York chosen the
1" of May 1775.
1. Isaac Low 7 Isaac Sears 13 John Broom
2 Philip Livingston 8 David Johnson 14 Joseph Hallett
3 James Duane 9 Alex' M'=Dougall 15 Gabriel H. Ludlow
4 John Alsop 10 Thomas Randall 16 Nicholas Hoffman
5 John Jay 11 Leonard Lispenard 17 Abraham Walton
6 Pet' V. B Livingston 12 William Walton 18 Pef Van Schaack
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV.
601
19 Henry Remsen
20 Peter T. Curtenius
21 Abraham Brasher
22 Abraham P Lott
23 Abraham Duryee
24 Joseph Bull
25 Francis Lewis
26 Joseph Totten
27 Thomas Ivers
28 Hercules Mulligam
29 John Anthony
30 Francis Bassett
31 Victor Bicker
32 John White
33 Theophilus Anthony
34 William Goforth
35 William Denning
36 Isaac Roosevelt
37 Jacob. Van. Voorhees
38 Jeremiah Piatt
39 Comfort Sands
40 Robert Benson
41 Will" W. Gilbert
42 John Berrien
43 Gabriel. W. Ludlow
44 Nicholas Roosevelt
45 Edward Fleming
46 Lawrence Embree
47 Samuel Jones
48 John Delancey
49 Fred-^Jay.
50 William W. Ludlow
51 John B Moore
52 Rudolphus Ritzind
53 Lindley Murray
54 Lancaster Burling
55 John Lasher
66 George Janaway
67. James Beekman
68 Samuel Verplanck
59 Richard Yates
60 David Clarkson
61 Thomas Smith
62 James Desbrosses
63 Augustus Van Horn
64 Garrat Keteltas
65 Eleazer Miller
66 Benjamin Kissam
67 John Moran Scott
68 Cornelius Clopper
69 John Read
70 John Van Cortlandt
71 Jacobus Van Zandt
72 Gerardus Duyckinck
73 Peter Goelet
74 John Marston
75 Thomas Marston
76 John Morton
77 George Folliot
78 Jacobus LeflFerts
79 Richard Sharp
SO Hamilton Young
81 Abraham Brinkerhoff
82 Benjamin Helme
83 Walter Franklin
84 David Beekman
85 William Seton
86 Evert Banker
87 Robert Ray
88 Mich" Bogert (Broadway)
89 William Laight
90 Samuel Broom
91 John Lamb
92 Daniel Phoenix
93 Anthony Van Dam
94 Daniel Dunscomb
95 John Imlay
96 Oliver Templeton
97 Lewis Pintard
98 Cornelius P Low
99 Thomas Buchannan
100 Petrus Byvank
cers belonging to a Battalion of Independent Foot
[ New-York Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXVII. ]
in New- York City.
A Battalion of independant Foot companies in the city of New York
John Lashier Colonel
Edw"" Flemming L' Col
Andrew Stockholm Major
Philip Brashier Adjutant
Will™ Leary Serj' Major.
Grenadier Co?npa?i!/— 'Uniform Blue with red Facings
John Lashier Capt"
William Hyer l'« Lt.
Abraham Brashier 2'' Lt.
Abra. Van Dyck 3" do.
Vol. VII [.
602 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Fuziliers — Blue Red Facings. Bearskin Caps. A Brass Plate on their Caps Word
Fuziliers. Do on pouch. Word Fuziliers round it, Sahis populi suprcma Lex est.
Ric"" Ritzema Capt" Andrew Lott 2" Lt.
Henry G Livingston 1" Lt James Van Zandt 3* do.
German Fuziliers — Blue red facings Silver Lace, Bear skin Caps, White Plates German
Fuziliers a Star of tin above
Sibastin Beaumont Capt" Peter Grim J' 2"* Lt
Thomas Leonard 1" Lt S"* do
The Unio7i. — Blue Red facings
Sam' Broome Cap'" John Labeauteatix 2^ Lt
Will" Malcolm 1" Lt Thos Hazard 3-> do.
Sportsman Company. Green, Crimson Facings. Small round Hats
Abra. P. Lott Capt° James Beekman 2^ Lt
Abra. Van Wyck 1" Lt. Theop' Beekman 3* do
The Corsicans — short Green Coats, Small round Hats Cock on one side. A Red Hart of Tin
with the words, God and our Right, round the Crown Liberty or Death
EdW* Flemming Capt° John Berrian 3'' Lt.
Nich' Roosevelt 1" Lt. Fred. Depeyster 4"' do
Fred Jay. 2^ do
The Bold Forresters, Short Green Coats small round Hats, one side up the word Freedom
on a Brass plate on Front Hatchetts on their Backs
James Alner Capt° James Moore 2^ Lt.
Marinus Willett 1" Lt. James Jarvis 3^ do.
Light Infantry Blue. Red Facings
Andrew Stockholm Capt" John Wyley 2^ D"
William W Gilbert 1" Lt. Vireer Van Zant S-* do.
Oswago Rangers. Blue Coats, Small round Hats Brass Plate against the Crown words on
it Oswago Rangers
John Rosowelt Capt" Gerardus Dychinck 2* Lt
Chas' Dickson 1" Lt. Abra Musier 3** do
All White under Cloaths half Gaters and Black Garters
Rangers. Green Coats, Buff Facings & under Cloaths White Stockings Black Garters &
half Gaters. [This Company was formerly Adolphus Philips's. Have not joined the Battalion
as there is a Dispute about Rank ]
Christ"" Banker Capt° Peter Kettletas 2* do
Chrisf Benson 1" Lt. Philip Lot 3* do.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 603
1" Company of Royal Artillery Blue Red facings White under Cloaths &c. [This company
have not joined the Battalion as they have not yet got their field Pieces]
Sam' Tudor Capt° John Davan 3^ Lt.
James Seagrove Capt" Lt. Nicholas Bogart 4"' Lieut.
Isaac Heron 2'' Lt.
New Companies raising
2"* Company of Artillery
Anthony Rutgers Capt" Christ' Miller S'' Lt.
Patrick Dennis P Lt Anthony Griffith 4"' Lieut'
Thos Ivers 2*» do
John Woodward Capt" Jeremial Wool 2^ Lt.
Abra. Livingston !'• Lt. William Hannah S"* do.
Rangers. — Green Stuff.
James Abeel Capt°
Gover9io7- Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXVII. ]
[Confidential"]
New York Aug' 7'" 177-5
My Lord
Tho' your Lordship must from all Quarters be informed of the revolted and hostile State of
America You may not possibly be acquainted how far some of those who now exercise the
usurped Powers of Government evidently mean to pursue their dangerous designs.
Independency is shooting from the root of the present contest ; it is confidently said if Great
Britain does not within six months adopt some new plan of accommodation the Colonies will
be severed from her, as to any system of solid and general Union ; that the standard of Freedom
and independency may be erected on this Continent, when all those who have not taken an
active part in the Commotions (tho inimical to the principles of Parliamentary) taxation will
fall a sacrifice to the resentment of their Rulers, and their Estates confiscated to defray in part
the expence of the civil War, at the same Period it is beleived the Ports of America will be
declared free, and the Powers of Europe invited to Guarantee the Independency of the Colonies,
it is also whispered, propositions have been made for that purpose, and that a French officer of
distinction was at Philadelphia a few weeks ago on some important embassy. Large supplyes
of Ordnance, arms and ammunition have been procured from Hispaniola and Maritineco.
Calamitous as this conduct must prove to the confederate Colonies. The cheif Rulers seem
determined to drive on their measures, I should however do great injustice to America; were
I to hold up an idea, that the Bulk of its inhabitants wishes an Independency I am satisfied
(not to answer for our Eastern neighbours) a very large majority particularly in this Province
are utter enemies to such a principle but the Great Affliction is, the American friends of
604 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Government in general consider themselves between Scylla and Charybdis, that is the dread
of Parliamentary Taxation and the Tyranny of their present Masters. Could the first principal
be moved out of the way His Majesty would probably see America put on a less determin'd
complexion notwithstanding sharp Struggles I beleive would be made against the operation of
some British Statutes extended to America, yet many would be drawn from the confederacy
to the support of Governm'
Should the principles of Governm' now overturned, not be soon reestablished but the present
internal convulsions be carried to the extremities suggested, it may be a question on what
foundation the future settlement of North America may rest ; unhappily at present I am without
any public line to walk, on ; That some plan may be fixed for the settling this melancholy
contention must be the ardent wish of every friend of humanity.
I am with all due respect
My Lord
Your Lordships
Most obed' humble Servant
W" Tryon
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXVII., No. 6. ]
New York 9'" Aug. 1775
My Lord
I detained the Packet one week in expectation that General Gage might send his Despatches
in that time for Government. A Transport arrived last night in this Harbour from Boston
with a letter to me from the General of the IS"" of last month with the Communication that
nothing had happened since the affair of Bunker Hill. The General says " He should think
" it no difficult matter to get provisions sent to them but finds every body shy of undertaking
" it" In the present state of affairs it is impracticable to obtain any to be sent to Boston from
this Port while the Penalty of even the attempt is forfeiture of ship and Cargo, as in M' Van
Vleeks case published in the New York Gazette
The inclosed secret intelligence came to this Town the 6"" Instant from the Commanding
officer of the Provincial Troops at Tyconderoga. In consequence of which yesterday the
Regiment raised by M' M'Dougal left this Town for Albany. A Duplicate of this information
I shall forward to General Gage as worthy of his Notice
I am with the greatest respect & esteem
My Lord
Your Lordships
most obed* Servant
Earl of Dartmouth W" Tryon.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 605
Secret Intelligence 6"" Aug. 1776.
The New York. Troops under tlie command of Coll M'=Dougle, ordered to march
immediately for Tyconderoga, when joined by one thousand Rifle Men will amount at least to
three thousand men. These to be joined by four thousand New England Forces to Rendezvous
at Crown Point, from thence to proceed to Montreal and Quebec (even if over the Ice) better
than half the Canadians having promised to join these Forces.
Proceedings of the Commissioners of the Twelve United Colonies with the Six Nations.^
[ 8. Massachusetts Historical Collections, V., 76. ]
German Flats, Tuesday, Aug. 15, 1775.
At a meeting with the sachems and warriors of tbe Six Nations at this place.
Present — Volkert P. Douw, Esq. 1 _, . .
™ , ^ „ . r. r Commissioners.
Turbot Francis, Esq. )
The following speech was delivered by Col. Francis.
Brethren of the Six Nations attend.
We acquainted you yesterday from whence we came, and by whose authority ; namely, by
the authority of the Twelve United Colonies dwelling upon this island of America. We
acquainted you that we were two persons of five appointed by the Twelve United Colonies
now met in council at Philadelphia, to invite you down to Albany, where you may expect to
meet our other three brethren, appointed to act in conjunction with us. When we meet you,
our brethren of the Six Nations and your allies, at Albany, we will rekindle the council-fire
which our ancestors and yours formerly kindled up at that place, and there sit down and
converse together upon the present situation of the Twelve United Colonies, and disclose to
you their minds thereon. We have important matters to communicate to you, our brethren
of the Six Nations, and your allies, which cannot be disclosed until the council-fire be kindled
up at Albany, and we are in full assembly.
Brethren,
We observe that many of our brethren of the Six Nations are not here present ; and as it is
the wish of the Twelve United Colonies that there may be a general meeting of their brethren
"The attention of the Colonial Congress was very early drawn to the importance of securing the alliance, or at least the
neutrality of the Indian tribes during the impending conflict. It was accordingly determined, on the 12th of July, 1775, to
establish three departments of Indian Affairs, the Northern, Middle and Southern ; the Northern to include the Six Nations
and all other tribes to the Northward of them ; and that Commissioners should be appointed " with powers to treat with
" the Indians in their respective departments, to preserve peace and friendship, and to prevent their taking any part in the
''present Commotion." The Commissioners for the Northern department, chosen on the 13th of July, were Major-General
Philip Schuyler, Major Joseph Hawley, Mr. Turbot Francis, Mr. Oliver Wolcott and Mr. Volkert P. Douw. These Commis-
sioners, with the exception of Major Hawley, who declined serving on account of ill health, held the above Treaty with the
Six Nations. Nole by the Publishing Committee of the Society. The Journal thereof was printed, for the first time, by the
Massachusetts Historical Society, from a MS. in its archives, and afterwards in 4. American Archives, III., 474. — Ed.
606 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of the Six Nations, we their deputies, in their names, beg you would send to all these absent
brethren of the Six Nations, and invite them to come down and sit at the council fire at
Albany, that they may hear from us the sentiments of their brethren of the Twelve United
Colonies.
Brethren,
We now inform you that your brethren of the Twelve United Colonies have sent you and
your allies a token of their love and friendship, which is now at Albany, and which we shall
deliver to you at that place. A String.
Brethren,
As our friends and your allies, the Caghnawagas, and the seven towns upon the river St.
Lawrence, live at a great distance, and have not yet had an invitation to come down to the
council-fire which we, the deputies of the Twelve United Colonies, will kindle at Albany, we
beg your assistance in forwarding an invitation to them; and wish you would immediately
appoint four or six of your most active and sensible men, who may be relied on, to transact
the great and important business which they will have in hand. A Belt.
Brethren,
As many mischievous and ill-disposed persons may attempt to raise up in your minds
sentiments that are unfriendly to your brethren of the Twelve United Colonies, we beg you
will shut your ears and fortify your minds against any such evil and false reports ; and if any
such liars and deceivers should appear among you, and attempt to poison your minds, be
assured they are as much your enemies as the enemies of your brethren of the Twelve United
Colonies together, and which is now going to be made stronger at Albany. A Belt.
To this Kanaghquaesa, an Oneida sachem, replied.
Brother Solihoany and our Albany Brother, Commissioners from the Twelve United Colonies,
You have now opened your minds. We have heard your voices. Your speeches are far
from being contemptible. But as the day is far spent, we defer a reply till to-morrow, as we
are weary from having sat long in council. We think it time for a little drink ; and you must
remember that the Twelve United Colonies are a great body.
German Flats, 16th August, 1775.
The council having again assembled, Tiahogwando, an Oneida sachem, addressed himself
as follows.
Brother Solihoany and our Albany brother, attend.
We are now assembled at the German Flats, at which place you kindled up a council-fire,
and yesterday called us together, and acquainted us from whence you came and by whose
authority, — namely, by that of the Twelve United Colonies, and you opened your business to
us. Brothers, now attend. Through the mercy of God we are brought to this day, and the
Six Nations are now in full assembly at this place, where we smoke a pipe in friendship and
in love. We are glad to hear your voices. You are come in the name of the Twelve United
Colonies to invite us down to Albany to a council-fire of peace. You desire we should all
attend with our confederates, as you say the council-fire that is to be kindled up at Albany, is
of much importance. Brothers we thank you for this invitation ; it meets with our entire
approbation. Here we are of every tribe in the Six Nations ; it shall be done as you have said.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 607
Brothers,
You have desired that all our confederates should receive this invitation. This cannot be
done short of one year, as we extend very far, and could not possibly call the extremities of
our confederacy to this intended meeting. But possess your minds in peace. When this
Congress is over, and the council-fire raked up, we shall acquaint all our allies with what has
passed. Brothers, this is the answer of all the Six Nations, who are now here represented
from every tribe.
Brothers, attend.
Yesterday you said that you were sensible our confederacy extended to Caghnawaga, and
the Seven Tribes upon the river St. Lawrence ; that it would be very agreeable for your
brothers from that quarter to attend this great council-fire to be kindled at Albany by order of
the Twelve United Colonies ; and that it was the desire of your brethren of all those
Provinces, that they should attend together with us.
Brothers,
You therefore desired our assistance to forward this your belt of invitation to the
Caghnawagas and the Seven Tribes in that quarter. Brothers, possess your minds in peace.
We the Six Nations are put to difficulty to grant this request.
We are very much embarrassed for this reason. The man is now there who will vex your
minds, and never consent to their coming down, and will draw hard upon their minds another
way. Brothers, possess your minds in peace. We of the Six Nations have the minds of the
Caghnawagas and the Seven Tribes in that quarter. At our central council-house when this
took place, they addressed us of the Six Nations in the following manner: You are better
capable of maintaining peace than we are; therefore we deliver up our minds to you. For
these reasons we advise you to reconsider your petition to us, seeing we are so embarrassed
we cannot grant it. Perhaps you will say to us when your intended council-fire shall be over.
Brothers, do you of the Six Nations acquaint all your confederates and allies of what has
passed at this council-fire of peace ; and this we shall do with great care and exactness. Now,
brothers, you see we are embarrassed ; and therefore give you this advice.
Belt returned.
To this Col. Francis answered.
Brethren of the Six Nations,
It gives us a great deal of uneasiness to find you cannot at present convey this belt to our
friends in Canada. We have heard your reasons, and are sorry to find one of our blood is
already there, endeavoring to draw their minds from us, when we mean nothing but peace
towards them. As there are a great many Englishmen in Canada, we know not who you
mean. We shall therefore be glad to have the particular man pointed out.
To which Abraham, a Mohawk sachem replied.
Brothers,
We take it for granted that you all know the very man we mean, as we said he was of your
blood. We see no necessity of pointing him out more explicitly.
Tiahogwando, the Onondago sachem, then spoke again.
608 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brother Solihoany and our Albany brother,
We take it for granted you have called us to a council of peace and entire friendship ; and
you have taken us by the hand. As there are men of different minds, and some may be illy
disposed, we desire you will admonish your own people that they offer us no abuse in the way
down to your council-fire of peace. If this caution should be neglected, some misfortune
might happen ; as all people do not meet so much like brothers as formerly, on account of the
present situation of affairs. It would be unhappy if our council-fire should be crushed by any
mischief-makers. We have given you this caution, that while we are marching along in peace
and quietness, we might not be alarmed by a blow struck in our rear. We therefore desire
you would begin, even at this council-fire, to publish your admonitions to unwise and
ungovernable people. By this belt we declare to you, our brothers, that the road is as open
for passing and repassing, and free from all embarrassments through the Six Nations, as it has
been for a long time. Therefore we desire that we may have the same open road down to
your intended council-fire at Albany.
To which Col. Francis made the following answer.
Brethren of the Six Nations,
By this belt you desire that we may clear the road to Albany, that none of our people may
injure you. The road shall be as clear for you to go to Albany as it is for us to go to the
country of the Six Nations. The Twelve United Colonies have given us great power over
the white people. We will appoint white men, who speak your language, and love your
nations, to see you safe down to Albany, and to provide provisions for you on the way. We
shall set out for Albany to-morrow morning, to prepare matters for kindling up the great
council-fire there.
At a meeting of the Commissioners for transacting Indian afl^airsin the northern department,
held at Albany on Wednesday, the 23"* August, 1775.
Present — Gen. Schuyler.
Col. Francis,
Mr. Douw.
Resolved, unanimously, that the Indians of the Six Nations be invited to receive our
congratulations on their safe arrival here ; that it be at five o'clock this afternoon ; that the
committee of the city of Albany and the principal gentlemen of the place be requested to
accompany the Commissioners; and that the following letters be wrote for that purpose to the
chairman of the committee.
Albany, SS"* August, 1775.
Gentlemen,
Your generous exertions to support the American cause against the nefarious schemes of a
wicked and profligate ministry, the propriety with which you have conducted those Indian
affairs that have become the subject of your consideration, a consciousness that without your
aid, and that of gentlemen of the town conversant in those matters the important business of
the ensuing conference cannot be so properly conducted as our zeal for the service makes us
wish, are so many motives which point out to us the necessity of calling on you and those
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 609
gentlemen for your aid and advice ; wliicli we entreat you will give us without reserve ; and
be assured that it will be attended to with all that deference that is due to your respectable
body and to their good judgment. We propose to pay a visit this afternoon at five o'clock to
the Indians. We beg the favor of the committee to honor us with their company, as so
respectable a body will greatly add to the complimentary visit we mean to pay them. We
sliall go from Cartwright's, and shall take it as a favor if the gentlemen of the town, who are
not of the committee, would be pleased to go with us.
We are, gentlemen, with great respect,
Your most humble servants,
P. Schuyler,
VoLKERT P. DoUW,
TuRBOT Francis.
To which the committee returned the following answer.
Gentlemen,
Your polite invitation for us to join in paying a complimentary visit to the Indians this
afternoon at five o'clock we accept of, and shall for that purpose attend at Cartwright's at the
hour appointed.
We are, gentlemen, your most humble servants.
By order of the committee,
Abraham Yates, Jr. Chairman.
The sachems and warriors of the Six Nations being assembled, the Commissioners, attended
by the committee and principal gentlemen of the city of Albany, met them, and addressed
them as follows.
Brethren of the Six Nations,
We, the deputies appointed by the Twelve United Colonies, the descendants of Quedar, and
the gentlemen of the city of Albany, congratulate you on your arrival here. They are glad
to see you well, and thank the great God that he suffers us to meet in love and friendship. We
now invite you to take a drink, and smoke a pipe with us; and we propose, if you are ready,
to proceed to business the day after to-morrow. A String.
To which Kanaghquaesa replied :
That they were glad to see us ; that they thanked God that we met in love and friendship ;
and that they would cheerfully take a drink, and smoke a pipe with us, and would be ready
to proceed to business on the day which we were pleased to appoint for that purpose.
Thursday Evening, August 24, 1775.
A deputation of Sachems from the Six Nations having desired a conference with the
Commissioners, they were accordingly met at Cartwright's Tavern by General Schuyler,
Colonel Francis, Colonel Wolcott, and Mr. Douw.
When Senghnagenrat, an Oneida Sachem, informed the Commissioners that they had been
called down to this meeting, by invitation from the Committee at Albany, previous to the
appointment of Commissioners by the honourable Continental Congress ; they thought they
ought, in good manners, first address themselves to the Committee of Albany, and give the
answers to the questions put by them to that body ; but as this would take up very little time,
Vol. VIII. 77
610 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
they desired they might proceed to business with the Commissioners immediately after they
had spoke to the Committee at Albany.
To this the Commissioners replied, that they were pleased with what had been communicated
to them, and that it was perfectly agreeable to them that the Committee of Albany should be
spoke to, previous to entering upon the great business upon which they were met.
The Commissioners desired they would appoint one of their Sachems as a speaker, to
communicate to the Six Nations what they the Commissioners should lay before them ; but
the Indians leaving the choice to the Commissioners, they fixed upon Abraham, a Mohawk
Sachem, for that purpose, which the Indians said was agreeable to them.
The Commissioners informed the Sachems, that if they had no objections, they would
provide a guard to encircle the place of meeting, to keep the people from pressing in upon the
Council, and to preserve silence and good order. This the Sachems thought right, and to
which they had no objection.
Tiahogwando concluded the conference by saying that many of their kettles, axes and hoes,
were out of order, and wanted mending, and that they hoped the Commissioners would give
orders to have them repaired, as had always been the case heretofore.
The Commissioners informed them that every thing of that kind should be complied with,
and appointed Mr. Gerardus Lansing and Mr. Bleecker to see it done.
At a meeting of the Commissioners for transacting Indian affairs for the northern department,
held at the city of Albany, on Friday, 25"" of August, 1775.
Prksent — Gen. Schuyler, Col. Francis,
Col. Wolcott, Mr. Douw.
The following message was sent to the committee of the city of Albany.
Albany, 25"" August, 1775.
Gentlemen,
The Commissioners of Indian affairs are to open the treaty with the Six Nations this
morning, about eleven, at the Dutch church. They request the favor of your attendance, and
that of the principal gentlemen of the town, and would wish, previous to the meeting, to be
honored with your company at Cartwrighl's.
To Abraham Yates, Jr. Esq. Chairman of the committee of Albany.
The chairman and committee attended agreeable to invitation.
Albany Committee Chamber, August 25, 1776.
The Committee, about half an hour after ten, received a note from the Commissioners of
Indian Affairs, which is in the words following, to wit :
The Commissioners of Indian Affairs are to open a treaty with the Six Nations this morning,
about eleven o'clock, at the Dutch Church. They request the favor of your attendance, and
that of the principal gentlemen of the Town, and would wish, previous to the meeting, to be
honored with your company at Cartwrighl's. By order of the Commissioners.
Tench Tilghman.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 611
The Committee accordingly immediately repaired to Cartvvright's, when the Commissioners
informed them that the Indians said they came down here in consequence of an invitation
from this Committee, and that they chose to speak with the Committee before they talked
with the Commissioners. The Committee told the Commissioners that this was a surprise to
them, as they had not received the least intimation of such their design, before that juncture,
either from the Indians or any other person or persons whatsoever ; however, not to retard tlie
publick business, and after consultation with the Commissioners, (who desired the Committee
to gratify the Indians and the representatives of Queder,) this Committee resolved immediately
to hear what the Indians had to say ; and that it might be the more publick, the Committee
gave them notice that they would be ready instantly, and would meet them in Yonker's Street,
back of the Dutch Church; appointed a committee to inform the Commissioners of this,
requesting their presence at the meeting, and sent the bell-man round the city, inviting the
inhabitants that thought proper to attend; and also a committee, viz: Walter Livingston,
Jeremiah Van Rensselaer, and Samuel Stringer, to inquire of the Commissioners whether, in
case the Indians' talk with the Committee was of such a nature as to require an answer, they
would supply them with proper presents for the Indians. The Committee reported that the
Commissioners answered, that they must first see how the Indians behaved in their conference
and speeches. And then the following speech or answer to the invitation was delivered by
the Indians, in presence of the Commisssioners and many of the inhabitants of the City.
Senghnagenrat, one of the Oneida chiefs, in behalf of the Six Nations, speaker:
Brothers of Albany: We beg you will acquaint us when your body is complete.
Brothers of Albany: The day is now come that we have arrived in consequence of your
invitation. When you saw four of the Oneida Nation, you said you was glad to see them at
your council chamber. We are now here in consequence thereof. You told us you would be
glad to see us again, that you rejoiced to see them, and that you would open the ashes and
rekindle the old council-fire at Albany. We are glad to see that some sparks of that old
council-fire yet remain. We rejoice even to excess to find it so.
Brothers, attend : I have one addition to make to what passed between four of the Oneida
Nation and you, when last at your council chamber. When you found, from our conference
with your brothers at the German Flats, that our sentiments of publick affairs so much
coincided with yours, you further told us that all the Governments of America, on the sea-
coasts, were anxious to know whether we were disposed to peace; and that you, the Twelve
United Colonies, were resolved to support your civil constitution and liberties, and you rejoiced
to find that we all so firmly resolved to maintain peace.
Brothers of Albany: You further observed, in the intercourse you had with four of the
Oneida nation, that you greatly rejoiced at the conference you had at the German Flats. You
further said that you were surprised about a letter Guy Johnson had received from the chief
warriour. General Gage, about removing the ministers from among us; that you rejoiced that
the Indians were instructed in the Christian religion, and that the ministers that were among
us might continue.
Brothers of Albany, attend : We have something further yet to relate of your speech. You
desired, at the intercourse you had with the four messengers, that we should acquaint the Six
Nations with your speech, and that thereafter three or four of each nation should come down.
You further said that you would have been glad to have attended at the council-fire at Guy
Johnson's, to hear what he should say to the Indians, and see if his sentiments and yours
612 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
should coincide; but you then soon heard that he had removed from there to Fort Stanwix,
from there to Oswego, that you despaired of hearing any thing from him, and therefore desired
us that we would let you know what was done at that fire.
Brothers, attend : You made another proposal at the intercourse you had with four of our
nation, which was this: that you had heard that there was to be a council of the whole of
our nation at the German Flats. You desired our people that they would let you know what
passed between us and them. Our Delegates, in our names, then told you that it would be
more agreeable that two or more of your members should attend, and hear themselves what
passed there. This, brethren, is the substance of what passed between you and the four of
the Oneida Nation.
Brothers of Albany, attend: We are now, upon this day, going through with what passed
between some of your members and us, when the conference ended at the German Fiats.
You said, brothers, let us both endeavour to keep peace, that we may continue to enjoy its
blessings. We desire not that you should trouble yourselves in the least with these disputes
between us and those over the great waters; only exert yourselves in maintaining the covenant
that was made between your and our forefathers at tiiis place of our council-fire. Your
Delegates told us at the German Fiats, that although you should be drove back from the
sea-coasts by your enemies, yet you would not ask our aid.
Brothers of Albany, further attend: Two things more you delivered at the German Flats;
the first was this : that we, the Oneida Nation, should give a kind ear to your speech. You
there produced two ancient belts of wampum, one of twenty rows, which was the old covenant
between the whole Oneida Nation and Queder Gorah ; another that was given by the Six
Nations, by the Indian called Kayinguaraghtoh, of the Seneca Nation. You also said that
these belts should again be produced, for the inspection of the whole Six Nations, at the
intended council-fire to be rekindled at Albany.
Brothers of Albany : We have now finished the principal subjects that passed between you
and us; The Oneida Nation, and we, all of us, the Six Nations, are here now present to hear
what has passed, and to prevent any false reports that may be propagated by news-carriers.
Brothers of Albany, now attend : You, also, the Commissioners who are here present, lend
your ears and hear our voices :
You, our brothers of Albany, have desired the sentiments of the Six Nations. We, the Six
Nations, and our allies, which extend to Detroit, Ohio, and Caughnawaga, upon our first hearing
the bad news that circulated along the eastern shore of this island, assembled and resolved
upon a union amongst us Indians, and to maintain peace ; and we rejoice that nothing more
has been asked of us. There is nothing different in our minds than what we have now told.
We shan't take notice of any hostile propositions that may be made to us, for we bear an
equal proportion of love to you, and the others over the great waters, in the present dispute ;
and we shall remain at peace and smoke our pipes, and the Six Nations will always keep the
path open; and we call God to witness to the truth of what we now say, and it proceeds from
our hearts. A belt of eight rows.
Brothers of Albany now attend, and incline your ears to what we have now to say.
We, the Six Nations, have heard the voice of a bird called Tskleleli, a news-carrier, that
came among us. It has told us that the path at the western communication, by Fort Stanwix,
would be shut up either by the one party or the other. Brothers, let it not be, and let the
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 613
communication be open, for passing and repassing, and let not our country be stained with
blood ; and be always compassionate to the old women, and let the young ones grow up and
enjoy the blessings of peace. Brothers, let not that passage be shut up by you, but confine
yourselves to the dispute to the eastward, for this western communication lies near our council-
fire, and the consequences might be fatal. Indeed, brothers, your language and Colonel Guy
Johnson's coincides, in some things, with one another, and the party that applies to us to shut
up that passage we will look upon as deceivers and transgressors ; and we despise a double
dealer from our hearts, and whom we look upon God Almighty will hereafter punish as such.
And we hope that when you give your answer, you will speak from the integrity of your
hearts, as we now have done. A belt of fifteen rows.
Brothers of Albany, attend : The Five Nations just now said they would open their minds
in full to you ; they would tell you every thing they brought with them. This belt respects
the letter Guy Johnson received from Gen. Gage, concerning the removal of the ministers from
among us. Our father, the minister who stands here, we love ; we love him exceedingly.
Perhaps, in a little time, he may be wrested from us, carried off like a prisoner. Our hearts
tremble for him ; we tremble greatly. He has been threatened, and should he be taken, it
might overthrow the whole Five Nations. Our brothers, the white people, would perhaps say
that the Oneida Nation had delivered up their minister, and that the Six Nations did not regard
their missionaries. But truly we regard our father the minister, and missionaries ; therefore
we propose to your consideration whether it be not wise that the missionaries retire for a little
while, particularly our father the minister, Mr. Kirkland, should reside a short space with his
family, as we hope this quarrel cannot subsist long, because you are brothers, both of one
nation and blood, and we hope it will soon be settled ; and when a reconciliation takes place,
let our missionaries immediately return to us. This, however, we refer to your consideration,
and leave at your pleasure. Now, brethren, we have unburdened our minds and opened our
bosoms, and delivered what we had to say.
To which, at the request and by the approbation of the Commissioners, we made the
following reply :
Brothers of the Six Nations : We thank you for your speech. The Commissioners appointed
by the Twelve United Colonies, and with our consent, will first transact business with you ;
after they have done, we will answer your speech.
At a treaty began and held with the Indians of the Six United Nations at the city of Albany,
on Friday, the 25"' of August, 1775,
Commissioners.
Present — Gen. Schuyler,
Col. Oliver Wolcott,
Col. Turbot Francis,
Volkert P. Douw,
The chairman and committee and principal inhabitants of the city
of Albany.
Senghnagenrat, an Oneida sachem, opened the treaty with the following speech.
614 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brothers,
We waited upon you yesterday evening, and acquainted you that we should first speak to
our brethren, the committee of Albany. We have done so, and have opened our whole minds
to them.
Brothers,
When we met two of your body at the German Flats, they presented these strings to us,
and invited us to come down to Albany, and kindle up a great council-fire of peace under the
auspices of the Twelve United Colonies. Now as these strings have never been changed, we
return them to you again, and desire that the great council-fire of peace may be kindled up.
Brothers,
By this belt you desired us to shut our ears and fortify our minds against any evil report*
that we might hear on our way down, and to pay no regard to what any liars and ill-disposed
persons might say to us; as they would only mean to sow dissension between us and our
brothers of the Twelve United Colonies. Brothers, our minds are proof against the attempts
of such wicked persons. Now, brothers, let us give you advice on our parts. There are liars
and mischief-makers among the Indians, as well as amongst the white people. Therefore pay
no regard to this or that, that any single Indian may say, but attend to what you may hear
from the mouth of the great council ; for that will be the truth, and the sense of all the Six
United Nations.
The Commissioners then addressed themselves in the following manner.
Brothers, sachems, and warriors of the Six Nations,
We return thanks to the great God that has suffered us to meet together this day in love,
peace and friendship. In token of which we will now sit down ahd smoke the pipe of
peace together.
(Here the great pipe was lighted up and went round; after which the Commissioners
proceeded.)
Brothers, &c..
We, the deputies appointed by and in the name of the Twelve United Colonies, assisted by
the descendants of your ancient friend Quedar, and your Albany brethren, embrace this
opportunity to rekindle the ancient council-fire, which formerly burnt as bright as the sun in
this place, and to heap on it so much fuel that it may never be extinguished : and also to renew
the ancient covenant chain with you, which you know has always been kept bright and clean,
without any stain or rust; and which by this belt we now strengthen, that forever hereafter
you and we may have but one heart, one head, one eye, and one hand. A Belt.
Brethren,
Our business with you, besides rekindling the ancient council-fire, and renewing the covenant,
and brightening up every link of the chain, is, in the first place, to inform you of the advice
that was given about thirty years ago, by your wise forefathers, in a great council which they
held at Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, when Cannassateego spoke to us, the white people, in
these very words.
" Brethren, we, the Six Nations, heartily recommend union and a good agreement between
you, our brethren. Never disagree, but preserve a strict friendship for one another ; and
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 615
thereby you as well as we will become the stronger. Our wise forefathers established union
and amity between the Five Nations. This has made us formidable ; this has given us great
weight and authority with our neighboring nations. We area powerful confederacy; and if
you observe the same methods our wise forefathers have taken, you will acquire fresh strength
and power. Therefore, whatever befalls you, never fall out with one another."
These were the words of Cannassateego.
Brothers,
Our forefathers rejoiced to hear Cannassateego speak these words. They sunk deep into
their hearts. The advice was good; it was kind. They said to one another, " The Six
Nations are a wise people. Let us hearken to them, and take their counsel, and teach our
children to follow it. Our old men have done so. They have frequently taken a single arrow,
and said, Children, see how easy it is broken. Then they have taken and tied twelve arrows
together with a strong string or cord, and our strongest men could not break them. See, said
they, this is what the Six Nations mean. Divided, a single man may destroy you ; united, you
are a match for the whole world." We thank the great God that we are all united ; that we
have a strong confederacy, composed of twelve provinces, New Hampshire, &c. These
provinces have lighted a great council-fire at Philadelphia, and have sent sixty-five counsellors
to speak and act in the name of the whole, and consult for the common good of the people,
and of you, our brethren of the Six Nations, and your allies ; and the talk of this great
Council we shall deliver to you to-morrow. A Belt.
Albany, Saturday, 20"" August, 1775.
Present — this day.
Gen. Schuyler, \
Col. Francis,
Col. Wolcott,
Mr. Douw, /
The chairman and committee of the city of Albany.
The Indians having informed the Commissioners they were ready to proceed to business,
the treaty was opened in the following manner.
Brothers, sachems, and warriors.
Let this string open your ears to hear, and incline your hearts to accept the talk of your
brethren of the Twelve United Colonies, which they have sent to you by their deputies.
They speak as follows.
Brothers, sachems, and warriors of the Six United Nations,
We, the delegates from the Twelve United Provinces now sitting in General Congress at
Philadelphia, send this talk to you, our brothers. We are sixty-five in number, appointed by
the people throughout all these Provinces and Colonies, to meet and sit together in one great
Council, to consult together for the common good of this land, and to speak and act for them.
Brothers,
In our consultation we have judged it proper and necessary to send you this talk, as we are
upon the same island, that you may be informed of the reason of this great Council, the
situation of our civil constitution, and our disposition towards you, our Indian brothers of
the Six Nations, and their allies.
) Commissioners.
QIQ NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brothers and friends, now attend.
When our fathers crossed the great water, and came over to this land, the King of England
gave them a tallc ; assuring them that they and their children should be his children, and that if
they would leave their native country, and make settlements, and live here, and buy and sell and
trade with their brethren beyond the water, they should still keep hold of the same covenant
chain, and enjoy peace; and it was covenanted tliat the fields, houses, goods and possessions
which our fathers should acquire, should remain to them as their own, and be their children's
forever, and at their sole disposal. Trusting that this covenant should never be broken,
our fathers came a great distance beyond the great water, and laid out their money here,
built houses, cleared fields, raised crops, and through their own labor and industry grew tall
and strong.
They have bought, sold and traded with England, according to agreement, sending to them
such things as they wanted, and taking in exchange such things as were wanted here. The
King of England and his people kept the way open for more than one hundred years, and by
our trade became richer, and by union with us greater and stronger than the other kings and
people who live beyond the water. All this time they lived in great friendship with us, and we
with them, for we are brothers, one blood.
Whenever they were struck, we instantly felt as if the blow had been given to us. Their
enemies were our enemies.
Whenever they went to war we sent out men to stand by their side and fight for them, and
our money to help them and make them strong. That we have done this, brothers, you have
been all witnesses to in the last war. You know we assisted them in taking Niagara,
Cataroqui, Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and Canada; and lastly, when they had no more
enemies upon this island, we went to fight and helped them to take many large islands that lay
in the hot countries, where they got more than thirty cart-loads of silver. They thanked us
for our love, and sent us good talks, and renewed their promise to be one people forever; and
when the war was over, they said. Children, we thank you that you have helped to make us
great. We know that it has cost you a great deal of money ; and therefore. Children, we give
you a present that you may maintain your warriors. A Belt.
Brothers and friends, open a kind ear.
We will now tell you of the quarrel between the counsellors of King George and the
inhabitants and Colonies of America. Many of his counsellors are proud and wicked men.
They persuade the King to break the covenant chain, and not send us any more good talks.
A considerable number have prevailed upon him to enter into a new covenant against us, and
have torn asunder and cast behind their backs the good old covenant which their ancestors
and ours entered into and took strong hold of. They now tell us they will slip their hand into
our pockets without asking, as if it were their own, and at their pleasure they will take from
us our charters, or written civil constitutions, which we love as our lives; also our plantations,
our houses and goods, whenever they please, without asking our leave; that our vessels may
go to this island in the sea, but to this or that particular island we shall not trade any more ;
and in case of non-compliance with these new orders, they shut up our harbors.
Brothers,
This is our present situation. Thus have many of the King's counsellors and servants dealt
with us. If we submit, or comply with their demands, you can easily perceive to what state
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 617
we shall be reduced. If our people labor in the field, they will not know who shall enjoy the
crop. If they hunt in the woods, it will be uncertain who shall taste the meat or have
the skins. If they build houses, they will not know whether they may sit round the fire with
their wives and children. They cannot he sure whether they shall be permitted to eat, drink,
and wear the fruits of their own labor and industry. A Broken Belt.
The Commissioners then Informed the Indians, that as the business they were upon was
very important, and as they knew they were a wise and prudent people, and weighed every
thing with great deliberation, they would not at this time hurry them, nor burthen their
memories with too much, and therefore would defer what they had further to say until Monday.
Albany, Monday, SS"" August, 1775.
The treaty was again renewed.
Present — Col. Francis, l
Col. Wolcott, >- Commissioners;
Mr. Douw, J
Mr. Lynch, of South Carolina, \
Mr. Duane, of New-York, > Members of the Continental Congress;
Mr. Robert Livingston, j
The chairman and committee of the city of Albany.
The Commissioners proceeded with the speech of Congress.
Brothers and friends, attend.
We upon this island have often spoke and entreated the King and his servants the counsellors,
that peace and harmony might still continue between us ; that we cannot part with or loose
hold of the old covenant chain, which united our forefathers and theirs ; that we wanted to
brighten this chain, and keep the way open, as our forefathers did ; that we want to live with
them as brothers, labor, trade, travel abroad, eat and drink in peace. We have often asked them
to love us and live in such friendship with us as their fathers did with ours. We told
them again that we judged we were exceedingly injured; that they might as well kill us, as
take away our property and the necessaries of life. We have asked why they treat us thus.
What has become of our repeated addresses and supplications to them? Who hath shut the
ears of the King to the cries of his children in America? No soft answer, no pleasant voice
from beyond the water has yet reached our ears.
Brothers,
Thus stands the matters betwixt Old England and America. You Indians know how things
are proportioned in a family between the father and the son ; the child carries a little pack.
England we regard as the father; this island may be compared to the son. The father has a
numerous family, both at home and upon this island. He appoints a great number of servants
to assist him in the government of his family. In process of time some of his servants grow
proud and ill-natured. They were displeased to see the boy so alert, and walk on so nimbly
with his pack. They tell the father, and advise him to enlarge the child's pack. They
prevail, and the pack is increased. The child takes it up again — as he thought it might be
the father's pleasure — speaks but few words, those very small; for he was loth to offend the
father. Those proud and wicked servants, finding they had prevailed, laughed to see the boy
Vol. VIIL 78
618 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
sweat and stagger under his increased load. By and by they apply to the father to double the
child's pack, because they heard him complain, and that without any reason, say they. He is
a cross child ; correct him, if he complains any more. The boy entreats the father, and
addresses the great servants in a decent manner, that the pack may be lightened ; he could not
go any farther. He humbly asks if the old fathers, in any of their records, had described such
a pack for the child.
After all the tears and entreaties of the child, the pack is redoubled. The child stands a
little while, staggering under the weight, ready to fall every moment. However, he entreats
the father once more, though so faint, he could only lisp his last humble supplication ; waits
awhile; no voice returns. The child concludes the father could not hear. Those proud
servants had entirely intercepted his supplication, or stopped the ears of the father. He
therefore gives one struggle, and throws off the pack, and says he cannot take it up again ;
such a weight will crush him down and kill him; and he can but die, if he refuses. Upon
this those servants are very wroth, and tell the father many false stories concerning the child.
They bring a great cudgel to the father, asking him to take it in his hand and strike the
child. — This may serve to illustrate the present condition of the King's American subjects
or children.
Amidst those oppressions, we now and then heard a mollifying and reviving voice from
some of the King's wise counsellors, who are our friends, and feel for our distresses. When
they heard our complaints and our cries, they applied to the King; also told those wicked
servants that this child in America was not a cross boy ; it had sufficient reason for crying;
and if the cause of its complaint was neglected, it would soon assume the voice of a man,
plead for justice like a man, and defend its rights, and support the old covenant chain of
the fathers.
Brothers, listen.
Notwithstanding all our entreaties, we have but little hope the King will send us any more
good talks, by reason of his evil counsellors. They have persuaded him to send an army of
soldiers and many ships of war, to rob and destroy us. They have shut up many of our
harbors, seized and taken into possession many of our vessels. The soldiers have struck the
blow, killed some of our people. The blood now runs of the King's American children. They
have also burned our houses and towns, and taken much of our goods. A Black Belt.
Brothers,
We are now necessitated to rise, and forced to fight, or give up our civil constitution, run
away, and leave our farms and houses behind us. This must not be. Since the King's wicked
counsellors will not open their, ears, and consider our just complaints, and the cause of our
■weeping, and have given the blow, we are determined to drive away the King's soldiers, and
to kill and destroy all those wicked men we find in arms against the peace of the Twelve
United Colonies upon this island.
We think our cause is just; therefore hope God will be on our side. We do not take up
the hatchet and struggle for honor or conquest, but to maintain our civil constitution and
religious privileges; the very same for which our forefathers left their native land and came
into this country. A Black Belt.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 619
Brothers and friends,
We desire you will hear and receive what we have now told you, and that you will open a
good ear and listen to what we are going to say. This is a family quarrel between us and Old
England. You Indians are not concerned in it. We don't wish you to take up the hatchet
against the King's troops. We desire you to remain at home, and not join either side, but
keep the hatchet buried deep. In the name and behalf of all our people, we ask and desire
you to love peace and maintain it, and to love and sympathise with us in our troubles ; that
the path may be kept open with all our people and yours, to pass and repass without molestation.
Brothers,
We live upon the same ground with you. The same island is our common birth-place. We
desire to sit down under the same tree of peace with you. Let us water it roots, and cherish
its growth, till the large leaves and flourishing branches shall extend to the setting sun, and
reach the skies.
Brothers, observe well.
What is it we have asked of you "? Nothing but peace, notwithstanding our present
disturbed situation; and if application should be made to you by any of the King's unwise and
wicked ministers to join on their side, we only advise you to deliberate with great caution,
and in your wisdom look forward to the consequences of a compliance. For if the King's
troops take away our property, and destroy us, who are of the same blood with themselves,
what can you, who are Indians, expect from them afterwards? A White Belt.
i
Brothers of the Six Nations,
When we perceived this island began to shake and tremble along the eastern shore, and the
sua darkened by a black cloud which arose from beyond the great water, we kindled up a great
council-fire at Philadelphia; and we sat around it until it burnt clear, and so high that it
illuminated this whole island. We renewed our hold of the old covenant chain, which united
and strengthened our ancestors, and which was near slipping out of our hands, before we had
kindled this great council-fire at Philadelphia. We have now taken fast hold, nor will we let
it go until a mighty struggle, even unto death.
Brothers,
We are now Twelve Colonies, united as one man. We have but one heart and one hand.
Brothers, this is our Union Belt. By this belt, we, the Twelve United Colonies, renew the
old covenant chain by which our forefathers, in their great wisdom, thought proper to bind us
and you, our brothers of the Six Nations, together, when they first landed at this place; and
if any of the links of this great chain should have received any rust, we now brighten it,
and make it shine like silver. As God has put it into our hearts to love the Six Nations and
their allies, we now make the chain of friendship so strong, that nothing but an evil spirit can
or will attempt to break it. But we hope, through the favor and mercy of the good Spirit,
that it will remain strong and bright while the sun shines and the water runs.
Delivered the Union Belt.
Brothers,
It is necessary in order for the preservation of friendship between us and our brothers of
the Six Nations and their allies, that a free and mutual intercourse be kept up betwixt us.
Therefore the Twelve United Colonies, by this belt, remove every difficulty that may lay in
620 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the great road that runs through the middle of our country ; and we will also clear up and
open all the small roads that lead into the great one. We will take out every thorn, briar
and stone, so that when any of our brothers of the Six Nations or their allies have an
inclination to see and talk with any of their brethren of the Twelve United Colonies, they
may pass safely without being scratched or bruised. Brothers, the road is now open for our
brethren of the Six Nations and their allies, and they may now pass and repass as safely and
freely as the people of the Twelve United Colonies themselves; and we are further determined,
by the assistance of God, to keep our roads open and free for the Six Nations and their allies,
as long as this earth remains. Path Belt.
Brothers,
We have said we wish you Indians may continue in peace with one another, and with us,
the white people. Let us both be cautious in our behavior towards each other at this critical
state of affairs. This island now trembles; the wind whistles from almost every quarter.
Let us fortify our minds, and shut our ears against false rumors. Let us be cautious what we
receive for truth, unless spoken by wise and good men. If any thing disagreeable should ever
fall out between us, the Twelve United Colonies, and you, the Six Nations, to wound our
peace, let us immediately seek measures for healing the breach. From the present situation
of affairs we judge it wise and expedient to kindle up the council-fire at Albany, where we
may hear each other's voices and disclose our minds more fully to one another.
The Pipe of Peace with Six Small Strings.
Brothers,
You now know our disposition towards you, the Six Nations and their allies. Therefore we
say, Brothers, take care, hold fast to your covenant chain. We depend on you to send and
acquaint your allies to the northward, the Seven Tribes on the River St. Lawrence, that you
have had this talk with us at our council-fire at Albany.
Brothers,
Let this our good talk remain at Onondago, your central council-house, that you may hand
down to the latest posterity these testimonials of the brotherly sentiments of the Twelve
United Colonies towards their brethren of the Six Nations and their allies.
To which Kanaghquaesa replied.
Brothers,
We have sat round and smoked our pipes at this our ancient place of kindling up our
council-fire. We have heard all you have said, and have heard nothing hut what is pleasant
and good. As you have communicated matters of great importance to us, we will sit down
to-morrow and deliberate coolly upon them ; and the day following will give you answers to
every thing you have laid before us.
At a treaty continued with the Indians of the Six Nations at Albany, on Thursday, the 31'
day of August, 1775.
Present — Col. Francis, )
Col. Wolcott, >• Commissioners;
Mr. Douw, J
Mr. Duane of New York.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. (321
The Indians being informed tliat tlie Commissioners were ready to hear them, Abraliam, a
Mohawk sachem, spoke as follows.
Brothers, great men deputed by the Twelve United Colonies, attend.
We are this day called to meet you in council, in order to reply to what you have said to us.
We hope we need not recapitulate the whole of your discourse. We shall only touch upon
each head. At our last conference in this house, we promised to return you our answer the
day but one following. We did not do it, and we mean to make you an apology. We hope
you have taken no offence. We were not prepared by that time, and that was our reason.
Brothers, you informed us that there was a great Council of sixty-five members convened
at Philadelphia, and that you were appointed by them to deliver a talk to the Six Nations. It
seems you, our brothers, having a desire to rekindle a council-fire, took to your assistance the
descendants of Quedar, and have kindled up a council-fire that shall never be extinguished.
To which the Six Nations reply: This you have done by order of the great Council at
Philadelphia. We are glad to hear the news. It rejoices our hearts, and it gives exceeding
joy through all the Six Nations.
Brothers,
As you desired your belts might not be returned, but be deposited at our central council-
house, we shall only make use of them to refresh our memories and speak upon them as we
go on with our answer. Brothers, we shall not recite every particular, as we before mentioned.
You observed, when these commotions first began, a council of sixty-five members convened
together at Philadelphia, and you put us in mind of what Canassateego formerly said at
Lancaster respecting the necessity of a union among you. An old sachem, a brother of
Cannassateego, is here present, and remembers the words of his brother. You illustrated the
necessity and use of a union by one and twelve arrows. You said your grandfathers had
inculcated this doctrine into their children. You said that as the tree of peace was formerly
planted at this place, you desired that the Six Nations might come down and sit under it, and
water its roots, till the branches should flourish and reach to heaven. This the Six Nations
say shall be done. Brothers, we need only remind you of a few of the things you said to us,
as you have them all written down. You informed us that by an ancient covenant with the
King of England, you were to enjoy the same privileges with the people on the other side
the great water; that for a long time you did enjoy the same privileges, by which means you
and your brethren over the water both became a great people ; that lately, by advice of evil
counsellors, you are much oppressed, and had heavier packs put upon you than you could bear;
that you have frequently applied to be eased of your burthen, but could obtain no redress;
that finding this the case, you had thrown off your packs. The Six Nations thank you for
acquainting them with your grievances and methods taken to obtain redress. You likewise
informed them of what resolutions you had formed in consequence of these matters.
Brothers,
After stating your grievances, and telling us you had not been able to obtain redress, you
desired us to take no part, but bury the hatchet. You told us it was a family quarrel ;
therefore said, " You Indians, sit still, and mind nothing but peace." Our great man. Col.
Johnson, did the same thing at Oswego; he desired us to sit still likewise. You likewise
desired us that if application should be made to us by any of the King's officers, we would not
622 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
join them. Now therefore attend, and apply your ears close^. We have fully considered this
matter. The resolutions of the Six Nations are not to be broken or altered. When they
resolve, the matter is fixed. This then is the determination of the Six Nations, not to take
any part, but as it is a family affair, to sit still and see you fight it out. We beg you will
receive this as infallible, it being our full resolution; for we bear as much affection for the
King of England's subjects on the other side the water, as we do for you, born upon this
island. One thing more we request, which is, that you represent this in a true light to the
delegates from all the Colonies, and not vary, and that you observe the same regard for truth
when you write to the King about those matters ; for we have ears, and shall hear, if you
represent any thing in a wrong point of light. We likewise desire you would inform our
brothers at Boston of our determination.
Brothers,
It is a long time since we came to this resolution. It is the result of mature deliberation.
It was our declaration to Col. Johnson. We told him we should take no part in the quarrel,
and hoped neither side would desire it. Whoever applies first, we shall think in the wrong.
The resolutions of the Six Nations are not to be broken. Of the truth of this you have a late
instance. You know what the Shawanese have lately been engaged in. They applied to us
for assistance, but we refused them. Our love for you has induced us not to meddle. If we
loved you less, we should have been less resolute.
Brothers,
You likewise informed us, that when you perceived this island began to tremble, and
black clouds to arise beyond the great water, you kindled up a great fire at Philadelphia, a fire
which shone high and clear to your utmost settlements ; that you sat round that fire,
deliberating what measures to pursue for the common good ; that while sitting round it, you
recollected an ancient covenant made between your fathers and ours when they first crossed the
great water and settled here, which covenant they first likened to a chain of iron. But when
they considered that iron would rust, they made a silver chain, which they were always to rub
and keep bright and clean of spots. This they made so strong, that an evil spirit could not
break it. This friendship chain you have now renewed. This covenant is to continue to
future generations. We are glad you have thought proper to renew this covenant, and the
whole Six Nations now thank you. This covenant belt you desire us to deposit at our central
council-house, that future generations may call to mind the covenant now made between us.
You may depend we shall send and inform all our neighboring council-fires of the matters now
transacted. We close with the whole Six Nations repeating their thanks that you have
renewed the covenant made between their forefathers and yours.
Brothers, attend.
As you had renewed the ancient covenant, you thought proper to open the path, and have a
free communication with this place. As the fire had for some time been put out, the path had
got stopped up. You removed all obstructions out of the great roads and paths, all
stones and briars, so that if any of us choose to travel the road, we should neither
meet with any obstruction or hurt ourselves. Brothers, we thank you for opening the road.
You likewise informed us you were determined to drive away, destroy and kill all who
appeared in arms against the peace of the Twelve United Colonies. Brothers, attend. We
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 623
beg of you to take care what you do. You have just now made a good path ; do not so soon
defile it with blood. There are many round us, Caghnawagas, who are friends to the King.
Our path of peace reaches quite there. We beg all that distance may not be defiled with blood.
As for your quarrels to the eastward, along the seacoasts, do as you please. But it would
hurt us to see those brought up in our own bosoms ill used. In particular, we would mention
the son of Sir William Johnson. He is born among us, and is of Dutch extraction by his
mother. He minds his own affairs, and does not intermeddle in public disputes. We would
likewise mention our father the minister who resides among the Mohawks, and was sent them
by the King. He does not meddle in civil affairs, but instructs them in the way to heaven.
He absolutely refuses to attend to any political matters, and says they do not belong to him.
They beg he may continue in peace among them. The Mohawks are frequently alarmed with
reports that their minister is to be torn away from them. It would occasion great disturbance,
was he to be taken away. The King sent him to them, and they would look upon it as taking
away one of their own body. Therefore they again request that he may continue to live in
peace among them.
Brothers,
After having informed us of the situation of affairs, and having finished your business, you
advised us to shut our ears against false reports, and that we should not attend to flying stories,
but to what wise and good men should say ; for which reason you had kindled up a council-
fire at this place, that we might always converse together, and know the truth of things.
Brothers of the Six Nations say, " Let it be so ; it shall be as you desire." They thank you
for this advice, and desire you would use the same precautions; that you would shut your ears
to flying stories, but keep your eye upon the chief council, such as you see now convened.
The Six Nations desire you would always inform them fully of what respects them. We have
for this purpose opened our ears and purified our minds, that we may always hear and receive
what you have to say with good and clean minds ; and whenever we receive any important
intelligence, we shall always bring it to this council-fire.
Brothers,
You delivered us this pipe ; on one side the tree of peace, on the other a council-fire; we
Indians sitting on one side of the fire, and the representatives of the Twelve United Colonies
upon the other. You have desired that this pipe may be left at our central council-house, and
that the tree of peace may be planted, and that the branches may be so high as to be visible
to all our allies. Brothers, we thank you, and shall take care to deposit this where you desire,
and when we meet to deliberate upon business, shall always use this as our council-pipe.
Brothers, attend.
In the course of your speech you observed, we of the Six Nations were a wise people, and
saw a great way before us; and you asked us, if you upon this island were conquered, what
would become of the Indians. You say you are uncertain of holding your possessions, and
that you do not know who may enjoy the product of your labor. Now therefore, brothers,
attend; you, particularly, our brothers of Albany; we address ourselves particularly to you.
Our brothers of Albany have taken two pieces of land from us, without any reward, not so
much as a single pipe. We therefore desire you will restore them, and put us into peaceable
624 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
possession again. If you refuse to do this, we sliall look upon the prospect to be bad; for if
you conquer, you will talie us by the arm, and pull us all off. Now therefore, as the Twelve
United Colonies have renewed this covenant of peace, we beg that there may be no obstruction
upon your part, but that you would restore our lands to us; for which, as we said before, you
never paid us even a single pipe.
Brothers,
You have now finished your business, and we have made short replies. You have kindled
up a council-fire of peace, and have planted a tree of peace, according to ancient custom. We
find that you have omitted one thing, which is this. According to our ancient custom,
whenever a council-fire was kindled up, and a tree of peace planted, there was some person
appointed to watch it. Now as there is no person appointed to watch this tree, we of the Six
Nations take it upon us to appoint one. Let it be the descendant of our ancient friend Quedar.
He has to consider whether he will take the charge of it, and communicate to us whatever
may respect it. He that watches this council-fire, is to be provided with a wing, that he may
brush off all insects that come near it, and keep it clear. That is the custom at our central
council-house. We have one appointed for that purpose.
Brothers,
As you have this day renewed the ancient covenant of friendship, and have again brightened
the ancient chain, renew likewise another ancient custom respecting the regulation of trade.
Let us have a trade at this place, and likewise at Schenectady, as it was in former times, when
we had hold of the old covenant. For then, brothers, if our people came down with only a
few musquash skins, we went home with glad hearts. Brothers, let it be so again. Let the
Twelve United Colonies take this into consideration. A Belt often rows of Wampum.
Tiahogwando, an Oneida sachem, then spoke.
Brothers,
This is all the Six Nations have to say at present. They would just mention one thing
more before they break up. The Six Nations look upon this as a very good time to speak their
minds, as here are the representatives of the Twelve United Colonies. The dispute between
the people of New England and Penn seems to us to become a serious affair, and therefore the
Six Nations take upon them to speak their minds freely, as they address the inhabitants of the
whole continent. Many years ago, at a council held in Pennsylvania, when Cannassateego,
that has been before mentioned, was present, Penn desired the Six Nations would sell him that
piece of land known by the name of Scanandanani or Susquehanna. The Indians of the Six
Nations refused to sell it, saying the great God would not permit them. Therefore they made
him a present of that land, known by the name of Scanandanani. Penn received it, and
made them valuable presents. After this. Col. Lydius, a gentleman employed by the people
of Boston, treated with some of the Indians to get that land from them. But he never kindled
up a council-fire upon the occasion. He spoke to them whenever he met them; never with
more than ten. From these he pretended to make a purchase of that tract. Gov. Penn also,
at the great treaty at Fort Stanwix, in the year 1768, desired that the land might be his, and
distributed among the Six Nations, Shawanese and Caghnawagas, ten thousand dollars, for
which they gave him a writing. This is an affair with which all the Six Nations are
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 625
acquainted, and any one would lie who said they knew nothing about it. We have taken an
opportunity to speak of this matter now, as the mind of the whole continent is now here.
Friday, September 1, 1775.
At a treaty held this day with the Indians of the Six Nations, at the City of Albany,
Present — Colonel Francis,
Colonel Wolcott, } Commissioners.
M' Douw,
>Cor
The Commissioners gave the following answer to the speech delivered by the Indians
yesterday :
Brothers of the Six Nations, attend.
We yesterday heard with pleasure your answer to the Twelve 'United Colonies, and we
return thanks to the great Governor of the universe, that he has inclined your hearts to approve
and accept the brotherly love offered you by the Twelve United Colonies. It makes us happy
to hear so wise and brave a people, as our brethren of the Six Nations are, publicly declare
their unalterable resolution to maintain and support peace and friendship with the Twelve
United Colonies. This, brothers, you have said, and we sincerely believe you. Brothers, we
requested of you Indians of the Six Nations, not to interfere in our quarrels. We are not in
the least doubtful of success, as our cause is just. We will live or die like men. We can
raise an army of three hundred thousand fighting men, who are brave, and are determined not
to part with their civil and religious privileges. Therefore we now repeat to you, brothers of
the Six Nations, take great care of the strong friendship you have now made with the Twelve
United Colonies. Let that be your care, and that only. Peace is what we wish to establish.
Brothers of the Six Nations,
You yesterday told us, that as the roads in your country were opened for you and your
brothers of the Twelve United Colonies to pass and repass, you desired at the same time that
we would not stain the road with blood. Brothers, be assured we have no intention at present
to spill blood in your country, and we hope it never may happen; and it never can, provided
those wicked men who are come so far from home in order to disturb the peace of the Twelve
United Colonies, do not appear in your country. But as we are determined to be free or die,
we must pursue them until we drive them from off this island, or until they confirm our ancient
privileges. Therefore, brothers, rest assured, whatever may happen between us and our
enemies, we never will injure or disturb the peace of the Six Nations, but preserve invariable
the friendship that is now established, _even unto death.
Brothers,
You also desired yesterday that some of your friends of our blood should remain in peace,
and particularly the missionary at Fort Hunter, who did not concern himself with the affairs
of this world, but was earnestly engaged in conducting you to happiness, and instructing you
in the reverence due the great God who governs the universe. Brothers, such a man we love,
and we are desirous of his remaining quiet and happy with you. We are also desirous that
all the other missionaries, who have been engaged in the same good cause, may safely continue
Vol. VIII. 79
626 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
among you, and instruct you in the Gospel, which will be the means of your happiness in this
world and the one to come.
Brothers,
As we always looked upon you, brothers of the Six Nations, to be a wise and capable
people in conducting business of every kind, we were a little surprised to hear you say that no
one was appointed by the Twelve United Colonies to attend and watch the fire that they have
kindled up at this place ; when we have repeatedly told you that they had appointed five
persons, whose business it is to attend and preserve it bright and clear, and that two of those
iive live in this town, who would take particular care, and who had full authority from the
Twelve United Colonies, to keep the flame bright and clear. Brothers, for fear you should not
have understood us fully, we again acquaint you that the Twelve United Colonies have
authorized Gen. Schuyler and Mr. Douw, both of this town, to keep the fire burning, that it
may illuminate the whole country of the Six Nations, who may always see the way down to
it, and sit in peace round it.
Brothers,
You yesterday desired that the trade may be opened at this place and at Schenectady. We
also wish it, and it will be done, so that you may trade as you formerly did, and be able to
return home with your goods to your entire satisfaction.
Brothers,
You yesterday mentioned some matters concerning land claimed by the people of Albany,
and also the land in dispute between Connecticut and Governor Penn. We now inform you
that we are not authorized to transact any business of that kind at present, but will represent
the matter to the Grand Congress at Philadelphia.
Brothers,
We have now finished, and let you know the present that we have from the Twelve United
Colonies is preparing for you, and when it is ready, will acquaint you. Wagons shall be
provided for you, whenever you are ready to set off for Schenectady.
Six strings of wampum.
After which, each of the different Nations gave the yoehaas.
Captain Solomon, the Chief of the Stockbridge Indians, then addressed the Commissioners
as follows :
Brothers appointed by the Twelve United Colonies :
We thank you for taking care of us and supplying us with provisions since we have been
at Albany. Depend upon it, we are true to you, and mean to join you. Wherever you go,
we will be by your sides. Our bones shall lie with yours. We are determined never to be at
peace with the red coats, while they are at variance with you. We have one favour to beg.
We siiould be glad if you would help us to establish a Minister among us, that when our men
are gone to war, our women and children may have the advantage of being instructed by him.
If we are conquered, our lands go with yours; but if we are victorious, we hope you will help
us to recover our just rights. A belt.
To which the Commissioners replied:
Brothers of Stockbridge: We have heard what you have said, and thank you. It is not in
our power to answer the two questions you have put to us— » the first respecting a Minister, the
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 627
second concerning your lands. We say it is not in our power to give you an answer just now;
but we will represent your case to the Continental Congress, and we dare say they will
re-establish you in all your just rights.
Albany, September 1, 1775.
We, the subscribers, appointed by the honourable the Continental Congress as Commissioners
for Indian Affairs for the Northern Department, do certify that the foregoing is a true copy of
all matters and proceedings relative to a Treaty began with the Indians of the Six Nations
and their allies, at the German Flats, on Tuesday, the fifteenth day of August, 1775, and
finished at the city of Albany, on Friday, this first day of September, 1775.
TuRBUTT Francis,
Oliver Wolcott,
volkert p. douw.
Tench Tilghman,
Secretary to Commissioners for Northern Dep't.
Albany, Friday, September 1, 1775.
This day finished our Treaty with the Indians of the Six Nations, and informed them that
to-morrow morning the Presents from the Twelve United Colonies would be ready to be
delivered to them, and that wagons should be prepared to carry them to Schenectady, whenever
they pleased to move homewards.
Resolved, That we recommend to the Honorable the Continental Congress the Rev. Samuel
Kirkland and Mr. Dean, for their service in this present Treaty.
Resolved, That whereas it has been customary to keep two Smiths in the Indian country,
for the purpose of mending their Arms and Utensils, that we recommend it to the Continental
Congress to appoint two proper persons, with adequate salaries.
TuRBUTT Francis,
Oliver Wolcott,
VoLKERT P. DoUW.
Tench Tilghman,
Secretary to Commissioners for Northern Dep't.
Albany Committee Chamber, September 2, 1775.
Resolved, That an invitation be immediately sent to the Commissioners of Indian Affairs,
desiring their attendance at the Presbyterian Meeting-House this morning, at eleven o'clock,
as this Board will then answer the Speech of the Indians.
The Committee, at the time appointed, repaired to the Meeting-House, and there delivered,
in the presence and with the consent and approbation of the Commissioners, the following
Answer:
Brothers of the Six Nations: We beg you will acquaint us when you are complete.
Brothers: We suppose it will not be insisted upon to repeat the whole of your speech, as
we conceive it unnecessary, and therefore shall only take notice of the material parts.
Brothers: You said that you were glad to see us at this place on the 25"" August, in
consequence of our invitation, and that you were glad to see some sparks of the old council-
fire yet remained, and that you rejoiced even to excess to find it so.
628 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Brothers: We thank you for your kind congratulations and salutations at meeting us here,
and rejoice in the opportunity you have given us at this time of meeting one another in
friendship and peace, to talk of old times and renew our ancient treaty.
Brothers : We are happy to find that you so readily accepted our request to come and see
us, and that you have had so much patience and behaved so orderly during your short stay
among us.
Brothers : At the conference of our Deputies with you at the German Flats, they showed
you some old belts of wampum which you expressed a desire to see. Here are those belts
and we hope even time will not wear them out. This is the belt given by the Oneida Nation,
and is the old covenant between the whole Oneida Nation and Gorah Queder. This is the
belt that was given by the Indian called Kayinguaraghtoh, in behalf of the Six Nations.
Brothers, attend : In your speech you further observed that you had long since taken a
resolution to take no active part in the present contest for liberty. We do not offer to censure
you for your conduct, but admire your wisdom, praise your pacifick disposition, and hope you
will have fortitude to maintain and persevere in it. A belt.
Brothers: You further said that the road to the westward you heard by the bird was to be
stopped up. This matter is beyond our limits. The Commissioners of the Twelve United
Colonies having spoken to you at large about the roads, that they shall be left open ; we
entirely agree with them in this, and therefore shall add nothing on this point, and return
the belt.
Brothers: You said, further, and delivered us this belt, that you were anxious about and
concerned for your Minister, Mr. Kirkland, and asked our advice about his remaining among
you, who we do not see that you should be deprived of without your consent, any more than the
Mohawk Tribe should be deprived of their Missionary. We highly approve of your concern
for the Ministers of the gospel, and your attachment for the pure precepts and doctrine of
Christianity. But if your Minister is removed, we should fear the consequence, it would
certainly give occasion of jealousy to your brethren, the white people, that you Indians were
not well disposed. Therefore it is our ardent wish that they may all remain among you, as
your teachers and instructors in virtue, piety, and true religion ; and we hope you may benefit
and profit by their instruction. A belt.
Brothers : Before any Commissioners were appointed by the Twelve United Colonies, from
the disagreeable condition of our country and the ancient friendship and alliance subsisting
between us, commenced in the days of your ancestors and our forefathers, we took upon us, as
the representatives of the people of the City and County of Albany, to give you an invitation
to pay us a friendly visit, that we might have an opportunity of seeing you here, at the place
where the first fire was kindled, that we might rake up the old ashes, and not suffer it to
extinguish, but renew the old covenant chain, and make it shine with brighter lustre.
Brothers : We are happy to find from your speech that you still retain that affection for us
which a well founded friendship will naturally produce, and which we hope, from our conduct
towards you, is not unmerited ; and we rejoice to find that you feel for our distresses, and
lament the unnatural quarrel of brethren, which you express so warmly by a desire of an
amicable settlement.
Brothers: Time will not permit us at present to mention to you how and on what occasion
the first covenant was made between your and our forefathers. They have never deserted you,
but kept their covenants and agreements with you ; nor do we mean to act otherwise on our part.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 629
Brothers : This covenant, afterwards improved upon, was confirmed between you and us in
the year ]665, one year after this Country went over to the Crown of England. Since this
you have, from time to time, admitted into your chain the Tuscaroras, and most, if not all, the
Twelve United Colonies.
Brothers: There are five gentlemen. Commissioners, appointed by the Twelve United
Colonies, at the Grand Council at Philadelphia; the management of the publick business in
the Indian Department now belongs to them. These gentlemen have informed you of the
nature of the dispute between Great Britain and this Country, and testified their desire of
keeping up the council-fire between us.
Brothers : We know it is customary, at the renewal of any covenants between us, that a
present should follow. We now make it known to you that the goods you will receive of
the Commissioners of the Twelve United Colonies are partly ours. We pay our proportionable
part towards them ; so that what you receive from them is from us also. We are the same;
there is no distinction.
Brothers : If our memory does not fail, we think that when we invited two or three of
each of our brethren, the Six Nations, to come down here, we also desired that you would
acquaint us what had passed in the Congress held at Oswego, which as yet we know nothing
of. You say, indeed, that you are glad we are peaceably inclined, as well as Colonel Johnson ;
but you have told us nothing else that was transacted there, which we had expected, and do
wish that our brothers conceal nothing from us, especially as you called God to witness for the
truth of what you said.
Brothers of the Six Nations, and you the Mohawks in particular: We apprehend the bird
Tskleleli ' has been busy again ; he seems to be a mischievous bird, and ought not to be nourished
or entertained. In your answers to the Commissioners you addressed yourselves to the
inhabitants of Albany, complaining that they had taken from you two pieces of land, without
giving the value of a pipe of tobacco for them, and that you desired they would restore you to
the peaceable possession of them ; and that the Commissioners would look into this matter,
and afford you relief. The land you speak of we suppose to be Ticonderoga.*
Brothers : This is a matter foreign to the business we met upon, and we are not authorized or
qualified to enter upon the subject; it is a business that belongs to the Corporation of Albany;
yet, as we may be considered the representatives of the people at large, our entire silence
may be construed into guilt of the heavy charge fixed upon us. For your satisfaction, as well
as of the audience, we will endeavour to show that the accusation is groundless, by a few
remarks. The lands alluded to are granted by the Charter of Albany ; we never heard that
any of your nation have been dispossessed or driven off those lands, but you hitherto have and
still enjoy those lands, without the least interruption.
Brothers: As we observed before, the matter cannot properly come before us, but belongs
to another body, and therefore the application to us is improper. However, give us leave to
say, that instead of complaining, we think the Mohawks, if they considered their own interest
and that of their posterity, and would be candid, must acknowledge the truth of the fact, and
rejoice at this day that they have had such faithful guardians and trustees; for if it had not
been so, who would have enjoyed these lands now? There have been complaints concerning
' Teksereri is the Mohawk name for the Tom-tit. Bruyas. The word in the text is in the Oneida dialect.
'Now, Fort Hunter. — Ed,
630 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
this matter before, and inquiries into it before proper tribunals ; and for your information, and
that of the curious, we refer to the proceedings of the House of Assembly of this Colony,
and also to the minutes taken on a conference between the Corporation of this City and
yourselves, at which Sir William Johnson was present ; and therefore return you the belt.
To which they returned the following Answer, by Abraham, Chief of the Mohawks, speaker :
Brothers of Albany : We return you thanks for your speech, and that you have informed us
that the Twelve United Colonies, by their Commissioners, have opened all the roads; and we
now take for granted that the communication at Fort Stanwix is not to be shut up, and that
the New England people never will do it. This, brethren, has been the occasion of some
anxiety in the minds of the Six Nations.
Brothers of the Six Nations, attend ; you, also, the People of Albany ; and you the Twelve
United Colonies, by your Commissioners :
Last spring Colonel Johnson informed us that the New England people were near him, to
take him prisoner; upon which we, like people intoxicated, took up our guns and ran to assist
him, as he was our Superintendent. But, brethren, as it happened in the manner
beforementioned, we hope you will look upon it in that light. We, the Six Nations, have now
made and renewed our ancient covenants. The proceedings just now mentioned have brought
me down. I have made a proper acknowledgment to the Six Nations, and now do the same
to you ; and I hope you will raise me up again. The news I was just speaking of came not
from a bird, but from your own people.
Brothers of Albany, further attend : I shall only make a short reply to your speech relating
to the lands; many agreeable things are therein. You further say that you never heard that
any of us were drove off those lands. There was one thing which was not so agreeable; it is
the Tskleleli. You, brothers, know how that matter is; and in case I was to answer that part
of your speech, it might, perhaps, draw us into an argument; and as you are not, as you say,
the proper body to which we ought to have applied, and as you have referred us to former
proceedings, we shall close.
Brothers of Albany : We, the Six Nations, now tell you that it is at your pleasure to call on
us, and we will inform you of what passed in the Congress at Oswego.
Abraham Yates, Jun., Chairman of the Committee, replied :
Brothers of the Six Nations: We are now ready to hear it, and should be glad you would
inform us.
Abraham, the Mohawk Chief, then proceeded:
Brothers of Albany ; You sent for us to inform you of what passed at Oswego, but you have
not, since we have been down, desired it ; we have always been ready ; and as you have not
asked us, we will now tell you, and think it our duty, as we look upon it that God will punish
us, if we conceal any thing from you.
Brothers: The transactions of that treaty were very public; the Shawanese were there,
and some from Detroit. Mr. Johnson told us that the fire kindled there was a fire of peace;
that all the white people were the King's subjects; and that it seemed they were intoxicated.
Mr. Johnson also told us, that the white people were all got drunk, and that God's judgment
hung over them ; but did not know on which side it would fall. Mr. Johnson further told us
that the council-fire was kindled, on account of the present dispute, and desired us not to
interfere, as we were brothers, and begged of us to sit still and maintain peace; this is what
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 631
Colonel Johnson told us at that council-fire. He also said he had his eye on Mr. Kirkland ;'
that he was gone to Philadelphia, and along the sea-coast; that he was become a great soldier
and a leader. Is this a Minister? says he; do you think your Minister minds your soul? No.
By the time he comes to Philadelphia he will be a great warriour, and when he returns he will
be the Chief of all the Five Nations.
Brothers: There were present five people of Detroit, five from Caughnawaga, and two of
the Shawanese. Colonel Johnson told them that by the time he returned from Canada they
should have all their men there, and he would then kindle a councii-fire ; and desired them
also not to take any part in this dispute, as it was a quarrel between brothers. Mr. Johnson
also told them that this council-fire was kindled upon peace; and that it seemed, by reason of
the white people's intoxication, that God's judgment hung over them. He also told us that
he was going to the Governour of Canada, who was of a different opinion from him, but
would talk with him ; and further said that he would tell the Caughnawaga Indians the same
he told us; and for that purpose desired that two of each nation might go along and hear it.
He likewise desired us to consider which way we would have our trade — whether up this
river, or from Canada. He at the same lime assured us that we should not suffer for want of
goods, as we were not concerned nor had any hand in the present dispute. He also mentioned
something about the council-fires — he said there are two fires which you will keep your
eyes upon ; and if they call you down to Albany, don't you go ; for they will deceive you and
tell you a great many fine stories. We are very glad that your language and Colonel Johnson's
80 well agree.
Abraham Yates, Jun., Chairman.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-Tork Papers (S. P. O.) CLXTII., No. 6. ]
New York S'" Sept' 1775
My Lord,
As I was on Long Island at the time of the disturbances in this city occasioned by the
citizens removing in the night of the 23''' of last month Twenty one peices of Ordnance, nine
■ Rev. Samuel Kirkland, a distinguished Missionary among the New- York Indians, -was born at Norwich, Conn., in 1742.
He was educated at Dr. Wheelock's Indian school, and in 1761 was sent to the Mohawk Indians to learn their language. He
entered Princeton College in 1762 ; in 1764 he returned to the Mohawk country to teach school and perfect himself in that
language, and received his collegiate degree in 1765; he was employed among the Senecas in 1765 and 1766. On the 19
June of the latter year he was ordained at Lebanon as an Indian Missionary, and in July following took up his residence at
Oneida Castle. He continued to labor among that tribe for forty years. During the Revolutionary war he was in the pay
of the United States, and in 1779 was brigade chaplain in General Sullivan's campaign against the Indians of Western
New-York ; after the peace he remained among the Oneidas, and in 1788 assisted at the great Indian council for the extinction
of their title to the Genesee country. So sensible was the State Government of the value of his services, that in the year
1789 it granted him a tract of land two miles square in the present town of Kirkland, whither he immediately removed. In
1792 he made a liberal endowment of land for the purpose of founding a school, which was originally called the Hamilton
Oneida Academy, and has since been incorporated under the name of Hamilton College. After a life of much public
usefulness, he at length departed this life on the 28th February, 1808. His remains were carried to the church in Clinton,
Oneida co., where, after a funeral sermon, they were interred near his house. Jones' History of Oneida County, 203-220.
He was a noble man, the friend of his race, both red man and white, and a long line of good deeds proclaim his zeal and
Ubarality in promoting the interests of religion and learning. WiUiami Early Hittory of Clinton, 21, 22. — Eo.
632 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
pounders, that were mounted on the Battery under Fort George I transmit to your Lordship
copies of the correspondence that passed between the Mayor of the City and Capl° Vandeput
of his Majesty's ship Asia on the occasion as the best evidence I can collect of that affair.
On my receiving intelligence the twenty fourth in the evening of what had passed, that a
mob had searched my house the same evening though they said for Capl" Foy,' and that
a party of Provincials had been on Long Island in quest both of Captain F'oy & myself. I
nevertheless the next morning came into Town and got together (not in Council) as many of
the Gentlemen of the Council as were on the spot, and proposed to them to meet the principal
inhabitants of the city and country that were in Town in the Council Room at the City Hall,
Including the corporation, Provincial officers, Committees and Provincial Congress, in order
to persuade them to desist from carrying things to farther extremities. This measure
considering the high ferment of peoples minds, my friends approved of and I met the
Gentlemen the next morning accordingly. When after lamenting the present unhappy
controversy, and alarming situation to which the public affairs of the Country was reduced I
recommended to them for the present public safety, that the Guns taken from the battery
might remain on the Common That no further attempt should be made on the Kings Stores
as I was confident a fresh attempt would produce fresh disturbances & endanger the city as
Captain Vandeput had those stores under his protection and must do his Duty. That the
town should furnish the Kings ship with fresh provisions, but to prevent disorder the Boats
from the city might carry the provision on Board. I urged how important it was to their own
Interest to preserve a temperate conduct, and not wantonly to draw down calamity upon
themselves but wait the determination of Great Britain, as some further plan of accommodation
might be held out for the ground of a reconciliation. Since I knew it was the warmest wish
of the Royal Breast to see us again a happy and united people. This was nearly the substance
of what I said to them. I was heard with Temper and attention. The city has remained
quiet since, and fresh provisions are to be delivered on the Governors Island for the Asia.
I sent Capl" Vandeput a letter the SS"" a copy of which is herewith enclosed to inform him
of my intention to meet the principal Inhabitants of the Country Since which there has been
no direct Communication between the Asia and the Town. A Boat which carried only some
milk on Board was burnt on her return to shore as was last Sunday a country Sloop for having
put some provisions on Board of the man of war. Such is the rage of the present animosity.
For further particulars of our Situation I beg leave to refer you to Capl" Foy, who from the
Frenzy of the times has been pursued and drove from this distracted Country.
At least one third of the citizens have moved with their effects out of Town and many of
the Inhabitants will shortly experience the distresses of necessity and want.
I am, with the greatest Respect
My Lord
Your Lordships
most obedient Servant
Earl Dartmouth W" Tryon
■ Supra, p. 323, note. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 633
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
I New-Tork Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXVII., Ko. 1. ]
New York 5»= SepU 1775
My Lord
In the present stage of the American controversy advanced as it is to an open opposition to
the measures of Government, I shall not trouble your Lordship vpith a minute detail of the
publick occurrances in this Country. Every day produces fresh proof of a determined Spiri*^
of Resistance in the confederate Colonies The Americans from Politicians are now becoming
Soldiers and however problematical it once was there can be now no doubt of their intention
to .persevere in their determinations to great extremity, unless they are called back by some
liberal & conciliatory assurances.
Their dread of being taxed by Parliament is the grand sinew of the League, no arguments
or address can persuade them that the British Nation does not mean to exercise that principle
and deeply impressed with that consideration they look upon themselves as mere tenants at
Will of all they possess. I could wish for some explicit Declaration from Great Britain to
refrain from what it would never be expedient to make tiiem again feel, because I flatter myself
it would lower the present alarming irritation and end in a Restoration of the common tranquility.
Would it. My Lord, put anything to risk to disclaim an intention, if never meant to be carried
into execution — Besides I find on the spot such a Temper as leads me to beleive that the terror
of being taxed without their own cooperation, once removed, and the acts in support of that
principle which alarm them, done away, the contest would either cease or such dissensions be
produced among themselves as would reduce the opposition now so inauspicious to a very
manageable state, when seconded by the powerful aid of Government, I indulge therefore the
hope that this great obstacle will be removed
I must next remind your Lordship of several particulars which though of subordinate
importance will nevertheless require immediate attention as soon as the languid arm of
authority begins again to be raised in this Country
The Colonies have outgrown the Government anciently set over them which ought to rise
in strength and dignity as they increase in wealth and population. It will therefore be of great
utility to extend the confidence of the executive authority to the Gov" of the Provinces as far
as his Majesty can safely rely upon those he thinks fit to honor with that Trust. They want
more particularly ampler scope for the exercise of that liberality which is of the greatest use in
every species of Government, always expected by the multitude, and absolutely necessary to
place the power of the Kings representative above their contempt I must therefore interceed
with your Lordship for an establishment that no patent in future, for any office or place in the
Colony issue independant of the Governor and also for a settlem' respecting Rank and
precedency. That the Governor in His Province take the pre-eminence of all others, except
the Blood Royal, on every occasion, not meerly military, that the Kings Council in their order
follow the Commander in Cheif of the army and after them the Speaker of the Assembly.
The state of the waste Lands of the Crown will also require your Lordships consideration
not only to prevent inquietude & Disorder, but to secure His Majestys revenue & Rights. I left
such a plan with your Lordship as I beleive will restore Peace to the District formerly claimed
by New Hampshire
Vol. VHL 80
634 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
As to the Indian Cessions of 1772 your Lordship cannot forget the anxiety I expressed to
perform my Engagement to those who laid down their money for the purchases, relying upon
my word Their expectations being just, I can not express an impatience for liberty to fulfill my
promises under the Great Seal of this Province
The Crown is also doubly concerned in a reconsideration of the general restraints the
Governor lies under by the new arrangement which prevents the further granting of Lands
under that arrangement. It is impossible my Lord in a Country, like this where population
proceeds with such large and rapid strides to prevent intrusion upon the ungranted territory
on the inland Frontiers, and when these are multiplied the strength of the occupants will deter
others from suing Patents for their Possessions who themselves are generally too indolent or
confident in their own Force, to solicit Grants to secure their settlement
As the Hostile preparations and appearances that surround me make it very doubtful if. I
may have an opportunity of sending any more public dispatches to your Lordship from this
Country, I think it my duty to be at this time as I have been at all others, very explicit in my
sentiments on the public affairs of this Colony which are with all possible Duty and Fidelity
most humbly submitted to His Majestys wisdom
I am, with the most perfect respect and esteem
My Lord
Your Lordships
most obedient Servant
William TavoN
^arl of Dartmouth to the Oovernors in America.
[PlantatlODB Qeoeral (B. P. 0.) CCLXI.]
Quebec Virginia
Nova Scotia N" Carolina
New Hampshire S" Carolina
Massachusets Bay Georgia
New York East Florida
New Jersey West Florida
Whitehall. 5 Sept' 1775.
As it is of great consequence to His Maj''''' service in the present state of affairs in North
America, that His Maj'^'* ships of war stationed there should not be employed in any other
services, than those to which they are appointed by the Admiral, I am commanded by the King
to signify to you His Maj'^'* pleasure that you do not take upon you to send to England any
such ships that may be stationed within the limits of your Government with any Dispatches,
unless such dispatches are of the most pressing nature and no vessel can be otherwise procured
in which an Officer may be sent home with them.
I am ettc.
Dahtmouth.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 635
8e<yretary Poxonall to Governor Tryon.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. O.) CLXVII. ]
Whitehall G"" Sept' 1776
Sir
It is my duty in the absence of Lord Dartmouth who is gone into Staffordshire for a few
days, to transmit to you His Majestys permission to you to return to England if you think fit
This permission has been granted in consequence of your letter to Lord Dartmouth of the
7"' of July and the assurances you give in that letter that you will not make a hasty or improper
use of it
The state of His Majestys Governm' in New York is certainly of late very much altered for
the worse, but I trust that its authority is not irrecoverable and that instead of your being
driven to the necessity of choosing either of the disgraceful alternatives you suggest you will
soon be in a situation publicly to avow those sentiments and openly avow those measures that
shall correspond with the Kings Resolution to exert every power which the constitution has
placed in His Hands for subduing this unnatural Rebellion, a resolution in which there is the
fullest assurance that his Majesty will be supported by his faithful subjects in this Kingdom,
who will I am persuaded be found on this occasion as zealous to preserve entire the sovereignty
of the supreme Legislature over all the British Dominions as they ever have been to maintain
the liberties they derive from our most excellent constitution.
I am fcc"
To Gov Tryon. J Pownall
Poxonall to Oovernor Tryon, etc.
[ Plsnlallons General ( S. P. O. ) CCLXI. ]
Circular to Gov" Tryon & Franklyn Dep'^ Gov" Penn and Eden.
Whitehall, 4. October. 1775.
Sir,
It having been thought fit to discontinue for the present the packet Boats for N. America, I
am directed by Lord Dartmouth to desire you will contrive for the future some means of sending
your Letters to his Lordship thro' the channel of the Admiral who is instructed to give all proper
facility by means of the small vessels under his command to the conveyance of letters and
intelligence, in every possible channel of communication.
I am ettc.
J PoWNALt,.
Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ Planlations Qeneral (S. P. O.) CCLXI. ]
(NO 8)
Montreal. 12. October 1775
My Lord.
The uncommon trouble and various difficulties I met with in the discharge of my duties the
last summer, together with the uncertainty of events prevented my writing to your LordJ" for
636 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
some time past, and indeed there only offered a single opportunity since I came into this
province; however, I could not let the Vessel sail at this time without doing myself the honor
of giving your Lord? a brief sketch of my past transactions, hoping to lay the whole before you
more fully in a little time.
Finding in May last, that all necessaries for the Indians were stopped by order of the
Committees, and myself theatned with an attack from a considerable armed force, and having
then received secret Instructions & dispatches from General Gage respecting the measures I
had to take, I left home the last of that Month, and by the help of a body of white Men
and Indians, arrived with great difficulty at Ontario, where (in a little time) I assembled 1458
Indians, and adjusted matters with them in such a manner, that they agreed to defend the
communication, and assist his Majesty's Troops in their operations. The beginning of July I
sat out for this place, with a chosen body of them and Rangers to the number of 220 ; not
being able to get any Craft, or even provisions for more, and arrived here the 17"" of that
Month, and soon after convened a second body of the Northern Confederacy to the amount of
1700 & upwards who entered into the same engagements, notwithstanding they had declined
coming in some time before, on Gov"" Carleton's requisition, their minds, having been corrupted
by New England Emissaries and most of them discouraged by the backwardness of the
Canadians. These Ind"' remained encamped for a considerable time waiting the Motion of
Troops, and I detached from them about 100 Indians to serve as Scouts and covering parties
to the Troops at S' John's, which were then much exposed. These Indians had several
Skirmishes with the New Englanders, in one of which, they killed Cap* Baker an Out Law of
New York and a very daring and dangerous Rebel, who was returning to the Enemy with
a particular State of the force ettc at S' Johns.
The preparations for the defence of this Province and the annoyance of the Enemy going on
very slowly, thro' the prejudices of the Canadians, and the want of Influence among the
Noblesse, and Gov"' Carleton not judging it expedient to permit the Indians to pass the limits
of the Colony, the latter after a stay far beyond what is usual with Ind"% begun to return to
their respective Countries giving assurances of their readiness to return whenever there was a
prospect of Troops, or Military operations, leaving with me however, a body of about 500 in
three camps.
On the 6"" of September the Rebel army advanced in view of S' John's, and the first division
consisting of about 700 Men, under a General Montgomery, began to land near that place ; on
which, the Indians there marched out, and tho unsupported by any Troops ettc gave them so
warm a reception, that after being twice repulsed they retired with precipitation, with the
loss of about 100 killed and wounded ; on our side, one of my Captains was shot thro'
the thigh, six Indian Warriors killed and as many wounded. The number of Indians in that
Action was under 90, & at that time I had in different encampments 408 of the several
Nations, — This, My Lord, was the critical time for striking such a blow, as would have freed
the country of these Invaders, and greatly contributed to assist General Gage's operations;
but such was the infatuation of the Canadians, that they could not with all General Carleton's
endeavours, be prevailed on, even to defend their Country, and the Enemy after a pause of some
days at Isle aux nois, returned, invested the small body of Regulars at S' John's, cut off all
communication with it and Montreal, & scattered their parties thro the Country, some of
whom came within sight of that City, whilst the Ind"" disappointed at finding none to cooperate
with them, began to take measures for their own security, and many of them retired. — During
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 637
all this time, the Enemy employed their most fitting Officers with parties to draw in the
Canadians to join them, and numbers did so. — Encouraged by this, and relying on some
persons said to be disaffected in the City, Col : Allen, their most daring partizan, advanced
with a body of about 140 Rebels very near Montreal, which was thrown into the utmost
confusion ; — a body consisting of some Regulars, Voluntiers and 32 Officers and Men of my
Department with .a few Indians Marched out to oppose them on the SS"" of Sepf & engaged
them within less than 3. miles of the gates where the Rebels were defeated, and Col : Allen
being vigorously pressed by those of my Corps surrendered to M"" Johnson one of my Officers.
This small affair promised great consequences, and had the Gov'' been able to pursue it
immediately, this Colony would now have been freed from the distress under which it has
long laboured, but the Canadians have not as yet come in, in such numbers as to answer the
design of Govern', and the season being very far advanced in this cold climate, the few
remaining Indians propose to return home in a day or two.
This, My Lord is but a hasty sketch of the Affairs of the summer part, every part of wh"^*"
would require much enlargement & therefore finding my person proscribed, my Estate
advertised for sale, and nothing to be done till next May, I have judged it best after regulating
the affairs of the Department and posting my Officers in proper places for preserving the
friendship of the Indians, to pay my personal respects to your Lord?, receive His Maj'^'*'
commands, & fully explain the several matters required of me in your last letter, as well as
several other things of such essential importance & requiring such immediate regulation, that
when I have the honor of an interview, I persuade myself Your Lord? will be fully satisfied
with the propriety of this measure.
As the nature of the services I had to perform in pursuance to the General's instructions
ettc, occasioned an expense far exceeding the ordinary peace establishment of the Department ;
I have after consultation with Gov' Carleton, as there is no money to be had here and the
communication with Gen' Gage over for the season, found it necessary to satisfy those who
have supplyed me with cash and goods, by giving too or three orders on the Lords of the
Treasury, in which I hope to be justified from the peculiar situation of the affairs here &
circumstances which I can fully explain, and your Lord? may be assured that I shall take every
possible measure for promoting the interests of Govern' with the Indian Nations during my
necessary absence.
I have the honor to be with the utmost respect My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient & most faithful humble servant.
G. Johnson.
P. S. The Indians who live in the neighbourhood of this City have assured me that should,
any body of Troops advance against the Rebels late as the season is, they will join them.
638 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-York Papers (8. P. 0.) CLXVII.]
New York 16'" October 1776
My Lord
Since the taking away of between Thirty and Forty Load of the Barrick Masters and Hospital
Stores in the night of ninth Ins* and the Inhabitants replacing them the next day, on my
requisition to the Mayor, the City has been in continual agitation and ferment encreased by a
recommenda'" and resolve of the Continental Congress, that this provincial congress, should
take into consideration the expediency of siezing or securing the Crown Officers Upon the
first receipt of this Determination I communicated it to the officers most interested, and kept
out of Town all Thursday at the Governors Island, & in the evening the asia's boat landed me
at Long Island, and lay at M'' Astells at Flatbush
Hearing that the congress had not gone upon any determination upon that subject, I returned
early next morning to the City and wrote the Mayor the letter A. Yesterday he brought me
the answer B. which conveying no pledged security to my person I sent him the letter C. which
will be under deliberation to-morrow, as many of the principal Inhabitants are expected ia
Town this evening. I am sensible of the importance of my keeping my ground, and feel a
reluctance to quit it while prudence will justify my stay
I am with all possible respect. My Lord
Your Lordships mo* obedt. humble St.
Earl Dartmouth W" Tryon
Enclosure A.
Governor Tryon to Mayor Hicks.
[New- York Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXVII.]
New York lO"- Oct. 1775
Sir
From undoubted authority from the City of Philadelphia, the Continental Congress have
recommended it to the Provincial Congress to seize or take up the officers of this Government,
and particularly myself by name, I am therefore to desire you will inform the Corporation and
Citizens of this City, that I place my security here, in their Protection, that when that confidence
is withdrawn by any seizure of my person, The Commander of his Majestys ships of War in the
Harbour will demand that the Inhabitants deliver me on Board the Fleet, and on refusal
enforce the Demand with their whole Power, anxious therefore to prevent, if possible, so great
a Calamity to this City, as well as inconvenience to myself, I am ready should the voice of the
Citizens be unfavorable to my staying among them, immediately to embark on Board the Asia,
requesting that the Citizens will defeat every attempt, that may be made to hinder my removal,
with my Domesticks and effects should that be their wish ; Since I returned to this Province with
every honorable Intention to serve them consistent with my bounden duty to my Sovereign
I am Sir
Your obedient Servant
Whitehead Hicks Esq" Sign"* William Tryon
Mayor of the City of New York.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 639
Mayor HicTcs to Governor Tryon.
[ New-Toric Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXVII. ]
Enclosure B.
New York 14"' OcU 1775
Sir
Instantly upon receipt of your Excellencys Commands signified by your letter of yesterday I
called the Magistrates and assistants to a Common Council upon its important contents The
Members of the Corporation unanimously expressed themselves upon this occasion in termes of
the strongest affection and confidence respecting their Governor and I am persuaded sir that
their fellow citizens (for I consulted as many individuals without doors as the time would
permit) are utterly disinclined to your removal from the Capital of your Province
The City Committee which is a very numerous body consisting of reputable inhabitants elected
at a convention of the whole Town before your last arrival were immediately convened upon my
acquainting the Chairman with your Excellencys Letter, and in a very little time I had their
sentiments in writing under the signature of their Chairman which I now communicate as a
consummation of what it gives me the greatest pleasure to declare, That the Citizens confiding
in your friendship to a Colony which you have governed with so much reputation ernestly
desire you will still continue your residence amongst us and from the Declarations and temper
of the People at large, I have not the least doubt of your enjoying the most ample protection
I have the honor to be with the highest esteem and respect —
Your Excellencys
most obed' humble. Serv'
His Excellency Whitehead Hicks
William Tryon Esq"
Governor Tryon to Mayor Hicks.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXVII. ]
Enclosure C.
New York 14 Oct. 1775
Sir
I have received your letter in answer to my application to the Corporation and Citizens of
yesterday to obtain their assurances either of Protection while among them or security to
remove on Board the Kings Ship, But as they have not authorized you to pledge to me their
assurances of security in either case, My duty in this hour of Alarm will not justify me to my
Sovereign in staying longer on Shore without possitive declarations of their full protection
under every circumstance.
I beg you will present my best thanks to the corporation & fellow Citizens for their
affectionate and friendly wishes towards me
I am Sir
Your most obedt Servant
Whitehead Hicks Esq" Sign"* W™ THyon
Mayor of the City of New York
640 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Mayor Hicks to Governor Tryon.
[ New-Tork Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXVII. ]
New York Wednesday IS"- Oct 1775
Sir
When your Excellencys letter of Saturday came to hand, the day was so far spent, that I
had no prospect of an opportunity to take the sense of the citizens upon it, till nionday, and
then unfortunately, the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the Committee, I mentioned in my
last letter, and many of the members were out of town
On Tuesday morning they met, and deliberated upon it, and had a second convention for
that purpose in the evening; and the result of their councils appear in the written answer
they sent me, and which I now have the honor to transmit to your Excellency
Permit me to add. Sir, that the friendly and respectful Terms in which people of all ranks
express themselves concerning your Excellency, on this occasion, and their anxiety, at the
thought of your retiring from the capital are very satisfactory to the corporation and ia
particular to your Excellencys
Most obedt. Humble Servt.
His Excellency Whitehead Hicks
William Tryon Esq"
New - York Committee to Mayor Hicks.
[New-Tork Papera (8. P. O.) CLXVII. ]
Committee Chamber 17"" Oct 1775
Sir
His Excellency Governor Tryons second letter to your Worship of the 14*'' Instant : has
been laid before the Committee We flattered ourselves that the Sentiments of respect
expressed in answer to His Excellencys first letter to your worship, and the assurances that
his information from Philadelphia was ill grounded, would have removed every suspicion of
Injury intended to his person or property.
We can with great truth assure his Excellency that we are not apprehensive of the least
danger to his person or Property ; and that he may rest assured of all that Protection from us
and our fellow citizens, which will be consistent with the great principle of our safety and
preservation, declaring at the same time that we have the utmost confidence in his Excellencys
Disposition to serve the true Interest of this Colony, and that he will by his wise and prudent
mediation, use his best offices to restore that harmony between Great Britain and the Colonies
so ardently wished for by us. The Committee therefore can not but again express their most
ernest desire, that his excellency would continue his residence among a people, who have the
most grateful sense of his upright and disinterested administration
We have the pleasure to acquaint your Worship that the above letter was unanimously
approved of in a full Committee, and are Sir,
Your very humble Servants
His Worshipful By order of the Committee
Whitehead Hicks Esq" Isaac Low, Chairman.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 641
Governor Tryon to Mayor Hicks.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXVII. ]
On Board the Halifax Packet 19'" October 1775.
Sir
Finding your letter of yesterday insufficient for that security I requested from the corporation
& Citizens, and objectionable for the mode in which you obtained the same of the inhabit",
my duty directed me for the present instant to remove on board this ship, where I shall be
ready to do such business of the Country as the situation of the times will permit. The
Citizens as well as the inhabitants of the Province may be assured of my inclination to
embrace every means in my power to restore the peace good order and authority of Government
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient Serv'
Whitehead Hicks Esq'' W" Tryon
Mayor of the City of New York.
The within is a true Copy of a letter I received from His Excellency Governor Tryon 19""
Oct 1775.
Whitehead Hicks
State of Ordnance belonging to Fort George.
[ New- York Paper. ( S. P. 0. ) CLXVII. ]
State and Remain of Iron Ordnance &c belonging to Fort George and the Lower
Battery of New York aS"- Sepf 1775
Iron Ordnance
Dismounted
Vizt Serviceable UnserTt'ble
32 Pounders 46 "
24 2 "
18 12 "
12 7 6
9 ! 7 19
6 2 2
Mounted on Garrison Carriages with Iron Trucks compleat
Serviceable Unservsble
18 Pounders 10 "
12 11 "
N B
For the serviceable Guns above mentioned There are New Carriages in Store, with a
sufficient number of Iron Trucks, but as neither Guns or Trucks have been fitted to them the
Vol. VIII. SI
642 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
must of course be incomplete, and the twenty one Guns mounted as above specified were taken
off the lower Battery, by the inhabitants on the night of the 23'' of August, and carried from
thence to the common, where they at present remain
Christ'' Blundell
Store Keeper
Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America, except Massachusetts and JV. Carolina.
[Plantations General (S. P. O.) CCLXI. ]
Whitehall 28 October 1775
Inclosed I send you by His IVIaj'^'» command, printed copies of His Maj'>''' most gracious
speech to His Parliament at the opening of the Session on Thursday last, and of the addresses
in answer thereto, which I trust will have the effect to convince the Rebellious inhabitants of
the Colonies, of the firm resolution of every branch of the Legislature to maintain the Dignity
& authority of Parliament, as well as their desire to receive, with all proper indulgence, the
submission of any Colony that shall be inclined to return to its duty and allegiance, and to
make such arrangements as may restore harmony & confidence, and remove all just ground of
uneasiness and apprehension in the minds of those who are really disposed to a reconciliation
with the Mother Country,
I am ettc
Dartmouth.
JEarl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. 0.) CCLXI. ]
New Hampshire N" Carolina
Massachusets Bay S" Carolina
New York. Georgia
New Jersey Pennsylvania
Virginia Ma'ryland
Whitehall 8 NoV 1775
There being great reason to apprehend from accounts lately received thro' different channels,
that the insults which have been offered to the King's Officers and servants in the Colonies may
be followed by more open violence; I am commanded by his Majesty to signify to you His
Majesty's pleasure, that you do inform all such Officers within your Govern', that
His Majesty does not expect that they should continue in their present stations at the hazard
of their lives & property, and therefore that they are at liberty to withdraw themselves from
the Colony whenever their personal safety shall make it necessary for them so to do.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 643
Every protection that those intrusted with the command of the King's Army and Navy can
give, will be afforded, and it has been already signified to the Lords of the Admiralty, that the
Commanders of his Maj'^'' ships in their different Stations, should receive on Board such of
the King's servants as may be compelled by the violence of the Times to seek such an Asylum.
It is impossible without the greatest concern to reflect upon the calamities which the present
disorders of the times have brought upon the King's servants in the Colonies; but under all
their sufferings they may rest assured of every possible attention to their present unfortunate
circumstances.
I am ettc
Dartmouth.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P.O.) CLXTIl., No. 16.]
On Board the Ship Dutchess of
Gordon New York Harbour
Nov 11. 1775
My Lord
Since the 30"" of last month I have been on Board of the ship Dutchess of Gordon under the
protection of the Asia Man of War, with M' Kempe Attorney General and M' Barrow Deputy
Pay Master to His Majestys Forces. This measure though expensive was necessary as I could
not have kept up any communication with the Country had f gone on Board the Asia Man of
War, Whereas in my present situation the Friends of Government freely come to me, and I
beleive my removal has brought many to a deeper reflection of their dayly and increasing distress
than while I remained among them, when the consider*^ me as a pledge for the Redemption of
any principal Rebel that may fall into the hands of the Kings Forces — It is certain that within
this fortnight the Spirit of Rebellion in this Province, especially in the city, has greatly abated
and we wait now only for five thousand Regulars to open our Commerce and restore our
valuable constitution. — The Counties Westchester, Dutchess, King, Queen and Richmond, had
the bulk of their Inhabitants well affected to Government and some friends in all the other
Counties. They call for protection as the enemies to Government are daily insulting and
disarming them; and succours from Connecticut have very lately made new incursions into
West Chester for that wicked purpose. If we have no aid for the friends of Government to
associate under this winter. I dread the impending consequence to those who are friendly
to Government and remain unprotected. The Sword, My Lord, is drawn and it is that must
now establish a constitution. Yet could it be compatible with the dignity and justice of the
British Sovereignty to give explicit satisfaction to America that the principle of internal Taxation
in America should not be exercised by the British State until a Plan was agreed upon for the
Representation of America or other accommodation, the General confederacy would in my
opinion speedily if not immediately, unravel ; and Bodies even of the enemies to Government
stand forth with its present friends to suppress those who should then continue in Rebellion.
I am confident one thousand Regulars here with such an olive Branch would be equal to five
in the present state of the contest. Not but that I have expectations of the General Congress
644 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
settling before the spring a Quota for each Province, with Instructions to the Delegates of the
respective Provinces to communicate the said Quota to the General Assemblys of their
Provinces, that the offer of support for the General purposes of the State may be made
constitutionally to Great Britain through the General Assemblies. This doctrine I have
inculcated and every other that I thought could promote the restoration of the Authority of his
Majestys Government.
I am with the most perfect Respect
My Lord, Your Lordships
most obedient Servant
Earl of Dartmouth W"° Tryon
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New- York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLX VII. ]
On Board the Dutchess of
Gordon New York 11"" Nov 1775
My Lord
The inclosures herewith transmitted will abundantly testify the Anarchy of this Province
and the Malignant Spirit that is spread through the Country.
The Paper marked A was received from the Fountain head, and was the ground of my
subsequent conduct in removing on Board the Packet.
Fort Chamblee fell into the Hands of the Rebels the IS"" of last month, but as St Johns by
letter from Ticonderoga of the 31" of October was sfill beseiged it is hoped the attempts of the
enemy on that Fort will be defeated through the Bravery of the Garrison, favored by
the severity of the season or releived by General Carleton who it is confidently asserted has
levied a Body of Highlanders and Canadians for that purpose
The enemy have two objects in view in constructing the Fort at the highlands, on Hudsons
River ; The one to preserve the communication open above those Heights between the Western
and Eastern Colonies, which will be important to them when the Kings Ships next Summer
command Hudsons River as far up as the Fort : The other object is to prevent the Junction by
water of any Forces that may march from this city and Canada to retake the Forts on the Lakes.
This Fort however when the Friends of Government can associate in conjunction with the
Regulars, will probably soon be dismantled by the Country people or taken by the Kings Forces.
I have detained the Packet considering at this Crisis Government would be anxious to know
the issue of the Canada Invasion, however as the mercury Packet is arrived I shall dispatch the
Halifax in two or three days, tho' no fresher intelligence should arrive
I am with all possible Respect
My Lord
Your Lordships
most obedt. Servant
Earl Dartmouth W Tryon
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLV. 645
«>»
Unclostire A.
[New-York Papers (S. P.O.) CLXVII. ]
The letter produced to the continental Congress and the Copy sent to this, in New York
has the following wofds.
" Tryon with all his malignity of heart is obliged to lay still as the four Regiments are gone
"to Boston; he is high in esteem with administration for his behaviour at N. Carolina, his
" plan that he laid for enslaving this country, when in England is not laid aside, it will be a
<' capital stroke to secure Gov'' Tryons person ;" it goes on to point it out by "your acting in
"conjunction with Gov' Carleton."
Hancocks letter to the Congress " I also enclose you a resolve of the continental congress
" respecting those who in your opinion are dangerous by going at large which I also refer;"
This resolve I can't get sight of I beleive it is destroyed. 150 men working at the Forts, 200
weight of Powder there. Beacons to be erected 30 miles this side of the Forts all the way
up at proper places to give tlie alarm. A plan is laid to build two more batteries this side
the Forts, an application to Congress for 25 men to keep watch at night, at the Fort building
up the north River. A Plan to sink Blocks to stop up some narrow places going up to the
Forts, in order to prevent large vessels going up. Two sloops sailed last sunday fortnight
with money for powder, I beleive to the French Islands.
A wounded soldier left St Johns 14"" of October examined before Congress. St Johns close
beseiged, stand half leg died in mud and water, a new baterie to be opened the day after he
came away, next day heard heavy firing. They said in the camp if they did not take it in
three or four days they never should. A rumor in the Camp four or five thousand Canadians
were coming to the releif of St Johns — Stop'd and dismissed by the President. This man
told before he came to Congress he was sure not a provincial was at St Johns by this time.
A motion made in Congress by M'' Isaac Low, to lay all the affairs before Gov' Tryon relating
to him as above objected to
^Mem. Rec"" from N York: the best authority Nov 2 1775 W T.
(N»22)
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York Papers (State Paper Office) CLXVIII., No. 22. ]
On Board the Ship Dutchess of Gordon
New York Harbour, G"- Dec' 1775
My Lord,
Since my Dispatches sent by the November Packet this province has experienced a fresh
outrage from the Connecticut people. Near one hundred of their horsemen with Isaac Sears,
' James Brattle, who had formerly lived with Governor Tryon, was at thie time servant to James Duane, a member of
Congress, whose minutes he was in the habit of purloining, on his master retiring to bed, and afterwards sending them and
other information to Governor Tryon. On being discovered he absconded, and was sent to England by his employer.
4. American Archives, V., 44. — Ed.
646 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Sam' Broom, and other turbulent fellows at their head came into the City of New York and
going up to M"' Rivington's house, part of them dismounted, went into his printing office
and took away all his Types with other articles out of the Shop, and then, to the disgrace of
the City, were suffered unmolested to leave the Town. But before they quitted the Province
they ill treated & took prisoners some inhabitants of West Chester County; particularly The
Reverend M' Seabury, and burnt one Sloop belonging to persons friendly to government.
M' Rivington injured almost to ruin throws himself on the benevolent consideration of the
British State. The freedom of M"' Rivington's publications, & especially in his last paper
herewith transmitted, drew this lawless Violence upon him.
Isaac Sears is evidently a tool of the Continental Army, publickly declaring he acts
regardless of Congresses and Committees ; and I am told by good Authority he shewed a letter
he received from General Lee, recommending the seizure of my person, and that he should do
it at all events, and that the Continental Army would bear him out. It probably will not be
long before the assumed powers of the general congress will be transferred to their Army.
Reports prevail that all the Plate on the Continent is to be secured, & continental Paper
Money given in exchange. This Robbery is to insure the circulation of that fraudulent
currency as well as to furnish Resources for future occasions.
The intimation of Isaac Sears' design speedily to revisit this Province with a more numerous
body of the Connecticut Rioters, and to take away the Records of the Province induced me to
order such publick Records as were most interesting to the Crown to be brought on board
to me, which measure has been since approved by the unanimous advice of Council.
The peacable demeanor & loyalty of the Inhabitants of Queen's County, with a firm
Resolution to defend their families & property from-nnsult has drawn on them the threatened
Violence of Sears and his adherents. But unawed by these threats, it is beleived they will be
firm united & spirited in their resistance to such a lawless & wicked attack. Lieu' Governor
Colden & his Family have much merit in promoting this laudable spirit of opposition to the
Measures of Committees and Congresses in Queen's County.
The rage of the populace in this province for Committees & Congresses seems to have
greatly abated. Several Counties have refused to send Delegates to the provincial Congress,
and they have not been able to make a house, as they call it, since the late Dissolution. And
was it not from the awe of the inhabitants of the neighboring Colonies and the controuling
influence of the Continental Congress I am persuaded there would be an immediate End to all
Committees and Congresses. But unassisted & unprotected as the well disposed and loyal
Part of the Inhabitants are I can determine nothing with certainty as to what may, or may
not be, the state of publick Affairs in this Province. I can only say that my best and
unremitted endeavors have been constantly exerted for the Service of my Sovereign, and the
Dignity of his Majesty's Government.
I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient Servant
W" Tryon.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV. 647
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
New-Tork Papers ( State Paper Office ) CLXVIII., No. 24. 1
(N''24)
On Board the Ship Dutchess of Gordon
New York Harbour S"- Dec' 1775.
My Lord,
I have engaged John Woods, Thomas Allen, & William Tunx, three skilful Gunsmiths to
quit working at their trade in forwarding the execution of purposes contrary to the feelings of
their natures, as Englishmen, in the present unnatural Rebellion. There is only one Workman
now remaining in America that is capable of the business of Gun welting, as I am informed.
This conduct I thought deserving of Encouragement and meriting protection. I have therefore
paid thirty Guineas for their passage to England in the packet, and advanced them twenty
Guineas more to support them up to London. I have made it the express condition of their
leaving America that they shall be employed in the Tower, or other the King's Armory. The
fulfilling this positive engagement. My Lord, I rest to your Lordship's particular care, as an
Encouragement due to men, voluntarily, and at the hazard of their lives & property, fleeing
from Employment advantagious to their present Interest, though obnoxious to their Sentiments,
disloyal to their Sovereign, & injurious to the measures of his Majesty's Government.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and esteem. My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient Servant.
W"- Tryon.
Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon,
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXVII., No. 1. ]
Whitehall Dec 23'' 1775
Sir
Your dispatches by the Halifax Packet have been received and laid before the King, and the
intelligence they enclose, of the loss of Chambles and St Johns, which has been confirmed by
advices received to day from Quebec, clouds the fair prospect we had of the advantage which
a disappointment to the Rebels in their design upon Canada would have given us, yet this
ground of advantage is not irrecoverable, and I trust and beleive, that if the measures His
Majesty has thought fit to adopt, for a vigorous exertion of his Forces in the Spring turn out as
we have good reason to expect, we shall soon see a different prospect of affairs
In the mean time it will be your duty to encourage by every means in your power, any
expectation in the Kings well disposed subjects in New York of every assistance & protection
the state of this Kingdom will enable His Majesty to afford them, and to cherish every
appearance of a disposition on their part to withstand the Tyranny and misrule, which
accompany the acts of those, who have but too well succeeded in the total subversion of
legal Government.
648 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It is painful to His Majesty to see the distress and difficultys to whicli His faithful servants
in the Colonies are exposed, yet His Majesty commends the resolution you have taken that
nothing but the most unsurmountable difficultys shall induce you in the present state of
Insurrection & Revolt to avail yourself of that permission His Majesty has been graciously
pleased to give you to return to England
I am &c
Governor Tryon. Geo Germain ^
Lord George Germain to the Governors in America, exapt of Connecticut and
Rhode Island.
[Plantations General (S. P. 0.) CCLXI. ]
Whitehall. 23. Dec' 1775
The King being determined, in concurrence with his Parliament, to pursue the most vigorous
measures for reducing his Rebellious subjects in North America to obedience, & for restoring
legal Govern', has given the Royal assent to the inclosed Act, which 1 am commanded by His
Maj'5' to transmit to you, and at the same time to signify to you His Maj'>'» pleasure, that you
do exhort all persons, upon whom the execution of this Law shall depend, to pay a due
attention thereto, & to use their best endeavours for carrying the provisions of it into effect ;
and I trust when His Maj'^'* deluded subjects in the associated Colonies are better apprized of
the fatal consequence of the conduct they have adopted, & see the determined spirit of the
Nation to maintain its constitutional Rights, they will avail themselves of the means, which
' Geokge Sackvillk, youngest son of Lionel, 1st Duke of Dorset, was born 26 January, 1717. Haying entered tlie
army, he served under the Duke of Cumberland, and was wounded in the breast at the famous battle of Fontenoy, 11 May,
1745. On the 1st June following, he was appointed Colonel in the Army, and 9th April, 1746, Colonel of the 20;h Regiment
of Foot. On the 1st November, 1749, he became Colonel of the 12th Royal Dragoons; and on the 18th January, 1750, of
the 3d Horse or Carabiniers; on the 22d February, 1756, he was promoted to be Mnjor-General ; on the 6th April, 1767
was appointed Colonel of the 2d or Queen's Dragoon Guards; on the 30th November following, Lieutenant-General of the
Ordnance; and on 26tli January, 1768, became Lieutenant-General in the Army and Privy Councillor. In the expedition to
Germany, this last year, in aid of the King of Prussia, Lord George Saokville was appointed second in command of the
Enflish forces, under the Duke of Marlborough. On the death of the latter, on 28th October, 1768, the command-in-ohief
of those forces devolved on Lord George. He held that office until the memorable battle of Minden, 1st August, 1759, when,
in consequence of some misunderstanding between him and Prince Ferdinand, he returned to England in disgrace. The
King, with his own hand, erased his name from the list of Privy Councillors, and deprived him of all his appointments. He
was next tried, at his own request, by a court martial, found guilty of disobedience of orders, dismissed the service and
declared forever incapable of serving in a military capacity. As his Lordship was patronized by the Prince of Wales, some
suppose him, in this instance, to have been severely dealt with in consequence. He represented Dover in the llth Parlia-
ment and in 1760 was returned for the port of Hythe. After the accession of George III., he was again received at Court,
and the remainder of his life was devoted to civil affairs. Lady Betty Germain, at her death in 1769, left her property by
will to Lord George Sackville, on condition of his assuming her surname, which he did accordingly. In December, 1770, he
fought a duel with Mr. Johnstone, governor of West Florida, in which neither was hurt H.iving joined Lord North's party,
he was 10 November, 1775, appointed Secretary of State for the Colonies. ( Robert Thompson of Woburn, Mass., afterwards
Count Rumford, was his Lordship's Undersecretary.) He retired from office in February, 1782, when he was raised to the
peerage by the title Bnron Bolebrooke and Viscount Sackville, and died at his seat, Stoneham Lodge, Sussex, on the 26th
August, 1785, in the 68th year of his age. Army Lists; Entick's History of the War, III, 79, 179; IV., passim; Chatham
Correspondence: Grenville Papers ; Oentlemau't Magazine, LV., 667 ; LVL, i., 208. — Ep.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VI.
649
the Justice & benevolence of the Supreme Legislature have held out to them, of being restored
to the King's Grace and peace, and that a happy and lasting reconciliation and union will be
Effected; and I have the satisfaction to acquaint you, that, in order to accelerate this desirable
object, the proper steps have been taken for passing a Commission under the great seal, in
conformity to the last section but one of that act, and that the Commissioner or Commissioners
to be appointed for that purpose, will have full power to inquire into the state and condition of
the Colonies, and to confer with proper persons upon such points as may be necessary for
effecting a restoration of the public tranquility.
I am ettc.
Geo: Germain.
List of British Regiments in America in 1775, 6.
[ From Army List of January, 1776. ]
16'" or Queen's Light Dragoons
. 23'' regiment.
45'" regiment.
17'" regiment Light Dragoons.
26'"
46'"
4'" or King's own Foot.
27'" or Enniskillens.
47'"
6'" regiment of Foot.
28'" regiment.
49'"
61b
33-*
52d
7'"
35'"
54'"
S'" or King's Foot,
37'"
55'"
10'" regiment of Foot.
3S'"
67'"
14""
40'"
63"
15'"
42" Highlanders.
64'"
16'"
43** regiment.
65'" "
17'"
44'"
Royal (Artillery, 4'" Battalion.
22d
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-Tork Papers ( Stale Paper Office ) CLXVIII., No. 85. ]
N0 25.
On Board the Ship Dutchess of Gordon
New York Harbour, S" Jan'''' 1776.
My Lord,
The Merchant Ship Sampson !)eing chartered by some gentlemen wanting a passage to
England gives me an opportunity of writing to Your Lordship which I gladly embrace,
notwithstanding my present impaired State of health, and the excruciating pains of a fit of
the Gout with which I have been afflicted for some days past. It is not however. My Lord,
that any particular circumstances hath occurred since my last public Dispatches, materially to
Vol. VIIL 82
650 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
alter or change the face of things in America, that I trouble You at this time, but to impress
upon Your Lordship the idea I have of the progressive State of the astonishing extravagancies
to which the American views & claims are extending, and the increasing expediency (permit
me, My Lord, to use a stronger expression and say, Necessity) there is of raising Regiments
out of, and giving Imployment and Protection to the well affected part of his Majesty's
American Subjects. The case of these distressed individuals, which, beleive me, My Lord, are
not a few in this Colony, is every day becoming more trying, and distressing. They suffer from
Committees, Congresses, & Minute men, in their persons and property, a species of Tyranny
and Despotism scarcely to be equalled in History. Oppressed beyond all measure and without
arms or ammunition even for the harmless purposes of self Defence. They incessantly wait
upon me with the strongest assurances that they look up to their King for protection, and
most ardently wish for a speedy restoration of the Powers of his Majesty's Government and the
peaceful blessings of their former constitution. The cause of those unhappy people, My Lord,
is the cause of humanity. But if left without a hand to aid or a power to succour, urged by
want and compelled by persecution they may through despair be drove to abandon their
allegiance, and become soldiers of necessity, at once against their principles and their lawful
Sovereign. The investing. My Lord, at this momentous season, some great and distinguished
person with similar powers of a Vice Roy both in the civil and Military Departments in each
Province, I apprehend to be of the greatest importance to the British State. Might he not be
authorized to raise Regiments of Americans, and be supplied with arms, ammunition and
cloathing, to fit them for immediate service, with unlimited credit upon the Treasury for the
ample support of the service ? And to prevent the ill effects arising from the despair of
pardon, to be fully authorized (with such exceptions as may be judged necessary) to grant his
Majesty's most gracious pardon to the deluded and reclaimed. Under such circumstances I
am confident the Royal standard, guarded at first with some regiments of Regulars, might be
erected with the greatest success. To facilitate such a Measure, & to accomplish a purpose
so important to the British Empire, I could most willingly consent to make way for such a
Personage in the Government of this Province, where with my present limited and restricted
powers & situation, I am without authority to support the Dignity of my station, or enforce
the delegated powers of my gracious Sovereign. My letter to General Howe of the IS"" of
December which I have the honor to transmit, will give Your Lordship an Idea how far I
could probably co-operate with his Majesty's Regular Forces.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest deference and respect.
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient Servant
Earl Dartmouth. W" Tryon.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLV^. 651
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Bartmoxith.
[ New-Torlt Ptpere ( S. P. O. ) CLXVIII., No. 28. ]
(N" 28.)
On Board the Ship Dutchess of Gordon
New York Harbour 5"" Jan^^ 1776.
My Lord,
The Gentleman who delivered me the enclosed letter from Sir John Johnson assured me
that by Government's complying with its contents Sir John could muster five hundred Indians
to support the cause of Government, & that these with a Body of Regulars might re-take the
Forts. If Sir John had the title of Superintendant of Indian Affairs it would give the greatest
weight to his Majesty's Indian Affairs. The Indians having the greatest affection for the Son
of their late generous Benefactor. I wish your Lordship may think as favourably of Sir John's
proposals as I do, and that he may have the powers & necessaries as early as possible to carry
them into execution.
I transmit Your Lordship the many lists of Friends & Foes that have been left with me by
the Country People, and am with the greatest respect. My Lord,
Your Lordships most obedient Servant
W" Tryon.
Sir John Johnson to Governor Tryon.
{ :Jew-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXVIII. ]
Sir.
I hope the occasion and intention of this letter will plead my excuse for the liberty I take
in introducing to your Excellency the bearer hereof Captain Allen M"=Donell who will inform
You of many particulars that can not at this time with safety be committed to writing. The
distracted & convulsed State that this unhappy country is now worked up to, and the situation
that I am in here, together with the many Obligations our family owe to the best of Sovereigns
induces me to fall upon a plan that may I hope be of service to my country, the propriety of
which I entirely submit to Your Excellency's better judgement, depending on that friendship
which you have been pleased to honour me with for Your advice on and Representation to iiis
Majesty of what we propose. Having consulted with all my friends in this quarter, among
whom are many old and good Officers, I have come to the resolution of forming a Battalion,
and have named all the OfRcers, most of whom have a good deal of interest in their respective
neighbourhoods, and have now a great number of men ready to compleat the plan— We must
however not think of stirring till we have a support, & supply of money, necessaries to enable
us to carry our design into execution, all which M"" M'^Donell will inform Your Excellency of.
I make not the least doubt of the success of this plan, should we be supported in time. As
to news I must beg leave to refer you to M"' M'^Donell who will inform you of everything that
has been done in Canada that has come to our knowledge. As I find by the papers you are
65S NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
soon to sail for England I despair of having the pleasure to pay my respects to you but most
sincerely wish you an Agreeable Voyage and a happy sight of Your family & friends. I am,
Your Excellency's most obedient
humble Servant
John Johnson.
Certificate of the Pittsfield Committee.
[New-York Papers ( 8. P. O.) CLXVIII.]
Pitts Field. Dec' 18"- 1775.
Albany County.
This Certifies that it is the Opinion of this Committee and of the County Congress, &
People in general in this County, that ail lav?, for the collecting of private Debt, ought by all
means to cease for the present, in New York Government as well as this, till a new Constitution
is provided for all the Colonies, by the Continental Congress. We think it exceeding
hazardous to our common cause & tending to disunite us, and fling money into the pockets of
our Internal Enemies, which ought finally to go into the Continental Treasury, to allow of the
Collecting private debts by a course of law.
Provided nevertheless if any Person give reason to suspect that he is about to run away he
ought to be obliged to give reasonable security to his said Creditors.
As to what M' Van Olstine has done in suing M' Moray when he made him the fairest Offers
it is our opinion he ought to lose the cost himself and that the bail M' Moray was constrained
to give is unreasonable, & that the said Moray ought to be assisted by the good People in this
County, against the unreasonable demands of the said Van Olstine. And further, as M' Peter
Van Schaick' has brought up some account from New York against certain persons in
' Petkb Vas Sohaack was born at Kinderhook, Columbia Co,, N. Y., in March, 1747, and was graduated at King's ( now
Columbia) College, about 1766. He studied law in the oflSce of William Smith, was admitted to the bar in 1769 and took
up bis residence in the city of New-Yorlc. In 1773, when only 26 years of age, he was appointed to the responsible office of
collecting and revising tlie Statute Laws of the Colony. This, which was known as the Van Schanck edition, was published
by Hugh Gaine of New-York in 1774, in 1 toK, fol., pp. 835. In the beginning of the difficulties with England, Mr. Van
Schaack was friendly to the measures of non-importation and non-consumption, and was in favor of peaceful opposition, and
in May, 1775, removed his residence to Kinderhook, where he employed a considerable portion of his time in Vnttel,
Puffendorf, Grotius and other such writers, in the hope of finding precedents to support American resistance. Having made
up his mind to remain neutral, he declined signing the association to take up arms in 1776, and in 1777 refused to take the
oath of allegiance to the State of New-York, whereupon he was ordered to Boston. In April following he was allowed to
return to Kinderhook on parol. In June, the Legislature passed a law appointing commissioners of conspiracies, to call such
persons before them as they might think fit, and administer to them an oath acknowledging the independence of the State of
New-Yoi-k. Mr. Van Schaack, on being summoned, refused to tnke the prescribed oath; the penalty was perpetual banish-
ment Accordingly he sailed in October, 1778, for England, where he remained until the 10th of Jnne, 1786. He landed at
New-York on the 20th July and in January, 1786, a law was passed restoring him to the rights of citizenship. Ue resumed
the practice of his profession in his native villoge. In 1788 a law work wns published at New-York, entitled, "Conductor
Generalis, or The duty and authority of Justices of the Peace, High Sheriffs, Under Sheriffs, Coroners, Constables, Gaolers,
Jurymen and Overseers of the Poor," Ac, which Mr. Van Schaack revised and adapted to the United States of America.
After many years of successful practice, he at length departed this life 27th September, 1832, in tlie 86th year of his age, and
was interred in the village churchyard at Kinderhook. A Life of Mr. Van Schaack has been published by his son, 1 vol.,
8vo, New-York, 1842, from which the above particulars are borrowed. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLVI. 653
Kinderhook, as well as elsewhere, that he means to put in suit, it is our opinion he ought to
be obliged to desist from any such measure. The People in this County stand ready to aid
and assist the Sons of Liberty & Friends of their Country in Kinderhoolt and King's District,
against the wicked designs of the Tories, in distressing the friends of their Country by Law.
In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our hands.
(Sign'd.) Thomas Allen
John Strong
JosiAH Wright
Committee of Correspondence for the Town of Pitts field.
The Original was served on me the 26 Dec' 1775
(Signed) P. V. Schack.
Mr. William Smith to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers ( State Paper Office ) CLXVIII. ]
New York. 17 Dec' 1775
Sir.
I confess that I flattered myself with hopes that this Province might have been induced by
Your advice to set an example to the rest, for a return from their wanderings in that wide field
of discontent opened by the Continental Congress in 1774. My Brother assured me that
several of the Delegates were favorably disposed, and I consented to fall in at a Tavern where
he collected a number of them, to give me an opportunity to open a plan towards a
Reconciliation, under the form of Instructions to the Delegates for this Province at Philadelphia.
The prospect was fair until a Triumvirate discerned a spirit of moderation would be
inauspicious to their private aims, of gaining seats in the new Assembly, and by working
upon the general jealousies of the main Body, and tiie ambition of some members who had
ends similar to their own, they procured after several Days debate, the Rejection of a sett of
Resolves which my Brother' had incautiously framed, as introductory to the Instructions, that
would have succeded best without any Herald or Trumpet; and then on his withdrawing in
disgust, they went further than they at first intended and carried not only a Resignation of
their deliberative Powers to the Continental Congress, but established their own Dominion
over the Colony by constituting a Committee of Safety, in which only three of 21 Delegates
for this City, and about a dozen for the whole Province, are to have Voices. These Events
and the recent restraint upon the Assembly of New Jersey, in stopping their intended
application to the throne, shew a Design on their High Mightinesses at Philadelphia to exclude
all the Provincials Congresses from a Share in their Councils, and to reduce them to meer
executive instruments; and therefore the Torrent sets too strong for any resistance on this side
of the water.
• Tbouas Smith, one of the members of the Provincial Congress for the city of New-York. The resolutions are to be found
in the Journal ot ihkt body, I., 210. —Ed.
554 NEW- YORK COLONIAL RL^USCRIPTS.
I cannot sufficiently express the anxiety I feel in being obliged in candor to make a Confession
80 repugnant to my desires and unfriendly to my Country. If it may be expected, and I
should be miserable without the expectation, that we may be yet saved, by the magnanimity
of Great Britain, who can with your ease smooth down the rough brow of suspicion, at that
critical moment, when the news of the liberality of Parliament arrives. I tremble. Sir, at the
thought of Your absence at such a juncture, and yet I dare not say another word to perswade
Your excellency to continue Your Sacrifices, for a Province that has so illy requited them, if
the Act of a Congress, in which several Counties are not represented, & upon which many
members have turned their backs, can be imputed to the Body of the people, as I think it
ought not.
But if we must be abandoned to the Genius of Discord, ought not the Assembly to be
dissolved, and Your intention of sailing concealed, till the Elections are over. The Dissolution
will enable men of temper, to testify their Disapprobation of the present Violence, under a
popular and safe cloke form a Confederacy to correct and undermine the Tyranny erected
over the Colony, turn the eyes of the multitude to a power that is constitutional, and favor
future overtures for the restoration of harmony; and if you leave the Province before the
new house is formed, many who would otherwise be active will resign themselves to that
Torpor, ever attending a state of Despair. It is with reluctance I obtrude these confidential
Hints, and from a perfect affiance in the rectitude of Your intentions, and my veneration for
Your judgement, I shall give my Opinion to the winds, the moment it meets with Your
disapprobation, having the honor to be. Sir, very affectionately and sincerely Your most
obed' Serv'
W" Smith.
Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. O. ) CCLXII. ]
Brewer Street Golden Square
Jan-7 2U. 1776.
My Lord.
In obedience to your Lordships commands I have now (as soon as my health allowed,
committed to writing such matters as appeared necessary for his Majesty's information)
respecting the state of Indian affairs, accompanied with the heads of my proceedings last year,
and as I have express'd myself with candour and truth, I can with better confidence rely on
your Lordships indulgence and favorable reception of this letter, which I shall begin by
considering the state of things from the late war to the present times; pointing out as
briefly as possible those matters that appear to require redress, with the consequences to be
derived therefrom.
After the reduction of Canada the Indians received (by order of Government) every possible
assurance that their affairs and interests should continue to be strictly attended to under the
same happy system or plan of Super-Intendency, which from its institution had proved so
advantagious to the Crown and so satisfactory to them ; and those of Canada having
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VI. 655
complained much of the treatment they had met with from tlie French Agents, were
particularly assured that those persons should never again he permitted to have any concern
in their affairs, and they were all promis'd relief whenever the case required, witli a fair and
open trade, & a security against encroachments on their lands. But as the natural jealousy
of the Indians was much increased by our success, they resolv'd to keep a watchfull eye over
our conduct, and their suspicions encreased as our views and settlements extended. To
account for their conduct since as well as to form a judgmen[t] of what may in future be
expected from them, it is therefore necessary to enquire how far their hopes and expectations
have been answered, and what remains necessary to be done to remove any doubt of justice
and strengthen their attachment to government.
With regard to the Super-Intendency it was indeed preserved, but most of its authority
derived under the Kings instructions met with opposition, some of the Colonies wished to
have the Indians dependant on them, probably with a view to some future sinister purposes,
and individuals thought it a bar to their schemes of encroachment which began about that
time. A judicious system was prepar'd by the Board of Trade in 1765. which was honor'd
with his Majesty's approbation, but it was never carried into effectual execution. For altiio'
it would have proved of general advantage & convinced the Indians that government had both
power and inclination to serve them, it was represented as affecting some Indian traders ; in
consequence of which part of the regulations were left to the Colonies, and the rest fell
through ; on which subject Lord Hillsboro' in his letter to Sir Wm. Johnson of 1771.
(Number 17.) says " I lament that your authority does not extend to redress those grievances
" which are most material, and I am persuaded that could it have been foreseen that the
" Colonies would have been so backward and negligent in meeting those gracious intentions
" of the King which induced His Majesty to leave the regulation of the commerce to them,
" their representations on the subject would not have so far prevailed as to have occasioned
" such a deviation from the plan at first proposed, as has almost entirely defeated every useful!
" object it had in view." Sir W"" Johnson had before given it as his opinion that altho' the
Colonies wished for the power of regulating these matters, they would be at no trouble or
expence on the occasion, and with regard to Indian Lands, the thirst after them was become
too general to be prevented by any ordinary means in the power either of Super-Intendant or
a Governor; and the like might be said of many other circumstances of fraud and over
reaching, because the Indians were not under the laws and declined coming under them,
neither had the laws made provision for the peculiar state of these people ; so that the
clearest evidence of Indians, even of those who were christianized had no weight in a Court
of Justice; consequently the Indians, sensible when injured, attributed the want of justice to
want of inclination, and were often, with difficulty, prevented from committing the most
violent outrages.
The fears of a French power in America being remov'd, many persons travelled into the
back countries, who generally assumed to themselves some knowledge of Indian Affairs, and
affected to decry their power, genius, &" thereby endeavouring to prevent any enquiry into
these matters, and many of the French partizans accustomed to domineer over these Indians,
who lived within their power, disgusted them so soon as these Indians were by treaties
restored to the Confederacies from whence they had been seduced. The Indians also became
more sensible of the value of their lands, as they diminished in quantity; every new
application to them on that score alarmed their jealousy and produced secret meetings among
656 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
them; which would have often ended in war, but for S'' William Johnson's vigilance and
address. Some unjust dormant claims began to be revived, which sensibly affected the
Mohocks and spread thro' all the Nations, and some New England Agents at the treaty at
Fort Stanwix in 1768 endeavored under religious pretences to obtain a large tract in the
midst of the Indian country ; defeated in this, they erected a seminary far up on Connecticut
River, to which their emissaries drew some young Indians from Canada and by that
communication endeavored to alienate the Canadians and Indians from government, which
they in some measure effected during last winter.
Under all these circumstances so disadvantageous to government, the grievances of which
the foregoing are but a part, the jealousies and doubts thereby produced of the intentions of the
Crown, the fidelity of the Indians has not only been preserved, but from an impartial review
of their conduct last summer, tho' unhappily unsupported, they demonstrated an attachment
to the Crown, equal at least to what they had ever shewn under the most favorable
circumstances and the most powerful! aids; and if it was not in their power to save, they, by
their bravery & perseverance protracted the fate of Canada. In these points, my Lord, I
really do them but justice, tho' the affection they have shewn for me intitles them to my
warmest gratitude ; an attachment to a person who was dear to Sir W" Johnson, and for
many years particularly conversant in their affairs, was natural enough, & it was my ambition
to render this subservient to His Majesty's interests, whilst I believe they were encouraged to
persevere in the hope of recommending their suit to the King, respecting the powers of the
Super-lntendency and the redress of Grievances; and I am fully persuaded that an attention
to their interests, with a proper management of their concerns, will always secure their
fidelity to the Crown.
To preserve the Indians dependance on, & their attachment to the Crown, was one of the
objects in establishing the Super-lntendency. Had the Indians been without an OiBcer on
the part of His Majesty dispos'd to exert his utmost influence, and sacrifice every consideration
to the service of the King, there is the strongest reason to believe that the Indians would
have been deluded by those arguments which led the common people of America into rebellion,
and it's easy to conceive what they might have done with proper support, when a part of
them have acted with so much spirit and perseverance under the most discouraging
circumstances. Convinced therefore (as I am) that these people may be secured to the Crown
and rendered serviceable now, or on any future emergency, I shall with all due submission
deliver the heads of those matters which they have requested me to lay before His Majesty.
The first 1 shall mention is the case of the Mohocks which S' Will"" Johnson had
represented to have been long considered as a grievance by the whole Confederacy, the redress
of which would afford them the highest idea of our justice. This regards a power given by
the very strange old Charter of Albany to take up one thousand acres of their lands, which
lately that Corporation have attempted to lay on the very lands they cultivate and live upon.
The rectifying an error in the Boundary Line of 176S, then occasioned thro' the want of a
proper survey, by which the dwelling places of some of the Indians have been taken in near
the River Susquehanna, contrary to the express intentions of the parties at that time. — The
giving some confirmation or assurance to the Canajoharies of the lands on which they live,
which had also been claimed and afterwards released by all the claimants but one person, whose
obstinate refusal has given infinite disquiet. The taking some effectual measures for preventing
encroachments on the Boundary Line, & securing to them certain portions reserved by the
Fort Stanwix Treaty, which was ratified by His Majesty.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 657
The cases of which the foregoing are but heads, can be more fully explained by the Papers
in my custody.
Another point on which they have repeatedly applied regards Religion. That of the
Church of England was early introduced among them ; but for want of a sufficient fund there
is at present but one Missionary' of the Church throughout the whole Confederacy, which has
afforded an opportunity for introducing New England Missionaries, who diffuse their evil
principles with their religion ; and I must observe that the only part of the Six Nations with
whom I found any difficulty, was a village of the Oneidas where a New England Missionary
resided. The Indians therefore humbly request that some provision be made for enlarging
their religious establishment, which will be gratefully acknowledged and strengthen their
attachment to government. The modes of effecting this can be more at large explained.
The next point which they request concerns the Super-Intendency, that its powers and
extent may be so far ascertained as to afford them all the protection that can be expected from
such an Officer. On this subject they said much more to me than 1 incline to repeat. It may
however be proper to inform Your Lordship that Sir Will" Johnson's favorable opinion and
repeated advice induced me to apply a series of years in acquiring a knowledge of Indian
Affairs, well judging that a stranger must want both influence and capacity to serve His
Majesty therein, and that as I enter'd on the office with a view of being usefuU so Your
Lordship may be assured I should never hold any post in which I could not promote the
interests of government ; as this is my ambition, it is also my duty to mention that a proper
commission & instructions from His Majesty, with some local or other rank when in the field,
are necessary for the effectual discharge of the duties of that office. Without a proper
authority the Super-Intendant can he expected to do very little, and without some rank he
cannot properly manage or preserve order among his own officers. To this I might add the
fixing limits to the Department conformable to those of the Confederacys within it, or in
such manner as to be clearly ascertained; and this is the more necessary as after Major
Campbell's arrival, I could have no real authority in Canada, altho' I remained there whilst
there was any prospect, or the season would permit the Indians to stay; after which, agreable
to their own wishes (and after posting my officers in the best manner I could) I came over to
receive His Majesty's commands on all the foregoing matters, that I might return in a capacity
to render him good & faithfull service.
The Indian Chief who accompanied me, with his companion, are persons of character and
influence in their country; they can more at large speak on any matters that may be required
of them. Whilst I humbly offer the foregoing at the desire of the Indians and from a thorough
conviction that an attention thereto will produce solid advantage to the Crown, & altho' the
several subjects of this letter have drawn it to an immoderate length, yet I am sensible some
parts will require a more full explanation, which I shall take the liberty of offering whenever
I am honor'd with the opportflnity, that I may be the more effectually enabled to execute His
Majesty's commands.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, My Lord
Your Lordships most obedient
and most humble servant
G. Johnson
» EeT. John Stuart — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 83
658 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Journal of Colonel Guy Johnson from May to November^ 1Y75.
Extracts from the Records of Indian transactions under the Super-Intendency
of Col. Guy Johnson during the Year 1773.
Col. Johnson having early perceived that the different Colonies were about to follow the
example of the Massachusets Bay, and finding that various measures were taken by New
England Missionaries and others, to alienate the affections of the Indians & spirit them up to
bad purposes, he communicated the same to Lord Dartmouth in March, and soon after sent
messengers to call the Six Nations &"= to a General Congress. The 14"" of May he received
by express an account that a party of New Englanders were on their way to make him prisoner,
on which he fortified his house and kept a large guard at a considerable expense. A few days
after he found that his expresses to the Indians had been stopped, and the purport of his
messages altered, and that the provisions &'' his agent had provided at New York were seized,
together with the Ammunition and goods he was providing for the intended Congress. Finding
this & that his communication with the Indians would soon be totally obstructed, he resolved
to proceed to the Westward (with such presents &"= as he then had) and meet them in their
own country, while it remained practicable ; and during his preparation for this he secretly
received a dispatch from Gen' Gage, containing instructions. He then with such of the
Mohocks as were at home, and a body of armed white men, making together about 2-50
marched to the Upper Settlements under every circumstance of difficulty, and leaving all his
property at the discretion of the misguided populace, from thence he proceeded to Fort
Stanwix, where he met 260 Oneidas and Oughquagas with whom he held a conference, but
was obliged to take leave of them for want of provisions, the whole country being then in
arms behind him, and no possibility of obtaining supplies from thence. He accordingly wrote
to the Commanding Officer at Niagara and Oswegatchy for vessells and provisions, and on the
l?"" of June he arrived at Ontario,* to which place he had directed them to be sent, and where
one small sloop shortly after arrived with 90 barrels, which tho' all that could be spared from
Niagara was very unequal to supplying the Indians who assembled there in a few days to the
number of 1458. with about 100 white men, including the officers of the Department. From
the state of the country and the vilainous stories propagated it required some time with great
skill and influence to remove false reports and fix the Indians heartily in the interests of the
Crown. He however had the good fortune at length to bring them to resolve to co-operate
with His Majesty's troops in the defence of the communication and waters emptying into the
River S' Lawrence, and in the annoyance of the enemy, and also to send their band of
Warriors present with him, to Montreal, to inspire their dependants there with the same
resolutions. He also procured the like engagements from the Huron Chiefs of Detroit, who
attended the Congress ; which they very faithfully observed & thereby prevented the design
of the Virginians against that country, as the papers in his hands will shew. After which he
delivered them a handsome present, and a parcel of New arms &'' and his provisions being
nearly exhausted prepared to proceed for Montreal, but the Indians having few Canoes and
those unfit for crossing the Lake he was oblidged to set out July 11"" with the sloop and four
* At Ontario Col. Jolinson received letters from the Congress ordering him to desist from any attempts to secure the
Indians in His Majesty's interest.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 659
or five small boats carrying together 220 white men and Indians, the remainder of the latter
being necessitated to return home for want of craft to transport them; After giving him
assurances of their readiness to follow when called upon. Col. Johnson on his landing at
Montreal July 17"" with 220 Indians from Ontario, he had immediately an interview with
General Carleton, to whom he communicated his instructions and design to assemble the
Indians in that Country, to join those that had accompanied him; he also acquainted him with
the accounts he had received of the preparations making by the New Englanders at
Tieonderoga, and that they considered Canada as an essential object, adding that it would be
extremely necessary to put the Indians as soon as possible in motion, as they were
unaccustomed to remain long idle. The General observed that he had but a slender force of
regular troops, that the Province of Quebec must depend on the Canadian Militia, that he had
some hopes in a little time of assembly' a good body of them and that the Indians must in the
mean lime be amused in the best manner that could be found, as he did not think it prudent
to let them go beyond the 45"' deg. of Lat: or over the Province Line. Col. Johnson had
proposed to hold his conference witii the Indians at La Chine, to prevent the intemperance to
which they must be exposed at Montreal, and the Indians were so sensible of this, that they
were prevailed on with difficulty to come into town to oblidge General Carleton who wanted
to see them there. On the 26"" of July the Indians all assembled pursuant to Col. Johnson's
summons and finished their business on the last of that month when their number amounted
to IGO-l. who readily agreed to the same measures engaged by the Six Nations, after receiving
a valuable present, were disposed of in different camps on tiie Island of Montreal. An Indian
Officer and thirty men were also sent to S' Johns to remain there at the desire of Gen' Carleton.
On the 5"" of August the Indian Officer at S' Johns informed Col. Johnson of his having
discovered a large body of the enemy nearP' Aufer (above S' Johnson Lake Champlain) who
fired on his party, and of the eagerness manifested by the Indians to form a large body and go
against them. Col. Johnson immediately communicated tiiis to Brig' Prescott^ who commanded
on General Carleton's departure for Quebec. He also told Gen' Prescott that the Warriors of
the several Nations were to assemble that day, when he would give them the war belts, as
they appeared very spirited and in consequence of the rebelis approach would gladly go and
dispossess them of any posts they had taken on Lake Champlain, and that he should be glad
to have his sentiments upon it. The General answered that if any partys were sent out to
gain intelligence and see what the enemy were doing it might be well, but at present he did
' Sic.
'Lieutenant-General RicniRD Prescott was appointed Major in the 33d Foot 20th December, 1756; Brevet Lieutenant-
Colonel, 22d January, 1761; and in May following Lieutenant-Colonel of the 5Cith regiment, with which he served in
Germany; on the 19th November, of the same year, he exchanged into the 7th Royal Fuzileers, with which regiment he
came to Canada in the year 1773, having been made Brevet Colonel 22 June, 1772. On the reduction of Montreal by the
American forces in 1775, Colonel Preseott, who had the local rank of Bi igadier-General, attempted to descend to Quebec
with the English troops and military stores, but his retreat was cut off by an American force at Sorel, and was obliged to
surrender on the 17th of November, with eleven other officers and one hundred and twenty soldiers. Beatson's Naval and
Military Memoirs, IV., 104. lie remained a prisoner of war until September following, when he w.is exchanged for General
Sullivan. In November he became Colonel of his regiment, and in December was third in command of the expedition sent
against Rhode Island, where he remained in command of the Biitisli forces. His residence was about five miles from New-
port, where he had the misfortune of being again taken prisoner, on the 10th July, 1777, by a party of Americans under
Lieutenant-Colonel Barton. He was removed to Providence, thence to Pomfret, Conn., and finally exchanged for General
Lee, whereupon he returned and resumed his command at Rhode Island, and continued there until its final evacuation, 25th
October, 1779. He then returned to New- York, having been made Major-General on the 29th August, 1777 ; he rose to b»
Lieutenant-General Nov. 26, 1782, and died in 1788. — Ed.
660 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
not intend acting out of the line of the Province. On Col. Johnson remarking that Indians
could not be managed as other people, it being necessary at times to keep up their spirit and
encourage them, and therefore he should be glad to know what to say for their satisfaction on
that subject. The General replyed that arguments were needless on this occasion, his orders
being such as not to act out of the Line of the Province. Col. Johnson observed that this did
not appear to correspond with his instructions from General Gage, and that it would be a very
difficult matter to manage Indians under such circumstances and limitations ; on which the
General concluded with saying that all in the Province must be subject to General Carleton's
orders and that Col. Johnson must act in the best manner he could without going out of the
Colony. However the Indians being assembled. Col. Johnson delivered each Nation a War
Belt to be held ready for service ; which the Indians chearfully accepted, but said they were
afraid the Axe would cut them if they kept it long without using it. Several of the Six Nations,
Oughquissasnies &.'' having waited till the IS"* of August in hopes of some operations, returned
with their War Belt to Onondaga, after assuring Col. Johnson that they would be ready to
return whenever there was a prospect of vigorous measures. Col. Johnson continued to releave
the party at S' Johns by detachments from the different Indian Encampments & endeavoured
all in his power to render them contented with their situation. The party at S' Johns
continued to scout on Lake Champlain (within the limits prescribed) and on the 22'' of August
4 Indians detached from a larger party seized a new barge with which the rebels were
reconnoitring, which brought on a skirmish, wherein Capt. Baker a noted rebell was killed ;
whose head, together with his instructions, plans, &"= they brought into S' Johns. In this
affair three Indians were wounded. For some time past, notwithstanding all the cares to
prevent it, some of the Inhabitants &"= continued to sell liquor to the Indians and to strip them
of their cloalhing, propagating also many dangerous reports among them, and telling them that
they approved of the rebells coming, as it was for the interest of the Colony. The Indians
complained much of all this, and as they had already waited inactive, far beyond what they
had ever done before. Col. Jolmson wrote to Gen' Carieton representing their urgency to go
against the rebells or attack their communications; with his opinion that it would answer
great purposes, whilst restraining men unaccustomed to inactivity would abate their ardour and
might occasion their defection. To which the General answered that no one thing had yet
happened to make him alter his opinion in regard to the keeping the Savages within the line.
Col. Johnson therefore took all possible pains to amuse them and satisfie them on that head.
On the 3'' of September in consequence of reports brought by the Indians that the enemy
were advancing, Col. Johnson augmented the party at S' Johns to 4 officers and 121 Indians,
and on the afternoon of the 4"' General Prescott desired him to stop sending any more partys,
but keep them about the town, least the rebells might make an attempt on the City of
Montreal, by crossing the country. The next day an express arrived from one of Col.
Johnson's officers at S' Johns, informing that a scouting party of Indians had discovered the
rebell army on Isle au Noix (16 miles from S' Johns) and that a second Scout had fallen in
with some of them & exchanged a few shots, by one of which an Indian was wounded. The
General immediately ordered the walls of Montreal to be repaired, and summoned the
inhabitants to appear armed on the parade that evening, and Col. Johnson sent off an officer
and party of Indians, to cover the King's Magazines near La Chine, a body of 8G Canasadagas
Warriors also came in & joyned Col. Johnson, who told them the General requested that they
should remain in readiness to march when their service was most wanted. The next day the
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VI. 661
Rebell army came before S' Johns and on the 7"' at day light two Indians arrived with letters,
giving an account that the day before the first division being about 1000 men under a General
Montgomery, covered with vessells, row galleys &'' began to land about a mile from S' Johns,
when the Indians sallied out & engaged them with so much success that tiiey oblidged them
to retire twice, and that they had at length crossed the Lake and afterwards retreated to Isle
au Noix. The loss of the rebells according to the best accounts was one Field Officer 2
Captains, 2 Lieut' and about 30 men killed, and the wounded were since found to be double
that number. On our side Capt. Tice one of Col. Johnson's Officers was shot through the
thigh ; Cap' Daniel a faithful Mohack one Conijoharre, with 2 Caughnawagas killed, and
several wounded, of which 3 dyed soon after. The Indians complained much that there was
no troops to support them, and in the evening a detachment of 16 of the ae"" regiment, with
some of the recruits and volunteers were ordered out, with whom Col. Johnson sent 2 officers
and 70 Indians. On the lO"" of Sepf on a report that some Canadians had assured the
Caughnawagies that the rebells would destroy their town, Daniel Claus Esq. Dep^ Agent was
sent there to remove any fears on that head ; to whom the Indians complained that they had
lately been much traduced by some of the French gentlemen, who were too apt to be busy
about them, and resented that the Indians would not attend to them, observing that at the
reduction of Canada they had been assured that such persons should no longer interfere with
them. They added that their case was now very hard as they were threatned with ruin by
the rebells, assured by the Canadians that they would not oppose them, and that there appeared
no prospect of relief from any other quarter. From all which Col. Johnson perceived that
these people were so circumstanced that they could no longer be depended on. And this day
Major Campbell arrived, being appointed Agent of Indian Affairs for the Province of Quebec.
The next day a party of Indians reconnoitring were fired on by a considerable body of the
enemy, and Perthuus an interpreter, with an Indian, surprised & killed at a house on Lake
Champlain. On the 12"" Col. Johnson held a conference with the Caughnawagas, to remove
their apprehensions, and on the IS"" another was held in presence of General Carloton (then
returned from Quebec) in consequence of intelligence given Col Johnson by the Six Nations
that the rebells had employ'd Agents to negociate a neutrality with the Caughnawagas. This
day General Carleton gave his thanks to the Indians in general orders in the words following :
The General gives his thanks to the Indian Chiefs and Warriors who behaved so
gallantly in the action of the 6"" Instant near S' Johns and desires that the same may
be communicated to them and their Nations by Col. Johnson their Superintendant.
Fran' Le Maistre
Montreal Sept. 13. 1775. Maj-- Brigade
Col. Johnson continued his endeavours notwithstanding the general discouragement among
the Indians, that they might be in readiness in case the General could raise any force to go
against the enemy. On the 20"' one of Col. Johnsons Officers with his party of Indians were
oblidged to retire from the Prairie, as did the Indians from S' Johns, which was now compleatly
662 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
invested, and accounts received that a certain Livingston' with the inhabitants of Sorelle
had joined the rebells, on which the Generals &"= put their papers and baggage on board of
vessells in the River. The Rebells had now over ran all the country, and were in many places
joyned by the perfidious Canadians. The Indians thus without prospect of aid, began to provide
for their own security, after complaining bitterly of the disapointment of their hopes of succours,
and on the 25"' Col. Ethan Allan cross'd to the Island of Montreal and with a party of about
140 partly Canadians, began his march for that city, when he was opposed by a small [party]
of the 26"" regiment, some voluntiers and thirty Officers Rangers and Indians of the Indian
Department; the latter of whom fortunately falling on the flank, were Allan was, he delivered
up his sword and surrendered to one of Col. Johnson's Officers, who with his party took the
most of those made prisoners. On the 27"" Col. Johnson renewed his application to General
Carleton for marching a body of men, in which case he could still get many of the
neighbouring Indians to cooperate; to which the General answered verbally (by the Secretary
of Indian Affairs) that he hoped affairs were taking a more favourable turn, and that he should
very soon be able to form a better judgment. From this time to October 12"' every art and
means was used to assemble the Canadians and several came in, were cloathed and armed,
and afterwards joyned the enemy. Finding therefore the season so far advanced, the Indians
allmost all withdrew discontented, unwilling to credit any farther promises of aid ; that those
that remained earnestly soliicited for troops to be sent out and that Col. Johnson should
procure them the redress of sundry greivances tiiey had often represented, and also having at
the same time received Dispatches from the Secretary of State directing that their several
grievances should be immediately laid before the King; finding likewise that Major Campbells
powers as Agent for Canada must occasion some difficultys that would effectually obstruct the
service. Col. Johnson signified his intentions to go to England, get these points in some measure
adjusted before the Indians from their respective Nations could take the field next year. In
which resolution he was confirmed by the Indians, who deputed a faithfull young Chief to
accompany him, and having posted his officers as such places as they might be most usefuU
to preserve the fidelity of the Indians, with proper instructions, he proceeded for Quebec, from
whence he sailed for England the 11"" of November.
The foregoing is a brief Abstract from the minutes of Indian Affairs, and may serve to give
a general sketch of his conduct and success the last campain, tho' labouring under every
circumstance of disadvantage; but the points necessary to be inquired into and regulated, on
which the future good conduct of those hitherto faithfull people must depend, and the
reasonableness and propriety of Col. Johnson's proceedings, will appear from the annexed
state, which is honestly and impartially submitted.
A true Copy of Extracts from the Indian Records
London Jan^ 26"" 177G. Joseph Chew, Sec: of Ind" Affairs.
' Colonel James Livingston was the son of John L. and Catharine Ten Broeck of Montreal, where James married Miss
Elizabeth Simpson. Possessing some influence among the Canadians, he raised the standard of the American Congress in
Canada, and with a bod^- of those men seized Fort Chamhiy, its entire giirrison and stores, and afterwards accompanied
Montgomery to Quebec. On the failure of the expedition Col. Livingston returned to New-York, and in 1776 his men were
incorporated by Congress into a regiment called the Canadian Battalion. He was at the battle of Stillwater in 1779 ; in
1780 was quartered in the Highlands, and in January, 1781, his regiment was reduced. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VI. 663
Governor Tryon to tlie Earl of Dartmouth.
[New.Tork Papers (S. P. O.) CLXVIII., No. 29.]
N" 29. Duplicate.
Ship Dutchess of Gordon
Off" New York. 7'" Feb' 1776.
My Lord,
The loyal Inhabitants of this Province have experienced a variety of injuries and insults
since my despatch of the 5"" of ia.v? (N" 2S). The latter end of last month twelve hundred
men from Nev? Jersey, under the command of Col" Hard went over to Long Island, and after
ten days marauding disarmed upwards of six hundred inhabitants of Queen's County, and
took seventeen of the principal gentlemen prisoners, who have since been marched under
guard to Philadelphia.
The same manoeuvre has been practiced by Gen' Schuyler at the end of near four thousand
armed mob : He marched to Johnson Hall the 24"" of last month, where S' John had mustered
near Six hundred men, from his Tenants and neighbours, the majority highlanders, after
disarming them and taking four pieces of artillery, ammunition and many Prisoners, with 360
Guineas from S"" John's Desk, they compelled him to enter into a Bond in 1600 pound Sterling,
not to aid the King's Service, or to remave within a limited district from his house: Such,
My Lord, is the degrading situation of His Majesty's faithfuU Subjects in this Colony. The
Rebels have been active in disarming other parts of the Colony, and this plan was grounded
upon a Recommendation of the Provincial Congress here to the Continental Congress, to send
Troops from other parts to the Delinquents of this Country, as will be seen by the copy of
their letter among the enclosures.
I am with great respect,
My Lord, Your Lordship's most obed' Serv'
Earl Dartmouth. W" Tryon.
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
[ New-York Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXVIII., No. 80. ]
N" 30. Duplicate.
Ship Dutchess of Gordon
off New York S""- Feb'' 1776.
I am happy to have an opportunity to communicate to Your Lordship the victory obtained
by General Carlton over the rebel forces before Quebec the 31" Dec' last, in which action
their Commander General Montgomery was slain.
General Wooster's letter from Montreal to Warner and an account Major Skene sent me are
the best accounts received of that fortunate event, wherein I am informed but three men of
Arnold's party (consisting of Eight Hundred) escaped, being either killed or taken prisoners.
Accounts were received yesterday from Canada ([ can't learn the date) which mention that
General Carlton had sent out partys into the Country, and taken many of the Canadian
g64 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Rebels who had been tried and convicted, and Twenty two hanged. It is generally beleived
the Provincials have entirely evacuated Canada; some detachments however have left
Philadelphia, New England, and the Green Mountain Boys to reinforce the Debris of the
Provincial Army in that Country.
By late Secret Intelligence from the Northward and as far Westward as Detroit, I have
the agreeable information that the Indians are firmly attached to the King's interest. The
Indians have chosen Peter Johnson, the natural son of S'W" Johnson (by an Indian Woman)
to be their Chief. He is intrepid and active, and took with his own hand Eathan Allen in a
barn, after his detachment was routed near Montreal.
The Indian Department demands all possible attention and a Commission of General to
Peter would be politic. To fix and retain the Indians, by very liberal presents & encouragement
will be of the highest Importance to the King's service at this Crisis. Presents sent to them
by way of Quebec will be the most certain channel, and an Assortment sent to this Port will
also be very expedient to be sent up to Albany, as soon as the Troops arrive in this Colony.
I am assured the Indian Nations will make a powerfull diversion on the Borders of the Lake
very early this Spring, cut off all Parties going to reinforce the enemy, and probably seize all
the Vessels, Battaus, and Row Gallys before they are liberated from the ice, and then join
General Carlton in Canada, or come down to Albany as occasion may require.
This, My Lord, is the Plan of Operations for the Ifldians and I expect it will be executed
and succeed. The enclosures relative to Canada transactions herewith transmitted will
farther explain to Your Lordship the happy restoration of his Majesty's affairs in that
Government.
I am with all possible respect and esteem. My Lord, Your Lordship's most ob'
hum*'' Servant,
Earl Dartmouth. W" Tryon.
Brigadier-General Wooster to Colonel Warner.
[New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXVIII. ]
Montreal 6"" Jan's- 1776
Dear Sir.
With the greatest distress of mind, I now sit down to inform you of the event of an
unfortunate attack made upon Quebec, between the hours of 4 & 6 of the morning of the 31"
Decemb' last. Unfortunate indeed for in it fell our brave General Montgomery, his Aid de
Camp M'^Pherson, Captain Cheeseman, Capt" Hendrick of the Rifle Men, & two or three
Subaltern Officers, & between sixty and a hundred Privates, the number not certainly known,
& about three hundred Officers and Soldiers made prisoners. Amongst wiiich is Lieut. Col"
Green, Major Bigelow, Major Miggs, & a number of Captains and inferior Officers.
Col. Arnold was wounded in the leg in the beginning of the action, as was Major Ogden in
the shoulder, and brought off to the general hospital. I have not time to give you all the
particulars, but this much will shew you that in consequence of this defeat our present prospect
in this Country is rendered very dubious, & unless we can be quickly reinforced, perhaps they
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. (565
may be fatal, not only to us, who are stationed here, but also to the Colonies in general. As
in my Opinion the safety of the Colonies, especially the Frontiers, greatly, very greatly,
depends, upon keeping possession of this Country.
You know as well as any man the temper, disposition & character of the Canadians. That
they are not to be depended upon, but, like the Savages, are very fond of chuseing the
strongest party. Add to this, our enemies in this country, of which there are many, they use
every method to excite the Canadians against us ; Among other things they tell them the
United Colonies intend to abandon this country, the clergy refuse absolution to ail who have
shewn themselves our friends, and preach damnation to all those who will not take up arms,
against us, & tell them that even now it is not too late, that we are but a handfull of Men,
&c &c.
I have sent an express to Gen' Schuyler, Gen' Washington & the Congress, but you know
how far they have to go, & that it is very uncertain how long it will be before we can have
relief from them. You, Sir, and the valiant green Mountain Corps, are in Our neighbourhood,
You all have arms, and, I am confident, ever stand ready to lend a helping hand to Your
bretheren in distress.
I am sensible there was some disagreement between General Montgomery' and you. Poor
man he lost his life in fighting valiantly for his Country. But why do I mention anything
' Major-General Ricbard Montgomery was the youngest son of Thomas M., M. P. for Lifford, and brother-in-law of Charles,
4th Viscount Ranelagh. He was born on the 2d December, 1736, at Convoy House, his father's seat, near Ra^ihoe, county of
Donegal, Ireland; received his education at Trinity college, Dublin ; entered the army as Ensign in the 17th regiment of
Foot, on the 21st August, 1756, and landed at Halifax with that regiment on the 3cl of June, 1757. In the following year he
served under Wolfe at the siege of Louisbourg, and with such distinction, that he was immediately promoted to a Lieutenancy,
10 July, 1758. After the fall of that place, the 17th regiment formed part of the forces sent in 1759, with Amherst, to reduce
the French forts on Lake Champlain, and Montgomery became Adjutant of his regiment on the 15th of May, 1760, in which
year it formed part of the army that advanced from Lake Champlain against Montreal, under the command of Colonel
Haviland. He served in the West Indies in 1762, on the 6th of May of which year he was promoted to be Captain.
After returning to New-York he went back to Ireland in 1767. Captain Montgomery retired from the service in 1772, and
returned to America in January, 1773; in July following he married Janet, the daughter of Justice Livingston {supra, p.
192,) and settled at Rhinebeck, Dutchess Co., N. Y., where he devoted himself to agricultural pursuits. In April, 1775, he
■was elected one of the delegates from his county to the first Provincial Congress at New-York, and in June following was
appointed Brigadier-General by the Continental Congress. He at once " obeyed the will of an oppressed people, compelled
to choose between liberty and slavery," and set out at the head of an expedition against Canada. After reducing St. Johns,
Charably and Montreal, he effected a junction with Arnold before the walls of Quebec, where he gloriously fell at the head
of his men on the 31st December, 1775, in the 40th year of his age, having been shot through both his thighs and through
his head. In person, General Montgomery was tall and slender, well limbed, of genteel, graceful, manly address, and pos-
sessed the voluntary love and confidence of the whole army. On receiving intelligence of his death, Congress voted a
monument to his memory, and in 1818 his remains were taken up and conveyed to New-York, where they were deposited
with the highest honors in St. Paul's Church. Army Lists ; Armstrong's Life of Montgomery in Sparks' Aynerican Biography, I.
Most writers who have noticed the life of this brave man, have represented that he accompanied Wolfe to Quebec. M.
Garneau goes farther: Having stated ( Histoire du Canada, 2d ed., t. II., 307 ) that "a detachment of 300 men, sent under
the orders of Captain Montgomery, to St. Joachim, where some farmers took up a defensive position, had committed the
grossest cruelties there, and massacred the prisoners in cold blood and in a most barbarous manner"; and having given, in a
note, the words of his authority: "All of whom ( the prisoners) the barbarous Captain Montgomery who commanded,
ordered to be butchered in a most inhuman and cruel manner ;" he adds in another note, at p. 429 of the same volume, when
speaking of the invasion of Canada by General Montgomery, in 1775, "Ce dernier 6tnit le meme Montgomery qui servait
dans I'armee du General Wolfe in 1759, et qui commandait le detachement Anglais envoye pour brfller St. Joachim." — "This
latter was the same Montgomery who was serving in General Wolfe's array in 1759, and who was in command of the English
detachment sent to burn St. Joachim." The injustice of this charge will be remarked at once when It is known : 1st. that
Richard Montgomery was not a Captain in 1759 ; 2dly. That he was not at Quebec in Wolfe's time. Manuscript in the Library
of the Jfew - York Historical Society ; Dunlap's History nf New ■ York, IL, 17 ; Armstrong, ut supra. — Eu.
Vol. VIII. 84
666 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
about disagreement to you. I know private resentment cannot prevent your exerting every
faculty to vindicate the rights and priviledges for which we are so nobly contending.
Therefore let me beg of you to collect as many men as you can. Five, or Six, or Seven
hundred if it can be done, and some how or other get into this country, & stay with us till
we can have relief from the Colonies.
You are sensible we have provisions here in abundance and the weather in this Country I
assure you, is far, very far, from being so frightfuU as many have imagined. You'l see that
proper Officers are appointed under you & both Officers and soldiers shall be paid as other
Continental Troops are. It will be well for Your men to set out as soon as they can be
collected. It is not so much matter whether together or not, but let them be sent by Tens,
Twentys, Thirtys, Fortys, or Fifty's as they can be collected, for it must have a good effect
ou the minds of the Canadians, to see Succours coming on.
You will be good enough to send copies of this letter, or such part of it as you think proper,
to the people below you ; 1 can't but think our Friends will push for this Country. I am
confident you will not disappoint my most fervent wish and expectation of seeing you here
with your men, in a very short time.
Now is the time to distinguish Yourselves, & obtain the united applauses of your very
gratefull countrymen, & of Your distressed Friends in Canada, & of Your sincere friend
& most h"' Serv*
To, Col. Warner, or in his absence to the David Wooster.'
principal gentlemen in Cumberland and
Charlotte Counties.
(A Copy.)
Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth.
Sew-Tcrk Papers ( S. P. O) CLXVIII. ]
N" 31 Duplicate.
Ship Dutchess of Gordon
off New York S'" FebJ- 1776
My Lord,
General Clinton arrived in this Harbour in the Mercury the fourth Ins' with much satisfaction
I communicated to him every circumstance of a public nature that has come to my knowledge,
• M»jor-General David Woostkr Was born in Stratford, Conn., in 1711, and graduated at Yale College in 1738. On the
breaking out of the Spanish war in 1739, he was appointed Captain of an armed vessel fitted out by the Colony for the
protection of the coast, and in 1745 served as Captain in Col. Burr's regiment at the siege of Louisbourg, on which occasion
he was taken prisoner and sent to France. When released, he passed over to England and was rewarded with a commission
of Captain in the 51st or Sir \Vm. Pepperell's regiment, and went on half pay in 1748, when that regiment was broke. On
the renewal of the war with France in 175.5, he was appointed Colonel of a Provincial regiment, in which capacity he served
under Amherst in 1759, 60, and when peace Wiis concluded, returned to private life. He received half pay as Captain in
Pepperell's regiment until 1774, when his name was stricken off the roll. In the following year he was elected Brigadier-
General in the Continental service, and served in Canada in the unfortunate campaign of 1775, 6. He soon after resigned his
commission and was appointed first Major-General of the Connecticut Militia, when he directed his attention to securing that
State against the enemy. Whilst opposing a detachment of British troops sent to destroy the public stores at Danbury, ha
was mortally wounded on the 27th April, and expired on the 2d May, 1777, aged 66 years, leaving behind him the character
of a brave and good officer, an ardent patriot, and an honeit, benevolent and virtuous citizea Barber's Connecticut Historical
OoUeetions, 407. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VI. 667
and furnished him with such information of the Southward Colonies as I am hopefull may be
of some service.
Gen' Lee came into this Town last Sunday, escorted by a company of Rifle men, his body
guard, and a Regiment of Connecticut men, commanded by Col" Waterbury.
The day before Yesterday Lord Sterling at the head of four Companies of Jersey troops
also arrived here, and more are expected. This City is in Terror and confusion : One half of
its inhabitants have witi)drawn with their effects, hundreds without the means to support
their families.
It is said preparations are making that indicate hostilities against the King's Ships. The
Asia and Phoenix have been obliged to draw very near the Wharfs, having been much distressed
by the floating cakes of Ice, but as the weather is abated, I trust the severity of the Season
is past.
The Secretary of the Province came Yesterday to inform me he had orders from the
Committee to remove the Records, he declared he could not without the Order of Government.
Then, said they, go to the Governor. The inclosed offer made to the public through the
Mayor I prepared accordingly. I have had such Records as immediately concern the Crown
some time on board the Dutchess of Gordon.
My family of Servants have been insulted in my house, one taken out of it and confined
twenty four hours in the Barracks.
My communication with the shore I arg told is to be stopped. I am with all possible
respect, My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obed' Serv'
Earl Dartmouth. W" Tryon.
Governor Tryon to Mayor Hicks.
(Copy.)
The Governor thinks the town in perfect safety, unless an attempt is made to annoy, the
King's Ships, or remove his Majesty's Artillery, and if there is that design, he is willing to
charter a vessel to put the records on board, and to lay in this harbour, and will pledge his
honour that no injury shall come to the Records from any of the King's Forces, but that they
shall be kept in security for the public, but he will not assent to the removal of them to any
other place on shore, as he thinks they cannot be there in any place of greater safety than
they are at present.
W" Tryon.
Ship Dutchess of Gordon
off" New York V"- Feb'' 1776
Original to W. Hicks Esq'
Mayor of the City of New York.
668 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lords of Trade to (lie King.
[ Plantalions General Entries, XLYI. (N.) p. 48T.]
To the KtxGs MOST Excellent Majesty
May it please Your Majesty
In obedience to Your Majesty's Commands, signified to us by Lord George Germain, we
have prepared and herewith humbly beg leave to lay before Your Majesty the Draught of an
additional Instruction to the Governors and Commanders of certain of Your Majesty's Colonies
and Plantations in America, requiring them to carry into strict Execution an Act passed in the
present Session of Parliament for the prohibition of all Trade and intercourse with several
of Your Majesty's Colonies therein mentioned
Which is most humbly submitted
SoAME Jenyns
C. F. Geeville
Whitehall W, Jolliffe
Feb: 13, 1776. Whitshed Keene
Additional Instruction to Our Trusty and Welbeloved Guy Carleton Esquire,
Our Captain General and Governor in Chief in, and over Our Province of
Quebec in America and of all Our Territories dependent thereupon. Given
Whereas an Act hath been passed in the present Session of Parliament, intituled "An
" Act to prohibit all Trade and intercourse with the Colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusets
" Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three Lower
•' Counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia,
"during the continuance of the present Rebellion within the said Colonies respectively; for
"repealing an Act made in the fourteenth year of the Reign of His present Majesty to
'' discontinue the landing and discharging lading or shiping of Goods Wares and Merchandize,
«' at the Town and within the Harbour of Boston in the Province of Massachusets Bay ; And
" also two Acts made in the last Session of Parliament for restraining the Trade and Commerce
" of the Colonies in the said Act respectively mentioned ; and to enable any person or persons
" appointed & authorized by His Majesty to Grant Pardons to issue Proclamations in the Cases
" and for the purposes therein mentioned," It is Our Royal Will and Pleasure, and you are
hereby instructed and required to have especial care that the said Act be duely observed by
all persons within Your Government, and it will be your particular duty in Granting Licences
in writing under your hand and Seal to Ships and Vessels for going to any Port or Place in
the aforementioned Colonies to see that the said Licences be granted to such Ships and Vessels
only as are specified and described in the said Act, and that the Form or Forms observed by
you in granting the said Licences, be strictly agreable to what is therein prescribed and laid
down ; for your better Government and Direction wherein, We have hereunto annexed the
Form to be observed by you as follows, Viz'
" To all Flag Officers, Captains, Commanders and other commissioned Officers in His
«' Majesty's pay, And also to all others, whom these presents shall or may concern. In
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VI. 669
" pursuance of an Act passed in the present Session of Parliament, intituled An Act to
" prohibit all Trade and intercours with the several Colonies in North America, therein
" mentioned, I do hereby Authorize and permit Master of the Ship
•' of the burthen [to proceed with the said Ship and Cargo, consisting of the
" particulars specified in the Schedule annexed from the Port of to the Port of
" there to unload and deliver the said Cargo, and to return from thence with his said
" Ship to this Licence to subsist and be in force from the day of the date hereoft
" until her return as aforesaid"]
In the case of Transports employed in Our Service, the words between Hooks shall be
omitted and the following ones shall be adopted, Viz' ["being a Transport employed in His
" Majesty's service to proceed in His said Ship to some Port or Ports in North America, and to
" return from thence with his said Ship to This Licence to subsist and be in force
•' from the day of the date hereof until the day of or for so long as she
"shall be employed in His Majesty's service as aforesaid Given under my hand and Seal the
day of "
Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council.
[ New-York Entries, LXIX., p. 53. ]
To the Right Hon''''' the Lords of His Majestys most Hon'''^ Privy Council for Plantation
Affairs.
My Lords
Pursuant to your Lordships Order of the 21 of Dec: last We have taken into Our
Consideration the Matters therein contained respecting the Case of Micheel Chartier de
Lotbiniere stiling himself Seigneur d'AIIainville and de Hocquart and the reasonableness of
making some adequate compensation to him for his pretensions to the said Lordship of
Alainville and Hocquart by recommending him to his Majesty for a Grant of Land in some
one of his Majestys American Provinces in consideration of his said pretensions as well as of
the losses and expences in which he has been involved by the proceedings of His Majestys
Governors of New York in Granting away Lands within the aforementioned Lordships in
express disobedience to orders received from hence whereupon be beg leave to Report to
your Lordships.
That before we state Our opinion of what may be a reasonable Compensation to M""
Lotbiniere in the matter referred We must observe that although his claims extend to both
the Lordships of Alainville and Hocquart yet upon a review of our proceedings in his Case
we cannot for the reasons set forth in Our report to your Lordships of the 25"" of May last see
any such foundation in his pretensions to Alainville has can warrant the advising any
compensation whatever to be made to him for his interest in that Lordship so that whatever
we have to recommend will be grounded solely on his claim to the Lordship of Hocquart and
the consideration of the losses and expences in which has been involved by the Proceedings
of the Governor of New York.
670 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Lordship of Hocquart is described as lying on the East side of Lake Champlain
extending four leagues in front and five leagues in Depth and may be computed to contain
about 115,000 Acres of Land.
By the proceedings of the Council of New York on the 2^ day of Sepf 1771 it appears that
almost the whole of this Lordship was granted away under the Seal of New York principally
to Officers and Soldiers according to His Majestys proclamation of the 7"" of Ocf 1773.
As the greatest part therefore and probably the best in quality of those Lands has been
thus granted away we think that the most equitable way of making Compensation to M'
Lotbiniere will for his Majesty to direct the Governor of Quebec to make a new Grant to
M' Lotbiniere of other Lands within that Colony equivalent as nearly as may be in point of
extent and in the advantages of Soil & Situation to that of Hocquart to be held upon the like
terms and Considerations as Lands are now held by His Majestys other Canadian Subjects;
provided that upon his being put in possession of this Grant he shall cause a full and ample
surrender to be made of all his right and title to the aforesaid Lordship of Hocquart so that
the present occupants who chiefly consist of Officers and Soldiers disbanded at the conclusion
of the last War may be quieted and secured in their possessions.
At the same time that we state this as what we think will be a liberal compensation to M'
Lotbiniere we should have been glad to have informed your Lordships that he had acquiesced
in the same sentiments but as he has declined giving his attendance at Our Board though
invited thereto we submit the whole to your Lordship with this observation that if M'
Lotbiniere shall not think proper to accept the proposed compensation it will then remain for
him to pursue his Claim or Claims by due Course of Law in such manner as he shall
be advised.
We are My Lords
Your Lordships most obedient and
most humble Servants
SOAME JeNYNS
W. JOLLIFFE
Whitehall Whitshed Keene
Feb: 13. 1776 C. F. Greville
Speech of Captain Brant to Lord George Germain.
[ Plantation! General ( S. P. O. ) CCLXII. ]
The Speech of Thayendenegeh a Chief, accompanied by Oteroughyanento a
Warrior, both of the Six Nations. 14 March, 1776.
To the Right Hon'''* Lord George Germaine one of His Majestys Principal Secretarys
of State.
Brother Gorah.
We have cross'd the great Lake and come to this kingdom with our Superintendant Col.
Johnson from our Confederacy the Six Nations and their Allies, that we might see our Father
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 671
the Great King, and joyn in informing him, his Councillors and wise men, of the good
intentions of the Indians our bretheren, and of their attachment to His Majesty and his
Government.
Brother. The Disturbances in America give great trouble to all our Nations, as many
strange stories have been told to us by the people in that country. The Six Nations who
alwayes loved the King, sent a number of their Chiefs and Warriors with their Superintendant
to Canada last summer, where ihey engaged their allies to joyn with them in the defence of
that country, and when it was invaded by the New England people, they alone defeated them.
Brother. In that engagement we had several of our best Warriors killed and wounded, and
the Indians think it very hard they should have been so deceived by the White people in that
country, the enemy returning in great numbers, and no White people supporting the Indians,
they were oblidged to retire to their vilages and sit still. We now Brother hope to see these
bad children chastised, and that we may be enabled to tell the Indians, who have always been
faithfull and ready to assist the King, what His Majesty intends.
Brother. The Mohocks our particular Nation, have on all occasions shewn their zeal and
loyalty to the Great King; yet they have been very badly treated by his people in that
country, the City of Albany laying an unjust claim to the lands on which our Lower Castle is
built, as one Klock and others do to those of Conijoharrie our Upper Village. We have been
often assured by our late great friend S"' William Johnson who never deceived us, and we
know he was told so that the King and wise men here would do us justice; but this
notwithstanding all our applications has never been done, and it makes us very uneasie. We
also feel for the distress in which our Bretheren on the Susquehanna are likely to be involved
by a mistake made in the Boundary we setled in 17C3. This also our Superintendant has laid
before the King, and we beg it may be remembered. And also concerning Religion and the
want of Ministers of the Church of England, he knows the designs of those bad people and
informs us he has laid the same before the King. We have only therefore to request that his
Majesty will attend to this matter: it troubles our Nation & they cannot sleep easie in their
beds. Indeed it is very hard when we have let the Kings subjects have so much of our lands
for so little value, they should want to cheat us in this manner of the small spots we have
left for our women and children to live on. We are tired out in making complaints & getting
no redress. We therefore hope that the Assurances now given us by the Superintendant may
take place, and that he may have it in his power to procure us justice.
Brother. We shall truly report all that we hear from you, to the Six Nations at our return.
We are well informed there has been many Indians in this Country who came without any
authority, from their own, and gave much trouble. We desire Brother to tell you this is not
our case. We are warriors known to all the Nations, and are now here by approbation of
many of them, whose sentiments we speak.
Brother. We hope these things will be considered and that the King or his great men will
give us such an answer as will make our hearts light and glad before we go, and strengthen
our hands, so that we may joyn our Superintendant Col. Johnson in giving satisfaction to
all our Nations, when we report to them, on our return; for which purpose we hope soon
to be accomodated with a passage.
Dictated by the Indians and taken down by
Jo: Chew. Sec'
672 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
(N''2.)
Governor Tryon.
Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon.
[New-Tort Papers (S. P. O.) CLXVIII., No. 2.]
Whitehall 2S"' March 1776
Sir.
I must not omit the opportunity of a Packet, which I am dispatching to Boston with letters
for General Howe, to acquaint you that Your resolution and perseverance in the exertion of
every commendable effort to promote his Majesty's service in a situation that exposes you to
so much distress and Inconvenience is highly approved by the King, as well as the great
attention you have shewn to the procuring and transmitting to me the very important
Intelligence contained in the Dispatches I have received from you.
The severe check the Rebels met with on the 31" DeC before the walls of Quebec, of which
fortunate Event we received the first authentic intelligence from you, has, I trust, secured
to his Majesty the possession of that fortress, and I hope that the very considerable Force which
his Majesty intends to employ on that side will find little Obstruction to their penetrating into
New York by the way of the Lakes, and giving succour to those operations which I think
cannot fail of having the effect to re-establish the Constitutional authority of Government in
that Province.
In the prosecution of these operations Your advice and assistance will be very useful and it
is very fortunate for his Majesty's Service that there is upon the spot, where those operations
are to be carried on, a person upon whose judgement his Majesty's Officers may, with so great
confidence, rely.
His Majesty's Pardon has been obtained for the three convicts mentioned in Your letter of
the S"" of Dec' and they have been admitted to employment in the Ordnance Department. I
have also taken the proper Steps for a due compensation being made to M' Rattle, & that
Your servant should not go unrewarded for his care in bringing over Your last Dispatches.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York Papers ( State Paper Office ) CLXVIII. )
N» y.
Ship Dutchess of Gordon,
North River, New York.
6'" April 1776.
My Lord,
By the Swallow packet I had the honour to receive the 10"- of last month Your Lordship's
Dispatches to the 23'' of December with their Inclosures. The late Act of Parliament
restraining the Commerce of America I forwarded to Captain Hyde Parker, commanding
Naval Officer of this Port, with Your Lordship's Communication of His Majesty's Commands
thereon.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLVI. 673
Several of the numerous and Spirited Addresses contained in the London Gazettes T had
copied (as I could not get them published) and circulated them through the Province, as well
as every other publication that could tend to withdraw the people from the madness of their
Proceedings. The Pamphlet entitled "The Rights of Great Britain asserted against the
Claims of America" has been greedily sought after.' I should have been pleased to have
had one thousand of them to distribute through the Country, the inhabitants whereof are
kept by the tyranny and misrule of their leaders in the blindest ignorance of the true state
of their Situation. My letter of Exhortation to the Inhabitants of the Colony (which they
have had the grace to put in the publick papers) has drawn upon me the ill will of the dregs
of the City, insomuch that they publickly exhibited an effigy of me, attended with all the
parade of savage malice to mark their Resentment and have since Offered five hundred pounds
for the capture of my person.
The whole North Front of Fort George is dismantled and Merlons erected on the Faces
of the Fort that look to the North and East Rivers. Also Merlons are constructed on the
lower battery. I am told they purpose to intrench and fortify upon the Banks of the Narrows,
that is on Staten and Long Island, and every where else that they think can obstruct the
approach of the King's Fleets and Armies.
Provisions have been hitherto Supplied (some very short capricious Intervals excepted)
both to the King's Ships, and the Dutchess of Gordon, but am credibly informed no more will
be sent after this week, as the Eastern army now in the City is determined to cut us ofT from
every supply from the shore, as soon as their plan of operations for that purpose is compleated.
I expect I have provisions in the Ship for three Months, but trust I shall be releived by the
strength of His Majesty's Armament before I am quite drove out of my Government by either
force or famine.
Permit me. My Lord, humbly to express the warmest duty and gratitude of his Majesty's
servants in this Province for his gracious consideration of their distressed & exposed situation,
and the consolation I receive in the Royal approbation of my remaining in my Government in
its present revolted state.
I am, with all possible Respect,
My Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient humble Servant
Lord George Germain. W™ Tryon.
N''4.
Governor Try on to Lord George Germain.
t New-York Papers (SlaU) Paper Office) CLXVIII.]
Ship Dutchess of Gordon, North River
New York, 6"" April 1776,
My Lord,
Since my last publick Dispatches by the Brig three Sisters, to N" 33 inclusive, this Province
has become more particularly the Object of attention and Military Operations by the enemy
' Thia pamphlet was written, according to Sir James Macintosh, by Sir Jolin Dalryraple. It purported to be an answer to
the Declaration of Independence. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. S5
674 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
than formerly. General Clinton's departure from Boston, subsequent arrival here, occasioned
a considerable Body of their Troops to be assembled at this Metropolis, and being assembled
something was to be attempted. The first Object was to seize on the King's Artillery and
Military stores in Fort George, and on the lower battery, which they carried off without
opposition on the I !"■ of February (the same day that General Clinton sailed out of this Fort)
Cap' Parker finding it impossible to interrupt this outrage otherwise than by firing on the
City. The ice keeping the Ships of war so near within shore that he was of opinion he could
not bring the Ships under his Command to lay off the Fort and Battery, where the Artillery
and Chief Part of the stores were deposited without great risk to the King's Ships from the Ice
at that severe season. The destruction therefore of the City where there were so many friends
to Government, with the loss of all their property, & the consideration of preserving the town
for the King's army was thought to be too great sacrifices to make for only retarding the
removal of the Artillery and Stores, which even after such sacrifices could have been carried off
by the Jersey and the Connecticutt Troops; who came into town with full expectations, and
the declarative purpose of sharing in the plunder of the effects of the Inhabitants as soon
as the King's Ships should fire on the City.
The day after the removal of the Stores &"= I received a letter from Capt° Parker* signifying
his intentions of going to Sandy Hook with His Majesty's Ships under his command. I in
answer suggested to him some reasons for wishing he might continue in the East River.
Copies of the letters that passed between us on this occasion I have the honour herewith to
transmit to Your lordship. Cap' Parker delayed the removal of the Ships until the l?"" which
gave me an oppertunity of proroguing the General Assembly and I am satisfied from what has
since happened that his staying longer in the East River could not have been attended with
any advantage to the King's Service. On the removal of the Phoenix to below the narrows
Cap' Vandeput in the Asia was stationed in the North River, under whose protection I have
remained since the 17"" of February.
It would be impossible, My Lord, from my confined situation to give you a particular detail
of the various manoeuvres of the Americans. The Gazettes and other Papers herewith
transmitted will afford you much information of the unabated vigor and desperate excesses
with which the efforts of the enemy are carried on in Opposition to His Majesty's Government
in most Parts of the Continent. The Streets in the City of New York are barricaded with
Breast Works, and every head land and commanding Spot of ground in its Environs, are
fortified, or to be fortified, with Intrenchments, Redoubts, and Batteries.
' Sir Hide Parker, Knt., second son of the Vice-Admiral of the same nnme, was born in 1739 ; became Lieutenant in the
navy 25 January, 1758, and was promoted to be Captain July 18, 1763, when he was put in command of the frigate
Hermione, 28. He commanded the Phoenix, 44, on the North American station, and was attached to the fleet to oppose
Count d'Estaing in 1778. On the 27th November of tbat year. Commodore Parker sailed from New-York in command of the
convoy against Savannah ; and having reduced tliat place, issued a proclamation 4tli January, 1779, offering freedom to the
slaves, and pardon to deserters, and grace to all who should join the Royal Standard. As a reward for his services, be
received the bonor of Knighthood on his return to England in 1779, when he was attached to the fleet under Admiral Sir
Charles Hardj' that was sent out to oppose the combined navies of France and Spain, then threatening a descent on England.
In January, 1780, his frigate formed part of the convoy of the merchantmen to the West Indies ; and on the 7fh August,
1781, be commanded the frigate Latona, 38, in the engagement, when his father defeated the Dutch fleet off the Doggerbank.
In 1782 he was promoted to the Goliali, 74, and was attaelied to the fleet under Rear Admiral Kempenfelt, and in the
fall bis ship formed part of the fleet sent under Lord Howe to the relief of Gibraltar, then besieged by the Spaniards.
He died Admiral of the White, 16 March, 1807. Rivingion'a British Almanacs ; Bealson's Naval and Military Memoirs;
Burkt's Baronetage. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 675
T was an eye witness to the burning of the hospital on Bedlow's Island by four hundred
Rebels in Seven Pitinguas on the S** Instant. The Asia fired two Cannon Shot which obliged
them to precipitate their retreat. They burnt a stack of hay and killed a number of poultry
I had reserved for General Howe's expected arrival. Part of their plan was to have seized
about sixty Countrymen who had fled from persecution, and were subsisted by me on that
Island. But getting intelligence of the design I removed all the men on board the Ship Lady
G-age a few hours before the enemy landed on the Island, which Ship was taken a short time
before by the men of War's cutters from a Dock on Staten Island, and which I have taken up
for the reception of Recruits and distressed Persons. The King's Ships have also taken several
other prizes.
The removal of the Fleet and Army from Boston has been the occasion of much speculation
as to its destination, and by the movements of the enemy it is generally expected in here.
General Putnam commands in New York about seven thousand men, and it is said will soon
be joined by General Washington and five brigades.
As I have just received a letter from Capt. Parker acquainting me of the arrival of the
Savage Sloop of War, and requests that I would come down in the Dutchess of Gordon to
the Phoenix, as he has Intelligence of importance to communicate I shall close this Dispatch,
and get under sail as soon as the Tide will serve, only mentioning that the Packet has been
detained here until certain intelligence might be obtained of the destination of the Fleet
and Army.
I have the honour to be, with perfect respect and esteem, My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obed' Serv'
Lord George Germain. W™ Tryon.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
N»5.
[New-York Papers (State Paper Office) CLXVIII.]
Ship Dutchess of Gordon
Below the Narrows, New York 15"" April 1776.
My Lord,
On the Seventh Instant I fell down the River to the Phcenix. But before we reached the
Ship we were alarmed by heavy Platoon Firings from the Staten Island Shore, which by
the help of a Spy glass we discovered to be the enemy firing upon the Seamen that were
landed for water at the watering place under cover of the Savage Sloop of War. A very short
space after the Platoons firing the Savage began a cannonade which was kept up for some
hours till Cap' Bromadge was called off by a signal from the Phoenix. For the particulars of
this afliair I beg leave to refer Your Lordship to the within account received from Capt. Parker.
It was with grief and horror I received this insult to the King's Flag. A treachery the
more base considering the lenity and forbearance with which the commanders of the King's
Ships had uniformly shewn both to the persons & properties of the inhabitants, that came
within their power. And the more perfidious as at this time the Ships had publickly fresh
provisions sent them from New York. It affects me to find hostilities have been so shamefully
676 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
committed against the Parent State within this Province which if left to itself would not in
the present cause of dispute have thus plunged itself into the Calamities of a Rebellion.
Lord Sterling, I am told, headed five hundred men on this attack upon eighteen unarmed
seamen. The mortification I experienced on this treachery was encreased when Capt. Parker
the same day informed me that his dispatches from Admiral Shouldam by the Savage Sloop
acquainted him that the Fleet & army from Boston were sailed for Halifax, and that the
sarcity of provisions in the army had occasioned Removal. I had no Dispatches or letters
myself.
This movement has let loose the Cambridge Army on this devoted Colony. My Feelings
on this occasion are not to be expressed, and I look forward with increasing anxiety for the
Time when the continental army shall be opposed by a Body of the King's Forces sufficient
to give them an entire overthrow. Until which Event no provisions, or assistance, can be
depended upon for his Majesties Fleets and armies from this Country, the whole continent
being at this time so absolutely under their control.
All Communication between the Ships and the Shore, is now cut off.. Even the Element of
Water is denied us, which cannot probably henceforth be procured but under the fire of his
Majesty's Ships.
The Nautilus, Cap' Collins, came in here the ll"" Inst. & brings an account from Cap'
Wallace's Squadron at Rhode Island that on the 6"" Inst, an engagement happened between
the Glascow, and the five ships of the continental Fleet.' The inclosed account of the Action
I procured from Capt. Collins who beleives if another King's Sloop had been present they
might have taken the greatest part of the Fleet.
I am with all possible respect, My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient Servant
Lord George Germain. W" Trton.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-Tork Papcrn ( S. P. O. ) OLXVIII. ]
N" 8.
Ship Dutchess of Gordon.
Sandy Hook. April IS'" 1776
My Lord,
The general Assembly of this Province is now dissolved. The Council, by whose advice it
was prorogued to the l?"" Instant not having been permitted to wait on me agreable to my
Summons in Order to advise concerning the further prorogation of it. A strong evidence of
the little attention that is now paid even towards preserving the Form of a legal and
constitutional Representation of the people.
' The infant navy of the United States consisted, at this time, of the ships Alfred, Captain Dudley Saltonstall; Columbun,
Captain Whipple ; brigs Andrexo Doria, Captain Nicholas Biddle ; Cabot, Captain John B. Hopkins ; and sloops Providence,
Fly, Hornet and Wafp. It was commanded by Commodore Ezeck. Hopkins of North Providence, R. I. The first named five
ships made an unsuccessful attack on H. M. ship Glasgow, 20, Captain Tyrhingham Howe, off Block Island. Staples' Annalt of
Providence, R. I., 267. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI.
677
I have now got down with my Ship under the guns of the Phoenix man of war, which is
anchored within the Bay off Sandy Hook. This was necessary in order to replenish the
Ship's water which was considerably expended.
As I judged the possession of the Light House might prevent the Seamen from insults
when watering at the well near the Light House, I have ordered a Serjeant and 12 men, from
Cap' Campbell's new raised Company, for a night guard. Captain Parker assuring me that
in case of extremity he could cover their retreat by the cannon of his Ships.
The Pilot's house adjoining to the Light house is burnt down to prevent its being made a
lurking place to the enemy, three or four hundred of which appeared yesterday near the
Istmus of the Peninsula where the Light house stands.
I am with all possible respect.
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obed* Serv'
W" Tryon.
P. S. 19"" April. By secret express this morning who left New York on Wednesday I have
the satisfaction to acquaint Your Lordship I am informed that General Lee is certainly taken
by General Clinton, with his Artillery, in Virginia. The enemy confess that Lee is taken but
charge him with treachery. It is said a second attempt has been made against Quebec
but without success. A large body of the Rebels within these few days have gone up the
North River under the command of Gen' Sullivan ^ & Gen' Thompson^ for Quebec. This
indicates that the Lakes are open for the Vessels, yet I flatter myself the Reinforcement from
England will be at Quebec to receive them.
W" Tryon.
Lord George Germain.
' Major-General John Scllitan was the eldest son of an Irish emigrant who settled in Massachusetts about the year 1723.
He was born in the year 1741, and practiced law in New Hampshire. He was member of the first Congress in 1774 ; was
appointed Brigadier-General in 1775, and commanded at Winter Hill, near Boston, after the battle of Bunker HilL He
superseded Arnold in command in Canada in June, 1776, and on the 10th August following, was promoted to the rank of
Major-General. He succeeded Gen. Greene in the command of the division of the American army on Long Island, and was
taken prisoner in the battle of the 27th August of the s.ame year. He was exchanged in November for the English General
Prescott. In August, 1777, he executed an expedition against Staten Island ; in September and October took part in the
battles ofBrandywine and Germantown ; in 1778 was detached to command the troops at Rhode Island, and in 1779 was
sent to Western New-York to chastise the .Six Nations of Indians, a duty which he successfully accomplished, and then
resigned his command. He afterwards resumed his practice at the bar; was one of the convention that formed the
State Constitution of New Hampshire ; was chosen in 1785 into the first Council and sat in Congress, and in 1786, 1787 and
1789 was President of the State. In October, 1789, he was appointed District Judge, and died at his seat at Durham,
January 23, 1795, aged 54 years. Farmer and Moore's Neva Hampshire Historical Collections, II., 201 ; Allen. — Ed.
' Brigadier-General William TnOMPSo.'j was a Captain in the Pennsylvania service during the French war. Pennsylvania
Colonial Records, VIII., 111. He afterwards lived at Pittsburgh, where he was joint purchaser of the buildings of old Fort
Pitt. Pennsylvania Archives, X., 483. In 1775, Congress authorized a battalion of riflemen to be raised in Pennssylvania.
Captain Thompson was appointed Colonel of the regiment, which marched to the camp at Cambridge, near Boston, and in
November following had a brush with the English at Lechmere Point He was promoted to the rank of Brigadier-General
1st March, 1776, and soon after succeeded General Lee, as commander of the troops in New-York, and in April was ordered
to Canada, to reinforce Gen. Sullivan, by whose orders he attacked the enemy at Three Rivers, in June, when he and several
other officers were taken prisoners. He returned to Philadelphia in August, on parole, but was not exchanged for more than
two years. He died previous to 1785. Pennsylvania Archives, ut supra. — Ed.
678 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Ansioer of Captahi Brant to Lord George Germain.
[Plantations General (S. P. O.) CCLXII. ]
The Answer of Thayendanagea a Sachem, and of Ohrante a warrior of the
Mohocks to the Right Hon'''* Lord George Germaine.
Brother.
When we delivered our speech you answered us in few words, that you would take care
and have the grievances of the Six Nations on account of their lands, particularly those of the
Mohocks and Oughquagas, removed; and all those matters settled to our satisfaction whenever
the troubles in America were ended, and that you hoped the Si\ Nations would continue to
behave with that attachment to the King they had always manifested; in which case they
might be sure of his Majesty's favour and protection.
Brother. We return you thanks for this promise, which we hope will be performed, and
that we shall not be disapointed, as has often been the case, notwithstanding the warm
friendship of the ^Mohocks to his Majesty and his government, who are so immediately
concerned, that tiie same has been often mentioned by the Six Nations and their getting no
redress a matter of surprize to all the Indian Nations.
We are not afraid Brother, or have we the least doubt but our brethren the Six Nations
will continue firm to their engagements with the King their father. Our Superintendant
knows that in order to keep true to their treaties they have at times punished their friends
and Allies.
Brother. The troubles that prevail in America and the distance we are from our country,
allows us only to say that on our return we shall inform our Chiefs and Warriors what we
have seen and heard and join with them in the most prudent measures for assisting to put a
stop to those disturbances notwithstanding reports of their generally taking the strongest side.
Which was not the case last Summer when we offered to prevent the invasion of Canada and
lost several of our people in defending it. The only reason we mentioned the conduct of the
Six Nations at that time was, that they might have credit for what they actually did, as we
have heard much that affair has been attributed to the Nippissings and other Indians
of Canada.
Brother. As we expect soon to depart for our own Country having been long here, we
request you, and the great men who take charge of the affairs of government, not to listen to
every story that may be told about Indians ; but to give ear only to such things as come from our
Chiefs and wise men in Council ; which will be communicated to you by our Superintendent.
London May 7"^ 1776.
This speech is wrote down as the same
was dictated to me by the before named Chief.
Jos. Chew Sec^ of Indian Affairs
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VI. 679
Lord George Germam to Governor Tryon.
[ New-Tork Papers ( State Paper Office ) CLXVIIl. ]
N'S.
Governor Tryon.
Whitehall 17"- May 177G
Sir.
Since my letter to you of the 28"" March I have not received any of Your dispatches, nor
have I any commands from his Majesty to signify to you, but I have the satisfaction to
acquaint you that the Embarkations of the Troops destined for the reinforcement of Gen'
Howe's army, have succeded so happily, that the corps of Highlanders sailed from the Clyde
the 29"" of last Month, and the first division of the Hessians were clear of the channel on the
10"" Ins' and we are in hourly expectation of the arrival at Spithead of the remainder of that
Body, which has been some time on Board the Transports in the Weser. So large a
Reinforcement will I trust enable General Howe to open the campaign with advantage, and to
strike some blow which will give Spirit and Vigour to the Friends of Government, and incite
them to take an active and resolute part in freeing themselves from that cruel oppression under
which they have so long groaned.
The Province of New York will certainly be a main object of the general's attention, and as
I am not without hopes that before this letter comes to your hands you will have the satisfaction
of seeing him, it is unnecessary for me to acquaint you further with the operations which are
intended to be carried on in that Province ; 1 shall therefore only add my most hearty wishes
for their success, and that they may in their issue restore the blessings of peace and legal
Government to His Majesty's faithful subjects.
I am &C''
Geo. Germain.
Lm'd George Germam to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers (State Paper Office) CLXVIII. ]
NM.
Governor Tryon.
Whitehall ll'" June 1776.
Sir.
Your several Dispatches by the Swallow Packet, number from 1 to 9, inclusive, and two
private letters dated the 17"' April, were received at my Office the S"* Instant and I immediately
laid them before the King.
The intelligence contained in the papers you transmit with these Dispatches is of the
greatest importance, and altho you do not say what degree of credit ought be given to it, yet,
as the accounts stated to have been received at New York of the Rebels having met with a
second repulse at Quebec, are corroborated by many circumstances, & particularly by the
measures they have taken for strengthening their posts on the frontiers, we flatter ourselves
that the first vessel which arrives from Quebec will bring a confirmation of this good news.
680 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I will not however anticipate the consequences of an event which is not yet confirmed ; but if
it proves to be only in part as favorable as Your Intelligence represents I shall have little doubt
that our operations on that side will have all the success we could wish, and that Crown Point
and Ticonderogo will be restored to His Majesty's possession before the Campaign is ended.
It was to have been expected that the departure of the troops from Boston would turn the
attention of the rebels to New York ; but I trust General Howe has ere this, fixed his head
quarters in that City, and that he will soon find himself in sufficient force to drive the Rebels
out of the Province, and give effectual protection to his Majesty's loyal subjects, and I will
hope that not only those who have adhered to their duty, but even many who have been
misled into a concurrence with the rebels in some of their measures, will be induced to take
up arms and join the King's Standard, from a just sense of the dreadful consequences which
they have experienced, and which must ever follow a departure from the mode of government
established by the Constitution, and an Opposition to lawful Authority.
Your influence & advice at such a time must be attended with the happiest effects and I
am commanded by the King to repeat to you his Majesty's great satisfaction in your
continuance in Your Government and that the firm and prudent conduct you have persevered
in, notwithstanding all the difficulties you have encountered and the hazards to which you
have been exposed, is very much approved by the King.
The facility with which Lieutenants Campbell and Grant have enlisted men at New York,
is a very pleasing proof of the good disposition of the people to return to their duty, if they
were assured they might do it with safely ; and I doubt not General Howe will reward the
diligence of those Officers, by continuing them in the command of the companies they have
raised, but I must acquaint you that in this instance, as well as in all others which may occur, the
Officers who are appointed to command corps raised in America, are to be on the same footing
in respect to rank as the provincial troops employed in the last war, and that they are neither
to expect Rank in the army after their reduction, in consequence of such Commissions, or to
be entitled to half pay. I should be very glad to shew every attention to your recommendation,
but, from what I have told you, in respect to the Lieutenants Campbell and Grant, you will
readily perceive the difficulties which oppose themselves in the way of Cap' Stevenson's request-
Two hundred Copies of the pamphlet you mentioned in Your letter of the 6"" April will be
sent to you with this Dispatch by the Packet ; and I shall order 5000 more to be put on board
the first Ships that sail from hence for New York.
I am &c'
Geo. Germain.
P. S. When I was closing my letter Major Caldwell arrived express from Quebec with the
account of the raising the Siege which you will see in the inclosed Gazette extraordinary ; and
altho it shews our former intelligence to have had no foundation it happily agrees with it in
the event, on which I most heartily congratulate you.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VI. 681
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
(NMl.) Dutchess of Gordon, off Staten Island
8"' July 1776.
My Lord,
I have the satisfaction to acquaint Your Lordship of the arrival of the Fleet under the
command of Admiral Shuldham' in this port of the 29"" Ultimo, and that General Howe
disembarked the troops under his command on Staten Island the 2"* Instant vpilhout opposition,
on which occasion the inhabitants of the Island came down to welcome the arrival of their
deliverers, & have since afforded the army every supply & accomodation in their power.
On Saturday last I received the Militia of the Island at Richmond Town, where near four
hundred appeared, who chearfully, on my Recommendation, took the Oath of Allegiance &
fidelity to his Majesty. Tomorrow I am to have another muster for the inlistment of
Voluntiers to form a Provincial Corps for the defence of the Island as the General finds it an
important Quarter to hold against the Rebels. This testimony given by the inhabitants of
the Island, of loyalty to his Majesty, & attachment to his Government, I flatter myself will be
general through the province as soon as the King's army gets the main body of the Rebels
between them and the sea, which will leave all the back country open to the command of the
King's Friends and yield a plentiful resource of provisions for the army and place them in a
better situation to cut off the Rebels retreat, when forced from their strong hold.
In the promotion of General officers in America I do not find it has been His Majesty's
pleasure to employ me in this Country in my military character, I shall however do every
thing in my power in my civil capacity to promote his Majesty's service.
The fortifications in and about New York have, I am told, undergone little change since the
enclosed Observations were delivered. Every matter of further information I have laid before
General Howe since his arrival, as they came to my knowledge.
I am, with great respect. My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obed' Serv'
Lord George Germain. W"' Tryon.
(NM)
Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain.
[ PlanUtloDB General ( S. P. O. ) CCLXIII. ]
Staten Island Aug. 9. 1776.
My Lord.
I have the honor to acquaint Your Lordship that T arrived here the 29"' ult" after a long
' MoLiNEUX Shdldham wbs a Lieutenant in command of the bomb ketch Blast, on the Jamaica station in 1745, and was
promoted to be Captain in the Navy 12 May, 1746 ; in 1756 he commanded the Warwick, CO, on the Leeward Islands station,
and in 1769, the Panther, 60, on the same station; in 1760 he was in command of the Raisonable, 64, in the West Indies, and
served in the expedition against Martinico in 1762; in 1763, he was captain of Rodney's flag ship, the Fuudroyant, and in
1770 commanded the Royal Oak, 74, in the dispute with Spain about the Falkland Islands. He was appointed Rear Admiral
in 1775, previous to coming to America, and w.as superseded the same year by Lord Howe, when he was created Baron
Shuldliam, on the peerage of Ireland. In 1778 he commanded a squadron on the home station, aud died iu 1798, when the
title became extinct Btalton ; Debreti. — Ed.
Vol. VIIL 8J
682 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
passage and much molestation from the rebel Vessels for the last 3 weeks, one of which
attacked us near Bermudas, but was, after a pretty close engagement of an hour and a half,
beat off with much loss, tho' she damaged our masts and rigging so much that we could not
pursue her. My Surgeon is shot thro' the leg, and 5 others slightly wounded ; a trifle
considering her great superiority, for she had more than double our compliment of men and
carried 14 six pounders and swivells against our 12 three pounders. My Officers and the
Indians behaved very well and were very usefuU at small arms
The General had been arrived here some time with the troops from Halifax, and from him
your Lordship will doubtless receive an acco* of affairs here. I however think it necessary to
inclose your Lordship a copy of the best and latest intelligence I could procure, respecting
the back country and the Indians, and 1 have good hopes that my Officers there have discharged
their duty and conducted the Indians agreable to my instructions and the promises of the
latter. At present every thing waits the Grand Operation, and on its issue our future measures
must depend. I think the prospect is favorable and that the Declaration for an Independency
must totally silence any advocates they had in England At all events I flatter myself I shall
discharge my duties as far as time and circumstances will admit ; in good hope that I shall soon
be enabled to meet our friends to the Northward, when I shall endeavour to merit His
Majesty's favor and your Lordships patronage by a zealous attention to the trust reposed in
me. This moment an inhabitant of the Mohock River has found means to reach our Camp,
and informs that he had heard Sir Jn" Johnson had reached General Burgoyne, that a Col.
Dayton^ with 600 men was repairing Fort Stanwix & that General Schyler had opened a
Congress at the German Flats, but that only some of the Oneidas and Oughquagys attended
it, & adds that the rebels had carried off" my negros &"= and demolished every thing on my
estate. The Indians that attended Schyler have been long under the influence of N. England
Missionaries and I found some difficulty with them last year.
I beg to be honored with your Lordships commands and I am with very great respect,
My Lord
Your Lordships most obedient
The Righ Honorable and most humble Servant
Lord Geo. Germain G. Johnson.
Declaration of Deputy-Commissary GiimersaU.
(Copy)
Declaration of M' Thomas Gumersall Dep. Assis' to the Commissi General of
Stores and Provisions, born at Leeks in Yorkshire.
That he left the Mohock River about the beginning of June of the present year, &had been
for several weeks in that Country, where he was acquainted. That S"' John Johnson thro'
' Major-General Elias Dattojt was a native of New Jersey, and commanded one of the regimenj;s raised by that State at the
commencement of the war. He commanded at Johnstown and Fort Schuyler in 1776, and after serving through the war,
■was appointed Brigadier-General in 1783, and died at Philadelphia in July, 1807, aged 70 years. Allen. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLVI. 683
intelligence he had retf" partly by means of M' Gumersall, found it necessary to leave his home
& withdraw to Canada, to effect which he procured 3 Indians from the adjacent village as
guides thro the woods, & was accompanied by about 130 Highlanders & near 120 other
inhabitants of the country attached to government, with whom he proceeded from the house
of M'' M'=Donnell called CoUaghy on or about the 13"" of May last for Oswegatchy in Canada.
That the said M' Gumersall who was instrumental to him on the occasion, accompanied him a
few miles further on his rout & then took his leave; after which with much difficulty after
secretting himself & marching by night about 5 weeks he arrived at Staten Island (where His
Majesty's troops were) on the 19"" of July & was by Gen' Howe's favor, thro' the
accommodation of John Small Esq^ Major of Brigade, appointed to his present office, in
consideration of his sufferings & service, having been oblig'd to abandon a very advantagious
branch of trade in which he was largely concerned. M'' Gumersall further declares that he
was credibly informed that John Butler Esq. who was left at Niagara by Coll. Johnson
Superintend' of Indian Affairs, with other officers, to encourage the Indians to joyn His
Majesty's troops this season, rec'' several letters from M"" Schyler a rebel Gen' inviting him
down & promising him protection &" but at the same time employed the messenger (an Indian)
in case he refused, to bring his scalp, for which he was to have a reward of one hundred dollars.
That about 3 days after S" John's departure, Lady Johnson rec"* a letter from John Butler, Esq
addressed to Sir John, acquainting him that he had, agreable to Coll: Johnsons instructions,
assembled a considerable body of Indians ready to go on service, & only waited to receive
news from Col. Johnson or orders to proceed ; and M' Gumersall believes and has. heard that
the Indians had proceeded agreable thereto, & that Lieu' Gray late of the 42'' and M' Gumersall
help'd to raise the men who accompanied S' John, and M' Gumersall advanced them money
on that occasion.
Tho' Gumersall.
Signed at Staten Island the 6""
August 1776 ; in presence of
John Dease
Gilb' Tice
Joseph, Indian Chief.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-Tork Papers ( Stale Paper Office) CLXYIII.]
( N" 12. )
Ship Dutchess of Gordon.
Off Staten Island. 14'" Aug' 1776.
My Lord,
I have been honoured with Your Lordship's several Dispatches by the Sandwich, Lord
Hyde, & Halifax, Packet Boats, to N" 4 inclusive. I am happy to learn my endeavours to
promote the interest of the present great national cause, has been so well accepted by his
Majesty, I wish the strength of my constitution could keep pace with my inclinations to serve
684 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
my Prince : broken and impaired as the former is I am nevertheless not without the hope of
having a sliare in the restoration of the pubiicii tranquility.
The confederate Colonies have declared themselves independent States : Enclosed is a
printed copy of their Declaration of Independency, vehich vpas published through the streets
of New York the middle of last month, where the King's Statue has been demolished, as well
as the King's Arms in the City Hall, the established churches shut up, & every Vistage of
Royalty, as far as has been in the power of the Rebels, done away. The persons of the
Mayors of the Cities of York and Albany, Judges, Counsellors, Magistrates and principal
gentlemen of the Country that are not in rebellion seized and secured, and even down to the
meanest planters persecuted and tyrannized over.
The whole armament destined for this part of America, except the last division of the
Hessians, being now assembled here, I expect, by the courage and strength of this noble Army,
tyranny will be crushed and legal government restored.
As the Military and Naval operations do not lye within my department, I shall leave the
relations of them to those gentlemen who have the honor to guide them.
I am with all possible respect, My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient Servant,
Lord George Germain W" Tryon.
l-S'" Aug' 1776.
P. S. Yesterday evening S' Peter Parker brought into the Hook a Fleet of Twenty five
Sail from the Southward ; Lord Dunmore^ and Lord W" Campbell^ are on board that fleet.
Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers (State Paper Office) CLXYIII. ]
(N-e.)
Whitehall 22'» August. 1776.
Governor Tryon.
Sir,
I am very glad to find by Your letters of the S"" July, which I received by Lieutenant
Colonel Blunt,^ that Your information of the disposition of the inhabitants of the Province
continues to give you ground to expect that when the pressure of the Rebel Force is removed,
and Protection held forth by the King's troops, they will in general give testimony of their
fidelity to his Majesty and attachment to the Constitution.
' See suipra, p. 209. ' Supra, p. '174.
' Lieut. Col. Hakby Blunt was appointed Ist Lieutenant in the 23d, or Royal Welsh Fuzileers, 28th August, 1756; Captain,
28th October, 1761 ; Mnjor, 28th August, 1771. The 23d regiment served as the garrison of Fort St. Philip in Minorca in
1756, when reduced by Spain; was part of the expedition against St. JIalo, in 1758, but did not come to America until 1775,
when it took a part in the batile of Bunker IliU. Major Blunt became Lieut.-Colonel of tlie 4th or King's Own, 20 Si-pt,
1775, and continued to serve in America until July, 1776, when on account of his private affairs he had leave to return to
England, where he quit the army in 1777. Army Zists; Beatsoti't Naval and Mililary Memoirt ; 6 American Archives, L,
106.— Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 6g5
The steady loyalty of the people of Staten Island cannot be too much commended, & their
affectionate reception of the tropps under General Howe cannot fail to recommend them to the
particular favor of Government, and 1 have the pleasure to acquaint you that it is his Majesty's
command that you do signify to them, in the most public manner, His Majesty's very great
satisfaction in their conduct, and in the proofs they have given of their loyalty and affection,
& to assure them of His Majesty's paternal Regard and constant Protection.
The next advices we receive from General Howe will I trust make it necessary for me to
give you some Instructions respecting your Government, In the mean time I have the
satisfaction to repeat the assurances I have been before authorized to give you, that your
perseverance in the line of conduct you have adopted upon such laudable motives is very
much approved by the King
I am &c»
Geo. Germain.
P. S. M"" Knox having, by my directions transmitted to the War Office that part of your
letter N" 7 respecting Lieutenants Grant and Campbell, inclosed I send you a Copy of the
answer thereto.
(No 15.)
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain,
[ New-Tork Papers (State Paper Office) CLXVIII. ]
New York, 24"" September 1776
My Lord,
On the 21" Ins' Lieut. Governor Golden departed this life at Flushing. This makes a
Vacancy in the Council; the following is the present state of the remaining Eleven. M' Chief
Justice Horsemanden (very old and feeble); M'' Oliver De Lancey; M' Charles Ward Apthorp ;
M' Axtell ; and M'' Henry Cruger; at liberty to attend the summons of government. Rf
William Smith, withdrawn to his plantation up the North River, and not been heard of these
five months; M' Hugh Wallace & M"^ James Jauncey, prisoners with the Rebels; M"' John
Watts, Col" Morris, and M"' Henry White, in England.
By this State Your Lordship will observe I have but five Councellors I can summons, and
Judge Horsemanden's infirmities will probably prevent his attendance ; therefore Your Lordship
will view the necessity I shall be under of appointing other Councellors if the Gentlemen in
England do not return to take a share in the re-establishment of Government, or that those
in captivity are released.
M' Thomas Jones' one of the Judges of the Supreme Court, and M"' David Matthews, Mayor
» Thomas Jones, eldest son of David Jones and Ann Willett, of Fort Neck, L. I., was admitted to the bar 4 April, 1155,
and on 4tli February, 1767, was appointed Clerk of Queens County. New -York CovwiUsioiis, V., 84, 118. Ue married Anne,
daughter of Lieutenant-Governor De Lance}', iind was appointed Recorder of the city of New-Yoik, in 17G9, and promoted
to a seat on the Bench of the Supreme Court 29th September, 1773. Commitnon', VL, 91. On the 24lh November, 1776, he
was Seized liy a party of Americans and carried to Norwich where he remained until December, when he had litieity to return
home on parol. In November, 1779, a party of Whiga of Coniiectiuut again carried him off in retaliation for tie cafiture of
General Silliman, and he remained in their hands until May, 1780, when the General was exchanged for h:m. Judge Jones'
property was confiscated, and he retired at the peace to England, where he died. Thompson's History of Long Island, II., 603 ;
Sabine's Zoi/alistt, 404. — Ed.
686 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
of the City of New York with many other gentlemen of the Country, are in the hands of the
Rebels. I am with all possible respect, My Lord,
Your Lordship's
most obed' Humble Serv*
Lord Geo Germain. - W"» Tryon
(NM6)
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-Tork Papers (Stale Paper Offlee) CLXVIII. ]
New York 24"- September 1776
My Lord,
At the same time that I have the happiness to acquaint Your Lordship that on the IS"" Ins*
General Howe, with the forces under his command, by admirable skill, spirit and conduct,
made himself master of the City of New York, and one-half of the Island ; It grieves me to
inform You that on the 2P', about two in the Morning, the Western part of the Town was set
on fire by a number of Incendiaries, and which raged with such violence as destroyed, it is
thought, one fourth part of the City, before the flames could be extinguished. Many of the
incendiaries are now in prison, and two or three were killed as they were detected in their
hellish design. Many circumstances lead to conjecture that M"' Washington was privy to this "
villainous Act, as he sent all the bells of the churches out of town, under pretence of casting
them into cannon, whereas it is much more probable to prevent the alarm being given by
ringing of the Bells before the fire should get a head beyond the reach of Engines and Buckets :
besides some Officers of his army were found concealed in the City, supposed for this devillish
purpose. The town was thought to be saved more by a sudden change in the wind (which
blew strong), and pulling down intermediate houses, than by water. It is afflicting to view
the wretched and miserable inhabitants who have lost their all, and numbers of reputable shop
keepers that are reduced to beggary, and many in want for their families of the necessaries of
life. The fire broke out in sundry places nearly at the same time, but was first discovered at
White Hall Stairs, and has burn't the whole body of the buildings that lyes between George
Street and Broad Street, as high up as the City Hall, and all the buildings on the North of
Fort George, lying between the North River and Great George Street as far up as King's
College, excepting a few houses and St. Paul's Church, and almost all the houses on the
Church Estate, with Trinity Church, is totally consumed; It really seems the conflagration
was directed against the interest of the Church. The Ship Docks, Warehouses, and the
Commercial part of the City is as yet safe, and every measure pursued by General Robertson,
Commanding Officer in New York, assisted by myself, to establish such regulations and police
as may ensure its future security. I was at Flatbush at M' Axtell's four miles from
the City for the recovery of my health and strength when this dreadfull event befell this
devoted City.
As this Country is in the present period too much convulsed for the civil Government to act
with any good effect. It is the opinion of both His Majesty's Commissioners for restoring
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI.. 687
peace to the Colonies that I should postpone any executive Acts of Government, untill the
Province is more liberated from the controul of the Rebels. I therefore have kept
the executive powers of Civil Government dormant, leaving every thing to the direction of the
Military, never ceasing however to throw every information I can procure to the General and
Admiral as it may concern them, and to exhort and recommend to the Inhabitants the proper
line for their duty and interest.
General Oliver De Lancey under General Howe's orders is endeavouring to raise a Brigade
of Fifteen hundred men for the Defence of Long Island, and Major Rogers a Corps of
Provincials for the war generally.
The two New York Companies under the Captains Campbell and Grant have acquitted
themselves in Action so honorably as to obtain the General's thanks, transmitted to them in
public orders. I am with all possible respect. My Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient and
most humble Servant
W" Tryon.
Lord George Germain.
Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain.
[ Plantations General ( S. P. O. ) CCLXII. ]
N<'2.
New York Nov' 25. 1776.
My Lord.
The last letter I had the honor to address to your Lordship was of the 9"" of August giving
an account of my arrival at Staten Island and of such particulars as I had been able to obtain
respecting Indian Affairs. Since which I have, by General Howe's orders waited the event of
such military operations as might enable me to proceed to the Indians with such presents and
marks of the King's bounty as are absolutely necessary at our interview ; but altho' the
advanced season when these operations commenced, tho' conducted with much success and
rapidity, has hitherto prevented that wished for opportunity, I have the pleasure to assure
Your Lordship that the Indians have faithfully observed the promises they made to me, rejected
all the proposals of the rebels, and a considerable number of them proceeded on service. And
notwithstanding the artifices practis'd by the Indians of the Oneida villages, influenced by
their New England Missionary Kirtland, the inclosed intercepted letter, communicated to me
by Lord Howe, will show their fidelity of the Six Nations and evince their attention to me.
In my last interview with your Lordship I took the liberty to observe that whatever
measures had been resolved on by the Indians, were about that time carrying into execution,
and that I had a confidence in the treaties made before me at Ontario with the Six Nations and
Hurons &■= of Detroit, and with the rest in Canada, notwithstanding they were so surrounded
by deceivers possessed of the back country, that even their neutrality was an object of some
importance. But I hope they will appear in a much superior light and that I shall ere long be
enabled to collect such necessaries as they want. To pave the way for their future operations,
I have, with the approbation of General Howe, lately dispatched (in disguise) one of my
officers with Joseph the Indian Chief ( who desired the service) to get across the country to
688 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
the Six Nations, and from their activity and knowledge of the way T have hopes of their
getting thro' undiscovered, and of their preparing the Indians to cooperate with our military
movements; but the many difficulties which retarded the Northern Army, disappointed our
hopes of a junction until the hunting season now come on, when the Indians must necessarily
provide winter stores for their familys. This done, I think I can answer for them, from my
confidence in General Howe's enabling me to get what is necessary for the Indians, as I hear
that the articles sent out last year are much damaged and dsficient; nor should I mention this
matter, but that is an essential consideration in affairs with Indians.
The Rebels on tiie frontiers of this Government have taken uncommon pains to prevent the
success of his Majesty's arms from coming to the ear of the Indians and have destroy'd
the effects of all the loyal party there. Mine have been totally plundered and my negros
carried off; but I am sensible that this must be the fate of any man in office, particularly in
such a one as mine; & therefore I little regret it so long as I preserve your Lordships favor,
and am enabled to serve His Majesty with a zeal and loyalty displeasing to his enemys
I hope to be honor'd with Your Lordship's commands on any occurring subject, and I am
with great respect My Lord
Your Lordship's most devoted humble servant
G. Johnson.
P. S. A Gentleman of my acquaintance who made his escape from Schenectady is just
arrived and informs me that about six weeks since a large Belt came down to the Oneidas and
Mohocks from Niagara, from the Six Nations and others, desiring to know the state of the
latter and that as the whole Confederacy had acted during the Campaign agreable to their
promises to me, they wished to strengthen the hands of the Lower Nations & desired their
attendance at a General Meeting to concert farther measures; and that if they found themselves
obstructed by the rebells, the Upper Nations would come down and open the road for them.
G. J.
The Right Hon*"" Lord Geo. Germain
Oneida Chiefs to General Schuyler.
i Plantaliom General (S. P. O. ) CCLXII. ]
Copy of a letter intercepted from S. Kirtland a New England Missionary
among the Oneidas to M' Schuyler a rebell General and Manager of their
Affairs. Oneida May 22. 1776.
To the Hon''"'^ Philip Schuyler Esq. Commissary &' from the Oneida Chiefs.
Brother Governor,
We the Oneida Chiefs think proper to acquaint you with the result of the meeting at Niagara
N. Col Bniwisiho with Coll. Butler. This we do at our own option without being desired by the
S'Ti'ns'on'tohci'a»n"ii Other parls of the Confederacy, tho' it has been reported among them that General
ihe Depariment. Schuyler ought to be informed. We sent two Oneidas to hear wiiat should pass
at Niagara ; they returned the night before last and bring the following account.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLVI. .G89
& thi - - - - - . . . .
rte^6'''Na'ii™s"R"- that the Six Nations with tlie Cagnuagas and tiie Seven Tribes in tiiat vicinity,
e^nmn" we mlj had all United and resolved to maintain peace, both with the King and the
tudetoii. " Bostonians, and receive no Ax from either.
Coll. Butler replies —
Brothers. I am glad to hear you are all united but I am surprised to find you talk of
maintaining peace with the Americans and at the same time support the King's peace or
Government. Brothers, Your resolutions are very surprising; where is there any one or body
of men to be compared to the King? As for Gen' Schuyler (and the other Commis") of
whom you boast so much, what is he? He was born but yesterday; just now, as it were,
started up out of the ground, and tomorrow will return into the earth whence he came. It
will not be the space of a month before you hear him cry. He has no men, guns, cannon and
ammunition or cloathing, and should he survive the summer he must perish by the cold next
winter for want of blankets. But the King wants neither men or money; there is no
The caehnuagns Computing his numbers. As to the Cagnuagas claiming Seven Tribes as under
fhe e'siTttons"" "° their jurisdiction, it is false; they tell a lie; the Cagnuagas are by themselves
alone and they are become Bostonians. But the other Six tribes in that vicinity,
with all the back nations, are at the King's command and will take his side. And as for
Canada they are all (except twelve persons) returned to the Kings side.
Brothers. You had better recall your resolutions and determine to keep the Kings peace,
and the King will then be glad to hear from you. What a wretched situation must you be in
when the King attacks all the sea ports in America and comes in earnest to sweep oflT the
Americans, if he finds you supporting the Americans.
To this the Sachems made an immediate reply.
Brothers.
JFe will support the Kings Peace or Government and we now speak from our very inside, and
don't think it proceeds only from our lips.
For this Coll. Butler returned thanks & expressed great joy. Then the Commanding Officer
of Miagara^ (whom the Indians call Oguhaenjes) addressed the Indians as follows.
Brothers
The King of England is very great and wise : he was never yet conquered. He has subdued
both France and Spain. Pray what can this handfull of men in America do with such a King?
The King is very subtle, he has deceived the Bostonians with a witness. He ordered his forces
to continue at Boston till the Bostonians had collected all the cannon that could be found from
Philadelphia, N. York, and even from Virginia, and brought them to that place. The
Bostonians having all their force and cannon collected, were about to destroy the town ; but
the King's Officer commanding there forbid them, telling them he would leave it in a peaceable
manner, as the purpose of his coming there was now answered. And now Brothers you will
' Lieutenant-Colonel Caldwell. Supra, p. 609. Stone's Ufe of Brant, I., 3. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 87
690 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
soon hear that the King's Ships have laid waste all their sea ports, as they can make no
resistance, having sent all their cannon and stores to Boston. Virginia has had all, already
Brothers. I shall not give np this post (Niagara) to the Bostonians, without a struggle.
My men must fall first before the Bostonians shall take possession.
After this Col. Butler proceeds, addressing himself to the Sachems.
Brothers
I propose to your consideration that a number of your Warriors should go in quest of Coll.
Johnson ; here is a large vessel ready for sailing. Let them embark who desire a speedy
interview with Col. Johnson ; he must at this time be at Quebec or in the Rivers and upon my
hearing of his actual arrival, I shall immediately persue and will certainly see him. If the
Bostonians should be betwixt me and Coll. Johnson, I will turn out of the Road and pass by
them. I have also another vessell proposed for the back nations as soon as they come. The
Sachems reply — We siiall not consider the matter, for we know it is already settled and they
are now embarking. Did we know that Col. Johnson was actually arrived at any particular
place, we would consider the affair.
Brother Gen' Schuyler — we now inform that Col. Butler prevailed, and upwards of fifty of
the Six Nations, have embarked twelve days ago in quest of Col. Johnson, and a number
of the Back Nations, the whole amounting to one hundred. Brother we dread the consequence ;
we this day send off four of our young men to acquaint you & then proceed to Kaghnawaga to
inform them. The one from Oriske is a chief man and one of the two sent to Niagara, and
will give you particulars. The next called Kanaghwiaiga is a young Sachem of great influence
in this Nation. The third Sewajis is chosen to a Sachemship. We the Sachems of Oneida
end our love to you and wish you success.
From your faithfull Brothers
SUGHNAGEORAT
JiMMEY
Aghshinhare
TiGAWI
Tekeongo
Kaghneghlorines
Intercepted by S. Kirkland and who hopes to write to his Honor very soon, if a safe
Conveyance presents,
New York SS'^" Novemb. 1776.
A true Copy from the Original, Compared by
Jos. Chew Sec'^
of Indian Affairs.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 691
Governor Try on to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXVIII. ]
N« 17.
New York SG"" Nov"" 1776.
My Lord,
I have been honored with Your Lordship's Dispatches N" 5 & 6 with their enclosures : The
Duplicates were delivered by M"' Kemble to all which I shall pay due regard.
I have communicated to the principal inhabitants of Staten Island, by an Extract from Your
Lordship's Dispatch, his Majesty's approbation of the loyal and affectionate conduct of the
people of that Island, and his most gracious assurances of paternal regard for, and constant
protection of, them : But as that Island from the present operations of the war is not in a state
of absolute security, and has withinjthese few weeks been visited by some parties of the Rebels
I have not thought it prudent, in the present moment, to make a Public Declaration of the
Royal Disposition in their favor.
As the Militia Law is in force I am getting proper lists of Officers, as also of Magistrates,
that the civil Government may have its full operation as soon as it is judged proper to
reestablish it with all its powers.
M"" White' one of his Majesty's Council arrived here with the last division of the Hessians
and is very usefull to me from his influence among the Citizens, in such regulations of Police
as are left me in my restricted sphere of executive power, arising from the present necessity
of the times.
The Liberty Poll erected some years ago in this City, and which remained as a monument
of insult to the Government, and of licentiousness to the people, was last month by my
recommendation to the Inhabitants, very properly and very quietly taken down and removed
by them.
I am with all possible respect
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient
and very humble Serv'
Lord George Germain. W" Tryon
(N-IS.;
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[New. York Papers ( State Paper Office ) CLXVIII.]
New York 27"" NoV 1776
My Lord,
The inclosed Plan of Fort George with the Works on the Lower Battery, and the
intermediate buildings, will exhibit a Plot of ground which I esteem upon a settlement of
the present war would be extremely advisable to be secured as Crown Land.
' Supra, note, p. 149. — Ed.
692 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
The Fort willi proper buildings might contain the King's Arsenal and Armoury and when all
the buildings and Barracks now standing are Demolished, a proper esplanade might be marked
out for the Soldierj', and a handsome range of barracks constructed for as many men as might
be thought proper for a standing Garrison.
The Inhabitants who claim the property in the houses and lots in Pearl Street and buildings
adjoining, might probably be satisfied out of the Rebel Tenements within the City, upon
Confiscation.
By this arrangement Your Lordship will observe the soldier would be kept distinct from
the Citizen and the Commercial Interest of the Town not in the least injured, as no Docks or
wharfs have ever been built where the line of works border on the East and North River. All
the ground within the dotted black line from Whitehall to the North River is proposed to be
reserved to the Crown for the purposes above mentioned
I am with all possible respect.
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient
and very humble Servant
Lord George Germain W" Tryon
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York Papers ( Stale Paper Office ) CLXVIII. ]
N" 19
New York, SS"- NoV 1776.
My Lord,
It is with the most singular Satisfaction I have the honor herewith to transmit to Your
Lordship Copies of the Addresses of the City and County of New York, and also of King's
and Queen's County to the King's Commissioners, testifying their wishes to return under the
King's peace and Government.
The Dissolution of the Committee of Suffolk County and the Committees of the several
Townships in the same, with the Revocation of all their proceedings and orders under the
Congress was effected at my particular recommendation to them for that purpose; Copies of
all which are herewith transmitted : When the pressure of the Rebel Army is removed from
this Province I have the strongest expectations that a like spirit will be adopted through
the Colony.
On my Reviewing the 4"' Inst, while with the Army such part of the Militia of Westchester
County as was within the protection of the King's Army, and which amounted to upwards of
five hundred men, ] found them impressed with a loyal disposition to Government: But from
the vicinity of the Rebels and the uncertainty of the Royal Army giving them continued
support I could not think it expedient at that time to invite them to take up arms, or to petition
the King's Commissioners, as either measure at that period would on the removal of the troops
bring down instant destruction to their Properties and Families ; Indeed what with the
Conflagrations of the Rebels, and the marauding of both armies, the inhabitants of that County
are reduced to great distress.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 693
I must beg leave to offer my congratulations to your Lordship on the repeated and honourable
atchievements of the British and Hessian Troops ; another Campaign pressed with equal
vigour, I trust w\\\ restore tranquility and union to the British Empire.
1 am with all possible respect,
My Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient
and very humble Serv'
Lord George Germain. W™ Trvon.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXIX. ]
N»23.
My Lord.
On the 10"" inst: I received the Militia of Queen's County at Hampstead, when eight hundred
and twenty Men were mustered, and on Thursday following I saw the Suffolk Militia at
Brookhaven, where near eight hundred Men appeared, to all of whom, as well as to the Militia
of Queens County, I had in my presence an oath of allegiance and fidelity administered, the
form of which is herewith transmitted.
I took much pains in explaining to the people (having formed them into circles) the
iniquitous arts ettc that had been practiced on their credulity to seduce and mislead them, and
I had the satisfaction to observe among them a general return of confidence in Govern'. A
very large majority of the Inhabitants of Queen's County have indeed steadfastly maintained
their Royal principles, as have small districts in Suffolk County. Some Men from South and
Easthampton townships, who attended the Review, assured me. Rebel parties from Connecticut
were then on the Eastermost part of the Island, and which prevented in general the settlers in
that quarter from attending my summons, but that they are very desirous to live under a
peaceable obedience to His Maj'^'* authority.
The inclosed letter from their Presbyterian Minister^ will more fully explain their sentiments.
Three Companies I learned had been raised out of Suffolk County for the Rebel Army;
most of whom I was made to understand would quit that service, if they could get home.
I have the pleasure to assure your Lord^, through the whole of this Tour, I did not hear the
least Murmur of discontent, but a general satisfaction expressed at my coming among them ;
and to judge from the temper and disposition I perceived in them; there is not the least
apprehension of any further commotions from the Inhabitants on Long Island ; all are
industrious in bringing to Market what provisions the Island affords.
The late success of His Maj'''''' arms in the Jersey's and Rhode Island, will assuredly open
considerable resources of Provisions and forage for the Army, which with the plentiful and
'Rev. Samuel Buell, D. D., was born in Coventry, Conn., Sept 1, 1716, was graduated at Yale 1'74I and ordained 1743.
He -was installed minister of Easthampton, L. I., Sept. 19, 1746. When the Island fell into the hands of the British In 1776,
he was very useful to his people and successful in protecting them. He received the degree of Doctor of Divinity from
Dartmouth College in 1791 and died July 19, 1798, aged 81 years. A brief memoir of Dr. Buell has been published by his
son-in-law, the Rev. Dr. Woolworth (Thompson's Long Island, L, 319) father of Samuel B. Woolwortb, Esq., LL. D., Secretary
of the Board of Regents of the State of New- York. — Ed.
694 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
abundant supplies from the Mother Country will enable this high spirited and victorious army
to take the field early next spring.
The General has been pleased to give my Secretary Coll: Fanning' a warr' to raise a
Battalion of Provincials of Five Hundred Men, they are to be listed for the American service,
and for the term of two years or during the war, at the General's option. This Corps, I
expect will be compleated so as to be ready to take the field with the army.
While on long Island, I gave certificates to near three hundred Men who signed the
declaration prescribed by the King's Commissioners Proclamation of the 30"" Nov'' last ; large
bodies of the people have already taken the benefit of the Grace therein offered them.
I am with perfect Esteem and respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient and very humble serv'
24 Dec' 1776. W" Tryox.
N«>24.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXIX. ]
New York. 31 Decemb' 1776.
My Lord
Last Sunday evening M' Wallace & M'" Jauncey, two of His Maj'^'' Council of this province,
with several other Inhabitants thereof, came to Town from Connecticut, having been
discharged by Gov' Trumbull from their confinement upon the express obligation of not
taking up arms against America, and to return to their captivity if required. By these
Gentlemen I understand the temper of the Warmest Patriots in Connecticut is much softened,
and that they wish for peace; they also tell me, from the intelligence they had opportunities
to collect, they are positive, a Majority of the Inhabitants West of Connecticut River are firm
friends to Govern'. This report I can give the more credit to, from the number of Connecticut
Men that inlist in the Provincial corps now raising.
The Rebels carrying off the Hessian Brigade under Coll : Rail at Trenton, has given me
more real chagrin, than any other circumstance this war; the moment was critical, and I
believe the Rebel Chiefs were conscious, if some stroke was not struck that would give life to
their sinking cause, they should not raise another army. Unlucky as was this loss, I have
received great comfort by the assurances Heister and Gen' Kniphauseu have given me (who
are most sincerely and deeply mortified at the event) that the Rebels will not with all their
arts be able to seduce the Hessian Prisoners from their allegiance to their Prince and duty to
His Maj'y. I trust, this tarnish to the Campaign, will in due season be wiped away by some
brilliant enterprize of the King's forces who entertain the keenest sense of the insult.
I am with all possible respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obed' and very humble servant
W" Tryon.
'Supra, note, p. 284.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. G95
Lord George Gennain to Goveinior Tryoii.
[New-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXIX. ]
N-S.
Sir
I had the satisfaction to receive by Capt" Gardiner the SO"" of last Month your Dispatches
Numbered 17, 18, 19, 20 and 21. and have laid them before the King.
The warm expressions of duty and affection to His Maj'J' contained in the several
addresses of the Inhabitants of such Parts of the Province as have been delivered from the
oppression of the Rebels by the happy and rapid success of His Maj'^'' forces, were very
pleasing to the King; and I trust that the time is at no great distance when the return of the
deluded people to their duty will become general and the Prov" be entitled to His Maj'J''"
peace, and to all its former commercial advantages.
The early attention you have shewn to the future security of New York, is no more than
the unremitted Zeal & Attachment to the King's service, which has been so conspicuous in
your conduct, would have led us to expect; and altho' the time is not yet come for entering
upon the consideration of what measures will be proper to be adopted for retaining the Colonies
in their duty, yet, I may venture to assure you, whenever it does come, that the security of
New York will be a principle object of attention ; and it is therefore highly necessary, that
you should avail yourself of the present circumstances to secure, for His Maj'^'" use, such part
of the destroyed Town, as in the opinion of the Engineers will be most proper for erecting a
Citadel, or other works, as well to command the Town as for the defence of the harbour.
I have communicated to the Lords of the Treasury your letter N° 20 and have not failed to
recommend the subject of it to their Lord^P''' benevolent consideration
I am, ettc.
14. Jan'y 1777. Geo Germain.
N»l.
Lord George Germain to Colonel Guy Johnson.
[ Plantations General ( S. P. 0. ) CCLXIII. ]
Whitehall Jan. 14. 1777
Sir
I was very glad to find by your letter of the 9"" August that you were safe arrived at New
York with the two Indians that accompanied you, and who gave such proofs of their spirit &
bravery in the engagement the packet had with a rebel privateer. I hope the one who you
tell me in your letter of the 25"' Nov' is set out with the design of getting to his nation will
succeed in his purpose, & I make no doubt from the Accounts you transmit, as well as from
those I have received from Canada, that a considerable body of the Indians will be in readiness
to second any operations which Sir William Howe may think fit to direct towards Albany in
the Spring. In this expectation I have judged it necessary to order such part of a supply of
goods suitable for presents to the Indians as had been purchased for Canada, and shipped on
696 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
board the Lord Shuldham Transport (wliicli is returned to England having lost her passage to
Quebec) to be sent in her to New York for Sir William Howe's disposal. And I have some
reason to think that the other parts of this supply, which were on board the General Conway
and Union Transports, will also be brought to New York, as neither of those ships have I fear
been able to get up to Quebec.
I am Sir &"=
Colonel Guy Johnson. Geo. Germain.
N''28.
Governor Tryon. to Lord George Germain.
[ Now-Tork Papeis ( S. P. O. ) CLXIX. ]
New York. 20. Jan'-y 1777.
My Lord,
I have solicited General Howe to give me eight hundred stand of arms for the Loyal
Inhabitants in Queen's County, which he was pleased to grant, and accordingly last week they
were sent to Col : Ludlow ^ Coll : of Militia to distribute among the most faithful subjects.
The General this day signified his wishes that I would choose out five hundred of the most
trusty Citizens to arm for the defence of the City should it be thought necessary to March out
a considerable part of this Garison against the Rebels, who are assembling in a large body
near King's Bridge. I am engaging all the Citizens to take the same oath of allegiance &
fidelity administered to the Militia on Long Island, and I give to each the certificate as
inclosed ; this My Lord will give confidence to the Citizens who are well effected and
distinguish the Friend from the Enemy.
The Inhabitants of King's County (through the recommendation of M' Axtel,^ a member
of the Council, and Col: of the Militia of that County) have contributed three hundred
pounds currency towards the raising of Col : Fanning's Battalion of Provincials, this laudable
spirit I shall encourage and have already recommended to the Society of the Quakers to
distinguish they Loyalty and zeal by an Act of liberality in furnishing the Provincial Corps
with some necessary's of clothing of which they are in great want; the benefit of which
measure they have now under consideration
I am with all possible respect
My Lord
Your LordP's most obed' & very humble serv'
W™ Tryon.
'Colonel Gabriel G. Ludlow of Hempstead, L. I., was brother of Judge L., {supra, p. 248) and commanded the 3d Delancey
battalion in the war of the Revolution. Having been outlawed in 1779, he retired to New Brunswick with his men at the
peace; was Mayor of St. John's in 1786 and in 1792 Judge of Vice Admiralty and member of the Council. He filled for five
years the office of President of the Council and Commander-in-Chief of that Province, viz , from Oct. 5, 1803, to Uct. 4, 1808,
when he died, aged 72 years. — Ed.
'Supra, note, p. 269.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLVI. 697
Governor Iryon. to Lord George Gerryuiin.
[New- York Papers ( S. P. O.) CLXIX. ]
New York. 11. February 1777.
My Lord,
The success that accompanied my endeavour to unite the Inhabitants of this City by an oath
of allegiance and Fidelity to His Maj"' and His Govern', has met my warmest wishes. Two
thousand nine hundred and seventy of the Inhabitants having qualified thereto in my presence,
the Mayor Recorder and Alderman Waddle' were employed in administering the oath.
I have the satisfaction to assure your Lordship as the invitation to the people to give this
voluntary testimony of their Loyalty to His Mnj'y & his Govern' was made even without a
shadow of compulsion, it gave me peculiar satisfaction to see the cheerfulness, with which
they attended the summons; I verily beliove, there are not one hundred Citizens who have
not availed themselves of the opportunity of thus testifying their attachment to Government.
The Mayor since I went through several wards, has attested fifty more Men, (and is daily
adding to the number) which makes the whole sworn in the City Three thousand and '^^
which added to those attested on Staten Island, in the three Counties on Long Island, and in
Westchester County, (all which amounted to upwards of two thousand six hundred) makes
the whole amount to five thousand six hundred Men.
Thus, My Lord, I have used my best endeavours to secure the fidelity of the Inhabitants of
this Govern', within those districts, thro' which the King's troops have moved. I have assured
the General, that sM he remove all his Troops from this City, there would not be the least
risk of a Revolt from the Inhabitants, but on the Contrary was confident, large numbers would
take a share in the defence of the Town against the Rebels.
The Loyal Inhabitants of Queen's County received the eight hundred stand of arms
distributed by the General's permission, with demonstrations of Joy and with a professed
resolution to use them in defence of the Island.
I am anxious that some Grace from Govern' may speedily be extended to this Loyal Quarter
of the Province.
I am with all possible respect
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obed' & humble servant
W" Tryox.
N»33.
Governor Ti'yon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York Papers ( 3. P. 0. ) CLXIX. ]
N Y 12 Feb-^ 1777
My Lord.
Having compleated my view in securing the attachment of the King's subjects within the
limits of his Troops in this Province, I waited on Gen' Howe last week to offer my service to
« WiiLUM Waddlb was Alderman of the Niuth Ward of the city of New-York from 1773. Valentine's Manual. —'Ev.
Vol. VIII. 88
698 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
command the Provincials tlie ensuing campaign, if he would make the proper and creditable
appointments for that corps, & give me an establishment, suitable to the situation His Maj'''
has placed me in here.
Sir W"" Howe was pleased to approve the proposition, but has not as yet appointed the
staff", or other arrangement for that Command.
This otTer, My Lord, flows from the warmest Zeal to promote His Maj''''' service in the line
in which 1 esteem I could be most serviceable in the present war. Should this measure be
honored with my Sovereign's approbation, and Your Lordp's countenance it will aflTord me the
highest encouragement and satisfaction.
I am with all possible respect
My Lord
Your Lordp's most obedient & very humble servant.
W" Tryon.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
(with Enclosure)
[New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXIX.l
N°34.
New York 15 Febr'' 1777.
My Lord,
Inclosed, is a copy of the instrument now carrying about the several Wards of this City
and County; the Inhabitants thereby revoking and annulling all powers and authorities of
Congresses, Committees and Conventions over them. This measure I recommended as
salutary for the purpose of making known to the Province and other Colonies that the Delegates
in Continental and Provincial Congresses for the City and County of New York, were no
longer acting under the Colour of the, even unlawful, authority; and should these Delegates
presume longer to Act after such revocation; their doings must appear still more flagrant and
arbitrary than when veiled under the sanction of their Constituents.
I am with all possible respect and esteem
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient and
very humble servant
W" Trton.
Inclosure in Governor Tryon's Letter to Lord George Germain. 15. Febr^ 1777.
N" 34.
Whereas certain persons now Members of What is called the Provincial Congress of the
Province of New York, do claim and actually exercise the power of representing this City and
County, and are with such Congress pursuing measures totally subversive, as well of His
Maj'J''* Govern', as of our liberty and Happiness ; we therefore, the Freeholders and
Inhabitants of the City and County of New York, whose names are hereunto subscribed, do
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLVI. 699
hereby in the most explicit manner, disavow, renounce and disclaim such their assumption of
power and all submission or obedience to any orders or resolutions of the said Provincial
Congress, and of any Continental Congress Committees, or Conventions whatsoever, claiming
to exercise any such unlawful power over us, hereby recognizing and acknowledging our
submission to His Maj'J'" Govern', under which alone, we wish and expect to derive those
solid and permanent blessings, which are peculiar to the British Constitution, and the
inheritance of a British subject.
True Copy.
Test :
W" Tryon.
{N»3)
Colonel Guy Johnson, to Lord George Germain.
[Plantations General (8. P. O.) CCLXIII. ]
New York Feb 15. 1777.
My Lord.
I lately by desire, laid before Sir William Howe, the State of my Department, with such
hints as I thought best for the service, and which I flatter myself the General will countenance
as far as he sees eligible; but the Indians, tho' they faithfully observed the promises they
made to me, and assembled in great numbers last year both in Canada and at Niagara, were
little employed, and by the arrangement of Indian AfFiiirs my authority does not extend to
Canada, neither has there been any communication yet formed by which we could bring those
Indians who are under my Super Intendency to act with General Howes army, where they
could be very serviceable. This consideration moved me to represent that if such an opening
was not likely to be effected this way, I would willingly, if a body of troops went around by
the Lakes or otherwise to the Northward, accompany them and do what service I could in
that country on being properly authorized ; but as General Howe is sensible of the advantages
the Indians would be of to this army, and as I have sent messages to prepare them to avail
themselves of the first opportunity to joyn it, I at the same time took the liberty to suggest
my thoughts as to the mode of effecting such a junction, which in my conception deserves
particular attention for any early movement that will facilitate their meeting us, will afford
great advantage to the troops & promote the success of the subsequent military operations ;
and the terror of their name, without any acts of savage cruelty, will tend much to the speedy
termination of the Rebellion, I presume on your Lordship's indulgence to mention these
matters by the opportunity which Gen' Robertson affords me; hoping to write soon on those
of more importance, for I wish to render myself acceptable to His Majesty by an attention to
my duties, and I trust in your Lordships support and countenance for rendering them
more effectual.
I have the honor to be, with much respect
My Lord
Your Lordships most obedient
The Right Honorable & most obliged humble Serv*
Lord George Germain G. Johnson.
700 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
Colonel ClauJi to Secretary Knox.
[ Pl.inlallons General (S. P. O.) CCLXIII. ]
iV 1 Ryder Street 1 iMarch 77.
Sir.
Before my departure for America I take the liberty of inclosing you my feeble thoughts
about the management of the Northern Indians in America, but am afraid I have not been
able to express my ideas so as to be very intelligible. However as you are very well versed
in those matters, I dare say you will guess at what I mean. They are my sentiments without
partiality, interest or view, and according to my notion of carrying Indian Affairs, will after
this rebellion in particular, prove of utility to government, which should appropriate Ind"
matters entirely to itself, by confining them to His Majesty's guarrisons on the Frontiers.
I must entreat you Sir not to leave me to the mercy of a stranger in assigning me a vessell
at Cork for a passage across tiie Atlantic. As to myself, I never made myself uneasy, and
always leave those matters to chance; but when women and children (some of which not
being my own) are in the case, one would willingly use as much precaution as possible, to
guard ag" blame and self accusation in case of accidents. I understand the Alexander is a
fine vessell, and wish 1 could go in her or such like.
1 likewise humbly conceive that a hint to Gen' S" W"" Howe with regard to my allowance,
might be of service. Lord G. Germaine was pleased to tell me a short time ago, that anything
you could suggest to him with consistency, to be of service to me, he would with pleasure
agree to.
I intend setting off by next Monday's Chester Coach ; wishing you every happiness you can
desire, and am, with the greatest esteem and gratitude for your many kindnesses and good
offices while in England
Sir
Your most obedient and
most obliged humble Servant
To William Knox Esq Dan. Claus.
Colonel Claus' Remarks on the Management of the Northern Indian Nations.
The Indians in North America in general and those in particular that live any distance from
the European settlements, consider themselves a free and independent people, liable to no
subjection or subordination and consequently must be managed and ruled, either by persuasion
or influence or some kind of awe, or military authority & parade.
The persons tiierefore who are to have the care and superintendancy of their affairs under
government and would carry on business with them by persuasion and influence, ought to be
possessed of an even temper, great patience and good nature, being well acquainted with
their customs manners and language, persons of authority and consequence, of merit and
character in publick life, and, according to the Indian phrase, have been great and successfull
Warriors in their time.
Any one who has had a moderate acquaintance with the late S'' W" Johnson, will allow
that gentleman to have been possessed of the above qualifications, as much as any mortal
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLVI. 701
possibly could be, keeping up a uniform conduct in every one, for upwards of 30 years. And
these were tlie motives wliicii indeered' the Indians to have so universal and firm an attachment
to, and regard for him ; even those that never saw him, held him in respect and esteem from
the report of others, and received his messages and speeches with due attention. But with
him all these necessary qualifications were hurried, and it may with confidence be ascerted
that there is hardly one to be found to equal him, in that respect, in America; and yet
without some of the most essential of the above requisites, no one can be of much service to
the Crown in Indian matters, particularly if a man cannot keep a private conference with an
Indian it is a great defect, as their most consequential business often consists in such
interviews. Indians in general are fond of carrying secrets to their Superintendant, which
they would not choose should come thro' the mouth of an Interpreter, and such defects have
already been noticed and regreted by them. To convene a body of all sexes & sizes of
Indians is an easy matter when there is a prospect of presents and provisions; but to get
them to perform any business or service for government, without the person that requires it
commands some awe and respect with them, they will give evasive answers and seldom or
never comply.
Wherefore the above alternative, which will as near as possible or perhaps better, answer
the ends of government in preserving the friendship and attachment of the Indians and make
them serviceable to the Crown, is to endeavour to draw some awe and respect from them by a
military show and parade, which they are fond of, and may be brought about by having their
affairs superintended under the direction of the Commanding Officers of the respective posts
in the Indian country, whom the Indians always regard as the King's Representatives and
respect them as such. At the same time no meeting of public Business ought to take place,
without the whole garrison being present and clean, the Officers to assume an air of
consequence & decorum on the occasion, which is very striking and taking with the Indians,
and was always practiced by the French in the Indian Country & procured them that respect
& awe the Indians used to have for them. — Indians in general show a greater esteem for the
Military while used friendly by them, than any man in civil life, all their politics being
founded upon war ; and the more they are accustomed to the soldiery the better, as they may
easier be brought to act together upon an emergency. Wherefore it appears more natural and
reasonable to carry on their affairs in a military channel, the services chiefly required of them
being of a military nature.
The late S' W" Johnson was very sensible that Niagara or Detroit, were the properest and
most central places to convene Indians at, after the reduction of Canada, having held
Congresses himself at each, and would have done it frequently had his health permitted
him latterly.
A Superintendant therefore in a Civil Capacity ought by all means & at least constantly
reside at Niagara, & visit the other posts and Indian countries in their turn; as the calling of
Indians living about the Upper Lakes to the settlements of any of the Provinces is very
inconvenient & disagreeable to them, besides expensive to the Govern'. And some ill minded
inhabitant may overset the proceedings of a Congress by a malicious & disaffected discourse
in broken Indian, and in general Indians on their return from such a meeting, have liquor sold
them by bad people, to get their presents or other necessaries from them, and often come
home to their families strip'd of every thing, & perhaps bruised & beat in the bargain, which
^ Sic. Quf induced. —Ed.
702 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
rhust create ill blood & disputes, & perhaps affect a whole nation. All which may be easily
prevented at a post.
Wherefore the whole management of Indian Matters, as well as Trade, ought to be carried
on under the direction of the Commanding Officers of the posts of the Ind° Country, their
duty easily admitting of it; and as Niagara is the head Quarter of those garrisons, it ought
to be fixed upon the principal meeting place for the Indians in the Northern District upon
public occasions and business of consequence.
The Superintendancy of the Northern District in general ought to be vested in the Governor
or General of Quebec; who whenever he thought it necessary or had any thing of importance
to propose to the Indians in behalf of His Majesty, might summons the whole Confederacy to
Montreal and meet them himself, which would give his proposals the more weight; some of
the Oificers of every garrison to accompany the Indians & attend the Congress, and return
with the Indians, reminding them of their engagements to the Governor, & prevent any insults
from the inhabitants. All Indian proceedings at the Posts to be wrote down and reported to
the General of the District in order to be recorded.
It is a mistaken notion to pretend dividing the grand Confederacy of the Northern District
and having it superintended by persons independent of each other; which may occasion much
confusion in Indian Affairs. That there were two Confederacies of Indians in the Northern
District is very true, viz' the Iroquois or Six Nations who claime an alliance with the Hurons
at Detroit, and all the Indians to the West and South West of them to the Ilinois including
the Ohio ; and the Seven Nations in the Province of Quebec, who claim an alliance with
all the Indian Nations to North and North West of them. These two Confederacies however
have since the conquest of Canada united themselves, and act in concert in all matters of
importance, and the appointment of Officers will not make them alter their plan. It was a
great object with the French for many years to gain over the Six Nations to their interest, and
thereby bring about this grand Confederacy of Indians, in order to facilitate their plan of
having a chain of Forts from Canada to Louisiana, and all the Indian Nations in their interest ;
which they very near effected, by having already gained over the Upper Senecas, a numerous
Nation, and others living in the neighbourhood of Niagara, of Cayouga and Onondago. Those
Senecas are a people of consequence with the Nations to the Westard, having many of their
people dispersed among them, and while well used by us may prove very serviceable, they
being at present well attached to Government. They had so much influence at the breaking
out of the late Indian War in 1763 as to engage all those Nations in their interest, who cut off
then the different garrisons in their country.*
Note * These Upper Senecas alias the Tsinusios have been chiefly in the French interest, since the French were in
possession of Niagara, it being with their consent and permission they were allowed to establish themselves there; that
Nation of Indians claiming the property of the Soil. In consideration of which priviledge they were much caressed and
'ndulged by the French, and had the liberty to enjoy the emoluments of that Carrying Place, which were so lucrative &
considerable to that Nation, that in a short time they enriched themselves thereby, and had besides some other advantages
in trade and other necessaries of life. When the plan for attacking that fortress was laid in 1758, 9. it having been since
the attempt by Genl Shirley in 1755, entirely new laid out a constructed by that able Engineer Monsr Bouchot, the late Sir
Wm Johnson apprehended the greatest obstacle on the side of the Indians, who were so well contented with their neighbours
the French and their own prosperous and happy situation. He therefore had no small point to gain, in obtaining the consent
and assistance of those Indians to join the army that was to besiege it, as without which, success must in all probability be
doubtful! ; but he surmounted that difficulty by that cleverness in Indian Politics so peculiar to himself; and an expedition was
set forward in June 1759 against a Post the most regular finished in Canada, being the key from the Westward, the troops
consisting of the 44th 46th 2 comps of 60th Regt and the New York Provll Regt with a very indifferent train of Artillery
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 703
Good faithfull and sober interpreters are requisites for the commanding Officers at the Posts,
in whom the Indians may have confidence ; it is to be lamented there are few or hardly any to
be met with in the Northern District, and what adds to the defect is, that none of the Officers
appointed to the management of their affiiirs, understand any Indian language at all, which
is very inconvenient and disagreeable to the Indians. Government should loose no time to
encourage parents living about the upper posts, to send their children very young to the
neighbouring Indian towns, to acquire their languages and to remain among them untill they
became perfect in the pronunciation and accent, which may be in 3 or 4 years time; after
which to give them a grammar education, then send them to the garrison they were intended
for, & they will be of great use: the generality of Interpreters being very illiterate, not having
their own language sufficiently to translate it either way.
Armorers and Blacksmiths are likewise essentially necessary to be kept up at the posts, to
make & mend the Indians arms and other implements; and what the Crown allows to be
done for them in such articles, ought to be by an order from the Commanding Officer upon
application from the Chieftain of the party that has any such work to do, which will give the
former the more consequence and influence, and be considered by the latter a great piece of
friendship and favor.
Presents ought to be given very cautiously and well timed, & seldom or never without some
services or merit entitle an Indian to it, or real want and objects of poverty require it; for if
presents are given without the above motives and considerations, the Indians will look upon
which GenI Prideaux found fault with. At the same time the Indians consisting of upwards of 1000 were the pilots, guides,
and in a manner, guards to that expedition, continual]}' scowring the woods with ivhich our little army was surrounded, and
sending scouts to the Westward wherefrom a reinforcement of French and Indians was expected, and in consequence gave
Sr Willm Johnson all the intelligence he could desire of its approach and the disposition of the Indians, which he found was
friendly; so that he had nothing or at least very little to fear from that quarter, <fe which the event manifested, and the
success of that siege was in a great measure owing to the vigilance & dexterity of the Indians; and General Haldimands
gallant action at Oswego in defeating a party of French and Indians commanded by the Chevr La Come, of a much superior
number to him and before he had time to make his Camp defensible. Had the French succeeded, the communication with
our provisn would have been cut off, and in all probability the place must have been abandoned again. The conquest of
Niagara at the same time was the means of the most consequential diversion in favor of General Wolf that campaign, which
the most knowing people in Canada will allow ; for it set the whole Colony in an alarm, disheartened the Canadian army at
Quebec, as it was expected our army would make a descent that Fall, down the river St. Lawrence and take possession of
Montreal, and General Levy was in consequence detached with a body of troops to proceed to Swegachy to oppose our
descent, on which occasion he built Fort Levy afterwards Wm Augustus: So that General Montcalms army was much
dispirited and weakened thereby, before he attacked Genl Wolf; the Canadians not engaging at all. After the conquest of
Canada, the Indians in general were disregarded. The Tsinusio Inds had their priviledge of Niagara portage and other
advantages taken from them, and having for many years entirely depended upon that for their support, they soon were
reduced to a naked <fe starving condition, not having been accustomed to hunting from that time, besides their country being
scarce of game. What added to their misfortune was, that in the Fall 1762 a Dutch Indian Trader was killed by a vagrant
Indian from the Ohio, in their Country, and fled for it; for which murder the Commander in Chief demanded satisfaction
from them, and they not capable to give it as required, hostile measures were put on foot against them. In this situation
they saw themselves necessitated to call the Western Indians to their assistance; who being then unfriendly to us, thro' Ihe
instigation of the French traders about the upper Posts and some principal people at Montreal, readily accepted their
messages, and in Spring 1763 by a well concerted plot, cutoff all the posts beyond Niagara, except Detroit; which was
happily discovered before executed, and the Tsinusio's cut off the communication to Niagara by land, and defeated a party
of 100 men of the 80th Regt and thus brought on that destructive Indn War which cost so much blood <t treasure before it
could be settled again. Indians not easily forgetting injuries, the Tsinusio's still harbored ill will against those they ascribed
their misfortunes and losses to, in reflecting upon their once happy days at Niagara, & could not be prevailed upon to attach
themselves cordially to the British interes, till after the unwearied pains and endeavours of the late Sr. Willra Johnson they
about 6 years ago declared themselves publicly at Johnson Hall firm friends and allies to the Crown of Great Britain, and
have hitherto behaved as such.
704 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
it as a due, or some interested view in tlie giver, and it will answer very little purpose. If the
Chiefs and principal men of each nation, have now and then a little favour shewn them, it will
influence the whole & keep them well disposed, and a little refuse provisions given to those
that really want it will have a good effect upon the rest.
Indian Affairs being carried on agreable to the above hints, may in all probability prove for
the good of the service as by good usage and fair trade the Indians will become familiarized
and attached to the troops and garrisons in their country, and consequently be solely under the
direction of the Crown and thereby prevented from being tampered with and debauched by
the Colonists, and the posts become a formidable frontier; a scheme the French so long
wished and laboured for to bring about, in order to overawe the British Colonies, and which,
after matter are brought to rights with the Colonies, may be serviceable to government upon
the same footing the French intended it, in case of future disturbances, for which the Province
of Quebec and its frontier garrisons are extreamly well calculated. As the rebels attempted to
take the management of Indians in their hands, it will be a good reason to give to the Indians
for putting the above plan in execution.
Dan : Claus
late Superint' of the Can* Ind°'
N. B. The Indian Nations to whom the above plan would rather be inconvenient, are the
domesticks of the Prov" of New York, viz' the Mohawks, some Oneidas & Susquehanna
Indians, as the distance is too great for them to go to Niagara on private business to have their
armours and smiths work done; and as they have always been indulged in that particular on
account of their antient fidelity to the Crown, a person might be appointed to transact their
business and satisfy them in that respect, under the direction of the General of the District,
who being nearer that the Superintendat at Niagara.
D: C.
Lord George Germain to Governor Try on.
[ New-York Papers ( 8. P. 0. ) OLXIX. ]
N"
Sir,
By His Maj'y'' ship Bristol, I received your dispatches numbered from 22 to 27, and this day
those numbered 28 and 29. have arrived in the mail of the New York packet.
When I had the honor to lay these dispatches before the King, His Majesty observed with
great satisfaction the effusions of Loyalty and affection which break forth in the addresses of
his faithful subjects upon their deliverance from the Tyrany and oppression of the Rebel
Committees, & the proof given by the Inhabitants of King's County of their zeal for the success
of his Maj'''"" measures, by so generously contributing towards the expence of raising Col :
Fanning's Battalion, was highly pleasing to the King, and cannot fail of recommending them
to his Maj*'''' favour. Should their example be followed by the King's other loyal subjects, it
must be productive of the best effects, and not only remove that reproach of lukewarmness in
the cause of the Constitution, which I am sorry to say is but too generally cast upon them,
LONDON DOCUMENTS: ALVI. 705
but have a great tendency to dash the hopes of the Rebels by convincing them, that Govern'
has resources, even in America, for crushing their Rebellion ; and for the greater encouragement
of the King's faithful subjects to stand forth upon this great occasion, his Maj'^ is graciously
pleased to authorize you to give assurances of grants of like portions of land to the non
Commissioned Officers and private Soldiers of the corps which shall be raised in your Province,
and continue in His Maj'^'* service during the war, as were given to His Maj''''' Troops of the
same Rank by the Proclamation of 1763.
The doubt entertained by the Officers of the Navy, of the competency of a Court of vice-
Admiralty constituted at New-York, to condemn captures while the restraining act has its
operation upon that Province, does not appear to me to be void of foundation, and 1 shall take
an early opportunity of referring your letter and the clause you propose to His Majesty's
principal Law servants, for their opinion of the necessity of enacting that, or a similar clause,
in order to give legality to the proceedings of your Court.
I am ettc.
3 March 1777. Geo: Germain.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXIX. ]
N» 35.
New York. 2S March 1777.
My Lord,
Herewith is transmitted the names of the persons in this City whom I mentioned to have
taken the Oath of fidelity and allegiance to His Maj''' and his Govern', with a publication
containing the declaration of its Inhabitants renouncing all authority to Congress and
Committees.
I have also the honor of inclosing to Your Lord? my letter to Gen' Sir W" Howe,
accompanying the plan for the Establishment of the Provincial Corps, which is now under
His Excell'^J''" consideration. From the nature of the service I shall be employed in, it is very
probable I may not have opportunities of sending any Dispatches to your Lord? during the
campaign; should therefore esteem it very expedient, that a Lieut' Gov' should be on the spot
to communicate to your LordP the Civil transactions of the Province.
The happy success of the Detachment under Col : Bird' at Pecks Kill, has been important
and must greatly retard the operations of the Rebels.
I am with the greatest respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obed' and very humble serv'
W™ Tryon.
•Lieutenant-Colonel John Bibd -was commissioned Lieutenant in the 19th Foot on the 8th April, 1755, which regiment
Rerved in the expedition against Belleisle, in the Bay of Biscay, in 1761, and in July, of that year. Lieutenant Bird was
promoted to a company; the regiment was afterwards in garrison at Gibraltar until 1769, when he was appointed to be
Major, and seryed next in the British Islands until 1776, when he was promoted to be l.ieutenant-Colonel of the 15th regi-
ment He was killed at the battle of Germantown, 4th October, 1777. BsatsorLS Naval and Military Memoirs, VI., 85. — Ed.
Vol. VHL 89
706 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXIX. ]
NMO.
Whitehall. 2. April 1777.
Sir.
I have received by General Robertson,' triplicates of your letters numbered 32, 33, and 34.
and laid them before the King; but neither the originals or duplicates of Numbers 30 and
31. have come to hand.
The success vrhich has attended your endeavours to unite the Inhabitants of New York in
engagements to maintain the Constitution, and defend themselves against any attack of the
Rebells, is at once a proof of your Zeal for the King's service, and of their conviction how
entirely their happiness and security is connected with the maintenance of His Maj'^'"' just
rights, and a due subordination to the authority of the Supreme Legislature, and I shall be
very happy to find their disavowal of the Acts of those, who call themselves the Representatives
of the Province, has the good effect you hope for, in awakening the influence and exciting
opposition to the arbitrary proceedings of that illegal Body.
It was a great pleasure to me to find by a dispatch I received from General Sir William
Howe, at the same time with your's, that he intended accepting the offer you made of your
service to command the loyal American levies, and I have the further satisfaction to acquaint
you, that I have had the honor to signify to the General His Majesty's approbation of
that intention.
I am ettc.
Geo: Germain.
' LieutenantGeneral James Eoeebison waa appointed Major of the Ist battalion of the 60th or Royal American, in
December, 1755, and in May, 1758, was appointed by General Abercromby Deputy Quarter-Master General of Ihe army in
North America. He accompanied the expedition against Louisbourg in 1758, as Quarter-Master General (BeaUon's Nnval
and Military Memoirs, III., 173; Knox, l, 162, 189), and was promoted to be Lieutenant-Colonel in the army 8th July.
1768. In 1759 he accompanied Amherst up Lakes George and Champlain, in charge of the Quarter-Master's department,
and on the 29th October of that year, was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of the 55th regiment. Wilson's MS. Orderly Book.
In February, 1760, he exchanged into the 15th, which regiment formed part of the expedition against Martinico, in 1752,
and returned to England in 1767, and in the following year Lieutenant-Colonel Robertson exchanged into the 16th, which
remained in America. In 1772 he became Colonel in the army. In July, 1775, he was stationed at Boston (Journal of
New-York Provincial Congress, I, 119) ; was appointed Major-General in America 1 January, 1776, and Colonel commanding
60th regiment 11 January following; when the array ayacuated that city that year, " General Robertson, under an official
cover, seems to have been as great a plunderer as any, and to have connived at the rascally conduct of smaller villains.
He might possibly answer to himself for the part he was acting, by viewing what he secured as an equivalent for the many
thousands he has out at interest and in property in the Colony of New-York and elsewhere, should the same be seized." 4
American Archives, V., 425. He accompanied the army under Howe to Staten Island, and commanded the 6th brigade in
the engagement of the 1st August, and afterwards in the battle of Long Island, when he shortly after came to New-York
city. He returned to England in February, 1777 (5 American Archives, III., 1317), and on 29 August of that year became
Major-General in the army. On 14 May, 1778, he was appointed Colonel of the 16th regiment, and on 4lh May, 1779,
received a commission as Governor of New-York, and was accordingly sworn in on 23d March, 1780. New-York Council
Minutes, XXVL, 459, 473. He became Lieutenant-General 20 November, 1782 ; embarked at New-York fur England on the
16th April, 1783, and died in 1788. Army Lists. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 707
Colonel Guy Jolinmn to Lonl George Germain.
r Plantations General (S. P. 0.) CCLXIII. ]
(N»4)
New York 7 April 1777
My Lord.
Last month I was honor'd with Your Lordships dispatch N° 1. previous to the receipt of
which I had propos'd to prevent farther disappointment or least this communication should
not be opened in good time, to go to Canada, & with permission of the General there, to
assemble my own Indians and march them as the service shou'd require; but after considering
the situation of things here, S" W"" Howe thinks this rout most expedient, & I have sent
messages across the country to prepare the Indians to meet our army on their first movement
to the Northward, and they may then be directed East or West as there shall be occasion.
I cannot help considering the possession of Hudson's River as an object of the greatest
importance; as it will seperate the Eastern from the Southern Colonies, open a door to a large
body of distressed but truly loyal subjects, and enable this army to have the assistance of the
Indians in all their future operations ; and 1 am encouraged to hope as well from Your
Lordship's letter as from the destination of the Indian presents that this rout will be among
the first objects, when from the attention of my officers in the different parts of the Country, the
zeal of the Indians, and the measures I am taking, such a junction will be formed, as will
facilitate the ends of government ; and I am now forming some good woodsmen (with the
General's approbation) out of sundry persons who have found means to escape to me from
the back country, and who will be particularly usefuU to accompany Indian parties, as has
been the practise in this Department. I beg to assure Your Lordship that I shall act to the
best of my judgment and the utmost of my power for His Majesty's service, and I have
the honor to be, with the greatest respect
My Lord
Your Lordships most obedient
and most faithfuU humble Serv*
The Right Honorable G. Johnson
Lord Geo. Germain.
Governor Tryon to Secretary Knox.
New York, 21 April. 1777.
Dear Sir,
I thank you for the favour of your letter of the Id"" of January, which gave me much
satisfaction, in the assurance, that my sentiments respecting the present Rebellion correspond
with those of my superiors. I am exactly of opinion with Colonel La [Corne] S' Luc, who
says ; II faut lacher les sauvages centre les miserables Rebels, pour imposer de terreur sur les
frontiers; II dit de plus, (mais un peu trop pour moi) "qu'il faut brutalizer les affaires,"
assurement, il est bien enrag^e de la mauvais traitement, qu'il a re9U de les avengles peuples —
but not to blunder longer on in a language I know imperfectly, I shall express his other
708 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
sentiments in the English dialect. He assured me that upon the opening of the first assembly
with the Savages in Canada, his feelings would be to poignant at their first interview, as would
impose a perfect silence upon him, while tears would run down his cheeks ; & that when he
should be able to expatiate on the indignities and injuries he had experienced, they would
instantly take up tiie hatciiet, and resent his aff'ronts. So reciprocal is the affection between
the Father and his Children, for such they style each other respectively, and by whom he is
as much cherished, as was Sir W" Johnson by the Indians of the Six Nations. These
anecdotes you may esteem worthy to communicate.
His Excell*^^ Gen' S' W"" Howe, has been pleased to appoint me to command the Provincial
Corps within tliis Province with the Rank of Major Gen' of the Provincial Forces. This place
me behind all tlie Mnjors General in this army, though I am an older Colonel than any of them.
However, at this crisis a passe droit, does not weigh so much with me, as an opportunity
given me to lend a hand to beat down this Republican Revolt. The inclosed letter, I beg you
will lay before Lord George Germain with my respectful regards, as I have not troubled his
LordP with a Dispatch this Packet, having nothing material to communicate in the Civil line.
The Judge is a truly honest faithful servant to the Crown, but through age very infirm, and as
he has lost his wife, his carriage and two horses will not keep him long alive.
I shall b'j silent on Military prospects, you must have them from the fountain head.
I am Dear Sir
Your most obedient servant.
Wm Thyon.
CMef Justice Horsmanden to Oovernor Th^yon.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXIX. ]
New York. 19. April 1777.
Honoured Sir.
enclosed in Govr Your Exccll^y Well remembers, what circumstances you found me in, on your
Knox"'Vf'"2i!'Ajfri affival to this Governm'; that I was then Chief Justice of the Province, and had
been so for eight or ten years (as my memory serves me) and had no other
allowance on the assembly for the support of the dignity of that office, than the miserable pittance
of three hundred pounds a year this currency, and the fees of the office, trifling and insignificant,
but upon your Excell^^' recommendation home, his Maj'^ was pleased to allow me Five hundred
pounds sterling a year, which I was to receive half yearly on the Commiss" of Trade
at Boston, wli'^'' I did to the time of their removal to Halifax, since which, has incurred one
year and a half the beginning of this month ; but I am much at a loss how to apply for it, but
as the Commiss" are now in London, I have wrote to them for information.
When the dutys arisen by Trade fell, the Commiss" had directions from the Lords of
Treasury to give drafts upon them for the salarys of the Officers of Government, of which I
have had two, the salary being payable half yearly.
Your Excell'y well remembers, that three or four years ago ( I think ) the King's special
Commission was sent over by Lord Dartmouth, then Secretary of State, empowering the
persons therein named, (of which I was one) to enquire into the affair of the destruction of
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 709
His Maj'''"' schooner Gaspee at Rhode Island. Your Excell'^ knew the State of health I was in
at the time I embarked for Newport, much enfeebled by the Rheumatism, the time of year,
in December, when it is generally expected the River is full of ice. Myself unable to walk
without help, and at a time of life drawing near to fourscore; but as Lord Dartmouth's
directions, was to proceed immediately to that place, in order to execute that Commission, I
did not hesitate to undertake it, but was obliged to take with me my Wife, carriage and two
horses, without which, I could have been of no use. After passing several weeks there, and
doing little to the purpose, the Commiss" found it necessary to adjourn over to the next year,
which occasioned a second voyage under the like circumstances and at length the Commiss"
were obliged to close the Commission having not been able to make any discovery to answer
the intent of tlie Commission ; upon which occasion 1 expended upwards of two hundred pounds
of my ownmoney, which remains out of pocket this day, and hitherto my trouble for nothing.
Upon the proceedings of the Commiss" being sent home. Lord Dartmouth directed the
Commiss" to send home their accounts of the expenses they had been at. It was imagined
with a view to compell Rhode Island Govern' to discharge them, but if that was the intent, the
alterations of the circumstances of that Govern' in these times of Confusion, that expectation
is at an end, and in the anarchy and distraction, which now surround us, and the great
difficulty in getting money amongst us which is our due, Your Excell''^ knows how needful it
is to be solicitous for it, where it is due in other quarters. I must humbly entreat Your
Excell'^^ to represent my case to Lord George Germain, hoping, from his clemency and
goodness to have a method pointed out, by which I may have satisfaction made in the
foregoing particulars,
I am with the greatest respect
Sir
Your Excell'^*'* most devoted,
obedient, humble servant
( Referred to the Right Hoa*"'* Lord Geo : Germain Dan : Horsmanden.
by W"> Tryon. )
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXIX. ]
New York. 2. May 1777.
My Lord,
The bearer, M"" Laight, is a good and faithful subject, which testimony he desired, I would
give your LordP. The success of the Enterprize in Connecticut under my command, 1 must
leave to General S' W™ Moore' to particularize, I shall only observe, that my obligations to
Sir W" Erskine are beyond the measure of praise on the occasion; without him I should have
been much embarrassed if nothing worse, and with his aid I met with no difficulties, but what
the spirit and activity of both Officers and Soldiers honorably surmounted — Submitting myself
to your LordP's patronage I am very respectfully Your LordP's obed' humble serv'
W" Tryon.
710 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXIX.l
N« 11.
Whitehall 19 May 1777
Sir.
His Maj'J'"' ship Bristol being under orders to return to North America, I avail myself of the
opportunity to acquaint you that I have received your Dispatches numbered 31, 35, 36 and 37.
together with three private letters of the 9"" of April by the New York Packet, which arrived
tiie day after the last mail was sent from hence.
The reasons you suggest for the appointment of a Lieut' GoV of the Province would incline
me to submit to the King the expediency of making that appointm' immediately, if I knew a
proper person to recommend lo His Maj'J' for the Office. You must be sensible that there
being no Salary annexed to it, and the chance of any emoluments arising from the execution
of it in the present circumstances so small, no fit person here could be expected to accept it,
and I am not sufficiently informed of the real characters of those in New York, who might
desire to be appointed, to vouch for their fittness. I wish therefore to receive some further
information, before I take any steps in this business, and I must desire the favour of you to
acquaint me with the names and characters of such Gentlemen as Sir W" Howe and yourself
shall judge best qualified, for this important Station.
In the mean time as Civil Govern' is not restored, I do not apprehend any material
inconvenience can happen from the Senior Counsellor being intrusted with the exercise of the
small share of authority which devolves to him upon your departure from the capital.
I beg you will be assured that I should find a particular pleasure in forwarding any
proposition of your's of a tendency to promote your happiness or advantage; but I am so
sensible of the important services you have done to the public, and of the great benefit the
Kings affairs must receive from your continuing in the Govern' of New York, until peace is
restored, & the Constitution has resumed its legal form and authority, that I cannot, consistent
with my duty to the King, or regard for the public, recommend to His Maj'^ a compliance with
the request you make in one of your private letters, and therefore I have not judged it proper
to mention it to His Majesty.
The rapid success in raising a Corps of Provincial Loyalists, which has followed your
appointment to the Command of it, is a striking proof of your influence over the Inhabitants,
and of the zealous endeavours you have exerted for bringing them back to their duty.
The King commands me to express to you His Royal approbation of your unceasing
attention to His service ; and I have the satisfaction to add that His Maj''' has the greatest
reliance on the spirit and loyalty of His faithful American subjects under your command, and
entertains very high expectations, that the most important consequences will attend their
vigorous efforts under a Command they are so much attached to, and whose fortitude and
ability afford the fairest hopes of success in all his undertakings.
I am ettc.
Geo. Germain.
N»39.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 711
Governor Try on to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXIX. ]
New York. 8 June 1777.
My Lord.
I have been honored with your LordP's dispatches up to N" 9. inclusive; His Mnj'^'"
approbation of the Conduct of the Militia of King's County in raising a sum of money for the
encouragement of Colonel Tanning's Battalion, (which is nearly compleat) encouraged me to
forward that Spirit among the districts of the Province within the limits of the Army.
Accordingly I published an extract of your LordP's letter, recommending the measure, and
appointed certain Gentlemen to receive the subscriptions, who are now engaged in that service.
I received information last night, that the Inhabitants of Staten Island, have raised five
hundred pounds for the comfort and encouragement of the Provincial Forces raised in this
Province; queen's and Suffolk Counties are now forming their contributions & this City has
already contributed, (tho' the subscription was opened but last week) upwards of two
thousand pounds.
These testimonials of Loyal liberality, I have the pleasure to assure myself will be pleasing
to His Majesty.
The Court of Admiralty has not yet been opened, waiting for an act of Parliament to give
it, its full competency, for the want of which the captors of prizes have been great sufferers by
the waste & damage to both vessels and cargoes, tho' I am informed, many perishable articles
have been sold, which Acts I presume will require the sanction of Parliament.
I am with all possible respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obed' & very humble serv'
W" Tryon.
Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Gernuun.
t Plantations General ( 3. P. O. ) CCLXUI. 1
(NO 6).
New York June S"- 1777.
My Lord.
In my letter of April last (N" 4) I mentioned briefly the state of matters at that time; a few
days after a person whom I employed to carry messages to the Indians an obtain an account
of the state of the rebel garrisons returned, with a full state of the strength and circumstances of
the Forts from Tienderoga to Albany, which he obtained thro' his address under an assumed
character, & likewise gave a particular account of a large magazine of military stores and
provisions collected at Danbury in Connecticut : which I communicated to S' W" Howe, who
soon after sent a body of troops there, that efTectually destroyed the whole, as he has doubtless
acquainted your Lordship.
The last of April a person had the good fortune to arrive from Canada, who brought me
letters from my Officers, with an acco' of the Six Nations having called in and assembled all
712 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
their people, in order to make a diversion on the frontiers of this Province & Pensyivania,
agreable to my messages ; since which they have made several attacks along the back
settlements from Fort Stanwix to the Ohio, with such success that the rebels have been obliged
to detach General Hand ^ with some troops to protect the frontiers and are in much
consternation. This loyalty of the Indians is a great obstruction to their levies, and is as
much as can be expected 'till we open the natural communication by Hudson's River to them,
for they are very badly supplied with arms and ammunition, and as they never lay up more
provisions than become absolutely necessary for family consumption, they can only carry on
the war in flying partys, till a communication is effected with our army, when they may be
supplied and marched in large bodies as the service may require ; and event for which I am
extremely anxious, as I conceive it would much facilitate the military operations. We have
indeed for some time expected to hear of the approach of the Northern Army and the favorable
season there, with the readiness in which they were represented to be, in the letters I received,
gave the strongest grounds for it. Sir Will™ Howe's first movements will be for another
quarter, but from his orders to me I have reason to hope that a push will be soon made to
the Northward.
The vessel with Indian presents, mention'd by Your Lordship, arrived some time past, and
its contents are well stored 'till there shall be occasion for them.
ftr Chew (my Secretary) having been lately on some business towards the East end of
Long Island, was made prisoner with many others by a party of rebels, and as some think
betray'd by the disaffected inhabitants in that quarter. But however general the infatuation
of the multitude may be, the mistaken fidelity of the Indians is a sensible check to them, & I
cannot too much applaud the loyalty of the Six Nations, under the many disadvantages they
must labour 'till the rout is opened, which will enable them to see the strength of His Majesty's
arms and to receive the necessary supplys for prosecuting the war with vigour.
I beg to be honoured with your Lordship's commands and to assure you that nothing shall
be wanting on my part for promoting the true ends of government, and meriting the confidence
of my Royal Master thro' your Lordship's favorable opinion, and I have the honour to be,
with great respect & esteem. My Lord,
Your Lordships most obedient
and most humble Servant
To the Right Honorable Lord George Germain &" G. Johnson.
'Brigadier-GeBeral Edward Hand was born at Clyduff, King's county, Ireland, on the Slst December, 1744, and entered
the British army on 27th February, 1772, as Ensign of the 18th or Royal Irish regiment of foot, then serving in America. He
served about two years with this regiment, and then settled in Pennsylvania. At the beginning of the Revolution he was
appointed Lieutenant-Colonel ; on 7th March, 1776, was promoted to be Colonel of a regiment of Riflemen in the army at
Cambridge, at the head of which he served at the battle of Long Island in August following and shared in the retreat from
Brooklyn, of which he has left a graphic account In October following he was stationed at Delancey's Mills, Westchester
county, New-York, and was in the battle of Trenton at the close of the same year. He was appointed Brigadier-General in
April, 1777, and commanded at Pittsburgh during the following summer and fall. In October, 1778, he commanded at
Albany, and in 1780 was appointed to the command of one of the Light Infantry brigades; and at the close of the year,
succeeded Scammell as Adjutant-General, which post he held until the close of the war. General Hand died at Rockford,
Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, on the 3d September, 1802, in the 68th year of his age. —Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 713
Governor Try on to Lord George Germain.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. O.) CLXIX. ]
New York. 9. June 1777.
My Lord.
As the success of the late expedition to Connecticut to destroy the Rebel stores at Danbury
has been transmitted by the Commander in Chief, T only beg leave to assure your LordP,
every praise is due to the persevering courage and spirited behaviour of both Officers and
Men, on that service S' W"" Erskine^ was of important service in his double capacity, as
Brigadier and Quarter Master Generals, I hold him in such honorable esteem and regard, and
confess his Military abilities so superior to my own, that were I allowed to make a request to
His Maj'y in his behalf, it should be, that he might succeed to the command of a Regiment
before me, as much as I wish for that honour myself.
I am, My Lord, most respectfully
Your obedient servant.
W- Tryon M : G :
(N-e)
Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain.
[ Plantations General (8. P. 0.) CCLXIII.]
New York July 7'" 1777.
My Lord.
The day after dispatching my last letter, I had the pleasure of receiving one from the Chiefs
of the Six Nations written by Joseph, by their order ; informing that they liad assembled in
May agreable to the directions I had given, wished much to hear from S' W"" Howes army, as
they were all in readiness (the Oneidas excepted) and all determined as they expressed it "<o
Acl as one Man" referring me to the bearer for particulars which might have made their billet
too bulky. This information was that they had cut off a Serjeant and 1:.' men at Fort Slanwix,
had sent several partys to the back of Pensilvania &■= to the great terror of the inhabitants,
and had cut off a party, with 50 head of cattle for the rebel garrisons on the Mohock River,
that their main body of about 700 Indians were assembled near Owegy on the Susquehanna
'Lieutenant-GeDeral Sir William Ekskink, Bart, was appointed Captain of the 9th or Qucen'a Dragoons 25th December,
1755, and became Major of the 15th Light Dragoons in March, 1759, in which corps he served in Germany. On 29tli March,
1762, he became Lieutenant-Colonel of his regiment and so continued until 1770, when he was unattached. In 1776 he was
appointed Brigadier-General in America and commanded the 7lh Brigade in the engagement on Statcn Island, he afterwards
took a share in the operations near Brooklyn and commanded the detachment which took General Woodhull prisoner on
28th August, 1776. He was next appointed Quarter-.Master-General and acquitted himself with credit in that department.
In December, 1777, he became Colonel of the 80th Foot, and in the winter of 1778, '9, commanded the eastern district of
Long Island. In the last mentioned year he was promoted to be Major-General ; in 1782, became Colonel of the 2Cth or
Cameronian Foot, and Lieutenant-General in September, 1787. On the breaking out of the war between France and England,
he went to Flanders in 1793, as second in command to the Duke of York. After serving during that and the fallowing
campaign he returned to England in 1796, and died in the month of March of that year. Army Littt ; Philipari't Koyal
Military Calendar. — Ed.
Vol. Vin. 90
714 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
which would be much encreased so soon as any movement was made to the Northward,
adding that they would soon strike a blow.
This intelligence I communicated to S' W™ Howe, who expressed his satisfaction of their
conduct, and advised that they should be in readiness to joyn the first army that should come
to the Hudsons River communication ; which I forwarded by the person who brought their
letter, with such farther directions as occurred, respecting the stroke intended.
Our army, having evacuated New Jersey, will proceed immediately on some important
expedition. I wish it was for some quarter favorable to a junction with the Indians, whose
patience will I fear be exhausted if this event does not soon happen, as they are not calculated
for remaining long in one place. I have just heard from Capt. Glaus that thro' your Lordships
favor he is appointed to a command of Indians in Canada, a circumstance that will I am
persuaded give them great pleasure there; but I find by letters from thence that L' Col S'
Leger^ is gone on the proposed expedition by way of Ontario, and from the orders I have given
I make no doubt that the Six Nations will joyn him or the main army under General Burgoyne
(now said to be before Tienderoga. ) If there is no favorable movement from hence before he
advances, & till some junction is formed, they cannot be expected to do much, for the Indian
mode of carrying on war by themselves, is in small scattered partys, who return home and
feast after every little blow, whereby much time is lost, and little material performed beside
alarming the peasantry; which in the present war is not alone sufficient; but when they have
once joyned the army and can be armed clothed and properly attended to, I can then march
them with the army or form large detachments as the service may require, and both cover the
troops and annoy the rebels to good purpose. Tliis was successfully practised in the last war
by Sir W™ Johnson, and I expect to shew it in the present ; the opportunity only is wanting, I
hope it is not distant, for I have nothing to fear but delay, the Indians having treated the
applications of the rebels with the greatest contempt, and in all respects equalled my most
sanguine expectations.
I have had an interview with the Montok Indians on Long Island who tho' few in number
and surrounded by disaffected people, have offered their services whenever the General shall
please to make use of them, and I hold myself in readiness to proceed on the fi'^st movement
that can favor a junction to the Northward when the General tells me I shall receive his
further orders. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect
My Lord
Your Lordships most obedient
& most obliged humble serv'
G. Johnson.
I am just honor'd with copies of the late Act of Parliament, transmitted by M' Knox.
The Right Honorable Lord Geo. Germain
' Colonel Baret St. Leger entered the army on 27th April, 1766, as Ensign of the 28th regiment of foot, which he
accompanied to America in the following year, and in 1758 served at the siege of Louisbourg as Captain of the 48th, and
afterwards under Wolf at Quebec. In July, 1760, he was appointed Brigade-Major preparatory to marching to Montreal
( Knox, 11, 345), and on the 16th September, 1762, became Major of the 95th, but was unattached in 1763, when his regiment
was disbanded. In May, 1772, he was promoted to a Lieutenant-Colonelcy in the army, and in May, 1775, was appointed
to the 34th foot, and was sent soon after to Canada. His unsuccessful expedition against Fort Schuyler in 1777, when he
held the local rank of Brigadier, is a matter of history. In November, 1780, he rose to be Colonel in the army, and died in
1789 without having acquired any distinction in his profession. Army Lists. — Ed.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXIX.]
N" 40.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VI. 715
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
S.]
Kings Bridge Camp. S July 1777.
My Lord.
I am honored with the receipt of the original and duplicate of your Lordp's dispatch N° 10.
dated the 2'"' April last.
His Majestys Gracious approbation of my offer to take the command of the Provincial Forces,
conveyed in such obliging terms by your Lord? is very flattering to me. In consequence of this
offer, the General has put me in orders to command the Provincials raised in this Colony, and
to receive the Rank of Major General of Provincials. By this designation I find myself not only
placed after all the Major Generals in America, though of later standing in the army, but must
also be under all such as may hereafter be appointed here, or come out under the King's Brevet.
As your LordP's will perceive the mortifications that cannot but attend me under such an
arrangement, you will allow me to hope, that the propriety of some attention to my seniority
in the Army upon actual service with it, will induce Your Lord? to submit the matter to His
Majesty's Royal consideration.
Until the King's army penetrates into the interior part of the Country, or until a junction of
the two armies be effected (a most important event in the present war) the Provincial Levies
cannot be expected to make any material augmentations; but I have no doubt of receiving
immediately upon the accomplishment of those measures, considerable additions to their
present force from the northern Counties of this Place; many of whose Loyal Inhabitants
have suffered much from the inroads of the Rebels, for their uniform attachment to His
Majesty's Gove'"'. I am with all possible respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient and
very humble servant
W" Trvon.
Colonel Guy Johnson to Secretary Knox.
[Planlationa General (8. P. O.) CCLXIII. ]
New York July lO"- 1777.
Sir.
I was lately favored with your letter by order of Lord Geo. Germain accompanying some
copys of the late Act of Parliament, and I have by this opportunity wrote to His Lordship
on Indian Affairs, having the pleasure to find that agreable to my orders the Indians assembled
early in May, have made some successful! attacks on the Rebels, and are now (at the desire of
gr YV™ Howe) lying in readiness to joyn either this or the Northern Army, whichsoever shall
first come on the Hudson's River communication. I have had for some time great hopes that
a movement from hence that way would have been among the first objects, because I am
persuaded of the importance of a junction with the Indians, till when the latter can act but
716
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
feebly thro' the want of supplys and the mode of their warfare. However I hope the period
is near at hand, and that their unshaken fidelity will meet with no farther disappointment.
Capt Claus writes me that he has got an appointment in Canada, which I know will be very
pleasing to the Indians there, and will promote the Service.
I take this opportunity Sir of returning you my best acknowledgements for your kind
attention & civility whilst I was in London to which my hearing from you occasionally wou'd
be an additional and a sensible obligation, for I greatly respect your character, and I am with
much esteem and respect Sir
Your most obedient &
most humble Servant
G. Johnson.
W" Knox Esq
Lord George Germain to Governor Iryon.
NM2.
[ New-Tor'c Papers (8. P. O.) CLXIX.]
Whitehall 6 August 1777.
Sir,
Several of the King's faithful subjects in the Prov" of South Carolina, having been permitted
by the Rebel Committees to withdraw from thence and to embarque, with some part of their
property, on board vessels belonging to the Rebels bound for foreign Ports, some of those
Vessels have been taken and brought into England : Of these the ship called the Three Sisters
has lately been libeled in the Court of Admiralty here, and upon the hearing the effects on
board belonging to the King's Loyal subjects were claimed by themselves, or their agents, and
the Court having allowed their claim, I have thought it proper to send you the inclosed
authentic copy of the sentence, that it may serve as a guide to the Court of V. Admiralty to
be established at New York in similar cases.
I am ettc.
Geo: Germain.
N" 41.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXIX. ]
King's Bridge Camp. 24 August 1777.
My Lord.
By the opportunity of a Merchant ship, I have the honor to acquaint your Lord? of the death
of M" James Jauncey a Member of His Maj'^'' Council of this Province, also of the death of M'
Rich'' Colden Surveyor and Searcher of the Port of New York. I have appointed M' Samuel
Vetch Bayard by Commission under the seal of the Province to succeed to the office M'' Rich''
Colden held ; from the steady Loyalty of his Father, and the depredations made on his Estate
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLVI. , 717
by the Rebels for that attachment, and in consideration that his two sons are now in the
Provincial service. I rest in absolute confidence that His Mnj'^ will confirm my appointment in
opposition to all solicitations whatever.
I am with all possible respect
My Lord,
Your Lord?"' most obedient and
very humble servant
W"" Tryon.
NMS.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
King's Bridge Camp. 3. October 1777.
My Lord.
I have been honored with your LordP's dispatch of the IQ"" May last, wherein I had the
Great satisfaction to receive His Maj'^'= most gracious approbation of my public conduct.
As your Lord? has not thought it proper, for reasons too flattering to me, to lay before His
Maj'^ my wishes relative to myself, communicated to your Lord? in my private letter, I dare
not presume to state them in this public dispatch, wishing for a more suitable season to
renew them.
The incidents that have occurred to me since my return to this Country, my present situation,
and the state of my family affairs, all powerfully invite me to return home. The fee simple of
this vast Continent, would be no temptation for my residence in a country in which I have
struggled through so many scenes of trouble and disappointment, ag" all which, a principle of
pure affection for His Maj'^ and his Govern' has, thank God, hitherto sustained me.
By Sir W"" Howe's permission and Sir Henry Clinton's^ approbation, I have raised a Troop
of light Horse from the Westchester Militia to consist of fifty private Men to serve during the
' Sir Henet Clinton, K. B., was the eldest son of Admiral George Clinton, formerly Governor of the Province of New-
York (VI., 475), and grandson of the 6th Earl of Lincoln. He entered the army early in life, having been appointed, during
his father's administration, Captain-Lieutenant of the New-York companies. He became Lieutenant in the Coldstream
guards 1st November, 1751 ; and was promoted to Captain of a company in the 1st Foot guards 6th May, 1758. ilackennon' >
Coldstream Guards, II., 487. In 1762 he became Colonel in the army, and of the 12th regiment of Foot on the 28th
November, 1766. After gaining great credit by his services during the seven years' war in Germany, he rose to the rank of
Major-General 25th May, 1772, and in May, 1775, arrived at Boston. In June he distinguished himself at Bunker Hill, and
was rewarded, on the 1st September following, by being created Knight of the Bath and advanced to the rank of Lieutenant-
General in America. On 1st J.inuary, 1776, he was appointed General in America and was defeated that year at Sullivan's
Island; commanded the first line of the British army at Staten Island 1st August; on the 27th of the same month, com-
manded a division in the battle on Long Island ; in October, defeated a portion of the American army on the Bronx, in
■Westchester county; and in December, and against his will, was sent to take pjossession of Rhode Island. In 1777, he was
engaged in operations on the Hudson river for the relief of Burgoyne ; was appointed Lieutenant-General in the army in
August, and in October was present at the storming of forts Washington and Clinton. In 1778, Sir Henry Clinton was
commissioned Commander-in-Chief, and conducted the retreat from Philadelphia to New-York ; was appointed Colonel of the
84th Royal Highlanders in December, of the same year. In April, 1779, became Colonel of the 7th Light Pragoons, and
in December embarked for Charleston, which he reduced. He was succeeded in the chief command by General Carleton in
1782, when he returned to England, where he published a Narrative of his Conduct in America, 1782 ; Observations on the
Earl Cornwallis' Answer, 1783; Zeiler to the Commissioner of Public Accounts, 1784; and Observations on Mr. Stedma7i4
History of the American War, 1794. He died 13th December, 1796. — Ed.
718 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Campaign. They are Cantooned between our lines and the Rebels at the White Plains, and
have taken up several Deserters, for which I give them a guinea for each Man, which checks
the evil spirit of Desertion.
This Troop is truly " Elite " of the Country, and their Capt" M' James De Lancey ' who is
also Colonel of the Militia of Westchester County; I have much confidence in them, for their
spirited behaviour.
The appointment of a Lieut' Gov"' to this Province from the present appearances of Public
affairs, 1 believe may be postponed ; I really do not know any person on this side the Atlantic, I
could recommend for that office, while no Emolument or Salary is affixed to the Character.
I am with all possible respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient and
most humble servant
W" Teyon.
Colonel Clans to Secretary Knox.
[ Plantations General ( S. P. O. ) CCLXIII. ]
Montreal 16. Octob' 1777.
Sir,
I take the liberty to give you such an ace' of the expedition I was appointed to this
campaign, as my capacity will permit me, and which tho' tedious, I used all the conciseness in
my power.
On my arrival at Quebec 1" June, Sir Guy Carleton being at Montreal, my letter from my
Lord George Germain was forwarded to him by L' Gov'"Cramahe that day, and myself arrived
there a few days after. I waited on Sir Guy who acknowledged the receipt of the letter, but
said nothing farther upon it, than addressing himself to Capt. Tice, who was in England with
Joseph and then at the Levy, that I had now the command of him and those Ind" Officers and
Indians that were destin'd for Brigadier S' Ledgers expedition. A day or two after I waited
on him again for his orders and instructions and asked what rank I was to have on the
Expedit" He replied only on the later; that it could not be settled here. I then spoke about
the Equipm" necessary for Indians going on service. He said I shou'd find every thing ready
on my meeting with L' Col. Jn" Butler Dep^ to Col. Johnson. Finding there was a sufficiency
in the Indian Store at Montreal after serving General Burgoynes Indians, I applied for the
most requisite articles for an Indian Exped" for fear such might have been expended by Col.
Butler, and if not, cou'd be returned again, such as a few arms, pipehatchets, tomyhawks,
knives, kettles, vermilion, Ind" shoes, flints &■= I was told I shou'd find all these things with
Col. Butler.
' James de Lancet, sou of Peter de Lancey and Elizabeth Golden, was, for many years, sheriff of Westchester county,
New-York. At the close of the war he retired to Nova Scotia, where he became member of the Council in 1794, and died
in 1800. Holgate's American Oeneahgy, 120. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VI. 719
Some time before our inarch I informed myself of Sir Guy Carleton, of tiie state Fort
Staowix was in ; he told me that by the latest accounts from Col. Butler, there was 60 men in
a picketed place; — determined to be sure I dispatched one John Hare an active Indian Officer
with the Mohawk chief John Odiserundy, to collect a small party of Ind"" at Swegachy and
reconnoitre Fort Stanwix, as well as possible and bring off some prisoners if they could.
On the SS"* June I set out from La Chine near Montreal. The Brigadier who was getting
the artillary boats ready to take in 2 six's, 2 three's and 4 Cohorns (being our artillery for the
expedit") was to follow the day after; and proceeded for an Island destin'd for our rendezvous
in the entrance of Lake Ontario, called Buck Island, in company with Sir John Johnson and
his Reg'; in my way thither I collected a body of 150 Misisagey and 6 Nation Indians. All
the Indians of the inhabited part of Canada whom I had under my care for 1-5 years, and was
best acquainted with were destin'd for General Burgoyne's army. The Misisagey and 6
Nations, the Brig' intended should accompany him in an alert to Fort Stanwix, by a short cut
thro' the woods, from a place called Salmon Creek on Lake Ontario, about 20 miles from
Oswego; in order to surprise the garrison and take it with small arms.
Between 60 and 70 leagues from Montreal my reconnoitring party returned, and met me,
with 5 prisoners (one Lieu') and 4 scalps, having defeated a working party of 16 rebels as they
were cutting sodd, towards repairing and finishing the Old Fort, which is a regular square and
garrisson'd by upwards of 600 men, the repairs far advanced and the rebels expecting us and
were acquainted with our strength and rout. I immediately forwarded the prisoners to the
Brig' who was about 15 leagues in our rear. On his arrival within a few leagues of Buck
Island he sent for me, and talking over the intelligence the rebel prisoners gave, he owned
that if they intended to defend themselves in that Fort, our artillery was not sufficient to take
it, however he said, he has determined to get the truth of these fellows. I told him that
having examined them seperately they agreed in their story. And here the Brig"" had still an
opportunity and time of sending for a better train of artillery and wait for the junction of the
Chasseurs, which must have secured us success, as every one will allow. However he was
still full of his Alert, making little of the prisoners intelligence.
On his arrival at Buck Island the 8"" July, he put me in orders as Superintendant of the
Exped" and impower'd me to act for the best of my judgment for his Majesty's service, in
the management of the Ind' on the Exped" as well as what regarded their Equipm" presents
&' he being an entire stranger thereto. There was then a vessell at the Island which had
some Indian Goods on board, which Col. Butler had procur'd for the Exped" but upon
examination I found that almost every one of the above articles I demanded at Montreal, were
deficient, and a mere impossibility to procure them at Buck Island, had I not luckily provided
some of those articles before I left Montreal, at my own risque, and with difficulty Brig' S'
Ledger found out 30 stand of arms in the Artillery Store at Swegachy, and I added all my
eloquence to satisfy the Indians about the rest.
The Brig' sat out from the Island upon his Alert, the 19"" July, I having been ordered to
proceeded to Oswego with Sir John Johnson's reg' and a Company of Chasseurs lately arriv'd,
there to convene & prepare the Indians to join the Brig' at Fort Stanwix. On my arrival at
Oswego 23'* July I found Joseph Brant there ; who acquainted me that his party, consisting
of about 300 Indians, would be in that day, and having been more than 2 months upon
service, were destitute of necessaries, ammunition, and some arms. Joseph at the same time
complaining of having been very scantily supplied by Col. Butler, with ammunition when at
720 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Niagara in the spring, altho' he acquainted Col. Butler of his being threaten'd with a visit from
the rebel General Herkemer^ of Tryon County, and actually was afterwards visited by him with
300 men with him, and 500 at some distance ; when Joseph had not 200 Indians together, but
resolutely declaring to the Rebel General that he was determined to act against them for the
King, he obliged them to retreat with more menaces, not having 20 lb. of powder among
his party.
The 24"* of July I received an express from Brig"" S' Ledger, at Salmon Creek, about 20
miles from Oswego, to repair thither with what arms and vermilion I had, and that he wished I
wou'd come prepared for a march thro' the woods. As to arms and vermilion I had none, but
prepared myself to go upon the March, and was ready to set off, when Joseph came into my
tent and told me that as no person was on the spot to take care of the number of Indians with
him, he apprehended in case I shou'd leave them they wou'd become disgusted, and disperse,
which might prevent the rest of the 6 Nations to assemble, and be hurtfuil to the Exped" and
beged I wou'd first represent those circumstances to the Brig"" by letter. Brig"' S' Ledger
mention'd indeed, my going was chiefly intended to quiet the Indians with him, who were
very drunk and riotous, and Capt. Tice, who was the messenger, informed me that the Brig'
order'd the Indians a quart of rum apiece, which made them ail beastly drunk, and in which
case it is not in the power of man to quiet them. Accordingly I mention'd to the Brig' by
letter the consequences that might affect His Majesty's Indian interest in case I was to leave
so large a number of Indians that were come already and still expected. Upon which
representation and finding the Indians disapproved of the plan & were unwilling to proceed,
the Brig' came away from Salmon Creek and arriv'd the next day at Oswego with the Compi
of the S"- and 34"' Reg" and about 250 Indians.
Having equiped Joseph's party with what necessarys and ammunition I had, I appointed
the rest of the 6 Nations to assemble at the 3 Rivers, a convenient place of rendezvous, and in
the way to Fort Stanwix, and desired Col. Butler to follow me with the Indians he brought
with him from Niagara, and equip them all at the 3 Rivers.
The 26"" of July left Oswego, and 2^ of August arrived with the Brig' and the greatest part
of the troops before Fort Stanwix, which was invested the same evening. The enemy having
stoped up a narrow river called Wood Creek by cutting of trees across it for about 20 miles,
along which our Artillery provisions and baggage was to pass, which passage to cut open
required a number of men, as well as cutting a road thro' the woods for 25 miles, to bring up
the Artillery stores &"= that were immediately wanted, which weaken'd our small army greatly.
The Z^ 4"" and 5"" the Indians surrounded the Fort and fired from behind logs and rising
' Brigadier-General Nicholas Herkimer was the oldest son of Johan Jost Herkimer, a Palatine, and one of the original
patentees of Burnetsfield, Herkimer county. New- York. He was commissioned a Lieutenant in the Schenectady militia 6th
January, ITSS, and commanded Fort Herkimer that year when the French and Indians attacked the German Flats. In 1760
he lived in the Canajoharie district. In 1775 he was appointed Colonel of the 1st battalion of militia in Tryon county, and
represented his district in the County Committee of Safety, of which he was chairman. On 5th September, 1776, he was
commissioned Brigadier-General of the Tryon county militia by the Convention of the State of New-York, and 6th August,
1777, commanded the American forces at the battle of Oriskany, where he received a ball which fractured his leg. After
the action he was conveyed to his home, in the present town of Danube, a few miles east of Little Falls, where the limb was
unskilfully amputated, in consequence of which he died some ten days after, in about the 60th year of his age. General
Herkimer was twice married. Congress passed a resolution requesting the Governor and Council of New-York to erect a
monument, at the expense of the United States, to the memory of this brave son of New- York, but, strange as it may appear,
the resolution still remains a dead letter. Stone's Brant ; Benton's History of Herkimer County. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 721
grounds, at the garrison, wherever that had an object, which prevented them from working
at the Fortifications in the day. The 5"" in the afternoon, ace'* were brought by Indians sent
by Joseph's sister from Connjoharee, that a body of rebels were on their march and wou'd be
within 10 or 12 miles of our camp that night. A detachment of about 400 Indians was ordred
to reconnoitre the enemy. Sir John Johnson asked leave to join his company of Light Infantry
and head the whole, which was granted : Col. Butler and other Indian Officers were ordered
with the Indians. The rebels having an imperfect ace' of the number of-Indians that joined'
us, (being upwards of 800) not thinking them by ^ as many, and being sure as to our strength
and artillery (which we learned by prison") that they knew it from their emissarys before we
left Canada. They therefore on the 6"" marched on, to the number of upwards of SOO, with
security and carelessness. When withiTi 6 miles of the Fort they were waylayed by our party,
surprised, briskly attacked and after a little resistance, repulsed and defeated ; leaving upwards
of 500 killed on the spot, among which were their principal officers and ringleaders, their
General was shot thro' the knee, and a few days after died of an amputation. We lost Capl"'
Hare and Wilson of the Indians, Capf Lieu' M"^Donald of Sir John's Reg' 2 or 3 privates and
32 Indians, among wiiich were several Seneka chiefs killed. Capt" Watts,' Lieu' Singleton of
Sir John's reg' and 33 Indians wounded. During the action when the garrisson found the
Indians Camp (who went out against their reinforcement) empty, they boldly sally'd out with
300 men and 2 field pieces and took away the Indians packs, with their cloaths, wampum and
silver work, "they having gone in their shirts, or naked, to action;" and when they found a
party advancing from our Camp, they returned with their spoil, taking with them Lieut
Singleton and a private of Sir John's Reg' who lay wounded in the Indian Camp. The
disappointment was rather greater to the Indians than their loss, for they had nothing to cover
themselves at night, or against the weather, & nothing in our Camp to supply them till I got
to Oswego. After this defeat and having got part of our artillery up, some Cohorn shells were
thrown into the Fort, and a few shot fired, a flag then was sent with an acco' of the disaster of
their intended relief, and the garrisson was summoned to surrender prisoners of war, to be
marched down the country, leaving baggage &"= behind, to satisfy the Indians for their losses.
The rebels knowing their strength in garrisson as well as fortification and the insufficiency of
our field pieces to hurt them, and apprehensive of being massacred by the Indians for the losses
they sustained in the action; they rejected the summons and said they were determined to
hold out to the extremity. The siege then was carried on with as much vigor as possible, for
19 days, but to no purpose. Sir John Johnson proposed to follow the blow given to the
reinforcement (who were chiefly Mohawk River people) to march down the country with
about 200 men, and I intended joyning him with a sufficient body of Ind"; but the Brig' said
he could not spare the men, and disapproved of it. The inhabitants in general were ready (as
we afterwards learned ) to submit and come in. A flag then was sent to invite the inhabitants
to submit and be forgiven, and assurance given to prevent the Indians from being outragious ;
but the commanding Officer of the German Flatts hearing of it, seized the Flag consisting of
Ensign Butler of the 8"' reg' 10 soldiers and 3 Indians, and took them up as spies. A few days
after. Gen' Arnold coming with some cannon and a reinforcement, made the Inhabitants return
to their Obedience. The Indians finding that our besieging the Fort was of no effect, our troops
' Major Stephen Watts, fourth son of the Hon. John Watts (supra, p. 690), and Ann Je Lancej, was born in New-York
December 24th, 1754. He was an officer in Sir John Johnson's " Royal Greens" and lost a l.-g in the battle of Oriskaiiy.
He went to England soon after and married Miss Nugent. — En.
Vol. VIII. 91
722 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
but few, a reinforcement as was reported of 1500 or 2000 men with field pieces by the way,
began to be dispirited, and fell off by degrees. The Chiefs advised the Brig"" to retreat to
Oswego and get better artillery from Niagara, and more men, and so return and renew the
siege ; to which the Brig'' agreed, and accordingly retreated on the 22'' of August. On our
arrival at Oswego the 26"" and examining into the state of the troops necessaries, the men were
without shoes and other things which only could be got at Montreal, the Brig'' at the same
time having rec"" a letter from General Burgoyne to join him, either by a march thro' the
woods back of Tryon County (which was impracticable) or the way he came. He adopted
the later, on account of procuring necessarys for the men. The Indians were as much as
possible reconciled to this resolution with a promise that they shou'd be conven'd as soon as
Col. Butler cou'd return from Montreal with some necessarys for them.
There being Indian Traders at Oswego, I saw myself under a necessity to cloath those
Indians that lost their packs by the rebels at Fort Stanwix, which made them return
home contented.
Thus has an expedition miscarried, merely for want of timely and good intelligence. For
it is impossible to believe that had the Brig'' S' Ledger known the real state of the Fort and
Garrisson of Fort Stanwix, he could possibly have proceeded from Montreal without a
sufficient train of artillery and his full complement of troops. And yet by what I find, very
large sums have been expended on Ace' of Governm' at Niagara, upon the Indians these 2
years past, and they at the same time kept inactive : whereas had these presents been properly
applied, the Six Nations might not only prevent Fort Stanwix from being reestablished, but
even let not a rebel come near it, or keep it up; it being almost in the heart of their country,
and they with reluctance saw the Crown erect a Fort there last war. All the good done by
the exped" was, that the Ringleaders and principal men of the rebels of Tryon County were
put out of the way; but had we succeeded it must be of vast good effect to the Northern
operations, and it's miscarrying I apprehend, to my deep concern, to be the reverse.
Col. Butler on his arrival at Quebec with Sir Guy Carleton and producing his Ace" previous
to Fort Stanwix Expedit" had immediate payment ordered him, without even examining the
currency, which at Niagara is that of York, and it was paid him in Hallifax better than J more;
himself discovering the mistake, he was desired to give the Crown credit for it : and upon
proposing to raise a Reg' of Rangers at Niagara or its neighbourhood, which after miscarrying
at Fort Stanwix is highly improbable, it was granted him. All the Rangers he can muster
up at present are not 50. who were chiefly engaged under Col. Johnson, and never intended to
be established into a separate corps. The origin of Rangers since the late Sir W"" Johnson's
time, was to intermix them with the Indians when on service, and be commanded by the
Indian Officers. Formerly none but what were acquainted with the Indians and their
language were admitted, and rec'' half a Crown pay; now that distinction tho' essentially
necessary is no more made, which makes his commission become an additional useless expence,
tho' very beneficial to him.
1 having staid a fortnight at Oswego after Col. Butler, and left it with the Brig' on my return
to Canada and meeting with Sir Guy Carleton at S' Johns on my way to Tyconderoga, at the
same time pushed by the merch" that furnished me with Indian goods at Montreal and
Oswego ; asked him for a warrant to see them paid. He reply'd he cou'd not transact any
money matters there, but referr'd me to his examining into what had been advanced Col.
Butler and others, on Col. Johnsons acc»; which I told him I thought I had no concern with;
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 723
my appointment being directed to be paid from a different channel, I should imagine it the
same with the expences ; so trifling in comparison to the others. But I remonstrated to no
purpose, and therefore saw myself obliged to return to Montreal to satisfy my creditors; they
wanting to send remittances by the London vessells which were ready to sail tomorrow, and
under necessity to draw on the Right Hon''''^ the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury for
^1500 ster§^ in two drafts, which I take the liberty of advising you of, begging your representing
to their Lordships the urgent reasons for so doing.
I am with great respect
Sir
Your most ob' and obliged
humble Serv'
Dax. Claus.
P. S. Before I left Oswego, I ordered three of Col. Johnson's Indian Officers to reside in
the Six Nation country. They are people well liked, intimate and held in esteem by them.
Their residence is to be in the Seneka and Cayouga towns. I gave them ample directions &
instructions in writing, how to act, and endeavour to prevent any intercourse with them and
the rebels, and as much as possible promote His Majesty's interest among them, and making
them sensible of the advantage and satisfaction they have, in being plentifully supplied in
merchandize by the traders, by means of the Kings ships cruizing in the Mouth of the River
S' Lawrence to prevent the rebel ships from interrupting that trade.
D. C.
To William Knox Esq'
Colond Claus to Secretary Knox.
[ Plantations GeneraJ (8. P. O. ) CCLXIII. ]:
Montreal G November 1777
Sir
Before the sailing of the London vessells under the convoy of the Warwick man of War, I
made a second application to Sir Guy Carleton, for the payment of the Indian expences
incurred during Fort Stanwix expedit" under my Superintendency and by authority of the
Officer that commanded it, urging at the same time the importunity of the people that advanced
me the Indian goods &'= that in case I could pay them here I might stop the bills and save
their Lordships the trouble of paying them at home. I received Sir Guy Carleton's answer
by letter, that his having issued several warrants on acco' of the Department of the Five
Nations to Col. Butler and others, particularly to the former for a draft of upwards of ^4000
but the other day, he thought it now highly necessary to put the direction of those matters
under one person which was the Commanding Officer of Niagara, to whom he must refer me.
Seeing this being done merely to expose me and give me trouble, there being no such thing
this time of the year as getting the Acco" or a letter to Niagara without great expense and
perhaps no answer to be expected before May or June next and my creditors unwilling to
wait so long, I saw myself under a necessity to let the Bills go to England ; not doubting their
724 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lordships will accept them as public expences incurred by authority of His Majesty's Officer
commanding an expedition ; without which I should never have acted, and who if any was
the properest person to inspect them ; Col. Bolton^ the Commands^. Officer at Niagara being
perhaps 200 miles from the spot where they were expended and as yet an entire stranger
to the business, as any Command^ Officer unacquainted with Indian Affairs must be,
such expenses being of so different a nature from the regulated services of the Crowns. I
conversed with Brig' Maclean and acquainted him what step I was obliged to take in the
affair. He was observing that myself as Superintendent of that Expedition ought to have
inspected Col. Butler's acco" as having been on the spot where they were expended, and best
acquainted with what was delivered to the Indians. My 15 years Indian expences as
Superintend' and only Indian Officer in this Province, during which time I had a 2 years
Indian war to manage & engage Indians against Indians who were in the French time allies,
did not amount to one fourth the sum to what I hear M"" Butler's expences do within these
2 years, and that expended merely to keep the Indians inactive, contrary to their inclination ;
and yet they were passt by the Commanding Officers of Niagara and paid by Sir Guy Carleton
as expences to be charged to Col Johnsons Department, and lie an entire stranger to it. But
I consider my expences distinct from the other Departments, and such as incurred upon an
extraordinary occasion, and therefore to come under the head of Army Contingencies, there
having been Nations of three different Ind" Departments employed in that expedition besides
1 should not wish them to be blended with such enormous sums nominally spent upon the
6 Nations. It is the opinion of severall that had I not appeared at the Expedition and
Joseph acted so indefatigably and cleverly with his party as to cause an emulation, the Six
Nations would not have been encouraged to act (when the rebels advanced upon us) by Col.
Butler, they having declared publicly that they were not called to war, but to a Congress to
be held at Oswego, and receive presents ; the Detroit Indians alledged that for a reason for
coming unprepared for war and with so few men.
Joseph, since his arrival from England has showed himself the most faithful and zealous
subject His Majesty can have in America, in Ind° matters, and deserves to be noticed as such.
He is now busy among the Six Nations and has been with them these several weeks past; he
is perfectly acquainted with M' Butlers sentiments and conduct and disapproved of them ; for
which the latter dislikes him. I have fully wrote him and given him my opinion and
sentiments how to act with the 6 Nations, and I am persuaded he will carry his point and bring
them to action before Col. Butler gets among them, they having partly engaged to me before
I left Oswego so to do, and be revenged upon the rebels for the loss of their chiefs at Fort
Stanwix and for some of their peoples being put in irons and confined at Albany, and I expect
daily to hear their putting it in execution, they having acquainted all the Western Nations
with their Intention, and advised them to follow their example, before I came away from
Oswego; and I accompanied their messages with some from me, confirmed by large strings
of Wampum. And by what I could learn from the messenger, of the Nations living on the
Ohio and Misisipy, they are all in the King's interest, and when they find the Northern Indians,
of their sentiments, they will act with more vigor and spirit. The Six Nations metaphorically
" Lieutenant-Colonel Mason Bolton became Lieutenant in the 9tli Foot on 2d October, 1755 ; was promoted to a company
in that regiment 23d Marcli, 17ti4, in which year the 9th was sent to Florida. The regiment served in America until 1769,
and he was appointed its Major 31st May, 1773. On the llth November, 1776, he became Lieutenant-Colonel of the 8th
or King's foot, then in America, and continued in that command until November, 1780, when his name disappears from the
Army L^sls. — En.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLVI. 725
say, that our Hatchet is dull, on account of being restrained these 2 years from acting ag" the
rebells, and our expedition to Fort Stanwix not sufficiently equipt, that they intend taking up
the Hatchet their forefathers gave them, w"^"" was hurried in a deep pit, but very sharp, and
would force its way wherever pointed, without controul ; at the same time they declare that
they only mean to restore peace to the country, and make the King's children to repent and
return to their duty.
Sir Guy Carleton has ordered one fourth of the presents sent from England for the Canada
Indians, to be delivered to Col. Butler for the use of the Six Nations; which I think well
judged, since Col Johnson could not deliver his as yet, and they being told of and expected it
impatiently : but Col. Butler has thought proper to add some more goods on his own account
and 50 puncheons of rum, a quantity that must rather obstruct than forward the Ind" service.
It is evident that Sir Guy Carleton dislikes my appointment being from home, which I
apprehended before I left England ; for he has not given me any positive order or direction as
yet in Ind" affairs. However I shall (without giving offence) endeavour to do my utmost in
promoting His Majesty's Indian interest wherever T am ; flattering myself to be countenanced
in it by Governm'; for the Indians in this Province as every one will allow are much
discontented on acco' of indifferent usage received during their Campaign with General
Burgoyne, and they having no person here to converse with or confide in, I cannot prevent
them to come and advise with me, tho' I discourage them as much as with prudence I well
can do.
On my arrival here with Brig'' S' Ledger's rear, I received Brig"' MacLeans orders (as by
Copy annexed ) to collect as many Indians as I could, and send them to S' Johns' ( Tiyondarogo
being then invested by the rebels.) I sent as many as were at home, and proceeded myself
with the last party in order to go on to Tiyondarogo, the Ind^ being unwilling to go without
me. On my arrival at S' Johns, I waited on Sir Guy for his orders. He said he had none to
give me, and I might do as I pleased, and then put me off" with my acco' of Indian expences
during the Campaign ; and altho' I intended at any rate to proceed to Tiyondarogo, having
promised Sir John Johnson to follow him, who was to join General Burgoyne, I found myself
under a necessity to return to Montreal in order to arrange matters with the people I had
Indian goods from. Such like friques and jealousies I am afraid have been rather hurtfull to
our Northern operations last Campaign.
The Indian action near Fort Stanwix happening near a settlement of Oneida Indians in the
rebels interest, who were at the same time in arms against our party ; the Six Nation Indians,
after the action, burnt their houses, destroyed their fields, crops, &■= killed and carried away
their Cattle. This the rebel Oneidas, after our retreat, revenged upon Joseph's Sister and
her family (living in the Upper Mohawk Town) on Joseph's account ; robbing them of cash,
cloaths, cattle &"= and driving them from their home; then proceeded to the Lower Mohawk
Town and dealt in the same manner with the poor women & children whose husbands were
in the King's service.
Joseph's sister and family fled to Onondaga the Council place of the 6 Nations, laying her
grievances before that body. The Six Nations with whom she always had a great sway
during the late Sir W" Johnson's life time, and even now, and I understand the Six Nations
have decreed to render her satisfaction by committing hostilities upon that tribe of Oneida
rebels that committed the outrage. The Lower Mohawk families were obliged to flee to this
place to the number of 100 souls, where they threw themselves under my care, being entire
726 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
strangers in the country. I acquainted Sir Guy Carleton with their distressed situation,
asking his orders and directions about them. He wrote me in answer " that he should give
" orders to one of Maj' Campbells Deputies to take care of them as much as he could :" which
realy surprized me, having been oblidged to furnish them for 8 days with lodging cloaths and
provisions (before I could receive an answer from Quebec,) unless I would let them for that
time, or longer, lay in the streets hungry & naked, after their long and faithful! services and
attachment to Government, no officer of the Canada Department being in town. The person
who is to have the care of them is an entire stranger to their language, manners, and every
thing else; they at the same time knowing my having an appointment from home for their
District, must think very odd of it, and indeed it is impossible for me to disengage myself
entirely from them while here ; shall therefore endeavour to act so as not to displease them or
government. This Deputy of Maj"' Campbell's, as I am told, is one of the gentlemen who by
their harsh and indiscreet treatment of the Indians, were the occasion of the greatest part of
them to quit General Burgoyne's army, which emboldened the rebels to assemble in such
numbers ab' it, when before they were in awe of the Indians.
I find that what a Gentleman acquainted about head quarters told me the other day, to turn
out as he said, "that had my appointment been made thro' any one else but my Lord George
Germaine, things would go smooth between me and Sir Guy"
I have the honor to be, with great respect
Sir,
To William Knox Esq' Your most obliged humble Servant
& & & Dan' Claus.
(N"7.)
Colonel Guy Jolinson to Lord George Germain.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLXIT.]
New York. 11 November 1777.
My Lord.
Your LordP has been already informed, that altho' I had great hopes of a movement up
Hudson's River as well from your letter, as from my own idea of its importance and propriety
and that the Indians had assembled in that expectation early in the season, as they acquainted
me by a Messenger, yet lest it might happen otherwise. I took the liberty to propose to Sir
W" Howe, that if such movement would not probably take place, I should then incline to go
by sea to Canada and from thence proceed as the service required. But probably the time
necessary for making the Detour and joining Sir William Howe's army in the manner that
then occurred to him, occasioned my being ordered to remain till some movement offered from
hence, and accordingly, I dispatched Messengers into the Indian Country, directing the Indians
to join the first British army on the communications, which they faithfully performed. And I
have the pleasure to hear from all those persons who have got down the Country, by some of
whom I receive Messages, that the Indians behaved very gallantly, and were of great use ; and
that they remained as long as usual or as could reasonably be expected.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLVI. • 727
The greater part of those from the Six Nations with my Officers in that Country, joined
General S' Leger's Troops and Sir John Johnson's provincials, and were principally concerned
in the action near Fort Stanwix, when the Rebels lost their General and several of their
principal Officers and a large number of their Men ; and the Indians had about thirty of their
principal Warriors killed, and undoubtedly had the number of Men under Brigadeer Gen' S'
Leger been adequate to the service and the difficulties they met with, the Indians would have
rendered more material service.
On the other communication Gen' Burgoyne has testified for them ; to whom the Mohawk
Tribes were obliged to retire after the unlucky affair of Bennington, which raised the drooping
spirits of the Rebels, who have since, burned the Mohawk villages of which I shall avail
myself, as it will strengthen the resentment of the several Nations. The Rebels have also
compleated the destruction of my property and parcelled out my Estate. The Six Nations
complain much of OneiJas; the manner in which they have been seduced by New England
Missionaries, I long since represented. I know they are much more inclined to a neutrality
than to war, but they are too inconsiderable to deserve much notice, whilst the Loyalty of the
rest under so many disagreable circumstances, merits every thing that I can say for them. —
It was my good fortune early in 1775 to prevent them from being seduced by the most active
agents of Rebellion ; otherwise, from their situation, it would have been impracticable to draw
them back to the interests of Government. And I trust with confidence that they shall be
preserved by the means they were procured. On which subject permit me my Lord, most
humbly to propose, as I have lately done to Sir W"" Howe ; that in case there is not a
movement from hence to the Northward early next season, I would wish with permission to
go round to Montreal by the first opportunity, and from thence with proper assistance to such
place as shall then appear most eligible for a rendezvous with the Ind"' and there keep them
in readiness to join any of his Maj'J'" Troops or to penetrate into the Country in such manner
as I may be directed.
Should it be impracticable to commence operations early in that quarter ; it will be still
more expedient to assemble the Indians at some distance from the Rebel Agents influence and
their own villages the better to secure their affections. — This may be done by drawing them
to some part of the River S' Lawrance, Ontario or Crown Point, where I can be answerable
for them and can send partys on the communications, attack convoys, and greatly harrass the
Rebels, till other matters take place.
Should a movement be made from this quarter early in the season, I would then appoint a
Rendezvous for the Indians calculated for their joining our Troops as they advanced, and
proceed as I, should be ordered. At all events I shall immediately send Messages to prepare
the Indians for any orders I may receive, which, with the attention of my Officers, dispersed
among them, will keep them in readiness for next season.
The time in General when we may expect their services, is from May to the beginning of
October, the rest of the year being necessarily spent in hunting for their families ; very few
of whom can be supplied by us from their situation, and, there are many other circumstances
in their case, which when well known will show the difficulty an Officer is often under in
satisfying a people so little understood, and so much exposed to misrepresentation ; even acts
of cruelty may be prevented by judiciously directing the Indians against the King's Enemies
who shall be found in arms.
728 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I beg to lay this Dispatch before his Maj''' and to entreat an indulgence for what I have
honestly suggested, through a sincere zeal for his service, in which, I hope for your LordP's
favour and support, which I shall ever be ambitious to deserve.
I beg to receive your LordP's commands on any of these matters, and I have the honor to be
My Lord.
Your LordP's most obedient and
most humble servant.
G. Johnson.
Narrative of Sergeant WilUmri Grant.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. O. ) CCLXIII. ]
Narrative of William Grant late a Serjeant In the Rebel Army dated 24"" Nov*^
1777 from on board the Queen Indiaman at Gravesend.
Sir,
About the beginning of July 1776. the Cherokee Indians, excited by a number of the friends
to Government, in that place commonly called Tories, who had fled from North Carolina, fell
upon the Western frontiers of Virginia; whereupon the Committees of the several Counties
detached severall small parties of militia to stop their progress thro' the Country, untill such
time as an army could be raised to oppose them, which at that time was very difficult, as the
major part of the youth who were zealous for the cause, were already in the service against the
King's troops. In this juncture they were obligated to have recourse to the Militia law, which
compels every male from the age of fifteen to sixty, after having settled three months in one
place, to take up arms against all enemys ; upon their refusal they forfeit the sum of .£20 of
that currency. By virtue of which law they collected about 1200 men before the middle
of August, the chief command of which was conferred upon Col. Smith, a native of that
country. He immediately assembled his new Army at Staunton, a small town in Augusta
County, lying about 20 miles to the Westward of the South Mountain, from whence he
marched Aug' 18"" and proceeded directly to Holstein, a settlement upon the frontiers where
the Indians were then ravaging ; bat upon the approach of the army retreated with their booty.
The Col. finding they would not come to a decisive engagement so far from home, determined
to pursue them to their towns, to expediet which he encamped his army on an island formed
in the river Holstein, generally known by the name of the Long Island, untill such time as he
could be reinforced with provisions and men, upon which there were severall draughts taken
out of the Militia, General Washington at the same time petitioning for more troops, and a
draught of the Militia being granted, it fell to my lot to go as one. At that time I taught
a school in Augusta County, but being zealous for government was determined not to go, but
finding I was not able to withstand their power, which was very arbitrary in that part, I
thought it better to enter into the service against the Indians than to go into actual service
against my Countrymen. Accordingly some troops were raising at that time by Act of the
Convention of Virginia (to be stationed at the different passes on the Ohio to keep the
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 729
Shawneese &■= in awe and to prevent their incursions) upon tliese terms, vizt that they should
enlist for the term of two years, that they should not be compelled to leave the said frontiers
or be entred into the Continental service without their own mutual consent, as also that of
the legislator. Taking this to be the only method of scree[n]ing myself from being deemed a
Tory and also of preventing my being forced into the Continental service, I enlisted the third of
Septemb'' into Capt. Michael Bowyers's Company of Riflemen, to be stationed at the mouth
of the Little Kennarah upon the River Ohio. Soon after we marched in company with 150
militia, to the assistance of Coll. Smith, who still continued on the Long Island. We had
several skirmishes with the Indians during our march, without any considerable loss on either
side. Sepf IQ'"" we joined the main body, and on the 22'' decamped and proceeded towards
the Cherokee towns. The enemy continued to harrass us in our march with numberless
attacks, sometimes appearing on our front, sometimes upon our flank, so giving us a brisk fire
for some minutes, would immediately retreat into the woods. Thus we continued our march
thro' the woods the space of three weeks, about which time we received intelligence from our
spies and from some prisoners that had escaped, that the Indians had removed every thing from
their towns into the mountains, had cut down their corn & set fire to every thing tiiey could not
carry away which they thought migiit be of service to the white army. Upon the confirmation
of this account Coll. Smith being persuaded they would never hazard a general engagement,
and knowing that his army was but badly supplied with provisions, sent severall companys
back into the different Settlements where the Savages were still making incursions and
murdring the inhabitants; the Company to which I belonged was one of this number. We
were sent to a place lying in the Allegany mountains ( upon the banks of the River Monongalia)
known by the name of Tygar's Valley where we were ordered during the winter, in order both
to defend the Inhabitants and to make canoes to carry us down the river to the place where
we were to be stationed the ensuing Spring; in which place I was made Serg' in which I
continued during my stay in the army. In the mean time the Indians, finding the Virginians
fully bent to search them out and an army of Carolina troops approaching on the other side,
sent Deputies to Col. Smith to sue for peace, which was granted upon their delivering up the
prisoners, and restoring the goods that they carried out of the Settlements. Hereupon the
Militia was disbanded, and the other troops that were enlisted on the aforementioned terms
were distributed amongst the frontier settlements during the winter. About this time the war
was very hot in the Jerseys, and the Congress determining to recruit their army as soon as
possible in the Spring, sent a remonstrance to the Convention of Virginia, alledging that
they had a number of troops on their frontiers that were of very little or no service to
the country, as the Indians were peacably inclined. Therefore they desired that they should
be sent to the assistance of the Continental army as early in the Spring as they possibly
could. The Convention immediately repealed the Act on which the troops were raised and
directly entered them into the Continental service, and issued forth commissions for the raising
of six new Battalions, amongst which the troops formerly raised for the defence of the back
frontiers were to be distributed. Agreeable to this new Act we received orders to march to
Winchester, there to join the 12"" Virg" Reg* commanded by Col. James Wood ;i pursuant
'James "Wood was the eon of Colonel James Wood, the founder of 'Winohester, Virginia. He was commissioned Colonel
in the service of Virginia, 15th November, 1776, and rose to a high rank in the course of the war. He was chosen Governor
of Virginia in 1796, and was succeeded by Mr. Monroe in that office in 1799. He died in June, 1813. Howe's Virginia His.
tOTical Collections, 273; Allen! s Biographical Dictionary. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 92
730 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to which orders we marched from Tygar's Valley in the begining of April! and proceeded
with all expedition; which march we compleated in the space of eight days; after having
rested a few days at Winchester we proceeded to join the Continental Army, which at that
time lay partly in Morristown, partly at Boundbrook a small town on the Rarington river
about 6 miles from New Brunswick, where His Excellency Generall Howe had his head
quarters. May 19"" we joined the grand army which then consisted of 20000 foot (chiefly
composed of Virginians, Carolinians, and Pennsylvanians, the major part of whom were
volunteers, altho' for the most part disaffected to.the rebel cause, they being for the most part
convicts and indented servants, who had entered on purpose to get rid of their masters and of
consequence of their commanders the first opportunity they can get of deserting) and about 300
light horse commanded by General Washington assisted by Lord Stirling, Major Generalls
Stephens,' Keyn, Sullivan; Brigadiers Weeden,^ Millenberg,^ Scott,^ Maxwell,* Conway," which
' Mnjor-General Adam Stephen was Captain in 1754 in the Frey's Virginia regiment, and accompanied Colonel Washing-
ton to the Great Meadowa that year. He served with distinction the following year under Braddook as Captain of a com-
pany of Virginia Rangers (Sargent's HUtory of Braddock's ExpedHion, 329), and in 1756 was Lieutenant Colonel in command
at head-quarters at Winchester. In 1763, he commanded the forces raised for the defence of the frontiers against the
Indians; and at the commencement of the Revolution was appointed Colonel of one of the regiments raised by Virginia.
On 4t.h September, 1776, he was elected Brigadier-General by the Continental Congress, and on the 19th February, 1777,
was promoted to be Major-Gencral. He behaved with great spirit and judgment at the battle of Brandywine, and also at
Germantown. In the following winter he was dismissed from the service. Washington and the Generals of the American
Revolution, 329.
' Brigadier-General Geoeoe Weeden was originally an inn-teeper at Frederioksburgh, Virginia, and exhibited great
activity in support of the Revolution. He was elected by Congress Colonel of the 1st Virginia battalion on the 12th August,
1776, and appointed Brigadier-General 24th February, 1777. He retired from the service on account of some difficulty about
rank, while the army lay at Valley Forge. In 1781 he was in command of the Virginia militia at Gloucester, Virginia. Ibid.
' Major-General Peter MmjLENBURG, son of the Rev. Dr. Henry Melchior Muhlenburg, was born in Philadelphia, October
Ist, 1746, and, after studying divinity with his father, was settled over a church at Woodstock, Virginia. He was elected
member of the Convention in 1776 ; raised a regiment, of which he was chosen commander ; served at Sullivan's Island with
his battalion against Clinton ; was appointed Brigadier-General 21st February, 1777 ; served under Wayne at the storming
of Stony Point in 1774, and was at Yorktown in 1781. He was appointed Major-General at the close of the war and settled
in Pennsylvania. He was afterwards Vice-President of that Commonwealth. He was elected to the United States Senate
in 1801, and in 1802 was appointed Collector of the port of Philadelphia, and held that office until his death, which occur-
red 1st October, 1807. His remains were interred in the Lutheran burial ground of the village of Trappe, Montgomery
county, Pennsylvania. Day's Historical Collections of Pennsylvania, 487.
' Brigadier-General Charles Scott was born in Cumberland county, Virginia, in the year 1733. He served as a Corporal
in Braddock's expedition in 1755, and on the breaking out of the Revolution raised the first company of Volunteers south of
James river; was appointed to the command of the 3d Virginia battalion, 12th August, 1776, and raised to the rank of
Brigadier-General in April, 1777, and was in the two following campaigns with the army in New Jersey. He was afterwards
ordered to South Carolina; was taken prisoner at the surrender of Charleston and was not exchanged until near the close
of the war. He next moved to Kentucky, and in 1785 settled in Woodford county. He was with General St. Clair at his
defeat, 4th November, 1791, and in 1793 was engaged against the Indians at the Wabash. In 1794 he commanded under
General Wayne at the defeat of the Indians in the battle of the Fallen Timber; and in 1808 was elected Governor of the
State. He filled that office until 1812, and died October 22d, 1817, aged 74 years. CoUint' Historical Sketches of Kentucky,
616 ; Allen.
' Brigadier-General William Maxwell entered the Continental service as Colonel of one of New Jersey regiments and
served in the disastrous campaign of Canada in 1776. He was appointed Brigadier-General 23d October of that year, and
commanded the brigade of that State at the battle of Brandywine and afterwards at Germantown. He was next employed in
New Jersey, and resigned his commission 23d June, 1780. Duer's Life of Stirling; New Jersey Revolutionary Correspondence.
" Mfljor-General Thomas Conwat was a native of Ireland, but, when only six years old, was taken by his parents to France,
where he was educated. He rose to the rank of Colonel in the French army and was decorated with the Order of St. Louis.
He came to America in 1777, and in May, 1778, was appointed Brigadier-General. He was in the battle of Germantown,
and was next elected Inspector-General with the rank of Major-General. He was afterwards ordered to Albany, and
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLVI. 731
latter is a French man. Likewise a number of French officers who commanded in the
Artillery, whose names or ranks I never had an opportunity of being acquainted with.
Nothing worthy of notice happened until! the 30"" of that Ins' on which the Continental Army
decamped and retreated about 2 miles into the Blue Mountains and incamped at Middle
Broock, where they were joined in a few days by the other part of the army that lay at
Morristown. Here they lay for some considerable time, during which they were employed in
training their troops who were quite undisciplined and ignorant of every military art. Their
Officers in general are equally ignorant as the private men, through which means they make
but very little progress in learning. Wherefore it is generally believed by the unprejudiced
part of the people that the rebells never will hazard a generall engagement, unless they are so
hemmed up that they cannot have an opportunity of waving it; from which reason and the
deplorable state the Country in generall is now reduced to, which in many places near to the
seat of war is entirely destitute of labourers to cultivate the ground, insomuch that the women
are necessitated for their own support to lay aside their wonted delicacy and take up the
utensils for agriculture. From these and many other weighty reasons it is generally supposed
that they cannot continue the war much longer. Nothing material was transacted on either
side till about the 24"" of June, when a party of General Howe's army made a movement and
advanced as far as Somerset, a small town lying on the Rarington betwixt Boundbroock
and Princetown, wiiich they plundered, and set fire to two small churches and several farm
houses adjacent. General Washington upon receiving notice of their marching, detached 2
Brigades of Virginia troops and the like number of New Eng"* to Pluckhimin, a small town
about 10 miles from Somerset, lying on the road to Morristown. Here both parties lay for
several days, during which time several slight skirmishes happened with their out scouts,
without any considerable loss on either side. On the 29"" the enemy retreated to Brunswick
with their booty and we to our former ground in the Blue Mountain. Next day His Excellency
General Howe marched from Brunswick towards Bonumtown with his whole army, which
was harassed on the march by Col. Morgan's Riflemen. As soon as General Howe had
evacuated Brunswick, M" Washington threw a body of the Jersey militia into it, and spread a
report that he had forced them to leave it. July 2"^ there was a detachment of 150 Riflemen
chosen from among the Virginia regiments, dispatched under the command of Capt. James
Dark a Dutchman, belonging to the eighth Virginia Reg* to watch the enemy's motions. The
same day this party, of which I was one, marched to Quibbleton, and from thence proceeded
towards Amboy. July 4"' we had intelligence of the enemy's being encamped within a few
miles of Weslfield ; that night we posted ourselves within a little of their camp and sent an
officer with 50 men further on the road as a picquet guard, to prevent our being surprised in
the night. Next morning a little before sun rise the British army before we suspected them,
were upon pretty close on our picquet before they were discovered, and fired at a negroe lad that
was fetching some water for the officer of s^ guard, and broke his arm. Upon which he ran to
the picquet and alarmed them, affirming at the same time that there was not upwards of sixty
men in the party that fired at him. This intelligence was directly sent to us, who prepared
as quick as possible to receive them and assist our picquet who was then engaged, in order for
resigned his commission. On tlie 4th July, 1778, he was engaged in a duel with General Cadwalladcr, in which he was
severely wounded. He returned to France at the close of the year and died in that country. He, unfortunately for his
reputation, became prominent, in the history of his day, by his connection with what was known as the " Conway Cabal," an
abortiva intrigue among certain oflacera of the American army to place Gates in the chief command. — Ed.
732 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
which, as we were drawing up our men, an advanced guard of the enemy saluted us with
several field pieces, which did no damage. We immediately retreated into the woods from
whence we returned them a very brisk fire with our rifles, so continued firing and retreating
without any reinforcement till about 10 oCIock, they plying us very warmly both with their
artillery and small arms all the time ; about which time we were reinforced with about 400
Hessians (who had been taken at sea going over to America & immediately entered into the
Continental service) and three brass field pieces under the command of Lord Stirling. They
drew up immediately in order to defend their field pieces and cover our retreat, and in less
than an hour and a half were entirely cut off; scarce sixty of them returned safe out of the
field ; those who did escape were so scattered over the country that a great number of them
could not rejoin the Army for five or six days, whilst the Kings troops marched off in triumph
with three brass field pieces and a considerable number of prisoners, having sustained but very
little loss on their side. This was the last engagement that happened in the Jerseys before
General Howe embarked at York. During this time the rebel army advanced as far as
Quibbletown where they lay three days, then countermarched back to the Blue Mountains and
there continued untill they rec* an account of embarkment of the enemy at York. Capt. Dark
collected the remains of his shattered party in the best manner he possibly could and continued
to execute his orders in reconnoitring and sending intelligence to the Camp, untill Generall Howe
crossed over in Strattan Island, at which time we returned to the Camp with scarce two thirds
of the men we took away, where we remained 4 or 5 days, then decamped and marched to
Morristown and lay there untill we received certain intelligence that, the army had gone on board
and stood out to sea bearing to the Northward. Upon this news we instantly decamped and
marched toward the North River, and encamped at the Clove, about 12 miles South from King's .
Ferry, where Generall Sullivan left us with about 5000 men and crossed the Ferry. Soon after
we again decamped and proceeded further up the River towards Albany. The weather being
excessive rainy we were obliged to halt several! days during which time we rec"^ an account of
Gen' Howe's appearing in the Bay of Delaware, which caused us a very hard and fatiguing
march, often marching at the rate of thirty miles per day, which killed a number of the men. It
was no uncommon thing for the rear guard to see 10 or 11 men dead on the road in one day
occasioned by the insufferable heat and thirst ; likewise in almost every town we marched
through, their Churches were converted into hospitals. Another great hurt to the army was
the scarcity of salt and bread, the former of which was not to be had at any rate, for at that
time in the Jerseys it sold for 20 dollars pr bushell : as to the latter they were almost in the
same condition, altho' they had plenty of flour they had not time to bake it. Thus we
marched till we came to Germantown a village about 6 miles from Philadelphia, where we
encamped for severall days, and we[re] reviewed by the Congress. In the interim the British
fleet stood out to sea again and steering to the Northward as at first, we again removed and
marched to the Cross roads in Bucks County, about 20 miles to the Northward of Philadelphia,
and there we pitched our tents, expecting every day to hear of their landing at York, or in
some part of the Jerseys. During our stay here we were joined by the 13"" Virg= Reg' a small
body of new raised troops to the amount of about 200. About this the Rebel army was very
sickly, occasioned greatly by the scarcity of salt, and the great fatigue they had sustained,
during the late hard and fatiguing march ; which was soon followed by another as hard tho'
not so long. August 22'' we rec'' an account that Generall Howe had landed in Virginia.
Next day we decamped and marched 15 miles towards Philadelphia and prepared to march
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VI. 733
through the City next day, which we did in the best order our circumstances could permit,
and proceeded towards Virginia with all expedition; but received soon after a true account of
his being at the head of Elk in Maryland. General Washington, being determined to stop his
progress towards Philadelphia, posted a body of millitia at Ironhill an eminence about three
miles from General Howe's out posts. He also posted three brigades of Virginians with 6
field pieces at Christian Creek about 8 miles from Wilmington, from each of which they
detached a party of 100 light armed men, as scouts, under the command of Col. Crawford.
Among this number T had the good fortune of being one, as I was determined to embrace the
first opportunity of escaping, which I fortunately effected. General Washington with
the remainder of his army (which in whole by his own account only consisted of 13000 men)
and the artillary park, which consisted of 15 brass field pieces and severall howitts, encamped
at Brandywine Creek about 12 miles from Eiktown where General Howe held his head
quarters. On Saturday August 30"" we received intelligence by some prisoners that General
Howe intended to make an attack on Ironhill next day. Accordingly next morning between
two and three o'Clock, we marched over the hill, and formed our selves into an ambuscade, in
which position v^e continued till five, when being persuaded that no attack would be made, a
party of 150 men was immediately chosen and sent under the command of the afores"* Capt.
Dark, to reconnoitre. In this party I went as a volunteer, fully resolved never to return unless
as a prisoner. However, marching from thence, took several by roads, untill we had got past
several of the Hessians posts undiscovered, and proceeding toward an iron work where they
had another post, we discovered a few of the Welch fusileers cooking at a barn in the middle
of a large field of Indian Corn. Capt Dark resolved to take them if possible, on which
account he divided his men into 6 parties of 25 each, under the command of a Lieu' and 2
Serjeants. The party on the left to which I belonged, he ordered to surround the field, which
we did, but were discovered by those whom we thought to surprise, who were only a few of a
party consisting of fifty that were out foraging. They drew up immediately and marched out
of the field ; upon which our Lieu' and 4 of his men fired upon them, which they returned
with a whole volley, and plyed us very warmly from among the trees for some considerable
time, untill the other parties came up and attacked them in the rear ; whom they also gallantly
repulsed and put to flight. The party I belonged to upon the approach of the rest, retreated ;
at which time I left them, and made the best of my way to the English Camp. In my way I
saw severall of the rebells lying dead, and was afterwards informed that a number more of
them fell in that action; which in every probability will be the fate of the whole, if they come
to a generall engagement, which of necessity they must in a short time, as it is impossible they
can sustain the war much longer; the Country being entirely laid waste, the inhabitants
disaffected and entirely wearied of the war, and independency; numbers of them are detained
from coming to the Royal Standard only through fear of being detected by General
Washington's army, the army small, undisciplined, disaffected to the cause, badly paid, in very
dull spirits, being certain they are far inferior to the British troops in every point, and entirely
destitute of every necessary for carrying on the war, having neither arms nor ammunition,
but what they receive from the French or Dutch. From these and many other cogent
reasons it is highly probable this unhappy war will soon be terminated to the honour of His
Majesty and a terror to all other who may attempt to rebell in like manner for the future.
734 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Thus Sir I have given you a short narrative of the facts that came to my knowledge during
my stay in the rebell army, and hope it vyiil give your Honour the satisfaction required. I think
myself happy in having the honour of serving you in this manner and of subscribing myself
Your most obedient & humble Serv'
Ship Queen, Indiaman William Grant.
at Gravesend Nov' 24"" 1777
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New- York Papers ( 3. P. O. ) CLXIX. 1
N" 45.
King's Bridge Camp. 1. December 1777.
My Lord,
I seize the opportunity by Gov' Wentv?orth, v?hose conduct vehile in this Govern' has been
truly meritorious, to acquaint your Lord? that my sphere in Civil Govern' is not enlarged this
last Campaign. The operations of the Grand Army being directed to the Westward, could
not afford support to the military movements in this Province. I can now hardly be said to sit
within the shade of ray Govern'. If therefore it should be His Maj'*'" pleasure, I would
cheerfully wish to resign my Govern', If I might be honored with the command of a Regiment,
and liberty to sell my Company in the Guards, which I desire might be purchased by Lord
Rawdon,' whom I have the honor to be distantly connected with in relationship, and who is
willing to purchase.
Sir Henry Clinton has intrusted to me the charge of this important Post, and I have every
reason to be satisfied with the liberal confidence, with which he honours me.
The short time we were up the North River (and only on its Banks) I swore in near three
hundred of the Inhabitants, and about one hundred listed in the Provincial Corps. Numbers
' Francis, 1st Marquess of Hastings, K. G. and G. C. B., eldest son of John Rawdon, 1st Earl of Moira, was born ^th
December, 1754. He entered the army iu the 17th year of his age as Ensign in the 15th foot ( 7th August, 1771 ), and
obtained a Lieutenancy on the 20th October, 1773, in the 5th regiment, and embarked for America. The bloody fight of
Bunker Hill was his first battle, and in July following, he was appointed to a company in the 63d, and soon after Aid-de-
Carap to Sir Henry Clinton. He was at the battles of Brooklyn and White Plains, in the attack of Kort Washington, Fort
Clinton and in other affairs of 1776 and 1777. In 1778 he was named Adjutant-General of the army in America, with the rank
of Lieutenant-Colonel, and was engaged in the retreat through the Jerseys, in the battle of Monmouth, and at the siege of
Charleston. In 1780 he raised a Provincial Corps called the Volunteers of Ireland, and was engaged with it in the battle of
Camden, where one-half the regiment was killed or wounded. He afterwards defeated General Greene at Hobkirk Hill, 25th
April, 1781, and then retired to Charleston. He was obliged, however, by illness, to embark for England; on the passage
the vessel was captured by the French and carried into Brest, but he was almost immediately released. On his return to
England his regiment was accepted, and numbered the 105th; he was appointed Aid-de-Camp to the King and Colonel in
the army 25lh November, 1782. In 1783 he was created a British Peer by the title of Baron Rawdon. He succeeded to the
title of Earl of Meira, 20th June, 1793, and in October following became Major-General. In 1794 he was sent to Flanders
with reinforcements for ihe Duke of York, whom he extricated at Malines. He became Lieutenant-General in 1798; in
September following, was promoted to be General in the army, and appointed commander of the forces in Scotland. In 1804
he became Colonel of the 27th luniskilling regiment ; in 1806 Master-General of the Ordnance and Constable of the Tower of
London, and in 1813 Governor-General of India. In 1816 he was advanced to the dignity of Marquess of Hastings; became
Governor of Malta in 1824, and died 28th November, 1826, in the 72d year of his age. Philippart's Royal Military Calendar,
L, 67 ; Debrelt. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLVI. 735
yet remain inflexibly Loyal notwithstanding the coercive Tyranny of the Rebel Party, and
long disappointment of relief, have operated strongly against their principles.
By the inclosed correspondence between me and Gen' Parsons, Your Lord? may judge of the
tone I think should be held towards the Rebels.
I have ventured as Civil Gov' to supply the Hessians on this Island, with some blankets by
way of present, of which they stood in much need, a donation that has been gratefully received,
and I flatter myself will meet with His Maj''''' approbation and allowance, at a time when every
insiduous art and invitation of Putnam is renewed to debauch them, but am confident will
prove wholly unsuccessful.
General Robertson has undertaken to embody the Inhabitants of the City in my absence,
and I understand he has met with some success.
I am with all possible respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient and
very humble servant
W" Tryon.
Brigadier -General Parsons to Governor Tryon.
[ New-York Papers { 8. P. O. ) OLXIX. ]
(Copy).
,21. Nov' 1777.
Sir,
Adding to the natural horrors of war, the most wanton destruction of private property are
acts of cruelty unknown to civilized nations, and unaccustomed in war, untill the servants of
the King of Great Brittain, have convinced the impartial world, no acts of inhumanity, no
strech of Despotism are too great for them to exercise towards those they are pleased to
term Rebels.
Had any apparent advantage been derived from burning the houses, on Phillips's Manor,
last Monday night, there would have been some appearance of reason to justify the measure,
but when no benefit can result from destroying those buildings, and striping the women and
children of necessary apparel to cover them from the severity of a cold night, and leading off
the captivated heads of those families in Triumph to your lines, in a most ignominious manner,
I cannot assign a justifiable cause for this act of cruelty; nor can I conceive a reason for your
further order to destroy Tarry Town.
'Tis not my inclination. Sir, to war in this manner against the Inhabitants within your lines
who suppose themselves within the protection of the King. But necessity will oblige me to
retaliate in kind, upon your friends, to compel the exercise of that Justice which humanity
used to dictate ; unless your explicit disavowal of the conduct of your Captains Enrick and
Barns, shall convince me those houses were destroyed without your knowledge and against
your order.
You cannot be insensible 'tis every day in my power to destroy the buildings belonging to
Col: Philips and M"" Delancey ; each as near your lines as these burned by your Troops were
to the guards of the Army of the United States, nor can your utmost vigilance prevent the
destruction of every building on this side King's Bridge.
736 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
'Tis not fear, Sir, 'tis not want of opportunity has preserved those buildings to this time,
but a sence of the injustice and savageness of such a line of conduct, has hitherto saved them ;
& nothing but necessity will induce me to copy the example of this kind so frequently set us
by your Troops.
I am Sir,
Your obedient humble servant
Sam H. Parsons.'
Governor Tryoii to Brigadier -General Parsons.
[New-York Papers ( 8. P. 0.) CLXIX.]
King's Bridge Camp. 23. NoV 1777.
Sir,
Could I possibly conceive myself accountable to any revolted subject of the King of Great
Britain I might answer your letter received by the Flag of Truce yesterday, respecting the
conduct of the party under Capt" Emmerick's command upon the taking of Peter and Cornelius
Vantassel. I have however candour enough to assure you, as much as I abhor every principle
of inhumanity or ungenerous conduct, 1 should, were I in more authority, burn every
Committee Man's house within my reach, as I deem, those Agents the wretched instruments,
of the continued calamities of this Country, and in order the sooner to purge this Colony of
them, I am willing to give tvrenty silver dollars, for every acting Committee Man, who shall
be delivered up to the King's Troops. I guess, before the end of the next campaign, they
will be torn to pieces by their own Countrymen whom they have forcibly dragged, in opposition
to their principles and duty (after fining them to the extent of their property) to take up arms
against their lawful Soveraign, and compelled them to exchange their happy Constitution for
Paper, Rags, Anarchy and distress.
The ruins in the City of New York, from the Conflagration of the Emissaries of your party
last year, remain a memorial of their tender regard for their fellow beings, exposed to the
severity of a cold night.
This is the first correspondence, I have held with the King's Enemies, in America, on my
own part, and as I am immediately under the command of Sir Henry Clinton, your future
Flags, dictated with decency, would be more properly directed to His Excellency.
I am Sir,
Your humble servant,
W° Tryon.
' Msjor-General Samuel Holden Parsons, sou of Rev. Jonathan Parsons, was born at Lyme, Connecticut, 14th May, 1737,
and was graduated at Harvard College in 1766. After studying law, he entered on the practice of his profession in 1759.
He was member of the General Assembly of Connecticut from 1762 to 1774, and moved to New London in 1776, when he
was chosen Colonel of militia. On 9th August, 1776, he was appointed Brigadier-General by the Continental Congress, and
in 1779 succeeded Putnam in the command of the Connecticut division. On 23d October, 1780, he was promoted to the rank
of Major-General. In 1785 he was appointed one of the Commissioners to treat with the Western Indians, and in 1788 was
named Judge of the Northwestern territory. He acted, in the following year, as Commissioner to treat with the "Wyandots
and other tribes for the extinction of their claims to the Connecticut Western reserve, and on returning from this service to
his residence at Marietta, Ohio, was drowned by the upsetting of his boat in the rapids at the Big Beaver river, 17tli
November, 1789, in the 5Sd year of his age. Allen. — En.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLVII. 737
Lord George Germain to certain, of the Governors in, America.
[ Plantations General ( S. P. 0. ) CCLXIT. ]
Circular letter from L"" Geo : Germain to the Governors of:
New York Leward Islands
Nova Scotia Grenades
East Florida Dominica
Jamaica S' Vincent
Barbados Bermuda
Whitehall 10. January 1778.
The Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty having authorized you to grant Commissions of
Marque against the Rebels, it is to be expected, that vessels bearing such Commissions will
bring their prizes into the Ports within your Government, and you may be under some
embarrassment in respect to the disposal of the Prisoners, I have therefore received the Kings
commands, to signify to you His Maj'J''' pleasure, that when any prisoners taken in any Rebel
privateer or armed Cruiser shall be brought into any of the Ports within your Govern', you
do commit them to the common Goal, or other place of safe custody, and apply to the Assembly
for an allowance for their maintenance, and other expenses attending their confinement; and in
case, the Assembly shall not think fit to take upon themselves the providing for such expences,
you are to draw upon the Lords Commiss" of the Treasury for the amount, taking care that
every thing be done in the most frugal and careful manner, and accompanying your Bills with
the proper vouchers; and when any opportunity offers of puting them on Board any of His
Majesty's ships, you will deliver them to the Commanders in such numbers as they can be
received, in order to their being sent to England, under the Admiral's direction; and in case
you cannot so dispose of the whole, you may agree with the Masters of different Merchant
ships, to take the remainder in small numbers and carry them to England, as prisoners, their
passage to be paid here, upon certificates of their delivery on board any ©f His Maj'^"' ships at
Plymouth, Portsmouth, in the Downs or at the Nore ; and you are at the same time, to transmit
to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, one or more affidavits, properly authenticated,
that such prisoners were taken in an Armed vessel commissioned by the Rebels. In regard to
the Crews of any Trading Vessels belonging to the Rebels, such of them as the Commanders
of His Maj"''" ships do not think fit to press into the King's service, must be left at liberty.
I am ettc.
Geo: Germain.
Vol. VIII. 93
738 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lord George Germain to the Commissioners for restoring Peace, c&c.
I Plantations General (8. P. 0.) CCLXIV. ]
To : Sir William Howe, Gov' Tryon, Sir Henry Clinton, Commanding Officer of Rhode
Island, Gov' Tonyn.
Whitehall. 19. Febr^ 1778.
The King ever desirous to promote the welfare and happiness of all His subjects, has seen
with great concern, the calamitous consequences of the dispute with the Colonies; and willing
to hope that even those who have been most forward in bringing on these misfortunes, are
now convinced of the fatal tendency of their conduct and would gladly return to their
allegiance, if they were not withheld by apprehensions, that advantage would be taken of
their submission to pursue measures dictated by resentment of their past behaviour and to
impose upon the Colonies intolerable burthens or restraints. To remove all grounds of such
apprehensions, and to prepare the way for the return of peace, his Majesty was graciously
pleased to signify his Royal pleasure to his most confidential servant, on whose advice His
Maj'y relies in matters of the greatest importance, that they should deliberate upon, and concert
such measures as would be most likely to produce those happy effects and in consequence of
the underlined that deliberation. Lord North on the 17"" inst: propounded to the house of commons
Govrs&command- the iuclosed Resolutiou, which was unanimously adopted, and Bills have been
ing Officers at
olnaertld.'"' """^ prepared in pursuance of it, and this day, presented and read in the house.
The King commands me to send you copies of those Bills inclosed herewith, and to signify
underlined omit- to you his Roval pleasure, that you do cause them to be printed and dispersed
tedtoGovrTonvn. •' •' "^ "^
( "f^is'^i'™!''??.' throughout the (neighbouring) Colonies, by such means as shall be most likely
inserted to all but ° ^ " °' •' •'
the Commission- j.^ jj^^ke them generally known and considered ; and that you embrace every
opportunity of circulating them by Flags of truce, or private persons, among the Rebel Troops,
and in those Parts of the Country where the authority of the Congress prevails; and this you
are to do with all possible expedition, so as the people at large may be acquainted with their
contents before ill intentioned persons can have time to diff"use prejudices against them, or by
misrepresenting their tendency, excite jealousy and distrust of the favourable disposition of
great Brittain towards the American Colonies :
I am ettc.
Geo: Germain.
Lord George Germain to the Commissioners for restoring Peace, c&c.
[Plantations General (S. P. O.) CCLSIV.]
To the Commiss" for restoring peace. Sir William Howe, Sir Henry Clinton, Gov' Tryon,
Governor Tonyn, and Commanding Officer at Rhode Island.
Whitehall. 11. March 1778.
In my letter to you of the IQ"" of last month, I transmitted copies of two Bills, which were
on that day presented and read in the house of Commons ; they have since passed both houses
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 739
and received the Royal assent, very few essential alterations having been made in them during
their progress through the Houses, except such as were made, in order the more effectually to
remove all shadow of doubt about the purity & sincerity of the purpose of Parliament.
I now send you herewith printed copies of these Acts by the King's command, and I am to
The words under- signify to you his Royal pleasure that you do transmit copies of each to the
lined lo Ld and Sr ■' i-
•William Howe only. Cougress, & the Commauder in Chief of their Troops, and cause them to be
made public and dispersed throughout the Neighbouring Colonies that His Maj'^'" faithful
subjects may, as speedily, as possible, be informed of the favourable disposition of His Maj'y
and Parliament towards the American Colonies.
I am ettc.
Geo : Germain.
P. S. You will of course, observe, by the Acts I have sent you herewith, that altho' the
Commissioners to be sent out from Great Brittain, have sufficient powers to suspend in any
places, or for any times, during the continuance of the Bill under which they are appointed,
the operation and effect of any Act or Acts of Parliament w'*" have passed since the tenth day
of Feb''y 1763; yet the King and Parliament of great Britain have more particularly taken
into their consideration the Tea Act, and the Act for the better regulating the Government of
the Province of the Massachusets Bay, which have been repealed, as you will perceive by the
Acts herewith inclosed, and I hope this attention to the wishes of many people, may have
the desired effect, of inclining those who have been unhappily engaged in the present
Rebellion to return to their allegiance.
G. G.
Lord George Germain to
[Plantations General CS. P- 0. ) CCLXIV.]
Whitehall. 12. March 1778.
Sir,
M' Fisher,' Collector of Salem in Massachuset's Bay, who was compelled by the Rebels to
fly to England, will have the honor to deliver this letter to you. He returns to America at
this time with the view of using the influence which he imagines he still has in the Colonies,
to induce them to accept of the offers now held out to them, and return to their allegiance.
The manner in which he may be best employed in effecting so important a service, will depend
upon the state of things at his arrival and the manner in which the late Acts were received.
He is, therefore directed to consult with you {and Gov' Tryon or Sir Henry Clinton) what steps
it will be proper for him to take ; and I have therefore, only to recommend to him to you as a
person in whom you may repose the fullest confidence, and to request you will shew him all
proper attention.
I am ettc
Geo: Germain.
' John Fishke was brother-io-law of Governor 'Wentworth, of New Hampshire ; on becoming a refugee he went to England
where he succeeded Mr. Thompson (supra, p. 677) as Secretary to Lord George Germain. Curwen't Journal, 501. — Ed.
740 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
(N»8.)
Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain.
[ Plautations General ( S. P. 0. ) CCLXIV. ]
New York, 12. March 1778.
My Lord.
The last letter which I had the honor to address to your Lord? was of the ll"" of November,
which I believe was misnumbered, I therefore now transmit a duplicate of it, and of N° 6. to
prevent any mistake.
In my letter N° 7. I briefly explained what I then proposed to Sir W" Howe, which I took
the liberty to recommend to your Lord^'s attention, that I might be enabled to proceed upon it
in due time.
T have now the pleasure to inform your Lord? that notwithstanding the event of last
campaign to the Northward, the Indians are as firm as ever, and are eager for service ; a
Courrier having just arrived here with Messages to me and a Billet to the General signed by
L* Col: Bolton commanding at Niagara, and by my Deputy M' Butler, of which the inclosed
is a copy, which briefly shows their zeal, readiness and abilities. — On this subject I have by
direction of Sir Henry Clinton, wrote at large to S'' W" Howe, whose commands I hope,
shortly to receive, that I may send back such messages as he approves, or such as will prepare
them to meet me, agreable to the proposal I submitted to your Lord? and to him, at such
time and place to the Northward, as should be approved of, for the purpose of keeping the
Indians out of the reach of Rebel Emissaries & of employing them in the way most serviceable
to Govern*
In my letter of November last, I explained the general design I had in view, and although
from the nature of this war, the best schemes may be in some measure rendered abortive, I
think I can venture to rely on the advantages to be derived from what I have proposed, as it
will keep the Indians out of the reach of the Rebel arts, and employ them in some serviceable
manner; for until we have possession of some direct communication to the Six Nations, we
cannot have them better occupied than as I have mentioned, before the arrival of more Troops,
unless they are let loose to carry on the Petitte Guerre in their own way.
Indians, with small bodies of Troops are often exposed to what appears to them as very
discouraging difficulties, in which cases they cannot be expected to keep together like British
Troops, nor can they ever do so after the beginning of October, because of the Hunting season.
They do not adopt the same ideas of Bravery, neither can they feel so much interest in our
cause as Britons do, but in all other respects, they afford much security to an army, and strike
a Terror into the Enemy.
The French system of management by several distinct Agents was calculated for that
Govern', and the State of the domesticated Tribes near their Cities in Canada, but suits no
others, as Sir William Johnson fully demonstrated to His Maj'^'' Ministers. — No uniform
system could be pursued on such a plan, and the French, after much expence and trouble, lost
the Ind"" by it. They entered into the fullest Treaty before me at Ontario and in Canada in
1775, they have hitherto adhered and will still adhere to the same if duly attended to, but to
render them truely serviceable, the nature of the service and the time it is likely to take up are
necessary considerations, as well as under what restrictions they are to act, since it appears,
that they are so much misrepresented in the article of cruelty. — It is well known. My
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 741
Lord, that the Colonies sollicited the Ind"' early in 1775 — that they proposed to make me
prisoner — that they carried some Ind"' then to their camp near Boston, as they did others since,
who were taken in the Battle on Long Island ; that the Tomahawk which is so much talked of,
is seldom used but to smoak thro', or to cut wood with, and that they are very rarely guilty of
any cruelty more, than scalping the dead, in which article even, they may be restrained. It is
also certain that no objection was made to them formerly, that the King's Instructions of 1754
to Gen' Braddock and many since, direct their being employed, whilst some of the American
Colonies went further by fixing a price for scalps. Surely foreign Enemies have an equal claim
to humanity with others.
Perhaps some of these hints are not amiss, my motives will I hope apologize for them. I am
persuaded, that I am by no means destitute of the feelings of humanity, and that I can restrain
the Indians from Acts of Savage Cruelty, but as I must be ignorant of the intended operations,
I can only humbly propose, as I have already done to collect the Indians in some fitting place
out of the reach of the Rebel Agents, till the arrival of more Troops, or till some movement
can be made, that will give us possession of the important communication between this and
the Lakes, and if in the interim I can be honored with your LordP's commands, or be directed
to give any further agreable appearances to the Indians, it will be highly pleasing to them and
usefull to His Maj'^'' service. *
I have the honor to be with great respect
My Lord.
Your Lordr's most obedient & most
humble servant,
G. Johnson.
Cohiiels Bolton and Butler to Major -General Clinton.
[ Plaatations General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLXIV. ]
Niagara. 23. Nov"- 1777.
Sir.
Joseph and myself are ready to wait your Orders. We wish to know your situation, and
when we can be of use to you and where ; We only wish to know the time and place, as we
are confident of being well supported. The bearer is faithful and of abilities. Your Excellency
may confide in him ; our friends are determined to be so in the worst of times.
Mason Bolton
John Butler
General Clinton or Officer commanding Hudson's D' Superi' Ind- Affairs.
River or Sir William Howe.
742 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[New-Tork Papers (8. P. O.) CLXIX.]
NMS.
New York. 20 March. 1778.
My Lord,
I am honored with your Lord^'s dispatch of the 10"" January last. As soon as I receive the
Lords Commiss" of the Admiralty's authority to grant Commissions of Marque against
the Rebels, (which I can not learn is transmitted by the Harriot Packet, unless in Lord Howe's
dispatches, which are forwarded to Rhode Island ) I shall be carefull to carry all his Maj"'
commands into execution relative to the disposal of the Prisoners of War taken by the ships
so commissioned.
1 have the satisfaction to assure your Lord? that this measure is most gratefully received by
the Citizens, and that several have already begun to fit out their vessells, that they may be
ready to put to sea, so soon as they can be Commissioned.
Great expectations are formed of their success as the Commanders of these Privateers have
a perfect knowledge of the Coasts, and will go into Creeks & Harbours, that will not admit
of the King's ships, it is also believed Jhat numbers of men in the Rebel ships, will quit that
service, to enter aboard these Privateers — I am ettc.
W™ Tryon.
Govei'nor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New- York Papers ( 8. P. 0. ) CLXIX. ]
" ^^' New York. 15 April 1778
My Lord.
I have the honor to transmit the inclosed correspondence between Lord Howe and myself,
(with the Attorney General's opinion) on the subject of issuing letters of Marque, in the
present State of this Province; But have not yet received the necessary powers from the Lords
Commiss" of the Admiralty.
As the letters of Marque would be always subject to the search of the Officers of the King's
ships, and as Masters of Transports who lost men, might be empowered also to search the said
letters of Marque ; I am apt to think, few Men in the King's service could be carried off, in the
said vessels by stealth.
I can assure your Lord?, it will be a deep chagrin and disappointment to many of the Loyal
Inhabitants in this Govern', to be deprived of fitting out letters of Marque against the Enemy.
I am with all possible respect ettc
W" Trton.
P. S. I received by the Andromeda, late last night Your Lord^'s dispatches, with those for
Gov' Tonyni ettc. and shall with all expedition, carry His Maj'^'" commands into execution.
W" Tryon.
' General Patrick Tontn was appointed Captain on the 15th May, 1751, in the 6th or Enniskillen Dragoona, which regi-
ment eerved in Germany in 1768. In 1761 he was commissioned Lieutenant-Colonel of the 104th or King's Volunteers. This
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 743
Lord Howe to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXIX.]
Eagle, off Sandy Hook. li. April 1778.
Sir,
Capt" Duncan has delivered to me the copy of the circular letter from the Secretary of
State, & the Message he was charged with by Your Excell'^, respecting your determination to
grant letters of Marque conformable to the tenor of it, as soon as you shall be furnished with
the requisite authorities from the Lords Conimiss" of the Admiralty.
Persuaded of the dangerous consequences that must ensue to the King's service, by
the temptation thereby offered the Seamen to withdraw from the transports, on which the
subsistence of the Army immediately and entirely depends, as well as from the ships of War,
I trust that you will, in regard thereof, be prevailed on to postpone the issue of such letters of
Marque; at least in the present circumstances of the War, or until the King's further pleasure
(if deemed necessary to be taken) can be had upon the matter.
I am more particularly encouraged to hope for this testimony of your indulgence when I
consider the tenor and spirit of the circular letter, which as I conceive, is not obligatory, nor
indeed applicable to the State of this Province.
The letter obviously respects the Provinces, in which the civil Govern' is regularly exercised,
and the Laws are still in Force.
Application is to be made to the Assemblies regarding the maintenance and security of the
Prisoners ; and as a necessary ground for the operation of that civil authority, it is presupposed,
that the captures will be brought into some port within your Cover"', whereas, by the late
restraining Acts, the special License of the Commiss" therein mentioned, is required for
exempting this Port from the Effect of the General prohibition extended in the case, to all the
Provinces not in the king's peace-
I have the honor to be, with great respect
Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant.
Howe.
Copy of M"' Kemp's (Attorney General) opinion on fitting out letters of Marque.
Upon mature deliberation, I cannot help thinking that the issuing letters of Marque here,
may be attended in some degree with the inconveniencies mentioned in Lord Howe's letter ;
nor can I see any means by which they can effectually be prevented. The most obvious is
that of taking securities from the owners of the Vessels to be Commissioned, that no Seamen
belonging to the Transports, or the King's ships, shall be engaged by them or their officers;
but this will be subject to evasion and abuse, as no precaution will be effectual to prevent
them from being imposed upon, by Seamen, who wish to engage with them, and who will not
hesitate to declare themselves perfectly disengaged from His Maj'''"' or the transport service —
regiment vras disbanded in 1763, and he remained on half-pay until 1775, when he was appointed Governor of East Florida.
He became Colonel in the army 29th August, 1777 ; Major-General 19th October, 1781 ; and retired from Ihe Government of
East Florida in 1783. He was appointed Colonel of the 48th Foot 23d May, 1787; Lieutenant-General 12th October, 1793 ;
General in the army 1st January, 1798, and died towards the close of the year 1804. Army Lists. — Ed.
744 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
and as justice could not forfeit these bonds, unless they were wilfully violated, the difficulty of
making this appear, would render them almost useless.
I am not a sufficient judge, how far these inconveniencies may be counterballanced, by the
good eflects, which may probably result from the issuing of letters of Marque ; they appear to
me to be these: — a greater Number of vessels will be distressing the Rebels, and without
expeiice to the Crown — Vessels which are now useless to us, will be thus employed ; 'tis not
improbable that some which might otherwise cruise against us, will cruise against the Rebels —
They will generally be small vessels, capable of running into the inlets on the Coasts, where
our Frigates cannot go, and into which great part of the importations for the use of the Rebels is
made, and from whence their exportations are also made, and will in general be commanded by
persons well acquainted with these little harbours. Add to this, that the spirit of privateering
is so prevalent in this Province in particular, and in the Colonies in general, that we may
expect the most vigorous exertions will be made, and that a great many who Man the Rebel
ships (Cruizers as well as Merchantmen) will be induced to come over to us, as they will be
employed as much to their interest, and more to their safety; besides this, many Landsmen,
now in the Enemies lines, who do not come over to us for the want of the means of subsistence
(and who do not chose to become Soldiers) will probably come into us, partly from interest
and the spirit of privateering, and partly from the dread of being compelled by the Rebels
into their army as soldiers.
Your Excell"^ is the best judge how far the tenor and spirit of the circular letter is obligatory
upon you, and how far your powers are discretionary, this indeed will be best determined by
the inspection of your powers when they arrive.
I cannot see, why the circular letter is not applicable to the State of this Province, so far at
least, as it respects the measure under consideration. If this measure had not been thought
proper to be pursued here, by His Majesty's Ministers, and the Lords of the Admiralty, it
seems unaccountable why the one should delegate the powers, or the other direct you to pursue
them ; the State of this Province does not seem to have been in his Maj'^'' Councils at home,
an objection against the pursuit of this measure; 'tis true, till the Assembly shall again meet,
the Prisonners cannot be maintained, by a provision to be made by the Legislature here, for that
purpose, but there is an alternative mentioned in the letter by which they may be supported.
I should judge therefore that the circular letter respects this Province altho' the Civil Govern'
is not regularly exercised in it, nor do I see how this affijcts the question, or that it can operate
against your powers in this instance ; indeed, to be explicit, I cannot conceive that any of your
authorities in the civil line as his Maj'>'' Gov' of this Prov''% may not be exercised, nor that
the Laws have ceased to be obligatory, altho' the exercise of the one and the operation of the
other have been suspended by the violence, of the Rebels.
Without the Commiss" license for bringing the prizes taken by letters of Marque into this
Port, the same doubts of the competency of the Court of Admiralty to condemn such prizes
will recour as took place the before passing the late Act of Parliament — Add to this, that their
prize goods cannot be exported but by the License of the Commiss" ; the want of these licences
'tis probable will give such a check to the letters of Marque, that few will chose to meddle
with them.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLVII. 745
Brigadier-General Parsons to Governor Tryon.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXIX. ]
1. January 1778.
Sir, ^
Since I received yours of the 22,''^ of Novemb"" I have been employed in matters of importance,
vphich have not left me at liberty to acknowledge the receipt of your letter before ; lest you
should think me wanting in the respect due to your character. I beg your acceptance of this
letter, which closes our epistolary correspondence.
It will ever be my intention to dictale with decency any letters I may send, however remote it
may be from my wish to copy the examples of the persons my duty may compel me to
correspond with ; as propriety and decency ought to be observed in every transaction even
with the most infamous characters, I shall never hope so nearly to assimulate myself to them
as to be found wanting in that respect which is due to all my fellow beings in their stations
and characters in life.
I should not have entertained a thought you have failed in the duty you owe to your King
in every part of the Globe, or that you did not fully possess the spirit of his Ministry, which
has precipitated the present crisis, even though you had omitted to assure me this had been the
first correspondence you had held with the King's Enemies in America.
The conflagration of New York, you are pleased to charge to the American Troops under the
decent name of a party.
This deserves no other answer, than to assure you, it has not the least foundation in truth,
& that we are assured, it gains no credit with Officers, whose Rank and Candor gives
opportunity to know and believe the truth.
This, like many other circumstances is charged to the account of those who were never
believed guilty, to excite the rage and resentment of the ignorant and misguided, ag" very
improper objects.
Perhaps I might suggest, with as much propriety and more truth, this unhappy event was
brought about by your own party from the same motives which induced them in August 1776.
to mangle the dead bodies of some of the Foreign Troops in a most shocking and inhuman
manner, and place them in the most conspicuous parts of the Roads their brethren were to
pass. A justifiable resistance against unwarrantable invasions of the natural and social Rights
of Mankind, if unsuccessful, I am sensible according to the fashion of the World, will be called
Rebellion; but when successful is viewed as a noble strugle for every thing important in life. —
Whither I am now considered as a revolted subject of the King of Britain, or in any other light
by his subjects is very immaterial and gives me very little concern — future ages, I hope will do
justice to my intentions and the present to the humanity of my Conduct.
Few Men are of Talents so very inconsiderable as to be unalterably excluded from every
degree of Fame. A Nero and a Caligula have perpetuated their memory ; perhaps twenty silver
dollars may be motives with those you employ, to do great honor to your Machiavelian
Maxims, especially to that which advises, never to cotnit crimes to the halves, and leave lasting
monuments of your principles and conduct which will hand your memory down to posterity in
indelible characters.
We act on a different scale and hold ourselves indispensably bound, never to comit crimes, but
execute what's necessary for our safety uninfluenced by sordid mercenary motives.
Vol. VIII. 94
746 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
In the field of conjecture, I shall not attempt to follow you; your talent of guessing may be
greater than I can boast of, this satisfaction at least you may enjoy, if you find yourself
mistaken in one conjecture, you have an undoubted right io guess again.
I shall content myself to wait 'till the event verifies your prediction or shews you are mistaken.
Assuring you, I shall never pursue your measures for restoring peace, whither my authority
should be greater or less, further than necessity shall compel me to retort the injuries the
peaceable Inhabitants of this Country may receive from the hand of violence and oppression.
I am
Sir.
Your obedient servant
Sam : H. Parsons.
a True copy. Test : W"" Tryon
original received the middle of last february.
(NM4).
Lord George Germain to Governor Iryori.
[ New-Tork Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXIX. ]
Whitehall. 5 June. 1778.
Sir.
Since my circular letter of the 9"" of March I have received your Dispatches N" 45, 46, 47
and 48. and a private letter of the 18 of March.
It was a great pleasure to me in the course of last Month, to have the honor to lay before
the King for His Maj'''"' Royal signature, a Commission giving you the Rank of Major General
in America, according to that you held as Colonel, and which your merit and services so well
entitle you to, and upon which, and your appointment to the command of 70"" Regiment, I
beg you will accept my congratulations.
Some legal difficulties, that I was not informed of, I find were the occasion that the Lords
of the Admiralty did not send you a Commission to grant letters of Marque at the time I
acquainted you it would be dispatched. Those difficulties I have the satisfaction to tell you,
are now so far obviated that you will receive herewith, the necessary authority to grant letters
of Marque in all such case as the prohibitory Act will allow. These cases, are ships in the
service of Govern', Ships licensed to bring provisions or Stores to the Fleet or Army, or for
the supply of the Inhabitants, & ships carrying out prize goods. Under these descriptions only
it is, that any Trading ship can enter or clear at New York without incurring forfeiture, and
therefore none else can possibly perform the requisites that entitle them to letters of Marque;
but of this you will be fully informed by the Acts themselves, and the Instructions you will
receive from the Lords of the Admiralty; I have therefore only to add my wishes, that you
may find the Authorities you are vested with, sufficient for the purpose and satisfactory to the
Loyal Inhabitants.
I am ettc.
Geo : Germain.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 747
Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXIX. ]
No 15.
Whitehall 1. July 1778.
Sir,
On the 6* of last month I received your dispatches N" 50 and 51. with the duplicate of 49,
& a few days after the original of that dispatch with the printed paper of Intelligence referred
to therein, was brought by the Packet from Philadelphia.
The arrival of the Acts and of the Commiss" apointed by His Maj'y to treat with the Colonies,
which, I hope, will have happened shortly after the date of your last dispatch, must enable us
to discover whether the disposition we have been so often told prevailed among the people at
large to return to their allegiance really exists, or that they are determined upon a separation
from this Country ; I trust the former will prove to be the case, and that the next accounts we
receive, will inform us of the commencement of a Treaty.
I am ettc.
Geo : Germain. -
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[New-York Papers (B. P O.) CLXIX. 1
N"'55.
New York. 8 July 1778
My Lord,
I am honored with your LordP's Dispatches of the first of April and have circulated the
communications directed.
As the necessary Authority from the Lords Commissioners of Admiralty to grant letters of
Marque has not reached me, no Privateers have, or can be fitted out from this Port ; two or
three private ships have gone from hence indeed to East Florida and got letters of Marque
from that Govern' ; such is the present discouragement the Inhabitants here labour under. I
apprehend when the powers do arrive, the opportunity will be lost.
The King's Commiss" arrived in this City last week; as their powers are competent to
appoint Governors, I beg His Maj'^ will recall me from my Govern', being perfectly convinced
I can no longer be serviceable in my civil line.
I am most respectfully
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient servant
W" Tryon.
748 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lonl George Germain to Governor Tryon.
[New- York Papers (8. P. O.) CLXIX.]
N" 16.
Whitehall. 6. August. 1778.
Sir,
I have received your Dispatches, N'" 52, 53. & 54. and thank you for the papers inclosed,
which add to the many proofs we before had of the insiduous designs of France in encouraging
and abetting the Rebellion.
My circular letter of this day's date will inform you of the resolution His Majesty has come
to respecting that Court, which makes it unnecessary for me to say more here upon the subject,
than to express my hopes of seeing all his Majesty's Loyal American subjects again at liberty
to exert themselves in distressing the Trade and punishing the perfidy of our natural Enemies.
I am ettc.
Geo: Germain.
Lord George Germain to Governors in North America.
[ Plantations General (8. P. O.) CCLXIV.]
(Circular, Secret and confidential.) Whitehall. 5. August 1778.
Gov' of Quebec Gov' of Jamaica
*' Nova Scotia " Barbados
" New York " Leeward Islands
" East Florida " Grenades
" West Florida " Dominica
" Bahamas. " S' Vincent
" Bermuda. " New Foundland
and Gov' of Senegambia.
The French King have issued orders for seizing or destroying all ships or vessels belonging
to His Maj'J' or His Subjects, it has been judged proper by His Maj'^ in Council to authorize
the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to grant Commissions of Marque & reprisals for
seizing or destroying the ships and vessels of the French King and his Subjects. Their LordP's
have, in pursuance of this authority, delegated the same powers to the King's Gov" in the
American Colonies, and you will receive from their LordPP's by this conveyance the proper
instruments for that purpose, together with Instructions for your guidance in the execution of
those powers. I have only to add to those Instructions that it is the Kings express command
that you do not grant any Commissions but to persons whose Characters and properties are
such as shall be a sufficient pledge and assurance of their strict observance of their instructions,
and that you do take every precaution to prevent any injury or molestation to the Trade of
His Catholick Maj'^'' subjects, or any just ground of complaint from any neutral power.
I am ettc.
Geo: Germain.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 749
Lord George Germain to the Governor.^ in America.
[ Plantations General (S. V. O.) CCLXIV. ]
Gov' of New York, Gov' of Leev^ard Islands
" Quebec " Grenades
" East Florida " Dominica
West Florida " S' Vincent
" Bahamas " Bermuda
«' Jamaica " Nevpfoundiand
" Barbados. " Nova Scotia
and the Gov' of Senegambia.
Whitehall. 7. August 1778.
In addition to my Secret and Confidential Circular letter of the S"" inst:, I am commanded
by the King to acquaint you, that, His Maj'^ judging it highly proper that all succour &
assistance should be cut off from the Enemy, it is His Maj'^'» pleasure, that you do take every
precaution in your power, to prevent any Intercourse with, or supplies of any sort whatever
being sent to the subjects of France from Your Govern'; and that you do seize & confiscate to
His Maj'^' use, all ships & commodities of what nature soever that may be attempted to be
carried out of the ^J^° to any of the territories of France, or to be delivered at sea for the
supply or use of the French King or any of his subjects. —
I am further to signify to you His Maj'^"' pleasure, that you do permit ail French prisoners
brought into your Government to be set on shore, and that you do confine them until they
shall be exchanged or released in like manner as was practised in the late War with France.
I am ettc.
Geo: Germain.
Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon
[New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXIX. ]
N"17.
Whitehall. 2. Sept' 1778.
Sir.
I have received your letter N" 55. and have laid before the King your request contained in
it, of leave to quit your Govern' ; and I am commanded by His Maj'^ to acquaint you, that
in the present circumstances of affairs in America, while there is hope, that an accommodation
with the revolted Colonies may take place. His Majesty thinks, your presence at New York
necessary for his service; but that as soon as peace is made, or all hope is lost, of the province
you are appointed to govern, returning to its allegiance, His Majesty will grant you the
permission You request.
I am ettc.
Geo : Germain.
750 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXIX. ]
N«56.
New York. 5 Sept' 1778.
My Lord,
I am honored with the Duplicate N" 14. and original N" 15. of your LordP's Dispatches, also
with the necessary powers for granting letters of Marque, near forty vessels are fitting out
here, which when ready to sail, will take letters of Marque.
I arrived last evening from the East End of the Island, with a Detachment of near one
Thousand provincials, where I had marched to secure the peaceable behaviour of the
disaffected inhabitants in that quarter, and assist the Commissary in obtaining about one
Thousand fat Cattle for the Army. Inclosed is the oath I administered to all the Inhabitants,
on the North side of the Island, giving them the alternative either to take the oath or remove
with their families and furniture to Connecticut ; not one of the whole chose the latter, even
the hottest Rebels said, my proposal was generous, and took the oath, which convinces me
that the acrimony of opposition is much softened by the late concessions of Government.
Were I at this crisis, to dare to give an opinion on public aflairs, it would be, that the
British Forces on the Continent (taking the present ground of the War) were never in so good
a condition as at present to reconcile America to the dependency on Great Brittain ; the Army
being as it were united and in posession of the four Islands : New York, Long Island, Statea
Island and Rhode Island, (the center of the American Coast) from whence it might make such
vigorous and hostile depridations, on the continent as would oblige America to call aloud for
the settlement offered by the King's Commiss" ; but if large detachments are made from this
Army, and the Troops thereby obliged to remain defensive on the Continent, I apprehend,
American dependency on Great Britain will be precarious indeed.
M' W" Smith 1 the Counsellor is returned to Town, and declares the Rebels are in
a bad condition, and impotent in force as in courage, and who only expect success from
procrastination. I am hopefull, he may be usefull to the Commiss" no one is better informed
of the politicks of America, and I trust he means to mark his endeavours, to promote a
reconciliation on the terms proposed, if liberally encouraged, he could give much weight to
Govern' from his abilities.
The late fire and explosion of the Powder Vessel, has done great mischief to this City,
upwards of sixty houses, having been destroyed, and many greatly damaged. The perpetrators
of the conflagration are still unknown. I am with all possible respect.
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient humble servant
W" Tkyon.
' See VII., 909, note 2. —Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 751
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ Now-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXIX. ]
New York. 6 Sepf 1778.
My Lord,
The honor of your LordP's duplicate Dispatch N° 14. conveyed to me the grateful information
of my succeeding to the 70"' Regiment, and also obtaining my Rank in America agreable to
my seniority in the Army ; both which Commiss"' are safely arrived. These most gracious
marks of His Majesty's bounty towards me has filled my mind with gratitude for such
Royal benevolence.
I shall most cheerfully serve thro' this campaign, at the expiration of which, unless very
opening prospect should present itself to render some essential service on this continent, I
shall entreat the Commander in Chiefs permission to quit America that I may lay in, a better
stock of health for future services, and settle my private aflfairs in England, which daily become
more pressing. In the mean time I shall be happy whenever His Majesty shall think proper
to exchange my present Civil for a Military Govern* as before solicited.
I am with all possible respect My Lord
Your LordP's most obed' & very humble serv'
W" Tryon.
Nog.
Colonel Guy tTohnmn to Lord George Germain.
[ Plantations General (8. P. O.) OCLXIV.]
New York. 10. Sept' 1778.
My Lord.
Soon after dispatching my letter of March last, I received one from Sir William Howe,"
approving much of my former proposal, & requiring me to lay before him a state of such
' WiixiAM, 5th Viscount Howb, on the Irish Peerage, fifth eon of Edmund Scrope, second Viscount, and in 1732 Governor
of Barbadoes, was born about the year 1729. H« was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of the 58th foot, 17 December, 1757 ;
served in the expedition against Louisbourg the year his brother was killed at Ticonderoga, and commanded the Light
Infantry the following campaign at the siege of Quebec. He was one of the Brigadiers in 1761 in the expedition against
Belleisle, on the coast of France, and in 1762 was Adjutant-General of the army employed against Havana. He was
appointed Colonel of the 46th regiment, 21 November, 1764 ; Lieutenant-Governor of the Isle of Wight in 1768, and Major-
General 25th May, 1772. He became Colonel of the 23d or Royal Welsh Fuzileers, 11th May, 1775, about which time ha
arrived in Boston as Commander-in-Chief of the army in America. He commanded at the Battle of Bunker Hill ; in August,
1776, landed at Staten Island, and participated in the several operations of the army that year. Many of his acts are said to
have betrayed ignorance in the art of war. He was advanced to the rank of Lieutenant-General, 29 August, 1777, and
entered Philadelphia in September following; defeated the Americans at Germantown in October, and was superseded by
Sir Henry Clinton in 1778. On his return to England he defended his conduct in his place in the House of Commons, and in
1780, published a Narrative of his command in North America. In 1782 he succeeded Lord Amherst as Colonel en second of
the Artillery and Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance, and on 21st April, 1786, became Colonel of the 19th Light Dragoons.
He next succeeded his brother in his Irish title; received the sinecure appointment of Governor of Berwick; was
promoted to the rank of General, 12th October, 1793, and in 1808 became Governor of Plymouth. Viscount Howe died
without issue in 1814, when the Irish title became extinct. Army Lists; Bealsoti'a Naval and Military Memoirs, III., 176, 227,
330, 395 ; VI., 28, 32, Deirett. —Ed.
752 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
points as were necessary for his giving me final instructions; before this could be done, Sir
Henry Clinton took the command of the Army, and it was then found necessary to wait the
answer of the Congress to the terms proposed by the Commissioners. Immediately after
the French Fleet blocked up this Port, and prevented any Vessels from sailing; but all these
delays and difficulties are at length surmounted and I am this day to embark for Quebec from
wlience (if I am fortunate enough to escape the Cruisers) I propose to write more at large.
Your LordP will have heard before this can reach you of the successful incursions of the
Indians and Loyalists from the Northward. In conformity to the Instructions I conveyed to
my Officers, they assembled their force early in May, and one division under one of my
Deputys ( M' Butler) proceeded with great success down the Susquehanna, destroying the
Posts & settlements at Wioming, augmenting their number with many Loyalists, and alarming
all the Country, whilst another Division under M'' Brandt, the Indian Chief cut off 294 Men
near Schohare and destroyed the adjacent settlements with several Magazines from whence
the Rebels had derived great recourses, thereby affording encouragement and opportunity to
many friends of Government to join them. — As the Indians and well affected Inhabitants had
long expected either a movement of the Southern army up Hudson's River or by some Rout
that might be favourable to a junction, they have hitherto kept their ground and sent in several
persons disguised, requesting orders for their future Govern', and wishing to know, what
movement was intended, favourable to their hopes and expectations, but as the state of things
has not admitted of it, and the Season is already far advanced I do not apprehend it will be
practicable for them to continue much longer embodied this year, so that I propose on my
arrival at the Northward to concert measures for rendering them as usefull as possible the
ensuing season, and for preserving order & an attachment to Govern' among them, as well as
for prosecuting any part of my plan which may meet with the General's approbation, in
affecting which, acts of Savage cruelty may be avoided. — My Officers to the Northward have
enlisted several good Woodsmen, and from my knowledge of the people, I am persuaded I can
raise a large body to accompany the Indians if authorized.
As my voyage and means of supply of cash and necessaries are from present circumstances
attended with a risque, that may be highly injurious to myself and family, I am hopeful that
whilst my endeavours appear to be directed by judgement, and attended with success, I may
experience the necessary aid and countenance of Government.
I have the honor to be with much respect My Lord.
Your LordP's most obedient and
most humble servant.
G Johnson.
As I have some good reasons to apprehend that difficulties may arise respecting my Rank as
Colonel of the Six Nations, which seems the more extraordinary, where Men never in any
service are Colonels and Brigadiers, I could wish this point was obviated, a request I humbly
presume to be the more reasonable, as I desire it principally in cases where the service renders
it necessary.
G J.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLVII. 753
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain,
[New.Tork Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXIX.]
N" -59.
New York. S. October 1778.
My Lord.
Having in a second excursion brought all the Inhabitants on the East end of Long Island as
far as Montaulk Point, under an oath of peaceable behaviour to His Maj'>'» Govern' (and vv-ith
good humour, ) I acquainted Sir Henry Clinton therewith, and that I now only waited to
receive his orde'-s to act under his command. He has accordingly this day, ordered me to join
the Corps above King's Bridge, under the orders of Gen' Knyphausen.^
I therefore beg leave to repeat my earnest solicitation that the Civil Govern' of this Province
may be put into other hands, hoping His Maj'^" will grant me a Military one in exchange.
It is my present purpose, before the King's Commiss" return to England, to resign my
Govern' to them, and to endeavour to obtain S"" Henry Clinton's leave to go to England.
The Manifesto and proclamation herewith transmitted is greatly approved by the Inhabitants
within the King's Lines and will I conceive work powerfully without the lines towards
a reconciliation.
I am with all possible respect ettc.
W"- Tryon.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXIX. ]
N" 61.
New York. 24 October 1778.
My Lord.
I have been honored with Your LordP's dispatches of the S"" and 7"' of August, at the same
time with the necessary powers, from the Lords Commiss" of the Admiralty to grant letters
of Marque and reprisals against the French, which are taken up with great avidity.
As I have not been able as yet to get any proper place in this City to confine the prisoners,
that have been brought into this Port by Privateers ; I have left the Commissary of Prisoners
hitherto, to take charge of them as other prisoners, until the letters of Marque can procure the
Admiral's protection against pressing, out of those ships at fitting out. Most of the Men, who
would be adventurers in those ships, abscond, and are backward in entering into that service.
Few of the privateers have yet sailed, waiting the Admiral's pleasure, for his license
& protection.
I am with all possible respect My Lord.
Your LordP's most obedient & very humble serv'
W™ Tryon.
P. S.
M' Chief Justice Horsmanden, died at Flat Bush on Long Island the 23"* of last September.
' Lieutenant-General Baron Kntphausen commanded the Hessian troops, in the British service, in this country during the
Revolution. He retired to Prussia after the war, and died at Berlin in June, 1789, aged 59 years. Allen. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 95
754 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXIX. ]
NM8.
Whitehall. 4 Nov' 1778.
Sir,
I received your dispatches N°' 56 & 57. & have had the honor to lay them before the King.
It gave His Maj''' much satisfaction to learn that so many of his Subjects had availed
themselves of the power granted to them, for fitting out letters of Marque, and His Maj'J' trusts
that the success, which will follow that laudable spirit of enterprize, will prove not only
detrimental to the Commerce of His Maj'>'' Enemies, but lucrative in a considerable degree, lo
the owners of the privateers so fitted out.
Your expedition to Long Island, seems to have answered the End proposed, in securing the
Cattle, and in obtaining such assurances of the peaceable Deportment of the Inhabitants there,
as the oath which you administered to them required. Nothing could have been more moderate
than the terms in which that oath was prescribed, or more just, than that those, who would
not give such a pledge of their allegiance, should absent themselves from a place, in which if
they continued, they would probably be employed in purposes injurious to His Maj'^'' interest.
I trust that notwithstanding the Detachments which have been made, the good condition in
which you described the remaining Troops to be, and in which opinion every body concurs,
the superiority of our Fleet, and the gracious terms held out by His Maj'^' thro' His Commiss"
are circumstances which will make the American dependency on Great Britain less precarious,
than you seem to apprehend, especially when the confidence of the Rebels in their own Force,
as well as in that of their Allies, has in fact so much subsided.
I am much concerned at the Damage done by the Conflagration, but am in great hopes that
if that misfortune befell the Town from design, the perpetrators of it will be discovered
& punished.-
Nothing could be more proper than the handsome manlier in which you express yourself
towards His Majesty, on your being appointed to the Command of the 70"" Reg', and obtaining
the Rank you desired, and I can assure you that it gives His Maj'^ the sincerest pleasure to do
Justice to an Officer of your merit and zeal for his service.
I am ettc.
Geo: Germain.
N°65.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXX.]
New York. 16, December 1778.
My Lord,
The situation of public affairs here, seems the same as when the King's Commissioners left
this Port. More letters of Marque have been taken out, but principally for ships going to
Europe and the West Indies. The Admiral has been pleased, from representations I made
to him, to order his Secretary to publish an encouragement for sailors from the Enemies
quarters, to enter on board letters of Marque, which I believe will have a good effect.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 755
I have been obliged from the frequent duties that the Militia of King's and Queen's County,
have been called upon to perform, to appoint an Aid de Camp, an Adjutant and assistant to
execute my orders, and to summon and regulate the Militia, in the two Counties, with the pay
of the Army of Aid de Camp and Adjutant to the tw^o former, and three shillings a day to
the Assistant. —
Viz' Col: Archibald Hamilton,' Aid d' Camp and Commandant of the Militia of Queen's
County, M' Long Adjutant for d" and M'' de Peyster^ Assistant to Col. Axtell Col: of
King's County Militia.
I have the honor to be with all possible respect ettc.
W™ Tryon.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXX. ]
Out Post King's Bridge 24. December 1778.
My Lord.
By the arrival of the October Packet, I have had the honor of your LordP's Duplicate
dispatch of the S""" Sepf (N" 17.). communicating His Majesty's pleasure that in the present
circumstances of affairs in America, I should continue a certain time longer in my Govern'; to
which Royal command, I beg His Maj''' may be informed, I shall pay the most dutiful and
zealous obedience.
On the ground, My Lord, the King's Commissioners Manifesto has rested the war with
America, I am sanguine enough to believe her allegiance is to be restored to great Britain, and
in that idea will hazard my sentiments on some measures, that I esteem will cooperate with
what may be the grand operations of the next campaign, for the accomplishm' of so desirable
an end.
^ Colonel Akchibald Hamilton entered tUe British army in l^oS, and in Feb., 1757, received a conimission as Lieutenant in
the 1st Royals, which regiment served in the expedition against Louisbourg in 1768, and accompanied Amherst up the Northern
lakes in 1759. He was promoted to a Captaincy in October, 1761, and joined the 31st foot on 12th April, 1765, and served
in America until 1774, 'when he left the army on his regiment returning to Kurope ( Army Lists ), and settled at Flushing,
Long Island. On the approach of the English army to New-York, the Provincial Congress ordered his arrest on the 5th
June, 1776. Journal, 477. He was admitted to parole on 24th (Onderdonk's Queens County, 66); in August following, he
was again taken up and sent to New-Tork, when General Washington, "for special reasons and a confidence he reposed in"
him, sent him to the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, by whom he was permitted to reside at New Brunswick. On 23d
September following, he was permitted to return home to his wife and family. American Archives, L, 934, 1614; H., 1374.
He soon after joined the Loyalists and was put at the head of the Queen's county militia. Riker's Annals of Newtown, 201.
In January, 1780, his house at Flushing was destroyed by fire. He was in active service until the close of the war.
' Captain Frederick De Petsteb, fifth son of James De Peyster and Sarah Reade, was born in New-York 10th December,
1768, and after the breaking out of the Revolution he commanded the Axtel guards, a corps raised to protect his grand
uncle. Colonel Axtell, at Flatbush, and was afterwards Captain in the New- York Volunteers, commanded by Lieutenant-
Colonel Turnbull. He was wounded in 1780, and was taken prisoner at the Lower Pedee, with twenty-eight of his men.
After the peace he emigrated to St. Johns, New Brunswick, and was a magistrate in 1792. He eventunlly returned to the
United States. Captain De Peyster was twice married, first to Helen, daughter of Commissary-General Hake; second, to
Ann, daughter of Gerard G. Beekman and grand-daughter of Lieutenant-Governor Van Cortlandt. De Peyster Genealogy,
34. — Ed.
756 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
That a Proclamation from the Crown or Parliament issue, with a reward of one thousand
pounds for every Member of the General Congress, & Civil Governors, Usurpers, that shall be
delivered up to the King's Troops.
Also a Proclamation of Pardon ( and revocation of transportation ) for every transport in
America that will enter into the King's service, and at the end of the War to have their
passage paid to their native Country, if they procure a certificate of their faithful services from
the Commanding Officer of the Corps they served with.
It is well known, that the main stay of the Rebel Army, are the old Country Men. This
grace may Detach them from so unnatural a connection.
That every American prisoner, without distinction or consideration of expence be sent to
England and that the Rebels (if an exchange of prisoners is thought proper) be obliged to pay
their passage back to America. One hundred Men thus sent home would make more
impression than one thousand killed in the field of Battle.
That higher bounties be given to Provincial Recruits, and the clothing of Provincial
Regiments (at least 1 wish of those raised in this Province) be sent from England to the
Commanding Officers of said Corps, who might be made answerable for them.
That two or three squadrons of ships with Troops on board, during the proper season, do
make continual depradation on the Coasts and up Navigable Rivers, most, if not all of which,
are vulnerable. This would draw the Enemy out of their fastnesses, and open an opportunity
of bringing on by certain junctions & maneuvres a general Action.
That the Indian Nations lying between Quebec and West Florida be let loose on the
Frontiers of the revolted Colonies, unrestrained, excepting to Women and Children.
That a display of political courage firmness and wisdom be manifested on this side the water,
& go hand in hand with the vigorous exertions of the King's Troops. These measures, My
Lord, accompanying whatever may be the general design of the campaign, must accumulate
distress to the Enemy, animate the friendly part of America and most probably draw the War
to a decision in favour of Govern'
These hints are humbly submitted to your Lord^'s contemplation, being objects that strike
me from a nearer view of His Maj'^'' affairs here, than your Lord? can possibly have from your
remote distance from them, and which may be subject to more sudden variations, from the
designs and movements of the Enemy, than from the wisest sistemalical plan, projected in
the Cabinet of State.
I am with all possible respect My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient & very humble serv*
W" Tkyon.
^69.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[New-Tork Papers (S. P. O.) CLXX.]
Out Post King's Bridge. 6 Febr^ 1779.
My Lord.
I have been honored with your LordP's dispatches of 2** Sepf and 4"" Nov"' (N"' 17 and 18).
The adventurers in the letters of Marque derive great comfort and encouragement in the
expressions of His Maj'^' satisfaction, you are pleased to communicate, on their laudable spirit
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLVII. 757
of enterprize. The success that has accompanied their zeal bears testimony, that I was not
erroneous in my suggestions of the important utility of that depradatory commerce. One
hundred and forty two vessels, having been taken by letters of Marque, and brought into this
Port, (as by the within Register of the Judge of the Admiralty) since the beginning of last
September, when the first ships were Commissioned. Merchants of the best credit here
assure me, the value of their captures, amount much above two hundred thousand pounds
sterling.
The glorious success that has accompanied the spirited exertions of His Maj'^'" arms, in the
West India's and Georgia, are powerful incitements, as well as resources for that service.
Many Men have found their way thro' the Rebel lines, to enter on board these ships in
consequence of my Proclamation of encouragement
The list of letters of Marque issued are herein inclosed.
The expectations of the King's Friends grow more vigorous every day, as that of the Rebels
subside. The Rebel Leaders are their obstinate adherents, meriting no furtlier management
on the Part of Government. I have great confidence that the wisdom of His Maj'*'" Councils,
the force of his arms, and the High spirit of the Nation will, this campaign, effect the much
sought for reconciliation.
I am with all possible respect
My Lord.
Your LordP's most obedient & very humble servant
W" Tryon.
P. S. I have this day had the honor to Commission the Royal Charlotte, fitted out by the
Ladies in this City.
Colonel Cruy Johnson to Lord George Germain.
N'lO.
[ Plantations General (S. P. O.) CCLXV.]
Halifax. 11. Febr^ 1779.
My Lord.
Agreable to my letter N" 9. which I had the honor to address to your Lord^ I sailed from
New York on the lO"" of September last for Quebec, but after many delays occasioned by
contrary Winds, and after passing almost thro' the Gulph of S' Lawrence, we were driven out
by a storm in which the ship suffered much, and in our next attempt to proceed we met with
a second Gale which carried away some Yards and so damaged our Rigging & disabled the
people that we were necessitated to make this Port in October; the ship could not proceed,
neither could Gen' M'^Lean procure for me or the detachment on Board any conveyance at that
season, so that we were necessitated to remain here till spring, when I have assurance of his
aid. I have however been fortunate enough to get Sir Henry Clinton's Dispatches safely
conveyed to General Haldimand's hands by an Officer and some of my woodsmen, who luckily
escaped the Rebel partys that infested the Country about S' John's River.
758 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
On my arrival here I found that a Treaty had been just conduded between this Province
and the Indians, before M' Franklin acting as an agent, and that he had received from them a
Treaty, the majority of them had entered into with the Massachusets Bay by which they were
to furnish a certain number of Men to the latter, and they likewise gave up some Commissions
they had received from that Rebel state all which I understand L' Gov"' Hughes' will lay before
Your LordP, the dates of which will shew, that notwithstanding what has been said of Indians
and their cruelty, the Rebels early endeavoured to avail themselves of their assistance. M''
Butler my Deputy (to whom, as formerly mentioned I had transmitted instructions) continued
when we heard last from New York to make a very useful diversion on the frontiers with a
good party of Loyalists & Indians, and Joseph the Indian has with a large body of Indians
struck some capital strokes, which obliged the Rebels to detach part of their force that way,
and has greatly disconcerted them, and by those who carried the Dispatches to Gen' Haldimand,
I sent instructions for meeting the Indians soon after the waters become open hoping to leave
this place so as to arrive at Quebec, about the second week in May, which is as soon as any
thing can possibly be undertaken from thence, & I have lately heard from Sir Henry
Clinton thereon.
I persuade myself with meeting in Canada that Countenance and support, mentioned in my
letter N° 9. and which appears so highly necessary to the effectual disciiarge of my duty ; I wish
for no more, and I hope to shew its propriety, in the consequences that shall derive from it;
as to my unavoidable detention here, it is a much greater disappointment to myself than it can
be to the service at this season, which must soon expire, when I shall be enabled to proceed,
where I have so long wished to go.
An account has arrived here lately of formidable preparation making in New England against
Canada; some say 15000 Men are destined for that purpose, a number I cannot give credit to,
as I dont conceive the time could admit of the necessary arrangements for such a body. I
have mentioned it to Gen' Haldimand, but whatever their design is, if it be not carried into
execution in the course of this month, they will (from the season) find it impracticable, the
lakes not being afterwards passable for Artillery in general.
I mentioned in my last, that many good Woodsmen had been lately inlisted for my service ;
as the late Sir William Johnson expressed and I have experienced the utility of incorporating
them with the Indians, I persuade myself it will meet with approbation ; and as the conduct
of the Indians has sufficiently evinced their attachment and importance to Government, I
am confident it would greatly tend to secure their fidelity if I am unabled to give them
some assurances of His Maj''''' Royal approbation, when I am next honored with your
LordP's commands.
I have the honor to be with true respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient and
most humble servant.
G Johnson.
' EioHARD HnGHES was Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia from August 17th, 1778, to 31st July, 1781. HMburton's His-
tory of Nova Scotia, I, 259, 261.— Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 759
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-Tork Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXX. ]
N" 71.
Out Posts. King's Bridge. 1. March 1779.
My Lord,
By the Mercury Packet, I am honored with Your LordP's Duplicate Dispatch N" 18 and
Circular letter accompanied with His Maj'y'« Speech and Addresses of both houses of Parliament,
copies of which I shall send up the Country.
Our Privateers have taken above one hundred and fifty prizes since the IS"" September last ;
yesterday a small sloop, loaded with amunition was brought in here by the Revenge, from
Philadelphia, bound to South Carolina. Seldom a day passes without a prize by the Privateers.
I returned the 27"' of last month from an alert at Horse Neck and Greenwich, the Report of
which, I have made to the Commander in Chief. The experience of that fatiguing March
convinces me of the necessity of the Fleet cooperating with the Troops, for the purpose of
disembarking the Men in strength and vigor, & reembarking them when fatigued, in the
execution of the plan formed, and perhaps harrissed by the Enemy while on shore. Without
rapidity in pursuit, the object is removed, and by delay in retreat, the Enemy shortly collect
in Numbers, with the advantage of a better knowledge of the Country, often hang on our
Rear successfully.
I remain perfectly in the same sentiments respecting some measures I presumed to
recommend for your LordP's consideration.
I am most respectfully
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient and very humble servant.
W™ Tryoist.
N" 19.
Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon.
[ New-York Papers (S. P. 0. ) CLXX. ]
Whitehall. 3. March 1779.
Sir
Since my letter to you of the 4. of NoV I have received your Dispatches Numbered from
68 to 67. (except number 62 which is still missing) and laid them before the King.
His Majesty very much approved your cheerful acquiescence in Sir Henry Clinton's desire
that you should remain with the Army during the Winter, as so few General Officers were
present ; and it will be very pleasing to His Maj'^' to find your health has not suffered materially
by your compliance.
His Majesty does not however intend that you should again be subject to the like
inconvenience; for the late promotion of Officers having filled up the vacancies on the American
Staff, His Maj'y has been graciously pleased to permit me to acquaint Sir Henry Clinton, that
His Majesty consents to his giving you leave to return to England, as soon as General Robertson
700 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
arrives at New York, who I hope will go out with the reinforcement of the Army. I shall
also send you by Gen' Robertson His Majesty's License of absence as Gov' of the Province of
New York ; but in respect to your request of exchanging that Govern' for a Military one, I am
not authorized to give you any expectations that such an exchange will take place ; neither
have I authority to tell you that the Board of Treasury is disposed to augment your Salary,
so as to make it equal to the full value of the office of Civil Governor before the Rebellion,
but perhaps when you arrive, you may be able to satisfy their Lordships of the propriety of it.
The Officers you have appointed to the Militia appear to be necessary, and the pay allotted
them not unreasonable; but I hope you have made those appointments with Sir Henry
Clinton's concurrence, as all expences of a Military nature must come through him, and be
defrayed out of the Army-extraordinaries.
I am ettc.
Gko : Germain.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXX. ]
N-TS.
Out Post King's Bridge 18 March. 1779.
My Lord,
Your Lord? will perceive by the inclosed certificates, that the ninth of December 1775 I
wiih the certiBcaie Tcceived by the Advice of Council, certain public Records of the Province of New
tndosed. York ou Board the Ship Dutchess of Gordon ; which shortly afterwards, for greater
security (the Rebels threatning to Board in the night, and take the said Vessel,) were put on
Board the Asia under the care of Capl" Vandeput. The Asia being ordered home, soon after
the taking of New York, and the first great conflagration of that City, Capt" Vandeput desired
me to inform him what he should do with the two Boxes of Public Records ; I acquainted him,
as the Enemy boasted they would burn up the remainder of New York that Winter, the
Records would not be safe on shore, and accordingly recommended him to put them on Board
the Eagle Man of War. Capt" Vandeput sailed a few days after, since which I have never
heard, what he actually did with those Records.
I presume he either put them on Board the Eagle or if he carried them home, that he has
them in the Plantation Office, of which your LordP must have had notice —
I am ettc.
W" Tryon.
Enclosure in Gov. Tryon's to Lord George Germain.
Copy.
T do hereby certify that in pursuance of my directions, and the advice of His Maj'^'' Council
for this Province, I have received from Samuel Bayard Jun"' Dep : Secretary of this Province,
on Board the ship Dutchess of Gordon, two Boxes containing Records of Patents, Records of
Commissions ettc and Minutes of Council. — Given under my hand on Board the ship Dutchess
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 761
of Gordon, in the harbour of New York this 9"" day of December 1775 — Having signed a
duplicate of this certificate, the said two Boxes being locked with a Padlock, and under my
seal at Arms, and the seal of the said Deputy Secretary.
W" Tryon.
New York Febr^ S"' 1779. I do hereby certify that the proceeding is a true copy of the
original certificate in my hands,
Sam: Bayard Jun""
The Books consist:
Of 17. Vols of Records of Patents — 2 d" Grants of Lands, to reduced Officers and Soldiers
pursuant to the R' Procl" of 7 Ocf 1763. 1 d" of Indian cessions to the Crown. 3 d" of
Records of Commissions Patents and Charters under the Great Seal of G' Britain. 2 d"
of Minutes of Council in the State Department.
Lo)'d George Germain to Governor Tryon.
[New-York Papers (8. P. 0.) CLXX.]
N° 20.
Whitehall. 1. April 1779.
Sir
Since my letter to you of the 3^"* of last Month, I have received your Dispatches N<" 6S and
69 and laid them before the King, and His Majesty observed with great satisfaction the good
Effects of the Measure you were enabled to take of granting letters of Marque in weakening
and distressing the Enemy in their own commerce, as well as in their depradations upon
ours, and above all in depriving them of the Assistance they had derived from our seamen that
had fallen into their hands and been compelled to enter into their service by the terrors of ill
treatment, while they remained prisoners, and of being pressed on board the Men of War when
they returned, and it is a great pleasure to me to find the event has so fully justified a step from
whiqh I always expected the best consequences, although there were not wanting the most
strenuous endeavours to oppose it.
The fair prospect there is of a successful campaign and an extension of His Maj'^'' possessions
on the side of New York renders it necessary, that a Civil Governor should be upon the spot
to take upon him the exercise of his function the moment a fit occasion presents itself, and in
the mean time to hold out to the King's faithful subjects in all the Revolted provinces. His
Maj'^'" gracious intention to restore to them the blessings of Civil Government, when the prov"
is subdued, or returns to its allegiance and to remove all apprehensions of their being ruled
hereafter by Military Law ; His Maj'^ has therefore been pleased to appoint Major General
Robertson to succeed you as Gov' of New York, and he will carry out with him in the next
Ship of War that sails for North America His Maj'^'' Commission for that purpose.
I am ettc.
Geo: Germain
Vol. VIII. 96
762 . NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Mr. RicJiard Jack-son to the Lords of Trade.
[New-Tork Papers, Bundle Uu., No. 81. ]
To the Right Hon"''^ the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations.
May it please Your Lordships.
In obedience to your Lord??' commands signified to me by a letter of M"' Cumberlands
inclosing a copy of part of the Commission of the Gov' of New York relating to the Custody
and use of the great seal of the said province and informing me that it was surmised, that the
said seal is at this time in the power of the Rebels, and desiring me to consider and report
what further authority is necessary to be given on that head, and what seal maybe substituted
in the Place of the public Seal until another one can be made and allotted for that Province.
I have taken the same into consideration and conceive that His Maj'^ may by his sign
manual legally appoint any seal to be used as the Great Seal of the Prov" either for a longer
or shorter time, and consequently to be used as such, until a new great seal can be made in the
manner, new Great seals have usually heretofore been made for the Provinces in America.
T cannot however, but represent to your LordPPUhat it seems expedient that the interim seal
(if I may so call it) should be, if possible, sufficiently discriminated from all other seals, that
impressions of it in Wax should be sent to the SherrifTs at least to so many of them within the
province as are in the obedience to His Majesty, to the end, that they may make the same
known to His Majesty's subjects by Proclamation, or that the knowledge of the said seal
should be otherwise published ; and it seems proper that the seal used as a great Seal, should
be used for no other purpose ; and should be destroyed in the presence of proper Officers,
when the New Great seal shall be delivered to the Gov^
All which is humbly submitted by
My Lords
Your LordPi" most obedient most humble servant.
SO'" April 1779. R" Jackson
Mr. Cumherland to Mr. Jachson.
[ New-Tork Entries, LXIX., p. 68. ]
To Richard Jackson' Esquire
Sir
In pursuance of your advice respecting the Great Seal of New York we have amended the
Article in General Robertsons Commission by adding — " Or such other Seal as We may direct
" to be used instead thereof."
' Richard Jackson, King's Counsel, F. R. S., F. S. A., was the son of the Deputy-Governor of the South Sea Company. In
1764 he became Secretary to Mr. Grenyille, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and represented Weymouth in the House of Com-
mons. After filling various offices, he became, in 1782, one of the Lords of the Treasury, and died at the Southampton
buildings on 6th May, 1787. On account of his extensive reading and retentive memory, he was known as Omniscient Jack-
son. At the time of his death he was Governor of the Society among Dissenters for Propagating the Gospel iu Foreign
Parts, and a member of Parliament. Gentleman's Magazine, LVII., 464. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLVII. 763
M'Edeni tells us that M' Tryon uses a Seal, (whether an interim one, or not, he cannot tell)
upon this information I request to know whether the Secretary of State may not give the
Kings Commands to Governor Robertson to use such Seal as M' Tryon used if it shall so
prove that the Rebells have got the Great Seal without formality of a Sign Manual founded
on a Representation from the Board.
I am
Sir
Your most obedient
Plant" Chambers humble Servant
April 21" 1779. R. Cumberland
Mr. Cumherland to Under-Secretary De Grey.
[New-York Enlries, LXIX., p. 84.]
To Thomas De Grey'' Esquire under Secretary of State &c &c.
Sir,
There being some reason to apprehend that the public Seal of New York is in the hands of
the Rebells, my Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations in preparing that Article
of Major General Robertsons Commission as Gov'' of the said Province, which gives him the
use and custody of the public Seal have proposed to add in the following words — " Or such
" other Seal as His Majesty may direct to be used in lieu thereof" — I am therefore directed
by my Lords to suggest to you, for the information of Lord George Germain, that it may be
adviseable for his Lordship to signify to Major General Robertson by His Majesty's Command
that if he should find (as it is apprehended) the public Seal of the Province in the hands of
the Rebells in that case he should use and keep such other Seal in lieu thereof as hath been
used and kept by his predecessor Governor Tryon and therewith Seal all things whatsoever
that have usually passed the Great Seal of the said Province under this Government.
I am
Sir
Your most obedient
Plant" Chambers humble Servant
April 27. 1779. Rich'' Cumberland
• William Eden, 1st Lord Auckland, the third son of Sir Robert Eden, Bart, was educated at Eton, and after going
through Oxford and the Middle Temple, was called to the bar in 1769. He afterwards entered Parliament; was appointed
Under Secretary of State, for the Northern Department, in 1771 ; in 1776, became a member of the Board of Trade ; in
1778, accompanied Lord Carlisle to America as Commissioner to negotiate with Congress ; and in 1780 was appointed Chief
Secretary in Ireland under the same Lord Carlisle. In 1786 he went Ambassador to the Court of Versailles, and in 1788 to
the Court of Spain ; in 1789, to the States-General, and in November of that year, was created an Irish Peer, by the title of
Baron Auckland. In 1798 he was advanced to the British Peerage, and, after a life spent principally in diplomatic service,
died 28th May, 1814. i)e6r««. — Ed.
" Thomas de Geet, 2d Lord Walsingham, F. R. S,, was born 14th July, 1748 ; was one of the Board of Trade in 1777 ;
was appointed Under Secretary of State in 1778; returned to the Board of Trade in 1780, and succeeded to his father's title
9th May, 1781. He was twenty years chairman of the Committees of the House of Lords, and resigned that office in 1S14,
on a pension of £2000 sterling a year. He died 16th January, 1818, in the 70th year of his age. Debrett.
764 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXIX. ]
N" 75,
Fore Post King's Bridge. 3. May 1779.
My Lord.
The honour of your LordP's Dispatch of the 3"^ March afforded me the highest satisfactions
in the assurances it conveyed to me of the Royal approbation, on my remaining last Winter
with the Army ; Though the King's most gracious intention to allow me a speedy return to
my family is a cordial to my spirits ; yet permit me to request of you My Lord, to assure His
Maj'y, however necessary the attendance to my private concerns, however warm & sanguine
my wishes to re-visit my native Country & family, I have not formed the least idea, in the
present momentuous period of the war, to withdraw myself from a situation, wherein 1 wish
to be honored by the Commander in Chief, in some share in the efforts of what may very
possibly be a decisive Campaign.
The instances of His Maj'^''' benevolence towards me, has been too much, and too recent,
for me to be uneasy about my expectations I might have formed, respecting an exchange for
my Civil Government.
I flatter myself I shall be able on my return to England, to satisfy the Lords Commissioners
of His Maj'5''' Treasury, of the propriety of their LordP's fulfilling the assurances given me by
your Noble and Honorable predecessor in Office, of an additional Salary to the Gov' of
New York.
The appointments I made to certain officers of the Militia on Long Island, was with the
concurrence of the Commander in Chief, and will be defrayed by his Excellency out of the Army
extraordinaries, while continued.
I am with all possible respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient & very humble serv*
W" Tkyon.
Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon.
[ New- York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXX.]
^° ^^' Whitehall. 5. May 1779.
Sir
I have received your Dispatches numbered from 70 to 74 inclusive, and have laid them
before the King ; and as the same conveyance brought me an account of your expedition to
Horse Neck from Sir Henry Clinton, in which he does justice to your zeal and good conduct,
and the activity & perseverance of the Troops you commanded ; and I have had the satisfaction
to acquaint him, they have met with his Majesty's approbation.
The Proclamations of which copies are enclosed in your's N° 73. appear well calculated to
produce the effects you expected from them, and gives me great pleasure to find the spirit of
annoying the Commerce of the King's Enemies increases among the Loyal Inhabitants of New
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLVII. 765
York and that their exertions have been attended with so much private benefit as well as
public advantage.
M' Apthorp's Loyalty and sufferings certainly render him an object of attention and intitle
him to the share in the public benevolence ; but as Sir Henry Clinton is directed to use his
discretion in relieving the distresses of such of the King's faithful subjects as are at New
York, M' Apthorpi must make his situation known to him.
I have directed the proper inquiry to be made for the Records of New York that had been
put on board the Eagle Man of War, and I hope soon to be able to inform you, they are
in safety.
I am ettc.
Geo : Germain.
Lord George Germain to the Governors in America.
[ Plantations General ( S. P. 0. ) CCLXV. ]
Gov' of Quebec L' Gov' of Nova Scotia
" of Island of S' John Gov. of New York
«« " Georgia " " East Florida
" " Jamaica " " West Florida
" ♦' Bahamas " " Bermudas
" ♦' Barbados " " Leeward Islands.
" " Grenadas " " S' Vincent
and Gov' of Newfoundland.
Whitehall. 17 June 1779.
The Spanish Ambassador having by order of his Court, on the 16"" instant, presented to the
Lord Viscount Weymouth, one of His Maj"'''' principal Secretaries of State, a declaration, avowing
the hostile intention of the Catholic King against His Maj'^'' subjects and dominions, His Maj'''
was this day graciously pleased to communicate, by Message the said declaration to both
houses of Parliament, and inclosed I send you, by His Maj'^'' command, copies of the said
Message and Declaration, and of the addresses in return, which were passed in both houses
nem : con : containing the fullest testimony of their Loyalty and affection to His Maj''' and
steadfast resolution to give their utmost support and assistance, in the prosecution of such
measures, as his Maj'^ shall think necessary to adopt upon this great occasion.
The King, whose magnanimity and firmness in maintaining the honor and dignity of his
Crown, can only be equalled by his paternal affection for his faithful subjects, has come to an
immediate determination to commence hostilities against the Catholic King, and altho' all His
Maj'''"' faithful subjects may rely upon receiving
every possible protection and assistance from
the Fleets and armies of great Brittain, I am
' Charles 'Waed Afthoep was appointed, in \'J(,Z, a member of the Council of New-York and took his eeat in October,
1764. He held the office until the peace of 1783. He had property in Massachusetts which was confiscated by the act of
that State, but his name does not appear in the New-York Statute of 1779. — Ed.
766
NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
(*) [From this mark the following waa added in lieu of
■what stands after this (*) mark, in the Draft to Sir Henry
Clinton, Ma: Genl Grant, Ma: Genl Prevost, Brig: Gen:
Campbell, Col : Guy Johnson, Col : Browne, and Mr Cameron. ]
to acquaint you that His Maj'^ expects from
the zeal and affection of his People every
exertion in their power for their own defence
and the annoyance of the Enemy, proper
authorities for granting letters of Marque
against the King of Spain and his subjects
will be sent to all the King's Gov" with all
possible expedition, but in the mean time you
may give assurances to the Owners of all
ships bearing letters of Marque against the
French King & his subjects, that His Majesty
will consider them as having a just claim to
the King's share of all Spanish ships &
property which they may make prize of.
nevertheless further commanded (*) to signify
to you His Maj'y'^ pleasure, that you do not only
take every necessary measure, which the zeal
of the people under your Govern' shall enable
you to execute for the security of the very
valuable j.^,^ committed to your care, but
excite them to make captures of the ships of
the King of Spain, and his Subjects, and
destroy or distress their Commerce ; for which
purpose the Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty will send you, with all possible
Dispatch, proper authorities for granting letters
of Marque : but in the mean time, you may
give assurances to the owners of all Ships
bearing letters of marque against the French
King and His Subjects, that His Maj'^ will
consider them as having a just claim to the
King's share of all Spanish ships & property
which they may make prize of. —
I am ettc.
Geo : Germain.
Lord George Germain to Governor Iryon.
N>'22.
[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLSX. ]
Whitehall. 25 June 1779.
Sir.
Your letters N"' 75, 76. and 77. have been received and laid before the King.
Your determination to remain with the Commander in Chief in your Military capacity, and
to afford him your services during the present Campaign, does you great honor.
I learnt with great satisfaction the number of letters of Marque which you had Commissioned,
& the success they had met with. Nothing could have tended, in my opinion, more effectually
to a successful Campaign, than the employment of so large a body of Men, which, at the same
time, that it distresses the Trade of the Enemy, must be a great impediment to the recruiting
the Rebel Army.
I cannot but flatter myself that the Commissions to cruize against Spanish vessels, which
will be forwarded by this conveyance, and of which I have apprized you in my circular letter
of the IT^ inst. will tempt a considerable part of M' Washington's Army, as well as of the
Inhabitants at large, to fit out the vessels, not only against the Ships of His Catholic Majesty,
which may be met with in the Atlantic, but even to extend their views to the Spanish
Commerce, and possibly even to some of the Spanish possessions in the South Seas.
I have the pleasure to assure you that Admiral Arbuthnot means to give every possible
degree of assistance and encouragement to the fitting out of privateers, and that no attention
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 767
on his part will be wanting to give the Men such exemptions and protections as may be most
conducive to tiie success of such a measure.
I trust that our exertion in America, as well as in great Britain, will encrease in proportion
to the danger which threatens us, and that we shall all join in defending the British Empire,
with the most active zeal and alacrity, and in the prosecution of such measures, as will tend
most effectually to subdue His Majesty's Enemies.
I am ettc
Geo: Germain.
Lord George Germain to Governor Robertson.
[New-Tork Papers (8. P.O.) CL5X.]
N° 1.
Whitehall. 9. July 1779.
Sir,
The King having been graciously pleased to appoint you Gov'' of the Province of New-York,
and the Lords Commiss"of the Admiralty having appointed His Maj'^'' Ship Raleigh to convey
you to your Govern' I am commanded to signify to you His Majesty's pleasure, that you do
proceed thither without delay.
Such instructions as it has been judged fit to give you, in the present circumstances of the
Prov'='=, under His Majesty's sign mauual, for your guidance, you will receive herewith ; and
so long as the parts of the Province in the possession of the King's forces, continue subject to
the restraints of the prohibitory Act, and to be governed by Military Law, the orders of the
Commander in Chief must be the rule of your conduct in all cases to which these instructions
do not apply. Nevertheless as Sir Henry Clinton is vested with powers to restore to peace the
whole, or any part of the Province, if he shall judge it fitting; in which case the Civil
Constitution shall revive, and your authority as Civil Gov'' become competent to the purposes
of the Commission His Maj''' has honored you with ; in the hope therefore that circumstances
will be so favorable as to induce Sir Henry Clinton to take this step, with respect to a part, at
least, of the Prov'^'' I shall proceed to point out to you such measures as it is wished you should
adopt, as opportunities may offer for carrying them into execution.
It is most essential to the King's service, and the public welfare, that the Loyalty of the
Members of the Council, and every person employed in the executive part of Govern' should
be firm and pure. It is therefore His Maj'^'" express Command that you do not appoint any
person to a seat in the Council, or to any other office, nor suffer any person to continue a
Member of the Council, or in the execution of any Office, of whose Loyalty and attachment to
the Constitution, there can be just ground to doubt. The calling an Assembly is a matter
which will require much consideration, and the proper time of doing it, must be left to your
and the Council's judgement. It is the King's wish to give that proof to the Inhabitants of New
York, and of all the other provinces, that it is not His Majesty's intention to Govern America by
Military Law, but to allow them all the benefits of a local Legislature, & their former Constitution ;
but it would defeat that end, if an Assembly were convened before such part of the Prov" was
restored to peace, as that the Members returned would compose the majority of the whole, if
all those to whom the Laws of the Prov'=^ give a right to elect, had returned Members.
768 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
It is impossible to say what measures will be fit to be proposed to the first Assembly ; for
none should be proposed, that there is any likelyhood of being rejected, or occasioning
disagreement or altercation between the different branches of the Legislature. Your knowledge
therefore of the temper and disposition of the Members will be your best guide in this case ; but
whatever is effected for the purpose of chastisement ought to appear to come from themselves.
The abrogating and annulling of all Laws and pretended legal proceedings, since the abolition
of legal Govern', must of course be the object of a declaratory Act. The arming the executive
authority with sufficient powers to check and prevent disaffection and Rebellion in future, will
I hope, be judged proper for another; and that the making reparation for the injuries and
losses sustained by Loyal subjects during the Rebellion, will become the object of a third.
The making a permanent provision for the Provincial expence, and fixing a ratio for the
contribution of New York to the General charge of the Empire, would be no more than suitable
returns for the generosity of Parliament in relinquishing all purpose of imposing taxes, in the
Colonies, except as regulations of Trade, and even in that case, suffering the Revenue arising
from them to be carried to the account of the Colonies, and should New York take the lead in
so dutiful and grateful a measure, it could not fail of recommending the Prov" to peculiar favour,
and obtaining for her some extraordinary indulgence.
Should you find the Assembly disposed to take such a step, as an encouragement to them
to proceed, you may assure them that His Maj'^ will most graciously consent to remit the
arrears of quit rents, and it is His Majesty's intention to apply their future produce, and also
the casual revenue, to public services within the Province.
It may be expected that if the Rebellion continues, numbers of Loyal subjects will come
into New York, from the revolted Provinces, who may be desirous of becoming settlers. To
ail such, it is the King's pleasure you should make gratuitous allotments of Land, of such
extent as you and the Council shall think sufficient for each of their accommodation, subject to
the usual conditions; but you will take especial care to avoid being mistaken in regard
to the persons to whom you shall make such allotments, and to prevent any but Loyal subjects
from obtaining or being benefitted by them.
When you are upon the spot you will be able to form an opinion, what improvements or
alterations in the former Constitution would be acceptable to the people, as tending more firmly
to unite the Prov" with Great Britain, and to render that union indissoluble, & I must desire
you will state fully to me, in your correspondence, what you may collect to be their wishes on
this important subject. — I shall at present only add my wishes for your prosperous voyage
and safe arrival, and am — ettc.
Geo: Germain.
Governor Ti-yon to Lord George Germain.
[ New-Tork Papers ( 3. P. 0 ) CLXX. ]
N-Sl.
New York. 28. July. 1779.
My Lord,
The honor of your LordP's duplicate dispatch of the S"" May N° 21. afforded me the greatest
satisfaction in the King's approbation of my conduct on the Alert to Horse Neck. It will be
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 769
an addition^ comfort to me, if my late expedition on tlie Coast of Connecticut meets the same
Royal testimony ; the report of which service is made to the Commander in Chief.
My opinions remain unchangeable respecting the utility of depradatory excursions. I think
Rebellion must soon totter if those exertions are reiterated and made to extremity. To seek
the Rebel Chief in the highlands, may be hunting a Wolf in the mountains, farther than
removing the obstructions to the navigation of the North River, but when accumulated distress
on the sea Board calls aloud for succour, he must meet the King's Army on less advantageous
ground, or Risk, the loss of the Colonies thus attacked.
I transmit herewith copies of the propositions I have laid before the Commander in Chief.
The one for embodying the Refugees under Gov"' Franklin ; the other for instituting an Office
of enquiry, both which are now under his Excell'=y"' consideration. I conceive it will be good
policy and attended with advantage to the King's cause, to set Gov"" Franklin forward in
contrast to His Father's conduct, and may have its weight probably in the eyes of Europe.
I am with all possible respect
My Lord
Your LordP's most obedient & very humble serv'
W™ Tryon.
Governor Tryon to Sir Henry Clinton.
[ New-York Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXX. ]
Dear Sir.
I have the honor herewith of forwarding to Your Excel^^ my reveries on the subject of setting
Gov' Franklin at the head of the Refugees, and embodying them under his command on a
liberal footing.
T conceive it the soundest policy to place him in a respectable point of view, in contrast to
his Father's principles. Whether I am wright or wrong I feel a satisfaction in freely
communicating my public sentiments to you, and more satisfaction in the candid consideration
you give them.
With perfect esteem I am ettc ettc.
30"' June 1779. W-" Tryon.
Governor Tryon's Reveries submitted to Sir Henry Clinton concerning the
Embodying Loyalists ettc.
[New- York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXX. ]
(copy)
There being many hundred Loyalists within the British lines, and more expected, who for
various reasons will not inlist themselves soldiers, and many of whom are nevertheless willing
to take up Arms and contribute their aid for the suppression of the Rebellion — is is proposed.
1" To call upon them to embody themselves under the immediate command of Gov'
Franklin with the rank of of Provincials, and the Title of Director General and
Vol. VIII. 97
770 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS,
Commandant of the Associated Loyalists, and that he have power to nominate and appoint
Officers and make such Orders & regulations (subject to the approbation of the Commander
in Chief) as may be judged necessary for the Government of this body and the most efficacious
exertions of its force
2<iiy That they be furnished with arms, ammunition and Camp equipage (if it can be spared)
their Director giving receipts and engaging to account for the expenditures.
3""^ That they be occasionally supplied with Rations to be repaid when required by an
equivalent in live stock for the use of the Army and hospitals.
4"^ That a number of small armed vessels with boats assigned for their use, to be returned
or accounted for. These to be manned by the Loyalists.
S"'' That their Commandant shall plan and direct their enterprizes for distressing the Enemy
in any quarter not forbidden by the Commander in Chief and have liberty to form conjunct
expeditions with such private vessels of war as may be willing to act with them.
6''J' Their places of Rendezvous to be at Rhode Island, or Long Island, East from Oyster
Bay, at Hobock, and occasionally at Staten Island, or Sandy Hook.
7'''' That the Commanding Officers of Out Posts & Guard ships, near the places where they
assemble, or Pass, be ordered to give them countenance and if occasionally wanted assistance
& support.
&"J' The Associated Loyalists to be entitled to the plunder they take, which is to be only
from Rebels and not from Loyalists tho' living among them. Restitution to be speedily made
for deviations from this article or a compensation to the value of the Loyalists loss; and no
excesses, barbarities or irregularities to be committed contrary to the Law of Arms as
practised by civilized Nations.
9"J' The Prisoners made by the Loyalists to be kept apart from others and exchanged only
for Associated Loyalists except in special cases directed otherwise by the Commander in Chief.
The exchanges to be in ordinary under the conduct of the Director General and the King's
Commissary General for Prisoners.
lO"'' The Associated Loyalists when required by the Commander in Chief to join the King's
Troops on special services, and during the time of such co-operation to receive pay and
subsistance as the King's troops.
ll"" Intelligence acquired to be forthwith communicated to the Commander in Chief.
12"' A sum of money to be advanced by the order of the Commander in Chief to the
Director General, and credit to be given to his drafts as far as twenty or thirty thousand
pounds, to be applied for these services and accounted for quarterly. The whole number of
the Association not to exceed two thousand Men, without the further order of the Commander
in Chief.
Lastly. The Associators to be under articles to ensure mutual confidence among themselves,
and be submitted for the approbation of the Commander in Chief.
All which is referred to the wisdom & pleasure of the Commander in Chief by
his most obedient servant
W" Tryon M. G.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 771
Governor Trijon to Sir Hewnj Clinton.
[New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXX. ]
New York. 2G. July. 1779.
Dear Sir,
It being evident that the complicated nature and extent of the powers of the Commander in
Chief, must in such a war as the present, call his attention to innumerable objects, as well of
political as Military consideration, and as information concerning the State, condition,
transactions temper & designs of the revolted Colonies flow to this place from all quarters, and
in order that such information may be rendered usefuU to Govern', by collecting and digesting
the material points of intelligence, the following project is submitted to your Excel^^ as a
measure of General and great utility, viz'
That an Office be instituted and entitled an Office of Enquiry with authority to make
enquiries at large, and to examine all persons coming into the British lines, of every rank and
class, and that their discoveries be registered, and from time to time transmitted, with remarks
and references to the Commander in Chief.
The intendants to be two persons well acquainted with this Country, and one of them within
doors, while the other pursues his enquiries abroad.
They will want a register, a Clerk, a door keeper and a Messenger, a small house, fuel &
stationary. The Intendants, Register and Clerk, to be under an oath of Secrecy, and to
examine all persons sent to them. Deserters, prisoners. Refugees and others, & to give special
attention to references from head quarters.
The order for their appointment, should entitle them to the aid of the Commandant, to
enforce attendances when necessary, and the Assistance of the police, who should be required,
to direct such as come in, to this Office, or report their names, and where they may be found.
It may be a part of the business of the Intendants to transmit to the Commandant such
Information as may be worth attention in this Department, and to the Superintendant, what
meerly concerns the Police.
I beg leave to recommend the Hon"''" M'' W™ Smith, Councellor of this prov" & the Hon''''
M'' Lewis De Rosette Councellor of North Carolina, for the Intendants, Gentlemen of the
first abilities & every way qualified for so laborious a task, and that they may have
the nomination of the subordinate Officers, with such salaries for the Intendants and above
mentioned assistants, as your Excell'^*' shall judge adequate.
This Office may also occasionally take affidavits of the Prosecutions and cruelties the
Loyalists suffer from the Rebels. These Affidavits transmitted to the King's Ministers
maybe necessary to confute many of the assertions of the opposers at home to the measures
of Government.
I am with great respect
Your Excellency's
most obedient humble servant
W™ Tryon. M. G.
772 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Iryon to Vice-AJmiral ArhiUhnot. ■
[ New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXX. ]
Sir.
In the clearest conviction of the utility of employing Privateers, upon the shoals and Navigable
Rivers of this extensive Coast, to intercept the supplies collected from foreign Parts by the
Rebels, or making their remittances for the same in the produce of this Country while
the Royal Navy was engaged in more signal and glorious achievements, I have neglected
nothing in my power to forward the design, since His Maj''' gave command and authority upon
that subject.
Encouraged by Admiral Gamblers public assurances, and urged by my proclamations, (copies
of which I take the liberty herewith to put into your hands) many Marines as well as Landsmen,
have been drawn to us from various parts of the revolted Provinces, and this branch of general
service is so prosperously advanced, that if I am not very much misinformed, the Crews
Commissioned from this Port, amount to upwards of Six Thousand Men, many of whom are
Converts from tlie Rebels, and others persecuted Loyalists who have in this way found
subsistance without charge to His Maj'^ and fortunately out of the spoils of his Enemies.
I shall be extremely happy, if the measures I have pursued, meet with your approbation,
and to find them countenanced by your influence and Power.
Under an apprehension that the declension of the Rebellion, until the happy hour of its total
suppression, will prompt the Usurpers to still greater cruelties, both upon His Maj'J''' faithful
& penitent subjects, and that the objects of compassion will thus be daily multiplied, I cannot
in justice to my own feelings, repress my wish for some early & explicit declaration on your
part, in support of the public faith pledged by Admiral Gambler and myself, and which has
contributed so much to weaken our Enemies, to animate the hearts of our friends, and to
promote the general commerce of the Nation.
I only add, Sir, as a motive to some early expression of your Intentions ; that Sir George
Collier has not thought proper on my application to him to repeat the Assurances given by
Admiral Gambler, and that by his Proclamation of the 13"" of April (which is also inclosed for
your inspection) however well intended, or proper for the prevention of Desertion from the
Kings ships cannot fail of damping the ardour of the Merchants & Adventurers, as well as of
traversing another main object of the prior proclamations, which was, if possible to prevent our
Marines in captivity from being tempted to serve in the Rebel Cruisers, by which our Trade
has been so much injured, & acquisitions made for the protraction of this unnatural Rebellion.
1 have the honor to be. Sir,
Your. ettc.
89, June 1779. W"> Teyon GoV Ettc
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 773
Governor Ti-yon to Lord George Germain.
[New-York Papers ( S. P. O.) CLXX. ]
New York, 26. August 1779.
My Lord.
By the arrival of Admiral Arbuthaot's' Fleet, I was honored with your LordP's dispatch of
the 1" of April ; the duplicate of which was acknowledged by the last Packet, and by
General Vaughan.
For want of Armed ships continually cruising off Sandy Hook, as well as being stationed
within the Hook, a number of Vessels have been picked by the Rebel privateers from Egg &
Barnegate Harbours ettc, and several of the privateer's prizes been taken near the Hook also
the June Packet.
1 have presented my letter to the Admiral, respecting encouragement of the privateers, a
copy of which has been transmitted to your Lordship.
The arrival of the Roebuck is looked for every day, in which Gov' Robertson is expected, to
take upon him this Govern' agreable to His Maj'^'' appointment.
I am with all possible respect My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient and
very humble servant.
W™ Tkyon.
N'S.
Lord George Germain to Governor Robertson.
[New-Tork Papers (8. P. 0.) CLXX.]
Whitehall. 3. September 1779.
Sir,
As in case such parts of the province of N. York as are in His Maj'J'"' possession, should be
restored to the King's peace, the care and disposition of the deserted lands and Tenements
will properly fall under your direction, it is judged necessary to inform you of the ideas
entertained here of the uses to which they may be applied until such time as the Legislature
of the Province may otherwise dispose of them.
The easing this country of the heavy expence of the Loyal Subjects, who have been deprived
of their property in America and taken refuge in Great Britain or other parts of His Maj's"'"
' Admiral Mabiot Arbuthnot was commissioned a Captain in the Royal Navy June 22, 1747. He commanded the frigate
Portland, 50, in the expedition against Belleisle in 1769, and in 1760 toQuiberon bay ; the Orford, 60, on the Jamaica station in
1761 and 1762, and continued in commission at the close of the war, 1763. In 1770 he commanded the Terrible, 74, and went
on a cruise to the westward in 1772 in the same ship, and in 1773 was stationed at Portsmouth. He was a Rear-Admiral in
1779, when a member of the Court Martial that tried Admiral Keppel, and was soon after promoted to be Vice-Admiral of
the Blue ; in 1780 he commanded the fleet sent against Charleston, S. C. After the reduction of that place, he returned
to New-York, whence he went to the east end of Long Island to watch the French fleet, part of which he engaged
on 16th March, 1781, oflF the Capes of Virginia; the manner in which this battle was conducted by Vice-Admiral Arbuthnot
was very severely censured, and he sailed for England on 2d July. BeaUoni Naval and Military Memoirs, III., 245, 287, 328,
393, 4S2; V., 9, 10, 28, 46, 211, 218, 220, 252; VI., 17, 22, 24, 140, 204. He became Rear-Admiral of the Blue in April,
1793, and died at his house. Great Suffolk-street, Charing Cross, January Slst, 1794, in the 83d year of his age. Gentleman's
Magazine, LXIII., 184. — En.
774 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
dominions, is the first object to which these lands and tenements should be applied. Such
therefore of those meritorious sufferers as are present at New York or may come there, who
have allowances from the public Revenue for their support as are capable of employing any of
those Lands to advantage and are willing to take them in lieu of their allowances, or such part
thereof as you shall judge them equivalent to, you will put in possession of the lands they
apply to you for, upon such terms, as you shall agree with them for, and transmit to me a list
of their names in order that their allowances may be lessened or discontinued accordingly.
Should there be more deserted lands than you can dispose of in this manner it will be proper
to lease them to such Loyal subjects as are desirous to take them at certain Rents, which you
will appoint a proper person to collect in order to their being made a fund to go in aid of the
grant of Parliament for the support of the Loyal Refugees in general.
With respect to the deserted tenements, such of them as shall be judged necessary for the
accommodation of the King's troops must be appropriated for that purpose, and the remainder
leased out upon certain Rents in the manner as is directed to be done with the deserted lands,
and the income collected, and reserved for the same purpose ; and an exact account of the
income of the whole transmitted. You will however be careful, that on no pretence any new
charge is brought upon the public.
I am ettc.
Geo: Germain.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[New-York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXX.]
N" 85.
New York. 5 September 1779.
My Lord.
Your LordP's Dispatches of the 17"' and SS"" of June, the former Circular, the latter N° 22,
are safely arrived with their inclosures. I shall endeavour to fulfill His Maj"''' directions
therein ; and I have the satisfaction to assure your Lord?, the Loyal Inhabitants here, derive
more expectations of successful enterprize from the unanimity at home, than apprehensions
from the Spanish War.
Admiral Arbuthnot has assured me of every assistance to the letters of Marque and is to
issue a Proclamation explicit of that intention.
The authorities from the Lords of the Admiralty, for issuing letters of Marque against Spain
came directed to Gov' Robertson, which I opened, and inclose a copy of the Commission and
superscription. I shall in virtue of the spirit and expediency of that Commission issue letters
of Marque against the Spaniards.
If I may not have fulfilled the Lords Commiss" intentions in this point,.! trust the
irregularity, if any, through your LordP's good offices, may be set right.
My Proclamation setting forth His Maj'^'" gracious determination of giving the Royal share
of prizes to the captors of Spanish Vessels, is also herewith transmitted.
I am with all possible respect My Lord
Your LordP's most obedient humble serv'
W™ Tryon.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 77
Colonel Guy Jolin-son to Lord George Germain.
[ PlaBtalions General ( S. P. O. ) CCLXV. ]
Montreal. 5 SepU 1779.
My Lord.
I had the honor to address your Lordship with a few lines on my departure from Halifax
last June, explaining tiie delays which retarded my setting out till that time. — On the 17""
July I arrived at Quebec, where the General Judged it expedient that I should remain till the
arrival of the Fleet, which he apprehended might bring him some particular matters in which
I might be concerned, but at my sollicitation to go up to the Indian Country, he instructed me
to that purpose sometime after, and accordingly I arrived at this place on the 29"" ult° from
whence I shall set out for the upper country within two days, accompanied by a good party
of Indians.
When I arrived in this Province, I found a Deputation of the Six Nations had newly come
down, who were particularly sollicitous about Troops, and the reestablishment of the important
post at Ontario, which the General had under contemplation, but from the difficulty that
attended the transport of provisions, he did not think it practicable this season. — The Indians
were the more urgent on this point as there were certain accounts that the Rebels were
marching in a considerable body into their Country, of which we have since had more
particular information, and that my Deputy Major Butler was advancing to the relief of the
Senecas. — I herewith inclose a copy of the proceedings with the General, and shall take
another with me to the Indians, but since my arrival in this City, the General has from further
accounts judged it proper to order up a body of Troops with Sir John Johnson to support and
encourage the Indians, which I consider as very necessary measure, and I heartily wish it
could have been undertaken sooner, for I may venture to affirm that the Six Nations are now,
from situation and circumstances of such superior consequence to Govern', that should they
receive a blow of a capital nature, the Rebels might do what they pleased on the frontiers,
and we should very soon lose the possession of the lakes and communications as well as the
friendship of the other Indian Nations, the effects of which, I need not to point out.
If the Rebels are not able to effect any thing material very soon, I hope to furnish a
seasonable reinforcement to oppose them, and I am confident, that if I was armed with
a proper authority to encourage the many white people, who constantly retire from the Rebels
to the frontiers, and are good Woodsmen, I could soon have a very respectable body of Men
fitting to be incorporated with the Indians. Sir John Johnson could likewise do the same, and
thus bodies might be formed on the spot, capable of much larger undertakings than can be
expected from the present force in that Country. —
Your LordP, has been long since informed I presume that the Indian goods sent to New York
and ordered by Sir W°' Howe into the Quarter Master General's Store house, were burnt last
summer (when that house and about sixty others were consumed by fire) except a few pieces
of cloth, that were thrown out of a window, estimated at about ^200 sterl : but in fact too
much damaged for the use of the Indians. I thought it necessary to acquaint your Lord? of
this latter circumstance, that provision may be made accordingly as the service may require,
more especially as the goods ordered in the Three Brothers are not yet arrived here, and may
come so late as to oblige me to purchase most of the articles immediately wanted, which
however I shall do with a strict eye to economy.
776 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
I am by no means doubtful of success, (if the present inroad of the Rebels fails) so long as
I am supported in that authority and field Hank, essential to my station, and which always
accompanied it, and should they even succeed in some measure 1 am not without resources ; I
have been so well supported by my Officers in different quarters, that the service has never
suffered thro' my disappointments — disappointments, which I have never fully explained, tho'
it is amply in my power to do so, I now hope, that they are at an end, and that I may thro'
your LordP's countenance be enabled to transmit such favourable accounts of Indian Affairs, as
will evince my zeal and endeavours for His Maj'^'' service.
I humbly request, that this Dispatch may be laid before the King, and I am with
profound respect
My Lord,
Your LordP's most obedient and
most humble servant.
G. Johnson
P. S. I find, my last, should have been numbered 11, I have numbered this accordingly.
Conference of General HaMimmid and Deputies from ilie Five Nations.
[Plantations General (S. P.O.) CCLXV.]
At a Conference with Teyohagweanda a principal Onondago Chief & three Cayugas at the
Castle of S' Louis, Quebec 20"" August 1779.
Present — His Excell: Gen' Haldimand —
Col: Guy Johnson sole Agent and Superintendant of the Six Nations and
their Confederacy —
Daniel Claus Esq'^
Col: Carleton & several other Officers —
M' De Lorimier & M'' la Force Interpreters.
General Haldimand having called the above Deputies of the Five Nations to this place to
give them an answer upon Messages they were charged with from the Confederacy, as well as
to convince them by several proofs that there was no French Fleet in this Harbour, and the
place in possession of the French; as reported among them by the Rebel Oneidas. — And
after their having been here for six weeks, and seeing the Cork and London Fleets arrive ;
they were told they might return, and dismissed with the following speech.
Brothers. I am glad to meet you this day, to signify my thanks to you for having come
here at my call, and to see the English Ships arrive ; that you may report to your Nations on
your return what you have seen. As you have delivered your speeches to Col : Campbell, and
the seven Nations of this Province, I shall give my directions in writing to Col: Campbell, to
give you a full answer in conjunction with the seven Nations of Canada, at the same time I
shall give you my sentiments upon them in a few words, that you may say you had them from
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 777
my own mouth. — With regard to your enquiry why Oswego was not established, I am to tell
you, that when I sent you my speech early this spring of my intending so to do, and in
consequence had appointed your patron, the late Sir William Johnson's son, Sir John Johnson,
to march with his Regiment for that purpose, I then had intelligence that the Rebels were
preparing Boats at Saratoga and Albany, to go up the Mohawk River with an intention to take
Post at Oswego, but in the course of a few weeks I received a different account, that, that was
not their intention, but that a large Rebel Army was come up Connecticut River, under the
command of the Rebel General Haysen,' with an intention to invade this Province, which
according to events in war, made me put a stop to Sir John's proceedings, at the same time to
throw some additional force into the garrisons of the Indian Country, I sent a reinforcement
to Detroit, another to Niagara, and one to Carleton Island, & kept some light companies ready
upon the first notice to March to your relief; at the same time let me tell you, that the Great
King your Father is not sparing of his Troops, nor lets you fight his Battles by yourselves ; if
you were to see the numerous armies along the sea coast, and their vigorous operations, you
would stop such reflections, and rather acknowledge that your Country's safety greatly depends
upon that, for you know very well, that the Rebels in 1774 attempted to dispossess you of
your Country, and if they once got the better of the King's Troops, they would soon pursue
their encroachments upon your Country, and drive you a great distance in the back Country.
As to your apprehensions of the Rebels coming to attack your Country, I cannot have the
least thought of it ; if they mean any thing; it is to secure their Frontiers against your
incursions and depredations; and in order to enable you to keep them the better at Bay, I
shall give my leave and encourage the seven Nations of Canada to co-operate with and join
you in opposing your Enemies, the Rebels.
His Excell''^ then thanked them for having visited the Micmacks, and given them their
advice so cordial and strong, for their future conduct, and he hoped their would acquaint
their Nations with what past on their return. At the same time, as they saw before them
Col: Johnson, the late Sir W" Johnson's successor, who he hoped they would esteem and
respect as they did Sir William, and follow his directions and advice, he having likewise some
Messages to deliver to the Five Nations from him.
Teyohagweande then repeated over the substance of the Generals speech, and returned their
hearty thanks for every thing they said, and that it was very pleasing and satisfactory. With
regard to their old friend and acquaintance. Col: Johnson, they assured the General, that he
' Brigadier-General Moses Hazkn was born in the year 17R3, and, it is supposed, belonged originally to Haverhill, Massa-
chusetts ; he served as Lieutenant in Cafitain McCurdie's company of Rangers in the expedition against Louisbourg, in 1758 ;
after that officer's death, became a Captain of the company and commanded Fort Frederic, on the River St. John, where
he laid waste the neighboring country. He accompanied Wolfe to Quebec in 1759, and distinguished himself the next j-ear,
near that city, in a brush with the French and in the battle of Sillery, 28th April, 1760. Knox's Journal, I., 230, 320, 353;
II., 279, 293. As a reward for his services he received a commission of Lieutenant in the 44th regiment of foot on 2l6t
February, 1761 (Army List), but was placed on half-pay in 1763, after which he settled, it is said, near St. Johns and furnished
supplies to General Montgomery in 1775, on his invasion of Canada. Hazen's property was, in consequence, destroyed by
the Loyalists and Regulars, whereupon he offered his services to Congress, by which he was appointed, in January, 1776,
Colonel of the 2d Canadian, or the Congress' own, regiment. He was in command of the district of Moutreal the following
Season, but returned to Ticonderoga in the summer, where he was tried by Court Martial on charges brought by General
Arnold, and honorably acquitted. 4 American Archives, V., 751 ; 5 ibicL, I., 1124. He spent the following winter at Albany,
recruiting. In June, 1781, he was appointed Brigadier-General and retired from the army at the close of the war. He died
at Troy, New- York, on the 3d of February, 1803, in the 70lh year of his age. Allen says, he died on the 30th January, 1802.
Biographical Dictionary. — Ed.
Vol. VIII. 98
778 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS. .
need not have the least doubt, but that they should perfectly agree; that they had been for
many years perfectly acquainted with him, having been always about their great friend the
late Sir W™ Johnson, by which means he became so well acquainted with their public affairs,
customs and manners, and that His Excell^^ might be assured he would on his arrival in their
Country be received with shouts of joy from the whole Confederacy.
The above speech, and answer was interpreted by the Chev'' de Lorimier, M"' La Force,
Onondago interpreter being present.
Interpreted by the Chev" Lorimiere.
Lord George Germain to Major-General Try on.
[New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXX.,]
Whitehall. 4. November 1779.
Sir,
As Major General Robertson sails for New York in a P'rigate which goes round by Georgia, it
is possible it may be some time before he relieves you in the Govern', and therefore I conceive
that this letter acknowledging the receipt of your correspondence from N" 78 to N° 85 inclusive
may possibly reach you before you take your departure for England.
I have signified to Sir Henry Clinton, His Maj'>'* approbation of your conduct, and that of the
Officers under your command in the late expedition to Connecticut, to which I refer you.
The Commander in Chief was certainly the proper person to take cognizance of the
proposition you have submitted to him of embodying the Refugees under the Command of
GoV Franklyn, and I am confident Sir Henry Clinton will give all proper encouragement to
their zeal & Loyalty in the mode which he judges most suitable to the public service.
The Commission with which Sir Henry is lately vested by the King's command, and the
Council by which he is to be assisted, will probably answer the end of the Court of enquiry you
proposed, and I am glad you think such an institution will have a good effect.
I hope Admiral Arbuthnot's assurances of assistance to the letters of Marque, will encourage
that part of His Maj'>'"^ faithful subjects to still greater engagements in that useful mode of offence.
It were to be wished that such operations might be extended to the South Seas. It was a
laudable instance of your zeal not to take the letter but the spirit of the Lords of the Admiralty's
Commission, and to consider the authority for issuing letters of Marque as intended for the
Gov"" for the time being, until Gen' Robertson's arrival, and I have the satisfaction to acquaint
you, that the Lords of the Admiralty will send you their approbation of what you have done
by this conveyance.
I am ettc.
Geo : Germain.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 779
Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain.
[ Plantations General (S. P. 0.) OCLXVI. ]
N" 13.
Niagara 11. November 1779.
My Lord.
Previous to my departure from Montreal the beginning of last September, I had the honor
to inform your Lord^'s of my destination at that time, a duplicate of v?hich accompanies this
Dispatch. A few days after I vfent up the River S' Lawrence, with about one hundred and
thirty Whites and Indians, who were augmented to two hundred and twenty at my arrival at
Carleton Island, where accounts were just received that the Rebels had hastily retreated out of
the Indian Country after destroying almost all the Villages and cornfields of the Six Nations,
and that Major Butler my Deputy with a considerable body of the Indians, had retired to
Niagara. — As this in a great measure defeated the object the General had in view in ordering
up Sir John Johnson with about five hundred Men to their support, the next considerations
was whether any thing further could be undertaken with those Troops assisted by Indians, on
which subject Sir John and I conferred, and it was proposed to rendezvous at Aserotus^ ab'
thirty-five milesWest of Oswego, to call some Ind"' from Niagara to that place, and thence proceed
according to circumstances and information, and to that end a detachment was sent in boats
along the South side of the Lake, accompanied by Cap' Frazer and the Canada Indians; who
were to send a large party to the neighbourhood of Fort Stanwix, to bring off Cattle &
provisions, whilst Sir John and myself with the rest proceeded directly for Aserotus in the
vessels, but were forced by a hard gale of wind to go to Niagara, where without loss of time
we proceeded to collect the Indians and return to Aserotus; but this (notwithstanding the zeal
and readiness I found in the greatest part of the Indians) was a work of some days, & from the
accounts received at Niagara, there appeared little prospect of effecting any thing beyond
the harrassing the frontiers with detached partys ; however, Sir John's zeal for the service
induced him to make every effort, and accordingly, we left this place the tenth of October, and
proceeded for Oswego, where it was thought best from accounts received to collect the whole,
& wjiere we were joined by the Indians ettc, from Aserote, but a considerable body of the
Indians were obliged to march from this place for want of Craft to transport them under
the care of Cap' Brant and other of my Officers, for whom we waited a considerable time,
during which, it was found that the Canada Indians were notwithstanding all the pains taken
by Capt" Frazer, very little attached, that they had declined going towards Fort Stanwix, and
that they opposed any measures against the Oneydas, the only object then in contemplation
with any prospect. At the same time the General's dispatches arrived with the Distribution for
winter quarters, and orders to Sir John Johnson to return, accompanied with his approbation
of the measures that had been pursued, and a letter to me for the dividing the Indians between
Niagara Carleton Island ettc. on account of provisions. About this time an Officer of my
Departm' with five Indians, who were advanced a few miles in front of a body of Rangers,
captured three Oneyda Rebels, who had been reconnoitring, and another party took a Rebel
Serjeant, from whom we learned that the Rebels had reinforced the environs of Fort Stanwix
with six hundred Men and had notice of our motions, mentioning particularly my own. Sir
John Johnson, in conseqence of his orders, as well, as that the party by land had not been able
' Now, probably, Sodus bay, Wayna county, New-York. — Ed.
780 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to come up, accordingly decamped, and I returned to this place on the 28"" ult" where T have
been a good deal occupied in endeavouring to prevail upon the Indians to send a large body of
their people down to Carleton Island for the winter, which they do not much incline to,
as their late losses induce them to be more united, however, their number is now reduced to
2628, the majority of whom will remain here abouts, and from the situation to which they have
been reduced through their attachment and sacrifices to Govern' I humbly conceive they are
entitled to every mark of attention that can be afforded as well from principles of Justice as
policy; I propose to employ them usefully on the communications during the Winter; and to
use every endeavour for keeping up their spirits and preserving their attachment to Govern'
which has hitherto proved of so much use to His Maj'''' interests, and on which the safety of
this Country so much depends — It is an arduous undertaking since their late losses, but I
enter on it with confidence, in the expectation of your Lord^'s countenance, & I persuade
myself if measures can be taken next spring for reestablishing Fort Ontario, (which they have
much at heart) and supporting His Maj'^'» arms with a proper body of Troops, they will not
a little contribute to their success.
I cannot conclude without recommending the good conduct of all my Officers to His Maj'^
because I am convinced, they have in their respective stations, acquitted themselves with as
much zeal and performed as much as any other subjects of the King, and whilst the good of
the service requires my recommending, what was mentioned in my last respecting myself to
His Royal consideration, I cannot avoid doing that Justice to their merits, which they have
faithfully deserved — I request to be honored with your Lord^'s commands, and lam with
very true regard — My Lord
Your Lord'"s most humble and
most obedient servant
G. Johnson.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Gernudn.
[New-York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXXI., No. 88.]
(N-'SS.)
New York 17 Dec' 1779.
My Lord,
By M"' Morrison I have the honor to acquaint your Lordship, this Province is in the same
situation as when I sent my last dispatches.
The very signal and glorious defeat by His Majesty's Arms over both French and rebel
Troops at Savannah, have given a new spring to the King's affairs on this continent, and the
enemy within the rebel lines, sensibly feel the accumulated curses of their revolt.
The New York privateers have not had these latter months, their usual success on this coast,
from the French Fleet having the command of the seas Southward, and the eastern colonies
having fitted out stronger privateers than many of ours, however some prizes of value have
been sent in here by them, and I am informed more have been carried to the West Indies.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 781
General Robertson Is supposed to be in the Cork Fleet, expected here as well as the October
Packet, every day.
I am with all possible respect.
My Lord,
Your Lordships
most obedient and
very Hum'''= Serv'
Lord Geo: Germain. W" Tuyon.
Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain.
[New-Tork, CLXXI., No. 89.]
(N" 89) Duplicate
New York 26"' Feb-'J' 1780.
My Lord,
I am honored with your Lordships Dispatches of the 4"" Nov"' and Circular letter of 4"" Dec""
and derive great comfort from His Majesty's gracious approbation of my Conduct, and the
officers under my command on the Connecticut expedition, last summer.
Sir Henry Clinton having left me in Command of the British Troops in this district, I have
made my report to His Excellency of the Military occurrences that have happened since his
departure to the Southward: — We have strong Intimations from Philadelphia, that the
Commander in Chief is in possession of Charles Town, tho' no authentic accounts yet received.
The intense severity of this Winter has for some Weeks past so solidly froze all the Rivers,
that Troops and cannon have passed over them, which offered to the Enemy as free a
communication to all our Posts, as if they had been actually on the Continent.
We are in daily expectation of the Cork Fleet with Gen' Robertson by way of Georgia; it
was a fortunate event they did not arrive while the navigation of the River was blocked up
with ice, and which has been open only to the Hook, since the 21" Inst. — the North river
above the town is still impassable for vessels, being full of fixed ice on the banks, and floating
ice in the channel.
I have the gratefull satisfaction to assure your Lordship, the friendly part of America keep
up their spirits, and are sanguine from the flattering prospects of His Majesty's affairs in all
quarters, that the re-union of the Empire will be yet happily established, and those who have
been with circumstances of cruelty, drove from their estates and families, restored in peaceful
possession of them again.
I am with all possible respect.
My Lord,
Your Lordship's
most obedient and
very Hum*"'' serv'
Lord Geo : Germain. W"" Tryon.
782 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Judge Ogden to Governor Tryon.
[ New-York, CLXXI. ( No. 2 in No. 89. ) ]
S'-
Permit me to give you my sentiments on the present critical appearances, General
Washington with an army of about 6,000 continental troops, within one day's march of New
York, besides many of the militia of New Jersey at his command, when called for, an army at
and near the Fish Kills, a great number of the militia in the northern parts of the Colony of
New York, and in Connecticut ready to march on an expedition, promissing success, Passauk,
Hachingsack, Hudson's & Harlem Rivers froze so as to be passable with an army, to New
York Island ; from these circumstances it is very probable, that the rebels will make a grand
attack upon the City of New York (as their case at present seems desperate) the rebels from
New Jersey, can at any place within five miles of the city cross Hudson's river on the ice, and
the rebels from the northward cross Harlem river, below the fortifications and lines at King's
bridge, at places where there is not sufficient force to oppose them, these armies being united
may be too numerous & powerful for the King's Troops in this City, New York may also be
in danger of being taken in the night, by surprize by rebels coming from New Jersey and
crossing the River near the City. 1 submit, if it will not be a prudential and necessary
measure to order to New York Island, immediately all the King's Troops from the West end
of Long Island as far as Jamaica and embody the citizens of New York without delay, putting
them under proper officers, for the defence of the City.
The shameful want of firewood may be an objection to the removing of the King's Troops,
to New York Island at this time, this I conceive may be soon remedied, if the providing of
wood was taken out of the hands of the present managers, and given to those who would
exert themselves, in that Department, pay the wood cutters and cartmen every week for their
labour and did not seek their own emolument more than the publick good, besides which
possitive orders might issue, for each farmer on Long Island, living within 6 miles of Brooklyn
to bring without delay 6 or 8 loads of good wood to the ferry from whence it might almost
every day be brought to the City.
I beg your Excellency, will excuse me, in laying before you the above sentiments, which
may perhaps serve as hints, coming from one firmly attached to His Majesty's Government,
the success of His Arms, and with the greatest Regards, Your Excellencies
AT 1- 1 T ,„ ,„ ,,^^« Most obedient and
New lork Jan'y 19. 1780. , ,,
very humble servant
General Tryon David Ogden >
" Judge David Ogden, son of Josiah Ogden of Essex county. Now Jersey, was born in Newark about the year 1707, and
was graduated at Yale College in 1728. He studied law in New-York, and practiced his profession in his native Colony,
where he soon arrived at the head of his profession and was looked up to as an oracle of the law. In 1772 he was appointed
Judge of the Supreme Court, and on the breaking out of hostilities retired to the city of New-York, where he was a
member of the Board of Refugees, established in 1779, over which Governor Franklin presided. He drew up the outlines of
a rian for the government of the Colonies, after their submission to Great Britain. Mr. Ogden retired to England in 1783,
his property in New Jersey having been confiscated. He returned, however, to the United States in 1790, and took up his
residence in Queens county. Long Island, where he died in the year 1800, at the advanced age of 93. Mr. Ogden has left
behind him the reputation of having been "one of the giants of the law in New Jersey." He was, perhaps, the first of a
race of men, afterwards numerous in that State, namely, thorough bred lawyers; men who love their profession, devote
themselves to it, who are satisfied with its honors and look not beyond it for distinction. Field's Provincial Court* of New
Jeriey, 182, et seg. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLVII. 783
It is submitted, to the Generals of the Army in New York for their Consideration, if it
would not tend to the safety of the City, to cut an opening in the ice of about ten or twelve
feet broad, before and near the City in Hudson's River, within the reach of small arms from
the east shore, this may be done with Cross cut and hand saws and the ice cut may with long
spikes and hooks, be put under the body of the ice, proper places may be left, to pass to and
from Pauius Hook, or a bridge of Boats, may be made use of, — an opening thus made will
not soon freeze ; if it should, it may be easily kept open.
Information furnished lij Loyalists.
[ New-York, CLXXI. (No. 5 & 9 in No. 89. ) ]
Intelligence by Ensign John Pell of the Queen's Rangers, given 5. Feb'' 17S0.
Having been imprisoned as a Loyalist and released from Northampton Jail in the
Massachusets 5"" Nov. last he got in at King's Bridge the l?"" Dec"' last.
He was born at Sheffield on the east side of the Manor of Livingston and is well acquainted
with the Country between the Rivers Hudson and Connecticut from the Sea Coast to the
Northward up to the Towns of Northampton, Hadley & Hatfield.
It abounds with Loyalists and among them he knows many of the first class for understanding
and Property, whose names from his knowledge of their Intentions it may not be proper to be
too free in disclosing.
He is well satisfied that the Majority on the West side of the Connecticut are desirous of
the Restoration of the King's Authority, and that in many Towns and Districts both in New
York, Connecticut and the Massachusets Bay they are nearly all so.
That they are in anxious Expectation of the advance of the King's Army up the Hudson
next Spring, and have agreed on that event to rise and flock to the River to join it and to
drive their cattle and the cattle of the rebels before them and to prevent the escape of the
rebels into the New England colonies. That with the same view, they endeavor to prevent
the Usurpers from collecting and carrying off" their grain, some of which is unthressed and
other parts of it ground and buried or otherwise concealed. That they have collected arms
for the purpose, which they conceal, that besides the arms retained and hidden by Individuals
as they think proper, there are two large Magazines in secret places.
That the number of the King's Friends has been on the Increase ever since the Proposals
of the Commissioners and that the party grows daily in proportion to the Calamities of the
Country which are very great and fill the general body with apprehension.
That no wheat is to be bought for the Continente money — nor for hard money under twelve
shillings a Bushel, which is more than double the old price prior to the public troubles. — That
many dread a Famine the last Harvest being short on account of a blast which was general
thro' the North Country, and a fly which before the snow falls of this Winter devoured the
green blades so that a part of almost every field, and some intire fields were perfectly eaten
up and destroyed & the fields in some instances resown or reserved to be ploughed up in the
winter if the frost would permit or in the spring.
7^ NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
That there is a park of 72 pieces of brass cannon, the largest, long, old fashioned nine
pounders, at Springfield on Connecticut river, and some Military stores; and a small park of
General Burgoyne's Ordnance at Farmingtown, ten miles S. W. from Hartford.
That he could not discover, tho' he made diligent enquiry, of any Magazines of Provisions,
in all the north and east countries, either of salt meat or bread, and he is confident, from the
scarcity of salt and flour, that there are none, and that it is impossible to form any. That salt
is only to be procured (& that of bad quality) for hard money, or in a way of barter for wheat.
At Kinderhook a bushel of salt fetched a half Jac in November last.
That he knows the Farmers in general, have agreed to raise nothing more than they want
for their own consumption, & necessities; conceiving that the improvement of their farms &
stocks would only tend to feed and prolong the rebellion.
That the usurpers took from the Farmers for Washington's Army last fall one eighth of their
wheat and when he was at Dover in Dutchess in his way down they were collecting a fourth
of the residue. That this gave rise to great discontent and to declarations that they would
arm and oppose any further drafts.
That he conversed with some of the discharged soldiers of the rebel army who were going
home, and with some of their officers. — He learnt from both, that there was no possibility of
perswading any to reinlist, but such as were inebriated first tho' offers were made of 500
Dollars bounty per man. — That on observing to the men, that they would be sent back as
drafts from the Militia, they spoke with great fire at the ill usage they had received and the
insignificancy of their pay, and swore they never would be drafted. And from the general
temper of the Militia, he apprehends the drafting for the next Campaign, will produce with
other causes an open Resistance in various parts of the eastern country.
Intelligence by John Jones, of Merionetshire in Wales. Taken 15"" Feb'^ 1780.
Tuesday.
He left the rebel park of artillery Sunday Evening, and came to Staten Island last night.
He was Corporal of Proctor's or the first Pensilvania Reg' of Artillery. — Three others came
with him to near Springfield by about 4 in the morning. St. Clair commands 500 men there.
They retreated on an Alarm that the British Light Horse were coming, & then the three others
were apprehended. The informer hid himself, and the next night got in.
He listed 17"" Aug' 1776 for 3 years, and was intilled to his discharge last Aug' but because
he had no certificate to show, was obliged to take the 100 Dollars, & serve for the war. The
Colonels have 8 Dollars, for every Soldier they return as sworn during the War, & they return
every man as listed for the War, that can't shew a certificate. The New England Colonels
don't serve their men so, and many of them are accordingly discharged : this makes great
dissentions. The Southern Troops and the New Englanders hate each other, as much as
enemies can. The Southern Troops are not suffered to come near the British Lines, for they
wish to be with the King's Army. By Southern Troops he means the Troops of New Jersey,
& all the other Provinces to the South. — About a month ago Maxwel's' Brigade lay at
Springfield, & it is said 235 deserted from it in one night. The week before last a party of
200 were sent to the Lines, &last Sunday is returned but 90 strong. He counted them
^ See supra, p. ISO, note. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 785
said in Camp that the Army has lost about 2000 by desertions since they came into Winter
Quarters. He can't tell what the present strength of the Army is at Morris Town, for he
came but lately from the Magazine Guard, which is a[l] Suckysunny, about 12 or 14 Miles to
the Westward of Morris Town, at a Meeting House. The Guard there a Subaltern & 15
privates, 2 Sergeants, 3 corporals, a drum and a fife. Washington is statedly at a big white
house, about half a mile this side of Morris Town, and about 5 miles to the Northward of the
Camp-Alarm Post, which is about 2 miles from M' Kemble's, & in a course abourt North
West or near it. From the Alarm Post you can see the whole Camp.
There has been lately talk of an Expedition. Last Saturday it was in orders to draw Six
days provisions, 2 to be cooked, & to be ready at a Minutes warning. Last Friday some
heavy Cannon came to the Park from Easton, 2-24— 4-lS— 2 long 12 & 2-13 inch Mortars. —
The general talk that 6000 standing Forces were to move with the Jersey Militia. The Talk
among the Soldiers, that Staten Island is the object. — The York and Connecticut Troops were
ordered for the March, which of the rest he did not hear. Orders out to press 800 slays.
The Army has been badly oft" for Provisions. Those on the Lines have flour, Those in camp
rice. The allowance | of a pound & 1 lb of fresh beef.— a Quart of salt to 100 weight.— No
Rum or other spirit except to the Artillery he is of, to which Pensilvania allows i lb of Tea,
lib Chocolate, lib Coffee, 1 d" Tobacco 2 d" Sugar, * lb Soap & a Gall Rum every month.
There are three other artillery corps Crane's Harrison's and Lamb's.
There has been a considerable quantity of flour brought late from the Westward. It is now
scarce again. The very Field Officers draw half in Indian meal. The detachm' made to the
Southward took 10 pieces of ordnance with them all six pounders.
More than half of the Army are old country people and disgusted with the service, & would
be glad to get away. — They thought they were fighting for liberty, but find they were getting
daily more and more into bondage.— About 6 weeks ago, the whole artillery went about the
Camp, huzzaing for 13 King's and no Bread, crying one King with Bread is enough. The
officers pass'd it off" with a laugh. None restrained or punished for it.
A great Quantity of cattle came lately from Connecticut. They are in and about Morris
Town — Forage scarce. — Only a few Express Riders there. The Horse sent to distant
quarters. Washington has a few about him and a small foot guard.
The snow road from Morris Town to Elizabeth Town well beaten. — very deep out of it,
some places drifted to the height of 4 feet.
The Informer was on Sullivan's Expedition. Had with them 2500 horses.— Went from
Easton with 2 sixes, four threes & 2 5J inch Hoyets ;— join'd by Clinton's Brigade at Tioga
102 miles above Wioming.— proceeded as far as Chinesse. — Half a pound of flour & I pound
of beef the allowance for 30 days, which was the interval from leaving Tioga, to their return
to New Town. Only one skirmish in the whole Expedition, and that at Middle Town 3 miles
above Chemong. Took one Tory & one Negroe in the March, & in tlie return 2 old Squaws —
No more prisoners than these. It was reported that 50 scalps were brought in at Middle
Town, but the informer never saw more of the killed than 7. — He believes there were 2 others
killed, because Maxwell's Brigade Major (forgets his name) gave 2 soldiers each a gall of
whisky, to skin 2 Indians from the Hip downwards, and they did so, & the Indians the
Informer saw, had their skins intire. The Informer saw the skins, and boots were made of
them at Easton after the return. The Indians retired all the way before them as they advanced
from Tioga, 12 to Chemong, 3 to Middle Town, 9 to New Town, IS to Catharine Town, 18 to
Vol. VIII. 99
786 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Apple Town, 12 to Canidisego, 14 to another town, 8 miles to another, 9 more to another,
then 12 to Chinesse. They destroyed the Hutts & Cabbins & Grain. At Cauidesego there
were 4 or 5 small framed houses — a good many at Chinesse — at the other villages, none but
wigwams & log houses — The Corn at Chinesse was burnt in the houses. — It took all day to
collect it. — Sullivan's army called (Battoe men and all) about seven thousand. The Guide
was a Presbyterian Minister, who had lived at Canidesego, as a Missionary. They lost 2
killed & 17 wounded at Middle Town, — Boyd's party 17 killed & scalped — Boyd &a serjeant
prisoners, & butcher'd at Chinesse. 27 more killed & wounded at Chemong in the night. —
very few horses got back — As they gave out they were shot — forty or 50 of a day. — The
Cannon were carried by water to Tioga, & thence the pioners cut roads for the carriages all
the way. The Indians did not hang upon the army as it retired to Easton.
Heard nothing of the taking of Charles Town — No bad news ever suffered to come to camp.
Many British deserters in the Rebel Army, who are very desirous of an Act of grace, that
they may come in.
[ New-Tork, CLXXI. ( No. 11 in No. 89 ). ]
Intellgence by Cornelius Stagge. Given 18 Feb'^' 1780. Friday.
He is a native of New York, where he has a Mother and a Brother.
He has served 3 years in the Rebel artillery, in Wool's Company of Lamb's Regiment. Had
his discharge on the 9"" of January last, from the Park at Morris Town.
He attempted an escape from the rebel service shortly before the reduction of Fort
Montgomery, but was apprehended & brought back. He left the Park yesterday 8 days,
sculked about Hackinsack, and crossed to Greenwich yesterday.
He has been to Albany since his discharge. Was at West point in his way up on the 17
Janu"^. He learnt there, that there had been a fire a few days before, at a redoubt on the East
side of the River above M' Robinson's, which commands the Fort at West Point except
Putnam's Fort. — This is a small redoubt (he thinks) but of four Guns. The Fire damaged
the redoubt, and had well nigh blown up the small magazine in it. It was thought to have
been owing to treachery, because a barrel of powder was found buried on the outward side,
but a council of war reported it to be accidental.
On his return from Albany, which he left the 23* of January, he halted at West Point for
several days. There was a great fire there, on the night of Wednesday the 2^ of February
Instant. He lodged at Major Beaumont's, and was alarmed with the cry that Fort Arnold was
on fire. He saw the South barracks in it in a blaze. They were intirely consumed. The
wind being favorable, the Northern barracks and Magazine escaped. The Southern were the
principal lodgements, and comprehended the stores. He continued there two or three days after
the fire, and saw the ruins. The loss was lamented by the Officers as very great, but the
soldiery rejoiced and wished for more fires. The stores were called state stores, and he thinks
belonged to the Massachusets. The articles consumed, consisted of clothing, tent equipage,
sugars, molasses, pepper, chocolate, coffee, officers baggage & money.
The Troops then in the Highland Forts mostly New England men. — They have 2 or 3
companies of Crane's artillery, and one of Lamb's there. Lamb's are in the main Yorkers,
and wish to get away, and so do those in the Companies at Morris Town, and indeed the bulk
of the Army.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 787
He had opportunities for much intercourse with the people of the country, in his journey to
Albany. A great majority in all places are on the King's side, & tired & sick of the war. A
man fares ill on the road, and the worse for being in a Continental uniform.
The Army greatly reduced by desertions of late. He can't say what it consists of — some
say 7 — others 10,000. — It shrinks daily, and gets not a single recruit. The chief cause of
Desertions, is the Arbitrary return of the three years men as listed for the War.
The Informer has left his wife at Mendam near Morris Town, with instructions to come to
a relations at Barbadoes Neck near Hackinsack, & there watch an opportunity to get into the
Royal Lines.
Major-Ge^ieraf Tryon to Lord George Gennain.
[New-York, CLXXI, No. 90.]
N»90
New York 25'" March 1780.
My Lord,
Under a very severe gout I am.scarcely able to do more than to acquaint your Lordship that
Governor Robertson arrived the 21" Ins' and the next day took the Oaths at my bedside, in
the presence of the Council, who (it is with great pleasure I mention it) are all firm in their
fidelity to the King's cause — I then gave the seals to my Successor; and on account of my
Indisposition, the rest of the formalities were transacted in an adjoining room.
Your Lordship will find under this cover, the train of intelligence I have acquired, since the
absence of the Commander in Chief; of which, had my health permitted, I should for your
Lordship's ease, have framed a digest. — Copies of some and abstracts of the rest of these
papers, were transmitted to Sir Henry Clinton by the Virginia Frigate last week.
My present purpose is to avail myself, of his Majesty's gracious permission to return to
England, as soon as my health is sufficiently restored, to bear the fatigues of the voyage ; I
add with much satisfaction, that the face of Public Affairs in this Country, for reasons which
I have not strength to communicate seems to indicate such a declension of the rebellion, as
gives me great hope of its terminating without the dismemberment of the Empire.
Major General Robertson being Senior British Officer here, the British and Provincial
Troops within these Lines, fall under his command, and Lieu' General Knyphausen has
ordered all returns and reports of the said corps, to be made to Major General Robertson
accordingly.
I am with all possible respect,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's
Most obedient and
very humble servant
Lord George Germain. W"> Tryon.
788 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York, CLXXI.]
New York 26'" March 1780
My Lord,
It is my Duty to acquaint you, that I arrived here on the twenty first of this month ;. next
day the Council was summoned, and I took possession of the Government in the manner set
forth in the Minutes of Council inclosed.
Finding Governor Tryon does himself the honor of transmitting to you full Information of
the state of the Province, as well as all Intelligence received here about the Enemy, and being
told by General Knyphausen that he at this time means to lay before you all Military Returns
and Information, nothing is left for me to say on either of these subjects.
General Knyphausen has intimated to me a wish, that I would inform you of what had
passed in regard to the Exchange of the Convention Army.*
I can't express this more full nor do so much justice to General Philips's sentiments, as by
laying before you the letters he sent me on that subject, which I obtained his leave to do.
I have the honor to be
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obed'
and humble servant
James Robertson
P. S. This moment an intercepted letter from General Schuyler another from Francia
Lewis and a circular letter to the several Provinces from Congress have been brought to me. —
I enclose copies of these — believing tiiat their Contents are of much Importance.
Brigadier General De Lancey^ is extremely desirous I should mention his name to your
Lordship by this very occasion. — I can't do this without saying that he is a man of
consequence in the Country, and has suffered much by the Rebellion, the Authors of which he
is earnest to punish.
Intercepted letter from Major-General Philip Schuyler.
Co-py N" 2.
Philadelphia March 11*" 1780.
Dear Sir,
I arrived here on Sunday, on Monday I advised Congress, that I could not consistent with
with my honor serve under the appointment they had been pleased to make. The other
Commissioners were ordered to proceed in the business, but intimations having been given
that my aid was necessary, a Committee was appointed and I put on it. As this does not
' BrigadierGeDeral Olivkr de Lancey, eldest son of Stephen de Lancey and Ann Van Cortlandt, was born in the city of
New-York in 1717. In 1742 he married Miss Franks, of Philadelphia, and in 1756 and 1758 wns in command of the New-Tork
provincials in the military operations at Lake George. In 1759 he was elected one of the representatives in the Assembly for
his native city, and the following year was called to the Council, where he retained his (seat until the dissolution of the
government. At the breaking out of the Revolution he adhered to the Crown ; raised the corps of provincials called the
De Lancey battalions, and was appointed Brigadier-General. By the Act of 1779 his property was confiscated. After the
peace he retired to England and died at Beverly, October 27th, 1785, aged 68 years. His remains were interred in the choir
of the Cathedral of that [dace. Holgale's American Omealogy, 121; OentUman's Magazine ; Journals of Ntw- York Aasembly ;
Aeui-York Council Minutes, XXV., 341. — En.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 789
comport with my ideas of propriety I continue to refuse. Men of sentiment approve my
firmness and delicacy, others are chagrined but dare not drive me to a pointed explanation,
which I will never give otherwise then in writing, that my Constituents and all my Countrymen
may see my principles.
The subject of Finance has for some time past engrossed the attention of Congress in a
Committee of the whole, but paradoxical as it may seem, that a part should be more competent
than the whole, it has been thought necessary to refer the business to a lesser Committee,
composed of Burch, Elsworth, Holtn, Haustin, Livingston and Scuyler, a Report will probably
be compleated by Monday, my object is a fixture of the present circulating medium at a given
ratio, calling it in, speedily destroying it, a new emission quoted to States and sent forth on
permanent funds, the quantum to be emitted to be proportioned to the periodical destruction
of the present bills, the new ones to bear a specie interest payable at their redemption or in
bills on France at the option of the holders. I believe the reports will bear this Complexion,
but what transformation it will undergo in the House is impossible to determine, as every man
wishes to be thought a Financier and must have his ideas. It will probably be like Joseph's
coat a composition of patches party coloured.
T can say nothing yet about your Department, a few days will enable me to do it, and you
will have the necessary communications, as far as shall be in my power to afFord them, the
Vermont business is not yet on the Tapis.
If my Financing Ideas should prevail our state will be able to extricate itself out of its
difficulties without continuing the burden of taxes. Provided always that our Legislature will
be prudent and decisive, and that Men of considerable property will do their duty ; altho I am
amongst the middling class of these, I propose to rob them all of the honor of being the first
to set a good example, this is perfectly enigmatical at present to you, and so it must continue
until I am at liberty more fully to explain myself. You that love your Country shall follow
me ; at least I will give you an opportunity of doing it at the Risque of our properly, may be,
a little, but the sacrifice will be glorious, and perhaps too our countrymen may honor us with
the all endearing name of true and virtuous patriots. That you, I and all like us, and all our
more distressed fellow Citizens may truly deserve that pleasing appellation is my sincerest
wish, my fervent prayer, Adieu, my friend, and believe me to be sincerely such
(Copy) Ph. Schuyler.
(N-S)
Lord George Gerinciin to Governor Robertson,
[New-Tork, CLXXI., No. 3. ]
Whitehall 3" May 1780
Sir,
It gave me a great pleasure to find by your Dispatch of the 26* March, which I received
the 26"" of last Month, that you were safely arrived at New York, and had taken upon you the
Exercise of your Government. The Loyal and Spirited behaviour of the Inhabitants in so
chearfully and unanimously taking up arms and embodying for the defence of the town when
it was laid open to an attack on all sides & deprived by the strength of the frost of the natural
790 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
defences the rivers at other times afforded, which Major General Pattison' has fully stated to
me, does them great honor, and has given the King particular satisfaction, & it is his Royal
Pleasure that you should take the first fit opportunity of acquainting them that their conduct
is highly approved by His Majesty. I am sorry to find by the papers you have transmitted,
copies of which I have also received from Major General Phillips = that the late negociation for
an Exchange of the troops of the convention has proved as fruitless as all the former attempts;
but, I am happy to learn from some part of Gen' Phillips's Correspondence that he has hopes
of effecting the business without the formality of a treaty or meeting of Commissioners, An
object of so much importance to the King's service will, I am sure, engage your attention &
assistance in attaining it, but I cannot intirely concur with General Phillips in the propriety of
the Terms upon which he thinks the agreement may be made ; especially as I flatter myself
Sir Henry Clinton's success in Carolina will put into our hands a full equivalent of prisoners to
exchange upon an equal footing ; The intercepted letters you inclosed agree with a variety of
other Intelligence I have received in representing the state of the rebel finances to be very
desperate and their cause declining fast among the people, and I trust the operations to the
Southward will give velocity to its fall, the season is certainly favorable for your views, and I
have so great reliance upon your influence & able management that I flatter myself you will find
means of effecting some very important public service. I am much obliged to you for the copy
of your letter to Lord Amherst and of the plan of the environs of Charles Town transmitted
with it, as they gave me a clearer idea of the situation of things there than I could have had
from the other accounts I could have received from thence ; Brigadier General De Lancy by
the zealous part he took, at first in opposing the progress of the Rebellion, and since in
endeavouring to reduce it, has shown himself a faithful subject of the King, and it must be a
Satisfaction to him to know that his services are approved by His Majesty.
I inclose a copy of Baron Nolken, the Swedish Minister's note to me requesting the discharge
of Nils Myrin, a private man in the New Jersey Volunteers which I beg you will obtain, as I
should be glad of an opportunity to oblige His Excellency. I am fcc'
Geo. Germain
Governor Robertson.
Governor Rohertson to Lord George Germain.
[New.Tork, CLXXI.)
New York. 18'" May 1780.
My Lord,
The Pearl on the second of this month brought me your Lordship's of the 18"" March.
' General James Pattison was appointed Captain of the artillery Ist August, 174'? ; Lieutenant-Colonel in the army in 1761 ;
Colonel commandant of artillery. 25th April, 1777 ; Major-General 19th February, 1779. He accompanied the expedition
against Charleston in 1780; and was raised to the rank of Lieutenant-General 28th September, 1787, and of Gencr;;l in the
army 2Gth January, 1797. He died at hia house in Hill-street, Berkeley Square, London, March 1st, 1805, aged 81 years.
Gentleman's Magazine, LXXV., 291. — Ed.
° Major-General William Phillips was appointed Captain of artillery 12th May, 1756 ; and brevet Lieutenant-Colonel in
1760, and in 1776 was named Major-General in Burgoyne's expedition; in the battle of Stillwater both his Aids-de-Camp
were wounded, and he shared the fate of the British army which capitulated in October, 1777 ; he followed the troops to Vir-
ginia. He did not long survive his misfortunes, for he died in the latter part of 1781 or beginning of 1782. Major-General
Phillips, at his death, held the sinecure office of Lieutenant-Governor of Windsor. Army Lists ; Beatson ; Anbure^s Travels.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XLVII. 791
The crew being very sickly, your dispatches to Sir H. Clinton after being, (as desired)
perused by General Knyphausen and myself were forwarded by the Iris, & probably reach'd
him about the ninth instant.
General Knyphausen had time by the Delaware then under sail for Halifax to give notice to
General McLean* of what your dispatch contain'd, of the force time of sailing and supposed
destination of the French Armament. By a Canadian the same notice was sent to General
Haldimand thro' the woods.
Commodore Drake finding no countermand in Admiral Arbuthnot's dispatches from the
Admiralty, proceeded about this time to sea in consequence of former orders. He directed
Captain Montague to get a Convoy agreable to the requisition I had made for the troops
order'd to Quebec, no time has been lost by him, but it was not till yesterday that two sloops
of war could be got ready for sea. To strengthen this convoy the Thames Frigate sails &
proceeds with them to the Mouth of St. Lawrence, & then cruises to try to get early notice
about the French Fleet. I send with this an embarkation return.
As I find General Knyphausen's correspondence will only reach you after making the round
to Carolina thro' Sir H. Clinton, I give this the chance of carrying you earlier information,
tho' I do not command here, as the eldest British General, I hope my writing to you on
Military subjects, will not be considered as presumption.
Before I had the honor of your letter, I learn'd from the rebel Camp, that exactly the
Armament you mention, was to sail from Brest before the end of March, and would be here
or at Charlestown before the end of June. The probability of their being informed of the
destination as well as the force, is increased by the reports made by the people I have sent
into Jersey to listen to the discourses and find out the preparatory directions for the reception
of a French fleet and army.
Agreable to your commands every thing is preparingybr a vigorous defence on both the land and
sea sides. Batterys are made and guns placed on them where ever they can most effectually
dammage the enemy's ships, but these can only annoy, a fleet with a favorable wind & tide
can't be prevented by any number of cannon from coming up to our wharfs, to prevent this,
twenty five small vessels are ready loaded with stones, they lye at the hook, and on notice will
be taken out to the bar and sunk there acording to a plan form'd with exactness, a few anchors
are sufficient to render the inner channel impracticable even for frigates. The bar will not be
spoil'd nor the vessels be sunk till the enemy's approach makes it absolutely necessary. It would
cost them some days to remove these obstructions, we are prepared to create more by sinking
two or three ships in the channel between the East and West bank. I'm disappointed by the
Engineer who can't now get ready the draughts we have been making and meant to have
sent you.
You have a return of the Troops here, they especially the Germans are in high order,
health and discipline.
' Brigadier-General Francis McLean was appointed Captain in the 2d battalion of the 42d Highlanders on its being raised
in October, 1758, and afterwards came to America and joined Amherst's expedition against Montreal. .In January, 1761, he
exchanged into the 97th regiment, a newly organized corps, and was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel in the army ]3th April,
1762. On the regiment being disbanded the following year, he went on half-pay, where he remained until the 16th Decem-
ber, 1777, when he was gazetted Colonel of the 82d foot, which was sent to Halifax, where Colonel McLean held the rank of
Brigadier-General, and died in 1781. Browne's Highlanders, IV., 160; Army Lists; Beatson's Naval and Military Memoira
VL, 173; Political Index, IL, 137. — Ed.
792 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
No part of Sandy Hook is within tiiree miles of tiie bar, guns placed there could not annoy
a fleet in passing so well as they could on places nearer at hand and which we can better
support, there is no time to make a work that could stand a seige — a fascine work that can
contain one hundred men is all that is constructed, and this is round the light house. A large
square fort is built at Brooklyn heights, the works at Paulus Hook are strengthened, and these
at Fort Knyphausen put in order — The towns people are employ'd in joining the redoubts
near the town with lines.
But our real strength consists in this, our forces can be brought together in a few hours,
from our situation and number of boats our movements can be quicker than any enemys that
present themselves. The whole troops may be led to fight the enemy, in the mean time six
thousand arm'd inhabitants, will defend the town and all the island on this side Harlaam, a
victory would immediately restore the posts we might give up to unite our force.
General Knyphausen never lets an oppertunity escape of attacking the rebels posts, the
plan, secrecy, precision and choice of the leaders, have insured success to all his measures.
His attention and capacity place him high in the opinion of the troops.
Our friends and the General himself wish that Washington could be attacked, he lyes at
Morristown with only about 4000 men, these dissatisfyed, desirous to desert, and in want of
every necessary. The lateness of the season, there not yet being a blade of grass, and the
facility with which Washington could avoid an action, by withdrawing some marches from a
post which we could not keep, nor acquire any thing by keeping are probably the reasons that
have hitherto kept us only employ'd in defensive works.
The Marquis de la Fayette who landed at Boston from the Hermione Frigate, in his way to
M' Washington's camp nearly escaped a party General Knyphausen sent to intercept him at
the Clove.
The ship that carries this is of small force, I have only had a few hours notice of her sailing,
which I can not delay, as this would deprive her of the benefit of the Quebec convoy now
under sail. This prevents my sending you by this occasion an account of what has passed in
the Province in detail. I can in general say that ail my proclamations and answers to addresses
have been calculated to gain the people without the lines. They are discontented with their
own Government, and from the sons of some of the most considerable familys who have
come into me, I am assured that their general intention is to return to their allegiance. Those
within the Lines give me a better proof than words, of their opinion of the permanence of
His Majesty's Government, since my arrival, I observe they begin to repair and rebuild houses
and to enclose and manure fields. I will defer speaking of the advantages His Majesty may
derive from these changes of circumstances and inclinations in point of fficonomy and force
till I have a better oppertunity of again doing myself the Honor of professing the regard with
which I am
My Lord
Your Lordships
most obedient, and
To the Right Hon"* most humble servant
Lord George Germain. James Robertson.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 793
Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain.
[New-York, CLXXI.]
New York 1" July 1780.
My Lord,
On the 26"" of June the pacquet brought me your dispatches of the S"" of May.
Your Lordship employed me most agreeably in announcing to the Inhabitants His Majesty's
approbation of their behaviour last winter — charmed and honored by His Royal goodness they
will arm with encreased alacrity against His Enemys.
Sir Henry Clinton being arrived it would be presuming and improper in me to trouble your
Lordship on the subject of future operations — But I take the liberty at General Knyphausen's
desire, (who is fonder of forming and executing plans than of describing them) to give you
some account of a movement he made into Jersey, and of his motives for doing it.
He had intelligence that Washington's Army at Morris Town did not exceeed 4000 — 2200
of these Philadelphia troops who had given evident proofs that they hated Congress and were
tired of rebellion. Washington had made a detachment to protect theCheseapeak against Sir
H. Clinton ; another to protect the County of Albany from Sir John Johnson, who was then
on the Mohawk river; and a third to cover the frontiers of Pensylvania against Butler and his
Indians. The account of the reduction of Charle'stown was fresh. The General thought under
these circumstances by approaching the enemy to find means of giving advantages to the King's
arms, and encreasing the difficulties of the rebels. On the 6"* of June we sail'd with as many
troops as could safely be spared from the defence of this Province — 6000 — to Staten Island,
from thence we landed our advanced guard the same night at Elizabeth Town, where they
waited the landing of a second embarkation by the return of the boats — these Bodys moved
on, with orders to try to surpize Maxwell's Brigade of Jersey Troops, stationed near to the
road we marched by, to endeavor to get possession of the strong post at Short hills, to wait
there the arrival of the third embarkation of the army — from whence if our intelligence should
show circumstances favorable, it was intended to march directly with the whole against
Washington, who had been sending his stores from Morristown, but was still incumbered there
with a great many.
After marching a few miles, we found Maxwell's Brigade, and about a thousand Militia in
Arms, they occupyed and gave us the trouble of driving them from every advantageous situation ;
by twelve o'clock, we drove them as far as Springfield, about twelve miles — Here we learned
from Prisoners and Deserters, that Washington had got time to occupy with all his force the
strong post of Short hills; at this moment we got notice that Sir H. Clinton was not bound for
Chesepeak, but in a few days would be at Sandy Hook. As the success of our project depended
on the rapidity of our march, we brought no carriages with us. or provisions but what the men
carryed — We had a number wounded whom we could not carry forward; Under these
circumstances General Knyphausen gave up the intention of forcing Washington to an action in
such an advantageous post, and resolved to wait in Jersey Sir Henry Clinton's arrival, that he
might be ready to act jointly or separately with him.
On the l/"" of June Sir Henry arrived at New York, and immediately received notice from
General Knyphausen of our and Washington's situation. Sir Henry landed the part of the
Army that came with him on Staten Island on the 19"', — On the 2Z^ he embarked & went
Vol. VIIL 100
794 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
with them up the North River, He desired that a strong patrole from our part of the Army
should penetrate into the country to verify or contradict the report we had of Washington's
March to the Highlands — if he had marched, we were to pass and carry the bridge we had
made to Staten Island ; if he remained Sir Henry was to return to us. General Knyphausen
marched at the head of 3,000 men ; The rebels as before occupyed every favorable situation,
and fought in a manner that shows honor may be got by destroying them, but a double
advantage to the state by bringing them to be good subjects ; they were however always beat.
Being well assured of Washington's march towards the Clove, General Knyphausen returned,
passed his bridge, removed it, and brought off' his rear guard without losing any man or thing.
The Orders of the troops were conceived in a spirit to shew the people that we considered
the Country as the King's, and those who did not appear in Arms as His subjects & our
friends ; The reverence the Germans have for their General made them comply with his orders;
The domestick. animals strayed about unhurt among them ; no plunder nor rudeness took
place — A house from whence the rebels fired was burnt by the British, some refugees took this
as a signal that allowed them to vent their revenge, and they wantonly by burning several
houses, deprived us of the reputation the General's intentions merited, and gave too good
foundation to the rebels to represent us as inimical to the Country.
The consequences of this move, are. The rebels have lost more militia on this occasion than
ever they did before ; in future they will not consider turning out as an amusement.
Washington on this occasion called to the different governments to draught their militia, every
fourth man ; I have now messages from hundreds that they will escape this by coming to us
— their distress for provisions, has been greatly encreased by this move — And ours for forrage
which could not be had within our lines has been reieived at the expence of the enemy —
Washington was obliged to recall his detachments, which may have given advantages to our
arms in other quarters.
As the General and Admiral have acquainted your Lordship of their different sentiments
about the renewal of Civil Government, they and the state will benefit by the appeal ; but no
advantage could arise from the publick or even the Councils being informed that they did not
think alike on the subject — I have taken some pains to keep the Question out of sight — And
as these Gentlemen equally intend that the subject be protected in his property, be secured
against the abuses & insults of military misrule, that a good police and good discipline may make
the neighbourhood of the Army advantageous to the inhabitants, and the industry of these being
excited by security and order, useful to the state. Sir Henry means to direct me to take the
management of the police of the province, and subject to his inspection, to endeavor to give the
people all the encouragement and real advantages graciously intended them by His Majesty on
my appointment — The Admiral expresses his approbation of the expedient ; for my part I shall
most gladly exert my utmost endeavors to answer the end of my appointment; If I can serve
His Majesty and have the honor of executing the spirit of the instructions you honored me with,
I care no more than the people will by what name I am called.
An Officer from Gen' Dallingi has just told me he is authorized to engage men here to make
' Lieutenant-General Sir John Dalling, Bart., of Burwood, Surrey, was appointed on the 2d February, 1757, Major of the
27th foot, and served under Loudon, in 1757 ; at the siege of Louisbourg in 1758, and under Wolfe, before Quebec, in 1759,
when he commanded a corps of light infantry. Kvox, I., 297, 317, 323, 335, 347, 354, 356; Beatson's Naval and Military
Memoirs, III., 227, 395. He became Lieutenant-Colonel of the 43d, in 1760, and commanded that regiment at the siege of
Havana, in 1762. About the year 1767 some gentlemen of Jamaica applied for a resident Lieutenant-Governor, whereupon
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 795
war on the Spaniards ; I intend to encourage that spirit within the lines, and am hopeful to
make this a means of lessening the rebel army.
I have the honor to be
My Lord
Your Lordship's
most obliged, and most
Right Hon"* obedient humble servant
Lord George Germain James Robertson
Lord George Germain to GovevTwr Rohertmn.
[ New-York, CLXXI. No. 4. ]
(NM)
Whitehall G"- July 1780.
Sir,
A few days after the date of my letter to you of the 7"" of June, Lord Lincoln' arrived here
with the glorious and important account of the surrender of Charles Town with the whole of
the Rebel Land and Naval Force there. This joyful event, which you will long since have
been informed of, must greatly serve to dispirit the rebels, and indispose them for any
cooperation with the Forces carried out by Mons' de Ternai ; and as I trust Sir Henry Clinton,
with a part of his victorious troops is safely returned to you as he proposed leaving Charles
Town the beginning of June, 1 do not apprehend any attempt will be made upon New York:
indeed I should have been in no pain for the event if I had supposed it to be attacked by the
joint forces of Mods'' de Ternai and M'' Washington even before Sir Henry Clinton with his
reinforcement could have arrived, as the number & excellence of the King's Forces, the
ability of their Commanders and the spirit & loyalty of the Inhabitants gave me full confidence
that such a defence would have been made as all the force that could have been brought to
the attack would not have been able to overcome.
Your letter of the IS"" of May, which I received the 17"" of last month, confirmed me in
this opinion, and opens the pleasing prospect of a restoration of the King's Government in
the Province, and which I see with particular satisfaction your public Acts are all calculated
Lieutenant-Colonel Dalling was appointed to that office (Edwards' Weil Indies, Svo., 1793, II., 311), and exchanged into the
86th foot, then stationed on that island. In 1772 he changed into the 50th, and a few years after, od the death of Sir
William Trelawney, became Governor-in-Chief of Jamaica. Edwards. In January, 1776, he was appointed Colonel Com-
mandant of the 3d battalion of the 60th Royal Americans; Major-General 29th August, 1777. He got up an expedition
against the Spanish Main in 1780, and became Lieutenant-General in NoTember, 1782. He was raised to the ranlc of Baro-
net in 1783 (Beatson'a Index, I., 210); in November, of the same year, appointed Colonel of the 37th foot, and died in 1798.
' Thomas Pelham Clinton, afterwards 2d Duke of Newcastle, was born July, 1752, and entered the army as Ensign in
the 12th foot 17th March, 1769. His next step was that of Captain in the 1st o rKing's dragoon guards, 12th July, 1770. Ho
exchanged into the 1st regiment of foot guards 5th April, 1775, and next came to America, where he served as Aid-de-
Camp to his second cousin. Sir Henry Clinton, the Commander-in-Chief, with whose dispatches, announcing the fall of
Charleston, S. C, he went to England in 1780. Beatson's Kaval and Military Memoirs, V., 28. He, shortly afterwards, was
promoted to be Colonel in the army and appointed Aid-de-Camp to the King. In 1782 he became Colonel of the 75th foot;
in 1785, of the 17th light dragoons; Major-General in 1787. He succeeded to the dukedom in 1794, and died 17th May,
1795. His grace was succeeded in the command of his regiment by Lieulenant-General Oliver de Lancey, of N«w-York.
Army Lists. — Ed.
796 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
to promote, & I should think cannot fail to make a deep impression upon the minds of all
reasonable men, and remove those unjust prejudices entertained of the vindictive disposition
of Great Britain towards the revolted Provinces, Your next dispatch vpill I hope inform me of
the happy effects the success at Charles Town and the generous terms granted to the Garrison
have had upon the people without your lines, and in the neighbouring Provinces, which may
give occasion for an extension of your powers as Civil Governor. In the mean time I have
the pleasure to send you inclosed herewith a printed copy of the Act passed in the present
Session, " for allowing the trade between Ireland and the British Colonies and Plantations in
America and the West Indies, and the British Settlements on the Coast of Africa to be carried
on in like manner as it is now carried on between Great Britain and the said Colonies and
Settlements." which I hope will remove the difficulties which the Trade of the City is now
under, and prove satisfactory to the Inhabitants.
I am Sec"
Governor Robertson. Geo: Germain.
N»15.
Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Gerrinain.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. C ) CCLXTI. ]
Niagara 26. July. 1780.
My Lord.
In my letter of the 4"" of May I gave a brief account of the faithful and successful services
of the Indians under my superintendency against the Rebels during the Winter and of the
endeavours of the latter to draw off the Six Nations, thro' the negotiations of four disaffected
Indians sent to this place for that purpose.
I have now the honor to acquaint your LordP, that the major part of the disaffected Tribes
are come in, and at length restored to the British Interest, and I shall also lay before you the
good conduct and success of the Indians, since my last. Being sensible that those Oneidas
and others who had during the War remained on the Rebel frontiers, and under their influence
were rather governed by situation and imposed on by artifice than led by inclination to espouse
their interest, & finding that their continuance in that quarter exposed our motions and
served to cover that part of the Country, our Indians however averse to their conduct not
inclining to cut ofi" part of their own Confederacy, I seized a favourable occasion last winter
to intimate, that if they ever expected to be restored to the favour and protection of Govern',
they had no time to loose ; in consequence of which I rec"* last month a Message from them,
informing me that they had approved of my advice, & were preparing to leave their Country
and join me which they did the beginning of this month, to the amount of three hundred and
thirty souls, of whom above one hundred are Men, more than seventy of whom have since
marched with my War partys, and will, I expect, do their utmost to efface the remembrance
their past conduct, having told them that they owed their reception to His Maj'^'" clemency,
but they must merit his favors by their actions. The particulars of my proceedings with them
are transmitted to the Commander in Chief and I am assured, that the small remainder still
with the Rebels will soon follow their example, and thereby lay open the Rebel frontier
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 797
towards the Mohawk River, which will promote the service by facilitating parties and
encourage the Six Nations as much as it must distress and disappoint the Rebels.
The success that attended those I sent out at a season when it had not been usual for many
to go to War, encouraged others, the number of killed and prisoners amounted early in June
to one hundred and fifty six, and is now much enlarged, besides which many houses and
granarys from whence the Rebels drew supplies with many Cattle were destroyed and an
interruption given to their planting as well as recruiting on the Frontiers. The partys have
ranged along the rear of New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia, and although (unaccompanied
with Troops) their mode of Warfare does not admit of any thing capital, it is still of much
importance to His Maj'^"' service in keeping the Rebels in a continued state of Alarm &
apprehension, and destroying their resources; it is with great satisfaction I can add that these
services have been effected without acts of cruelty, and that altho' three of the Indians were
treacherously murdered, they have at my entreaty withheld their resentment & suppressed
their darling passion — revenge — in an unusual manner. From principles of humanity I could
wish their example had been imitated by the Rebels, who in many instances have exhibited a
very different conduct.
The number of Men of the Six Nation Confederacy (exclusive of their people to the Southward )
is about sixteen hundred, above twelve hundred of whom are Warriors, and of the latter, eight
hundred and thirty six are now on service ag"^ the frontiers, and more in readiness to follow
them, which far exceeds what has ever been out at one time without the army, few, or none
remaining, but those necessary to assist in planting and providing for their families; I hope
soon to have favourable accounts from them, as so great a number must prove very distressing
to the Rebels, and contribute much to favour the operations of the Campaign. The large body
that was to be provided for at this Post during last Winter in consequence of the Rebel
invasion and the destruction of many Indian Towns, occasioned much expence and a great
consumption of provisions, which I have endeavoured to restrain as far as was consistent with
the service, and the Commander in Chief afforded his assistance for re eslablish? them and
enabling them to plant as early as he could, to promote which as well as to forward partys ; I
have lately visited their new Settlements, one of which on the Ohio rout is encreasing fast,
and I have already induced above twelve hundred of their people to settle and plant at these
places, which will lessen the burthen of expences, at the same time, 1 have no doubt should
any material operations be undertaken from hence, that notwithstanding the Indians have been
constantly employed all the season, they will readily & chearfully assist. — Since my arrival
here last September, I have not omitted any thing in my power for promoting his Majesty's
interests with the Indians, and rendering their services usefull to Governments ; I am highly
gratified in being honoured with the Commander in Chiefs approbation of my Conduct, and
that of these faithful people, and I shall study by every possible exertion in the discharge of
my duty to merit your Lord'"s favourable representation of my endeavours, to His Maj'^
have the honor to be with much respect
My Lord.
Your LordP's most obedient and
most humble servant,
G Johnson.
798 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS
Governor Robertson to Secretary Robinson.
[ Ncw-Tork, CLXXI. ]
New York 4'" August 1780.
Sir,
Permit me to beg you will do me the honor to lay the following particulars before the Lords
Commissioners of the Treasury, and that you will have the goodness to let me know their
Lordships pleasure upon them.
I was appointed Governor of New York on the fourth of May 1779; was kept in London
on publick service and not by my own wish till the 16"" of Sepf following, and then being
confined to go in a particular ship and that ship to pursue a course that led me to Cork,
Savannah and South Carolina — I did not arrive at my government till the 21" of March 1780:
On my arrival there I found that the expence of every thing is treble, and the income of
government not half what it had been — My Predecessor Governor Tryon ' showed me a
representation he had made through you to the Lords of the Treasury in his letter of the 10""
of November 1779 — expressive of the well grounded hopes given him by His Majesty's
Ministers, that the diminution of income would be made up by an encrease of Salary. — I
will add nothing to what he says, but a remark that the expence has continued to augment,
and the income to decrease, As among other methods I have taken to render the present mode
of government grateful to the people I admit no fees whatever to be taken, and therefore pay
the Secretary I employ out of my pocket.
I formerly represented to their Lordships, and the Earl of Dunmore^ and Lord Drummond
both eye witnesses certifyed that when New York was set on fire I commanded in it, and could
have saved my own house from the flames if I could have been prevailed on to follow an advice
that was given me to retain one engine for that purpose; finding that the King's ships &
magazines were in danger, by sending away the engine 1 saved the ships and stores, worth
more than 200,000 pounds — but lost my house which cost me independent of furniture
^2,000. — I find that the province house where my predecessor General Tryon lived was burnt,
not for the public good but by the carelessness of servants — The province gave him five thousand
pounds and their Lordships had the goodness to grant him a further very liberal indemnification ;
' Lieutenant-General William Teton received a commiesion as Lieutenant and Captain of the 1st regiment of foot guards
12lh October, 1761 [Army LisU); in 1757 married Miss Wake, of Hanoyer-street, with whom he received a fortune of
£20,000 sterling {GeiUlemati's Magazine, XXVII., 577), and on 30th September, 1758, became Captain and Lieutenant-Colonel
in the guards. Through some Court influence probably, (as we find a Miss Tryon maid of honor to the Queen (Oentleman's
Magazine, XXXI., 431), and he claimed relationship with the Rawdon or Moira family), he was appointed Lieutenant-
Governor of North Carolina, where he arrived 27th October, 1764, and, on the death of Mr. Dobbs, was gazetted Governor
of that Colony 20th July, 1765. Gentleman's Magazine, XXXV., 347. He administered that government until July, 1771,
when he was advanced to that of New-York. He was promoted to a Colonelcy in the army 25th May, 1772 ; became third
Major of the guards 8lh June, 1776 ; Major-General 29th August, 1777, and Colonel of the 70th regiment 14th May, 1778.
In 1779 his name was inserted in the New-York Act of Confiscation. It is unnecessary here to speak of his career in America,
as that is already as notorious as it was odious. He resigned the government, for many years only nominal, of New-York
2l8t March, 1780, and returned to England, where he was appointed Lieutenant-General 20th November, 1782, and Colonel
of the 29th foot 16th August, 1783. Governor Tryon died at his house. Upper Grosvenor-street, London, 27th January, 1788,
and his remains were deposited in the family vault at Twickenham. A highly eulogistic obituary notice of him, doubtless from
the pen of his son-in law Fanning, appeared shortly after, in the Gentleman's Magazine, LVIII., 179. "The name of Tryon,"
it asserts, " will be revered across the Atlantic while virtue and sensibility remain." The State of New-York manifested its
" reverence " soon after by erasing the name of Tryon from the only county that bore his name in the State. — Ed.
* See tupra, p. 209, note.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 799
He has since hired a house to live in, and draws on their Lordships for the rent — I hope the
mention of these circumstances, will induce their Lordships to pay for my house as a salvage
for the ships and stores that were saved by its destruction — in that case I will make over the
ground it stood on to the Crown, where when it is judged proper may be built a house for a
Governor, the situation being very proper for that purpose, and I will give up every claim for
any allowance of house rent.
I have taken the liberty to draw on their Lordships for fifteen hundred pounds ; when you
have the goodness to signify to me, their Lordships pleasure about the commencement and the
amount of my Salary, and of the satisfaction they will have the goodness to make me for
the house burnt, or their permission to hire one to live in; I will render this with the future
draughts exactly conformable to their Lordships pleasure.
I have the honor to be.
Sir,
Your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
James Robertson.
John Robinson Esq. Secy to the Right Hon*"'* the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's
Treasury.
Governor Robert-son to Lord George Germain.
[ New-York, CLXXI. ]
New York 1" September, 17S0.
My Lord,
As Sir Henry Clinton not only writes but sends his Quarter Master General to explain his
plans, and as the Generals Mathews' and Pattison are very able to give satisfactory answers to
all questions your Lordship may do them the honor to ask on military subjects, I will avoid
the mention of these, but so far as the events have an influence on the dispositions of the people
and the state of the country.
I have omitted no means to render government pleasing, and have not found this a difficult
task, men who for years have had nothing they could call theirs, find in security, and freedom
from military misrule unspeakable blessings. Gentlemen of known loyalty to the King, and
who have the esteem and confidence of the country are appointed to act as magristrates or
arbitrators, and prevent or settle all differences, without delay, fee, or expence. The contrast
' General Edwaed Mathew entered the British army as Ensign in the Coldstream Guards 24th January, 1746 (N. S.);
received his Lieutenancy 17th December, 1751, and became Captain and Lieutenant-Colonel 20th March, 17G2. He was ap-
pointed Colonel in the army 20th March, 1775, and eight days after Aid-de-Canip to the King. He came to America in 1776,
in command of a brigade of the Guards, with the rank of Brigadier-General, and in 1778 commanded the party sent to destroy
Gosport, Virginia. In February, 1779, he was advanced to the rank of Major-General ; became Colonel of the 62d the same
year, and was stationed at, or near New-York, in 1780; in which year lie returned home. He was appointed Commander-
in-Chief of the forces in the West-Indies, with the local rank of Lieutenant-General 20th November, 1782, and in 1753 Gov-
ernor-General of Grenada and the Southern Carribee Islands. In 1797, he was advanced to the rank of General in the army,
and died December, 1805. Mackenjion'a Coldstream Ouarda ; Army Lists. — Ed.
800 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
between the happiness and order that has taken place within our limits, and the anarchy
tyranny and exactions exercised among the rebels, could not long escape observation, and I
had daily notices from numbers that they meant to return to His Majesty's obedience and to
aid his arms.
The means of escape to us, is become somewhat more difficult by our withdrawing our posts,
and confining ourselves to the three Islands. The arrival of a French force, the expectation of
a further reinforcement, and more than all this the language held by the friends to rebellion in
England, leads people who were on the point of declaring for us, to hesitate. Washington,
whose army was weak even in numbers could not induce men to enlist for the greatest premiums,
and durst not use force. Since the arrival of hisallys, has got confidence to encrease his army,
by pressing, by fines, and making it impossible for any but declared active rebels to exist —
Thus the emigrations to us have been partly prevented, and Washington's army is swelled to
twelve thousand. By parading with La Fayette, displaying colours, finery, and carrying off
the cattle and forrage in sight of New York, he hopes to raise a belief that he will soon end the
war, and makes his army hope for the plunder of this rich city. A man of reflection, will be
sensible, that New York can be in no danger from such an army. Seventeen thousand regular
troops can be drawn to its defence in less than 24 hours, and five thousand inhabitants are
armed and disposed to fight in its defence. — It is easy to perceive that the smallnes of the
French force and their inferiority at sea, have disappointed the rebel expectations, and broke
their designs against this place. — The French notions about command shock levellers, that the
contempt of the manners of Americans digusls them, and that the jarrs already commenced are
likely to encrease. — so that the accession of the French is no great real addition to the rebel
force — that an army compelled together like Washington's will finally prove an addition to
ours — they desert by dozens tho they swim miles to get at us, and they relate that hundreds
hide in the woods or sculk in the marshes waiting a possibility to escape — for several months
past the deserters have at an average amounted to a hundred a month, the number has doubled
since the press, Deserters too arrive from the Convention army, these find their way for more
than four hundred miles, they are known, fed, and concealed, this is perhaps a better proof of
the favorable disposition of the inhabitants, then can be set against it, as the other instances
may be resolved into force or fear — on the whole a just reasoner will conclude, that the rebels
being disappointed, as they surely will be in their hope of expelling us from hence, ending the
war, and establishing their kingdom, tired cut and exhausted by this extraordinary exertion,
finding their army as usual dwindle before winter, will court the blessings of and submit to His
Majesty's Government. But one who superficially views appearances will imagine our situation
desperate, and cry out for a force which perhaps cannot be spared in such an extensive war,
without considering that a demand that cannot be complyed — will embarras Administration,
and may prove an effectual means of obtaining the wish of the rebels and their friends.
If the facts and the reasonings were to be layd before your Lordship, the falacy of the
conclusion would soon be detected, but conclusions vehemently urged and repeated without
carrying with them the means of detection, should be guarded against and this leads me to
assert that if the British and German regular troops are completed to the old establishment
only,* and if our friends in America are assured of the continuance of His Majesty's protection,
* To complete the Army under Sir Henry Clintoii to the old establishment, the recruits or reinforcements now supposed
on their passage, should be made up to 6100 men. — To complete the Army to the new establishment ( exclusive of additional
Company s) requires 2400 men.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 801
that Washington's army will fill up our provincial forces, and we will have hands enough
to end the war successfully.
An Officer from General Bailing is arrived here to recruit for an expedition under his
direction. I have got a few rebel officers to engage to bring men from the rebel army on
condition that they are to command them — and propositions of this nature have been made to
some of Tank — they are not without effect even now, but would have been better listened
to six months ago.
I hope to provide for the wants of refugees and to lessen the expence of government, by
sharing the possession of rebel lands and houses among those whom they have driven from
their own, and by the smallness of the lots, to call forth a higher degree of cultivation, that
the wants of the army may be supplyed at a less expence then at present, which exceeds all
belief and example — I am of opinion this might be cured by regulations particularly of wages,
now at more then ten shillings a day ; but I dare not trust my own judgment, and those I talk
with are divided.
M' Smith' thinks himself much honored by his appointment to the Office of Chief Justice,
tho' he had considerable property and a great income, I find that now, it is convenient for him
to entreat me, to apply to your Lordship to direct some mode for the payment of his Salary.
Rf Ludlow was one of the Judges, had always been clear in his loyalty and zealous, his
abilities great and himself high in the people's esteem. These on Long Island had hitherto
been reduced to bring all their questions and quarrels to New York, where the length of time
and difficulties arising from the great distance made them chuse rather to suffer than seek
redress. I have prevailed on M"" Ludlow to act as superintendent on Long Island — Sir Henry
Clinton who considers the office as military will pay him an allowanceout of theContingencys,
he does good to the service and credit to the trust he has received. — The Office of Master of
the Rolls is vacant by the death of James Jauncey, I wish to fill it up by naming M' Ludlow,
that when Civil Courts open, he may act — neither the pay or duty to commence till
this happens.
I take the liberty to enclose my letter to the Lords of the Treasury, to beg you will take the
trouble to peruse it, and favor the request it contains as far as you judge it proper and reasonable.
I have the honor to be My Lord, Your Lordship's
most obedient and
To the Right Hon'''' most humble servant
Lord George Germain. James Robertson
Lo7'd George Germain to Governor Robertson.
[ New-Tork, CLXXI., No. 5. ]
^° ^ Whitehall 6"- Sept' 1780.
Sir,
I have received and laid before the King your Dispatch of the 1" of July, & am much
obliged to you for the very particular detail it contains of Lieut General Knyphausen's
Expedition into the Jerseys. The care taken to prevent plunder, & to protect the peaceable
' Supra, VII., 909, note 2. — Ed.
Vol. Vin. 101
802 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Inhabitants from molestation, was equally politic & humane & will I doubt not, when
the Commander in Chief shall judge proper to carry his operations into that Country, be
found to have made Impressions upon the minds of the people very favorable to His
Majesty's Government.
Every measure that has a tendency to restore the civil Authority to it's former dignity, will
be very pleasing to the King, & the placing the management of the Police of New York in
the hands of the Civil Governor is certainly a judicious step, and I have no doubt that the
people will find themselves happy, and the King's service be greatly promoted by your
prudent conduct.
I am fee"
Geo: Germain
Governor RoberUoii to Secretary Knox.
[ New-Tork, CLXXI. ]
New York 2P« Sepf 1780.
Dear Sir,
Let me in the first place thank you for the obliging notice you have taken of my family ; I
next own myself much your debtor for the information and satisfaction I received from your
letter by the July pacquet — we have nothing later from England. Inclosed I send you a Copy
of my Commission to your Deputy ; you will observe that I have paid a cautious attention to
what you said and Henry White advised. — It is only in the Prerogative Court that W Bayard's
Office has hitherto been beneficial — The people have at least found one advantage in military
Government, they pay nothing at my Office, tho' it is sufficiently crowded ; If Civil Government
is restored, the Governor and the Officers of the Crown will resume their fees & functions ;
while I act as Lieu' General superintending the police of the Province, I do the people all the
good in my power, gratis.
You will be well informed of the very handsome things Lord Cornwallis has done; and
have better access, than I, to know what great things Sir George and Sir Henry are meditating ;
So I will only say in general that since the year 1777, I have not seen so fair a prospect for the
return of the revolted provinces to their duty.
I found means to have a conference with a man versant in the rebels Councils, I give you
what he related — as I think it will explain the state of the Country and convey you information
that might not be preserved in an extract.
A privateer took some papers out of a Spanish despatch boat; tho' the mails were thrown
overboard, I had the papers found in a chest examined, and extracts taken from them, you
have this; and as I thought you might make discoveries from circumstances, that escaped us,
I send such letters as are thought most important.
I only by this occasion presume to trouble Lord George Germain, with a duplicate of my
former letter, knowing that if this contains anything worth his attention, that you will present
it and me favorably to his notice.
I ever am with much regard Dear Sir,
Your most obedient and
most humble servant
James Robertson
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 803
Brigad'' Skinner who commands the New Jersey Volunteers has at my desire endeavored
but cannot find Nils Myrin in the three Battalions of that corps within reach — a fourth
is at Carolina, he writes to have him discharged if found there. — agreeable to Lord
Germain's desire.
I took no notice of the publication said to be a letter to His Lordship — No person here
took it to be from Sir Henry Clinton — no more than you will suspect the enclosed to come
from the hand of Gates
William Knox Esq.^
' William Knox was born in Ireland in 1732, and receiTed the first rudiments of his political education from Sir Richard
Cox. one of the ablest statesmen that Island ever produced. In 1756 he was appointed by the Earl of Halifax one of his
Majesty's Council and Provost Marshal of Georgia, and accompanied Governor Ellis accordingly, to that Colony, lo assist in
promoting its settlement and forming its civil Constitution. He returned to England in 17t)l, and in 1763 visited Paris with
his friend and patron. Lord Grosvenor. Immediately after the peace with France lie drew up a paper, which Lord Grosvenor
put into the Earl of Bute's hands, recommending such provisions in the Constitutions of the Colonies and such improvements
in the system by which they had been governed, as would produce a desire in them to continue united with Great Britain
and render their union beneficial to the whole Empire. This was to create a Colonial aristocracy and to give the Colonies
representation in the British Parliament. But he acknowledges that the then haughty spirit of the House of Commons would
render it impossible to carry through Parliament the measures he proposed ; to have asserted Mig/iis in the assemblies of the
Colonies would have excited general indignation. He was soon after appointed agent for Georgia and East Florida, and was
thus brought into communication with Mr. Grenville, then Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and when that gentleman procured
the passage of the .A.merican Stamp Act, Mr. Knox published, in 1765, two pamphlets in defence of the measure; one entitled,
"A Letter to a Member of Parliament, wherein the Power of the British Legislature and the Case of the Colonists are
briefly and impartially considered;" the other, "The Claims of the Colonies to an exemption from Internal taxes imposed by
authority of Parliament, examined, in a Letter from a Gentleman to his friend in America ;" and sent almost the whole
edition of the latter Tract to such of the Colonies as he had any correspondents in. The consequence wa3, that the General
Assembly of Georgia passed a resolution on the 19th of November, 1765, dispensing with his services as Agent of that
Colony. He was examined that year hefore a committee of the House of Commons on the state of the American Colonies,
and being afterwards asked his opinion of the effects of the repeal of the stamp act, answered : "Addresses of thanks and
measures of rebellion." " By G — d, I thought so," exclaimed one of the opposition. He became now an active supporter of
the Grenville party, and published, in 1768, his principal political work, "The Present State of the Nation: particularly with
respect to its Trade, Finances, <tc , ifec, addressed to the King and both Houses of Parliament." This defence of the Grenville
administration was ascribed, at the time, to the head of that parly, and was answered, under that supposition, by the cele-
brated Edmund Burke, then a protege of the Rockingham ministry, in a tract entitled, " Observations on a late State of the
Nation;" in reply to which Mr. Knox published "An Appendix to The Present State of the Nation containing a Reply to
The Observations on that Pamphlet. London, 1769." At the same time he brought out a volume entitled, "The Contro-
versy between Great Britain and her Colonies reviewed; the several pleas of the Colonies, in 6U|port of their right to all
the liberties and privileges of British Subjects, and to exemption from the legislative authority of Parliament, stated and
considered ; and the Nature of their Connection with, and dependance on Great Britain, shewn, upon the evidence of histori-
cal facts and authentic records." After his arrival in Georgia it was his first care to make himself acquainted with the
Constitutions of the several Colonies ; he soon perceived that the seeds of disunion were sown in the first plantation in every
one of them, and that a general disposition to Independence prevailed throughout the whole. It was this knowledge which
enabled him (he says) to tear off their masque of loyalty to the King and attachment to Great Britain, and to expose and
confute, in the above Review, all their arguments in support of their claim of exemption from the authority of Parliament
whilst they enjoyed the privileges of British subjects. JSzlra Official Papers, IL, 11. But this reasoning was sharply and
successfully attacked by Dr. Edward Bancroft, of Massachusetts, then one of the editors of the London Monthly Review,
who, it is said, however, had the benefit of Dr. Franklin's advice and suggestions. As a reward for those efiforts in support
of British supremacy, Mr. Knox was appointed, in 1770, Joint Under Secretary of State with Mr. Pownall. In 1774 he pub-
lished a pamphlet in defence of the Quebec Act, entitled "The Justice and Policy of the late act of Parliament for making
more effectual provision for the Government of the Province of Quebec asserted and proved ; and the conduct of the adminis-
tration respecting that Province, stateil and vindicated ;" and soon after drew up a " Project of a permanent LTnion and
Settlement with the Colonies' (Extra Official Papers, IL, 30), which seems to have served as a basis for Lord North's concilia-
tory proposition of 1775. In 1779, whilst the people of Maine were occupied in forming a State Constitution, a portion of
their territory was taken possession of by a party of British troops from Nova Scotia In the following year Mr. Knox drew
up a plan to erect it into a Colony to be bounded by the River Penobscott on the west, and the St. Croix on the east, and to
be called Neio Ireland, of which Thomas Oliver was to be Governor and Daniel Leonard Chief Justice. It received the
804 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
RP Heron's Information in a Conversation at New York Monday 4: Sep' 1780.
[ New-Tork, CLXXI. ]
He lives at Reading in Connecticut, came in veith a Flag — returns this Afternoon
He has had every opportunity lie could desire to be acquainted with the public affairs, &
especially of that colony. Till April last he was in Assembly, & a member for the County
Correspondence — is now in office respecting the public accounts. He ever was an Enemy to
the Declaration of Independency, but he said little, except to the most trusty Loyalists. He
stands well with the Officers of the Continental Army — with General Parsons he is intimate,
& is not suspected.
He was at the Interview between General Parsons and M' Izard, ' who arrived in Ternay's
Fleet, and went on to Philadelphia. Izard has held a language that fills the Country with
jealousies — That the American Agents were duped by the Cabinet of France, D'' Franklin
superannuated, and all their Agents unfaithful and despised, except the Lees. That they had
given to France the Newfoundland Fishery, & to Spain the Floridas, & he thinks Georgia too.
Whatever else of the Continent might be conquered, is to belong to the United States. He
assured Parsons that France neither could nor would give the help requisite to establish the
countenance of the Ministry and the approval of the King, but was knocked in the head by the Attorney General, Wedder-
burn (afterwards Lord Loghborougli), who refused his concurrence, on the ground that the lands had been included in the
Charter of Massachusetts bay. Ibid, IL, 61 ; Appendix, 83. Mr. Knox served as Under Secretary of State for the American
department until the accession of the Earl of Shelburne, in 1782, when the office was suppressed. He continued, however,
to be consulted on measures connected with the remaining Colonies and their Trade, and drew up the Order in Council of 2d
July, 1783, utterly excluding American shipping from the West India Islands. He had such a high opinion of this remnant
of crude barbarism that he wished it to be engraved on hia tombstone, as having saved the navigation of England. lb., 63,
66, 57. Ue sulimitted a plan, the same year, for a new Province between the Kiver St. Croix on the west and the Gulf of
St Lawrence on the east, and from the centre of the Istlimus at Bay Verte on the south to the Canada line on the north.
This territory was erected into the Province of New Brunswick in 1784 for the accommodation of the Loyalists from the
Northern States, whilst the Bahamas were laid aside for these from East Florida and the Southern States. lb.; Appendix, 52,
54. After the death of Sir James Wright, Mr. Knox was joint agent with Graham for prosecuting the claims of the Georgia
Loj-alisia to compensation for losses, and had a pension of £600 a year settled on himself and a like sum for his wife, as
American sufferers. lb., L. 32, 35. In 1789 he published two valuable though very inimethodieal volumes, entitled, "Extra
OIKclal State Papers. Addressed to the Right Honorable Lord Rawdon, and the other Members of the two Houses of Parlia-
ment, associated for the preservation of the Constitution and promoting the prosperity of the British Empire. By a late
Uud<-r Secretary of Slate," and a seco-.;d edition of his Tract on the Quebec Bill. Among his other distinct publications were :
Thiee Tracts respecting the Conversion and Instruction of Negroe Slaves and Free Indians. 1768.
Considerations on the State of Ireland. 1776.
Helps to a Right understanding the Merits of the Commercial Treaty with France, addressed to the Members of both
Houses of Parliament. 1787.
Observations upon the Litiirgy, with a proposal for its Reform. 1789.
Coni-iderations on the Univei-sality and Uniformity of the Theocracy. 1796.
The Revealed Will of God, the sufficient Rule of Man : 2v. 1801.
After a life of much activity he died at Great Ealing on the 25th of August, 1810, aged 78 years. Oentleman's Magazine,
LXXX., 197 ; British Almanack, 1765 ; Extra Official State Papers, I., pt. ii. ; 1 Appendix, 8; IL, 25-31 ; White't Historical
Colled io7is of Georgia, 188; Grenville Papers, IlL, 109, 110. — Ed.
' Ralph Izard was born in South Carolina, in 1742, ; was educated at Cambridge College, England, and in 1767 married
Alice, daughter of Peter De Lancey, of Westchester. He visited England in 1771, and went on the continent of Europe in 1774.
In 1775. after returning to England, he went again to France, and was afterwards appointed by Congress Commissioner at
the Court of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. He returned to America 10th July, 1780, and was next chosen one of the delegates
from South Carolina to Congress, and so remained until 1783 ; after which he returned home. He was chosen United States
Senator ou the formation of the Federal Government, and retired from public life in 1796. He died SOth May, 1804, in the
62d year of his age, and was buried at the parish church of Goose creek. Meynoir prefixed to Izard's Correspondence.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 805
Independence of America. No further aid than what Ternay ' brought was coming. Whoever
said there was deceived them. The British Navy in real strength was superior to the Fleets
both of France & iSpain, & doubtless would continue so during the war. He did not believe
they would be able to join this year, & the French would in that case be blocked up. That
Ternay brought about 5000 land forces, and from what he had heard of the American Army,
that aid would do little.
General Parsons was so much affected by this conversation, that immediately after M"' Izard
was gone, he wrote to Genera! Green at the Gamp in Jersey, beseeching him if possible to
check AP Izard, from the dangerous tendency of his Information upon the People at large.
General Parsons' lives at Reading, & his particular charge is to forward on the Eastern
Recruits to Washington's Camp. — He is greatly discouraged, under the prevailing
disinclination of the People to the prolongation of the War. Very lately he told M" Heron
that but 800 men of the 2500 drafted in Connecticut had gone on. They either refuse
absolutely to go, or set out and leave the party, and sculk about in other places, than the
towns from which they are levied. These draftings are made at a rate excessively distressing
to the people. They are classed, some to find n man for 6 months, and others for three
months. — Thirty & forty pounds is raised by the class for him that goes. They give him
bonds for the money. The 6 months men, will be releasable on the 1 of Jan'' but the three
months men the l-i"" of next month ; and as there is scarcely any hard money in the Country,
but what goes to Long Island for English goods, there will be horrible dissentions, when the
militia return and put their bonds in suit.
He had not heard what precise numbers have gone from Massachusets and New Hampshire,
but the comp"' are as loud ag' them as ag' Connecticut. The people every where are tired of
the war, are become beggarly and distressed, & suspicious of private views in all who are for
continuing it.
Washington's Army including the Highland Garison all the 3 & 6 months militia, was
between 10 & 11 thousand, when he crossed the Hudson last month loCroton's River. They
gave out that they were fifteen thousand, but M' Heron had his information from Officers of
Rank in a confidential way. It is certainly an Army, on which there can be no dependance.
The Continentals are less than half of it, Sf half of them Europeans, & notoriously determined
to desert, under very strong disgusts as appears from the impossibility of getting any man whose
time is out to reinlist, — And as to the Militia — Part of it, they will seek the first opportunity
to get home, from a service they detest. Many are loyalists, drafted thro' Pique.
There was a general talk of raising men enough before the French arrived, who with them
were to take New York. — It died away upon the smallness of the French Force, and the
difficulty of bringing i?p the drafted militia. — Lately Washington conceived hopes from his
project for procuring Militia Volunteers. He recommended subscriptions from house to house,
to raise bounties of hard money, to be paid out to such as would take the field for the campaigne
in the reduction of New York. General Parsons imployed many instruments to give it success,
but it was abortive, not a single town would come into it, some went so far as to say, they
' Admiral Cheyalier Charles Louis de Ternat, Knight of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, had already served in the
French war, and commanded the squadron sent against St. John, Newfoundland in 1762, where he landed on the 2d June,
and reduced the place and captured several vessels. He arrived in America on the 10th July, 1780, in command of the
French fleet, which had brought out Count de Rochambeau and his army, and died at Newport, R. I., 18lh Dtcember follow-
ing, greatly regretted. He was interred next day with all the honors due to his worth and station. Beatson's Naval and
Military Memoirs, III., 416; VI., 210; Allen's American Revolution, II., 358. —Ed.
806 NEW- YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
would serve provided they were not to be subject to Military Discipline, but might come away
as suited their attention to their Families, or in other words at their own pleasures. Of such
persons there was ground for suspicion.
M"' Heron was in the High lands among the Officers very lately, and had much conversation
with them. They have had no pay for ten months past. Some of them have had their pay
reduced, and especially all the Surgeons and Hospital Attendants. The Surgeons have sent
in their resignations to Washington, who said he could not blame them. He forwarded them
to Congress, and they were waiting for the answer. — There is much discontent in the
Army. — Lately they were 5 days without meat. The whole Highland Garison is now at half
allowance. Many of the Officers especially of Massachusetts, wisii the acceptance of their
Resignations, and yet said they dreaded it, as they had not many to carry them home. He
dined with General Arnold, who commands at Col" Beverly Robinson's ' House, and parted from
him last Wednesday.
O/i the day before, certain Officers came from the Northward with accounts that the British
had cross'd the Lake, and were erecting works at Teononderage. That Sir John Johnson
was still on the Mohawk, since the burning of the barns and harvests at Cannajohare and
Schohare, and there was a call of the Militia to come up. He does not believe any Force
went up from the Highlands, but General Starke ^ was sent off, to conduct such militia as could
be raised. He believes no men could be spared from the Highlands. — They had but 400 men
at West point, with 2 Companies of Artillery, and a thin Regiment or two of 6 months men
on the Eastern side.
He can't be very positive concerning the Brigades of the Continental Army. — Connecticut
has two, Parsons's & Huntington's. — New Hampshire one Poor's, which last spring had
but 300 men as he well knew. — New York one, James Clinton's.^ — Massachusets three.
Glover's, Nixon's &he thinks Learned's.^ — Rhode Island one. Green's. — Jersey one, Dayton's,
' Colonel Beteelt Robinson was born in Virginia, of wliich Colony his father had been president He came to New-York
and married Susanna Phillips, an heiress, and resided on his estate, opposite West Point, on the banks of the Hudson river.
On the bri^aking out of the Revolutiim he adhered to the side of the Crown, whereby he lost all his splendid property ; was
appointed Colonel of the loyal American regiment, and is suspected of having been privy to Arnold's treason. He retired
to England at the peace and resided at Tliornbury, near Bath, where he died. — Ed.
' Major-General Jons Starke was born at Londonderry, N. H., 28th August, 1728, and in 1762 was a captive among the
Indians of St. Francis. He served as Captain of rangers in the French war ( Knox, I., 322 ), and at the opening of the Kevo-
luticn received a commission as Colonel and fought at Bunker Hill in June, 1776 ; went, in 1776, to Canada, and at Trenton
commanded the van of the right wing of the American aimy. He was also in the battle of Princeton, but being omitted in
the promotions, threw up his commission in March, 1777. He raised a body of troops in New Hampshire, and in August,
following, defeated Colonel Baura at Wallumschack. After this lie was reinstated in the Continen al army as Brigadier-
General. He served in Rhode Island in 1778 '9, and in 1780 in New Jersey; in 1781 had the command of the Northern
department, and was one of the members of the court-martial on Major Andre. He died, full of years and honors. May 8th,
1822, aged 93 years, and was buried on a small hill on the banks of the Merrimack river. Atlen.
' Major-General James Clinton, fourth son of Charles Clinton, was born 18th August, 1736, in Orange county. New- York.
In 1756 he received a commission of Ensign in the militia, and held the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel in 1774 of the Ulster
county militia. He was appointed, June, 1775, Colonel of the 3d New-York regiment; was made Brigadier-General 9th
August, 1776, and distinguished himself during the war by his gallant conduct at the storming of Fort Clmton, in 1777. In
1779 he accompanied Sullivan against the Indians of Western New-York, and was afterwards present at the siege of York-
town and surrender of Coinwallis. His last appearance in arms was at the evacuation of New-York, by the BritL^h, Novem-
ber, 1783. After that, he returned to his native county, where he died, 22d September, 1812. aged 76 years. General
Clinton was the father of De Witt Clinton, for many years Governor of the State of New- York. Eager's History of Orange
County, 629.
* Brigadier-General Ebenezee Labnkd commanded one of the Massachusetts regiments, and was, in 1777, commissioned to
command a brigade.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XLVII. 807
late Maxwel's, who resigned on account of the mutinous spirit of his officers. — He does not
recollect the Pensilvania Generals. — They have no troops in this quarter, of the more
Southerly Colonies.
Washington's difficulties are now coming on, many of the American Officers as well as
others in the country at large are jealous of his late promotion in the French Army, as a
provision for himself at all events, and dislike that his Risks in the controversy are become less
than theirs, And yet none of their Generals is so popular as he. It may continue a little longer.
M' Heron is confident the whole rebellion must fall soon from the internal weakness of the
Country in General, and the still greater weakness of the party that have hitherto fomented
the troubles, who lose ground every day, and divide from each other. — All subdivisions are for
peace with Great Britain on the old Foundations.
Lately before the Committee of Accounts at Hartford, M' Champion only Commissary for
the purchase of cattle, shewed that he owed three millions of Dollars. — M' Cottis the Deputy
Commissary General for all the country East of Hudson's River, shewed his Debts for general
purchases of bread &c, to be a million and a half, and the Deputy Quarter Master General for
the same District, 7 or 8 hundred thousand Dollars — While these sums are" withheld from the
People, horrible Taxes are levying. The Committee are astonished and distressed. The
Creditors are if possible to be paid out of new emissions. — but they insist upon the public
bearing the loss, by the Depreciation of the continental money since the debts ivere contracted,
that is to say, all beyond the Depreciation of 1778, when it was sunk only twenty for one. —
Here is a copious source of animosity without remedy.
Jemiah Wadsworth of Hartford is Commissary of purchases for the French. The Vendors
of cattle &c. looked to him for bullion, but the French have had the art to borrow of the
Province new paper money, & give him that to lay out. Prodigious disgusts have arisen upon
this account. What he gives away is with a depreciation of 3 for I. In short the Inhabitants
in general, from an infinite variety of causes are so changed, that people of all classes in &
out of the Army, pronounce the war at or near its end.
It is not doubted by any man that John Adams is authorized to make peace with Great
Britain, and that he will be directed from time to time by Congress, according to the condition
& prospects he is made acquainted with from hence, and his own views of events on that side
of the water. — M' Heron thinks he will receive orders to strike this winter, upon the best
terms he can get for the Continent, for it will be impossible, when the 3 months & 6 months
men leave Washington, for him to figure with an army thro' the winter, or to form another
in the Spring. By that time the whole strength of the Continent must be exhausted, and all
public credit at an end.
Undoubtedly the majority of the Continent have long been for a reunion with Great Britain.
From his intimate knowledge of Connecticut, he is firmly persuaded that not a tenth of the
Inhabitants are for contending for the Independency, if well assured by the Government, that
the Charter shall stand good. The greater part of the loyalists are for preserving the Charter,
and many became loyalists, because they conceived the Independent Party, exposed it to
Dissolution, by their intemperate measures. Others now listen to them as men of wisdom and
patriotism, and execrate the danger to which an indiscreet heat has exposed the Charter. — It
would strengthen the hands and increase the number of the King's friends, if Governm' would
issue a Proclamation, promising safety to the Charter, on the Colony^ returning with obidience. —
They have conceived good hopes from Governor Robertson's Proclamation to the people of
808 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
New York, of the King's good Intentions. But the new Proclamation had better be postponed
till some event favorable to the British turns up, or till after the 3 months men quit the Army
14"" Ocf He can't say what proportion they are of it. They were to be two fifths of the
militia levies, and probably are more, because the objection to serve for 3 months was not so
strong as for six
He hears of no Magazines for provisions in any part of the Continent. It was impossible
to form any. No man would sell upon trust, &what is got is by force, & not enough for daily
consumption. All contracts are now made in private dealings m hilUon, whether the party can
comply or not. All paper therefore is gone and congress has no other money. They are
insolvent even with that at their command ; — All departments in debt. — There is short
sowing and short husbanding among all the farmers, that they may have nosurplus to be seized —
Not more than a third of the usual harvest of Indian Corn, will come in this fall, owing to a
cold spring & the summer drought.
Zord George Qermam to Governor Rolertson.
[New-York, CLXXI., No. 6.]
(NOG)
Whitehall S"" Novem' 1780.
Sir,
I have received and laid before the King your Letter to me of the 1" of September, and I
have the pleasure to acquaint you that it gave His Majesty much satisfaction to find that the
restoration of the Civil Governor's Authority, by placing the direction of the Police of New
York in your hands and the judicious measures you have adopted, have been productive of
such good effects as rendering the people within the lines happy and content, and exciting an
earnest desire in those under the Rebel jurisdictions to partake with them in the blessings of
His Majesty's gracious protection and mild government: Nothing will more serve to promote
& diffuse these favourable sentiments than the strict attention I have no doubt you will
continue to pay to the characters and dispositions of such as you appoint Magistrates, or to
exercise any branch of Civil Authority; and as the exemplary punishment Lord Cornwallis'
has so properly inflicted on such of the Rebel Prisoners as had broke their Parole and repeated
their violation of their Oaths of Allegiance, will soon be known in the rebel army, and
throughout the Country, the deserters from it will certainly increase in numbers, and many
others will withdraw from the rebel cause when they find we are not afraid to punish, and
may justly dread the consequences of continuing to support a rebellion, which is evidently
declining to the last — Such of these as are willing to enter on board the King's ships or
' Chables, 2d Earl and 1st Marquis Coenwallis, was born 31st December, 1738, and having entered tlie army became
Lieutenant-Colonel of the 12th foot 1st May, 1761, and Colonel of the 33d regiment 21st March, 1766; Major General, Sep-
tember 19th, 1775. He came to America in 1776 as Lieufenanl-General under General Howe, and participated in the
military operations during the war of tlie American Revolution, which closed by his memorable surrender at Yorktown in
1781. After his return to England he was appointed Constable of the Tower; was Governor of Bengal from 1785 to 1792,
■when he was created a Marquis; became a General in the army 12th October, 1793, and Master-General of the Ordnance in
1795. He was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland in 1798, and returned to India, a second time, in 1804, as Governor of
Bengal, and died at Gauzepoor, 6lh October, 1805. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS : XL VII. 809
privateers should be encouraged to do so in small proportions, and it will be a most acceptable
service if you can induce those that are fit for recruits to join the regiments in the West Indies,
or to engage in the Jamaica Corps, or take part in the enterprizes carrying on against the
enemies possessions in that quarter.
I was always of opinion that the arrival of French Troops in America would produce jars
and divisions and even if nothing further should be attempted on our part against M'
Rauchambeau and de Ternay than the confining them at Rhode Island, I am persuaded the
cause of Great Britain will be much benefitted by it, tho' I am not without hopes something
more important and decisive will be effected by our superior land and sea force. I have sent
the usual rrotice of M' Smyth's appointment to the Treasury to the end that the same allowance
may be made him as was given to his Predecessor, but as the fund for paying the salaries of
the American Civil Officers has become deficient thro' the neglect of the Revenue Officers to
collect the Duties in such parts of America as are in the King's possession, I am afraid it will
be some time before the Chief Justice will receive the Emoluments of his Office, unless proper
diligence is used in collecting the duties, which I understand the Lords of the Treasury have
enjoined, and which you will countenance and support as far as your Jurisdiction extends.
Your recommendarion of ftp Ludlow to be Master of the Rolls will be duly attended to
when it is judged proper to fill up that office and in the mean time the employment you have
given him upon Long Island appears to be very necessary, and I doubt not the public will
derive much utility from his exercise of it. Every fit means should be used to reduce the
great expence of maintaining the King's faithful subjects who have been driven from their
property by the rebels, and the parcelling out among them the rebel estates is a measure
equally just and oeconomical.
I am &c*
Governor Robertson. Geo. Germain.
Governor Bohertson to Lord George Germain.
[New-Tork Enlries (B. P. 0.) CCCLIV. ]
New York 2S Jan : 1781.
My Lord,
It has been suggested to me by an authority I respect " That as the prohibitory Act works
" no incapacity in the Kings Officers, but only restrains them in the exercise of their Office the
«' instant that restraint is removed they are fully Authorized to do every thing they were
«• before empowered to perform ; that from not understanding this, the revenue Officers had
«' done a great injury to the poor American exiles by not collecting the duties from whence
" their allowance arose" —
A wish to relieve these Gentlemen and to correct every error that exists where I am
supposed to have power, led me into a minute inquiry on the subject — All I am able to learn
is collected in a letter from M' Elliot to me tho' he supposes that Policy only restrains the
exercise of Civil power but that the collection of duties is restrained by law Yet imagining a
connection between the Subjects he has treated of the first, as an introduction to the second.
Vol. VIII. 102
810 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
That I may not weaken the force of his reasoning, I will give the whole of his letter, tho' his
opinion about civil Government is different from mine. I think that a loyal American
Assembly, might at this time hold to Americans a language useful to Britain and I know that
from the places within Our protection, we could call more than half the number of
representatives that usually formed the Assembly — After making these observations I am
induced to submit the whole letter and references to your Lordships observation, because I
think beside all the matter relative to the present question it contains some information that
under your Lordship's direction may be of Importance in future — If it procures me the honor
of any directions from you, I will attend to them with the care and respect that becomes one
who has the honor to be
My Lord &'
Jamks Robertson
Governor Robertson to Secretary Knox.
[ New-York Entries ( 8. P. 0. ) CCCLIV. ]
New York 29 Jan : 1781.
Dear Sir,
By the Packet which Sailed last Thursday, I told you I would send to Lord George Germain a
full state of all that relates to duties, it goes with this, I wish I could have shortened it, I will
not add any thing to the subject as the task of perusing it will fall to your share, I will be very
attentive to any directions 1 may receive in consequence, You will see that a circumscribed
power like mine can do nothing. I told you then that the Jersey Brigade had revolted
and that I was just embarking for Staten Island to improve the revolt At this season and when
there is two feet Snow on the Ground, nothing but an opportunity of engaging the Enemy to
advantage or of wining over the Revolters to join us, could justify carrying the Troops into the
field, I therefore left the Troops in New York ready to embark and join me on a signal, If I
could find a probability of accomplishing either of these views. I sent spies and offers to the
Revolters, offered them the money due by the perfidious Congress, to receive them as friends
without desiring them to inlist, offered to receive any person they might send to treat and to
land with a body of Troops to cover and protect their March to Elizabeth Town till 1 should
receive an Answer I was doubtful of the effect of an invasion perhaps the appearance of John
Bull might have led the quarrelling dogs to a reconcilliation My intelligence did not tempt me
to make the signal I am just returned tired and hardly able to write, happily an account of
this matter to the Minister will come from Sir Henry Clinton it will not be impertinent in me
to tell you, That Congress has made the same agreement with the Jersey Brigade as with the
Pensylvania Line, — every man who can prove or swear that the time for which he engaged
to serve is expired is to have his discharge out of 900 all but 150 are under this predicament
those discharged are to have cloathing and as there is no hard money for a dollar due in^ 75 in
paper is to be paid the 150 who remain are tochuse new Officers they insist that all but three
of the old shall be turned off. The Brigade has gone back from Springfield to the Barracks at
' Sic. " 1780 " seems to be omitted. See Pennsylvania Archives, VIII., 762. — Ed.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 811
Pompton where they were quartered when the Revolt began to have the agreement executed,
as the cause of the evil remains and will be encreased with the increased emission of Paper
the disorder will soon break out again the Troops of all the other states have given in their
claims and to prevent being forced Congress has ordered the same conditions to be granted,
this has reduced Washington's Army to less than 5000 men and destroyed his hope of raising
35000 for the War according to the regulated Quotas which were to be furnished and paid by
each Province, I am sorry to tell you that three French Ships having sailed from Rhode Island,
the Bedford Culloden America & Adamant were sent by Admiral Graves to follow them, all of
them were in a dreadful Storm on Monday night last, the Culloden was driven on Long Island
her men Guns & masts will be saved the Bedfords masts were cut away, she is safe in Gardners
Bay, The America and Adamant have been seen with their Masts standing since the Storm,
we have the inhuman consolation to hope that the French have fared worse. We know from
the Rebel Papers that Arnold has destroyed the Rebel Stores and taken their Archives at
Richmond. I fancy he has done them a deal of Mischief as they burn and abuse him with
double Malice; I have given by Henry White's advice an Office in Chancery to your Deputy.
I am &c
James Roberson.
Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain.
[New-York Entries (S. P. 0.) CCCLIV.]
New York 6 May 1781.
My Lord,
On the 22* of April I had the honor of Your Lordships Circular letter of the 20 of Dec' 1780.
I have published this with the accompanying Manifesto and used every other means I
could think of, to call the people to Arm Sliips against the new Enemy the Dutch — But this
Measure is at present obstructed by a still more important object.
The French men of War & Transports with Troops on board lye ready to sail at Rhode
Island, while that under Adm' Arbuthnot having landed 1400 Sick & Scorbutic men, is here
unable to go to Sea for want of hands. On the Admiral's requisition, with the Commander
in Chiefs consent, other applications having proved ineffectual, all the Sailors here have been
pressed for the Fleet.
This at present puts a stop to Privateering but on my representation to the Admiral that by
encouraging Privateers and giving all men an easy access to them, We not only hurt the
Enemys Trade but lessen their Army, whereas by pressing we force the Sailors to fly and
man the Rebel Ships of War, he has promissed that as soon as the important blow he now
meditates is struck or as soon as a sufficient number of his Sick recover, he will discharge all
the men now impressed and will not renew a measure which nothing but the present state of
his and the Enemy's Fleet could justify. I hope soon to be able to revive the Spirit of
Privateering the obstructions to this have given the Rebels but too many opportunities lately
of carrying into their Ports many of Our Ships and great numbers of their own.
I am, &c.
James Robertson.
812 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain.
[New-York Entries (8. P.O.) CCCLIV.]
New York 7 May 17S1.
My Lord,
Sir Henry Clinton after receiving this morning Information, which I presume he communicates
to Your Lordship, signified to me that he thought it for his Majesty's Interest that I should
immediately take upon myself the Command of the Army in Virginia 1 embark to Morrow
Morning in the Amphitrite Frigate.
Well knowing the talents & disposition of Lieut' Gov' Elliot, I am perfectly satisfied he
will continue every endeavour we have jointly used to make Government agreeable to the
people, and hope on the whole that the Kings Service will not suffer by my absence from
the Province, as this is to continue no longer than till the Army in Virginia falls under the
Command of an elder Officer
I have the honor to be &c.
James Robertson.
P. S.
New York 13"" June
Before the Amphitrite could reach Chesapeak T received notice that Lord Cornwallis with
his Army had joined the Troops in Virginia, this came accompanied with an Order from Sir
Henry Clinton to return to my duty here.
N- 17.
Colonel Gtiy Johnson to Lord George Germain.
[ Plantations General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLXVII. ]
' . Niagara. 11. October 17S1.
My Lord.
I had the honor to address your Lordship by letter of the 20"" November last, and having
since frequent communications with His Excell^ General Haldimand, who would doubtless
inform your Lord? of any thing material respecting my Department, I deferred writing 'till
this season when military operations are nearly at an end in this quarter.
The transactions of the present year & the proceedings of my Indian Partys, correspond
in many respects with the last, and the Petite Guerre in these parts have never appeared to me
of sufficient importance to lay a minute detail of them before your Lord?. The six Nation
Confederacy have, however, distinguished themselves more than usual this year in several smart
actions with the Rebels in which, thro' the good conduct of the Indians, and of my Officers
they have been every time successful, and in different parts have killed and taken several noted
partizans, and laid waste a country abounding in supplies for the Rebels, which has compelled
the latter to contract their frontier, and confine themselves within little Forts. — A large
detachment is lately gone with a body of Troops ordered on service by the Commander in
Chief, and I have just set off", two large parties to co-operate with them.
LONDON DOCUMENTS: XL VII. 813
In a former letter I informed your Lord'' of my having prevailed on many of the Indians
(who for their faithful services and sufferings expected to be maintained here during the War)
to go upon planting grounds at a convenient distance from hence, and the great expence and
difficulty attending the Transport of provisions to this Post, having made it necessary to get as
many as possible to withdravF, I have been indefatigable in my endeavours for that purpose,
and can nov? assure your Lord^, that I have re established near four thousand of them, tho'
at much expence, as by the destruction of their Country in 1779, they were in want of every
thing, & their demands greatly encreased, but by settling them, I have not only reduced the
consumption of provisions but also of all other expences, which will in future be very low,
whilst supplied with goods from Europe, as the Indians were continually asking favours whilst
here, neither was it prudent to refuse a people, who independent of their sacrifices for Govern',
are the security in a great measure of all this communication and who give the example to
the rest.
Some endeavours have been lately made by the Rebels to draw them into a neutrality which
most of them disdain ; I hope, shortly put an end to such attempts as well as to reconcile the
Indians to the plan of Oeconomy now entered upon for reducing expences which however
enormous, was for a time unavoidable, the accomplishing of this will afford me much
satisfaction, for the expences which were only occasional before they were driven out of their
country, and whilst they lived at a considerable distance, encreased so much by their residence
here, as to require immediate reduction. — Some of the principal Chiefs now here, request that
I may make favourable mention of their zeal and fidelity to His Maj'J', which I constantly tell
them, is done, as every such assurance is very flattering to them, and indeed their conduct
deserves it, having seldom less than 500 on service who are generally successful without
cruelty. — As the Commander in Chief is fully acquainted with the State and services of my
Department, it is needless for me to add more than, that I am with very great respect My
Lord, Your Lord^'s most obedient & most humble servant. —
G. Johnson.'
' Colonel Gdy Johnson was born in Ireland, and, coming to America, entered the Indian department under Sir William
Johnson, as early as 1756. Supra, VIL, 175. He served in the subsequent expedition against the French and accompanied
Amherst up the lalses in 1769 in command of a company of rangers, and entered Montreal the following year with the
army, remaining there sometime as Indian Agent. After the peace he married one of Sir William Johnson's daughters ; was
appointed one of his deputies and was placed on half-pay as Lieutenant in one of the New-York companies. Armg Lints.
On the death of his father-in-law, in 1774, Guy Johnsou was appointed superintendent of Indian affairs ( New-York Documen-
tary History, II, 1006). but at the commencement of the public excitement in 1776, found it necessary to abandon his resi-
dence at Guy Park and proceed to Oswego with his family and some Indians, and thence to Montreal, where he arrived in
July. Supra, p. 669. In November, he sailed for England, where he remained until the following summer. He landed at
Staten Island in August, 1776, with a new commission as superintendent, and remained in New-York until 10th September,
1778. During his sojourn in that city he was one of the managers of the old Theatre in John-street. Stone's Life of Brant,
L, 152, note. He next sailed for Halifax, where he remained until June, 1779; thence proceeded to Canada, and in the
following campaign was present at the battles of Chemung and Newtown, in Western New-York, fought between General
Sullivan and the Five Nation Indians. Stone's Brant, II., 19. His head-quarters, after this, were at Niagara, where he had a
handsome house within the fort. Ibid., II., 54, 67. He went to England after the peace, and died at his residence, in the
Haymnrket, London, 5th March, 1788 {Gentleman's Magazine), up to which time his name continued on the half-pay list. In
person he is described as short and pussy, hair powdered, of stern countenance and haughty demeanor; his voice was harsh
and his tongue bore evidence of his Irish extraction. Stone's Brant, II., 67. His property, in the State of New-York, was
confiscated by the act of 1779. — Ed.
814 NEW-YORK COLONIAL MANUSCRIPTS.
Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain.
[ New-Tork Entries (S. P. O. ) CCCLIV. ]
New York 8 Nov : 1781.
My Lord,
While Officers of superior Rank and better informed, Account to your Lordships for the
disaster that has befallen the Kings Arms. A Governor would do injustice to the people &
disappoint their expectations if he did not inform you that they had made every effort within
their power to prevent it.
With a zeal equal to the importance of the Service every hand and every means the place
could afford was offered for fitting out the Fleet every Merchant and every man of consequence
exerted his influence and liberally contributed with his fortune to raise Volunteers to Man it.
and all the Sailors who were dead to the calls of generosity were with the assistance of the
inhabitants pressed into the Service. The Fleet was finely fitted & manned, persuaded that
if this had arrived in the Chesapeak before Lord Cornwallis was compelled to surrender, the
event would have been disastrous to the Enemy. At the same time the people wish it should
be known that no exertion of theirs was wanting to create dispatch they declare that sensible
of his Majesty's goodness in allotting so great a part of his force for the defence of America,
when he is attacked by so many powerful enemies far from being dejected they will endeavour
by an increased Ardor to repair an unfortunate Event I am &c
James Robertson.
Sir John Johnson to Secretary Knox?
[Plantations General (S. P. 0.) CCLXVII.]
Glanville Street. 23. March 1782.
Sir,
I was last night honored with your letter of the IS"" inst: informing me that the King has
been most Graciously pleased to appoint me Superintendant General and Inspector of Indian
Affairs ; this Mark of His Maj'^'' favour and confidence, does most assuredly impress me with
the warmest sentiments of duty and gratitude, and will ever excite me to exert my utmost
endeavours to render my present appointment beneficial to the public, by establishing the
strictest economy through all branches of my Department, by which means I hope to
recommend myself to His Maj'^"' further favour and attention.
Therefore, and in obedience to His Maj'''"' Commands I shall immediately prepare to return to
Quebec, to take upon me the exercise of my Office ; nothing remains to prevent my immediate
departure, but the want of a conveyance for myself. Family and baggage, in which, I must beg,
you will please to assist me by an Order or in such other manner as you may judge fit.
I shall most punctually observe all orders and instructions that I may receive from the
Commander in Chief, and I have no doubt but the allowance for my services, will be adequate
and proper.
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect — Sir,
Your most obed' & most humble serv'
John Johnson.
NOTE TO p. 704.
The Book of Common Prayer in Mohawk, and its Translators.
Colonel Daniel Claus or Claesse, as the name is sometimes written, was probably a native of the Mohawk Valley, where
he acquired, in early life, a knowledge of the Iroquois language, and was in consequence attached, as Interpreter, to the
department of General Johnson ( supra, VI., 964 ; VII., 30,) whom he accompanied as Lieutenant of Rangers, in the expedition
against Dieskau. New-York Documentary History, 8vo., IV., 281. In 1756 he was appointed Lieutenant in the 60th or Royal
American regiment and continued at Johnstown or thereabouts until 1769, when he accompanied the expedition to Niagara,
whence he went with the army to Montreal, where he was stationed as superintendent of the Canada Indians. Supra, VIL,
246, 378, 435; New-York Colonial Documents, IV., 303. On the 6th July, 1761, he was promoted to a Captaincy in the 60th,
but went on half pay in 1763, on the reduction of his regiment Army Lists. Having returned to Fort Johnson, he continued
to act as one of Sir William's Deputies and in 1766, assisted at the treaty concluded with Pontiac at Lake Ontario. Supra, 854.
In 1767 he went back to Canada ( New -York Documentary History, II., 860 ), but did not remain there ; for having married
one of the daughters of Sir William Johnson, he resided near Johnstown until the breaking out of the Revolution, when he
retired to Canada. lie visited England with Brant, in 1776, and arrived in Quebec 1st June, 1777, with a commission as
Deputy Superintendent of, and with instructions to bring, the Indiana to co5perate with the British army in the campaign
of that year. He accordingly accompanied those tribes in the expedition against Fort Schuyler, in August, 1777, under
Brigadier-General St. Leger, who commended his exertions on that occasion. On the failure of this expedition. Colonel Claua
returned to Canada and, after peace was declared, proceeded to England to obtain some remuneration for his losses, as hia
name had been included in the Outlawry Act of 1799, and his property confiscated. He died at Cardiff, Wales, in the latter
part of 1787. Oentleinan's Magazine for 1787, p. 1024. Mrs. Claus sr.rvived her husband thirteen years and died in Canada in
1801. Stone's L^fe of Brant, IL, 451. Colonel Claus' early and long connection with the Indian department as interpreter, ren-
dered him thoroughly conversant with the Iroquois tongue ; his services were therefore highly useful in superintending the pub-
lication of a correct Translation of the Book of Common Prayer into the Mohawk language, a history of which may be of interest.
In the year 1704, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts sent the Rev. Thoroughgood Moor as missionary
to the Mohawks, but his stay was too brief to be productive of any benefit. Supra, IV., 1077, note. After his departure the
Rev. Mr. Freeman, Minister of the Reformed Dutcli church at Schenectady, administered to those Indians, and translated for
them the Morning and Evening Prayers, the whole of the Gospel of St. Matthew, the three first chapters of Genesis, several
chapters of Exodus, a few of the Psalnjs, many portions of the Scriptures relating to the Birth, Passion, Resurrection and
Ascension of our Lord, and several chapters of the 1st Epistle to the Corinthians, particularly the 15th chapter, proving the
Resurrection of the Dead. But bis work was not printed. In the year 1709 some Mohawk Indians visited England with
Col. Schuyler, when application was made for some Missionaries. The Reverend William Andrews was accordingly sent out
in the year 1712, by the Society, and the Reverend Mr. Freeman having given the Propagation Society a copy of his trans-
lations, they were sent to Mr. Andrews, for hia use, with instructions to print a part in Indian and distribute them among
his flock. Accordingly the Morning and Evening Prayers, the Litany, the Church Catechism. Family Praj-ers and several
chapters of the Old and New Testament, were printed in New- York "about the year 1714." Humphrey's Historical Accottnt
of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, 302, 303 ; Preface to the London edition of the Mohawk Prayer Book, 1787 ;
Hawkins' Historical Notes, 266. The New-York Historical Society possesses a copy of this, which is the frsi edition of the
Book of Common Prayer in Mohawk ; for an examination of the interesting relic, we are indebted to the politeness of
George H. Moore, Esq., the learned Librarian of that valuable institution. The following is the title, of which we subjoin
a translation, as nearly literal as may be :
Ne I Orhoengene neoni Yogaraskhagh | Yondereanayendaghkwa, | ne | eue Niyoh Raodeweyena, | Onoghsadoycaghtige
Yondadderighwanon- | doentha, Siyagonnoghsode Enyondereanayendagh- | kwagge | Yotkade Kapitellhogongh ne
Karighwadnghkwe- | agh Agayea neoni Ase Testament, neoni Niyadegari- | wagge, ne Kanninggahage Siniyevcenoteog \
Tehoenwenadenyough Lawrance Claesse, Rowenajaradatsk | William Andrews, Ronwanha-ugh Ongmhoeiiwighne |
Rodirighhoeni Raildiyadanorough neoni Ahoenwadi- | gonuyosthagge Thoderighwawaakhogt ne Wahooni |
Agarighbowanha Niyoh Raodeweyena Niyadegogh- | whenjage. |
Eghtseraggwas Eghtjeeagh ne ongwehoonwe, neoni ne | siyodoghwhenjooktannighhoehh etho ahadyeandough.
816 NOTE — THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER
[The Morning and Evening Prayer, and God his Message, tlie Church Catechism, Universal Supplication (Litany), Some
Chapters of the Psalms, of the Old and New Testament, Together with other things, in the Mohawk Language. Trans-
lated by LaviTtnce Claesse, uoder the Dir-ection of William Andrews, missionary to the Indians from the venerable
Incorporated Society for the Propagation of God his Word througliout the World.
Give as an Inheritance to thy Son the Indian, and of the World the utmost parts for his possession]
Small 4to., without date or imprint, and divided into 3 parts : — I. Order for daily Morning and Evening Prayer through-
out the year, and Litany. IL Psalms and a collection of Scripture sentences. These two parts embrace Sigs. A to Dd, pp.
115. III. The Church Catechism, signatures A to E, pp. 21, additional. The portions of Scripture translated are Psalms
1, XV., XXXII. ; Genesis, I., IL, IIL; and Matthew ; I, II , V.
In the summer of 1762, Sir William Johnson communicated to the Rev. Dr. Barclay his design of getting out a new edition
of the Indian Prayer Book, under the inspection of that clergyman who had been, in early life, a resident Missionary to the
Mohawks. Sir William accordingly sent a translation of the Singing Psalms, Communion service, that of Baptism and some
prayers to be added to the old edition ; " and as the Square Figure rendered that somewhat inconvenient," he requested the
new one to be "a handsome small Octavo." An agreement was entered into with William Weyman of New-York to print
an edition of 400 copies, for thirty-six shillings. New- York money, a sheet, exclusive of paper. The work, however, was not
commenced until the fall of 1763, and before much progress had been made, Dr. Barclay fell sick. This circumstance and his
death in August, 1764, put a total stop to the work for two years. The Rev. Mr. Ogilvie who, like Mr. Barclay, had been a
Missionary to the Mohawks and was conversant with their language, was next entrusted with the superintendence of the
printing, which was again interrupted in 1768 by the death of Mr. Weyman, after having completed only 9 sheets, that is,
signatures A to I, or as far as the 74th page. Hugh Gaine thereupon undertook to complete the work, and though obliged to
reprint signatures A and H, the printing was finished by Christmas, 1768, and the first bound copy of the Prayer Book
forwarded to Sir William Johnson on the 2d of February, 1769. New-Yorlc Documentari/ History, IV., 321, 334, 340, 364, 384,
386, 403. The New.- York Historical Society has a copy of this second edition also, the Title of which is as follows :
The Order | for Morning and Evening Prayer, | and Administration of the | Sacraments | and some other | offices of -the
Church, I Together with | A Collection of Prayers, and some Sentences of | the Holy Scriptures, necessary for
Knowledge | Practice. | Ne | Yagawagh Niyadewighniserage Yonderaenayendagh- | kwa Orghoongene neoni Yogaraskha
yoghse- | ragwewough. Neoni Yagawagh Sakra- | menthogoon, neoni oya Addereanai | yent ne Onoghsadogeaghtige. |
Oni I Ne Watkeanissaghtongh Odd'yage Addereanaiyent, | neoni Siniyoghthare ne Kaghyadoghseradogeaghti, | ne
Wahooni Ayagoderieandaragge neoni Ayon- | dadderighhoenie. | Collected and translated into the Mohawk \ Language
under the Direction of the late Rev. | Mr. William Andrews, the late Rev. Dr. Henry \ Barclay, and the Rev. Mr. John
Oglivie: | Formerly Missionaries from the venerable Society | for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign [ Parts, to the
Mohawk Indians. \ Printed in the Year, M,DCC,LXIX.
Svo. Title If. Contents If. Sigs. A— Bb. pp. 204.
Very few copies of this edition remained among the Mohawks when they retired to Canada in 1777. Apprehensive
that the Book might be wholly lost in a little time, and desirous of a new supply, these Indians petitioned General
Haldimand, then Governor of that Province, for a new edition. This request was granted, and one thousand copies
■were ordered to be printed under the supervision of Colonel Clans, "who," the Preface states, "read and understood
"the Mohawk Language so as to undertake the Correction of the Book for the Press." But "as that gentleman's employ
" would not permit him to remain at Quebec during the whole printing of the Book, almost one-half of it was corrected
" at Montreal and sent weekly by half sheets to Quebec," until he returned to the latter city and finished " the re-
"mainder of the Book." The difficulties experienced by the Quebec printer in the composition, were quite as great as those
encountered by Weyman and Gaine with the edition of 1769. He was "an entire stranger to the Language and obliged to
" go on with the printing of it letter by letter, which made it a very tedious piece of work ;" accents were now introduced
for the first time to facilitate the pronunciation of the long words, " Paulus Sahonwidi, the Mohawk Clerk and Sclioolmaster,
being present at the correction of every proof sheet to approve of their being properly placed." By these precautions many
mistakes of the first edition, which were copied in the second, were avoided. The following is the Title of this Quebec
edition, from the volume in our possession :
The Order ] For Morning and Evening Prayer, | And Administration of the | Sacraments, | and some other | Offices of the
Church I of England, | Together with | A Collection of Prayers, and some Sentences of the Holy | Scriptures, necessary
for Knowledge and Practice. | Ne Yakawea. | Niyadewighniserage Yondereanayendakhkwa Orhoenkene, | neoni Yo-
garask-ha Oghseragwegouh ; | Ne oni Yakawea, | Orighwadogeaghti Yondatnekosseraghs, | Tekarighwageahhadont, |
Nfoni &ya Adere&nayent ne OnoghsadogC'ightige, | Oni | Ne Watkeanissa-aghtouh odd'yake Adereanaiyent neoiii tsi- |
niyoght-hare ne KaghyadoghseradogeSghti ne wahoeni | Ayakodericndarake neoni Ahondatterilihonnie. | The Third
Edition, I Formerly collected and translated into the Mohawk or Iroquois Lan- | guage, under the direction of the
Missionaries from the Venerable | Society for the Propagation of the Gospel iu foreign Parts, to the | Mohawk Indians. |
AND ITS TRANSLATORS. 817
Published | By Order of H!s Excellency Frederick Ilaldimand, | Captain-general and Commander in Cliief of all liis
Majesty's | Forces in the Province of Quebec, and its Dependencies, and | Governor of the same, &c. A-c. &c. \ Revised
with Corrections and Additions by | Daniel Claus, Esq ; P. T. Agent | For the six Nation Indians in the Province of
Quebec. | Printed in the Year, M,DCC,LXXX.
8vo. Title If. Advertizement and Contents 3 pp. Text pp. 208.
This edition became soon exhausted ; thereupon the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts resolved
to have a new impression printed, especially as Colonel Clans, who was in England at the time, consented to superintend the
impression, critically revise the whole and correct the sheets as they came from the press. His accurate knowledge of the
Mohawk language, ( continues the Preface ) qualified him for the undertaking; aud it is no more than justice to say, that
this is only one out of many instances of this gentleman's unremitting attention to the welfare of the Indians. The fourth
edition of the Mohawk Book of Common Prayer appeared accordingly. The previous ones had been printed in the Mohawk
language only ; in this the English is also printed on tlie opposite page. Besides this addition, the Gospel of St. Mark is
inserted, with a translation of it into Mohawk by Captain Joseph Brant, being the first of the Gospels that was printed entire
in that language. This volume has two Title pages, of which the following is a reprint :
The Book of | Common Prayer, | And Administration of the | Ne Yakawea | Yondereanayendaghkwa | Oghseragwegouli, |
Sacraments, | and other | Rites and Ceremonies | of the | neonl yakawea | ne Orighwadogeaghty | Yondatnekosse-
Church, I according to the use of the | Church of England: | raghs | neoni | Tekarighwagehhadont, | oyaoni | Aderean-
together with | A Collection of Occasional Prayers, and | ayent, ] ne teas nikariwake | Raditsihuhstatsygowa |
divers Sentences of | Holy Scripture, | Necessary for Ronaderighwissoh | Goraghgowa A-Onea Rodanhaouh. |
Knoicledge and Practice. | Formerly collected, and translated Oni, | Watkanissa-aghtoh | Oddyake Adereanayent, | neoni
into the Mohawk Language | under the direction of the Tsiniyoght-hare ne | Kaghyadoghseradogeaghty, | Newahd-
Missionaries of the Society for the | Propagation of the eny Akoyendarake neoni Ahhondatterihhonny. \ A-onea
Gospel in Foreign Parts, to the Mohawk | Indians. | A New wadiroroghkwe, neoni Tekaweanadcnnyoh Kanyen- |
Edition : I to which is added I The Gospel according to St. keh^ga Tsikaweanondaghko, ne neane Raditsihuhstatsy
Mark, | Translated into the Mohawk Language, | By Captn. ne | Radirighwawakoughkgowa ronadanha-ouh, Kanyenke
Joseph Brant, | An Indian of the Mohawk Nation. \ waon- | dye tsi-radinakeronnyo Ongwe-oewe. | Keagaye ase
London : | Printed by 0. Buokton, Great Pultney Street, | Yondereanayendaghkwa. | oni tahogsondeioh | St. Mark
Golden Square. 1787. Eaorighwadogeaghty, ] Tekaweanadcnnyoh Kanyenkeh4ga
Rakowanea | T'hayendanegea, | Jioewayats. \ London : |
Karistodarho C. Buckton, Great Pultney Street, | Golden
Square. 1787.
8vo. Title, 2fF. ; Preface, pp. iii.; Text, pp. 605 ; with Observations concerning the reading and pronunciation of the Mohawk
Language, If. ; and the following plates, engraved by James Peachey : Frontispiece; David; St. Marcus ; lohns Preaching
& Baptism of Christ ; Peters Mother in Law Healed ; The Healing of ye Palsie and Calling of Matthew ; The Parable of the
Sowers; Healeth ye Sick Woman & Raiseth lairus's Daughter; Christ Walketh on the Sea; The Tiansfiguratiou of Christ;
Healeth ye Dryed Hand and Casteth out a Devil ; the Seven Last Words ; The Resurrection ; The Ascention of Christ ; The
Salutation; The Shepherds at ye Birth of Christ; the Offering of the Three Kings; The Circumcision; The Last Supper.
The following is the Lord's Prayer as printed in these editions. We subjoin a literal translation, as near as may be, of it,
for the benefit of the curious reader.
Songwanihane Karonghyage tighsideron; wasaghseanadogeaghtine. Sayanertsera iewe, tagserre Eghniawan, tsiniyought
Our father in Heaven Kho abidest be thy Name hallowed Thy Kingdom come thy Will be done as
Karonghyagough, oni oghwentsiage. Niyadewighniserage takwanadaranondaghsik nonwa: Neoni tondakwarighwiyough-
in Heaven so earth on Every day give us bread enough and do thou our deeds evil
ston, tsiniynght oni Jakwadaderighwiyoughsteani. Neoni toghsa daggwaghsarineght Dewaddatdennageraghtongge, nesane
forget as we the evil acta of others forgive And do thou lead us not into temptation but
sadsiadakwaghs ne Kondighseroheanse; ikea Sayanertsera ne naagh, neoni ne Kaeshatste, neoni ne Onweseaghtak ne
lead us away from Evil for thine the kingdom is and the Tower and the Glory for
tsiniyeheinwe ueoni tsiniyeheanwe. Amen.
ever and ever —Ed.
Vol. VIII. 103
FOR GENERAL INDEX TO THIS WORK, SEE LAST VOLUME.
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