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i 9 

Volumes in., IV"., V., VI., VII. and IX. of this work were published under the direction of the Governor, 
Secretart of State and Comptroller of the State of New- York ; and the publication has been completed 
under the authority of the Regents of the University, in virtue of the Act of the Legislature to that effect, 
passed April 12, 1856. 

The Documents in Dutch and French were translated by E. B. O'Callaohan, M. D., LL. D., who was 
employed for that purpose, and to superintend the publication generally. 







January 3 

January 6 

January 16 

Januory 21 

January 23. 

January 26. 

January 27. 

February 20. 

February 25. 

February 26. 

March 6. 

March 7. 

March 7. 


March 26. 

November 15. 

November 10. 


October 19. 


May 10. 


July 15. 


February 1. 




Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — bills of credit, Ac 1 

Letter of the Earl of Shelburne to Sir William Johnson— Indian boundary, 2 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — Uassacliusetts boundary — Can.ida line, &<: 2 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Shelburne — difficulties and embarrassments he is 

subjected to 4 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in North America, on his appointment as Colonial 

Secretary 7 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — New-York acts, 7 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — militia regulations 8 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in North America, inclosing the address of the 

House of Commons 10 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — general affairs of the Province 10 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade — acts of the Assembly, <Scc 14 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne — difficulty arising out of claim of the Commander 

of the Forces to precedence on all occasions, <tc., 16 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to the Earl of Hillsborough, ]9 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, upon the general state of Indian affairs, and the 

establishment of posts, &e., with a map 19 

Extract from a treaty made at Mobile, in West Florida, with the Chickasaws and Choctaws, settling a 

boundary line between them and the English 31 

Extract from a treaty made at Picolata in East Florida with the Lower Creek nations regulating the 

boundary between them and the English 32 

Extract from a treaty made at Augusta, Georgia, with certain Indian tribes regulating the boundary line 

between them and the English ... 82 

Extract from the cession of lands by the Cherokees to South Carolina 33 

Extract of a letter from Alexander Cameron, Commissary for Indian Affairs, to John Stuart, 

Superintendent, relative to the line between the Cherokees and North Carolina 33 

Extract of a letter from Governor Tryon to the Lords of Trade on the Indian boundary line, 84 

Extract of a letter from John Stuart, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the southern district, to 
the Headman of the Cherokees, informing him of the settlement of the boundary line between 

Indians and English, all around the two Floridas and Georgia, 34 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — Canada boundary line — Lieutenant-Governor 

Colden's pamphlet — New-York iron works, 36 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson— Indian boundary 35 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Shelburne— Indian offairs 36 












July 20. 

August 13. 

August 12. 

August 1 2. 

August 1 3 

August 17 

August 17. 

August If). 
September 2, 
October 1 2. 

Proceedings of a General Congress of the Six Nations, Ac, and of the nations of Canada, and the 

Deputies of the Cheroliees, before Sir William Johnson 38 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Lords of Trade — Indian affairs, <fec., 53 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — Assembly of New-York — militia, act, Ac, .... 65 
Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the American Governors — plan for the management of Indian 

affairs, 65 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson— management of Indian affairs, <fec. 57 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors, inclosing copy of the Massachusetts letter to the 

different Provinces, and instructing him to prevail on the Assembly of Kew-York to lake no notice 

of it, (fee, 58 

Letter of Governor Moore to tlie Lords of Trade — Council vacancies 59 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough — factions in New-York, Ac, 60 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, upon New-York acts respecting quartering the 

regular troops, 63 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — state of the Province 65 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — manufactures, (fee., 65 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Lientenant-Governor Coldeu's case, 66 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — seditious and inflammatory associations in New- 
York, (ic 68 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Indian affairs, 69 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough— paper currency in New- York, 72 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — difficulty between the Governor and the 

Commander of the Troops on the score of precedence — his Majesty has no intsntion to introduce a 

military government into the Provinces, (fee 73 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson, approving his conduct, &C 74 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough — factions in New- York — hardship of 

his case, (fee 74 

Letter of Guy Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — Sir William Johnson's ill health — Indian transactions, 76 
Letter from the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America, on the subject of alterations in their 

instructions, (fee, 77 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Lords of Trade — mode of proceedings on business 78 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Indian affairs, (fee 78 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — subdivision of Albany county 79 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Massachusetts letter, (Sic. 80 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore— new county — Lieutenant-Governor Colden's 

case — inflammatory publications in the Province— Indian affairs, (fee, SI 

Letter from the Earl of Hillsborougli to the Governors — intelligence from the Colonies received often- 
times by private persons in London, long before it is by Government 82 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — reforms in the Indian department, itc, . . 82 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Mocre 87 

Order in Council conflrming the boundary line between New- York and the Province of Quebec 88 

Order in Council approving the report upon a representation of the Lords of Trade of 7th May last, 

upon the New-York act of 6th June, 1767, (fee 89 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — grant of mines, (fee 91 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Kayaderosseras patent— Indian affairs — Fort 

Stanwi-Y, (fee. 92 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — western Indians — intrigues of the French — 

boundary line, (fee 93 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — disorders to be apprehended from the Home 

Government directing the Collector at New- York not to receive anything for the duties but silver, . 90 
Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough— dispute between General Gage and himself 

respecting the piccedciicy of the military over the civil power, (fee, 97 

Letter of the Earl of Ilills'iorough to the Governors — letters from the Secretaries of State to them not 

to be communicated, (fee 100 

Letter from the Earl of HiUiborough to Governor Moore— Indian affairs — representation of the new 

county a privilege to be derived from the Royal grace and favor, (fee. 100 



October 12. 

October 19. 

October 23. 

November 1. 
November 16. 

November 1 5. 
November 18. 
November 6. 







December 23. 















































Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — Indian expenses — boundary line — posts, etc., 101 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — boundary between New-York and Canada, ... 103 
Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough— meeting with the Indians at Fort Stnn- 

wix — proceedings, <fee 104 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Canadian boundary, <fec., 107 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — Parliamentary address — Agent of New-York 

at London, <fee., 1 08 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — French intrigues with the Indians, 109 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough 110 

Proceedings at a treaty held by Sir William .Johnson with the Six Nations, and other Indian tribes at 

Fort Stanwix, in the months of October and November, to settle a boundary line, Ill 

Deed executed at Fort Stanwix, this day, by the Indians, determining the bound,iry line between them 

and the English 135 

Map of the frontier of the Northern Colonies, with the boundary line established between them and 

the Indians, at the treaty held at Fort Stanwix, November, 1768, 137 

Report of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council, on New-York acts, 138 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — Canada boundary, &e., 138 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — military posts on the northern frontier — 

communications, <tc., 139 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — copper mines on Lake Superior — effect of 

grants, &e., 140 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — dissolution of the Assembly — factious conduct — 

" Sons of Liberty," &e 143 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — the King is sorry he has not adhered to 

his instructions as to the Indian boundary, which now gives too much territory to the English, ifec., 144 
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough — Governor Moore's conduct — fac- 
tions in New-York, &c., 146 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — proceedings of the last Assembly, ite 147 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Mr. James Delancey's refusal to serve as a 

member of Council — Mr. Livingston recommended 14 8 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough— grants of land within new boundary, <te., 149 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — Indian expenses — boundary line — plan of 

the Lords of Trade, &c. 150 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — French intrigues, &e., 163 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — conduct of the Assembly — town at Crown 

Point, as proposed, &e 154 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to Governor Moore — Jay's claim to lands m New- York, <fee., 155 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — conduct of the Assembly — the King disapproves 

their petition as inconsistent with the Constitution, Ac 1 55 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Assembly of New-York — Agent in England, <fec., 157 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — conduct of the Assembly, 157 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, upon Sir William Johnson's treaty with the Indians, 

at Fort Stanwix, 158 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council 164 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America — the present Administration have no 

intention of taxing America, but on the contrary they propose to lake off certain duties, etc., 164 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — grants of Indian 1-nds, ifec, 165 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — the King's instructions upon the late bound- 
ary treaty, &c., 165 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — bills passed at the late session, 106 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — bills rejected at the late session, 169 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — resolutions of the Assembly — publication of 

letters from England — their incendiary tendency, &a., 170 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore — Agent in England, <fee., 171 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — surrender of the additional Indian ces- 
sion — reasons for his conduct — French at Detroit, &c 172 








August 26 

September 11, 
September IS, 

October 4 

November 4 

December 4 

December 4 

December 9 

December 16 

December 21 

December 2E 


January 4 

January 6 

January 6 

January li 
























Draft of additional instructions to the Governors in America respecting lotteries, 174 

Additional instructions to Governor Moore, respecting lands near Lake Champlain 175 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough — resolves of the Virginia Assembly — Boston — 

scarcity of money, <fec., 1''5 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore— the King's regret at the course of the New- 
York Assembly— Governor Moore's conduct not approved, Ac 176 

Letter of Governor Moore to the E.irl of Hillsborough— King's speech— its effect, &e 177 

Letter of Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough— lauds on the Connecticut, <fec 178 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough— further explanation of his conduct at the 

Fort St anwix Congress, 179 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough— account of his transactions among the Six 

Nations, in June— French intrigues— Detroit. &c 183 

Letter of Philip Livingston, Jr., to the Earl of Hillsborough— death of Governor Moore this day, &c.,. 187 
Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— has assumed the administration of 

government in consequence of Governor Moore's death, <fec 188 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— paper currency bill, &c 189 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden- bills of credit, Ac 190 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— temper of the people, <fee 191 

Letter of Judge Robert R. Livingston to the Earl of Hillsborough— vote of the Assembly declaring 

judges incapable of serving in their house, &e., 192 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden- bills of credit— Lord Dunmore 

appointed Governor of New-York, <te., 193 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— disposition of the members of 

Assembly, tfec, 193 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King, on the non-importation resolutions of the Assembly 

of New-York of the 10th of April last, 194 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of the Privy Council, upon the New- York 

paper currency bill, <fec., 195 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— New Hampshire grants 196 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Lords of Trade— bills of credit, &c 198 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough — " Sons of Liberty" — temper of the 

people— bills of credit, (fee 199 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden — the King is displeased at his con- 
duct in reference to his speech to the Assembly, and to the act for bills of credit, ifec 201 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King— New-York law for bills of credit 202 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — southern and western Indians — Congress — 

proceedings, <fec 1 203 

. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden — displensnre of the King at his 

assenting to the bill-ofcredit law — the same disallowed by order in Council, <fec 205 

. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— laws passed at the late session — 

judges' bill — Indian trade — elate of parties aud factions in New-York, <tc., 206 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King — New- York act incapacitating judges from sitting in 

the Assembly, 209 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden- King displeased at his assenting to 

the judges' exclusion bill— doubts of the good of a Congress to regulate Indian trade, &c 210 

. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — concern of the King at the position of 

Indian affairs — Congress— policy of the Atnei ican Colonies, <tc., 211 

, Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough — explanation of his conduct, A-c.,. . . 212 
. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough — state of parties in New-York, <te , 214 
. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — observations on his conduct — ^judges' 

exclusion bill disallowed— act of Parliament for bills of credit, Ac 215 

. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough— judges' exclusion bill — Indian 

trade — factions — disorders in the Colonies — nonimportation, Ac 216 

I. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough— non-importntion, 218 

. Letter of Mr. Alexander Colden (Postmaster at New-York) to Mr. Anthony Todd— factions in New- 
York 218 


1110. Page. 

July 1. Letter of General Gage to Postmaster Golden, authorizing him to detain the packet, 220 

July 12. Letter of Sir Willinm Johnson to the Earl of Ilillpborough — proposed Congress of the Indiaua — want 

of Indian goods — discontents of the Indians, &c., 222 

July 16. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Earl of Dunmore, inclosing instructions, <to., for government 

of New-York 223 

August 14. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — Congress with the Indians, 224 

July 23. Proceedings at a treaty with the Six Nations and other Indians, held at the upper settlements, near 

the German Flats, in July, 1770, by Sir William Johnson, Baronet, 227 

August 18. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough — act of Parliament for bills of 

credit — inauguration of the equestrian gilt statue of the King, in a square near the Fort — great 

joy on the occasion — procession, i&c, 245 

September 28. Secret circular letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors, &a , in North America — warlike 

preparations against Spain — security of the Colonies, 246 

October 3. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — anxiety of Government about Indian 

affairs, <te 246 

October 5. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough — state of affairs in New- York 248 

October 24. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough — has arrived at New-York, and is pleased 

with his reception, &c. , 249 

November 10. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Uillsborough — Lord Dunmore's demand of a 

moiety of the perquisites, <tc., of the government of New-York, &c 249 

November 12. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough— situation of affairs — Colony on the Ohio — 

folly of the scheme, etc., 252 

November 15. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — the late Congress with the Indians — its 

advantages and results, <fcc 253 

November 15. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors — Indian trade, 254 

December 3. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Attorney and Solicitor-General — can an embargo be laid on 

ships in the ports of the Colonies, and if so, how S 255 

December 4. Report of the Attorney and Solicitor-Generals in reply to the Earl of Hillsborough's letter, 255 

December 5. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Lieutenant-Governor Colden's refusal to 

pay over the moiety of the perquisites, &e 256 

December 5. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough — Earl of Dunmore's bill in Chan- 
cery, against him, for half of the perquisites, <tc , 257 

December 6. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough — defenceless state of New- York — disorders 

in the Province, <to., 259 

December 21. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America — recruits for the forces, etc., 2C0 

December 11. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Earl of Dunmore — the King has appointed him Governor of 

Virginia, &c 260 

January 18. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough — regulation of the Indian trade — should be 

made by Parliament, &c., 261 

February 18. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — threatened alliance of the northern and 

southern Indians — consequences to be apprehended, <fee 262 

March 9. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough — judges' seals in the Assembly — Indian 

affairs — New Hampshire grants — disorders in that quarter, itc, 264 

April 2. Letter of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough — Colonel Bradstreet's grant out of the 

Hardenberg patent — there are not ten families settled on the patent at this time, <tc., 267 

May 4. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governor of New-York — Assembly of New-York— German 

Protestant volunteers — disorders in the northeast, &c. 269 

May 4. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — non-interference in the disputes of the 

Indians the best policy, <tc 270 

May 21. Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council — Trinity Church quit-rents 

for lands, Ac, 271 

June 6. Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Tryon — New Hampshire grants — Colonel Bradstreet's 

grant, &c 27 1 

Vol. VIII. B 



































































November 12. 























Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council— New Hampshire grants of 

land, &c 272 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to the Governor of New-York — laws of New-York 277 

Letler of the Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsl.orough— Governor Tryon's arrival, itc., 278 

Letter of Governor Tryou to the Earl of Hillsborough — has assumed the government of New-York, <tc., 278 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough — addresses and answers, i79 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough— Indian affairs 280 

Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Six Notions, at Johnson Hall 282 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough — Surrogate's appointment, 282 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Tryon — grants of lands in New-York, <fec., 284 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — Indian affairs 286 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to Colonel Bradstreet — his grant on the Delaware, 287 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough— Congress to settle a plan for the Indian trade,. 288 
Draft of instruction to the Governors in America — laws in the Colonies for the attachment 

of property, <tc., 288 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough — explanation of his conduct, <!tc 289 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough — Indian affairs west and south 290 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough — granting of lands 293 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Tryon — Colonel Bradstreet'e claim — proceedingfi of the 

Assembly — Colonel WoodhuU, cfcc. ■ 294 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council — (college at New-York — quit- 
rents, <tc 296 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hilsborough — New Hampshire grants' riots 298 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough — Judge Livingston's case, &e. 299 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough— case of Ramsay, <fcc., 800 

Letter of the Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson — Indian troubles — remarks, &c 302 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the American Governois, on his being appointed Colonial Secretary, 303 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough— Indian Congress 303 

Proceedings of Sir William Johnson wiih the Canajoharic Indians, at Johnson Hall, 304 

Letter of Governor Tryon the Earl of Hillsborough— Canada claimacts 310 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — settlements on Indian Lands 311 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — Ramsay's case, <tc 311 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Hillsborough — troubles at Bennington, &c., 312 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — congratulations 31s 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth— Ramsay's case— Indian troubles, &c., 314 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — lands on the Mohawk— French claims— their jus- 
tice, (fee 317 

Letter of Judge Livingston to the Earl of Dartmouth— his exclusion from a seat in the Assembly, being 

a judg», <tc 318 

Minute of i\1r. Edmund Burke's appearance before the Lords of Trade, about the Canada grants, &e.,.. . 320 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Privy Council — Howard's grant, 321 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Committee of Privy Council — Mr. Clarke's case in reference to the regis- 
try of the Prerogative Court 322 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — hardship of his case, 327 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council — case of the troubles on the 

eastern boundary of New-York, i-c 330 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— New Jersey boundary — Canada, &c. 337 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— New Hampshire grants' troubles, 338 

Letler of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon, censuring severely his conduct respecting granting 

lands, Ac 339 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth— temper of the Indians, <fec., 340 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— raililia in New-York 341 

Letter of (Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dai traouth — granting land^, <tc 342 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— Hardenberg patent— Colonel Bradstreet's grant — 

Connecticut, Ac, 847 




































































August 31. 
September 1. 

September 1. 

September 22. 
October 1. 

October 14. 
October 14. 

October 28. 
November 3. 


Letter of tbe Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Golden— no salaries for Lieutenant-Governors, 347 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — regulation of the Indian trade, <feo 348 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — New Jersey boundary line 349 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — explanations of his conduct 350 

Letter of Chief Justice Horsraanden to the Earl of Dartmouth— Commissioners nt Rhode Island 350 

Letter of the Lords of Trade (o Governor Tryon — observations on New-York bills for laws, 354 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — militia — Indian purchases — Champlain grants 

Connecticut, &c., 3 g 

Order in Council prohibiting all grants of land until otherwise instructed, ,357 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — Connecticut and New Jersey boundaries, etc 358 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — settlement of the New Hampshire grants 359 

Letter of the Earl of Dartinouth to Sir William Johnson — confederacy of the savages, 360 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth— Indian transactions 361 

Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Six Nations, at Johnson Hall 362 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — government on the Ohio, Ac, 368 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — New-York acts 369 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — grants of lands 37O 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— destruction of fort at Crown Point, 871 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— Commissioners at Hartford 371 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — militia of New- York 372 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — land titles — boundaries, <tc., 372 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — Indian purchases — mode of obtaining grants — 

observations, g73 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth 377 

An abstract of the state of the militia in the Province of New-York, 1773 377 

Letter of Edmund Burke, Agent of New-York, to Secretary Pownall — hearing on the Canadian grants, 378 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council— General Bradstreet's claim, . 378 
Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— difficulties in New- York respecting grants of 

land — review, at length, of the whole subject, 380 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— approval of his conduct 387 

Letter of the Earl of Dart Jioulh to the Governors in North America 388 

Heads of inquiry relative to the present state of the American Colonies 388 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— Governors appointing chaplains, 389 

Letter of Chief Justice Horsmanden to the Earl of Dartmouth — affair of the Gaspee, .' 390 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — grants of lands in New-York— the King desires 

him to come to England to give explanations on the subject, 391 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — approval of his conduct in respect to the Six 

Nations, &c 392 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— grants of lands 392 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Major-General Haldimand — New Hampshire rioters— asks for a military 

force 394 

Letter of Major-General Haldimand to Governor Tryon — opposed to the employment of regular troops 

to suppress the riots, &o , 395 

Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — English on the Ohio, <fcc 395 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — necessity for the appointment of a Master of the 

Rolls 397 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — Indian land purchases— regulations for the quit- 
rents 397 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— New- York acts disallowed 398 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — the King disapproves calling out the regular 

troops, unless in cases of unavoidable necessity 399 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Governor Penn, informing him how he intents making up the Report 

on the State of the Province of New-York 399 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — mandates for lands 400 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— ferment in New-York respecting the importation 

of tea 400 



1773. I'aqe. 

NoTember 23. Letter of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council, 401 

November 25. Additional instructions to the Governors in America, respecting grants of lands 401 

December 1. Letter of Secretary Pownall to the Governors in North America 402 

NoTember24. Additional instruclions to the Governors, Ac, against passing acts of naturalization 402 

December 1. Letter of Governor Trjon to the Earl of Dartmouth— landing of tea, &c., 402 

December 1. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— seeds of civil war growing 403 

December 1. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — critical situation of Indian affairs — intrigues, <tc., 404 
December 16. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl. of Dartmouth — conference with the Six Nations — Indians 

taken to England 405 

December 31. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — conflagration at Fort George 407 


January 3. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — tea troubles 407 

January 8. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — troubles in New-York respecting tea — instruc- 
tions to General Ualdirnand 408 

February 5. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — it is the King's firm resolution to take effectual 

measures to secure the dependence of the Colonies, <ic., ... 409 

February 5. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America, 4c. — grants of land 409 

February 3. Additional instructions respecting the future granting of lands 410 

March 2. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — no final resolution yet taken respecting the 

troubles in America, &c., 413 

March 21 . Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council — register of wills in New-York, 413 

April 6. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— his coming to England, 415 

April 6. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — Kloch's affair, &c 416 

April 7. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth— is about to embark for England 417 

April 13. Order in Council reinstating George Clarke, Esq., in his office of Register of New-York, 417 

April 17. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth, recommending his son-in-law, Colonel Guy 

Johnson, to succeed him in case of his death, 419 

May 2. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth— Indian affairs— French intrigues, <fec. 421 

April 22. Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Six Nations, <fec., at Johnson Hall 424 

May 4. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — return of Captain Lockyer with his 

tea ship to England, Ac, 431 

May 12. Letter of Secretary Pownall to Secretary Robinson, respecting arrears of salary of the late Governor 

Clinton, of New-York 432 

June 1. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — Boston port act — measures, <fec., 433 

June 11. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth, 434 

June 11. Report of Governor Tryon on certain heads of inquiry relative to the state of New- York, with appen- 
dices, i 434 


October 22. Letter from Sir William Johnson to Governor Tryon, about his department 458 


June 20. Letter of Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — Ohio Indians 459 

March 8. Extract from the Journal of Mr. McKee, Sir William Johnson's Resident Agent on the Ohio, 461 

March 8. Private intelligence from a Shawanese Indian, received by Mr. McKee 467 

July 6. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — licentious spirit in New-York— forts 

at Crown Point and Ticonderoga 468 

July 6. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Sir William Johnson — Indian prisoners — settlements on the Ohio, 468 
July 6. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — appointment of Deputies to a General 

Congress — state of the Province 469 

July 12. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — death of Sir William Johnson, on the 11th 

July — effect it produced upon the Indians, &c., ; ; 47 1 

July 26. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — Indian affairs 472 

July 16. Proceedings of Sir William Johnson with the Six Nations, at Johnson Hall, in June and July, 1774 474 

July' 31. Letter of the Lords of Trade to Governor Tryon — New-York act to pay land expenses, 484 

August 2. Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — death of Sir William Johnson — tem- 
per of the people — Parliamentary taxation, (Sic 486 

' Th« date at the foot of this letter In the inanu»cript Is January 81 , 1774. — Ed. 



August 22. 
September 7. 

September 7. 
September 8. 

September 10. 

October 4. 

October 6. 
October 6 
September 18. 
September 29. 
October 19. 

November 2. 

November 2. 

December 7. 

December 10. 
December 10. 

December 14. 
December 8. 

January 4. 























Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to Governor Tryon — King's College in New-York 486 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden— proposed Congress at rhiladel- 

phia— its results — contraband trade between New-York and Holland, cfco 487 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth — temper of the people — Congress, <tc., 488 
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson — he is appointed Sir William Johnson's 

successor for the present 489 

Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — temper of the Indians — frontier troubles — 

Congress 489 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Coldcn to the Earl of Dartmouth — New Hampshire grants' troubles — 

military interference, 491 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth — sentiments of the people, &e., 492 

Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — Congress at Onondaga, 494 

Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the Six Nations, held at Johnstown, in September, 1774,. . . 496 

E.\tracts of intelligence received from Niagara— French axe-belt to the Indians, 507 

Letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Caldwell, commandant at Niagara, to Colonel Guy Johnson, 607 

Letter of Ear) of Dartmouth to the American Governors — order in Council prohibiting exportation of 

gunpowder or ammunition, itc 609 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Golden — General Congress— importation of 

gunpowder from Holland, 609 

Letter of Lieutenant Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth — Congress at Phlladel|>hia — sentiments 

of the people — contraband trade with Holland — ship "Polly," 510 

Letter of Lieutenant Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — effects of the Congress — Mr. Gallo- 

waj''s plan for the government of the Colonies, etc 612 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — Bennington disturbances, &c., 614 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America — King's resolution to maintain the 

authority of Parliament over the Colonies, <fec., 616 

Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — Indian affairs 515 

Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the Six Nations, at Guy Park, December, 1774, 518 

Proceedings at a Congres held by the Six Nations, with their dependents, at Onondaga, 624 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in North America — the King desires them to use 

their utmost endeavors to prevent the appointment of Deputies to a new Congress, <tc 527 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — importation of arms, <fec. — temper 

of the people — proposed Provincial Congress, 523 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — proceedings of the late Congress, Ac , 529 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — opening of the session — addresses, 630 

Letter of the Earl of Lartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden — Mr. Elliot's conduct commended, &c., 530 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson — conduct of the Virginians, Ac, 631 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — conspicuous loyalty of the Assembly 

of New-York, &c., 531 

Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — conduct of the Virginians 633 

Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the deputies of the Six Nations, 534 

Letter from the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governor of New-York, <Sic. — resolution of Parliament 

relative to the Colonies — restraini ng bill, ifec 542 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — temper of the people — non- 
importation — conduct of Assembly, <fec. 643 

Letter of the Lords of Trade to the Governor of New-York— observations on late laws of the 

Province, <tc., 644 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America — resolutions of the House of Commons — 

the King's determination to maintain the supremacy of Parliament, etc., 545 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Lieutenant-Governor Colden— the King pleased with the addresses, 

•fee, of the New-York Assembly 647 

Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — Indian affairs, 648 

Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the Chiefs of the Oneidas, <feo. 549 

Proceedings of Colonel Guy Johnson with the Cayuga?, and several of the Six Nations, at Guy Park,. . 656 

Warrant to Lieutenant-Colonel McLean to raise a regiment in the Colonies, 662 









































Form of ufsociatiou for the persons enlisting in Lieutenant-Colonel McLean's regiment, 564 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth— observations on acts of the lute 

Assembly, Ac, SS-l 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor CoWen to the Earl of Dartmouth— conduct of the Assembly— Bennington 

rioters— troubles in Cumberland county, cfec, 566 

Letter of Secretary Pownall to Mr. James Rivington— appointed Kings's printer, Ac, 668 

Letter of Secretary Pownall to Dr. Miles Cooper and Dr. T. B. Chandler— allowances of £200 a year, . 669 
Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America— it is the King's pleasure that the orders 
of the Commander-in-Chief, <fec., shall be supreme in all cases relative to the operations of the 

troops, A'c, 669 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— grants to Totten and others — affairs of the 

Province of New-York • 569 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson — Indian jealousies, <tc., 570 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Dartmouth — present state of the Province — closing 

of the custom-house — ports to Boston stopped — " affair of 19th April," etc., 571 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon— land grants — boundaries — religious communities 

in New-York — charters to churches, <tc., 672 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — the King's reception of the petition of New- 
York — the Assembly's good sense and moderation commended, 674 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council— grants of land in New-York 

to sundry army officers, 575 

Representations of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council — French seigniories on Lake 

Champlain— Crown Point, 577 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the E:irl of Dartmouth — Congresses and Committees in the 

Province— measures proposed — outrages on the troops, <tc., 679 

Address of the Committee of New- York to Lieutenant-Governor Colden, 583 

Answer of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Committee of New-York, 586 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — proceedings at New-York — conduct of the Coun- 
cil — forces to be increased in America, and the rebellion to be put down — fleet ordered to Kew- 

York, <to .' 687 

Letter of Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Dartmouth — execution of Colonel McLean's plan 
difficult— suspicions against the Scotch — Congress has appointed George Washington Commander-in- 
Chief, <tc 588 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — arrival in New- York on 25th June — revolt in the 
Colonies — "oceans of blood may be spilt, but in my opinion America will never receive parliamen- 
tary taxation," 589 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Governor Tryon — plan of operations — instructions uo General 

Gage and Admiral Graves— cooperation of Governor Tryon, 691 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guy Johnson — the Indians to be kept in attachment to the 

King, so that their assistance m.iy be relied upon in case of necessity, 592 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — asks leave to return to England, <tc 692 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — intimidation of the Corporation of New- York, ic, 593 

Address of the Mayor, ifcc, of New-York to Governor Tryon, 593 

Resolution of the Provincial Congress 594 

Explanatory note of the Mayor to Governor Tryon 595 

Answer of Governor Tryon to the address of the Corporation of New-York 695 

Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to Colonel Guj' Johnson — it is the King's pleasure that he is to lose no 

time in taking measures to induce the Indians to take up the hatchet against the rebels, ifec 596 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — affairs in New- York — the Asia's boat — prisoners- 
further conciliatory measures necessary, Ac 697 

Report of F. Stephens, Keeper of his Majesty's ordnance 699 

List of Generul Committee for New-York 600 

List of officers belonging to the bnttalion of independent foot companies in New-York city 601 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth- state of public opinion in the Colonies, 603 

Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — supplies, Ac, . 604 

Secret intelligence from Ticonderoga 605 


September 2. Proceedings of the Commissioners of the Twelve United Colonies with the Six Nations, 605 

September 5. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — disturbances on the 22d August — Captain Van- 

deput, &c. 631 

September 5. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — "The Americans from politicians are now 
becoming soldiers" — Government urged to disclaim any intention of taxing the Colonies without their 

cooperation — settlement of rank, tfec 633 

September 5. Letter of the Eiirl of Dartmouth to the Governors of America, etc — ships of war not to be sent home 

with dispatches, <fec., 634 

September 6. Letter of Secretary Pownall to Governor Tryon — permission to come to England, 635 

October 4. Letter of Secretary Pownall to Governor Tryon — discontinuance of packets, <fec .• 635 

October 12. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to the Earl of Dartmouth — negotiaticnj with the Indians — their agree- 
ment to assist the troops — Canadian affairs — Colonel Allen's expedition — is about to come to Eng- 
land, <tc. 635 

October 16. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth 638 

October 10. Letter of Governor Tryon to Mayor Hicks, of New-York 638 

October 14. Letter of Mayor Hieka to Governor Tryon 639 

October 14 Letter of Governor Tryon to Mayor Hicks 639 

October 18. Letter of Mayor Hicks to Governor Tryon, 640 

October 17. Letter of the Committee, <tc., of New-York to Mayor Hicks, 640 

October 19. Letter of Governor Tryon to Mayor Hicks 641 

September 28. State of the ordnance belonging to Fort George, <fec., at New-York 641 

October 23. Letter of the Earl of Dartmouth to the Governors in America, &c. — King's speech to Parliament, and 

answers, 642 

November 8. Letter of the Ear! of Dartmouth to the Governors, &c. — protection to be afiforded to the King's officers 

and servants in the Colonies, <tc 642 

November 11. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — has gone on board the Dutchess of Gordon — state 

of affairs — conciliation urged, <fee 643 

November 1 1. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — fort on the Hudson, <fec 644 

November 2. Intelligence from the Continental Congress, respecting Governor Tryon, (fee 645 

December 6. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — outrages on the Loyalists — Mr. Rivington, Ac.,. . 645 
December 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — he lia* induced several gunsmiths to leave Ame- 
rica and go to London — there is only one good one now left in America 647 

December 23. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — loyalists in New- York to be encouraged, &c., . . . . 647 
December 23. Letter of Lord George Germain to the Governors, &o., — appointment of Commissioners to inquire into 

the state, &c., of the Colonies, die , 648 

List of British regiments in America, 649 

January 3. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — necessity of embodying the royalists — appoint- 
ment of a Viceroy, &c 649 

January 5. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — Sir John Johnson, <fec 651 

Letter of Sir John Johnson to Governor Tryon — raising a battalion, <fec 661 


December 18. Certificate of the Pittsfield Committee against law proceedings, &a., — Peter Van Sohaack 652 

December 17. Letter of William Smith, Esq., to Governor Tryon — remarks on the state of affairs 653 


January 26. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — state of Indian affairs— historical review, .. . 654 

Journal of Colonel Guy Johnson from 14th May to 11th November, 1775 658 

February 7. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — rebel marauding parties — treatment of Sir John 

Johnson, (fee 663 

February 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to the Earl of Dartmouth — battle of Quebec — plan for Indian operations, <te., 663 

January 6. Letter from General Wooster to Colonel Warner — affair at Quebec, &e., 664 

February 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to tlie Earl of Dartmouth — arrival of General Carleton — state of the city — 

removal of the records on board the Dutchess of Gordon, itc 666 

February 7. Letter of Governor Tryon to Mayor Hicks, as to the safety of the records, <fec 667 


February 13. 

February 13. 


















September 24. 
September 24. 

November 25. 
May 22. 

November 26. 
November 27. 
November 28. 
December 24. 

December 31. 

January 14. 
January 14. 
January 20 
February 11. 

February 12. 

February 15. 
February 15 

February 15. 

March 1. 

March 1. 

March 3. 

March 23. 

April 2. 

April 7. 


Representation of the Lords of Trade to the King 66S 

Draft of additional instructions to the Governors, <fec., to carry into effect the prohibition act, &c., 663 

Representation of the Lords of Trade to the Committee of Privy Council — Mr. Lotbiniere's grant of 

land, &e 669 

Speech of Captain Brant, Thayendenegeh, accompanied by Oteronghyaneuto, a warrior, both of the 

Six Nations, to Lord George Germain 670 

Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — proposed operations in New-York, &c. 672 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — state of affairs — royalist publications, <fec., 672 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — removal of the squadron — movements of the 

rebels and of the troops, etc., 673 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — iittack on the seamen from the Savage — move- 
ments, 6ic , 675 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — dissolution of the Assembly — military movements, 676 

Answer of Captain Brant, Thayendanageh, and of Ohronte, Mohawk warriors, to Lord George Germain, 678 

Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — troops for America, <tc 679 

Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— enlistment of men in New- York— political 

pamphlets sent, &c., 679 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — arrival of the fleet — enlistment of volunteers, (fee, 681 

Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indian affairs 681 

Declaration of Deputy Commissary Thomas Gumershall, relative to affairs on the Mohawk river, ifec.,. 682 
Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — Declaration of Independence — demolition of the 

King's statue, (fee., 683 

Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — loyalty of Staten Island people — his Majesty's 

satisfaction, &c., 684 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — death of Lieutenant-Governor Golden, <fec 685 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — capture of New-York by the British forces — 
conflagration — Mr. Washington supposed privy to this villainous act — bells sent out of town — state 

of affairs, <fec 686 

Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indian affairs 687 

Letter from the Oneida Chiefs to Major-General Schuyler 688 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— affairs in New-York 691 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— Fort George, 691 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — state of the Province— militia in Westchester, Ac., 692 
Letter of Governor Tiyon to Lord George Germain — Suffolk and Queen's counties — state of affairs — 

return to allegiance, &c 693 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— state of feeling in Connecticut— affair at Tren- 
ton — mortification it has caused, 694 

Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— citadel at New-York, &c 693 

Letter of Lord George Germain to Colonel Guy Johnson — supplies, 695 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— militia, 696 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— 3,030 persons in the city have taken the oath of 

allegiance, &c 697 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — has offered his services to General Howe, as com- 
mandant of the Provincials, <tc 697 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain, ■ 698 

Instrument signed by citizens of New-York, revoking and annulling the powers of Congresses, Commit- 
tees, itc, 698 

Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — employment of the Indians with the army, Ac, 699 

Letter of Colonel Glaus to .Secretary Knox 700 

Colonel Clans' remarks on the management of the northern Indian nations, <tc , 700 

Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— gratification of the King at tlie loyalty of New- 
York, Ac 704 

Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — Provincial corps, Ac 705 

Letter of Lord George Gerindn to Governor Tryon — command of the American levies, Ac. 706 

Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indian parties, 707 



1"7- PXGK. 

April 21. Letter of Governor Tryou to Secretary Knox— necessity of exciting the Indians against the rebels to 

inspire terror.ifee., ij07 

April 17. Letter of Chief Justice Horsmanden to Governor Tryon— statement of his case and necessities, &c 708 

May 2. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— success of his enterprise in Connecticut, 709 

May 19. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— a Lieutenant-Governor of New-York Kiug's satis- 
faction at his conduct, &c ijjq 

June 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— contributions of the royalists, &e., 711 

June 8. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — loyalty of the Indians— necessity of sup- 
plies, ifec, ijj^ 

June 9. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — Sir William Erskine's good conduct at Danbury, <feo., 7 1 3 
July 7. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain— movements of the Indians near Owego— 

Montocks, Ac, 7 1 3 

July 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — Provincial levies 715 

July 10. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Secretary Knox — movements of the Indians, ,. . . 716 

August 6. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — admiralty courts 716 

August 24. Letter of Governor Tryoti to Lord George Germain — appointments, 716 

October 3. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — his anxiety to return to England, &c 717 

October 16. Report of Colonel Daniel Clans to Secretary Knox, of his expedition into New-York, 718 

November 6. Colonel Claus' further report of his proceedings, to Secretary Knox, 723 

November 11. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indians at Fort Stanwi.t — proposed move- 
ments, ifec, 726 

November 24. Narrative of William Grant, late a sergeant in the rebel army 728 

December 1. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — Provincial corps, &c., 734 

November 21. Letter of Brigadier-General Parsons to Governor Tryon — inhumanity of the British towards the Ameri- 
cans-retaliation 735 

November 23. Letter of Governor Tryon to Brigadier-General Parsons, in reply, defending his conduct, <fec., 736 

January 10. Letter from Lord George Germain to the Governors in America, <fec. — prisoners taken in ships of the 

rebels, and in privat=ers 7 37 

February 19. Letter from Lord George Germain to the Commissioners for restoring peace — Lord North's resolu- 
tions — same to be published in the Colonies, <tc., 738 

March 11. Letter of Lord George Germain to the Commissioners under the conciliation acts, ifec 738 

March 12. Letter of Lord George Germain to — Mr. Fisher, Governor Wenthworth's brother in-law, 

recommended, 739 

March 12. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — temper of the Indians — mode of their 

employment, <fec., , 74O 


November 23. Letter of Colonels Bolton and Butler to Major General Clinton 74I 


March 20. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — royalist privateers 742 

April 15. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — letters of marque, <tc 742 

April 11. Letter of Lord Howe to Governor Tryon— letters of marque, 743 

April 11. Opinion of Attorney-General Kempe on the subject of letters of marque, 743 

January 1. Letter of Brigadier-General Parsons to Governor Tryon, in reply to his of 23d November last, 745 

June 6. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — appointed Major-General — commission for letters 

of marque, &c 746 

July 1. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — Commissioners, <fee., 747 

July 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — Commissioners, &c 747 

August 5. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— measures against France, <to. 748 

August 5. Secret circular of Lord George Germain to the Governors, &c. — letters of marque against French ships, 748 

August 7. Letter of Lord George Germain to the Governors, <fec. — non-intercourse with France — French prisoners, 749 
September 2. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— his presence at New-York necessary to the King's 

service, (fee, 749 

September 5. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — affairs on Long Island— mode of conducting the 

war — Mr. Smith, (fee 750 

September 6. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — his appointment, 751 

Vol. VIII. c 

xviii CONTENTS. 

1777. Page. 
September 10. Letter of Colonel Guy Johneon to Lord George Germain— lodian movements at Wyoming, Ac.— future 

operations 751 

October 8. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — civil government of New-Tork 763 

October 24. Letter of Governor Trjon to Lord George Germain— prisoners taken by privateers, <tc 753 

November 4. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — his conduct approved 754 

December 16. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — letters of marque — militia of Kings and Queens 

counties, &c 754 

December 24. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — suggestions as to the prosecution of the war — 

rewards for Congressmen, <te. — Indians to be let loose — enemy to be distressed — coasts ravaged, &c., 7^5 

February 5. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — letters of marque — value of their captures exceeds 

£200,000 — confidence of the royalists increasing, 756 

February 11. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indian aflfairs — Brant and his party, ifec,... 757 

Marcli ■ 1. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — movements, <Sic., 759 

March 3. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon— leave to return, <tc. 759 

March 18. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — New-York records 760 


December 9. Governor Tryon's certificate of the receipt of the New- York records, <fec., 760 

April 1. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — letters of marque — Major-General Robertson 

appointed Governor of New-York 761 

April 20. Report of Mr. Richard Jackson to the Lords of Trade— great seal of New-York, 762 

April 21. Letter of Mr. Cumberland to .Vlr. Jackson— great seal of New-York 762 

April 27. Letter of Mr. Cumberland to Mr. De Grey— great seal of New-York 763 

May 3. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — personal affairs 764 

May 5. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — New-York records, Ac, 764 

June 17. Letter from Lord George Germain to the Governors, <fco., — rupture with Spain— instructions there- 
upon, 765 

Juno 25. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Tryon — measures against the enemy 766 

July 9. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Robertson — instructions for the government of New-York, 767 
July 28. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— depredatory excursions urged — embodying of 

refugees, &o 768 

June 30. Letter of Governor Tryon to Sir Henry Clinton 769 

June 30. Reveries of Governor Tryon concerning the embodying of royalists, &c. 769 

July 26. Letter of Governor Tryon to Sir Henry Clinton — appointment of Intendants, <fec., 771 

June 29. Letter of Governor Tryon to Vice- Admiral Arbuthnot— privateers, <fec., 772 

August 26. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain— rebel privateers, <feo., 773 

September 3. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Robertson — lands, Ac, in New-York 773 

September 6. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — letters of marque, <fec., 774 

September 5. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germoin — Si.\ Nations, &a 77S 

August 20. Conference of General Haldimand with the Onondaga and Cayuga Chiefs at Quebec, &o 776 

November 4. Letter of Lord George Germain to M.ijor-General Tryon — conduct approved, &o 778 

November 11. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indian movements 779 

December 17. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — situation of the Province, <tc., 780 

February 26. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — severity of the season, Ac, — royalists' spirits 

good, Ac 781 

January 19. Letter of David Ogden to Governor Tryon — suggestions for defence, Ac, of New-York 782 

February 6. Intelligence from Ensign John Pell — northeast frontier, 783 

February 15. Intelligence from John Jones- state of the rebel army 784 

I'"eliruary 18. Intelligence from Cornelius Stagge — rebel army — affairs at Albany, Ac ''86 

March 25. Letter of Governor Tryon to Lord George Germain — arrival of Governor Robertson, Ac, 787 

March 26. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — has assumed the government, Ac.,— inter- 
cepted news 788 

March 11. Letter from Philip Schuyler, Esq., to —Congressional affairs, Ac 788 

May 3. Letter of Lord George Germain lo Governor Robertson — exchange of troops, Ao 789 


nso. Page. 

May 18. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — French armament — state of preparations — 

military details, <tc. 790 

July 1. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — rebel movements— civil government, <fec 793 

July 5. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Robertson — hopes of a reCstablishment of civil power, <fec, 795 

July 26. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — services of the Indians— their disposition, 796 

August 4. Letter of Governor Robertson to Mr. Robinson — salary, expenses, ifeo. 798 

September 1. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — affairs in New- York — royalists' prospects,. . . 799 

September 6. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Robertson — his prudent conduct commended, <fec., 801 

September 21. Letter of Governor Robertson to Secretary Knox — prospects of the royalists, Ac 802 

September 4. Information furnished by Mr. Heron, of Connecticut, in a conversation at New- York — state of affairs 

among the rebels, &c. 804 

November 9. Letter of Lord George Germain to Governor Robertson — the King's satisfaction at his conduct — the 

rebellion seems declining, &c. 808 

January 28. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — his views on the prohibitory act — neglect of 

the revenue officers, &c., 809 

January 29. Letter of Governor Robertson to Secretary Knox — details of affairs, <te 810 

May 6. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — privateers — state of the English and French 

fleets, Ac 811 

May 17. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — is about to take command in Virginia by 
order of Sir Henry Clinton — Lieutenant-Governor Elliot left in New- York — P. S. Governor Robert- 
son's return, 812 

October 11. Letter of Colonel Guy Johnson to Lord George Germain — Indian transactious^petile guerre — efforts 

of the rebels, Ac 812 

November 8. Letter of Governor Robertson to Lord George Germain — Lord Cornwallis' surrender — exertions of the 

royalist inhabitants — they wUl endeavor, by increased ardor, to repair the disaster, <tc 814 

March 22. Letter of Sir John Johnson to Secretary Knox? on being appointed Superintendent and Inspector- 
General of Indian Affairs — he is about to set out for America, Ac, 814 

Editorial Note on the Book of Common Prayer in Mohawk, and its Translators, 815 


Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne. 

[New-Tork, CLX., A. 7.] 

(No. 31.) 

Fort George, New York, 3 January 17GS. 
My Lord, 

An application was made to me yesterday by the House of Assembly, setting forth the 
present distress of the Province on Account of the Scarcity of Paper Money, and requesting 
at the same time that I would give my assent to a Bill to be brought in for emitting the half 
of the sum mention'd in His Majesty's late Instructions on that head, as there was not a 
sufficient quantity of Paper Money for common circulation, occasion'd by the great number of 
Bills lately cancell'd by the Commissioners appointed for that purpose. By the instruction I 
find it is not in my power (consistent with my Duty) to give my assent to any such Bill, as 
His Majesty has been pleased to order expressly that a suspending clause should be inserted 
in it, and have therefore been under a necessity of refusing to comply with the request made 
until I shall receive His Majesty's Orders for so doing, but in the mean time promis'd to lay 
this matter before your Lordship by the first opportunity. 

The Distresses of the Province at this time are very great, and are increasing daily, and as 
the present circulation will by the Limitation of the Laws by which they were issued cease 
and determine so soon, the Commerce here as well as the ordinary Services of Government 
must very shortly be exposed to great Inconvenience. — As I have already had the honor of 
informing your Lordship in my Letter of the 29"' of last Month that the House of Assembly 
had fully complied with every thing which was expected of them, I can with a better grace 
plead their cause. The present Assembly will be dissolved soon after the Session is finish'd, 
and it has been customary here to convene them in a short time after a New Election, I have 
the greatest reason to beleive that if I was impower'd on the opening of the New Session to 
comply with what is now required by them, such a Proceeding would be attended with such 
returns of duty and submission as would shew they entertain'd the highest sense of His 
Majesty's favor on this Occasion, I have the honor to be with the greatest respect My Lord 
Your Lordship's most obedient and humble Servant 

Right Hon"'' Earl of Shelburne. H. Moore. 

Vol. Vill. 1 


Earl of Shelburne to Sir William Johnson. 

[Plantations General ( S. P. 0. ), CCLIV., No. 6. ] 

N°. 0. 

Whitehall 5 Jan : 17GS. 

Agreeal)le to my letter of the 19''' instant I now have the honor of signifying to you His 
Majesty's Commands that the Boundary line between the several Provinces and the various 
Indian Tribes be compleated without loss of time, conformable to a report of the Lords 
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations Copy of which is herewith transmitted 

It is his Majesty's Pleasure that before you enter upon this matter you settle in concert with 
the Commander in Chief of the Army what steps it may be proper to take for the General 
Execution of this Salutary Measure; and it will also l)e proper to consult with the different 
Governors concerning such particular Points as may affect the Several Provinces seperately in 
order that the Work may be carried through with Cordiality and Dispatch 

I am Sir &■= 


Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelhunie. 

[ New-York, CLX., (A. 10.) ] 

No. 32. 

Fort George, New York. IG"- Jan^ 1768. 
My Lord, 

After the mention made in your Lordship's Letter of the 14"" of November last that His 
Majesty had been pleased to approve of the Commissions issued here for settling thedifferencies 
respecting the Boundaries of the Colonies of New York and Massachusets Bay. It is no small 
mortification to me that I can not as yet transmit to your Lordship any satisfactory Accounts of 
our Proceedings in consequence of those Commissions. The Commissaries named by each 
Colony met at New Haven in Connecticut and after several proposals made and rejected by 
both Parties, return'd home again without coming to any final Resolution of a Settlement of 
the Line : but as their near approach to an agreement seem'd to indicate that by proper steps 
taken an amicable conclusion of this matter might be brought about, many letters have since 
pass'd between M' Barnard and myself both public & private in which we have endeavour'd 
to conciliate the jarring Interests ; but nothing is yet concluded on; The Assembly of the 
Massachusets Bay was to begin their Session on the SO"" Day of last Month, so that We may 
now e.xpect their final Resolution in a few days, and if this matter does not meet with the 
desired success here, all the Papers relative to it shall be forwarded to your Lordship with 
the utmost E.xpedition. 

1 should have ended my letter here, but as I find myself embarrass'd on reading the last 
paragraph of your Lordship's abovemention'd letter which says, "it is to be wish'd that the 
"same method was pursued to settle similar differences with Quebec and New Hampshire." 
T must beg your Lordship's pardon if my want of apprehension has made me take the meaning 
of it in a different sense from what was intended. His Majesty having directed by his 


Proclamation that [he 4-5"' degree of Latitude should be the Southern Boundary of Canada, 
The Governor of that Province has always confined himself to the line prescribed, nor ever 
claimed any Jurisdiction (that I could hear of) to the Southward of it, & this Province having 
in the time it was possess'd by the Dutch clainrd to the 45"" Degree as well by some old 
English Grants, it's jurisdiction is now supposed to extend to the abovemention'd Bounds of 
Canada, without being disputed by Province ; In consequence of this as soon after my Arrival 
here as the Public Business would admit of my absence from this City I determined to settle 
& fix the line between the two Provinces and accordingly wrote to the Commander in Chief 
of Canada to let him know what my intentions were desiring at the same time that he would 
either meet me about the upper end of Lake Cliamplain at the time mention'd in my letter or 
that he would depute some person on the part of his Province who might be present at the 
observations we were to make and see that Justice was done by fixing the Boundary in its proper 
place; Coll: Irwin, then President of the Council answer'd my letter, and determined to be 
there himself with the Deputy Surveyor General of Canada; A few diiys before I left this 
City Brigadier Carleton arrived from England with a Commission appointing him Lieut. 
Governor of Canada, and we set out together for Lake Champlain on the supposition that we 
were doing a very essential service to l)oth Provinces, when it was pretty nearly determined 
by many observations made where the line would pass, NP Carleton went to Montreal on some 
accounts received from thence which made his Presence necessary there, leaving Coll. Irwin 
and the Deputy Surveyor General of Canada with me to compleat the work which was 
finish'd in two or three days after, and the Lines were mark'd out on both sides of the River 
Sorell : In the Map of Lake Champlain which I had the honor to send your Lordship, this 
Line is drawn as fix'd by us, and many Persons Inhabitants of Canada as well as of New York 
were present at tiie time: some Gentlemen from Canada desired I would give them a 
confirmation of some Grants made by the French Governors on the sides of the Lake, but as 
those lands were never acknowledg'd by us to be in the Province of Canada and were now 
apparently to the Southward of the Bounds prescribed by His Majesty's Proclamation their 
request was refused more especially on their telling me that they desired to have their Lands 
without paying any Quit Rent to the Crown which was directly contrary to His Majesty's 
Instructions on that Head. I beg leave to make the following Extract from my letter to the 
Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations dated Dec'' 19"" 176G which was wrote soon 
after my return to New York " Brigadier Carleton having told me that he intended writing 
" to your Lordships immediately upon his arrival at Quebec, to request on the part of that 
"Province that the Boundary Line which had been settled by us might be fixed by His 
" Majesty's authority where we had mark'd it I have the same request to make on the part of 
"this Province, as it may be a means of preventing any Litigation hereafter and quieting the 
"minds of many who are going up early in the Spring to settle in those parts." Their 
Lordships have never done me the honor to make any answer to this letter, and the Assembly 
of this Province only waited for the Sanction of His Majesty's approbation of what we had 
done to empower them to open and continue the Line of Division as far as the Province 
extends, in which they have no doubt of being join'd by the Province of Canada. 

This, my Lord, is our present situation in regard to that Province, and if His Majesty should 
be pleased to approve of what we have done, I am persuaded it will have all the good Effects 
mention'd in the joynt Request made by JP Carleton and myself in our letters to the Lords 
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations. As to the Province of New Hampshire, since His 


Majesty's Proclamation declaring the Western Banks of the Connecticut River to be the Boundary 
of this Province the Governor of New Hampshire has never exercised the least Jurisdiction on 
this side of the River, and the few Inhabitants of that Quarter have always since that time 
look'd upon themselves as Inhabitants of tiiis Province ; and apply'd to the Legislature here 
for every assistance they wanted. There being no contest at present between the two 
Governments in regard to Territorial Jurisdiction, the settlements were increasing very fast 
till His Majesty's orders came over forbidding any more Grants to be made of Lands there 'till 
His Pleasure should be farther known; For although I conceiv'd that this Injunction related 
only to the Lands falsely asserted by Robinson in his Petition to be taken away from the 
original Proprietors and granted to others, yet I have taken the order in it's greatest Latitude, 
and gave Public Notice that no Lands whatsoever would be granted on the Connecticut River 
'till I had received His Majesty's farther Order : I have already had the honor of informing 
your Lordship that the Officers who had claim'd Lands under His Majesty's Proclamation, & 
many other Persons no way interested in the New Hampshire Charters were now suffering by 
this Restriction as many of them had embark'd all their little fortunes in beginning of Settlements 
which they did not dare to go on with till they could be assured of having the Lands granted 
to them. 1 say nothing more of the Petition of Robinson at present, or of that which was 
presented by the Society for Propagating the Gospel having already trespass'd on your Lordsliip 
by a very long letter I was under a necessity of writing in June last mark'd N° 16. as well to 
justify my own character as to set forth every thing which had been done by the Government here 
in regard to those Lands, and 1 hope I made it sufficiently appear that the Society for Propagating 
the Gospel must have been shamefully impos'd on either by Robinson or some other of his 
Associates, or they would never have presented such a Petition as they did, and must now beg 
leave to recommend to your Lordship's Protection the Persons concern'd in the Lands on the 
Connecticut River who are constantly applying to me, in expectation of hearing that some Orders 
had been sent over to take of the Restriction which was laid on granting those Lands, by which 
they would be relieved from that distress in which their present uncertain situation has involved 
them. — I beg your Lordships Pardon for this long Dissertation, which was only intended to 
represent the true state of this Province in regard to our Neighbours, Quebec and New 
Hampshire and to make it appear that due obedience has been shew'd to His Majesty's 
Proclamations which were issued for determining & ascertaining their Boundaries. I have 
the honor to be with the greatest Respect, 

My Lord, ■. 

Your Lordship's 

most obedient and humble Servant 
Right Hoii'"'^ Earl of Shelburne. H: Moore 

Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Shelburne. 

[New-York, CLX., A.. 12.] 

New York January 21" 176S. 
My Lord, 

By my letter of the Sa"" of November last, I gave your Lordship an account of the 
extraordinary Proceedings of the Judges of the Supreme Court of Judicature in this Province, 


on a Pamphlet which was published in England last Spring, in my vindication, and delivered 
to His Majesty's Ministers and several Members of Parliament, for their information ; and to 
clear my character from the malicious aspersions, which I was informed had been industriously 
propagated there. This Pamphlet was reprinted in this Place without my privity, or of any 
of my friends, as I am now well assured. As I make no doubt of your Lordships receiving 
that Letter, I shall not give you the trouble of a repetition of it's contents. 

The Assembly of this Province met in November last. On the 23'' of December M' 
Levingston, one of the Judges of the Supreme Court and a Member of Assembly, introduced 
the consideration of that Pamphlet into the House, and moved that a Committee be appointed to 
enquire into it, which was done, and M' Levingston carried a message from the Assembly 
to the Council desiring them to appoint a Comittee to join the Committee of Assembly, to 
take that Pamphlet under Consideration. Three of the Council were named for that purpose ; 
Men who are known to be very warm in the matters which are the subject of that Pamphlet. — 
On the 30"" the Report of the joint Committees was made in the Assembly; consisting, as 
might be expected; of most violent sensures on the Pamphlet; and proposeing. "that a 
" Committee of Assembly should be appointed to examine and report the unjust charges, with 
" an ample & satisfactory refutation, to discover the Author and Publisher; and declare wliat 
" they conceive to be the most prudent & effectual measures for applying a suitable 
"Punishment, and deterring others from so iniquitous and dangerous an Offence." — It is 
believed however they will not attempt any other refutation than by such like bold 
assertions. — I have heretofore inform'd your Lordship that the matters of fact related in my 
Vindication, can all be proved from Authentic Papers in the Plantation Office; 1 have not 
been able to discover that any one fact has been pointed out as false, which was not to 
numbers of people, notoriously true. — To a general charge of falshood and misrepresentation 
I can give no other Answer. When the Assembly proceed to be more particular, I doubt 
not I shall be able to give the most satisfactory Answers. — But your Lordship will please to 
observe that the joint Committee have suggested Measures for Punishment and deterring others. 
This T presume will sufficiently confirm the reasons I had for writing to your Lordship as I 
did in my letter of the SS** of November. — The Parties against me are both Prosecutors and 
Judges — they have all the power in their hands, and I may depend on it, they will omit 
nothing to injure and ruin me. 

The Assembly have proceeded to examine several Persons, among whom were my eldest 
son and son in law. People without doors speak of such steps as inquisitorial and destructive 
of all private security. — It is known they intend to proceed in the Supreme Court in the same 
matter. That Court is now seting, the Term commenced last Tuesday. The Report of the 
joint Committee, of which I enclose a Coppy, was published the preceding day. Your Lordship 
will please to observe that this has an evident tendency to influence Juries, and to favour a 
cruel prosecution. The faction have so long succeeded by such bold assertions, and by 
intimidating, while nothing has been done to support the Officers of the Crown, that all men 
are afTraid to appear in opposition to their power. — It were better my Lord to give up the 
Colonies at once, than thus to expose the Friends of Great Britain to ruin, and the most 
cruel treatment. 

It is certain the Sentiments of disinterested people, have alter'd greatly with regard to my 
conduct, since the publishing of the Pamphlet here. The notorious truth of the Facts is every 
Day mentioned by many People. If there was no other proof, of the dangerous state of the 


Courts of Justice in this Province, as set forth in my Vindication, the present Proceedings put 
it out of Doubt on the least Reflection. — But my Lord when Judges are Parties and 
Prosecutors, backed by tiie influence of the Council and Assembly, and of the Lawyers, who 
have a dangerous weight in this Government, it may well be fear'd that Juries will not have 
resolution enough to oppose such power. — As I presume your Lordship will readily immagine 
on considering the state of the Merchants in the City of New York, mentioned in my 
last letter. 

My friends assure me that from ceveral incidents it appears that the design of my Ennemies 
is to ruin my Fortune. When a Governor, who is charged with nothing but a scrupelous 
obedience to the Thing's Instructions, and submission to an Act of Parliament, cannot defend 
himself against the malice & resentment of Men who openly deny the authority of Parliament, 
& submission to the Mother Country, and he be not sufficiently supported and protected ; what 
officer of the Crown will dare to perform his Duty? 

My case must have a great influence upon all otiiers, and in that light alone I presume your 
Lordship will think it deserving your attention : but as it is the case of an Old Servant of 
the King's wiio throughout a long life has been attached to the Interest and Authority of the 
Crown and who has incurred the dangerous resentment of a powerfull Faction, by a faithfull 
discharge of his duty to the best of his abilities, may he not, my Lord, hope for the particular 
and immediate protection and favour of His Majesty's Ministers; especially as his receiving 
no marks of either must give the greatest assurance to his Ennemies. 

I have at several times, my Lord, informed the King's Ministers, while the Administration 
was in my hands, that it is impossible that Justice can be administer'd to the People, or the 
Rights of the Crown & dependance of tiie Colony be secured, without disinterested Judges. 
Men of integrity and ability, sufficiently supported, without depending on the pleasure of an 
Assembly yearly for their scanty allowance. I gave my opinion that our present Judges are 
not such, and that it would be difficult to find proper Persons in the Province. — It is not easy 
to support this opinion of the Judges by legal Evidence. They have now given proof by 
makeing themselves in the same Cause, Parties, Accusers, and Judges. I wish, my Lord, that 
you may know from indifferent Persons the opinion which People have of our Judges and 
Lawyers. And that you may have a true account of the Cheif Justice Horsmanden's past 
conduct in Life. 

1 must again intreat your Lordship to lay my Case before His Majesty, for His protection 
against such dangerous & malicious Ennemies, and to obtain some gracious recompense for 
my losses & sufferings, 

I am with the greatest submission 
My Lord, 

Your most obedient & 
Right Hon'''' Earl of Shelburn, His faithfull servant 

Majesty's principal Secrettary of State Cadwallader Colden 

for the So : Department. 


Earl of Ilillshorough to the Governors in North America. 

[ Plantations General (S. P. O. ) CCHV., No. 1. ] 
N° I. 

Whitehall Jan : 23. 17G8 
His Miijesty having been graciously pleased to appoint me to be one of his Principal 
Secretaries of State, and to committ to my care the Dispatch of all such business, relative to 
His Majesty's Colonies in America, as has been usually Dispatched by the Secretary of State 
for the Southern Department, I have His Majesty's Commands to signify this Arrangement to 
you, and His Majesty's Pleasure that your Dispatches be for the future addressed to me, 
conformable to the Rule of Correspondence prescribed in His Majesty's Order in Council of 
the 8"" of August 1766, a Copy of which is herewith transmitted to you. 

It is His Majesty's intention in makirtg the present Arrangement that all possible facility & 
Dispatch should be given to the business of his Colonies and as nothing can more effectually 
contribute to this salutary purpose than a frequent and full Communication of all Occurrencies 
that may happen and a regular and punctual transmission of all Acts and Proceedings of 
Government & Legislature and of such Papers as have any Relation thereto, I have it in 
Command from his Majesty to recommend this to your particular Attention, His Majesty 
having observed with concern that this essential part of the duty of His Officers in America 
has scarcely any where been duly attended to, and in several Colonies particularly in the 
Charter and Proprietary Governments almost entirely neglected. 

I have nothing further to add but to express my earnest wishes that by the utmost Attention 
& Application 1 can give, \ may be able to fulfill His Majesty's most gracious Intentions and I 
take the liberty to assure you, that I will not omitt to lay your Dispatches, as soon as I receive 
them before the King, and to forward and assist as far as I am able, your measures for the 
Publick Service 

I am &■= 


Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne. 

[ New-Tork, CLX., A. 14. 1 

No. 35.) 

Fort George, New York 26 Jans' i76g 
My Lord, 

Among the Acts pass'd by the Council & the House of Assembly during the course of this 
last Session, there was one for the Repeal of two Acts, ( the Copies of which are here inclosed ) 
relative to insolvent Debtors in which the Legislative Bodies have interested themselves 
greatly and were very desirous of having it pass'd into a Law, as the Acts intended to be 
repealed had been a means of introducing many frauds & abuses loudly complain'd of and 
had not answer'd the purposes for which they were made. His Majesty's IS"- Instruction 
having forbid the repealing of Acts pass'd here although the Royal assent had not been given 
to them, has prevented my passing it, and obliged me to transmit by this opportunity the Laws 
intended to be repealed by this last mention'd Act, that His Majesty's leave may be obtained 


for that purpose, The inclosed List of Acts repealing former Acts pass'd in this Province was 
extracted from the Book of our printed Laws and sent to me in order to remove my present 
ohjections to this Act, by shewing that His Majesty had never insisted on this Instruction 
being rigidly observed, since Acts of the kind had been so frequently pass'd for repealing 
others in Every Governor's time since the year 1708. I do not mention this as any reflection 
on my Predecessors in the Government here, for I am likewise a delinquent in this respect, the 
last Article in the List pointing to an Act pass'd here a few days after my arrival from England, 
which repeals some clauses in former Acts for making Roads in two small precincts here, a'nd 
in which I was misled by no mention being made of any intended repeal either in the title or 
preamble of the Act, and I hope your Lordship will have so much indulgence for me as to 
believe that in my particular situation at that time during the continued scenes of Riot and 
disorder which prevail'd so long here after I landed that my attention must have been fully 
taken up with them, and that an omission of the kind might be easily made, especially as 
the object was so inconsiderable. I beg leave to mention here that my Refusal of passing the 
abovemention'd Bill has given great uneasiness, and that this Instruction will be the greatest 
obstacle to the getting of Acts pass'd for any length of time, which I am directed to endeavour 
at, as the House of Assembly upon being restrain'd from repealing Acts once pass'd to which 
manifest objections may be afterwards made will of course frame their Bills for as short a space 
as they can, in order to suffer as little as possible from any Act in which they are not permitted 
to remedy the inconveniencies when discover'd : I know these to be their present Sentiments, 
and submit it to your Lordship whether in matters relating intirely to our internal Policy, and 
in which neither the particular Interests of the Crown, or it's power and Dignity are concern'd, 
a Relaxation of this Instruction may not be thought proper, and be attended in many 
circumstances with Benefit to the Province. 

I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect, 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship's 

most obedient and 

humble Servant 

Right Hon'"^ Earl of Shelburne. H. Moore. 

Governor Moore to the Earl of Shelburne. 

[New York, CLX.,A.,15.] 
N" 36.) 

Fort George, New York 27 Jan'' 1768. 
My Lord, 

In obedience to His Majesty's additional Instruction dated Sepf 11. 1767 and transmitted to 
me by your Lordship, directing me " to consider what is likely to be the Effect of the newly 
"inserted clause in the Miltia Act, relative to the Provincial Military Force, and to report my 
"opinion whether any objection lyes against it." I have made various enquiries concerning 
the first introduction of the clause and I find as well from general information as from His 


Majesty's Council here, before whom I this day laid the Instruction, that it was inserted in the 
Act for the following Reasons, — There are in many Districts of this Province, Independent 
Companies who acknowledge no subordination to the Colonels of the Militia in those Districts, 
or will receive any Orders from them, as they look upon the Governor of the Province to be 
their Colonel and that they are not to obey any Orders but such as they receive (rom him. 
This in times of sudden Alarms and Invasions has been productive of bad Consequences, 
for the Officers of those Companies which are remote from the Seat of Government, being 
at two great a distance from the Governor to receive any immediate orders from him in such 
an exigency have chosen their own stations on such an occasion, whereby the part of the country 
then in danger has not reap'd that advantage from their services, which it might have done, 
if they had at that time been under the command of the Colonels of the Militia ; It was 
therefore thought proper to put them under such command at that particular time in order to 
make them more serviceable, but at the same time without any intention of infringing the power 
of the Governor, who is not only supposed to command them himself, but has frequently given 
power to the Colonels of Regiments to take upon them the command of such Companies; The 
Clause as printed in our Laws here dift(2rs so much from the quotation in His Majesty's 
Instruction that I beg leave to lay them both before your Lordship, — The Instruction says 
" that in case of Alarm or Invasion when the Commander in Chief shall be absent, the 
'♦ command of the Provincial Military Force shall be vested in the respective Colonels of 
" the Independent Companies." The Clause in our printed Laws runs thus, " that in case of a 
" General Alarm or Invasion all unregimented or independent Companies and Troops, shall in 
" the absence of the Captain General or Commander in Chief be under the immediate command 
" & direction of the Colonel, and in his absence the next commanding Officer of the Regiment 
" or Battalion of the City or County where such unregimented or Independent Companies or 
" Troops are or may be." Your Lordships will be pleased to observe that the Explanation I have 
given is adapted to tlie clause as printed here although it cannot so well be reconciled to the 
Words of the Instruction. — I do not apprehend that there will be any great difficulty in getting 
a Militia Law pass'd for five years, but from the Genius and Disposition of the people, I have 
all the reason in the world to imagine, that the suspending clause directed to be inserted in it will 
occasion the total failure of the Bill; It would very ill become me to say anything against 
suspending clauses, and I hope your Lordship will not imagine I presume to do it, but as I have 
very lately, (and from such information as I think may be depended on) had the honor of informing 
your Lordship of our situation in regard to our Indian Neighbours, and of our Expectations that 
Hostilities will soon be commenced against us by ihem, I thought it incumbent on me to repeat 
my apprehensions of such a misfortune, and meant only to blend the wellfare of the Province 
committed to my charge, with my Duty and obedience to His Majesty's Orders, 1 have the 
honor to be with the greatest Respect, 
IMy Lord, 

Your Lordship's 

most obedient and humble servant 
Right Hon'''^ Earl of Shelburne. H. Moork 

Vol. VII 


Earl of Hillsborough to the Governor's in North America. 

[ Mus : Brit : Kings MS., 206, p. 29. ] 


Whitehall, SO'" Feb. 1768. 

I am commanded by the King to send you a duplicate of the address' to His Majesty from 
the House of Commons, of the 27"' of March, 1766, transmitted to you by the Lords. 
Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, on the 1" of August, 1766; to which address you 
will take care to pay exact obedience, otherwise you will incur the censure of that House. 

I am, &■= 


Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore. 

[New-York, CLX.] 

(No. 4) 

Whitehall. February 25"' 1768. 
Sir, ^ 

Since the Earl of Shelburne's Letter to you, dated the 14"" of Nov' last N° 12, your several 
letters to His Lordship from N° 22. to N° 31. have been received and laid before the King. 

His Majesty trusted that the ill consequences flowing from a want of Respect to, and 
Authority in, the Civil Magistrate, so evidently manifested during the late Disorders on 
account of the Stamp Act, would have induced all men of Rank & Consideration in the Colony 
to have co-operated with you in every Measure that could possibly tend to secure the Peace, 
and promote the Happiness of the Community, and to give that strength and consistency to 
Government, by which alone it can be supported and therefore it was a great concern to His 
Majesty to find by your letter N° 22. that you had failed in your Expectation of Assistance in 
tins great work from the better sort of People, and more so, that their Backwardness should 
proceed from Considerations so unworthy those whose duty it is, from the Rank they hold in 
the Community, to make it's welfare & happiness the objects of their Care & Attention. 

His Maty is sensible that the wisest & best Institutions that can be framed for the Benefit 
of Society will fail of their effect, if entrusted to the Execution of Magistrates such as are 
described in your letter, & therefore His Majesty thinks, that in the case of the Establishment 
in New York, for the Adjudication of suits of a small value in a summary Way, the Remedy 
lies in that Reform of the Magistracy you say you propose to make, and which His Maty very 
much approves, and not in the Repeal of the Establishment itself, which has already receiv'd 
His Miity's sanction & Approbation, and has from a conviction of the Utility of it, been a 
Measure recommended to the Governors of all the Colonies. 

His Majesty is glad to find, that you consider what the Assembly has done, in the case of 
making Provision for Quartering His Maty's Troops, as a perfect and coniplete Obedience to 
tiie Acts of Parliament; And it will be a great satisfaction to His Majesty, if, upon the 

' For this Address, boo rennnylvania Archives, IV., 292. — Ed. 


Examination by the Board of Trade of the Law for making this Provision, it shall be found 
to be such as to justify your opinion. Such a becoming Conduct and Obedience to the Laws 
of Parliament, in so respectable a Province as that of New York, will do Honor to it's 
Councils, and cannot fail of making it a peculiar object of that Paternal Regard & Affection 
which His Maty has ever shewn to the Interests of His Subjects in America. 

His Majesty trusts that the flagitious & inflammatory Publications inserted in printed 
News-Papers, with an avowed Design to keep up those Animosities & Divisions between the 
Mother Country & it's Colonies, which have operated so prejudicially to Both, will be treated, 
by all wise and sober People, with the contempt they deserve, which will conduce the most 
effectually to the Disappointment of the Authors. 

Sir \Vm. Johnson His Maty's Superintendant for the Affairs of the Indians in the Northern 
District whose Vigilance & Attention to His Duty cannot be too much commended has not 
failed to communicate in the fullest manner the Apprehension He is under from a variety of 
Intelligence received through different Channels that the Indians in general are meditating 
some general attack upon His Maty's Colonies. 

Amongst the many causes to which he attributes the present defection of the Savages he 
seems to lay particular stress on the Uneasiness which they have repeatedly expressed from 
their not having received His Maty's Determination upon the Proposition of a Boundary Line 
on the Plan suggested by them in 1765. His Majesty has accordingly sent the fullest 
Instructions to Sir Wm. Johnson on this head, and it is hoped that the attention which His 
Majesty has shewn to a matter which they seem to have so particularly at Heart, will have 
the effect to keep them quiet, and induce them to desist from any intended Hostilities. 

The inclosed copy of the Earl of Shelburne's Dispatch to Sir William Johnson of the 5"" of 
last month will fully inform you of the Instructions which have been judged proper on 
this occasion. 

It is not however his Majesty's Intention that the safety of His Colonies should rest upon, 
or the Bounds of his Justice to the Savages be limited by the Decision of this Point alone. 
Every other Consideration relative to the Interests of the Colonies in respect to the Indians 
both commercial & political, will be attended to without Delay, and every complaint of the 
Savages of matters that either afl^ect them generally, or relate to the Interests of particular 
Nations, will be examined with the greatest impartiality, and it is hoped that the whole will 
be finally settled upon such a lasting Basis, as may restore mutual confidence and prevent 
those abuses of which the Indians have but too much reason to complain. 

The King however in the mean time is well pleased with your vigilance & attention to this 
important subject, and it is a matter of surprize to His Majesty that the Assembly, if the 
services you mention in your letter, have been fully laid before them, should have refused to 
reimburse your Expences. 

I am truly concerned to find, that the Directions contained in Lord Shelburne's letter to you 
of the 11"" of April 1767, which flowed from that unalterable love of Justice, which is the 
Foundation of all His Maty's Measures, should have been the Occasion of so much uneasiness 
as is expressed in your Letter of the 14"' of January last, and in that of the 9"" of June, to 
which you refer. You may safely rely that as on the one hand His Maty will not suffer the 
complaints of any of his Subjects, be their Condition what it may, to pass unnoticed, or 
unattended to, so on the other hand He will not hastily decide upon such charges as may be 
brought by persons of unknown character against the conduct or fidelity of His Servants 


employed in Situations of the greatest Trust & Eminence ; But I have the satisfaction to 
acquaint you that His Maty does give full and entire credit to what you have alledged in your 
Justification in the Case of the Complaints exhibited by Captain Robinson. 

His Majesty's Order in Council of the 24"" of July last directing you to desist from making 
any further Grants of the Land annexed to New York by that Order which made the River" 
Connecticut the Boundary between that Province and New Hampshire, has, I am informed 
been transmitted to you, but as I do not find any entry of such transmission in Lord Shelburnels 
Books, I now for fear of any mistake, inclose to you a Copy of it. 

It is not however His Majesty's Intention that such part of the said Land as shall, upon any 
equitable adjudication, appear to remain for His Maty's Disposal should be locked up from 
Cultivation & Improvement, longer than is necessary to ascertain those Facts and Allegations 
in the Petitions on which the Order itself is grounded, & therefore His Maty expects that a 
very full and particular Account should be transmitted with all convenient Dispatch of the 
actual State in respect to Cultivation and Settlement of such Townships as were laid out by 
the Governor of New Hampshire, expressing the Degree of such Cultivation, and the Number 
of Persons actually brought upon the lands, & how far such cultivation and settlement has 
conformed to the Terms & Conditions expressed in the Grants themselves. 

Besides the Circumstances of Enquiring relative to Cultivation and Settlement, there is 
another Object of Examination relative to the State of this District of very great national 
Importance which is, how far it is capable of aifordinga plentiful and lasting supply of Timber 
proper for Masts for the Royal Navy, and for other naval uses; The Representations which 
have been made of it, state it to excel almost all others in Advantages of this kind, and surely 
when the present supply to this Kingdom from it's Colonies of these Important Articles on' 
which it's strength and security so greetly depend, is become so difficult & precarious & 
consequently the Expence enhanced to an immoderate degree the landing out and securing new 
Resources, is an object that merits the fullest consideration. It is therefore His Majesty's 
pleasure, that, in examining into & reporting, a State of this District you should be particularly 
attentive to this advantage, causing actual surveys to be made of all such Parts as shall be 
found to produce any considerable growth of White Pine Trees, & taking every possible 
caution to secure them for His Maty's use, and to prevent any waste or Destruction being 
committed until His Maty's pleasure can be known. 

Your letter to Lord Shelburne N" 5. which relates to the claims of His Maty's Canadian 
Subjects, to lands on that part of Lake Champlain, which is now a part of the Colony of New 
York, has been referred to the Lords of Trade and their Lordships having made a Report to 
His Maty thereupon. It is his Maty's Resolution upon the fullest consideration not to allow any 
claims made upon the ground of ancient grants from the Government of Canada to Lands 
which were never acknowledged to belong of right to the Crown of France. 

His Maty has the most tender Regard to the Rights of His new Subjects, and is desirous of 
giving every proper Testimony of His Attention to their Interests and Welfare, & therefore it 
is His Maty's Pleasure, that they should not be disturbed in the peacable possession of any 
Tracts so circumstanced, wiiich they may have actually settled & improved, provided they 
consent to establish their Title by Grants under the seal of the Province of New York, upon 
the usual Conditions of Quit Rent and Improvement. 

In this Case therefore, as well as in that which I have already mentioned, relative to the 
lands between the Rivers Hudson and Connecticut, it will be necessary that very exact 


information should be transmitted of the State of these claims, and of the Degree of Cultivation 
and Settlement upon every Tract claimed as well by His Maty's natural born subjects as by 
His new subjects of Quebec, and that the same Measures and Precautions should be taken in 
respect to the Preservation of Pine Trees, vpith which there is good Reason to beleive this 
Country does also plentifully abound. 

His Majesty has been graciously pleased in considering the Request of the Assembly, 
concerning a Paper Currency mentioned in your Letter N° 31. to give to it the greatest 
Attention. And the Assembly may rest assured that it will ever be an Object of His Maty's 
care and attention to promote by reasonable and proper Measures, the Interests of His Subjects 
in every part of His Dominions, and to give all possible Releif in every case of real Difficulty 
& Distress ; But both you and they must know that as the Law now stands, the allowing any 
of the Colonies to Issue Paper Bills of Credit with a Legal Tender, is not a matter left to 
the Discretion of the Crown, & that it would be inconsistent with repeated Resolutions of the 
House of Commons to allow Paper Bills of Credit under any Description to be created by 
Laws made to take eflect before His Maty's Pleasure could be known, and therefore if it were 
wished to have such a Paper Currency in the Province of New York as the Law allows, His 
Majesty does not see what reasonable pretence there could be for not transmitting with the 
Request the Draught of such a Bill as they proposed to enact. 

The prohibiting the Governors of those Colonies which are under the immediate Government 
of the Crown from assenting in particular cases to Laws, until His Maty's Pleasure should be 
known, upon a full communication of all the Regulations intended to be established, is a Right 
inherent in the Crown, upon the Principles of the Constitution of those Colonies; But in 
order to remedy as much as possible any Inconvenience which might attend the Operation of 
this necessary and Constitutional Restriction upon the Exercise of the legislative Power 
of the Colonies, the Wisdom of Government has substituted the regulation of the suspending 
Clause merely as an alternative to prevent that Delay which would attend the passing a Bill 
thro' all it's forms after the Crown had signified it's consent that it should be enacted into a 
Law. This, Sir, is I conceive the exact state of the case with respect to the suspending 
Clause, and therefore I am at a loss to guess upon what Ground it is that the Assembly object 
to a Regulation that has been evidently calculated to give every possible advantage and Benefit 
which can be given, without departing from those Constitutional Principles on which the 
Government of the Colonies was founded. 

I have it in command from His Maty to transmit to you the enclosed Copies of Two Letters 
to the Earl of Shelburne from M"" Colden stating the Injustice of the Assembly's Refusal to 
Compensate him for his losses by the Mob on the 1" of Nov'' 1765. and to pay him the arrears 
of Salary due to him at the time of your Arrival. 

It is His Majesty's Pleasure that you should examine into the state and nature of these 
Demands, and in case you find them just & reasonable that you should recommend to the 
Assembly to provide for the Discharge of them, as a matter of Justice that ought not to be 
denied from Considerations of any Dissatisfaction which the conduct of that Gentleman may 
have occasioned. 

I am fee" 

Governor of New York. Hillsborough 


Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade. 

[ New-Tork Papers, Bundle Kr., No. 20. ] 

New York 2G. Febr^ 1768. 
My Lords. 

1 have the honor of transmitting to your LordPP" by this opportunity the Acts of Assembjy 
passed in the late Session to which an end was put on the 6"" day of this month by a dissolution, 
as they had sat seven years, and new writs are issued returnable some lime in March. Most 
of these Acts have been passed in former sessions and only continued in this for some time 
longer, two or three very short new Acts, are as fully explained in their titles as I could do by 
letter, but it is necessary, that I should make some observation on two, which are not only 
new but require some explanation. The first is intitled '• An Act to declare the extention of 
" several Acts of Parliam' made since the establishment of a Legislation in this Colony, and 
" not declared in the said Acts to extend to the Plantations." The uncertain determinations, 
and different opinions of the Judges relative to Acts of Parliament, and the confusion, which of 
course ensued in the Law proceedings here have occasioned this Act, that there might be some 
fixed and permanent rule to go by, for an Act of Parliament in which the Colonies were not 
mentioned, was pleaded in one term and rejected in the next, so that in effect the issue of a 
cause depended not so much on the right of the Client, as on the breath of the Judge, and what 
was looked upon as a very good plea in one circuit was disallowed in another; Your LordPP' 
may easily imagine, what must have been the consequence of this method of Acting, and the 
difficulties under which all the suitors in the Courts must have laboured. This Act was 
intended to remedy these inconveniencies and only a certain number of Acts of the English 
Legislature adopted, as many of them were merely local, and could not be of any service here, 
or indeed properly carried into execution in our present situation. The second, is the " Act 
" for the more effectual vesting the real and personal Estate whereof Abraham De Peyster' Esq", 
" late Treasurer of this Colony died seized and posessed, in Trustees for the payment of hia 
" debts" — M"' De Peyster's death happening during tiie recess of the Assembly, his executors 
upon a thorough examination of the State of his Affairs before the session began, found, that he 
had died so much indebted to the Province, that it was apprehended all the Estate he left 
behind him, would hardly be able to satisfy the public Demand ; Upon this, for the Credit of 
the Family, all the parties interested in the succession determined to petition the Assembly for 
a Bill, to vest the Estate in trust for the payment of the monies due, and the house of Assembly 
were proceeding on a supposition, that such a Bill would pass, provided the Heirs declared 
their willingness to give up every thing to the Govern'. As soon as I was informed of this, I 
sent a copy of His Maj''''' Instruction relative to private Bills to the Council and desired they 
would lay it before the Assembly in the conference, they were to have together that morning, 
concerning M"' De Peyster's Affairs, that they might regulate themselves accordingly in the 
forming of the Bill then before them ; I likewise gave them to understand, that as it was 
apparent the Instruction was designed to check the Colony Legislative (when exercising 
Jtididal) Authority not only by preserving the Crown's claim as the dernier resort of Justice in 
Plantation causes, but by securing private property from being sacrificed to the spirit of Party, 

' Abraham De Petster, eldest son of Abralmm, sttpra, IV., Ill, wns born in New- York on the 28th August, 1696, and 
married Margaret, eldest daugliter of Jacobus van Cortland, Ist July, 1722. lie was elected Treasurer of the Province 2d 
June, I72I, and died 17th September, 1767, aged 71. Z>« PfysUr Genealogy, 23. — Ed. 


no designs of the Legislature though never so public spirited and laudable, could furnish reasons 
for disregarding an instruction important to the Crown and safe to the People. Neither the 
Council, nor the Assembly were strangers to the Instruction, it had been often made use of and 
the security derived from it to their properties left no room to entertain thoughts of evading 
it, but they did not think the present Bill to be the object of it; they had now changed 
the first Plan for the proprietors of the Treasurer's Estate had by a voluntary act and Deed 
transferred all their Rights and title to it, to public Trustees for jiuUic uses, it was their opinion, 
that it thenceforth became public property, and no individual being any longer interested in 
it, of course a Lav? might be as freely passed relative to that Estate as to any money in the 
Treasury, all of it now belonging to the public with no other difference, than that some part of 
the fund consisted of Land, Bonds ettc and the rest of cash. When matters were so far 
advance^, I sent for one of the Sons-in-Lavir of the late Treasurer, who confirmed to me what I 
have here related ; and I afterwards mentioned to him His Maj'^'' Instruction concerning private 
Bills, telling him ai the same time, that if there had been the least reluctance in any of the 
parties interested to make the conveyance, that it must necessarily put a stop to the Bill in 
its present form, oblige us to go through the whole ceremony prescribed of publication, and 
afterwards of inserting a suspending clause, till the King's pleasure should be known, but he 
assured me, that the conveyance was voluntary, and that all parties interested in the succession 
desired nothing more than, that the Estate sh** be applyed as far as it would go to satisfy the 
debt due to the Province. The Members of His Majesty's Council being of opinion, that as 
the conveyance absolutely extinguished all private Interest, the Bill in question did not come 
under the Instruct" I had sent to them, they passed it, and by their advice I gave my asscent 
to it, as from the circumstances here set forth — I did not apprehend that either the Crown or 
the subject would be injured by it. These, My Lords, are the reasons, why this Bill now 
appears without the usual certificate and suspending clause, and as there was not the least 
design in any of the branches of the Legislature to evade His Maj''''' Instruction, we hope to 
find Your LordPP' sentiments concurr with ours on this occasion. I have the honor to be with 
the greatest Respect — My Lords. 

Your Lordships most obedient 

and humble servant 
\ H: Moore 

Governor Moore to the JEarl of Shelhurne. 

[New-Tork, CLX., A., IS.] 

Fort George, New York, 5"" March 17GS. 
My Lord, 

In many letters which I have had the honor of writing to your Lordship, I have been under 
a necessity of mentioning the difficulties I have struggled with for two years past in bringing 
back to a sense of their Duty those minds which the late tumults and disorders here had so 
much inflam'd, and at the same time could not avoid laying before your Lordship the present 
weakness of the Government in many Instances, so ill attended to by those here whose 


business it is to support it; I however flatter'd myself tliat by perseverance and a constant 
attention to the Duties of my Commission I should be able to surmount the obstacles thrown 
in my way, and thought 1 had great reason for such expectations from the Conduct of the 
House of Assembly in their last Session which was so different from what I found on my 
arrival here; A new difficulty has now arose, and it comes from a Quarter so little expected, 
that my Duty obliges me to lay it before your Lordship by this first opportunity which has 
otter'd since it was started-, as it has so manifest a Tendency to raise heats and animosities "in 
the minds of His Majesty's Subjects here. — The Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Forces 
claims by Virtue of his Instructions a Superiority over all the Governors of America upon all 
occasions and the same was notify'd to me last week by the General who sent me a Copy 
of the Rules establish'd by His Majesty in Council on the l?"" of December 1760. for the 
Precedence to be observed by the several Officers therein mention'd in which the words upon 
all occasions are so far insisted on, as to set up claims which can only tend to irritate the minds 
of the People and prejudice His Majesty's service, I waited on the General immediately on the 
Receipt of his letter & endeavour'd to make appear the mistake he was under not only from an 
Extract of my Commission which commanded all Officers & Ministers Civil ^- Military and 
all other Inhabitants of the Province and the Territories depending thereon, to be obedient, 
aiding and assisting to me in the execution of my Commission, but from the instruction itself, 
which seem'd plainly to point out that he was to preside upon all occasions where the Persons 
therein mention'd could be assembled, and as this would never be done but in times of Danger, 
tlie Authority of this Order seem'd only confined to such public occasions: 1 lost no time in 
laying this matter before a very full Board of His Majesty's Council, as 1 thought that it might be 
attended with worse consequences than the General seem'd to apprehend, especially in regard 
to the provision to be made for the Troops here which having been so lately comply'd with in 
the terms required by the Act of Parliament, it was with much concern I saw any such claim 
set up, never having seen the Instruction since my arrival here till last Week or indeed known 
that there was such a one, and at this particular juncture I could not but look on tiie claim 
now insisted on as injudicious and ill timed. The Council gave me the following unanimous 
opinion after having consider'd the Instruction with the greatest attention, viz' 1" They 
apprehended it to be His Majesty's Intention that upon all occasions where the particular Officers 
whose Precedence was therein settled, could be conven'd, that the Commander in Chief of 
His Majesty's Forces was always to preside as this Assemblage of Officers of different 
denominations, could be look'd upon in no other light than that of a Council of War, call'd 
together in times of Danger. 

S-^'y That the right of Presiding in such a Meeting was by this Instruction always vested in 
the Commander in Chief of the Forces, whether the Congress was general, & took in all the 
Governors of North America or only partial and the Meeting confined to a consultation among 
a few of them held for the safety of any particular Province then threatned with any 
impending danger. 

3'"^' That they have always look'd upon the Person appointed by His Majesty to be his 
Captain General and Governor in Chief of the Province, to be the First Officer in rank here 
being vested with that authority which constitutes a supreme Command, such as calling of 
Assemblies, passing Laws, pardoning Criminals fcc" and that as His Majesty's immediate 
Representative here, he must have a superiority over a.11 persons in the Province it being 
expressly so declared in his Commission. — 4"''J' That as it is contrary to the Establishment of 


the British constitution that the Civil Power should be subordinate to the Military, they can 
by no means joyn in opinion with the Commander in Chief of the Forces that the Precedence 
and Superiority claim'd by him over the Civil Governor can possibly extend to any thing 
farther than the Right of Presiding in the above niention'd Public Assemblies, vjion all 
occasions where they shall meet, and that any other construction put on those Words would 
open a door to Scenes of Confusion and disorder, for that if once a Military Commission was 
acknowledg'd as Superior to the Civil one, the words vimn all occasions might be interpreted 
in such a sense, and with so much Latitude, as to leave little else to the Civil Governor but 
the bare name 

5"" That the only Cognizance which can be taken here of any Crimes committed by the 
Civil Governor is by making a Representation of them to His Majesty, who would in that case 
immediately suspend an Officer unworthy of his commission, and by commanding the 
Government of the Province to be deliver'd up to the Lieu' Governor or President of 
the Council reduce the Civil Governor to the station of a private Man in order to his being 
brought to such punishment as the Laws of his Country should think him deserving. This is 
far from being the case in regard to the Commander in Chief of the P'orces, who is in every 
respect subject to the coercive power of the Laws in the first instance and can be compell'd to 
the same obedience which is exacted from the rest of the King's Subjects for every offence he 
may commit; The claim therefore set up of a Superiority to the Civil Governor upon all 
occasions may be extended so far as to be repugnant to the establish'd Laws of tfie Land. 
These, my Lord, were the sentiments of His Majesty's Council on the occasion, which I told 
them I should immediately transmit to your Lordship, & I hope f shall not be thought to 
trespass too much on your Lordship's Time by the small addition of what I think incumbent 
on me to say on so disagreable a subject. No Man would endeavour more carefully than 
myself to avoid every Act which could create a misunderstanding between the General and 
myself; No advantage can arise from it to the Community, and as His Majesty's servMce may 
suffer by it, it is the Duty of both to prevent it as far as lays in our power ; For this reason, I 
have done nothing more than assert the right I apprehend to be vested in me by my 
Commission, declaring at the same time my Intentions of conforming strictly to the Instructions 
of which a Copy was sent to me, in case of any public meeting of the Governors; As my 
Opinion did not differ from that of the Council in anyone Article, I shall not here recapitulate 
what they said but would anly beg leave to observe to your Lordship that in many Instances 
the minds of the people here would be so much affected with a Claim of this kind as to make 
them lose all that respect now shew'd to His Majesty's Civil Governor here. — It has been an 
establish'd Custom here on His Majesty's Birth Day for the Inhabitants to assemble at the 
F'ort, which is the residence of the Governor, & who receives the Compliments of the Day in 
His Majesty's name. The Council and Assembly (if sitting). The Clergy of all the different 
Communions, The Mayor Aldermen & Common Council men of the City, and all Persons of 
any Consideration meet there at Noon, The King's health is drunk by every body present in 
great form under a discharge of the Cannon of the Fort, and the Day concluded by Public 
Entertainments and Illuminations throughout the Town. A ceremony of this kind so essential 
to preserve and keep up in the minds of the People that respect which is due to His Majesty, 
and which has been constantly practiced here, would drop at once on the Assertion of a 
Superiority in the General's Commission, and the claim asserted by him produce no other 
effect in this case, than that of putting an end to a Meeting always encouraged on that day, 
Vol. VIII. S 


and preventing the Persons I have here mention'd from shewing for the future that respect 
they intended to the Birth Day of their Sovereign, for none of them have the least connection 
with or can looli upon the Commander of the Forces here to be their Chief, and of course will 
be ready enough to forbear paying a Court, they do not think due to him either on that or any 
other occasion; In every other civil Ceremony of which there are various kinds, & in which 
the Military have no part, this claim must constantly excite a Dispute, and set the Civil and 
Military Powers at variance But the consequences in none of them are so much to be dreaded 
as in the obstacles they may hereafter occasion in the provision required for the Troops 
agreable to the Act of Parliament, and which your Lordship has seen 1 have never been able 
to effect 'till the last Session. The Suspension of the Legislative powers here, was a measure 
which very much alarm'd the People, although it was nothing but what they deserved, and no 
pains were spared to excite a commotion among them by the Seditious Papers publish'd every 
Week in the Massachusets Government calculated to impose on the credulous and unwary, 
They were made to believe that this was only the first step towards the total abolition of the 
Civil Power in order to introduce a Military Government, and continued in that persuasion till 
the conduct of the Assembly (by providing for the Troops) convinced them of their Error; 
These mistaken notions are again revived, by them upon the present claims of the Commander 
in Cliief of the Forces, as the Words upon all occasions are liable to be construed in so extended 
a sense as to affect every act of Governni'— I have twice during my Administration desired 
the Generals assistance at the Council Board, which he has readily given, I there placed him 
at my right hand as it was my Intention to treat him with all the respect due to him, although 
I was then totally unacquainted with any pretensions he had in consequence of the Instruction, 
or with the Instruction itself; If the claim asserted within these few days must have the 
unlimited meaning which is given to it, I must either forego the assistance which the General's 
presence in Council may render very necessary for His Majesty's service by not calling upon 
him on such an occasion, or give up the Power and Authority vested in me by my Commision 
which I a|)prehend takes place at all times in this Province except on those public occasions 
where His Majesty has been pleased by the Instruction to the General to direct the contrary; 
This, my Lord, is our present situation, occasion'd by the late extensive claim, and I can assure 
your Lordship that it is not from a Motive of Vanity but Duty that I have.oppos'd it, as I fear 
it may disturb the present internal Tranquillity of the Province; and as I have no other views 
but those of promoting the King's Service I must with all submission request that the point in 
dispute may be settled, and that His Majesty's pleasure may be known upon the few heads to 
which this dispute may be reduced. 1*' Whether those Words jqion all Occasions in the 
Instruction are not declaratory of the General's Right to preside uimn all occasions where 
the Officers therein mention'd can be conven'd for the Public Service, as it does not appear 
iiow it can affect them at any other time, The Governors, Lieu' Governors and Presidents of 
the Council being directed to take their places according to the dates of their Commissions 
and ih(- Ciiarter Governors according to the dates of their Charters? 

a'"5' Whether on eviri/ oilir.r occasion the Civil Governor of the Province is not to be deem'd 
the King's immediate Representative, as he is vested with the Supreme Command, and of 
course must preside in all civil affairs? 

3''"' And whether the Civil Governor can be suppos'd in any shape to be subordinate to, 
or in a Station inferior to the Commander in Chief of the Forces, except at the times mention'd 


in the Instruction where his Place is fixed by His Majesty's Order among the other Persons 
appointed to assemble? I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect 
My Lord 

Your Lordship's 

most obedient and 

humble Servant 
Right Hon""' Earl of Shelburne H. Moore 

Lords of Trade to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ Plantations General ( S. P. O. ) CCLIV. ] 

Whitehall March 17. 1768 
My Lord, 

In obedience to his Majesty's Commands signified to us by the Earl of Shelburne in his 
Lordships Letter of the 5 of October last, that we should report Our Opinion upon several 
Memorials Letters and Papers relative to the General State of Indian Affairs, and to the 
Establishment of certain Posts and Colonies in the interior part of the Continent of North 
America; We have prepared and herewith transmit to your Lordship our humble 
Representation thereupon 
We are 

My Lord 

Your Lordships 

most obedient and 

most humble Servants 

SoAME Jenyns 
Ed** Eliot 
Earl of Hillsborough W. Fitzherbert 

Representation of Lords of Trade on the State of Indian Affairs. 

[ Planlations General ( 8. P. O. ) CCIilT. ] 

To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty 

May it please Your Majesty, 

In obedience to your Majesty's Commands signified to us by a letter from the Earl of 
Shelburne one of your Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State dated the 5 of October last, we 
have taken into our most serious consideration the several Memorials Letters & other Papers 
therewith referred to us containing objections to, and observations upon the present Plan for 


the management of Our Commerce with the Indians in North America ; stating the great 
expense attending as well that Branch of Service, as the present disposition of the Troops for 
Indian purposes aiid urging the expediency and propriety, in various Lights, of Establishing 
certain new Governments upon the Mississippi, the Ohio and at the Detroit, between the 
Lakes Erie and Huron ; We have also conferred upon this occasion with such of your Majesty's 
Military Servants, has have been employed in North America, and with such Merchants and 
others as are most intelligent in the North American and Indian Trade. 

Whereupon we humbly beg leave to represent to your Majesty, 

That the subject matter, to which these Papers refer, and the Questions arising thereupon, 
stated to us in the Earle of Shelburne's letter, appear to us to lead to a consideration of no less 
consequefice and importance, than what System it may be now proper for your Majesty to 
pursue, with respect to that vast and extensive Country in North America, which on account 
of the Indian War raging within it, was made by the Proclamation of the 7 of October 17G3, 
the object of mere provisional arrangements. 

The advantages arising from the Treaty of Paris, are in no part of it more distinguished than 
in those stipulations, which by obtaining from France and Spain Cessions to your Maj'J' of 
those important Possessions in North America which by their situation gave most alarm and 
annoyance to the British Colonies, laid the foundation of lasting security to your Majesty's 
Empire in North America, and of relief to this Country by a reduction of that heavy Expense 
with which it was necessarily burthen'd for the defence and protection of those Colonies; 
And although the unfavourable impressions left upon the minds of the Indians by the event of 
the War, and the representations of the French that we meant to extirpate them, did for 
sometime involve us in a War with them, that rendered necessary the continuance of a large 
Military Establishment; Yet that War being happyly ended and Treaties of Peace and 
Friendship to which all the various Tribes have acceded having been finally concluded, it is 
now become of immediate importance to examine, how far the alteration ; which has thus 
taken place in the State of your Majesty's Dominion in North America, may require or admit 
of any proportionable alteration in the System, by which that part of your Majesty's Service 
is to be carried on for the future. 

The parts of the Service for which we are more immediately called upon by the Earl of 
Shelburnes letter to give Our attention, are First, The present Civil Establishment regarding 
the Indians Secondly, The disposition of the Troops for Indian purposes; and lastly, the 
Establishment of certain new Colonies. 

With respect to the first of these Points, we are directed to state Our opinion, how far the 
present expenses of the Civil Establishment regarding the Indians may with safety and 
propriety be reduced, by entrusting the Indian Trade, and .all other Indian Affaires to the 
management of the several Colonies. 

In considering this Question it may he proper to observe that the Institution of 
Superintendants for the Affairs of Indians appear to have been a measure originally adopted 
principally with a view to counteract the designs of the French in 1754, who by sovi^ing the 
seeds of Jealousy amongst the Indians, and exciting them to resent Injuries for redress of 
which they had in vain solicited the Colonies, had well nigh entirely weaned them from the 
British Interest, and at the same time by uniting the force and conducting the enterprizes of 
the Savages, had rendered them an Over match for your Majesty's Colonies standing single 
and disunited. 


In order therefore to balance the danger arising from tliis more immediate Union and 
Co-operation of the French with the Indians it became necessary to provide a more 
Systematical as well as more extensive plan of defence for the Colonies than had before been 
requisite; a plan vphich might bear some Proportion to the extent of the efforts then made by 
their Enemies, and which having for its object the preservation of all your Majesty's Colonies 
from the common Danger, could no otherwise be administred with safety, or with effect, than 
under the immediate controul of their common Sovereign & Protector: and the utility of such 
a plan under those circumstances was soon manifested by its consequences, and by the share 
it had in contributing to tiiat Success, which ever after attended the British Arms in America. 

From the slight view of the original Causes of the institution of Superintendants, and of the 
consequence it produced, it cannot but appear evident, that every objection both to the 
expense and difficulty in execution was. answered by the necessity of the Case, and importance 
of the object; but should it appear to your Majesty that the alteration in the state of America, 
since the Peace, has rendered the measure less necessary at least in its full extent, every 
consideration both of expence, and of difficulty in the execution, must now be carefully 
attended to; before aright Judgement can be formed, as to the expediency of continuing either 
the whole or any part of it. 

To maintain a good Correspondence with the Indians is undoubtedly an object of great 
importance : and upon a carefull examination into the state of Indian Affairs after the conclusion 
of Peace, it appears that the two principall Causes of the discontent, that still rankled in the 
minds of the Indians and influenced their Conduct, were the encroachments made upon Lands 
which they claimed as their Property, & the Abuses committed by Indian Traders and their 
Servants: The necessity which appeared in the then state of Our Interest with the Indians 
of making some immediate provision against these two causes of their discontent induced the 
Proclamation of October 1763 ; which very prudently restrained all persons from Trading with 
the Indians without licence; and forbid by the strongest prohibitions, all Settlement beyond the 
limits therein described as the boundary of the Indian hunting Ground, putting both their 
commerce and property under the protection of Officers acting under your Majesty's immediate 
Authority and making their intervention necessary in every transaction with those Indians. 

These however being as we have before observed, mere provisional arrangements adapted to 
the exigence of the time ; it is become now necessary to consider what may be more 
permanently requisite in both the Cases to which they apply. 

The giving all possible redress to the complaints of the Indians in respect to encroachments 
on their Lands, and a steady and uniform Attention to a faithful execution of whatever shall 
be agreed upon for that salutary purpose, is a consideration of very great importance; It is a 
Service of a general nature, in which your Majesty's Interest as Lord of the Soil of all ungranted 
Lands which the Indians may be inclined to give up, is deeply and immediately concerned, and 
with which the general security of your Majesty's possessions there is in some measure 
connected ; it is an object comprehensive of a variety of Cases, to which the separate authority 
and Jurisdiction of the respective Colonies is not competent, and it depends upon negotiation, 
which has always been carried on between Indians and Officers acting under your Majesty's 
immediate authority, and has reference to matters which the Indians would not submit to the 
discussion of particular Colonies. 

For these reasons we are of opinion, that the execution of all measures and circumstances 
respecting the complaints of the Indians touching their Lands should be continued to be 


entrusted to the Superintendants at present acting under Commission from your Majesty, 
reserving to the Governor and Council of every particular Colony, which may be interested in 
any measure that has reference to this general Service, a right to interpose their Advice, and 
milking their concurrence necessary to the Ratification of ever compact, that shall be 
provisionally made, until your Majesty's pleasure shall be known upon it. 

In a plan for the management of Indian Affairs prepared by this Board in 1764, the fixing a 
Boundary between the Settlements of your Majesty's Subjects and the Indian Country was 
proposed to be established by compact with the Indians, as essentially necessary to the gaining 
their good will and affection, and to preserving the tranquility of the Colonies. 

This Flan having been communicated to the Superintendants they have in the consequence 
thereof, made the proposition of such a boundary line an object of their particular attention, & 
of negotiation and discussion with the several Tribes of Indians interested therein. 

In the Southern district a Boundary line has not only been established by actual Treaties 
with the Creeks, Cherokees and Chactaws, but as also, as far as relates to the Provinces of 
North and South Carolina, been marked out by actual Surveys, and has had the happy effect 
to restore Peace and Quiet to those Colonies. 

In the Northern District the proposition appears to have been received by the Indians with 
the strongest marks of approbation and satisfaction, and a line of separation was in 1765 
suggested by them, in which Sir William Johnson acquiesced, declaring at the same time, that 
he could not finally ratify it without your Majesty's further directions. 

The paper (Appendix A) contains a description of the several Lines as agreed upon in the 
negotiation to which we refer, and to the end Your Majesty may have a more perfect view of 
them, we have annexed to such description a Map, in which we have endeavoured to trace 
those lines with as much accuracy as the general Maps of America will admit of. 

Your Majesty will be pleased to observe that altho on the one hand the Settlements in th^ 
new established Colonies to the South are confined to very narrow limits; yet on the other 
hand the middle Colonies ( whose state of population requires a greater extent) have room to 
spread much beyond what they have hitherto been allow'd and that upon the whole one 
uniform and complete line will be formed between the Indians and those antient Colonies, 
whose Limits not being confined to the Westward has occasioned that extensive settlement 
which being made without the consent of the Indians, and before any line was settled, produced 
the evil complained of. 

In comparing the Map with the description in writing as taken from the Treaties with the 
Indians, your Majesty will observe, that the boundary line with the Six Nations and their 
allies is made upon the Map to terminate at that part of the Ohio, where it receives the 
Connahway River, instead of continuing it down the Ohio to the Cherokee River, and up that 
River to its source, as described in the Treaty ; the reason for which is, that although the six 
Nations may have pretensions to the Dominion of the Country on the South side of the Ohio 
lower down than the Connahway River yet in fact it is more occupied by the Cherokees and 
other independant Tribes, as their hunting Ground ; and therefore the making any Settlements 
beyond the Connahway River, or at least beyond a line drawn from the Mouth of it, to where 
the Cherokee line now terminates as marked on the Map would be altogether inconsistent with 
what has been settled and agreed upon with that Nation for which reason we think, that the 
line settled with the Southern Indians, and that which remains to be settled with the Six Nations, 
ought to be united in the manner we have described. 


Upon the whole it does appear to us, tliat it will be greatly for your Majesty's Interest as 
well as for the Peace, Security and Advantage of the Colonies that this. boundary line shoud 
as speedily as possible be ratified by your Majesty's Authority and thnit the Superintendants 
should be instructed and impowered to make Treaties in your Majestys name with the Indians 
for that purpose, and enabled to make such presents to the Indians as the Nature and extent of 
the Concessions on their part shall appear to require, care however should be taken in the 
Settlement of this bussiness, that the agreement tor a boundary line be left open to such 
alterations as, by the Common consent, and for the mutual Interest of both parties may hereafter 
be found necessary & expedient. 

If your Majesty should be graciously pleased to approve what we have here recommended, 
we humbly submit whether it may not be further necessary that the Colonies should be 
required to give every sanction to the measure in their power and to provide by proper laws 
for the punishment of all persons, who shall endanger the publick peace of the Community, by 
extending Settlements or occupying lands beyond such line. 

What we have above stated in respect to the expediency of continuing the Office of 
Superintendants is confined merely to Negotiation witii the Indians concerning the boundary 
line ; But we humbly submit, that there are other Branches of Duty and Service, which 
though they be of less urgency yet do both from their Nature and importance require the 
intervention of Officers acting under your Majesty's immediate Authority and which as they 
have reference to the general interests of the Indians, independent of their connection with 
any particular Colony, cannot be provided for by the Provincial Laws, such are the renewal 
of antient Compacts or Covenant-Chains made between the Crown and the principal 
Tribes of Savages in that Country; liie reconciling Differences and disputes between one 
body of Indians and another; the agreeing with them for the sale or surrender of Lands for 
public purposes not lying within the limits of any particular Colony; and the holding 
interviews with them lor these and a variety of other general purposes which are merely 
objects of Negotiation between your Majesty and the Indians. 

These may it please your Majesty, are in our Judgement Services of great importance, and 
to which it is essentially necessary for the preservation of the British interest with those 
Indians, and for the preventing all foreign influence and Connection, that strict attention 
should be paid. 

Antecedent to the Establishment of the present Plan of Superintendants the management 
of these Interests was entrusted to the Governors of the Colonies, which were principally 
connected with the Indians but when we consider the dependent State of such Governors; 
that the qther duties of their Station must interfere with this very important one; how greatly 
the objects of this Service are increased by alliances with those numerous Nations heretofore 
under the Dominion of France and how necessary it is that a constant watch should be kept 
upon their Motions and designs and that your Majesty's Servants should be constantly and 
regularly informed of the true State of Affairs; and of all transactions in the Indian Country; 
We cannot but be of Opinion that these are reasons joyned to what We have already stated 
which do make it essentially necessary that the Office of Superintendants should for the 
present be continued for these purposes; and that they should be enabled hy stated annual 
Establishment co[n] fined to a certain Sum, to make such Presents as have been usual & 
and customary; therefore are become absolutely necessary upon all occasions of Treaties held 
with the Indians for public purposes the expence of which including Salaries to the two 


Superintendants need not according to the calculations and estimates made by them, exceed 
Eight Thousand pounds annually. 

Having thus fully stated to your Mnjesty the nature & extent of those Services which 
relate to the Management of Indian Affairs; independent of the Trade with them, we shall in 
the next place submit what has occured to us upon the latter subject. 

It must be admitted that a proper Plan of Trade with the Indians is an object deserving 
great attention not only from the Commercial benefit resulting from it, but also from the 
effect that its being ill or well governed must have upon the temper & disposition of 
the Savages and as it must consist of Regulations that depend upon local situation and 
circumstances, and which require the authority of law to carry them into execution it 
cannot be conducted with the same facility, or be properly and effectually controlled by 
Officers having no other authority, than what they derive from your Majestys Commission. 

Upon the fullest examination into the effect and operation of the several propositions 
respecting the Indian Trade, suggested by this Board in 1764, and adopted by the 
Superintendants, it does appear to us that many of them have, in particular cases, and with 
respect to particular bodies of Indians been attended with salutary effect; We are convinced 
however upon the whole of tiiis consideration, 

First, That no one general Plan of Commerce & Policy is or can be applicable to all the 
different Nations of Indians of different interests and in different situations. 

Secondly, That the confining Trade to certain Posts and Places, which is the Spirit and 
principal of the present System, however expedient and effectual with respect to the Southern 
Indians, is of doubtful! Policy with respect to those Indians more particularly connected with 
New York & .Pensylvania ; and that it is evidently disadvantageous inconvenient and eveti 
dangerous with respect to the much larger body of Indians, who possess the Country to the 
Westward, and with whom Your Majesty's Subjects in Quebec in particular do carry on so 
extensive a Commerce. 

Thirdly, That independent of this objection, and of any doubt that might attend the 
practicabillyty of its execution in its full extent, the whole Plan does consist of such a variety 
of establishments, and necessarily leads to such extensive operations, as to bring on an 
increasing expence which in point of Commerce, may exceed the value of the object to which 
it applies, and being greater than the Trade can bear must if the present Plan should be 
permanent either iall upon the Colonies, in which Case it will be impracticable to settle the 
proportion each Colony should bear, or become a burthen upon this Country, which we 
humbly conceive, would be both unreasonable and highly inconvenient. 

I'or these reasons therefore and under these circumstances, we are humbly of opinion that 
the laying a side that part of the present Plan which relates to the Indian Trade, and intrusting 
the entire Management of that Trade to the Colonies themselves will be of great advantage 
to your Majesty's Service, as a means of avoiding much difficulty, and saving much expense 
both at present and in future.' 

It is certainly true, that while the management of this Trade was in the hands of the 
Colonies antecedent to the establishment of Superintendants many abuses were committed by 
the Traders, little care was taken to subject them to proper regulations, and the misconduct 
of the Colonies in this particular contributed not a little to involve us in the enormous 
expences of an Indian War. 


If therefore it were probable that the like neglect or mismanagement would again take 
place, in such a degree as to expose us to the same consequences We should not hesitate in 
declaring our Opinion against the propriety of suffering the management of this concern ever 
to revert into the hands of the Colonies. 

But we trust, that the experience which the old Colonies have had of the ill effects of such 
inattention and neglect, will induce all of them to use more caution and better management 
for the future ; and particularly to adopt such of the Regulations established by the present 
Superintendants; as have evidently operated to the benefitt of the Trade, and to the giving 
that satisfaction and content to the Indians from which alone the Colonies can hope to derive 
either immediate profit or lasting Peace and Security. 

With respect to the Question, how far the present expense regarding the disposition of 
Troops for Indian purposes, may with propriety and safety be lessened by reducing most of the 
Posts now subsisting and intrusting others of them to the Provinces themselves, we beg leave 
in the first place in general to represent it to your Majesty, as our humble opinion, that it will 
be in the highest Degree expedient to reduce all such Posts in the interior Country, as are not 
immediately subservient to the protection of the Indian Commerce and to the defeating of 
French and Spanish Machinations among the Indians, or which, although in some degree 
usefull for these purposes cannot be maintained but at an expence disproportioned to the 
degree of their utility. But before we apply this observation to the particular Posts now 
subsisting it may be proper to take a cursory view of the Interests and Situations of the several 
Tribes or Bodies of Indians whose commerce and connections are the objects of whatever 
Establishments it may be thought necessary to continue. 

The Indians included in the Southern District consist principally of the Chactaws, Creeks and 
Cherokees the Chickasaws being reduced to a very inconsiderable number and the Catawbas 
in great measure domiciliated within the Settlements of North Carolina; the commerce and 
connection with the Creeks and Cherokees have been from the Situation of their Country 
principally confined to the British Colonies of Georgia North and South Carolina, and Virginia 
whilst the commerce and connection with the Chactaws whose Country extends from the 
Albania River to the Mississippi, were for that reason altogether confined to the French 
Colony of Louisiana. 

By the Treaty of Paris, France has renounced all pretensions to dominion in the Chactaw 
Country which is thereby become in respect to that stipulation a part of the British Empire, 
and consequently all Trade and intercourse between the Subjects of France or Spain in 
Louisiana and those Indians is in fact illicit and contraband ; and yet it is evident from the 
reports made by the Superintendant of the Southern District, that such Trade and intercourse 
is still continued to be kept up to a very great degree. 

Such may it please your Majesty is the state of commerce and connection with the principal 
Tribes of Indians in the Southern District; and as their Commerce both from Louisiana and 
the British Colonies is carried on through a great variety of paths and routs, and does not 
depend upon Rivers and Lakes, forming as in the Northern District the only passes into the 
Indian Country, it is evident that both the Security and extension of it must depend upon 
the effect and operation of those regulations, under which it shall be carried on ; and that 
neither the Trade of your Majesty's Subjects can be protected nor the connection and 
intercourse between Louisiana and the Indians prevented by Forts or Military Establishments, 

Vol. VIII. 4 


In the Northern District the principal Indians form themselves into two great confederacies; 
the one composed of the Six Nations and their Allies and Dependants, the other called the 
Western Confederacy composed of a great variety of powerful! Tribes occupying that extensive 
Country which lyes about the Lakes Huron, Michigan and superior, and to the West and 
North West. 

The Commerce and Connection with the first of these Bodies of Indians was, antecedent 
to the War, confined chiefly to the Province of New York, upon the Teritories of which 
tiieir principal hunting ground lyes and the Trade was carried on at Fortified Truck Houses 
upon the Lake Ontario; since the peace a large share of this Trade is carried on from 
Pennsylvania by the Channel of the Ohio, and from thence by Venango and Riviere aux Boeufs 
into Lake Erie. 

The Commerce and Connection with those Indians which form the Western Confederacy, 
were both from the situation of the Country they occupied and from the Plan pursued by 
PVance for securing the Dominion of it by Posts upon the Lakes, altogether confined to the 
French in Canada, and is now principally carried on from thence by your Majesty's Subjects 
there, through the Channel of the Ottawa River and by the Lakes. 

In this state therefore of the Commerce and connection subsisting between your Majesty's 
Subjects and the Indians in the Northern District, and of the Channels through which the 
intercourse is carried on, it does appear to us that the keeping up Military Establishments at 
Detroit Michilimacinac and Niagara, and the having two, or at most three armed Vessels on 
the Lakes Erie, Huron, Michigan and Superior may be necessary for keeping up and preserving 
that good correspondence with the Indians, which is essential to the Safety, Improvement and 
Extension of the Trade with them. 

Of these tiiree Establishments that at Detroit which is the great center of Indian commerce, 
situated amongst many numerous Tribes of Indians, and where a considerable number of 
French remain under the Faith of the Treaty of Paris, does appear to us to be by far the most 
important object, not being confined merely to the convenience of any particular Colony, but 
embracing every advantage upon which the Safety and Extension of our Indian Commerce 
do depend. 

The armed Vessels proposed to be kept upon the Lakes, do also appear to us to be of the 
like general Utility ; And therefore we are humbly of opinion that both of these establishments 
should be maintained upon a respectable Footing, the charge whereof we do not conceive needs 
to be very considerable, as the necessity of any large Supply of Provisions from the Settled 
Colonies which has always been a great Article of Expence attending distant Posts, will in 
great measure be taken off by the opportunity of their being furnished with Corn and other 
provisions raised by your Majesty's new Subjects settled at Detroit, who as we are informed 
from the most undoubted Testimony have already made a considerable progress in raising 
those Commodities for that very purpose. 

These may it please your Majesty are the only Military Posts and Establishments, that 
appear to us to be necessary, solely with a view to protect and promote our Commerce with 
the Indians ; what further may be necessary for public safety in general, or for preventing that 
dangerouse intercourse between the French and Spaniards at New Orleans, and the Indians 
under your Majesty's protection stated in the Papers referred to us to be carried on to a very 
great extent, and which has been confirmed by those we have examined upon the Subject is a 
consideration, which we humbly presume more particularly belongs to your Majesty's Servants 


in the Military Departments; But we cannot but be of opinion, that all such Forts as shall be 
judged necessary to be kept up for the Security of your Majesty's Dominions against a foreign 
Enemy, or for forcing obedience to and a due execution of the Laws of Trade, ought to be 
garrisoned by Troops in your Majesty's pay commanded by officers appointed by your Majesty, 
as it would in our humble opinion be dangerous to publick safety, and inconsistent with tiie 
true principles of this Government, that Forts and Military Establishments, intended to answer 
such important objects should be entrusted to any other hands. 

Upon the whole we trust that the expence of the present disposition of Troops for Indian 
purposes may be reduced without hazarding either the safety or the interest of your Majesty's 
Subjects unless indeed it should be thought expedient to adopt the proposition contained in 
some of the papers referred to us, of settling new Colonies in the interior Country ; for in that 
case we should not venture to recommend any reduction of the Military Expence in the 
particulars above stated. This Consideration therefore naturally leads us to the last head of 
Inquiry referred to us by the Earl of Shelburnes letter Viz' How far the Establishment of new 
Governments on the Mississippi the Ohio, and at Detroit, would contribute to answer the 
purpose of lessening either the present Civil or Military Expence or would procure the several 
other important advantages set forth in the papers referred to us. 

Now, although it does not appear from the papers referred to us, that propositions have been 
made for the Establishment of more than three new Governments or Colonies in the interior 
parts of America; Viz' One at the Detroit between Lakes Erie and Huron ; One at or near 
the Mouth of the Ohio ; And one in the Illinois Country at or near the Mouth of the River of 
that Name ; and therefore by the strict Letter of his Lordships reference, the present 
consideration seems to be confined to these only ; Yet as it does appear both from the Nature of 
the arguments in favor of this measure contained in some of the papers, and from the manner 
in which others have been explained by the authors of the proposals themselves that they 
are meant to support the utility of Colonizing in the interior Country, as a general principle of 
Policy; and that in fact they have nothing less in view than the entire possession and peopling 
of all that Country which has Communications with the Rivers Mississippi and S' Lawrence, 
it does in our humble opinion open a much wider Field of Discussion than might at the first 
glance seem to be necessary. 

The Proposition of forming inland Colonies in America is, we humbly conceive entirely 
new ; it adopts principles in respect to American Settlements different from what has hitherto 
been the policy of this Kingdom ; and leads to a system which if pursued through all its 
consequences, is in the present state of this Country of the greatest importance. 

The great object of Colonizing upon the Continent of North America has been to improve 
and extend the Commerce, Navigation and Manufactures of this Kingdom, upon which its 
strength and security depend. 

First. By promoting the advantageous fishery carried on upon the Northern Coast ; 

Secondly, By encouraging the growth and culture of Naval Stores, and of raw materials to 
be transported hither in Exchange for perfect Manufacture and other Merchandize 

Thirdly, By securing a supply of Lumber, provisions, and other necessaries for the support 
of our Establishments in the American Islands. 

In order to answer these Salutary purposes it has been the policy of this Kingdom to confine 
her Settlements as much as possible to tiie Sea Coast and not to extend them to places 
unacessible to Shipping and consequently more out of the reach of Commerce, a plan which at 


the same time that it secured the attainment of these Commercial objects had the further 
political advantage of guarding against all interfering of foreign powers and of enabling this 
Kingdom to keep up a superior naval force in those Seas, by the actual possession of such Rivers 
and Harbours, as were proper stations for Fleets in time of War. 

Such may it please your Majesty have been the Considerations inducing that plan of Policy 
hitherto pursued in the settlement of your Majesty's American Colonies with which the private 
Interest and Sagacity of the Settlers co-operated from the first Establishments formed upon4hat 
Continent it was upon these principles and with these views, that Government undertook the 
settling of Nova Scotia in 1749; and it was from a view of the advantages represented to arise 
from it in these different Articles that it was so liberally supported by the Aid of Parliament. 

The same Motives tho' operating in a less degree and applying to fewer objects did as we 
humbly conceive induce the forming the Colonies of Georgia, East Florida and West Florida to 
the South and the making those provisional Arrangements in the Proclamation in 1763, by 
which the interior Country was left to the possession of the Indians. 

Having thus briefly stated what has been the policy of this Kingdom in respect to colonizing 
in America, it may be necessary to take a cursory view of what has been the effect of it in 
those Colonies where there has been sufficient time for that effect to discover itself; because if 
it shall appear from the present state of those Settlements and the progress they have made, that 
they are likely to produce the advantages above stated, it will we humbly apprehend, be a very 
strong argument against forming Settlements in the interior Country more especially where 
every advantage derived from an Established Government would naturally tend to draw the 
stream of population ; fertility of Soil and temperature of Climate offering superior inticements 
to Settlers who exposed [to] the few hardships and strugling with few difficulties could 
with little labour earn an abundance for their own wants but without a possibility of supplying 
ours with any considerable Quantities nor would these inducements be confined in their 
operation to foreign emigrants determining their choice where to settle; but would Act most 
powerfully upon the inhabitants of the Northern and Southern Latitudes of your Majesty's 
American Dominions, who ever suffering under the opposite extremes of heat and cold would 
be equally tempted by a moderate Climate to abandon Latitudes peculiarly adapted to the 
production of those things which are by nature denied to us, and for the whole of which we 
should without their assistance stand indebted to and dependent upon other Countries 

It is well known that antecedent to the year 1749, all that part of the Sea Coast of the 
British Empire in America which extends North East from the Province of Main to Canceau 
in Nova Scotia and from thence North to the Mouth of S' Lawrence's River, lay waste and 
neglected though naturally affording or capable by Art of producing every species of Naval 
Stores, the Seas abounding with Whale, Cod and other valuable Fish, and having many great 
Rivers Bays and Harbours fit for the Reception of Ships of War ; thus circumstanced a 
consideration of the great commercial advantages which would follow from securing the 
possession of this Country combined with the evidence of the value set upon it by our Enemies 
who during the War which terminated at that Period, had at an immense Expence attempted 
to wrest it from us, induced that Plan for the Settlement of Nova Scotia to which we have 
before referred and which being prosecuted with vigour though at a very large expence to this 
Kingdom secured the possession of that Province & formed those Establishments which 
contributed so greatly to facilitate and promote the success of your Majesty's Arms in the 
late War. 


The Establishment of Government in this part of America having opened to the view and 
information of your Majesty's Subjects in other Colonies, the great commercial advantages to 
be derived from it, induced a zeal for migration ; and associations were formed for taking up 
Lands and making Settlements in this Province by principal persons residing at those Colonies. 

In consequence of these associations upwards of 10,000 Souls have passed from those 
Colonies into Nova Scotia, who have either engaged in the fisheries, or become exporters of 
Lumber and Provisions to the West Indies; And further Settlements to the extent of 21 
Townships of 100,000 Acres each, have been engaged to be made there by many of the 
principal persons in Pennsylvania whose Names & Association for that purpose now lye before 
your Maj''' in Council. 

The Government of Massachusets Bay as well as the Proprietors of large Tracts to the 
Eastward of the Province of Main, excited by the success of these Settlements, are giving 
every encouragement to the like Settlements in that valuable Country lying between them and 
Nova Scotia; and the Proprietors of Twelve Townsiiips, lately laid out there by the 
Massachusets Government, now solicit your Majesty for a confirmation of their title. 

Such may it please your Majesty is the present State of the progress making in the 
Settlement of the Northern parts of the Sea Coasts of North America in consequence of what 
appears to have been the policy adopted by this Kingdom ; and many persons of Rank and 
Substance here are proceeding to carry into Execution the Plan, which your Majesty (pursuing 
the same Principles of commercial Policy) has approved for the Settlement of the Islands of 
S' John and Cape Breton, and of the new Established Colonies to the South ; and therefore 
as we are fully convinced, that the encouraging Settlements upon the Sea Coast of North 
America is founded in the true principles of Commercial Policy and as we find upon 
examination, that the happy effects of that Policy are now begining to open themselves in 
the Establishment of those Branches of Commerce, Culture and Navigation upon which tlie 
strength, wealth and security of this Kingdom depend, we cannot be of opinion that it would 
in any View be adviseable to divert your Majesty's Subjects in America from the persuit of 
these important objects by adopting measures of a new Policy at an expence to this Kingdom, 
which in its present State, it is unable to bear. 

This may it please your Majesty, being the light in which we view the proposition of 
Colonizing in the interior Country, considered as a general principle of policy, we shall in the 
next place proceed to examine the several arguments urged in support of the particular 
Establishments now recommended. 

These arguments appear to us reducible to the following general propositions Viz' 

First, That such Colonies will promote population, and increase the demands for, and 
consumption of British Manufactures. 

Secondly, That they will secure the Purr Trade, and prevent all illicit Trade, or interfering 
of French or Spaniards with the Indians. 

Thirdly, That they will be a defence and Protection to the old Colonies against the Indians. 

Fourthly, That they will contribute to lessen the present heavy Expence of Supplying 
provisions to the distant Forts and Garrisons; 

Lastly, That they are necessary in respect to the inhabitants already residing in those 
places, where they are proposed to be Established who require some form of Civil Government 

After what we have already stated with respect to the policy of encouraging Colonies in 
the interior Country as a general principle, We trust it will not be necessary to enter into an 
ample discussion of the Arguments brought to support the foregoing propositions. 


We admit as an undeniable principle of true policy, that with a view to prevent 
Manufactures it is necessary and proper to open an extent of territory for Colonization 
proportioned to the increase of people, as a large number of inhabitants, cooped up in narrow 
limits without a sufficiency of land for produce would be compelled to convert their attention 
and industry to Manufactures; but we submit whether the encouragement given to the 
Settlement of the Colonies upon the Sea Coast, and the effect which such encouragement has 
had, has not already effectually provided for this object as well as for more easing the Demand 
for, and consumption of British Manufactures; an advantage which in our humble opinion, 
would not be promoted by these new Colonies which being proposed to be established at the 
distance of above fifteen hundred miles from the Sea, and in places which upon the fullest 
evidence are found to be utterly inaccessible to shipping will from their inability to find 
returns wherewith to pay for the Manufactures of Great Britain be probably led 'to Manufacture 
for themselves a consequence which experience shews has constantly attended in a greater 
or lesser degree every inland Settlement, and therefore ought in our humble opinion to be 
carefully guarded against by encouraging the Settlement of that extensive tract of Sea Coast 
hitherto unoccupied ; which together with the liberty that the inhabitants of the middle 
Colonies will have (in consequence of the proposed boundary line with the Indians) of 
gradually extending themselves, backwards will more effectually and beneficially answer the 
object of encouraging population and consumption than the erection of New Governments, 
such gradual extension might through the medium of a continued population upon even the 
same extent of Territory preserve a communication of mutual Commercial Benefits between 
its extremest parts and Great Britain, impossible to exist in Colonies separated by immense 
Tracts of unpeopled desart. As to the effect which it is supposed the Colonies may have to 
increase and promote the Furr Trade, and to prevent all contraband Trade or intercourse 
between the Indians under your Majesty's protection and the French or Spaniards, it does 
appear to us; That the extension of the Furr Trade depends entirely upon the Indians being 
undisturbed in the possession of their hunting Grounds; that all Colonizing does in its nature, 
and must in its consequences operate to the prejudice of that Branch of Commerce; and that 
the French and Spaniards would be left in possession of a great part of what remained, as 
New Orleans would still continue the best and surest Markett. As to the protection which 
it is supposed these New Colonies may be capable of affording to the Old ones, it will in our 
opinion appear upon the Slightes view of their situation that so far from affording Protectioa 
to the old Colonies they will stand most in need of it themselves. 

It cannot be denied that new Colonies would be of advantage in raising Provisions for the 
supply of such Forts and Garrisons as may be kept up in the neighbourhood of them ; but as 
the degreeof utility will be proportioned, to the number and situation of those Forts and Garrisons 
which upon the result of the present enquiry it may be thought advisable to continue, so the 
force of the argument will depend upon that event. 

The present French inhabitnnts in the Neighbourhood of the Lakes, will in our humble 
opinion be sufficient to furnish with Provisions whatever Posts may be necessary to be 
continued there and as there are also French inhabitants settled in some parts of the Country 
lying upon the Mississippi between the Rivers Illinois and the Ohio; It is to be hoped that 
a sufficient number of these may be induced to fix their abode where the same convenience 
and advantage may be derived from them ; but if no such circumstance were to exist, and no 
such assistance to be expected from it, the objections stated to the Plan now under our 


We admit as an undeniable principle of true policy, that with a view to prevent 
Manufactures it is necessary and proper to open an extent of territory for Colonization 
proportioned to the increase of people, as a large number of inhabitants, cooped up in narrow 
limits without a sufficiency of land for produce would be compelled to convert their attention 
and industry to Manufactures; but we submit whether the encouragement given to the 
Settlement of the Colonies upon the Sea Coast, and the effect which such encouragement has 
had, has not already effectually provided for this object as well as for more easing the Demand 
for, and consumption of British Manufactures; an advantage which in our humble opinion; 
would not be promoted by these new Colonies which being proposed to be established at the 
distance of above fifteen hundred miles from the Sea, and in places which upon the fullest 
evidence are found to be utterly inaccessible to shipping will from their inability to find 
returns wherewith to pay for the Manufactures of Great Britain be probably led to Manufacture 
for themselves a consequence which experience shews has constantly attended in a greater 
or lesser degree every inland Settlement, and therefore ought in our humble opinion to be 
carefully guarded against by encouraging the Settlement of that extensive tract of Sea Coast 
hitherto unoccupied ; which together with the liberty that the inhabitants of the middle 
Colonies will have (in consequence of the proposed boundary line with the Indians) of 
gradually extending themselves, backwards will more effectually and beneficially answer the 
object of encouraging population and consumption than the erection of New Governments, 
such gradual extension might through the medium of a continued population upon even the 
same extent of Territory preserve a communication of mutual Commercial Benefits between 
its extremest parts and Great Britain, impossible to exist in Colonies separated by immense 
Tracts of unpeopled desart. As to the effect which it is supposed the Colonies may have to 
increase and promote the Furr Trade, and to prevent all contraband Trade or intercourse 
between the Indians under your Majesty's protection and the French or Spaniards, it does ' 
appear to us; That the extension of the Furr Trade depends entirely upon the Indians being 
undisturbed in the possession of their hunting Grounds; that all Colonizing does in its nature, 
and must in its consequences operate to the prejudice of that Branch of Commerce; and that 
the French and Spaniards would be left in possession of a great part of what remained, as 
New Orleans would still continue the best and surest Markett. As to the protection which 
it is supposed these New Colonies may be capable of affording to the Old ones, it will in our 
opinion appear upon the Slightes view of their situation that so far from affording Protection 
to the old Colonies they will stand most in need of it themselves. 

It cannot be denied that new Colonies would be of advantage in raising Provisions for the 
supply of such Forts and Garrisons as may be kept up in the neighbourhood of them; but as 
the degreeof utility will be proportioned, to the number and situation of those Forts and Garrisons 
which upon the result of the present enquiry it may be thought advisable to continue, so the 
force of the argument will depend upon that event. 

The present French inhabitants in the Neighbourhood of the Lakes, will in our humble 
opinion be sufficient to furnish with Provisions whatever Posts may be necessary to be 
continued there and as there are also French inhabitants settled in some parts of the Country 
lying upon the Mississippi between the Rivers Illinois and the Ohio; It is to be hoped that 
a sufficient number of these may be induced to fix their abode where the same convenience 
and advantage may be derived from them ; but if no such circumstance were to exist, and no 
such assistance to be expected from it, the objections stated to the Plan now under our 

A T j_. A JSf :r I c 


consideration are superior to tiiis or any ottier advantage it can produce; and altlio Civil 
Establisliments have frequently rendered tlie expence of an armed force necessary for their 
protection, one of the many objections to those now proposed ; yet we humbly presume there 
never has been an instance of a Government instituted merely with a view to supply a body 
of Troops with suitable Provisions; nor is it necessary in these instances for the Settlements 
already existing as above described; which being formed under Military Establishments and 
ever subjected to Military Authority, do not in our humble opinion, require any other 
Superintendance than that of the Military commanding at these Posts. 
All which is most humbly submitted 

Clare Thomas Robinson 

SoAME Jenyns W" Fitzherbert 
Whitehall March 7. 176S. Ed : Eliot 


West Florida. 
Extract from a Treaty made at a Congress held at Mobile in West Florida with 
the Chickasaws and Chactaws, March 26. 1765. 

And to prevent all disputes on account of Encroachments or supposed Encroachments 
committed by the English Inhabitants of this or any other of his Majesty's Provinces on the 
Lands or Hunting Grounds reserved and claimed by the Chickasaw and Chactaw Indians, and 
that no mistakes, doubts or disputes may for the future arise thereupon, In consideration of 
the great marks of friendship, benevolence and clemency extended to us the said Chickasaw 
and Chactaw Indians, by his Majesty King George the third ; We the Chiefs and Head 
Warriors distinguished by great and small Medals & Gorgets, and bearing his Majesty's 
Commissions as Chiefs and Leaders of our respective Nations by virtue and in pursuance of 
the full Right and Power which we now have and are possessed of, Have agreed and we do 
hereby agree, that for the future the Boundary be settled by a line extended from Gross point 
in the Island of Mount Louis by the Course of the western Coast of Mobile Bay, 

to the Mouth of the eastern Branch of Tombeckbe River; 

and north by the Course of said River, 

to the Confluence of Alibamont and Tombeckbe Rivers ; 

And afterwards along the western Bank of Alibamont River, 

to the Mouth of Chickianoce River, 

and from the Confluence of Chickianoce and Alibamont Rivers, 

a strait Line 

to the Confluence of Banke and Tombeckbe Rivers, 

from thence by a strait Line along the western Bank of Banke River till its 
Confluence with the Tallatekpe River ; 

from thence by a strait Line to Tombeckbe River, 

opposite to Atchatickpe 

and from Atchatickpe by a strait Line to the most northerly part of Backatanne River ; 

and down the Course of Backatanne River, 

to its Confluence with the River Pascagoula and down by the Course of the River 
Pascagoula within twelve leagues of the Sea Coast, 

and thence by a due west line as far as the Chactaw Nation have a right to grant ; 


And the said Cliiefs for themselves and their Nations give and confirm the property of all 
the lands contained between the above described lines and the Sea, to his Majesty the King 
of Great Britain and his Successors, 

Reserving to themselves full Right and Property in all the Lands to the Northveard now 
possessed by them ; 

And none of his Majesty's White Subjects shall be permitted to settle on Tombeckbe River 
to the Northward of the Rivulet called the Centibouck. 

* East Florida. 
Extract from a Treaty and Cession by the Chiefs of the lower Creek Nations, at 
a Congress held at Picolata, in East Florida, Nov'r 15th, 1765. 

To prevent all disputes on account of Encroachments or supposed Encroachments, made by 
the English Inhabitants of this His Majesty's said Province, on the Lands or hunting Grounds 
reserved and claimed by the upper and lower Nations of Creek Indians, and that no doubts, 
mistakes, or disputes, may for the future arise, in Consideration of the great marks of 
friendship, benevolence, clemency generosity and protection, extended to us, the said Indians 
of the upper and lower Creek Nations, by His iV^ajesty, King George the Third ; We the 
Chiefs, Head Warriors, and Leaders of our respective Nations, by virtue and in pursuance of 
the full right and power which we now have and are possessed of, have agreed, and we do 
hereby agree, that for the future the Boundary line of His Majesty's said Province of East 
Florida, shall be all the Sea Coast as far as the Tide flows, in the manner settled with the 
English by the great Tomachicke, with ail the Country to the Eastward of St. John's River, 
forming nearly an Island, from its source to its entrance into the Sea ; And to the Westward 
of St. John's River, by a line drawn from the entrance of the Creek Acklawaugh, into the 
said River above the great Lake, and near to Spalding's upper trading Storehouse, to the Forks 
of the Black Creek at Colvill's Plantation, and from thence to that part of St. Mary's River, 
which shall be intersected by the continuation of the line to the entrance of a Turkey Creek, 
into the River Altamaha. 

* Georgia. 
At a Congress held at Augusta, in the Province of Georgia November 10th, 1763. 

Present — James Wright, Esq., Governor of Georgia, 

Arthur Dobbs, Esq., Governor of N. Carolina, 
ThomasBoone, Esq., Governor of S. Carolina, 
Frans. Faquier, Esq., Lieu'. Gov' of Virginia, 

John Stuart, Esq., Superintendant of Indian Affairs for the Southern 
District in North America. 
^ \Chickasaws, 

/ Upper and lower Creeks, 
Head Men of the \ Chactaws, 
/ Catawbas. 

The Creeks grant that the Boundary between the English Settlements and our Lands, & 
hunting grounds shall be known and settled by a Line extending up Savannah River to little 


River, and back to the Fork of little River to the Ends of the South Branch of Briar Creek, 
and down that Branch to the lower Creek Path, and along that Path to the main stream of 
Ogechee River, and down the main stream of that River just below the Path leading from 
Mount Pleasant, & from thence in a strait Line cross to Santa Swella on the Altamaha River, 
and from thence to the Southward as far as Georgia extends or may be extended. 

The Catawbas confirm a former Agreement, and declare they will remain satisfied with the 
Tract of Land fifteen miles Square, a survey of which was begun, and the Governors and 
Superintendants promised that the survey should be finished, and that the Catawbas should 
not be molested within those Lines. 

* South Carolina. 
Extract from a Cession of Lands by the Cherokees to the Province of South 
Carolina, date Fort Prince George, October 19th, 1765. 

We, whose names are underwritten and seals affixed. Warriors and Headbeloved Men of the 
Cherokees, Plenipotentiaries for the Over Hill, Valley, middle and lower settlements, and 
especially authorized and deputed by the whole Body of the Cherokee Nation, certify by these 
Presents, that at a Congress held between George Price, Ensign of His Majesty's 60th Regiment,^ 
Commanding Officer of Fort Prince George, and Alexander Cameron, Esq., Commissary for 
Indian Affairs, acting in the Behalf of His Britannic Majesty, and His Subjects, We have 
ceded to the English. 

That Tract of Land (which previous to this time we deemed our own) lying between a 
Brook, known to the White People by the name of Dewiss's Corner, and to us by The Yellow 
Water, and another Brook distant from the former about Ten Miles, and known to both White 
and Red People by the name of Long Canes. 

1765, Decem. 10th. Approved by Wm. Bull, Esq., Governor of South .Carolina. 

1766, Jan'ry 10th. Approved by Jno. Stuart, Esq., Superintendant. 

* South Carolina and North Carolina. 
Extract of a Letter from Alexander Cameron to John Stuart, Esq., dated Fort 
Prince George, May 10th, 1766, relative to the Line between the Cherokees 
and North Carolina: 

Began at Dewiss's Corner and proceeded Southwest fifty miles to Savanna River ; the 
Indians marked the Trees in the Line. 

I could not learn that we took in any Land that had been surveyed by any White man 
before, but there is one Atkins settled within four miles of the Line near to Savanna River. 
The distance from Dewiss's Corner to the River (as near as we could make it) is 27 Miles. 

Supposed to mean ^ The Course of the Line from Dewiss's Corner to Rudy River, 
North 50 Degrees >■ where the Line terminates is North East 50 Miles, and the distance 
East 18 Miles. j 10 miles. 

About Saluday there are several Houses within four miles of the Line, & One House within 
one mile of it. 

' His Commission bears date 18th February, 1*761, and he obtained a lieutenancy 4th October, 1110. His name is not in 
the Army List of 1773. — Ed. 

Vol. VIIL 5 


On the North Carolina side of Reedy River there are three or four Families settled, and even if 
the Indian Boundary be run a North Course these settlements will fall five cy six miles above it. 

One William Turner, on Saludy, beiovi^ Ninety six, has settled a Cow-pen & Plantation on 
the above Indian Lands, although he very well knew that Mr. Wilkinson, by Governor Bull's 
Orders, removed a settlement off the same Tract of Land last year. I have sent a Warning 
to remove without loss of Time, otherwise that I should take upon me to drive them off, and 
distribute part of their Cattle among the Indians as a Tax belonging to them. 

The Cherokees propose running the Line from where it terminated, a strait Course to Col. 
Chiswell's Mines, which I believe will be North as nigh as 1 could make it. They say it must 
be very evident that as they have given up all their Claims of Lands in Virginia below 
Chiswell's Mines, and in South Carolina below Dewiss's Corner, that a strait Line from Reedy 
River to the Mines must consequently cut ofl' a great deal of their Land in North Carolina, 
that part of their hunting ground lies 40 miles Eastward of where they now nominate their 
Boundary ; but that they do not love disputing with the white people concerning a trifle, 
therefore they made them a present of it. 

It would be very necessary that a Surveyor should first sight the Line from Reedy River a 
North Course, in order to know where it will terminate in Virginia, and whether or not it will 
take away any of the settlements. 

* North Carolina. 
Extract of a Letter from Wm. Tryon, Esq., Governor of North Carolina, to the 
Lord's Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, dated July, 15, 1767 : 

The Line was begun and run from where the dividing Line between South Carolina and 
the Cherokee Hunting Grounds terminated on Reedy River, steering a North Course into the 
Mountains, computed to be Sixty Miles from the said River. Upon finding it impossible to 
proceed over the Mountains, it was agreed in the abovementioned Deed that a direct Line 
(from the Mountain they stopt at named Tryon Mountain) to Chiswell's Mines, should, with 
the Line they actually ran, be the Boundary between this Province and the Cherokee Nation. 

This Line it is supposed will run along the Ridge of the Blue Mountains its Course to the 
Eastward of North, and distant Sixty or Seventy Miles from the Mountain to the Mines. 

* Southern District. 
Extract of a Letter from John Stuart, Esq., Superintend' of Indian Affairs for the 
Southern District of America, to the Headman of the Cherokees, dated 
Charles Town, Feb'ry 1, 1766: 

I am now to inform you that I had a Meeting with the lower Creek Nations' Warriors at 
Picolata, near S'. Augustine; my talks with them were very good, and I have settled a 
Boundary Line between their and our Grounds all round the Two FloriJas If Georgia. The 
Line between the Chactavvs and us is also settled, so that henceforward we can never have 
any Dispute about Lands with any Nation of Red Men. 

[ Here follows— " Kxtracts fruni Minulea of a ConfereDce at .lolinson Ilnll, May, 1765," ««/)ra, VII., 725 -730. Note. Tlie 
Documents preceded by an Asterisk, are borrowed from PermKijhania Archives, IV., 321 -326, and are reproduced liere in 
order to complete the Report of the Board of Trade, and for the thorough understanding of the Map annexed thereunto. — 
Ed. ] 


Earl of Hilhsborough to Governor Moore. 

[New- York, CLS.] 

(NO 6) 

Whitehall 12"' March 176S. 

Since my letter to you N° 4. I have received and laid before tlie King your Letters to Lord 
Shelburne N° 32 & 33. 

There is scarce any matter contained in these Letters upon which I have not already in my 
Letter N° 4. signified to you His Majesty's Commands, or expressed my own sentiments, I 
entirely agree with you that the Boundary Line between New York & Quebec as settled by 
you and Lieut. Governor Carleton ought to be confirmed by His Majesty, and I will take an 
early opportunity of considering in what manner such confirmation may be regularly notified. 

Since my last to you I have received another Letter from M'' Golden stating the Proceedings 
against him by the Assembly on account of a Pamphlet printed here in Justification of his 
conduct in the Case of the Disputes about Appeals and the Stamp Act, and representing that 
he has reason to believe that it is the Intention of his Enemies to persecute him to the ruin 
of his Fortune. 

If these Attacks upon and proceedings against this Gentleman are the effects of his dutiful! 
attachment to the Crown during his Administration as Lieutenant Governor, I make no doubt 
but His Majesty will think Himself called upon to extend His Royal Protection to him, it is 
therefore His Majesty's pleasure that you should make the strictest enquiries into this matter, 
and transmit to me every information 'you can procure thereupon, together with the 
Proceedings of the Assembly, in order to be laid before His Majesty, and in the mean time it 
will become you to shew all the Countenance and Regard that ii due to an old and faithful! 
servant of the Crown. 

I am desired by Major General Greeme^ and other Gentlemen concerned in carrying onlron 
Works in New York under the direction of M' Hassenclever to inform you that that Gentleman 
misbehaves towards them and refuses to come to account, for which reason it is their Intention 
to supersede him and to appoint another Person in his place, and as these Works are 
represented to me to be of great Publick Utility, I think it my duty to recommend to you to 
give all the support and protection you can to the Person they mean to appoint and to give 
any assistance in your Power towards bringing M' Hassenclever to a due Performance of 
his Engagements. 

I am Sic* 

Governor of New York. Hillsborough 


Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson. 

[ Pl«ntations General ( S. P. 0. ), CCLIV., No. 2. ] 

N" 2. 

Whitehall 12 March 1768 

Since the Earl of Shelburnes letter to you, dated the 5 of January last, your Letters to his 
Lordship N° 6, 7, 8 and 9 have beeu received and laid before the Iving. 

'See note, VII., 890. — Ed. 


I herewith transmit to you a Copy of his Lordships letter N° 6, lest it should have miscarried 
it being of great importance that you should receive the Kings Commands signified to you in 
that letter by his Lordship, which you will not fail to carry into immediate Execution 

The fixing the Boundary line will I trust remove the first great Foundation of Jealousy and 
Discontent from the minds of the Indians and be a solid proof to them of the Sincerity of his 
Majesty's Intentions; And I flatter myself I shall very soon be enabled to signify his Majesty's 
pleasure with regard to the conduct of the Indian Trade in general ; the unj ustifiable occupancy 
of their Lands ; the Posts that are to be maintained ; and the particular Duties of your Office ; 
in such a manner as to give entire satisfaction to the Indians in ail Points to relieve this 
Kingdom from the enormous expence She at present groans under, and to remove those doubts 
and difficulties which occasioned by the want of precise Instructions, frequently embarrass 
you, and impede the exertion of your abilities to that advantage for his Majestys Service which 
might otherwise be reaped from them. Chabert Joncaires treacherous Conduct, and the wicked 
& infamous behaviour of Rogers and his correspondence with Hopkins, which appears from 
a copy of a Letter from the latter' which you inclosed in your letter No 7, are of such a naturei 
as require the utmost Circumspection and Attention of his Majesty's Servants in America ; as 
in the present State of some mens dispositions in that Country when one Correspondence of 
that dangerous tendency is discovered, there is reason to apprehend there may be more of the 
same kind. 

Ihave the honour to inclose to you a Map, whereon is delineated the Boundary Line proposed 
by the Board of Trade to be Settled with the Six Nations in conformity to what was agreed 
upon at the Congress in 1765, and also those lines settled with the Choctaws, Creeks and 
Cherokees, by the Superintendant for the Southern District. This Map may possibly be of 
some us as it will shew in what manner the several lines are meant lo be united 

I am &"' 



Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Shelhurne, 

[PlantatioM Qeneral(S. P. 0,), COLIV., No. 10.] 

Johnson Hall 14 March 1768. 

My Lord, 

A few days since I was honored with your Lordships of the 19 of December last acknowledging 
the receipt of my letters N" 4 & 5 with the state of the Trade Politicks &" of the Northern 
Indians, and conveying his Majesty's Royal approbation which yeilds me a most sensible 
pleasure, the letters I have wrote since that of N" 5 which are four in number, I judge by your 
Lordships silence were not any of them come to your hands. 

Since my last which was of December the 3'^ the delegates from the Cherokees arrived here 
to treat of Peace with the Six Nations, and their Allies, in consequence of which & in 
conformity to your Lords'" directions I dispatched Belts and Messengers to call the latter to a 
Congress, whp after many delays on ace' of inclemency of the Season, but more from the 
discontented state of their Minds, of which I before gave information, arrived here the 3"* of this 

' Bupra, VII., 998. —Ed. 


inst' to the amount of 760 after being at one time almost resolved to return home having by 
the way received the disagreable account of the murders lately committed in Pensilvania, the 
particulars of which are that an Inhabitant near the Frontiers of that Province having Six 
Indians drinking in his house who were become much disguised and troublesome he took an 
occasion to murder tiiem all and the next day accompanied with a Servant went to a Cabin 
at 14 Miles distance where he murdered four more and afterwards throwing the bodies on a heap 
he set fire to the house and burnt them;' sufficient proofs of which having reached the L' 
Governors ears he caused a Warrant to be issued with a reward of ^200 for apprehending him, 
and he was accordingly taken and committed to Goil from whence he was forcibly carried by 
some of the Riotous Frontier Inhabitants and has not as yet been retaken ; The Governor has 
issued a Proclamation and the Assembly have voted a sum of money to be given them in a 
present as a condolance on the part of that Province. 

On the arrival of the Indians at this place I had as usual, several private discourses with the 
Chiefs previous to my opening the Congress, and found them all, so sensibly touched at this 
cruel Murder &■=* that I had very slender hopes of altering their sentiments several of the Old 
Sachims whose inclinations led them to wish for tranquility, lamented the threatening 
appearance of a rupture. As the whole were of opinion that this additional stroke was'but a 
prelude to greater designes against them and when we consider the encroachments made 
towards the Ohio, the greiviances complained of concerning unjust Grants in other parts of 
the Country yet un[re]dressed, the Robberies and murders committed on their people on the 
Frontiers of the several Provinces (to the Southward) yet unpunished and the irregularity with 
which the Trade is conducted thro the want of sufficient powers to regulate it, it is not at all 
surprising that the Indians who are the most suspicious people in the world should on such 
Groimds be actuated by Spirit of strong resentment. 

Being naturally inquisitive concerning all our operations they make frequent enquiry's 
amongst the Inhabitants who understand their Language and read the public papers from 
whom they have now a report of our intending plant Colonies in the heart of their Country, 
which notwithstanding all I have said to them contributes greatly to their discontent. 

I have given them notice to hold themselves in readiness to attend forthesettlingof a Boundary 
line, agreable to your Lordships last letter N° 5 this will be agreable to them, provided they 
receive a handsome recompence for such Cessions of Lands as they may be induced to make, 
and will if due regard is paid to it prove the best means of preventing Land disputes in future, 
at the same time that the hints & regulations I humbly offered last October if enforced by 
authority will make them easy, & thereby prove the best security to the infant Settlements, & 
Trade which depends on the pacific disposition of the Indians. 

The Six Nations &"=* and the Cherokee Delagates have jointly Subscribed to a Treaty of 
Peace, the Counterpart of which I transmit to M' Stuart the Southern Superintendant and 
upon the whole I am of opinion that from what I have said in private conferences as well as in 
y Public transactions contained in the copy herewith transmitted, the Indians intend to pay 
regard to what they have agreed to, the continuing them in which disposition must depend upon 
the redress of greiviances and our future conduct towards them. 

Be persuaded, my Lord that the utmost of my abilities & influence shall be exerted to keep 
them steady to engagements on which the security of the Frontiers & Trade so essentially 

'These murders were committed by one Frederick Stump, a German, on the 10th and Uth January, 17«8, on Middle Creelc 
(Union county, Pennsylvania), not far from the Island called the Mahoney, in the River Susquehanna, about seven or eight 
miles from Shamokin. Penntylvania Colonial Records, IX, 420. —Ed. 


depend relying on the Countenance & Support of Government for enabling me to discharge 
those duty's which without such aids must prove impracticable 

The encouragement I iiave hitherto received from his Majesty's Royal approbation has 
enabled me to support fatigues, troubles & hazards of which very few can have a reasonable 
conception permit me, My Lord to hope for the continuance of it and to assure your Lordship 
that I am with the greatest truth 

Your Lordship's 

Most obliged & most 
The R' Honh'^ faithful humble Servant 

The Earl of Shelburne W. Johnson 

Proceedings of Sir William Jolinson with the Indians. 

[ Plantations General { 8. P. 0.) CCLIV. ] 

Proceedings of a General Congress of the Six Nations &" The Chiefs of 
Coghnawagey and of the Seven Confederate Nations of Canada and the 
Deputys sent from the Cherokee Nation to treat of Peace with the former 
before Sir William Johnson Baronet at Johnson Hall in March 1768. 

The Cherokee Deputy's arrived the 29 Dec' 17G7, on which Sir William sent Belts and 
Messages to the Six Nations &" who did not arrive until the 2^ of March by reason of the 
Inclemency of the Weather and other Impediments. 

At a Congress with the above Mentioned Nations at Johnson Hall March 4. 1768 

Present — Sir William Johnson Baronet 

Sir John Johnson Knight 
Daniel Claus 

Guy Johnson j ^^^" ^^P" ^§" ^«'" ^"^"' A^^'"' 

Lieut' Frazier 

M"' Michaell Byr[n]e Commiss'' of Ind" Affairs 

M"' Robert Adems 

M' Daniell Denniston 

John Butler Esq" ) Interpreters for the Six Nations 

M' Perthies j & Canada Ind' 

M' John Walls Cherokee Interpreter 

Being all Seated Sir William open'd the Congress as follows — 

Bretheren of the Six Nations & Canada Confederacy 

I give you all a most Cordial Welcome to this place where I wish our Mutual Proceedings 
may be conducted with the strictest Candour and Sincerity. 

It is with no small concern that I am to condole with you on account of the late Act of 
Cruelty exercised on some of your friends within the Province of Pensilvania Whatever 


might have been the provocation given to that Bad man who was the Author of the Deaths 
of Ten of your Confederacy You may rest assured that all his Majesties Subjects hold that Act 
in the Greatest Abhorence, and that he will certainly be punished with the death he so justly 
deserves whenever he is apprehended. On this disagreeable Subject I am particularly 
authorised to speak to you by the Governor and People of the Province where that Act was 
perpetrated which you shall hear in due time, At present I am on the part of his Majesty and 
all his Subjects to assure you that he and they are much concerned at it, That it is hoped you 
are all satisfied of its being the private Act of a profligate Individual and his accomplice without 
the knowledge or consent of any others, and that every possible means is making use of for 
apprehending him in order to bring him to the punishment which the Crime deserves. I do 
therefore on the part of his Majesty and all his Subjects with this 3 Strings of Wampum Wipe 
away and dry up the Tears which you have shed upon this occasion Clearing your sight that 
you may be enabled to look chearfully upon us, — With this string I clear the Passage of your 
throats that you may Speak to us freely and without any difficulty, and with this, I Wipe away 
the Blood of the Slain from about your habitations that the same may appear no more to 
offend your Eyes. Gave 3 Strings of Wampum 


With this Belt I take the Hatchet out of your Heads, with which you were struck by that 
Villain who was regardless of the friendship subsisting between us, and I request you to 
remember that he and his accomplice only where Guilty in that point and that notwithstanding 
the Order of our Government, and the goodness of our Laws we must expect to have some 
bad men amongst us, whose conduct and inclinations may differ widely from that of the rest 
of the People. Gave a large Black Belt 


With this Belt I pull up the Largest Pine Tree by the roots, under which I bury the Axe 
that gave you the blow placeing the Tree over it in its former position So that the Axe may 
no more be found Gave a large White Belt with Black figures 


This is the first oppertunity My Son (Sir John) has had for shaking you by the hand since 
his arrival from England, where he was not unmindfull of your Affairs, he will now say 
something to you upon the occasion. 

Then Sir John (after shaking hands with the Chiefs) said. 


I am happy at finding you all here in health at this time and sincerely wish that your 
proceedings may be conducted to the Public satisfaction. 

It is with pleasure I can inform you that I fiave had an oppertunity of hearing his Majesty's 
favourable opinion of all Good Indians, and his steady resolution to redress your Grievances, 
and do you strict Justice, to this end your Aftiiirs are now under consideration and the 
Boundary Line between the White Inhabitants and you which is considered so necessary for 
the preservation of your hunting Grounds will Speedily be settled. 



I heartily thank you for your frequent enquiry's after me during my absence in England 
and I shall be at all times Glad to convince you of my sincerity and good wishes for your 
several Confederacies. Gave a White Belt with Black figures 

Sir William then address'd them in the following manner 


I have now gone through the Business of Condolance with you, and hope it will prove 
agreeable, and ease your Minds. Tomorrow I shall proceed to the business for which you are 
now assembled. 

So soon as Sir William had ended, each of the Nations present gave the Yo-hah, or shout of 
approbation, after which they received Pipes, Tobacco and a dram each, And after a short 
Consultation Amongst the Chiefs Conoghquiesor Chief of Oneida arose, and haveing repeated 
according to Custom, All that had been said with the several Strings and belts to the Six 
Nations &" he addressed Sir William on their behalf as follows 

Brother Gorah Warraghiyagey 

We give thanks to the great Spirit for enableing us to meet this day after so many accidents 
as have befallen us, and We thank you for what you have said to us, which we have hearkened 
to with great attention. We feel ourselves something easier since you spoke to us, and 
according to the manner of our Fore fathers removed those objects from before our Eyes which 
have given us pain — Brother We and our dependants have been for some time like Giddy 
People not knowing what to do, whereever we turned about we saw our Blood, and when our 
Young men wanted to go a hunting the Wild Beasts in our Country they found it covered with 
fences, so that they were weary crossing them, neither can they get Venison to Eat, or Bark 
to make huts for the Beasts are run away and the Trees cut down. — The Frence told us this 
would come to pass, and when our Young men sit down hungry in hot weather and find no 
Trees to shelter them it makes them soon get Drunk — Brother we have got a great deal to 
say about these things but as you have remembered our old Ceremony's taken the Hatchet out 
of our Heads and given us such good words, we will do in like manner by you. Then went 
thro the Ceremony of Condolance with Strings and Belts, and buried the axe, but did not as 
usual take it out of the Heads of the English After which the Speaker said Brother, 

We return the Great Spirit our best thanks for giving us the pleasure of seeing your Son 
safe returned and of hearing Good friendly Words he spoke to us; We have. had our neck 
stretched out this long time endeavouring to see him. We now congratulate you on his Safe 
arrival over the dangerous Lake, and we heartily thank him for his love for us and for the good 
things he has said to us, which makes us all Easier in our minds. Then the Chiefs all arose 
and Shaking Sir John by the hand welcomed him to America. After which adjourned till 
next morning. 

At night Sir William had some private Conferences with several of the Chiefs, to whom he 
spoke on the subject of their neglecting to take the Axe out of the Heads of the English, which 
indicated resentment his discourse had a good deal of effect upon them and they withdrew to 
have a Conference amongst themselves. 


At a Congress held with the before mentioned Nations March 5"" 17G8 
Present — as before 

The Cherokees refusing to open their Embassy from a Supersitious Notion that as it was 
Noon the day was too far advanced for a Work of peace according to the Opinion of the Southern 
Nations. The Six Nations having been late Assembling, at Length addressed Sir William by 
their Speaker, who made an apology for their Omission of the preceding day, and then in a 
speech for that purpose took the Hatchet out of the Heads of the English, and buried it giving 
a Belt of Wampum, Then agreeing to meet earlyer next morning Adjourned. Alter which tlie 
day was spent in private Conferences with Sir William, and at night they had a feast and dance. 

At a General Congress with the before mentioned Nations March G"" At 10 A. M. 

Present — as before 

Sir William on entering the Council room introduced the Cherokee deputys to the rest of 
the Indians and then addressed the Six Nations &"=" as follows 


I am now to speak on the Subject for which you have been here Assembled, and I desire 
you will pay due regard and attention to my Words. 

You see now before you several Chiefs of tiie Clierokee Nation^ sent hither as Deputy's and 
fully Authorised to treat with you about a peace, for which they have long expressed a desire, 
and to which end I have repeatedly spoken to you, particularly last May at the Congress at the 
German Flatts, when you agreed to meet and Treat with them for this purpose they are now 
come here; and as they are under the Protection of his Britannic Majesty, and in peace and 
friendship with the English, the King expects that you will lay aside all Animosities and agree 
unanimously with a peace with these People who have come so far, and are so very desirous 
of it, and who would have met you for that purpose long ago, but that they had no certain 
assurances of Safety to their persons, or of a favourable reception until the receipt of my last 
letter. As I have so often recommended this matter toyou and said so much upon it, I need 
not now farther to point out the reasonableness of their desire or how much it Is for your 
interest to come into Terms of peace with them, and as it is his Majesty'* desire, and that of 
his people in America I think you cannot hesitate about it. I believe you all know my regard 
for your interests, and that I would not advise you to any thing prejudicial thereto, for which 
reason I rely on your giving a favourable answer, and that you will do it from your hearts. 

Gave a Large White Belt 

Sir William then told the Cherokee Chiefs they might begin, When Ouconastota^ stood up, 
Ranged all his Belts, Calumets of Peace &'='' in order, and then spoke as follows. 

' The Dame of this Nation is derived from the word Cheera, fire, which is their reputed Lower heaven, and hence they 
call their magi Cheera-tahge, men possessed of the Divine fire. The Natives make two divisions of their Country, which 
they term Ayra'e and Ottare, signifying low and mountainous. The former is on the branches of the beautiful Savannah, and 
the latter in those of the Easternmost river of the Grent Mississippi, Adairr, quoted in liamneys AnnaU of Tennessee, 81. — Ed. 

" " The distinguished Chief who visited England in the days of George II. His seat of Government was one of the Over- 
hill towns, Echota, more properly, Etsaw-ty on the Tellico river." Ramsey's Annals of Tennessee, 89, 119, 121. 

Vol. VHL 6 



Hearken to me and give Attention to what I have to say, We come from Chotte" where the 
Wise House, the House of Peace is erected to Charlstown and from thence by Water to New 
York in our way to this place, it being recommended to us by M' Stuart our Superiutendant 
to go by Water least we should meet with opposition, or to be attacked if we travelled by 
Land thro' the Woods and M' Stewart told us that our Father Sir William Johnson would 
assist us in sending for our Brothers the Northern Indians to meet about Peace 

Gave 3 Strings 

It is a long time since the Sachem of Chotte made peace with the Onondagas, but that 
Sachem is now dead, however we remember the Talk yet. The Sachem that now lives at 
Chotte has sent this Belt and desires and hopes that the Onondagas will take fast hold of it 
after the manner of your Ancestors and never let it slip. Gave a Belt 


Here is a Belt which I have brought from the Sachem of Chotte with a Good Talk to the 
Coghnawageys, whose belt we have carefully preserved in our Town these 20 years past, 
altho this Talk proceeds out of our Mouths, yet you may depend upon it, that it comes from 
our hearts, and that what we say is the truth Gave a Belt 


Here is a Belt from the Sachem of Chotte to the Senecas, and he requests that all both 
young and Old will listen to it, and hold it fast, for our Father the Great Spirit above knows 
that it comes from our hearts. We hurried the Hatchet once but it arose again We now by 
this Belt hurry it so deep that it can never arise to hurt us, for our heads our Flesh and Blood 
being alike it were a pity we should kill one another. The Creeks made peace with us and 
always observe it. -A- Belt 


This is a Belt from the Sachem of Chotte to the Sachems of Cayuga to request them 
to desire their Young Men to live at peace and that we may love one another for the time to 
come, Here is the Belt and he requests that they will take it and hold it fast A Belt 


Here is a Belt and a Calumet with an Eagles tail which the Sachem of Chotte hath sent to 
Sir William Johnson to our Father, that he may always keep it so that any of our friends 
resorting hither may smoak out of the Pipe, and See that we have been about Peace Our 
Father M' Stuart told us that we should have Peace when we applied to our father Sir William 
Johnson which we find to be true and therefore we shall always mind whatever he says to us. 

Gave a Belt, Calumet & Eagles tail 

Here is a Belt from the Sachem of Chotte for the Mohawks whose residence is around 
their Father whose talk is always good in their Father's Tongue, and whose Thoughts and 

' Chota was five miles above the ruins of Fort Loudon ( Ramsey's Annals of Tennessei, 85 ), at the junction of the Tellico 
and Little Tennessee rivers, Monroe county, on the Southwest frontier of the State of Tennessee. — Ed. 



Actions are right, Therefore if any other People should be unmindfull of peace and offer to go 
against us, We beg that our Father Sir William and our Brothers the Mohocks will sett all 
to rights A belt 


This is a Belt to the Tuscaroras, we request that they will take it and hold it fast, nor ever 
let it slip and we beg that they will make their Young Men to remember all this 

A Belt 

We now present a Belt from our Women to yours, and we know that they will hear us for 
it is they who undergo the pains of Childbirth and produce Men, Surely iherefore they must 
feel Mothers pains for those killed in War, and be desirous to prevent it. A Belt 


Here is a Belt from our Boys to you, who are now but small and therefore their Speech must 
be Childish, untill they arive at Manhood, all they desire is that they may be once more 
enabled to venture out to hunt Birds and Rabbits without the risk of being carried away or 
killed, and therefore all they beg is peace A Small Belt 


With this Belt we clear and open the road removing all things out of it that may hurt us, 
It was not us that stopped it but our Elder Brothers the English and French who in their 
dispute felled a great Tree across it in the Path, but as the Tree is now rotten the Path is 
now open. A Belt 

Sachems and Chiefs, you have heard what we had to say we beg you to agree to it, and that 
you will send some of your people with us to open the Path between your Towns and Chotte, 
that all our doors may once more be opened, so that we may be at peace and that our Young 
People may pass and repass as their occasions require without being in danger of being 
scratched or wounded by the Briars along the road A Belt 

March 7'" 
The Sachems being all met in the Council Room Thomas King was sent by the Warriors 
to let the Sachems know it was their desire that the Congress might be held out of Doors in 
the Court, so that what was said by them to the Cherokees might be heard by them all. they 
asked Sir William liberty to hold the meeting out, to which he agreed, then they all took their 
places in the Court where seats were prepared for them 

Ganaghquiesa Speaker rose up and spoke. 
Brother Gorah Warraghiyaga 

With this Belt you yesterday reminded us of what you said at our last Meeting at the 
German Flatts in May concerning the Cherokees, you then told us as well as now, that it 
would be agreeable to the great King that a peace was concluded between us and the 
Cherokees, that it was also desired by his Subjects here, you further recommended to us to be 
candid and sincere in our transactions with them. I do assure you we shall follow your 
advice therein, but we must also desire that you will speak and write to the several Governors 


especially of Virginia to keep his people in better order &ca otherwise the Path will Close up 
and not be safe to travel. A Belt 


We of the Six Nations and Coghnawagey Confederacy, with these tilings open your Ears 
that you may hear what we are now going to say to the Cherokees 3 Strings 

Younger Brothers 

On hearing by Express of your Arrival We immediately made ready to come down to meet 
you after the manner of our Ancestors, whose Kettle was always ready with their Packs and 
Seven Men allotted to each Cannoe and with a good Stick in their hands ready to chasties evil 
doers, even so have we set out to meet you here 

Younger Brothers 

You have sollicitted the friendship and Aid of Sir William Johnson our Superintendant 
whose knowledge is universal and whose influence extends over our whole Country, and you 
may be assured that he has, and will assist you with pleasure and that wherever you shall 
commit an error he will take pains to correct and amend it A Belt 

Younger Brothers 

You have told us that you have opened the doors to your Country, that we may pass and 
repass in Safety, we agree to the same and do the like on our parts so that you may come to 
us, and open the road in such a manner as to enable us to see each others habitations. But as we 
are your Elder Brothers and consequently have more understanding than you. We must tell 
you that you have not done your part thereon as you ought. Yo« have not clear'd the Road 
of rubbish according to the form you ought to have observed, neither have you taken the Axe 
out of our heads, we now take it and put it on one side A Belt 

Younger Brothers 

You have reminded us of the fire which was kindled by our Ancestors and you recommend 
it to us to follow their example. Be assured that we shall do so, and that we will in all things 
do our utmost to imitate them. A Belt 

Younger Brothers 

You have recommended it to us to make this Treaty Publick thro' all our Towns, We agree 
cliearfully to do so throughout all the Nations, to the end that none may be ignorant of it, but 
that it may be always held in our Memories, and we desire by this belt that you will on your 
parts communicate the same to all your people A Belt 

Younger Brothers 

You say that you have had a Belt of the Coghnawageys in your Village these 20 years past 
on the Subject of Peace. We are well pleased that you have taken such good care of our 
Words delivered to you at that time, and as they are Religious Indians they will by no means 
Exasperate the Great Spirit and Master of Life by speaking otherwise than from their hearts, 
and we hope that you speak with the same Sincerity 

Younger Brothers 

You have requested that we should send some of our People to accompany you home and 
Assist in clearing the Road, We answer you that we would gladly agree to it if it was safe 


or practicable at this time, but we think it is not, and therefore we cannot give our consent 
to it. A Belt 

Younger Brothers 

You expressed a desire amongst the rest that these transactions should be made publick 
throughout all the Tuscarara Towns, We think it right and we make no doubt that the 
Tuscaroras who where themselves formerly reduced to the utmost distress till saved and 
protected by our generosity will have a proper feeling for you in the like Circumstances 

A Belt 

Then the Coghnawageys in behalf of the 7 Nations of Canada addressed the Nations 
as follows 


We are well pleased with all the Transactions between you and our Younger Brothers the 
Cherokees in the presence of Sir William and Cap" Glaus who take so much Care to support 
the tranquility of all our Towns. We recommend it to you to adhere firmly to the sentiments 
which you have now Expressed and not to expose yourselves to the punishment of the 
Almighty for a Breach of these your solemn Engagements. A Large White Belt 

Adjourned till the next day 

Tuesday March S"* 
In the morning the Indians all Assembled, the Six Nations Coghnawageys &ca being 
desireous to Condole with the Mohawks for the Loss of Onaharrissa one of their Chiefs 
lately deceased — being met Conoghquieson of Oneida on behalf of the three younger 
Branches of the Confederacy namely the Oneidas, Tuscaroras and Cayugas went thro' the 
whole Ceremony of Condolance with the Elder Branches namely the Mohawk, Onondagns 
and Cenecas which done the latter, by the Speaker of Onondaga in a set speech gave them 
thanks for their Condolence, and for their adherence to the Customs of their forefathers 

Sir William then called together to Chiefs of the Six Nations &ca, & addressed them 
as follows 


I think it extremely necessary at this time to speak to you on the Subject of several Reports 
I have lately received and I desire you will give full attention to what I shall say, and that 
you will answer me ingeniously, and honestly from your hearts. 


We are not ignorant of some private Conferences you have held, and of others which are 
intended shortly, we have heard of the loss of some of our own People and of the threats of 
yours. We acknowledge that some of the English have lately injured you, but these 
whenever apprehended will meet with Just punishment of this I have already spoke and 
shall say much more to you tomorrow, and as I hope Quiet your minds theron — At the same 
time let me observe to you that it is the duty of all those who are bound by the same Chain 
in the Bond of friendship to communicate their Grievances without taking any private 
resolutions of their own, this I hope you will do ingeniously and I beleive 1 partly know all 


that you can say, and at the same time be assured that the Great King and his people are 
sincerely disposed to' promote your Welfare and not Suffer you to be injured and that your 
several Grievances are now before the King who has fallen upon Measures for your redress 
and for the future Security of your persons and property's, but the misconduct of many of your 
people and the Nature of your Complaints have made it a Work of time before such steps 
could be taken as would effectually Guard us both from Injury, In proof of the truth of what 
1 now say to you and on which you may firmly rely, here is a letter which I have just received 
from the Earl of Shelburne, one of the Kings first Ministers wherein he assures me of it, and 
likewise desires that you may have Notice to attend early in the Spring in Order to settle the 
Boundary line as a farther security to your propertys. 

Here shewed and Explained the Necessary parts of Lord Shelburnes Letter then proceeded • 


You see that you are not forgotten, but that everything is intended that can be possibly done 
for your interest and I make no doubt you will soon feel its effect, and express your sincere 
thanks for these tokens of friendship and justice 'till when I desire you to do Justice to the 
Good intentions of the English by a pacific conduct, and to cast away from this Moment any 
sparks of resentment which may remain in your hearts together with all misgrounded Jealousys 
or Suspicions of our integrity Gave a Large Belt 

P. M. The Indians having had a private Conference amongst themselves Assembled and by 
their Speaker answered the Speech of this Morning as follows 


We thank the Great Spirit above for the present Meeting and we shall honestly answer You 
on the Subject of Your Speech, and declare the Causes of our uneasyness which we confess to 
have arrived at a great Pitch — and we beg in our turn You Open Your Ears and hearken 
to what we have to say, and endeavour to obtain that redress for us which is the only sure way 
of securing the place 


We have often put you in Mind of the many promises which were made to us at the begining 
of the late War by the Generals, Governors, and by yourself, from all which we had the 
strongest reason to expect that the event of your Success would have proved greatly to our 
benefit, That we should be favored and noticed. That we should not be wronged of our Lands 
or of our Peltry, that every encroachment should be removed and we should live in peace and 
travel about without Molestation or hindrance at the same time the French told us that what 
was said was not true, nor from your hearts and that the day you got the letter of them would 
be the first day of our Misfortunes — You persuaded us not to beleive them, but we have found it 
since too true. We soon found ourselves used ill at the Posts, on the Frontiers, and by the 
Traders. The people who had formerly wronged us and who did not choose to Venture before 
to take possession of our Rights then rose up to crush us. The Rum Bottles hung at every door 
to Steal our Lands, and instead of the English protecting us as we thought they would do they 
employed their Superior Cunning to wrong us, they murdered our people in Pensilvania, Virginia 
and all over the Country, and the Traders began more and more to deceive, and now neither 
regard their own Character, or the Officer sent to take care of the Trade, so that if we are 
wronged who is to help us We cant ramble over the Country for Justice and if we did, we 


.begin now to grow Old, and wise we see that your Wise Men in the Towns will be always 
against us. Your people came from the Sun rising up our Rivers to the West, and now they 
begin to come upon us from the South, they have got already almost to Fort Pitt but nothing 
is done to drive them away You cant say that we have not often complained of this, and if you 
are not able or willing to do it we can, and must do so soon or they will eat us up, for your 
people want to chuse all the best of our Lands tho' there is enough within your part with 
your own mark upon it without any Inhabitants, Brother this is very hard upon us, but it is 
not all, for the Road thro' the Country is no longer safe, the Pensilvanians and Virginians murder 
all those of our people they can meet, without any reason, and instead of leaving off as you 
told us they would, they have Murdered ten the othere day, two of which are our own people, 
the rest are our Younger Brothers and Nephews that depend upon us yet you wont take the 
Murderer or do any thing to him. You are wise You have a Government and Laws, but you 
dont prevent this, you often tell us we dont restrain our people and that you do so with 
yours, but Brother your words differ more from your Actions than ours do, We have large 
Wide Ears and we can hear that you are going to Settle great numbers in the heart of our 
Country, and our Necks are stretched out, and our faces set to the Sea Shore to watch their 
motions. Brother you that are wise and have Laws and say you can make your people do 
what they are desired should prevent all this and if they wont let us alone you should shake 
them by the head, we beleive that you are wise and that you can do all this, but we begin to 
think you have no mind to hinder them; If you will say you cant we will do it for you, our 
Legs are long, and our sight so good that we can see a great way thro' the Woods, we can see 
the Blood you have spilled and the fences you have made, and surely it is but right that we 
should punish those who have done all this Mischief. Brother this is the truth, it comes from 
our hearts. Why should we hide it from you. If you wont do justice to our Fathers the 
Mohawks who are going to Lose the Land at their very doors. If you wont keep the people 
away from the Rivers near Ohio, and keep the Road open making Pensylvania and Virginia 
quiet we must get tired of looking to you, and turn our faces another way. 

Gave a Large Belt 

We heartily thank the Great King for his intentions and for what he is going to do about 
the Boundary Line, but Brother we hear bad News the Cherokees have told us that the line 
was run in their Country last year, and that it has surrounded them so that they cannot Stir ; 
We beg that you will think of this for our heads will be Quite turned if that is to be our 
Case, We therefore think that the line we talked of last should not go beyond Fort Augusta' 

Sir William answered them 

I have heard what you said, and I am sorry to find you enlarge so much upon these Subjects 
after all I have said to you as well in public as in private. The redress of your Grievances is 
an object of much more attention both to the King and his people than you imagine and you 
will have no reason to doubt of the sincerity of the English as soon as the Salutary Measure 
now under consideration can be put in practice. As I have a good deal to say to you tomorrow 
I shall defer adding any thing farther at this time, than to desire you to remove these unjust 
Suspicions from your breasts, as they make you unhappy in a great measure without 

' See note, supra, VII., 286. — Ed. 


reason, and give pain to your Brothers the English who are just now studying your Welfare, 
and happiness 

then Adjourned till Morning. 

At a Congress with the before mentioned Nations March 9"* 

Present — as before 

Sir William Johnson Addressed them as follows 


When I condoled your late losses on the part of his Majesty and his Subjects in general, I 
then told You that I would after the Treaty with the Cherokees was over, Speak to you more 
particularly on the Subject of your Losses in the Name of the Governor and Inhabitants of 
Pensilvania, and acquaint you with his resolutions and that of his Assembly thereon — As the 
peace is now so happyly concluded between you and the Cherokees which I have had long at 
heart, and expect that you will all pay due regard to, I shall now speak farther to you on the 
Subject of your Losses, and the steps taken by Pensilvania in consequence thereof, and I 
exhort you all to hearken to what I say upon it. 3 Strings 


The late unhappy Affair seems to have been occasioned by Rum, that fatal liquor to so 
many of your people, I do not say this to palliate the Murders but to shew you the pernicious 
effects of drunkeness, — The 6 first Indians who were Murdered by a Man called Frederick 
Slump at Middle Creek in Pensilvania, are said to have been at his house drinking, and were 
greatly disguised and as is too often the Case very troublesome, instigated therefore by the 
Evil spirit who delights in blood he killed them namely one Seneca, and three other Men said 
to be Mohiccon Indians and 2 Women, and afterwards went to a place at some Miles distance 
from his house, where he killed one Woman 2 Girls and one Child In all ten persons, after 
which he made off but some good Men who heard of it pursued, and apprehended him and 
brought him to Goal from whence some bad people found means to free him. Whereupon the 
Majestrates and others took every step possible to find him out and bring him to punishment 
this is the truth (so that you were misinformed by the Report that the White people did not 
chuse to take him) The Governor when he heard of it, was greatly exasperated, and the 
Assembly who were then met, and passing some good laws for your benefit were ready to do 
any thing for apprehending the Murderer, the Governor thereupon issued a Proclamation, for 
his being taken for which he offered a Reward of .£200 as a proof of which here is the 
Proclamation which was sent that you might see the good intentions of that Province. 

Here Shewed them the Proclamation which was afterwards read and explained. Then 


Besides the Sum mention'd in the Proclamation a larger Sum is provided for rewarding 
those who take the Murderer, and as so many are in Quest of him there is great reason to 
expect that he will be apprehended and for your farther Security that Province has passed 
good laws for punishing in the most seVigre manner all those who shall attempt to use you ill 
or Settle upon your Lands, and are determined to remove every grievance in their power as 




quick as possible. At the same time tFiey desire you to consider that they Expect you will he 
as readily disposed to make them retaliation whenever your people Act amiss towards them, 
and that you should remember that they have had 10 Men murdered going down the Ohio, by 
some Indians and also one in a Shawanese Village and one near Fort Pitt since the late peace, 
and that no peace can be lasting unless, mutual satisfaction be made for such Acts of Crueltj'. 
As a proof of the sincerity of the Intentions of Pensilvania, and to convince you that tins late 
Affair was the Act of only one, and that it gives great concern to the people, they have now 
Voted besides the money they will give for the Murderer the Sum of .£2500, .£1300 of which 
I have now to give You as a present in testimony of their love to remove your grief, and tiie 
remainder being £1200, will be given by My Deputy M' Croghan' at Fort Pitt for the same 
purpose to the Tribes in that Country and the relations of those People who were murdered — 
These things I have been impowered to inform you by the Governor, Assembly and People of 
Pensilvania, and I give you this Belt to confirm it Gave a Belt 


I have already gone thro' the usual forms of Condolence with you for such losses you have 
met with by the English and taken the Axe out of your heads and by this Belt I do now the 
same on behalf of the Governor and People of that Province and in particular burying the Axe 
under the Roots of the Tree Clearing your sight and your hearing, and removing all Cause of 
uneasyness from your heart as well as on Account of those lately Murdered, as of those unhappy 
People who were murdered these 5 years ago concerning whom I hope You will be no farther 
uneasy after what I now say to You, and what I have formerly said and done thereupon 
and I now carefully gather the bones of all those who have been Murdered in that Province, and 
1 bury them in a deep pit, which I cover over with so much care that it shall not be found out 
to offend your Eyes, and over all I lay this present from that Province to be divided Amongst 
you in memory of their friendship for you, which is so warm and invigorating that when you 
take up this present you will find the Grass and Herbaage already large and green over the 
Graves of your People, so that you will never more be able to discern them This is what 
your Brothers of Pensilvania have to say to you, I expect you will remember it, and regard 
them for it, and that puting away all malice and£vil thoughts, you will for ever hereafter live 
with them on terms of Strict friendship and affection and by your pacific conduct and readiness 
to do them equal Justice intitle yourselves to a continuance of their regard, ailways 
remembering that they are your Father the Great Kings Subjects, and your friends and Well 
Wishers. Gave a Belt 


I have heard and committed to writing all that has passed during the present Congress and I 
have said enough to Convince any reasonable people of the purity of our intentions, as you 
may all justly conclude that a Nation so great and powerful as the English would take very 
different measures if they design'd to dispose of Your Liberty. I have shewn you what his 
Majesty intends forthwith to do for your future Security. And I have likewise shewn you 
the steps taken by Pensilvania for your satisfaction and redress. Let all this make a deep 
impression on your minds and waite the Issue of these measures with a Confidence in our 
Justice A Belt 

' ^cc note, atijira, YTI., 982. — Eo. 

Vol. VIII. 7 



Before we part 1 have only a few things farther to say to you, First to put away all Guile 
from your hearts, and never to think of any bad things which are past but to expect the good 
wliich is near at hand, and I Exhort as you to value your own happiness to harbour no farther 
resentment against his Majesty's Subjects in general pr any one Province in particular, for 
they are all members of the same body, and therefore you should send agreeable news to all 
your People acquainting them with the good work now concluded, and if after all any prove 
discontented or about to disturb the Public tranquility You should take them by the head as 
you recommended us to do with ours, The next thing which I have to desire is that you will 
make the Treaty of peace you have entered into with the Cherokees as public as possible's 
far as your Influence extends cautioning them Nations against doing any thing in Violation of 
it as they regard their own Peace, That you will repeat all this often to your Young Men and 
to your Children and that some of you will Accompany the Cherokees Deputys and make the 
road wide, and safe for traveling, and also as a farther Testimonial of what you have agreed 
to, that you subscribe to the same on these Parchments one of which together with the 
Cherokees Belt, and Eagles tail will remain here, and the other be sent to M' Stuart ia 
Carolina to be seen by all Nations. Then read and Explained the Treaty A Belt 

Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Alliance 
Entered into between the Six United Nations and Seven Confederate Nations of 
Canada, and the Cherokees Deputys sent from their Nation to enter into 
the same. 

In the name of the Great Spirit above. We the .Sachems and Chief of the Six Nations and 
Canada Confederacys, finding that War is disagreeable to the Great King of England thro' the 
Mediation of Sir William .Johnson Baronet Superintendant of our Afftiirs, and at the earnest. 
SoUicitation of the Cherokee Nation, Do agree to give peace to that Nation from this time and 
we do admit them into the Bond or Chain of friendship which tyes us fast together having 
buryed the Axe, and opened the Road to our respective Counlrys, and received and given 
mutual proofs of our Pacific Sentiments according to the form and usuages of Indians at the 
Treaty held at this place on the 5"" and 6"" of this present Month. And We the Cherokees on 
our Parts having buried the Axe and opened the Road hither by our Journey to desire this 
peace to engage for our whole Nation to abide by the same, and thankfully lay hold of the 
Covenant Chain which we will keep fast and perform every thing on our parts as friends and 
Allies, And all of us now here Assembled Do on behalf of ourselves and the Nations whom 
we represent engage and declare that this Treaty is and shall be considered as a good and 
firm peace to all intents and purposes according to all the forms of Compact and Alliance in 
use or subsisting amongst the several Nations of Indians 

Given at Johnson Hall the S day of March 176S In the presence of Sir William 
Johnson Baronet and each of us who on behalf of ourselves and Our respective 
Nations Subscribe to these presents. 

This Treaty being Subscribed to Sir William addressed the Six Nations k'" 



I hope all is finished between us for the present, there only remains for you to receive this 
portion of his Majestys bounty to keep you warm, as you travel in Cold Weather. 

Shewed the Present on behalf of the Crown and on the other side that from Pensiivaniii 
and proceeded 

Here is also the present on behalf of Pensilvania sent to the friends of those who are dead 
to remove their Grief and prove the Testimony of their Love lor you all, which I expect will 
cover all thats past, You that are of the same blood shall take it to wipe away the tears that 
were shed and so let all be forgotten. 

Delivered the presents and told them he had finished the business of the Meeting. 

Thereupon the Speaker for the Indians arose and said 


We have heard all you said to us, which we shall take into due Consideration, and Judge it 
necessary to give you an Answer thereupon tomorrow, We at present Express our thanks to 
the Great King, and to our Brothers of Pensilvania for their Sense of our wants, by giving us 
Such a present at this time to dry up our Tears. 

Friday ll'" P. M. 
The Six Nations, Coghnawagey Confederacy and the Cherokee Deputys Assembled in the 
Council Room. 

Present — besides those the day before 

Lieut' Pfister' ISP Hannah* 

Hamilton 2 IVP Davis 

Capt: Jelles Funda Thomas King Speaker 

Brother Gorah Warraghiyagey 

You yesterday approved of the peace we have now made with, the Cherokees, and 
recommended it to us to keep it inviolably, as it would be for our and their interest You 
likewise told us it would be agreeable to his Majesty to have peace established and continued 
throughout this Continent 


You may depend upon it that the peace we have now made with the Cherokees is Sincere 
and we request that the Great Spirit may direct and enable us to keep it inviolable, for we 
look upon them now as tiie same flesh, blood and head and hope we shall ever remain so, 
lastly we are to assure you that what we have now done being agreeable to you affords us the 
greatest Satisfaction. A Belt 

'Fbancis Pfistee became Lieutenant in the fiOtU of Rojal Americans 18th Sei-itember, 1760. The battalion to which he 
■was attached, having been reduced in 1763, he went on half-pay. He rejoined his regiment in October, 1767, and continued 
•with it until 1772, after which his name is transferred to the half-pay list of Capt. Joseph Hopkins' Independent Company, 
■where it continued until 1786. Aj-my List. 

'■Andrew HAMaxoN, of the 16th Foot, entered the Army as Ensign in 1759, became a Lieutenant in 17G2, and continue^ 
in the Army List until 1771. 

' The first Presbyterian Clergyman of Albany. A biographical notice of him is to be found in Documentary History of 
IfewYork.lY. — -Ed. 


After repeating what was said yesterday concerning the Murders committed in Pensilvania 
the Speaker said. 

Brother Gorah Warraghiyagey 

We heard with the utmost Attention what you said to us yesterday and we thank you for 
reminding us of our own Old Customs that whenever any of us were aggrieved we should not 
immediately take revenge but endeavour first to obtain Justice from those who had been guilty 
of the injury ^ > 


We are disposed from what you have said so to do, and we will put it from our minds but 
we tell you Sincerely that we expect Justice and redress of our Grievances when we are injured 
and if we do not receive it our minds must get disturbed and lead us to do Wild things which 
we have not yet done, the People who were killed to the Southward and on Ohio having fallen 
by the hands of the Indians of Lake Huron as you know these Indians confess, this is the 
truth it comes from our Hearts. i Gave 3 Strings 


We thank you for having recommended it to us to send some of our People with the 
Cherokees who go hy Land to their Country, to open the Road and to protect them by 
the Way on which subject you shall hear more of our minds directly from the Warriors. 

Gave 3 Strings 

We agree with you in making public to all Nations the Treaty made with the Cherokees, 
and of our having Joined in burying the Axe Since the late Murders in Pensilvania and to that 
end we deliver this your Belt over to the Coghnawageys that they may communicate it to all 
their frie.nds and Allies whilst we think it highly necessary that you[r] Deputy at Fort Pitt 
should assist in doing the like to the Southward. 

Gave over the Belt to the Coghnawageys 

Then Thomas King Stood up and Said 

Brother Gorah Warraghiyagey, and Broth" of the Six Nations and Canada Confederacy 
hearken to what our Warriors have to say 

Whereupon Tagawarra a Chief Warrior of Oneida rose up and Said 


We tiie Warriors think it necessary to remedy a Mistake or Omission of which our Sachems 
were guilty when we treated with the Cherokees, — they then left the Axe Sticking so that 
the handle of it would Strike against the Bushes as they travelled we now take it quite out 
and bury it as it ought to be healing up the Wound so as it shall not be seen on their Arrival 
in their own Country. A Belt 


We have farther considered that Several of the Bones both of the Cherokees and of our 
People lye Strewed along the Path leading to the South which might as the Road is now 
open turn the heads of our People as they travelled along the Path, We now therefore collect 
the Bones of both People and after the Manner of our Ancestors We interr them in a deep 
pit, So that the Water, shall carry them away, for ever from our Sight. A Belt 



Our Sachems in answer to your desire that Some of us should accompany you home by 
Laud, Expressed their disaprobation tiiereat least some accidents mights happen tliro' means 
of bad People who may now be abroad, and are ignorant of this Treaty. Tho' they meant 
this for the best we differ from them, and have agreed that some of every Nation shall take 
you by the hand, and least it might be at first dangerous to go thro' the Towns and War 
paths, till the good News is spread, We will conduct those who go by Land by a Rout one 
the one Side wliere they may travel! Secure and arrive in Safety at their own homes. 

A Belt 

Our Chiefs did not inform you that there was a small Hatchet out Still against some of your 
People, We tell you now of it that you may not hereafter Accuse us of deceit, and should 
any mischief be done thereby we desire you not to consider it as a public Act, these persons 
being ignorant as yet of this Treaty, and therefore untill they are informed of it, let 
not any Action of theirs be considered as a Breach of this Treaty but let it be forgotten. 

3 Strings 

Sir William then addressed them as follows 


I thank you all for the unanimity you have shewn at this Congress, and for the desire you 
seem to express for peace, I hope it will penetrate your hearts, and that you will pay due 
regard to what is past, I have only to add that you should be in readiness to meet me in about 
two months to ratify your Agreement concerning the Boundary Line which his Majesty in his 
Wisdom has agreed to for your future Security 

then dissolved 

Saturday 12" 70 of the Indians of Susquehanna arrived some of whom were closely 
connected with those lately Murdered in Pensilvania, after a Conference Sir William brought 
them into the Sentiments of the Rest, and gave them a present as a Condolence for their loss. 

So ended. 

Sir William JoJinson to tlte Lords of Trade. 

[Planlatious General, SXVI. T. 60-1 

My Lords 

My last to your Lordships was of the 20"" of October last concerning the disagreeable aspect 
of Indian affairs at that time, which has since rather augmented than diminished, and now 
lately has met with an addition by the murder of ten Indians by an inhabitant of Pensilvania 
Six of which Indians were drinking liquor he murdered them, and accompanied by a servant 
the next day proceeded to an Indian House at 14 Miles distance, vs»here he surprized and 
murdered 4 more whose bodies together with the liouse he burned and after being taken & 
Committed to the County jail, some of the riotous, frontier inhabitants assembled forced 
the doors & carried him to some place of obscurity, for notwithstanding the Proclamations 


& other steps taken by the Lieutenant Governor he has not yet been discovered, this 
disagreeable Nev?s reached the Six Nations on tlieir way to this place where I have for several 
days past held a congress with them & the seven Nations of Canada to the amount of 760, in 
consequence of a letter from Lord Shelbourne to me recommend^ the bringing about a Peace 
between them and the Cherokees at the ernest desire of the latter & of the Southern Colonies, 
to which end Deputys from the Cherokees Nation have been here since the 29"' Dec' last & I 
have at length effected a Peace between them a copy of my transactions on which occaswn 
now transmitted to the Earl of Shelburne, and therefore I need not to enlarge upon that 
subject & to observe that notwithstanding the Province of Pensilvania voted a sum of money 
part of which I was impowered to give them on the part of that Province to condole with them 
for the late losses, yet the repeated acts of cruelty committed in the different Provinces 
hitherto unpunished, the intrusions upon their Lands & bad claims together with the rest of 
their greivances all which are still unredressed, have operated so strongly on their suspicious 
minds, as I have plainly discovered from their speeches but much more from private 
conferences & Intelligence that I very much doubt their sincerity hav^ had the strongest 
reasons to beleive that the Majority were waiting to redress themselves. Should they not 
speedily find it from us, at the same time, I have as much reason to beleive that my public 
transactions now, of which a copy is transmitted together with my private conferences with 
the cheifs and principal Warriors has put a stop to it for the present, and that they will not 
disturb us provided they soon find that intrusions & murders are put a stop to & their 
greivances redressed by some short and effectual process nor can all their ideas of our power 
deter them from doing what is in their own as the Trade & Frontiers must lye in a great 
measure at their mercy for many succeeding years, as our offensive operations can do them 
very little hurt for reasons I have often repeated, whilst a Peace with them is eagerly covetted 
by the Colonists &ca for the security of the infant settlements and for the purposes of a 
commerce which solely depends upon it — I have agreeable to Lord Shelbournes letter desired 
them to be in readiness to attend the settlement of a Boundary early in the Spring, this will 
be agreeable to them if we do not desire to come too near them, and if they are well 
recompens"* for such Cession of Lands as they shall make, such boundary being duly observ** 
will prove likewise a means of preventing future Land disputes. And the Hints I took the 
liberty of transmitl^ in October last as they were purely calculated for the public security 
can not in my humble opinion be liable to such exceptions as to prevent them or something 
similar thereto from being established by proper authority to answer the important purposes 
for which they were intended 

I persuade myself that your Ldps will be fully satisfied of the utmost exertion of my power 
& influence for the continuing the Indians faithfull to their engagements and I rely on your 
Lordships countenance & support to enable me to acquit myself with success in the discharge 
of those difficult duties 

I am my Lords 

Your Lordships 
Johnson Hall Mar 14. 17G8. most obedient & most 

To the Right Hoble . faithfull humble Servant 

The Lords of Trade &c &c W Johnson 


Earl of IlilUborovgh to Governor Moore. 

[ New-Tork, CLX. ] 

(No. 8.) 

Whitehall, April the 15"= 17G8. 

Your letters to the Earl of Shelburne, No 35, 36 & 37. transmitted by the Harriot Packet, 
have been received, and laid before the King, and I have His Majesty's commands to express 
to you His Royal Approbation of the Attention you have given to the Instructions sent to you 
relative to the Laws for establishing a Militia, and for granting to His Majesty certain Duties 
upon Wares & Merchandize imported into the Colony of New York. 

The repeated Testimonies which the Assembly of New York has lately given of a Disposition 
chearfuljy to comply with His Majesty's Orders and Instructions, leave no room to doubt of 
their readiness to amend these Laws in the cases pointed out by those Instructions, and the 
King is unwilling to suppose, that the inserting a suspending clause in the Militia Act, which 
is a Regulation evidently calculated to give Facility to Propositions of the Legislature, 
which might otherwise be liable to the absolute negative of the Governor, will operate to 
prevent the passing such a Bill as is required, and which, in the present situation, is essential 
to Public Safety. 

The Propriety or Impropriety of continuing the Instruction, which directs that no Law 
which repeals a former One, altho' it has not received the Royal Confirmation, shall be passed 
without a suspending clause, is a Consideration of great Importance, & as the Instruction 
appears to have been founded on former Proceedings and Resolutions of the Privy Council, I 
iiave received His Majesty's commands to lay your letter on this Subject together with the 
Bill therein referred to, before the Board ; and I shall not fail to acquaint you with what their 
Lordships may think proper to direct thereupon. 

I am &c. 

Sir Henry Moore. Hillsborough 

Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America. 

[ Plantations General ( 8. P. 0. ), CCLIV. ] 

Whitehall April 15. 17G8 
I have the Satisfaction to acquaint you, that in consequence of a Report made to his Majesty 
by the Lords of Trade, the Plan for the management of Indian Affairs adopted by the 
Superintendents has been fully laid before his Majesty. 

Upon mature consideration of the present Regulations, the great expence of the variety of 
Establishments far exceeding the value of the object; and the difficulties which have attended 
the Execution of the Plan in general, for want of a due Authority in the Superintendents, his 
Majesty has thought fitt that it shall be laid aside; that the Regulation of the Trade shall he 
left to the Colonies, whose Legislatures must be the best Judges of what their several situations 


and circumstances may require that the Office of Superintendents sliall however be continued 
for such matters [as] are of immediate Negociation between iiis Majesty and the Savages, and 
cannot therefore be regulated by Provincial Authority ; and that the Boundary Line between 
the Indians and the Settlement[s] of his Majesty's Subjects, (every where negociated upon and 
in many parts settled and ascertained) shall be finally ratified and confirmed. 

As the grounds and reasons for these several resolutions are in general set forth in the 
Report of the Board of Trade, and as that Report will inform you what will be expected and 
required of the Colonies, and what will hereafter be the Nature of the office of Superintendent, 
I have thought fitt to send you the inclosed Extract of such parts of it as relate to these objects ; 
and I have it further in command from his Majesty to acquaint you that in consequence of the 
Resolutions his Majesty has taken for the future direction of this Branch of his Service, he 
has given the necessary orders to the Commander in Chief of his Forces, for the reduction of 
ail such Posts in the interior Country as are not absolutely necessary for Public Safety in 
general, and for giving protection and facility to the Commerce of his subjects ; but as the 
Forts at Niagara and Detroit and Missilimakinac do not appear to his Majesty to fall within 
this description, his Majesty has thought fit that they shall be continued, and that a proper 
Naval Force shall be kept up upon the Lakes. 

The objects which upon this occasion will principally demand the attention of the several 
Colonies, are to provide by the most effectual laws for preventing any settlements being made 
beyond the line that shall be agreed upon with the Indians and for the controll and punishment 
of those attrocious Frauds and Abuses which have been practiced by the Traders and have 
been one principal Cause of the disaffection of the Savages. 

It is '[unjnecessary for me to use any arguments to shew how greatly both the interests and 
safety of the Colonies depend upon a close attention to these objects and as many of the 
Regulations of the present plan of Superintendency have evidently operated to the benefit of 
the Trade and to the giving that Satisfaction and content to Savages, by which alone the 
Colonies can hope to derive either immediate Profit or lasting Peace, his Majesty trusts that 
tiiey will be adopted, as far as local circumstances and peculiar Situations will admit, always 
having a regard to that freedom of Trade with the Indians, which his Majesty has graciously 
granted to all his Subjects by his Proclamation of 1763. 

As the execution of the measures which his Majesty recommends to your attention will 
principally depend upon the Nature & Extent of the Reduction which the Commander in Chief 
of his Majestys Forces shall think proper to make of the Military Establishments in the interior 
Country, his Majesty has given the necessary directions that he should communicate to you 
as soon as possible, the arrangements proposed to be made in respect to these Establishments 
and his Majesty trusts, that after such intimation no time will be lost in carrying his Royal 
intentions into full execution. 

I have the greater satisfaction in communicating to you his Majesty's Directions upon this 
subject, as I conceive that his Majesty's gracious condescention in committing the regulation 
of these important objects to the care of his Colonies, cannot but be very acceptable to them 

I am &'" 


' The adilili.ins -williin [ ] in tliis Document, are tnaele from the copy of the denpnti-h in Pennsylvania Colonial Reccrdu, 
IX., 55i — Ki.. , 


Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson. 

[ Plantations General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLIV., No. 8. ] 
N» 3 

Whiteliall April 15. 1768 

In my letter to your dated the 12 inst' N" 2, I acquainted you that I hoped soon to be able 
to signify to you his iMajestys pleasure with respect to that Branch of his Service which is under 
your immediate direction, and I have now the Satisfaction to tell you that in consequence fo a 
Report to his Mnjesty from the Lords of Trade the Regulations adopted by yourself and M' 
Stuart for the management of Indian Affairs have been fully laid before his Majesty. 

Upon this occasion his Majesty has considered with the closest attention all that has been 
suggested upon this important Subject and tho' his Majesty applauds the motives and has seen 
with satisfaction the good effect of the present Plan of Superintendency, yet when his Majesty 
considers tbat the main object of its original Institution which was evidently by regaining the 
affection of the Savages, to combine their Force against a then powerful Enemy is now greatly 
diminished and when added to this consideration it is found to be attended in the Execution 
with an expence far exceeding the value of the object and with difficulties which from a variety 
of objects and circumstances at present existing in the st'ate of the Colonies are insurmountable, 
his Majesty does not hesitate to concur in opinion with his Board of Trade whose Report is 
herewith transmitted for your Information that the laying aside that part of the Plan which 
relates to the Trade and entrusting the entire Management of that Trade to the Colonies 
themselves will be of Publick utility and advantage, as a means of saving the expence which 
has hitherto attended it, and which in order to render it perfect according to your Ideas, 
must have been very considerably augmented. 

His Majesty has not failed upon this occasion to give very full attention to every possible 
inconvenience or disadvantage which can follow from this arrangement, and tho it is evident 
from the experience of former times that our interests with the Savages were greatly prejudiced 
by the misconduct of the Colonies and their Neglect of such regulations as might have operated 
to prevent or punish the notorious Frauds and Abuses practiced by the Traders yet his Majesty 
trusts that the evils they experienced from such a conduct will be a caution to them for the 
future and that they will not fail to establish the Trade upon such Plan and under such 
Regulations, as joined with the fixing a lasting Boundary Line between the Settlements of his 
Majesty's Subjects and the Indian Country, and keeping up a Superintendency in matters of a 
Political Nature by Officers under his Majesty's immediate appointment which you will observe 
are essential parts of the present arrangement, will have the effect to regain the affections, and 
restore the confidence of the Savages. 

It is not however to these motives alone that his Majesty trusts for a proper Conduct in the 
Colonies in respect to their Indian Interests the reduction of all such Posts and withdrawing 
all such Military Establishments as are not absolutely necessary to give Protection and Facility 
to the Trade of his Subjects is a very important part of the System now to be finally adopted, 
and consequently such an arrangement cannot fail to induce in them a greater attention to their 
Safety of which perhaps they have been hitherto the less careful trusting to the protection of 
those Forts and Establishments the Security of which upon every occasion of Rupture between 
the Colonies and the Indians, became a pretence for involving this Kingdom in an 
enormous Expence. 

Vol. VIII. 8 


These motives Sir together with the consideration of the Security which the Colonies now 
enjoy, from the removal of the French and Spaniards from their most important possessions in 
America, have induced his Majesty to determine. 

That the Regulation of the Trade with the Indians shall be left to the management of the 
Colonies and that all Establishments incident thereto in the present Plan shall be discontinued, 
that the Office of Superintendant shall be continued in yourself and M'' Stuart for all the 
purposes enumerated in the Report of the Board of Trade, and that Provision shall be made 
by a Stated Estimate for a Salary of 1000^ p"' annum to each, and for an allowance which is on 
no account to be exceeded of ,£3000 p"" ann for annual or occasional Presents and to answer all 
other Contingent Expences 

That the line described in the Report of the Board of Trade shall be ratified and confirmed 
in every part, and the Colonies required to enact the most eflfectual laws for preventing all 
Settlement beyond such line. 

That the Forts of Niagara, Detroit, Michilimacinac, be kept up and Garrisoned in such 
manner as the Commander in Chief shall think fit; and that such a Naval Force be maintained 
upon the Lakes, as he shall judge necessary for keeping up a proper communication, and giving 
all reasonable facility and protection to the Trade of his Majesty's Subjects. 

That all other Forts and Military Establishments, which the Commander in Chief shall not 
think absolutely necessary for Public Safety and for keeping up proper Communications be 
reduced and withdrawn. 

His Majesty his sensible how greatly the efficacy and success of such of these arrangements 
as belong to your Department must depend upon a proper and careful attention in carrying, 
them into Execution; and upon the discretion which shall be used in those matters of local 
detail which must necessarily attend so extensive a reform The zeal and Regard for his 
Majesty's Service and interest, which have so eminently distinguished your conduct upon all 
occasions leave no doubt of your faithful attention to this Business, in the Execution of which 
his Majesty has the fullest confidence in your ability and discretion. 

As both the time and manner of executing the measures which his Majesty recommends to 
your attention will principally depend upon the nature and extent of the reduction which the 
Commander in Chief of his Majesty's forces shall think proper to make of the Military 
Establishment in the interior Country, his Majesty has given the necessary directions that he 
should communicate to you as soon as possible, the arrangements proposed to be made in 
respect to these Establishments and his Majesty has no doubt that after such intimation no time 
Vill be lost in carrying his Royal intentions into full execution. 

I am &*^ 


Earl of Hillsborough to the Oove/rnors in America. 

[Plantations General (S. P. O.) CCLIT. ] 

Whitehall, Aprill 21. 1768 

I have his Majesty's Commands to transmit to you the inclosed copy of a letter from the 
Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Colony of Massachusets Bay, adressed by 


order of that House to the Speaker of the Assembly of each Colony upon the Continent of 
North America. 

As his Majesty considers this Measure to be of a most dangerous & factious tendency 
calculated to inflame the minds of his good Subjects in the Colonies, to promote an 
unwarrantable combination and to excite and encourage an open opposition to and denial of 
the Authority of Parliament, & to subvert the true principles of the constitution ; It is his 
Majesty's pleasure that you should immediately upon the Receipt hereof exert your utmost 
influence to defeat this flagatious attempt to disturb the Public Peace by prevailing upon the 
Assembly of your Province to take no notice of it, vphich will be treating it with the contempt 
it deserves. 

The repeated proofs which have been given by the Assembly of of their 

Reverence and respect for the laws, and of their faithful Attachment to the Constitution, leave 
little Room in his Majesty's Breast to doubt of their shewing a proper Resentment of this 
unjustifiable Attempt to revive those distractions which have operated so fatally to the prejudice 
of this Kingdom and the Colonies; and accordingly his Majesty has the fullest confidence in 
their Affections But if notwithstanding these expectations and your most earnest endeavours, 
there should appear in the Assembly of your Province a disposition to receive or give any 
Countenance to this Seditious Paper, it will be your duty to prevent any proceeding upon it, 
by an immediate Prorogation or Dissolution 

I am &" 


Governor Moore to the Lords of Trade. 

[New-York Papers, Buodle Er., No. 33.] 

New York. 22. April 1768. 
My Lords, 

At the time I had the honor of writing to Your Lord"" in recommendation of M" Robert 
Livingston as a proper person to be appointed a Member of His Majesty's Council here in case 
of a Vacancy, I did not imagine, that I should so soon have an opportunity of applying to 
Your LordPP' in his behalf for an actual nomination. The difficulties I have laboured under in 
regard to the Council have been sufficiently set forth in my letter to the Earl of Shelbourne 
dated april 7"" 1767. a copy of which is herewith transmitted to your Lordf", and the absolute 
necessity of having the hands of Govern' here strengthned as much as possible, induced me 
to make a proposal to Lord Stirling of resigning a Commission under which he could not act 
without great inconvenience to himself, as his residence was not only at a considerable 
distance from this City, but in the Prov" of New Jersey, where his landed Interest was great, 
and where he was also appointed a Member of His Maj'^'» Council. I was sensible, that as 
L*" Stirling was acquainted with the real motives of this proposal, he would answer it with 
that Candor & zeal for His Maj'''' service, which he has shew'd on all occasions, and in this I 
was not mistaken, as will appear by the following extract from his answer " For some time 
«' past my conections and business have very much confined me to the Province of New 
«' Jersey, and it is evident to me that my absence from thence at some season will greatly 


" interfere with my own affairs, and must be very prejudicial to the great improvements I am 
" engaged in, which I find require my almost constant presence ; this induces me most 
" willingly to resign my seat in Council in the Prov" of New York, if such resignation be 
" acceptable to His Maj'^. I received my seat in that Council unasked for, I want to return 
" it with gratitude to His Maj'^ lor the honor he did me in the' appointment not as a Man 
" disgusted with the service of his King and Country, that, never was my case, I have always 
" been happy in being useful to either, and nothing will give me greater satisfaction than 
" continuing to be so in the Province of New Jersey, which is now become my almost 
" constant residence" 

As I had no other view in this transaction but that of promoting His Majesty's service by 
slrengiining tiie hands of his Gov"' here, I hope the steps I have taken on this occasion will 
meet with your Lord^P'^ approbation, and if the resignation proposed, should be acceptable to 
His Maj'^ I would beg leave to recommend M' Robert Livingston to the vacant seat. I have 
in my former letter mentioned that his great possessions here. Education and abilities will 
always give him great weight in this Province, and from his readiness to give his Assistance 
where 1 have stood in need of it during our late troubles, 1 am perswaded that he will 
endeavour by His services to merit what I had said of him. 1 have the honor to be with 
the greatest respect My Lords, 

Your LordPP' most obedient 

and most humble servant 

H: MooRE 

Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of HilhhorouyJi. 

[ New-Tork, OLX., A. 20. ] 

New York, April 25"" 1768. 
My Lord 

Tho' it be probable that my letters to my Lord Shelburn of the 23'' of November and 21" of 
January, and my Letter of the last date to the Plantation Board, are communicated to your 
Lordship, in which I gave an account, and complain'd of some extraordinary Proceedings in 
this Province, I think it proper to renew that account to your Lordship, in a distinct narative 
of that matter, which I inclose. Had I attempted to compell any man, in any one instance, 
to act contrary to his own judgement or inclination, there might have been some ground of 
complaint against me. But when I have given no reason of complaint, but my refusal to 
comply with unreasonable desires, and with which 1 could not comply without a breach of 
my duty, the malice of the complaint must appear very evident. Such as is inconsistent with 
every .Sentiment of moral rectitude. 

The Faction liere place their only hopes of success in bold general assertions, which have 
riot the least foundation in truth. These assertions, I have reason to beleive, have been 
propagated in England, by some persons who have access to the Ministry, and tiiat they have 
had an undue influence; for Men of honour cannot easily beleive, that any man, who bears 
the character of Judge, or has the honour to be of His Majesty's Council, could be guilty of 


such bold impositions. I only intreat my Lord, that these Persons be required, to give the 
particular instances, wherein I have failed in my Duty or have given just cause of oH'ence to 
the People of this Province ; the falshood and tendency of their bold assertions and 
complaints, will thereby become evident. 

The P'action in opposition to the Authority of Parliament, lay great stress on my haveing 
become obnoxious to the People of this Province, and that I am generally disliked. It would 
not have been easy to remove this calumny, had not the proceedings of the Supreme Court, 
and of the joint Committee of Council and Assembly, in relation to a Pamphlet intitled 
The Conduct of Cadwalladcr Colden Esq' Lieut. Governor of New York Sj'c. given the People an 
oportunity of declaring, in their public Conversations at the Coffee House and other places, 
the sense they had of my conduct, and the abhorrence of the methods taken to asperse 
my character; for there is not one fact alledged in that Pamphlet which is not notoriously 
known to be true or can be proved from tlie Journals of the Council or of the Assembly. 
This put a stop to the proceedings of the Faction so that I cannot now say hov? far tiiey 
intended to carry their malice while they had hopes of procuring & influencing a jury to 
their purpose. 

Some other public instances since that time, have given the strongest proofs of the 
sentiments tiie People entertain of this Faction. After the Assembly was dissolved, 
the contentions were never more violent than on the new Election. Judge Livingston, the most 
violent man, both in the Supreme Court, and in the Assembly, in the malicious prosecution 
of the Pamphlet wrote in my vindication, had for several years past been elected a Member 
of Assembly for the County where his family interest lyes. Some one of the family have 
been elected for above forty years. At the last election it appeared he had so far lost the 
esteem of the Freeholders in that County, that he gave up before half the Freeholders then 
present had given in their votes, tho' he had every thing in his favour, which power could give 
him. The Members of the City of New York, generally have the direction of the House of 
Assembly, Of four Members for the City, only one of the old is return'd. There are 27 
Members in the Assembly, 13 of that number are now new. 

It is well known, that the last Assembly were influenced by the Lawyers. One of the most 
popular among them, attempted to be elected for the city of New York, by the interest and 
influence of the body of the Law, and of the Presbyterians and Independants, who are very 
numerous but faild. The general cry of the People both in Town and Country was No 
Lawyer in the Assembly. From these things it is manifest, with what little truth it was 
confidently asserted, that the last Assembly had acted according to the universal sentiments of 
their Constituents. 

Some proceedings in the last Session of Assembly, relating to the Province Treasury, deserve 
your Lordship's attention, of which it would be a failure in my duty, not to inform you, lest 
you should not otherwise be apprised of them. I presume the Governor has transmitted a 
Copy of their Journal to the Plantation Board. By the standing Instructions the Governor is 
not to give his assent to any Money Bill, in which the money is not granted to the King, and 
it has alwise been done so. In these proceedings the King's name is not mentioned, or the 
least notice taken of any interest the King has in the Public Money of this Province. This is 
the first time it has been calld the Colonie's Money. The Speaker has given a Commission 
to the new Treasurer, in his own Name, of which this is the first instance, so far as I can 
tecoUect. The Treasurer gives bond to the Speaker for the due execution of his office ; 


whereas before this time the security was by recognizance to the King. To render the Bond 
effectual to the Speaker, a clause was added to the Bill by which the Governor and all the 
Officers receive their Sallaries. If the Governor had refused his assent to this Clause he must 
have lost his Sallary. 

The King's Attorney General, as an Officer of the greatest trust in relation to the Rights 
and Prerogative of the Crown. In this Bill M' Kemp, the present Attorney General, is to 
receive of the Treasurer .£150 without Warrant, notwitiistanding that by the King's standing 
Instructions, all Moneys are to be issued from the Treasury, by Warrant from the Governor 
with the advice and consent of the Council. These thing need no comment they plainly shew 
the reason why the Assembly so strenuously oppose any Act of Parliament by which the 
Officers of the Crown may receive their Sallaries independantly of them. 

My Lord, I have repeatedly complained, to His Majesty's Ministers, of the Assembly's 
refuseing to pay the Loss I suffer'd from the Mob, the P' of November 1765. — tho' every other 
person was recompenced ; and of their refusing at the same time to pay me the Salary due to 
me, amounting in the whole to £595.3.0. They dare not avow the reason of this Proceeding. 
It is evidently to deter every Officer of the Crown, from opposeing their pleasure, and from 
giving the necessary informations to His Majesty's Ministers. 

I humbly presume. My Lord, that no Officer of the Crown deserves His Majesty's favour 
and protection more than I do, for the faithful! performance of his Duty ; Notwithstanding the 
violent opposition, and difficulties laid on me, by a virulent Faction, to make me swerve from 
my Duty. I am now confident that since the affairs of the Colonies are put under your 
Lordship's direction, my case will be properly represented to His Majesty, as both justice and 
good policy require. I can not forbear to observe, that, while I have been neglected, William 
Smith 1 jun'' has received the honour of an appointment to the Council of this Province. This 
Gentleman is known to be intimatly connected with the Faction in opposition to the King's 
Government, and the Authority of Parliament over the Colonies and a principal adviser in their 
Proceedings. Soon after his takeing his seat at the Council Board, he appear'd in the joint 
Committee of the Council and Assembly mentioned in the inclosed Narative, whose design 
was to ruin my character, and my private fortune, were it in their power. I am well assured 
that he was a principal adviser in those virulent and malicious proceedings. 

Before I conclude I must beg leave to observe to your Lordship, that the present set of Judges 
of the Supreme Court, are connected with the Faction in this Province, as appears by numerous 
public instances. The King's authority, and obedience to the Laws, can only be inforced and 
secured by the Courts of Justice, and by disinterested Judges; Men of integrity and ability. 
Our present Judges have lost the esteem of the People, both as to their Integrity and ability. 
1 beleive it would be difficult to find Men in this Province disinterested, and of sufficient ability 
to be Judges I am therefore of opinion that the present disorders cannot be effectually 
remedied without Judges of Integrity and ability from England. Without this all other means 
may prove ineffectual, or may be attended with Difficulties that by appointment of proper 
Judges may be avoided. I know it may be asserted, that the removing the Judges will create 
general discontent & jealousy in the People; but where the People have no esteem of their 
present Judges, any clamour or uneasiness which may by artifice be raised, will soon subside, 

' See note ^ supra, VII., 909. After liis appointment to the Chief Justiceship of CanaJn, he wrote a Ilistory of that 
riovioee in 2 vols,, 8vo., wliicli has the elkarnoter of being a partial and prejudiced work. — Ed. 


by a prudent and steady conduct of the Judges, and the People will quickly become sensible of 
their happiness under a proper administration of Justice. 

I had the honour of your Lordships commands, while you presided at the Plantation Board, 
& on the whole of my Administration, 1 am confident, that the Rectitude of my Intentions, for 
His Majesty's service in the performance of my duty, will clearly appear, & therefor I can 
make no doubt of your LordP^regard. 

1 have the honour to be with the greatest 
respect & submission 

My Lord, 

Your most obedient & faithfull servant 
Right Hon"''' Earl of Hillsborough. Cadwallader Colden 

Report of the Lords of Trade on the Acts for quartering the King's Troops. 

[ New-Tork Entries, Q., 414. ] 

To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. 

May it please Your Majesty. 

Sir Henry Moore, Baronet, your Majesty's Governor of the Province of New York having 
transmitted to us the Acts and Proceedings of the Legislature of that Colony in their last 
Session of Assembly, we have taken the same into our consideration and humbly beg leave to 
represent to Your Majesty : 

That these Acts and Proceedings appear to have passed subsequent to the first of October 1767, 
the day fixed for the commencement of the operation of the provisions ofan Act of Parliament made 
in the seventh year of your Majesty's reign, intituled " An Act for restraining and prohibiting 
" the Governor Council and House of Representatives of the Province of New York, until 
" provision shall have been made for furnishing the King's Troops with all the necessaries 
" required by law, from passing or assenting to any Act of Assembly Vote or Resolution for 
" any other purpose;" and therefore it will, as we humbly conceive, be necessary, before we 
can report our opinion upon these Acts and Proceedings, that it should be determined whether 
there has been on the part of the Legislature of New York such a submission to and compliance 
with what has been thought fit to be enacted by the Parliament of Great Britain in respect to 
quartering your Majesty's troops in America, as could, conformably to the tenour of the act 
above mentioned, make it lawful for the Legislature of New York to make or pass any act or 
any order resolution or vote, Save only such are therein excepted, or as could make such acts 
votes and resolutions of any force or validity ; and to the end that Your Majesty may be fully 
informed of every circumstance necessary to be attended to in the discussion of this question, it 
is our duty humbly to state to Your Majesty the laws which have been passed in New York for 
making provision for quartering Your Majesty's troops, subsequent to the Act for that purpose 
which was disallowed by Your Majesty in Council, and was the ground of those proceedings in 
Parliament that gave rise to the laws above recited. 

On the sixth of June 1767, the Legislature of New York passed an Act intituled "An Act for 
"granting unto His Majesty the sum of three thousand pounds for furnishing necessaries for the 


" troops quartered within this Colony and for paying Captain Philip Martin ' the losses sustained 
" in the house of Major James on the first of November 1765." 

By this Act it is provided that the Treasurer of that Colony shall, out of certain funds 
therein mentioned, pay unto His Excellency Thomas Gage, Commander in Chief of your 
Majesty's Forces in North America or his order, or to Commander in Chief for the time being 
or order, the sum of three thousand pounds to be applied for furnishing necessaries for Your 
Majesty's Troops quartered within that Colony; and no mention whatever is made of the 
persons by whom or the mode in which the service shall be performed ; nor is there any 
specification of the particular articles to be furnished to the barracks. 

On the same day that this Act was passed, the General Assembly was prorogued, between 
which time and their meeting again in November, Your Majesty's Governor received the Act 
of Parliament, and on the 1S"= of November 1767. he communicated it to the Council and 
Assembly of New York, who in their address in answer to the speech made by him upon that 
occasion express their concern at having fallen under the displeasure of the British Parliament, 
and refer to what they had done in the preceeding Session, as such a compliance with the Act 
of Parliament as did in their opinion take away any scruple the Governor could have to concur 
in such things as the publick good of the Colony might require. 

In this opinion Your Majesty's Governor appears to have acquiesced, and accordingly the 
General Assembly proceeded to business in the usual manner, and several laws were made and 
enacted ; amongst which there is one for making a further provision of fifteen hundred pounds 
for furnishing your Majesty's troops quartered in that Colony with necessaries, and the sums 
requisite for quartering Your Majesty's troops are directed to be drawn out of the Treasury by 
warrant of the Governor and Council without any specification either of the manner in which 
the service shall be performed or of the articles which are to be furnished. 

From these proceedings it evidently appears that the Legislature of Your Majesty's Province 
of New York have considered the Act passed by them in June 1767. as a full and complete 
obedience to and compliance with the Acts of Parliament above recited ; and when we consider 
the nature and terms of the Act of Parliament of the 7"" year of Your Majesty's reign, which 
in the enacting part is entirely silent as to the mode of providing the necessaries required by 
the former law, and compare that Act with the provisions of the law passed in New York in 
1767. we cannot but be of opinion that the object & intention of it are thereby in effect 
answered and provided for. 

But how far in the strict and legal construction of this law it is such a compliance can give 
validity to all Ac4sand Proceedings there, subsequent to the first of October 1767. is a question 
which it is our duty humbly to submit to Your Majesty's determination upon such an opinion 
and advice of the Law Officers as Your Majesty shall think fit to take thereupon. 

All which is most humbly submitted, 


J. DysoN 
Whitehall W™ Fitzherbert 

May 7. 1768. Thomas Robinson. 

'Philip Martin was appointed 2d Lieutenant in the Royal Aitillery 2d April, 17(57, and 1st Lieutenant on Ist February, 
1769; Captain-Lieutenant on the 7th December, 1763; Captain lat January, 1771; Major 7th June, 17S2, and Lieutenant- 
Colonel on the 14th May, 1791. His name is dropped in 1796 from the Army Lists, — Ed. 


Governor Moore to the Earl of HilUhorougli. 

[ New York, CLX., A. 23. ] 

(NO 2.) 

Fort George, New York. May 7"- 1768. ' 
My Lord, 

As I shall allways give the strictest obedience to all His Majesty's Orders which I shall have 
the honor of receiving, I shall be particularly attentive to what is directed in your Lordship's 
first letter to me concerning the communication of Occurrences that may happen, & a regular 
transmission of all Acts and proceedings of the Government and Legislature here — The 
Distresses of that part of the Country bordering on the Connecticut River were so great soon 
after the Repeal of the Act of Assembly which had erected it into a County, that it was 
apprehended many of the Inhabitants would be under a necessity of quitting it, for it 
was become an Asylum for persons guilty of all sorts of crimes, and a great number of 
wretcbes who had fled from justice not only in this but in the neighbouring Provinces of New 
Hampshire, Massachusets and Connecticut took up their quarters there, and committed all kinds 
of Disorders with impunity ; In consequence of the sufferings of the People, who were 
constantly solliciting for some relief. His Majesty's Council here advis'd the erecting of those 
lands into a County by an Ordinance, which was accordingly done that they might be intitled 
to some Protection from the Laws of their Country ; A Copy of the Ordinance is here inclos'd, 
and notwithstanding no particular priviledges are excepted in it, I shall not issue any writs for 
electing Members of Assembly in that County, (as His Majesty's Instructions forbid that the 
number of the Assembly should be encreas'd or diminish'd ) 'til the increase of Inhabitants 
should make this measure necessary, and His Majesty's permission be obtain'd upon their 
Representation ; At present they are for from wishing or desiring such a Priviledge, for the 
custom still prevails here of allowing a certain Salary to the Members of the Assembly during 
their Session, and this part of the Country is not at this time in a Condition to support such an 
Expence. I have the honor to be with the greatest respect. 

My Lord 

Your Lordship's most Obedient 

and humble Servant 

Right Hon"« Earl of Hillsborough. ^ H. Moore. 


Governor Moore to the Earl of HilUhorough. 

[ Mqs. Brit. King's MS3., CCVI., p. 46. ] 

Fort George, New York, 7 May, 176S. 

My Lord, 

I have the honour to transmit to your Lordship the Copy of a letter I wrote in the beginning 
of the last year' to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, in answer to a Letter 

' Supra, VII., 888. — Ed. 
Vol. VIII. 9 


I received from their Lordships in consequence of the Address of the House of Commons to 
His Majesty concerning the Manufactures of this Country, dated March 27"" 1766 Another 
Copy of this Address has been inclosed to me in your Lordships letter marked N" 3, to which 
I must make the same answer, as the progress of Manufactures in this part of the world by no 
means corresponds with the pompous accounts given of them in the public papers. The 
dearness of labour and the cheapness of Lands, are invincible obstructions to the progress of 
them, and more especially in a country where the genius of the people is so universally inclined 
to Agriculture. No mention is made in the former Letter of great quantities of leather being 
tanned in this Country, as this branch of business has been carrwd on for many years: the 
leather is greatly inferior in quality to that made in Europe ; and they are not yet arrived to 
the perfection of making sole-leather. Your Lordship may be assured, that I shall from time 
to time, give every due information required in this Address, and be particularly attentive to 
any new establishments of which we have no instances since my last letter, except in the 
paper-mill begun to be erected within these few days, at a small distance from the town. 

I am &c. 

H. MoORE. 

Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New York OLX., A. 26. ] 

(No. 6.) 

Fort George, New York, May Q"- 1768. 
My Lord, 

I am extremely sorry to hear that M'' Golden has been under a necessity of making 
applications to your Lordship, on the Subjects of his Salary, and the damages he receiv'd in 
the late Disorders here, & since that on Account of the Apprehensions he is under from the 
late Proceedings of the Assembly in regard to a PampliJet said to be wrote by him in 
justification of his conduct. In obedience to His Majesty's Commands I have made the 
strictest Inquiries into this matter, and have now the honor to inform your Lordship, that on 
the 23'' of December last some passages out of the abovemention'd Pamphlet having been read 
in the House of Assembly, a Committee was appointed to enquire into the Contents of it, & a 
Message sent to the Council desiring they would appoint a Committee from that Board to joyn 
with them in the intended Inquiry; This was done, and a Report made of the joynt 
proceedings on the 30"" of December on which was founded the Resolutions herewith 
transmitted to your Lordship ; — As the Assembly continued sitting after this Report was 
on made until the G"" of February on which day they were dissolv'd, several Persons were 
examin'd before them concerning their knowledge of the Author or Publisher of the Pamphlet, 
and a great deal of pains seemingly taken to come at a discovery of what every body else but 
themselves appear'd to be well acquainted with ; I am inform'd that a son in law of M' 
Colden's on his examination declar'd that he believ'd his Father in Law to be the Author, 
and I told some of the Members myself that if they really wanted information, I was persuaded 
M"' Colden would upon their application to him ingenuously declare to them who the Author 
was, and save them the trouble of farther examinations. But this I apprehend was not the point 


aim'd at, for on the discovery being made, their own inability to punish must have appear'd, 
whereas their method of proceeding and some Menaces occasionally hinted could not fail of 
giving uneasiness to M' Golden & his Family ; Your Lordship may very well imagine that if there 
had not been some material Business before them, I could not have suffer'd a Farce of this 
kind to be carried on for such a length of time, but as the Treasurer of the Province was lately 
dead, & considerably indebted to the Public, a great deal of lime was employ'd in settling 
matters with his Family, and as soon as this business was done, I put an end to the Session. 
The inclosed paper was deliver'd to me on the Stair Case of the Town Hall as 1 was going up 
to the Council Chamber about ten minutes before the Assembly was dissolv'd, and as 1 have 
never heard the least mention of the matter in Question from that moment to this, I cannot but 
think it a little extraordinary that M' Colden should trouble your Lordship on such a subject 
supposing any thing was really intended against him, before he had been disappointed in his 
expectation of the support he wanted here whereas no application was ever made on this head 
to me either by himself or family, and I never heard 'till I had the honor of receiving your 
Lordship's Letter that he was under the least dread of any disagreable consequences to 
himself from what had pass'd in the late Session. This is not the only point in which I have 
differ'd in opinion with M"" Colden in regard to the designs of the People here, and I am 
convinc'd that he has suffer'd his apprehension to carry him loo great lengths and of course has 
been betray'd into a diffidence which I think had better been avoided. — I hope I shall not be 
thought tedious in endeavouring to support what I have advanc'd here and beg leave to inform 
your Lordship, that on my arrival here I found AP Colden so much alarm'd that he had thought 
it necessary to fortify himself in the Fort, and was actually under the daily apprehension of 
being attack'd ; My landing was unexpected, and as I proceeded directly to the Fort was let 
in at the Wicket, Orders having been given for some time before to keep the gates shut & not 
to suffer any of the Townspeople to etiter ; As soon as my Commission was read at the Council 
Board and tli£ power put into ray hands I order'd the Fort Gates to be thrown open, contrary 
to M' Colden's opinion, who endeavour'd to dissuade me from it, and express'd some uneasiness 
at the Concourse of People which was by this time assembled at the Fort Gate, To this I 
answer'd: that if any mischief was intended against him 1 assured him that I would share the 
same fate with him and sent the Constables out to let the People know that they might come 
into the Fort and hear his Majesty's Commission publish'd, the few troops we had here at that 
time which amounted to no more than 160 Men being drawn out on the parade; Great 
numbers crouded into the Fort upon this occasion, who behav'd with the greatest decency and 
standing uncover'd kept a profound silence during the whole time the Commission was reading. 
From the Fort we proceeded to the Town Hall, but M' Colden was still apprehensive that 
some indignity would be offer'd to his person notwithstanding what he had so lately seen and 
desir'd I would excuse his attendance there, which I readily did, as I did not choose to press 
any thing which would give him pain. The Procession was made through a very great croud 
of People collected on this occasion, and the well tim'd confidence in them I had shew'd so 
Boon after my arrival had such an effect on the Inhabitants, that the Gloom which hung over 
them in the Morning was totally dispers'd in a few hours, and the evening concluded with 
Bonfires and Illuminations throughout the whole City. — The Complaint M' Colden has made 
concerning his Salary and the recompense deny'd him for what he suflTer'd in the late disorders 
here is but too well founded; Nothing can be said in justification of the Proceedings of the 
and it has given me great concern that I have not had interest enough in that House 


to prevent this manifest Act of Injustice ; No pains have been spared by me to effect it, and the 
most sensible men among them were so fully persuaded of the improper measures which had 
been pursued on this occasion that they were ready to contribute with the greatest pleasure to 
remove this reproach which has fallen on the Province but they have been overpower'd by 
numbers. It is our misfortune here that the greatest part of the House of Assembly consists 
Men whose Education has been extremely confin'd, and the illiberal notions in which they 
have been brought up are not to be eradicated without the greatest difficulty. There can not 
be a more striking Instance of it than in the present case, where a pique against a Person in 
his Private capacity is to be resented by a Public collective Body, and a repaoach cast upon 
a whole Province to gratify the resentment of a few Individuals. I did, agreable to 
the directions in M' Secretary Conway's Letter to me recommend this matter in my speech to the 
Assembly and have since endeavour'd by private applications to serve M' Golden, but hitherto 
without effect ; The Assembly having been lately dissolv'd and several new Members chosen 
in the late Elections, I may in all probability have better success in the next Session, and I 
beg your Lordship will be assur'd that nothing in my power shall be wanting either to procure 
the Satisfaction requir'd for M' Golden or to defend him against any malicious attempts of his 
Enemies. I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect, 
My Lord 

Your Lordship's 

most obedient and 

humble Servant 
Right Hon"'^ Earl of Hillsborough. H. Moore 


Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[New-York, CLX., A. 2T.] 

Fort George, New York, May IS"" 176S. 

My Lord 

It would give me great pleasure if I could boldly assert that the inflammatory Publications in 
the printed News Papers here mention'd in your Lordship's letter had been treated with the 
contempt they really deserve, but I am afraid the bad effects of them are but too sensible 
already, and that the doctrine they would endeavour to establish is without the least reluctance 
adopted by all Ranks and conditions of People here; The Provinces of Massachusets and 
Pensylvania furnish us so plentifully with Papers of this kind that we have no occasion for any 
Writers of our own on the subjects they handle with so much freedom, and if the attempts to 
promote Sedition had been confin'd to the Limits of their particular Provinces I should not 
have thought it so much my duty to mention to your Lordship what would in the common 
course of Business have been communicated by the respective Governors of those Golonies but 
when they are extended so far as to endanger the tranquillity of the Province committed to my 
charge, 1 think I am particularly call'd upon to exert myself in opposition to measures which 
can only tend to make a breach between the Mother Country and the Colonies. The 
Inhabitants of Boston not satisfy'd with the Associations enter'd into among themselves, which 


they took care to make as public as possible, wrote letters to tlie Merchants of this Town 
whom they desired to joyn with them in the Plan f'orm'd for distressing Great Britain by not 
importing any English Goods or Manufactures into America after a stated time, In consequence 
of this Advertisements were publish'd appointing the time and place for the Meeting of all 
persons concern'd in Trade, and much pains taken to carry the propos'd plan into execution: 
But as I could not help being "^larm'd at such a proceeding, I took the first opportunity of laying 
my sentiments before His Majesty's Council, expressing at the same time my apprehension of 
the Evil Tendency of these Meetings, which in the eye of the Law are look'd upon to be illegal 
and might be productive of fresh commotions in the Province ; The Council diff'er'd in opinion 
from me and saw this in no other light than that a certain number of People had assembled 
together to consider & establish among themselves certain Rules of CEconomy, and were of 
opinion that as they were Masters of their own Fortunes they had a right to dispose of, and 
lay out their money in whatever manner they should think would be most agreable to 
themselves, and afterwards added that, they were not under the least apprehension of the 
tranquillity of the Province being disturb'd by such meetings, from the known characters of 
many who had assembled on the occasion ; I was far from being satisfy'd with this answer, for 
it appear'd to me that when the association was once begun many people who had at present 
no inclination to joyn in it might be afterwards intimidated, and compell'd to set their hands 
to an engagement they were actually averse to, for which reason I thought it proper to make 
public my resolution of supporting any Man in his Situation who should refuse to subscribe to 
it, and call'd upon the Council to make use of all the influence they had to maintain peace and 
good order among us ; As these Meetings were still continued, this affair was laid before them 
a second time but with much the same success, for they seem'd no way inclin'd to interfere in 
it; The Association has since been adopted by some and rejected by others who were sensible 
of the offence such a Proceeding would give, and I have endeavour'd to shew some of the 
subscribers that this measure will hurt none but themselves although they are so weak &so far 
misled by their prejudices as not to see it. 1 have the honor to be with the greatest Respect 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship's 

most obedient and 

humble servant 
Right Hon"'^ Earl of Hillsborough H': Moore 


Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[New-York, CLX., A. 28.] 

Fort George, New York May 12"' 1768. 

My Lord, 

In my Letters to the Earl of Shelburne concerning our situation in regard to the Indians, I 
had the honor of informing his Lordship of the necessity there was of my going into that part 
of the Country this Spring in order to prevent as far as I was able the mischiefs we were like 
to suffer from an Indian War, and mention'd at the same time the reasons which prevented 


my going thither in Sept' last agreeable to the promise I had made. It is with the highest 
satisfaction I find by a paragraph in your Lordship's letter N" 4. that His Majesty had been 
pleas'd to approve of the attention I had given to that necessary Service and I propose to set 
out from hence in ten days or a fortnight for the Mohawk Country, which is as early as the 
backwardness of our Seasons will admit of travelling in those parts. — I have lately had 
several conversations with the persons concern'd in the Kayaffferosseras Patent & they have 
come to a Resolution of submitting the Matter intirely to me & giving me a Carte blanche to 
settle this dispute with the Indians on such terms as I shall think proper, and thereby remove 
the cause of that complaint which has subsisted so long among them, I have likewise sent 
orders for some people to meet me at S"' W" Johnson's whose proceedings have disturb'd the 
Minds of the Indians, that I may if possible remove every cause of complaint among them, 
and I flatter myself that on my return I shall be able to give your Lordship a satisfactory 
account of my Expedition. It is my misfortune at this time to be depriv'd of the assistance of 
Sir William Johnson, whose state of health is novp so bad that by the advice of his Physicians 
he is gone into the Connecticut Government for the convenience of bathing in the Sea, where 
his stay will be too long for me to entertain the least expectation of seeing him before the public 
Business will necessarily bring me back again to this town : It will give me great pleasure if 
I can in this propos'd Interview with the Indians improve that confidence they seem to place 
in me, & strengthen the good opinion they had conceived of me in our last meeting, I omitted 
at that time nothing which I thought could contribute to merit their regard by the attention 
I gave to every little frivolous complaint they were making, and when we had settled the 
points of what were look'd upon to be real greivances, I adopted three of their Children Sons 
of the Chiefs of the three principal Tribes among them, had them publickly baptiz'd in the 
presence of all the Indians there assembled, and gave them my own Name; I afterwards 
assured them that I should make those boys my particular care, and hop'd they would 
hereafter, be the means of strengthening and securing the attachment of the whole Nation to 
His Majesty's Person & Government and keep up that Friendship which now subsisted 
between His Majesty's subjects and the Indian Nations; I then distributed the Presents 
among them which I had broughi with me, in doing which I took care to distinguish the new 
acquisitions I had made to my family and after purchasing some Tracts of Land from them I 
set out again for New York leaving them so well satisfy'd with my behaviour to them, that 
they could not forbear often expressing their satisfaction as well to Sir Will" Johnson as to 
some others present who had acted as interpreters in the many conferences we had together, 
declaring that they never had been treated with so much familiarity by any Governor of a 
Province before, and that I had now given them such unquestionable proof of my attention 
to their Interests that they hop'd the happiest consequences would Be deriv'd from it. If 
such trifling Acts as these can make such impressions, it would be inexcusable not to avail 
myself of every circumstance which could contribute in any shape to the promoting of His 
Majesty's service & in case of a failure on my part I hope to make it appear that I have 
endeavour'd to merit a success which I had not in my power to command. I am very sorry 
that the expressions in my Letter N° 28. were so loosely worded as to imply that the 
Assembly had actually refus'd to reimburse the expences of my late Journey, & I hope I shall 
have your Lordship's indulgence in explaining this matter, upon my return from Lake 
Champlain and the Mohawk River I acquainted the House of Assembly with what I had 
done, and expected that the allowance which heretofore was usually made to Governors going 


on the Public Service, would be given to me, But no design of this kind appearing I gave 
to one of the Members an Account of the Money I had actually expended amounting to the 
sum of ^379. 11'. T"*. and desir'd it might be laid before the House; In this Account no change 
was made of provisions wines &C'' which were carried up from hence in great quantities, 
and it was well known that many Gentlemen of the Province went up with me, and that my 
family was increas'd to the number of thirty persons & upwards during the time we were 
making our observations at the Upper end of Lake Cliaraplain; This was owing to the arrival 
of several Gentlemen from Canada who came as well to compliment Brigadier Carleton on 
his arrival on the Frontier of his Province, as to demand the confirmation of their grants 
mention'd in my former letters. This article being left open, I could not but be surpriz'd 
when the person to whom I gave the Account inform'd me that the House was then in such 
a Temper that he 'did not choose to mention it, as he apprehended it would be without 
success, and this Session pass'd over without any thing being done in it ; In the next Session 
the same request was made by me, and the same answer return'd by the person employ'd, 
who I am persuaded was too much my friend to impose on me ; A Proceeding of this kind 
could not fail of giving me some pain on Account of the manifest injustice which appear'd 
in it and as I had never been engaged in the least dispute or altercation with the House of 
Assembly or any other subject but that of endeavouring to enforce their obedience to the Act 
of Parliament for billetting the Troops here. It appear'd to me that I had no other alternative 
but that of either losing the money I had laid out for that service, or failing in my duty to 
His Majesty; It did not require the least consideration which side of the question I should 
take & I determin'd from that moment to drop all farther application for a reimbursement 
and give myself no farther concern about it ; It was not long after that this was mentioned 
in my letter to the E. of Shelburne being naturally led into it by the necessity I found myself 
under of making a second Tour into the Province on the Public Service and for which I 
imagin'd I should have the same return; About the latter end of the last Session of Assembly 
when the Commissaries appointed by this Province for settling the Boundary Line with 
those of the Massachusets Bay, deliver'd in their Accounts of the Expences attending the 
negotiation, these could not with any propriety be settled without taking notice of what had 
been done by me on a similar occasion, and my Account being then laid before them the sum 
of ^£379.11'.?''. was order'd to be paid to me as will appear on their Journals sent home to 
the Lords Comm" oT Trade. — I shall take this oportunity of settling with Col. Guy Johnson, 
be (son in law to Sir William and deputed by him to act on this occasion any Plan that shall 
thought necessary for carrying into execution His Majesty's orders lately sent over for settling 
the Indian Boundary Line; I cannot say how far this Province may be particularly interested 
in it, as I do not know the foundation of the Pensylvania claim for their Northern Boundary 
but I shall- with the greatest chearfullness give every assistance demanded on this occasion 
which an affair of so much consequence can require. I have the honor to be with the 
greatest respect. 

My Lord 

Your Lordship's 

most obedient and humble servant 
Right Hon*-'* Earl of Hillsborough H: Moore 


Governor Moore to the Earl of HlllsboroxujTi. 

[New-York, OLX., A. 30.] 


Fort George, May 14'" 17G8. 
My Lord, 

My letter to the Earl of Shelburne concerning our Paper Currency was not accompany'd 
with any draught of a propos'd Bill for I thought it unnecessary to trouble His Lordship with 
one, as I had inclos'd in my letter to the Lords Commissioners for Trade & Plantations dated 
Dec'' 9"" 1766, the copy of an Act said to be sent over from England by the Colony Agent, and 
then under the Consideration of Parliament; I had the honor of informing their Lordships in 
my letter; that if it was the Intention of Parliment to pass such a Bill it would be highly 
acceptable to this Colony, for they did not desire to have money on any other terms as they 
had allways kept up the credit of their paper Currency and taken particular care it should not 
be depreciated. I now take the liberty of transmitting to your Lordship the copy of such an 
Act as we should propose to pass here, if His Majesty shall be pleased to approve of it, and 
on this occation would beg leave to observe that by the 40''' Section of an Act passed here on 
the 16"" day of Dec'' 1737, from which the greatest part of the inclos'd bill has been 
taken, the Borrowers of the Public Money were enabled to pay their Debts in other Bills of 
Credit, Gold, Silver, or Lyon Dollars: After the first day of November next there will be 
none of the Bills formerly issued current, the Lyon Dollars ( a species of Money brought here 
by the first Dutch Settlers) are rarely now seen : These and Bills of credit issued before the 
Statute are the only two kinds of money that were ever made a Tender in this Colony, After 
the first day of November therefore we shall have nothing to make a legal tender with, a 
matter worth attention as it will expose Debtors to the petulance and Malice of their Creditors 
even though they should have Spanish Silver & Gold to satisfy them; As these Bills now 
propos'd to be struck and lent must be paid for only in silver and gold, while the Act of 
Parliment continues u[n]repealed, it will be proper to make every species of both a legal tender 
in all cases, and this Emission, it is hop'd will relieve the present distress 'till the American 
commerce opens channels for a better supply of silver and gold now so scarce that many of 
the poorer inhabitants have been ruin'd and all Ranks greatly impoverish'd. Nothing has 
contributed more to the Settlement of the Country, than the usual easy rate of purchasing 
farms. Proprietors convey to the Farmer in fee taking his bond and mortgage without the 
immediate advance of any of the purchase Money, and the purchaser paid of the Consideration 
Money as he rais'd it out of the profits of the Land : But since the scarcity of Money 
commenc'd there are numberless instances of Suits against Farmers, whose estates have been 
sold upon Execution, and bought by the old Proprietor for less than the first purchase, after 
several years Cultivation and Improvement to the Destruction of the Husbandman. It is 
hardly possible to express in Terms sufficient what effects such events must naturally have in 
discouraging Population, Cultivation and Commerce, and the extremeties to which the lower 
sort who are allways most numerous are reduced especially in new Plantations, are more easy 
to be conceived than describ'd, I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect, 

My Lord 

Your Lordships most obedient 
and humble servant. 
R' Hon^ Earl of Hillsborough. H:Moore 


Earl of IliUsborougTi to Governor Moore. 

[New-Tork, CLX.l 


Whitehall 14"" May 17G8 

I take the first opportunity to acknowledge the Receipt of your Letter to the Earl of 
Shelburne' dated the 5"" of March ; it came to my Office on the l-5"» of last Month, & has been 
laid before the King. 

The contest that has arisen between you and the Commander in Chief concerning 
Precedency, will I trust be amicably adjusted, without it becoming necessary for Government 
at Home to interfere. The coolness and good sense of both give just ground for this 
Expectation. — I will however take care that this matter shall have a due Consideration, and 
in order thereto wish you would inform me what gave rise to it ; for I presume the 
Commander in Chief did not make the Communication of his Instructions to you (which you 
mention) without some previous Circumstance inducing him to take that step. As nothing 
can be more foreign to His Majesty's Intentions than the introducing a Military Government 
into his Provinces in America ; upon the Ruins of the civil power. The King expects from your 
zeal for his service that you will make use of every method to obviate the effects of such 
suspicion, whether founded upon the idle suggestions of weak & ignorant Men, or upon the 
wicked Misrepresentations of the Factious and Ill-designing. — You have already brought 
the Province under your Government to such a Degree of good OrdePby your prudent & able 
management that His Majesty entertains no doubt of the continuance of the public tranquility 
of New York under the same discreet Direction. 

I am sorry to inform you that we had yesterday the Misfortune to lose His Majesty's Second 
Sister, the Princess Louisa, to the great affliction of all His Majesty's Subjects, I very sincerely 
condole with you upon this melancholy occasion, & am &c'' 

Hillsborough ^ 

Governor of New York. 

' William Fitzmadeioe Pettt, 2d Earl of Shelburne, on the Irish peerage, was born 2 May, IVSV. Entering young into 
the Army, he was promoted to a Lieutenancy in the 20th foot on the 8th October, \1h*l. Army List ; obtained a Company 
the following year, when he served in the expedition against Cherburg, as Adjutant-General, and distinguished himself at 
the battles of Campen and Minden in 1769. In 1760, he was appointed Aid-de-Camp to the King, with the rank of Colonel ; 
entered Parliament in 1761, as member for Chipping Wj'combe, and succeeded to his father's title the same year, and took 
his seat in the House of Lords as Baron Wycombe. In 1762, he became Major-General, and rose, in 1783, to the rank of 
General in the Army. In April, 1768, he was placed at the head of the Board of Trade, which situation he resigned on 
2d September following. In 1766, he became Secretary of State for the Southern department and held that post until 
October, 1768. He was appointed Prime Minister in July, 1782, was created Marquis of Landsdowne in 1784, and died 7th 
May, 1805, in the 68th pear of his age. Beataon's Naval and Military Memoirs, IIL, 192; Chatham Correspondence ; Debrell's 

' WiLLLS Hill, son of Trevor 1st Viscount Hillsborough, on the Irish peerage, was born 30th of May, 1718 ; rejiresented 
the borough of Warwick in Parliament in 1745; was advanced to the Earldom of Hillsborough in 1751 ; created a British 
peer in 1756 by the title of Baron Harwick ; constituted first Lord of Trade in 1763, which office he held until December, 
1766, when he became joint Postmaster-General. He was Secretary of State for the Colonies from 1768 until August, 1772, 
when he was advanced to the rank of an English Earl ; he became again Colonial Secretary in 1779 ; was created Marqui.s 
of Downshire, in Ireland, in 1789, and died in October, 1793, in the 76th year of his age. Chatham Correspondence, I., 189; 
in., 24. Grenville Papers, I, 34. Debrett. — En. 

Vol. VIIL 10 


Earl of Hillshorougli fo Sir William Johnson. ' 

[ Plantations General ( 8. P. O. ), OCLIV., No. 4. ] 


Whitehall June the 11. 1768 

I have received and laid before the King Your letter N" 10 addressed to theEarl of Shelburne 
and am directed by His Majesty to express his entire approbation of your conduct towards the 
Indians at the Congress held at your House in March last, which considering the many 
Provocations the Indians have received, & more especially that late one in the Case of the 
inhuman Massacre upon the Frontier of Pensylvania, appears to have been attended with 
greater success than could reasonably have been expected, and affords room to hope for a 
favorable Issue to those Measures recommended in the Earl of Shelburne's Dispatch to you of 
the Fifth of January last, and in mine of the 15 of April, for the faithful execution of which his 
Majesty has the firmest Relliance on your Ability and discretion 

I am &' 


Lieutenant-Governor Golden, to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-York, CLX., A. 88. ] 

New York, June le"- 1768. 
My Lord, 

In my Letter of the 25"" of April last, I inform'd your Lordship of some occurrences, which I 
thought may be of use to you in forming a judgment of the present state of this Province. — In 
my letters to His Majesty's Ministers, I have repeatedly given my opinion that His Majesty's 
Authority and the Dependance of the Colonies cannot be secured, nor the Property of the 
Subject, without disinterested Judges of ability and integrity. — -That the present Judges in this 
Province are not such, is now universally the opinioa of the People ; and it is likewise the 
opinion of the most intelligent that, proper Judges cannot be obtained in this Province. — 
It was evident on the late Elections, as I informd your Lordship in my former letter, that the 
Lawyers have in a great measure lost the influence they had on the People. — This seems 
therefore a proper time to send over some Gentleman of sufficient abilities to be Cheif Justice, 
with a sallary sufficient to make him independant of any faction in the Assembly. Were this 
done I am confident the opposition to the Authority of Parliament over the Colonies, would 
daily decline. — The granting such a salary, in its consequences will be a saveing to the Crown, 
for it will facilitate every measure which may be thought proper for securing His Majesty 
Authority. — One or two puisne Judges may be appointed from among the Inhabitants of 
sufficient knowledge, with the assistance of the Cheif Justice, to execute their office. — 

Some time in September last year, the Faction received intelligence from England, that the 
Ministry intended to put the Adinini.stration of Government again into my hands, and at 


the same time that a Gentleman from this Place, who had access to the Duke of Grafton,' 
assured his Grace that if this was done, it would set the Colony in a flame, and occasion the 
greatest disorders. — About the time that this information was received, the Pamphlet appeared 
in New York, which had been published in London in vindication of my conduct during my 
Administration. This Pamphlet discoverd several things whicii had been carefully conceald 
from the People, or had been represented in a very different light. The Faction resolved 
therefore to discredit 1t, and to confirm the information which their friend had given the Duke 
of Grafton, by a Public prosecution and censure of that Pamphlet, by the Courts of Justice, the 
Assembly and Council of the Province. A force which in their immaginatiOn no single Person 
could withstand. — But, my Lord, the force of Facts the truth of which appeard on the public 
Registers, or were notoriously known, proved too strong for them. The Prosecution convinced 
the People of the malice of the Prosecutors, after the Pamphlet had freed them from the 
prejudices which had been entertain'd against me, by artfull misrepresentations of my Conduct. 
— A quite contrary effect was produced, to what the Leaders of the faction designed, and they 
are now much humbled by the loss of their popularity. 

I now flatter myself that His Majesty's Ministers, my Lord, will no longer apprehend any 
inconveniency in showing some regard to a servant of the Crown, who has perform'd his duty 
amidst innumerable difficulties, and under insults destructive of all Government, and without 
any remarkable indiscretion on his part, to give rise to such insults. In Justice I think I may 
expect Recompence for my losses and Sufferings, and I hope it will be thouglit of public use 
that I receive some reward whereby the King's Servants may be hereafter encouraged in their 
duty. I am now my Lord so far advanced in years, that my wish is to close my life in ease, 
with reputation, and that my past services may be of benefit to my Children I may receive a 
proper reward from His Majesty's Quit-Rents in this Province without injury to any 
appointments that are already established on that fund. I have been longer conversant in the 
public affairs of this Government, than any Person now living in it, and I may be able to give 
your Lordship information, in some things which no other Person can, or which few may be 
willing to do. Your Lordship knows more of me than any other of His Majesty's present 
Ministers: I confide in your favour, and I humbly intreat you will free me from my present 
disagreable state of uncertainty, by letting me know your Lordship's sentiments. 
I am with the greatest Respect 
& submission 

My Lord, 

Your most obedient & 

faithfull servant 

R' Hon'''^ Earl of Hillsborough. Cadwallader Colden. 

' Adqustus Henrt Fitzbot, 3d Duke of Grafton, was born in 17:!5, and in 1756 was appointed a Lord of the bedchamber 
to the Prince of Wales (afterwards George III). He succeeded to the dukedom in 1757. He joined the Rockingham 
Administration as Secretary of State for the Northern Department, 12th July, 1765, which situation ho resigned in May, 
1766, and was appointed first Lord of the Treasury a few months afterwards ( August, 1766 ), and so continued until January, 
1770. He was Lord Privy Seal from June, 1771, until November, 1775, and died Uth March, 1811. His grace rendered 
himself, during hia public career, notorious by his liaison with Nancy Parsons, afterwards. Lady Maynard, and has been 
handed down to posterity in the Junius Letters, in a by no means enviable light. Grenville Correspondence, — Ed. 


Guy Johnson to the Earl of Hilhborough. 

[ PlanlationB General ( 3. P. O. ) CCLIT., No. 1. ] 
N" 1. 

Guy Park near Johnson-hall June 20. 1768 
My Lord, 

The management of Indian Affairs here being committed to me (Sir William Johnsons 
Deputy) during his absence for the recovery of his health: I have since his departure had the 
honor to receive your Lordships Letters N" 1. 2 and 3 with the enclosures which have been 
since transmitted to him. 

Sir William set out the 24 of April for the Sea Coast of New England by advice of his 
Physicians, having for some time laboured under a violent disorder of the Bowels, as well as 
severe pains from his old Wound with both of which he has been much afflicted for some 
Years past — This last attack was occasioned by Cold he caught in attending the late General 
Congress with the Northern Indians and Cherokees, which was held in the open Air at a 
severe season, and as he was not in a Condition to write to your Lordship at his departure I 
judged it my duty to give you these particulars, and to acquaint your Lordship that he has 
received some benefit from his Tour, and will return within about three Weeks 

At his return your Lordships letters will be fully Answered, In the mean time I beg leave 
to lay before your Lordship, the occurrences since his departure, and entreat you to indulge me 
in the liberty of Congratulating your Lordship on your late appointment. 

Agreable to my Instructions I imediately sent the necessary Belts and Messages for 
Assembling the Indians in order to the Settlement of the boundary line, but as some of those 
necessary to be present, namely the Shawanese, Delawares, and Senecas of Ohio live at a 
Considerable distance from the rest they cannot all Assemble before the Month of Sepf 

The boundary with regard to New York not having been particularly mentioned in the 
Report of the Board of Trade, has occasioned a belief that it was needless, but Sir William 
is of opinion that it is most necessary, and that the line not being extended beyond Owegy, 
is owing to his not having come to any conclusion with the Indians regarding New York bounds 
at the Congress in 17G5, as the same was attended with some difficulties, neither were all the 
Indians necessary then present, which together with his not being at that time fully Authorized 
made him decline entering into particulars, nevertheless it is expected by the Indians at the 
final Settlement and is particularly necessary, as the Settlements of New York are already far 
advanced towards the principal Towns of the Six Nations. 

Indian Affairs to the Westward have an unfavorable aspect, — Belts have been actually sent 
to the Indians in the names of the French and Spaniards, to excite them to take Arms against 
us, and a list has been transmitted to me of several French who reside in the Indian Country 
and are daily spreading the most dangerous reports and doing all in their power to bring about 
a Rupture, all which I have laid before General Gage. 

The Powtewatemis amongst others have publicly declared their Intentions, have murdered 
three Traders in the Indian Country whose effects have been for the most part embezzled by 
the French ; his Excellency the General is doing what he can to withdraw them from thence 
but a believe it will be a difficult task. And altho' I have sent Messages and Instructions to the 
Officers of the Department, and taken all other measures in my power for giving a timely 
check to these proceedings. Yet I fear that the Weak State of the Frontiers, and the quantity 


of Goods of late carried from the Posts amongst the Indians will prove too Strong 
Inducements to them to make War, especially as the persons and propertys of so many Traders 
are entirely at their Mercy, and they already threaten to put all the English to death who 
shall enter their Country. This seems to be the View which these French had in encouraging 
the English to desire a general Indulgence to go where they pleased, well knowing that it was 
in their power to secure the whole fruits of such permission to themselves, & thus the 
Merchants at the Capitals have been imposed on, and affairs misrepresented to the Crown. 
At the same time the lavish Conduct of the Command' of Michilimackinac, has encreased the 
Indians expectations and for the same reason his being brought away prisoner will give 
discontent. By return of the Indians whom I sent thro' the Six Nations I have received 
farther intelligence, of Belts actually sent to them of a very dangerous tendency, which I 
am now endeavouring to trace to their Source but as these Matters will be better known by 
the time of Sir Williams return, when your Lordship will receive much Superior Information, 
I have only humbly to Apologize for the length of this letter and beg leave to subscribe myself, 
with the most profound respect. 

My Lord 

Your Lordships 

most devoted and most ob' 
The R' Hon'''^ humble Servant 

The Earl of Hillsborough . Guy Johnson 

Earl of Hillshorovgh to the Governors in Amei'ica. 

i Plantations General ( S. P. O. ) CCLIT. ] 

Whitehall 21 June 17GS 

It having been represented, that the General Instructions, given by his Majesty to the 
Governors of the American Colonies, have, from a Variation in the State and Circumstances 
of the said Colonies become in many Parts improper and unecessary or inadequate to the 
Object of them ; I have the Kings Commands to desire you will, with the greatest attention 
and with all convenient Dispatch, consider those given to you for your Guidance and Direction 
in the Administration of the Government entrusted to your Care, and transmit to me for his 
Majesty's Information, such Observations as shall occur to you upon those Articles, which may 
in your Judgement require such Alteration or Addition as may have the Effect to improve his 
Majesty's Interests and Revenue, add Strength and Dignity to his Majesty's just Authority 
promote the Welfare of the Colony and give Facility to the Administration of Government 
conformable to the Constitution as it stands established by his Majesty's Commission under 
the Great Seal, and by such Laws as have been ratified by the Consent of the Crown. 

The little Improvement which has been made in his Majesty's Revenue of Quit Rents, 
notwithstanding the Rapid Progress of Settlement, shews that either the Instructions given 
relative to this Object are imperfect or inadequate, or that there has not been sufficient 


attention given to the due Execution of them, and therefore it will be your duty to consider 
these Articles with particular Care and to suggest what shall in your opinion be requisite to 
give them a greater Force and better Effect 

I am fcc" 


Eari of Hillsborough to the Lords of Trade. 

[ PlantaUons General ( S. P. 0. ) CCLIV. ] 

Whitehall June 22. 1768 
My Lords, 

I am commanded by the King to signify to your Lordships His Majesty's Pleasure that the 
mode of your Lordships proceedings upon business relative to Commerce and the Colonies, 
prescribed by the Earl of Shelburnes Letter to you of the 26 of August 1766, shall, be 
discontinued, and that your Lordships Proceedings upon such business shall for the future, 
be conformable to the Usage and Practice antecedent to the Date of the said Letter 

I am &ca 


(N" 12) 

Governor Moore to the Earl of Hilhlorough. 

[New-York, CLX., A.St] 

Fort George July i"-^ 1768. 

My Lord, 

Sir William Johnson's ill state of health having oblig'd him to go into the Connecticut 
Government, for the advantage of Bathing in the Sea as mention'd in one of my former letters. 
This accident depriv'd me of the opportunity of seeing him, and settling the measures I 
propos'd by my Journey into the Mohawk Country, concerning the Baundary Line to be run 
between this Province and the Indians. 

While I was in that part of the Country I had the honor of receiving several letters from 
your Lordship but as the Pacquet seldom stays more than six or eight days with us, I have 
been oblig'd to defer the answers to them 'till my return to this City. 

As His Majesty has been pleas'd to make new regulations in regard to the Indian Trade, I 
have at the request of the Council wrote pressingly to Sir William Johnston to desire we may 
see him here before he returns to his own House, that the Plan now to be pursued may be 
fix'd in such manner as to have the desir'd effect, and that the proceedings of the Province 
may not interfere with any Powers which His Miijesty has been pleas'd to continue still in the 
hands of the agents for Indian Affliirs. 

I am very sorry to inform your Lordship that I cannot boast of any success in regard to 
the settlement I propos'd of the dispute concerning the Kayaderosseras Patent, Under the 



assurances given me here that nothing shou^d be omitted which would contribute lo forward 
an amicable adjustment of this matter with the Indians, I enter'd upon it very readily, but 
found that there was no actual survey made of the Creek to which the Proprietors desir'd to 
extend their claim; A Diagram was produc'd but such a one as no credit could be given to, 
and after a considerable altercation I was obliged to break up the meeting without concluding 
on any thing, and have directed surveys now to be made of the Points in dispute, which, after 
they are compleated shall be laid before the Claimants here, and if no farther obstacles arise 
I will send for the three principal Mohawk Chiefs to this Town, and get this aftair settled 
publicly, that I may put a stop to the setting up of any future claims by the Indins. 
I have the honor to be with 

the greatest Respect. 
My Lord 

Your Lordship's most 

obedient and humble Servant, 
Right Hon""^ Earl of Hillsborough H. Moore 

Governor Moore to the Earl of HillshorougJi. • 

[ NewTork, CLX., A. 85. 1 

(No. 14) 

Fort George July G"" 176S. 
My Lord 

The many inconveniencies arising from the great extent of the County of Albany have been 
complain'd of for some years past, and as the population here has increas'd so fast several 
attempts have been made at different times to subdivide this County, but it has allways met 
with a sufficient opposition to prevent it by those who have prefer'd their own Interests to the 
Public Benefit. , 

All the Lands to the Northward of Dutches and Ulster Counties have been allways deem'd 
to be in this County, and as the settlements have been constantly extending to the Northward 
and Westward, the attendance of the Inhabitants at the Circuits, Sessions &c. held at the Town 
of Albany has become a great greivance to many who are now oblig'd to travel an hundred 
miles, either to serve as jurors, or as witnesses to bonds & notes of hand ; The consequence of 
this is, that in the recovery of small demands the expence often exceeds the original sum sued 
for, and numberless Families have been distress'd and oblig'd to give up debts justly due to 
them, on no other Account but that of the inconvenience and expence attending the recovery 
of them. 

The proposal for the division of this County having been reviv'd again, and by what I can 
find, a Resolution already form'd of bringing in a Bill at the next Sessions of Assembly for 
carrying it into execution. Whatever advantages may arise from it to the great number of 
Persons concern'd in it, it must necessarily meet with an oppositon from me, unless I have his 
Majesty's permission to give my assent to it, as I apprehend that the Legislature would never 
propose to preclude any of the New Counties now to be form'd, from all the Rights which the 
rest of the King's Subjects enjoy here, and of course it would be expected that they should not 


be d^riv'd of the priviledge of sending Representatives to the House of Assembly : His Majesty's 
Instructions in regard to this Article are so positive, that your Lordship knows it is not in my 
povrer to concurr in a measure now so much wish'd for, and from which so real a Benefit would 
be deriv'd to all the upper part of this Province, without permission being first obtaind to pass 
the Bill propos'd. 

As the meeting of our Assembly is put of 'till the month of September, I hope I may before 
the Session is over be favor'd with a line from your Lordship on this head & that His Majesty's 
pleasure may be made known upon it. 
I have the honor to be with the 
greatest Respect, 

My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most obedient 

and humble servant 
Right Hou"'^ Earl of Hillsborough H. Moohe. 

Governor Moore to (lie Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ NewTork, OLX., A. 86. ] 


Fort George July 7"" 1768. 
My Lord, 

The circular letter wrote by the Speaker of the Massachuset's Assembly and sent into the 
different Provinces did not arrive here before an end was put to the Session by a dissolution, 
It is impossible for me to say at present what would have been the effect, if the letter had been 
receiv'd during the Session, but from the coldness which was shew'd to the proposal made by 
the Merchants of Boston for entring into a combination concerning the importation of British 
Manufactures, (already mentioned in my letter N° 7. to your Lordship) I do not imagine this 
Province would have shew'd that forwardness which many others have done on this occasion. 

The Apprehensions which every Person of property was under during our late Commotions 
from the Licentiousness of the Populace are not yet forgotten, and I believe they would not 
willingly see those scenes of disorder renew'd, These are the Sentiments of those I have 
already conversd with on this head, and as our Assembly will not meet 'till the month of 
September, there will be sufficient time for reflection before that period comes. Nothing in the 
mean time shall be wanting on my part to prevent if possible their entring into any such rash 
engagements, and I shall take every opportunity to lay before them what their Duty to His 
Majesty will require on this occasion ; If I should be so unfortunate as not to meet with the 
desir'd success, Your Lordship may be assur'd that His Majesty's Orders on this occasion shall 
be strictly obey'd. 

I have the honor to be with the 

greatest Respect, 

My Lord 

Your Lordship's most 

obedient and humble servant 

Right Hon"" Earl of Hillsborough H. Moore 


Earl of IlilUhorough to Governor Moore. 

[New-Tork, CLX.] 


Whitehall July Q"- 1768 

I take the first opportunity that has occurred, since my Dispatch to you N^ 15. of 
acknowledging the Receipt of your Letters from N° 2. to N' 10. with their Inclosures which 
were all received on the 15"" of June and immediately laid before His Majesty. 

The Establishment of a New County, with proper Courts and Jurisdictions as in other 
Counties, seems to be a Regulation which might have been made by Charter under the 
Province 9feal ; but as I presume that, in the manner of creating this Establishment, you have 
conformed to what has been the usage and practice, I have only to signify to you His Maty's 
Commands, that no Writs should issue for the Choice of Representatives for this New County, 
unless His Majesty's leave for that purpose shall have been first obtained upon a full 
Representation to be made by you of the Expediency of it. 

The Collection of the printed Laws of the Colony has been received, and if you can procure 
a like printed collection of the Duke of York's Laws, it may be very usefull ; but I do not wish 
that you should be at the trouble of preparing a MS Copy, as there is one already here in the 
office of the Lords of Trade. 

His Majesty very much approves the Heads of Instruction and Enquiry, under which you 
propose to have a survey made of the townships granted by the Governor of New Hampshire 
on the West side of Connecticut River and of the Lands on Lake Champlain; and if the 
Persons, whom you appoint to execute this service, do not fail in a faithful discharge of their 
Duty, it is hoped that this Enquiry may produce such full Information of the actual state of 
these valuable tracts of Country, as may enable His Majesty to direct those Measures to be 
taken, which shall correspond with His Royal Wishes for the settlement & improvement of 
them to the Public Benefit, and the satisfaction and advantage of the really industrious and 
bona fide Possessors. 

I am sensible that services of this nature must be attended with Expence and well deserve 
Recompense ; but as the making such Recompence does not belong to my department, all I 
can do in that case is to represent the Propriety of it, which I shall not fail to do, as far as 
I shall be enabled and justified by your Report of the matter, when the service is executed. 

Your Representation of M"' Colden's Case evinces the Equity of his Claim upon the Colony 
for the Arrears of his Salary and for Compensation for the Losses he sustained in the 
Disturbances at New York ; and therefore it is the King's Pleasure that you do persevere in 
your Recommendation of this Matter to the Assembly. I beg the favour of you to acquaint M"" 
Golden with the Directions you have received upon this subject, that he may be assured, that 
the suff'erings and Complaints of a meritorious old servant of the Crown are graciously attended 
to by his Majesty, and have not been neglected by me. 

His Majesty laments that the inflammatory Publications in print of ill-intentioned Persons^ 
in some of the other Provinces, continue to have the Effect to mislead and raise groundless 
apprehensions and suspicions in the minds of His Majesty's good Subjects of New York, and 
to alienate their affections from their fellow Subjects of this Kingdotn ; and so far as those 
Meetings of Merchants, which you mention are actuated by a Spirit of Resentment, and a 
Vol. VIIL . ,11 


Desire of Distressing the Merchants and Manufacturers of Great Britain, they are doubtless, if 
not illegal and unwarrantable, very unnatural, ungrateful and unbecoming. In their effect 
however, I trust they will be of no ill consequence to this Kingdom, and if they should induce 
a real spirit of CEconomy, I cannot but think such a spirit in the Colonies would be of service 
both to themselves, and to the Mother Country, as, I presume, it is the contrary which has 
occasioned the enormous Debts, which at present distress the one, and depress the other. 

His Majesty highly commends the attention you have shewn to Indian affairs, and in particular 
to the case of the Kayaderosseras Patent, which has so long been a subject of contention with 
the Savages, and a Principal Cause of their Jealousy and Enmity. If you can settle this matter 
agreeably to your Expectations you will have done a very signal service, and, from the success 
which has already attended the commendable and prudent Measures you have pursued, His 
Majesty entertains no doubt, that your intended interview with the Indians will be productive 
of great Public Advantage. 

The Bill for establishing a Paper Credit in New York, transmitted with your Letter N" 10, 
■will be laid before the Board of Trade for their Consideration, and I will not fail to communicate 
to you His Majesty's pleasure in consequence of the Resolutions which may be taken upon 
their Lordships Report. 

I am Sec'' 

Sir Henry Moore. Hillsborough 

^arl of HiUshoraitgJi to the Governors in America. 

[Plantaliona General (8. P. 0.)CCLIV.] 

Whitehall July 11. 1768 
As I observe it frequently happens that intelligence of Public Transactions in the Colonies 
is received by private Persons in this City long before any Official Communication of it comes 
to me, for his Majesty's Information, I conceive this Inconvenience must arise in great measure 
from his Majesty's Governors not availing themselves of such casual Opportunities of Writing 
by private Ships as frequently happen, but confining themselves to the Channel of the Packets 
only ; for this reason I desire that you will for the future send your Dispatches by the first 
opportunity that offers, and Duplicates of them by the next Packet, or in case the Packet shall 
be the first Opportunity that offers, then you will send your Duplicates by the Next 

private Conveyance 

^ ^ I am &" 



Sir William Johnson to the Earl of 

[ PlBnlalione General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLIV., No. 2. ] 

Johnson Hall July 20. 1768 
My Lord, 

M' Johnson my Deputy has during my Absence received your Lordships Letters Numbers 
one, two and three, and acquainted you with the occasion of my going to the Sea Side from 


whence I returned a few days ago some what recovered of my late indisposition, he lil^ewise 
reported in general terms to your Lordship the Steps taj^en towards effecting the Boundary 
Line with the Indians, and the occurrences since my departure. 

It remains for me now, more fully to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordships Letters 
with the Report of the Board of Trade, Sincerely to Congratulate you on your late 
Appointment and dutifully to Submit my thoughts on the Reform which as an Old, and I 
believe a most faithfull Servant to the Crown, I am enabled, and bound to offer to His Majesty's 
Consideration, wherein I shall Speak without the smallest Interest or Prejudice beyond wliat 
in me naturally arises for the true Interests of the Crown, and the happiness of the People as 
far as they depend on the pacific disposition of the Indians within my district, should any 
thing that I offer appear worthy Attention it will in any situation of life yield me the highest 
Satisfaction, and by its effects point out its utility but should it on the contrary meet with a 
different reception, the Consideration of the importance of the Subject the necessary 
Connection I have with it the Experience I may be supposed to have acquire in these Matters 
and above all the laudable Motives which induced me to the task, will I persuade myself 
Justify my intention, whilst it affords me the pleasing reflection that 1 have faithfully discharged 
my duty. 

Your Lordship will please to recollect that the plan for the more effectual regulating of 
Indian Affairs which came out in 1764, was formed under your Lordships directions and 
honored with his Majesty's Approbation when you so wisely presided at the head of the 
Board of Trade, and has since in part carried into execution attended with as much Success 
as could have been possibly expected from the powers committed to me, on which Subject I 
have often since wrote, and at Sundry times ofl'ered my humble Sentiments towards such 
Amendments therein, as seemed most reconcilable to the different Views and Interests of the 
Americans. That Agreeable to my Instructions I did then and since give the strongest 
Assurances to all the Nations of Indians thoughout my District, that the same would be firmly 
established by such Authority and in such Manner as to effectually remove all their 
uneasynesses That on these Assurances the Majority of them relied, and from the expectation 
of that Establishment they have been hitherto withheld from committing outrages, the 
consequences of their own unsettled minds, their strong Jealousies of our power and views 
since the reduction of Canada, 9nd the Misconduct of Sundry persons in the Colonies which 
has dailly encreased. That notwithstanding I was not impowered to carry this plan effectually 
into execution and that some parts of it however Judicious and Political, appeared from reasons 
that occured since impracticable to be inforced, yet I have still received assurances that 
some thing similar thereto was under consideration, and that I should speedily receive such 
powers as would Answer those ends, and that in the interim I should give the Indians 
such Assurances and take such Measures, as would make them easy till the same was 
Established; By taking great pains, and by repeating these assurances I have been hitherto 
enabled, notwithstanding their impatience to preserve peace, which has been solely owing to 
these Measures and to their expectations founded thereon. 

The present Reform for the Indian Department proposed by the Lords of Trade seems very 
Judiciously framed according to the object it seems to have had in View by Committing 
Comercial Affairs to the Care of the Colonies with intent priucipally to the retrenciiing 
Expences founded on an expectation that the Colonies Sensible of their former errors will 
manage better in future. Now My Lord, was I governed by Interest or did it in any manner 


influence my Representations, I should not offer any farther thoughts upon it seeing that my 
Salary is Augmented, and my Cares and Trouble in some measure lessened, Considerations of 
no small Weight with the generality of mankind, but when I reflect that this Reform is a 
Matter of the most Serious Consequence, that its final operations, require the strictest 
Canvassing, that the Consequences of Mismanagement have such weight with the Board of 
Trade as to induce them to say, that were it probable it should again take place "They would 
not hesitate in declareing their opinion against the Propriety of Suffering the management of 
this Concern ever to revert into the hands of the Colonies." I say My Lord when I duly 
consider all this I cannot but Conclude it my Imediate Duty to offer my humble thoughts, and 
throw all possible light on the Obscure parts of Indian Affairs which being a Terra Incognita, 
inaccessible to the Generality of even enquirers is thereby more liable to Misrepresentation 
than any other Subject. 

I shall therefore proceed to take a short View of the State of the Colonies and Indians 
previous to the late War and since with the changes produced in the Politicks and Sentiments 
of both, from a consideration of which I flatter myself some Conclusions may be drawn relative 
to the Event of the present System and its future operations. 

The General Misconduct and Neglect of Provincial Management is too well known and has 
been repeatedly expressed as the Sense of Government, It is however said by some that they 
formerly managed the Indians at a very Cheap and Easy Rate, and that they were in general 
peaceable, the conclusion to be drawn from thence is. That they had best to have them again 
in their hands which I am not at all Surprised that many persons concerned in Trade should 
wish for, I own I shall readily admit that their Transactions were attended with very little 
Expence and I know what they lost by their own economy, the manner and Success of their 
Management will require to be more particularly discussed. 

The English were unknown to the Western Confederacy before this Century, and the 
Nature of Our Government Genius and pursuits of our People prevented them from being 
objects of Jealousy to the Six Nations and others with whom they were somewhat acquainted, 
Tlie little we had to do with them was easily and reasonably transacted whilst they had few 
suspicions of our designs, a slender opinion of our powers and abilities, and whilst the 
Inhabitants and Traders thro' fear were cautious of giving them offence. On the other hand 
they saw a small but vigorous enterprizing Colony in Canada, whose Government, Pursuits 
and Genius, led them to make bold Advances, to carry War into the Midstof their Country, and 
whose Politicks set one Nation against another which enabled them to penetrate into the 
Western Territory, and to form Alliances and Trade with Nations entire Strangers to us with 
one or other of whom they were nevertheless Generally at War, These were a people 
Sufficient to alarm the Jealousy of Indians, Their Eyes were fixed upon them, and they 
were glad to see another European power in the Country, and indeed for the greatest part of 
this Country I cant find that, the Indians were undeceived concerning us, Nevertheless in 
proportion as they became acquainted with Europeans, and courted by both parties, their 
want encreased, as did the expences attending for the French spared neither pains nor money 
upon those occasions, whilst we avoided both and what little was given was so ill timed, and 
thro' the hands of sucii Americans, Ignorant and Slothfull Managers, as rendered it of little 
use, so that whoever shall peruse the Records of Indian Affairs will find that their Complaints 
have been encreasing from the Commencement of this Century and their defection from Our 
Interest is as Vissible, till at the breaking out of the late War they were totally alienated from 


eur Interest, At which time the Indians were so far improved in knowledge and avarice that 
their Services became very expensive and some Gentlemen contributed thereto by unsuccessful! 
endeavours to acquire an undue Influence amongst them, The Western Indians even at this 
time were little known and much prejudiced against us thro' the suggestions of the French 
and our own Misconduct to those few who sometimes resorted to Oswego as I once before 
related, and as for those who were better acquainted with us, altho' they still retained but a 
slender opinion of our Abilities, they nevertheless grew Alarmed and Suspicious on observing 
our encrease and the advancement of Our Settlements, which Joined to a dislike that had been 
gradually encreasing rendered the appointment of a Superintendant extreamly necessary had no 
War broke out with France. The Conquest of Canada being Compleated in 1760, we were 
to enter into Alliances, which would make a tenfold addition of Indians, Our Troops took 
Possession of the Forts in the Western Country, and our Traders flocked thither with Goods, The 
French saw that they must share with other Colonies that Trade which they before held 
unrivalled, and many of them flattering themselves with the hopes of a change and stimulated 
by Interest spread false Reports amongst the Indians, at the same time those residing in the 
Western Country and some of those^ Partizans, who had retreated thither on the reduction of 
Montreal, were very busy in Alarming the Jealousies of these our new Allies, occasiond a General 
Confederacy against us, on which I went to Detroit in 1761, where I held a Treaty with them. 
Gave them a strong assurances of his Majestys favour, and that Measures woud be taken for 
preventing Abuses Encroachments &"=, whereby I for that time prevented their designs, and on 
my return represented the necessity for such Establishments as woud remove their Suspicions 
and preserve peace and order, but before any thing was done therein, the artifices of the 
French, Misconduct of Our People and Suspicions of the Indians (all which have been often 
represented) produced the War in 1763 — which thro' means of a Vigorous Expedition, and by 
employing one Nation against another was terminated the year following. One of the principal 
causes of this War was the Apparent change in our behaviour to the Indians, the want of proper 
Agents with fit powers amongst them, and the alarming Circumstance of our being the Sole 
Europeans here by the reduction of Canada, Those Numerous Nations to whom we were 
introduced by this Conquest had their Natural aversions aggravated by this Circumstance, and 
our Old Allies began to be much Alarmed at it. This was one of the Natural Consequences 
of our great encrease of our Advancement into- their Country and of the enlargement of our 
Connections with them and could only be surmounted by degrees by favours, [&] A seemin 
attention to their Interests, establishments for their Affairs, and some Summary Methods for 
obtaining Justice — our people are not inclined to do this, They began to think them unworthy 
attention, they encroached upon them Insulted and Wronged them and altho' they paid dear 
for this during the Indian War, yet no sooner was it terminated in 1764 than elated thereby, 
and by the Conquest of Canada, and seemingly insensible that this Conquest had encreased the 
number of our Indian Enemys, and rendered the management of them an Affair of much more 
difficulty than before they pushed on their encroachments and at last began to proceed to Rob 
and Murder them whereever they met them, the general turn and sentiments of our People will 
in spight of conviction lead them into these Errors. The plan which came over that year met 
with several delays and thereby time was given to all those whose imediate prospects of 
advantage might be frustrated by its Establishment to represent the Necessity of a general 
Indulgence to Trade where they pleased. The French in the Indian Country were at the 

' their. Johnson's MS., XVI., Neia-Tork Documentary History, 8vo., II., 900. —Ed. 


bottom of this, tliey knew that if once they were permitted to bring Goods there, they could 
Secure that part of the Trade to themselves by their Politicks, The Event has Justified this. 
The Indians have began already to Murder our Traders and the French have aided in plundering 
them, and persuaded tiie Indians to threaten all English with death who shall enter their 
Country, In short they have been only hitherto prevented from taking Arms thro' their reliance 
on my Assurances from time to time in the Name of Government. That their Affairs were 
under consideration that they might be assured that such Authority should be given to 
the Managers of their Affairs as would remedy those Abuses of which they have so often 
Complained, and of which the Crown seems to be so Sensible. Their Reliance is, and has been 
entirely on the Crown thro' the powers vested in its Officer, founded on a certainty of the utter 
impossibility of receiving it at other hands whether the same be owing to inexperience, want of 
leisure, disinclination, the want of legal Provision adapted to the peculiarity of their Affairs, or 
to that particular biass of the Colonists which operates so much to the disadvantage of the 
Indians, throughout their various Subjects of Contention, whether in the ordinary pursuit of 
their Landed or Commercial Interests in America. These points in the Course of my 
Correspondence with his Majesty's Ministers have been more than once enlarged on, and I see 
with Satisfaction that Your Lordship and the Board of Trade are persuaded of their General 
truth, and therefore I might have avoided giving Your Lordship the trouble of perusing so 
long a detail, did it not contain some circumstances which will point out the difficulties I must 
expect to encounter in reconcileing the whole of the Measures according to the Reform to the 
minds of the Indians, and produce some thoughts from the conclusions and considerations of 
which I flatter myself that Your Lordship will think it necessary to the Public Quiet that the 
Colonies have ample directions for the good Management of Affairs of Commerce, as there 
is reason to apprehend they will not incline to be at much trouble or expence about them. 
These thoughts are with all becoming deference humbly Submitted to your Lordship. I am 
to assure Your Lordship that I shall lose no time in compleating and fulfilling his Majesty's 
Orders touching the carrying the Reform into Execution omitting no pains necessary for 
explaining and reconcileing it to the Indians, relying on his Majesty's support for the more 
effectual discharge of the rest of theDutys remaining under my Superintendency, which I shall 
always endeavour to perform in the best manner, but there are some points necessary thereto 
which it is my Duty to lay before your Lordship. The Northern and Southern Departments 
are put upon the same allowance altho' the Northern has been always considered and admitted 
to be by much the most Considerable and Respectable whether as to the Number of Indians, 
their dispositions, or the circumstances attending their Affairs and Management, And as Annual 
Presents must be given to the Western Indians, Six Nations, those of Canada, and the Shawanese 
and Delawares, I submit it to your Lordship whether there i-s a possibility of doing this and 
providing for all other necessary Contingencies on ^3000 p'' Annum. In the next place the 
absolute necessity there is for my having some Subordinate Officers for the carrying on 
the various operations and Dutys of this Office, Those Deputys and Interpreters who are 
Essential thereto, do not appear to have a provision made for them, the Sum 1 formerly proposed 
for a present alone was ^4000. The Contingences are besides as uncertain as they are 
innumerable and as 1 am directed to remove all those Officers who were established for the 
Indian Trade, which are the Commissaries, Smiths at the Posts &'% the future want of those 
Corresponding Agents, will in many Respects add to the trouble as well as the expence of 
Management So that the Deputys who are long Established cannot be paid out of the Annual 


^3000. without omitting some other essential part of the Service, nor can theirs be dispensed 
with. But that the Service may not suffer thro' the want of what is necessary and reasonable, 
I shall endeavour to settle these matters with the Commander in Chief of the Army, in the best 
manner I can, hoping it will merit approbation. 

The other Affairs of the Department, the necessity for continuing the Boundary Line 
Northerly from Owegy so as to Establish bounds between them and New York in such manner 
as the Indians shall be prevailed on to agree to, I hope to receive your Lordships 
Commands upon. 

As to the other objects of Concern and the extraordinary Intelligences received I am doing all 
in my power thereon, and hope to lay them and other Matters more fully before your Lordship in 
my next, but the Subject of this Letter having already drawn it out to an immoderate length 
I must for the present draw to a Conclusion, by expressing my humble gratitude to his 
Majesty for the Augmentation of my Sallary, and my Sincere thanks to your Lordship 
Assuring you that I should not desire it, longer than I was able to do real Service, and that as 
all my proposals have been directed with that View, the same shall ever remain the invariable 
rule of My Conduct, thro' which I persuade myself of his Majesty's favour and the" Continuance 
of your Lordships Countenance. 

I have the honour to be, with the most profound Respect 
My Lord 

Your Lordships 

Most obedient & most 

The Right Hon"'* Devoted humble Servant 

The Earl of Hillsborough. W. Johnson 

Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore. 

[New-York, CLX.l 

Whitehall 13'" August 17G8 

On the IS"" of July I received your Letter to me N° 11, acquainting me with your Intention 
of setting out the next Day after the date of it for the Mohawk Country ; and I shall be 
happy to hear that your Journey has proved as agreeable to yourself as I dare say it will have 
been beneficial to the Public. 

I have only in Command from His Majesty to send you the inclosed Order of His Majesty 
in Council, confirming the Boundary Line between New York and Quebec, as agreed upon and 
fixed by yourself and Governor Carleton, for the due Execution of which Order under the 
several Limitations and Restrictions contained in it, His Majesty has the fullest Reliance on 
your zeal for & attention to His Service. 

Some doubts having occurred to the Lords of Trade whether the two last Acts passed in 
New York for making provision for quartering His Majesty's Troops were such a compliance 
with the British Act of Parliament as to give Validity to the Subsequent Acts and Proceedings 
of the Legislature there, under the Restrictions of the Act of Parliament of the 7"" of the 
King, their Lordships thought fit to make a Report to His Majesty thereupon. 


This Report has been since referred to His Majesty's Attorney & Solicitor General for their 
opinion the Question agitated by the Board of Trade, and they having reported that they are 
of Opinion, the Act of Assembfy passed in New York in June 1767 is such a Compliance with 
the Act of Parliament of the Seventh year of His Majesty's Reign as leaves the validity of the 
Acts and Proceedings of the Legislature of the Colony subsequent to the 1*' of October 1767, 
subject to no objection, on that Account, I herewith inclose to you a Copy of His Majesty's 
Order in Council thereupon, directing the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations to 
proceed in the Consideration of the other Laws passed in that Province, and make their 
Representations thereupon to His Majesty in Council in the usual & accustomed manner. 

I am &c* 


Order in Council confirming ilie Boundary Line between New-Yorh ajid Quebec. 

[ From New-Tork Council Minntea, Albany, XXVI., 131. ] 

At the Court at S' James's the 12"" day of August 1768 

Present — The Kings most Excellent Majesty 

Duke of Grafton Viscount Falmouth 

• Duke of Rutland Viscount Barrington 

Duke of Queensberry Viscount Villiers 

Marquiss of Granby Lord North 

Earl of Litchfield James Stuart Mackenzie Esq : 

Earl of Hillsborough Thomas Harley Esq'': 

Earl of Shelburne Sir Edward Hawke 
Viscount Weymouth 

Whereas there was this Day read at the Board a Report from the Right Honourable the 
Lords of the Committee of Council for Plantation Affairs dated the 9"" of this Instant, upon 
considering a Report made by the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, upon an 
Extract of a Letter from Sir Henry Moore Governor of New York, to the Earl of Shelburne 
dated the 16"' of January last, relative to the selling the Boundary Line between that Province 
and Quebec: By which Report it appears, that it having been mutually agreed upon, between 
Sir Henry Moore and the Commander in Chief of the Province of Quebec, at a Meeting for 
that purpose appointed, that the Line of Division between these Provinces should be fixed at 
the forty fifth Degree of North Latitude, conformable to the Limits laid down in his Majesty's 
Proclamation of October 1763, and it having been ascertained and determined by proper 
Observations where the said Line would pass ; it is therefore proposed that these Proceedings 
above stated should be confirmed by his Majesty — His Majesty taking the said Report into 
Consideration was pleased with the Advice of his privy Council to approve thereof, and doth 
hereby confirm the said Proceedings above stated, and order that the said Line of Division be 
run out and continued as far as each Province respectively extends Provided that nothing 


herein before contained shall extend to affect the Properties of his Majesty's new Suhjectf, 
having Possessions under proper Titles, on those parts of the Lands on the South side of this 
Line, the Dominion of which was not disputed on the part of the Crown of Great Britain ; 
And Provided also, that this Determination shall not operate wholly to deprive his Majesty's 
new Subjects of such Concessions on the South side of the said Line, on which they may 
have made actual Settlement and Improvement, although the Lands may have been disputed 
by the Crown of Great Britain ; but that such Possessors shall be intitled to so much of the 
said Concessions, as shall be proportioned to their Improvements, as the Rate of fifty Acres 
for every three Acres of Improvement, provided they take out Grants for the same under the 
Seal of the Province of New York, Subject to the usual Quit Rents; and Provided also that 
the Grant to no one Person shall exceed twenty thousand Acres: And the Governors or 
Commanders in Chief of his Majestys said Provinces of New York and Quebec for the Time 
being, and all others whom it may concern, are to take Notice of his Majesty's Pleasure hereby 
signifyed and govern themselves accordingly 

Steph: Cottrell 

Order in Council on the Report of the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council. 

[New-Tork Bundle, Er., No. S8 ; New-York Colonial Minutee, Albany, XXVI., 181. ] 

At the Court of S' James's the 12"- day of August 176S. 

Present — The Kings most Excell' Maj'^ in Council. 

Whereas, there was this day read at the Board a Report from the Right Hon*"'' the Lords 
of the Committee of Council for the Plantation Affairs dated the 9"' of this instant in the 
words following: viz' 

" Your Maj'^ having been pleased by your Order in Council of the ll"" of May last to referr 
«' unto this Committee a Representation from the Lords Commissioners for Trade & Plantations 
" dated the 7"" of the said month of May in the words following viz' 

" Sir Henry Moore Baronet, your Maj'^"' Gov"' of the Prov'* of New York, having transmitted 
" to us the Acts and proceedings of the Legislature of that Colony in their last session of 
«' Assembly, we have taken the same into our consideration, and humbly beg leave to represent 
«' to Your Maj'y. 

" That these Acts and proceedings, appear to have passed subsequent to the first of October 
" 1767 the day fixed for the Commencement of the operation of tlie provisions of an Act of 
" Parliam' made in the 7"" year of your Maj'^'" Reign, intituled: "an Act for restraining a?id 
" j'rohibitiiig the Gov', Council and House of Representatives of the Province of New York, until 
" jirnvision shall have been made for Furnishing the King's Troops with all the necessaries required by 
" Law, from passing, or assenting to any Act of Assembly, vote or resolution for any other purpose'^ And 
" therefore it will, as we humbly conceive, be necessary, before we can report our Opinion upon 
" these Acts and proceedings, that it should be determined, whether there has been on the part 
•' of the Legislature of New York such a submission to and compliance, with what has been 
Vol. VIIL 12 


" thought fit to be enacted by the Parliament of Great Britain, in respect to quartering your 
" Maj'y'" Troops in America, as could conformably to the tenour of the Act above mentioned, 
" make it Lawful for the Legislature of New York, to make or pass any Act, or any order, 
" resolution, or vote, save only such as could make such Acts, Votes and Resolutions of any 
" force or validity ; and to the end that Your Maj'^ may be fully informed of every circumstance 
" necessary to be attended to in the discussion of this question, it is our duty humbly to stale 
" to your Majesty the Laws, which have been passed in New York for making provision for 
" quartering your Maj"''= Troops, subsequent to the Act for that purpose, which was disallowed 
" by Your Maj"' in Council, and was the ground of those proceedings in Parliament, that gave 
" rise to the Law above recited" — 

" On the 6"= of June 1767. the Legislature of New York passed an Act intituled: "An Act 
" " granting unto His Maj'^ the sum of three thousand pounds for furnishing necessarys for the 
" " Troops quartered within this Colony, and for paying Captain Phillip Martin the losses he 
" " sustained in the house of Major James, on the first of November one thousand seven 
" " hundred and sixty five" — By this Act it is provided, that the Treasurer of that Colony 
" shall out of certain funds therein mentioned pay unto His Excellcy Thomas Gage, 
"Commander in Chief of your Maj"'"' Forces in North America or his order, or to the Commander 
" in Chief for the time being, or order, the sum of three thousand pounds to be applied for 
'• furnishing necessarys for your Maj'^'"' Troops quartered within that Colony, and no mention 
*' whatever is made of the persons by whom, or the mode in which the service shall be 
" performed ; nor is there any specification pf the particular articles to be furnished to 
" the Barracks. 

" On the same day that this Act was passed, the General Assembly was prorogued, between 
" which time and their meeting again in November your Mnj'^'' Gov'' received the Act of 
" Parliament and on the IS"' of November 1767 he communicated it to the Council and 
" Assembly of New York, who, in their address in answer to the speech made by him upon 
" that occasion, expressed their concern at having fallen under the displeasure of the British 
'« Parliament, and referr to what they had done in the preceeding session, as such a compliance 
«' with the Act of Parliam* as did in their opinion take away any scruple the Gov"' could have 
» to concurr in such things as the public good of the Colony might require. 

" In this opinion your Maj"'» Gov'' appears to have acquiesced, and accordingly the Gen' 
" Assembly proceeded to business in the usual manner, and several Laws were made and 
" enacted, among which there is one for making a further provision of fifteen hundred pounds 
" for furnishing Your Maj'J"'' Troops Quartered in that Colony with necessaries, and the sums 
" requisite lor quartering Your Maj'''* Troops are directed to be drawn out of the Treasury by 
" warrant of the Gov' and Council without any specification either of the manner in which 
" the service shall be performed, or the Articles which are to be furnished. 

" From these proceeding it evidently appears that the Legislature of your Maj''^"' Province of 
" New York have considered the Act passed by them in June 1767, as a full and compleat 
" obedience to and compliance with the Acts of Parliament above recited, and when we 
" consider the nature and Terms of the Act of Parliament of the seventh year of Your Maj'>'' 
" Rtiign ( which in the enacting part is entirely silent as to the mode of providing the necessaries 
" required by the former Laws) and compare that Act with the provisions of the Law passed 
" in New York in 1767; we cannot but be of opinion that the object and intention of it are 
" thereby in effect answered and provided for. 


"But liow far in the strict and legal construction of this Law it is such a compliance as can 
"give validity to all Acts and proceedings there subsequent to the first of October 17G7, is a 
"question which it is our duty humbly to submit to your ^^lj'>''' determination, upon such 
" opinions and advice of the Law Officers as your Majesty shall think fit to take thereupon." 

" The Lords of the Committee in obedience to your JNIaj'J''' said order of reference did on 
"the 25"" of June last take into consideration the said representation and Act passed in New 
" York on the sixth of June 1767 and also another Act passed in that Province on the 21" 
" of Decenib"' 1767, intituled : " An Act for making a further provision of fifteen hundred 
" "pounds for furnishing His Maj''"'" Troops quartered in this Colony with necessaries" and 
"likewise the aforementioned Act of Parliament made in tiie seventh year of your Majesty's 
" Reign, and thought proper to referr the said representation and Acts to your Mnj''"' Attorney 
"and Soliicitor general to consider the same and report to this Committee how far in the 
" strict and legal construction the Law passed in New York in June 1767, is such a compliance 
" with the said Act of Parliam' of the seventh year of your Maj'^'" Reign, as can give validity 
"to all Acts and proceedings of the Legislature of tiie said Colony subsequent to the 1" of 
"October 1767; whereupon Your Majesty's Attorney and Soliicitor General have reported to 
" this Committee, that they are of opinion the Act of Assembly passed in New York in June 
" 1767 is such a compliance with the Act of Parliament of the seventh year of your Maj''' 
" Reign, as leaves the validity of the Acts and proceedings of the Legislature of the Colony, 
"subsequent to the first of October 1767, subject to no objection on that account; for the 
"only object of the Act of Parliam' appears to have been fully accomplished by the supjily 
" of the money, which is admitted to be competent to the service, the mode of applying it, and 
"the specification of the articles made no part of the condition, the performance of which was 
"to restore the Legislature of the Colony to their former activity. — And the Lords of the 
" Committee having this day resumed the consideration of this matter do concurr in opinion 
" with your Maj'^'» Attorney and Soliicitor General and humbly propose to your Maj'J' that it 
" may be adviseable for your Maj'^ to direct the Lords Commissioners for Trade and 
" Plantations to proceed in the consideration of the other Laws passed in that Province 
" and make their representations thereupon to your Maj'^ in Council in the usual & accustoni'd 
" manner" — 

His Majesty, taking the said Report into consideration, was pleased with the advice of his 
privy Council to approve thereof and to order as it is hereby ordered, that the Lords Commiss" 
for Trade and Plantations do proceed in the consideration of the other Laws passed in that 
province and make their representations thereupon to His Maj"' in Council in the usual & 
accustomed manner. 

Steph: Cottrell. 

Earl of Hillshoroiigh to Si?- Will/am JoJinson. 

[ PlantatioDs General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLIV. No. 6. ] 


Whitehall August 13. 176S 

I have his Majesty's Commands in consequence of an Order in Council, to transmit to you 
the inclosed Copy of a Petition presented to his Majesty, praying a Grant, under certain 


Limitations, of all Copper Mines in the Country circumjacent to Lake Superior 60 Miles from 
the Waters of the Lake; 1 am also directed to send you a Copy of tlie Report of the Board 
of Trade upon this Petition, and as his Majesty approves what is advised by their Lordships 
You will therefore be pleased to make a full enquiry into the Facts alledged, and the 
Practicability of the Proposals, and report your opinion what effect the Execution of this 
Measure will probably have as to his Majesty's Interests with respect to the Indians, and by 
what means they might be induced to consent to such Establishments, as would be necessary 
for obtaining the advantages stated to arise from the Proposals, in case his Majesty should 
upon further Consideration think it adviseable to comply therewith. 

I am &■= 


N" 18 

Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ Sew-Tork, CLX., A. 83. ] 

My Lord, 

It was no small mortification to me that I was under the necessity of laying before your 
Lordship the disappointment I had met with in my late endeavours to settle the dispute 
concerning the Kayaderosseras Patent, but I was deservedly punish'd for relying on the 
diligence & activity of persons whom I thought too much interested in the success of my 
negotiation to neglect any means which could forward it; I have already had the honor of 
informing your Lordship in my letter mark'd N° 12. that 1 had been oblig'd to break up the 
meeting held on this occasion without concluding on any thing, but I was determined not to 
let it drop, especially in our present critical situation «& the moment the Surveys were 
compleated which I had directed to be made I sent up two Persons from hence as Agents to 
the Patentees with letters to S' W™ Johnson recommending this matter strongly to him & 
desiring that the Mohawk Indians might be called together again, & the former Proceeding laid 
once more before them ; This had the desired effect, for as the contending parties could now 
judge with certainty what was claim'd by each, from the Surveyors Return which was made 
upon oath. It was not long before they came to an agreement on the following conditions, as 
1 am inforrned by a letter received a few days ago, from S' W"" Johnson, The Patentees have 
released to the Indians a large Tract of Land to the Westward, which was part of the Patent 
they claimed & likewise ail Pretentions to those lands by which the Titles of certain 
Patents granted to others were affected. The Indians on their part have relased all claim to 
the remainder of the Patent agreeable to the Survey made on the Patentees paying them 5000 
Dollars, This Dispute which has subsisted about GO years & occasioned so much uneassiness is 
at last settled to the satisfaction of all Parties, & I am extremely happy to have it in my power 
to give your Lordship this information, I must own that I was under so much anxiety about 
it (as there is to be a considerable congress of Indians on our Frontiers about the latter end of 
this Month) that I was determined in case of any new obstructions to have set out again 
immediately for that part of the Country, which I could not have effected without some 



difficulty, as I had been seized with a violent fever on my return from my late Journey, & 
since my coming home confined to my chamber for these last six weeks. But as your Lordship 
had mentioned that His Majesty had been pleased to approve of the attention I had given to 
this service, I thought it incumbent on me to exert my utmost efforts on the occasion. As one 
of the Motives of my late Tour was to get the best information of those parts of the Province 
which were most likely to suffer in case of a Rupture with the Indians, that I might be better 
enabled to give them the assistance they might require, I went up as far as the Cannjoharie 
Falls on the Mohawk River; Here is a carrying place about a mile in length & all Boats going 
down or up the River are obliged to unload, & be carryed over land, which is a great detriment 
not only on account of the delay it occasions, but from the damage done to the Boats and 
Cargo, which suffer greatly by the common method of proceeding with them ; As this Fall is 
the only obstruction to the Navigation between FortStanwix& Schenectady, my intention was 
to project a canal on the side of the Falls with Sluices on the same plan as those built on the 
great Canal in Languedoc, & I stayed a whole day there which was "employed in measuring 
the Falls & examining the Ground for that purpose. Upon the meeting of the Legislative 
Bodies I propose to lay what I have done before them, & engage them if I possibly can to 
carry into execution a project that will be attended with such benefit to the Public. If I fail 
of success in my attempt I shall still have this satisfaction that I have done my Duty in pointing 
out to them how those advantages they have from their situation may be improved, the rest 
must depend on themselves. I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect, 
My Lord 

New York August l?"" 176S. Your Lordship's most obed' 

& humble serv' 

Earl of Hillsborough Secret^' of State. H. Moore 


Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[Plantations General (8. P. O.) CCLIV., No. 3.] 

Johnson Hall Aug: 17. 1768 

My Lord, 

I had the honor of addressing a letter N» 2, of the 20"" Ul'" to your Lordship Immediately 
after my return from the Sea Coast, therein I took the libery to offer some thoughts concerning 
the present Reform & Management, Some of which I flattered myself would prove Seasonable. 

Since I wrote that letter a Chief of the Chippawaes one of the most powerfull Nations to the 
Westward Arrived here on an Embassy with several others. As he is a man of much Influence, and 
can bring some thousands [of his people] ' into the Feild, I took particular Notice of him formerly 
at Niagra, since which he has behaved very well and now come to be informed of my sentiments 
on the uneasy State of the Indians to the Westward, he told me that his People would quietly 
wait his return before they took any Resolution, Confirmed all the Ace" I have received of the 
practices of the Spaniards and French, of the assurances they give them of assistance from 
Europe, and of the Belts, Messages, and Presents sent amongst them, they are endeavouring to 

' The words within brackets are added from the Document in Johnson's MSS., XVI. — Ed. 


encrease the spirit of distrust, Jealousy & Avasion ' by every rr.eans in their power, amongst the 
Indians in general, and it will be utterly impossible to keep them all quiet without silencing those 
incendiaries who are amongst them. I wish the Colonies may Act wisely in the Management 
of the Indian Trade, as a good deal will depend upon it at this time this will require much 
pains & expense, else they must not expect to send any Traders into the Indian Country, 
Altho' the much greater part of those who go a trading are men of such circumstances and 
dispositions as to venture their persons any where for extravagant gains, yet the consequences 
to the public are not to be slighted, as we may be led into a general Quarrel thro' their means. 
The Indians in the parts adjacent to Michilimacinac have been treated with at a very great 
expense for some time past. Major Rojers brings a considerable Charge against the Crown for 
mediating a peace between some Tribes of the Sioux & some Chippawaes living about Lake 
Superior, which had it been attended with success, would have been only interesting to a very 
few French, & others that had Goods in that part of the Country, but the contrary lias 
happened, and they are more violent than ever against one another which perhaps is not an 
unfavourable Circumstance for Us at this Juncture, but the Indians on finding that they are to 
receive large Presents for promissing to lay down their Arms will never want occasion of 
Quarrel with one another. 

I should inform your Lordship agreable to a former letter of mine to the Earl of Shelburne, 
the Patentees of the disputed Tract called Kayadarosseras sent an Agent to treat with the 
Indians whom my Deputy summoned to attend for that purpose in the presence of Sir Henry 
Moore during my absence from home, but the Agent not having brought an original Indian Deed, 
or a proper survey of the Tract, they did not agree. Since my return having found an original 
[Indian] Deed, & had their line Run, the Patentees again applied to me, & the same was 
recommended by letter from Sir Henry Moore, in consequence of which, on the arrival of their 
Agents they met the Mohawks, who on examining the Indian Deed & Survey & receiving a 
handsome Sum of money were at length prevailed on to Yeild their Claim to the Patentees in 
my presence, this will save some trouble, & Expence to the Crown, as according to the 
opinion of the Lawyers there were not sufficient grounds to proceed against the Patent with 
any Prospect of Sucess in a Court of Law. 

In addition to what I formerly mentioned concerning the Boundary Line on which I expect 
shortly to meet the Indians, I have only to express my desire to hear from your Lordship 
concerning that part relating to the Province of New York, should I not be honored with your 
Commands previous to the Congress, I shall endeavour to do it in the best Manner I can. As 
I have all along conceived, and as it is understood by the Commander in Cheif, the Boundary 
is a Matter of a General Nature, Negotiated on the part of his Majesty with the Indians, & 
that whatever Cession they make is in consideration of an Adequate present to be solely at 
their^ disposal of the King in all Royal Governments and may be granted by him to any of his 
Subjects by Mandamus or otherwise without farther purchase from or treaty with the Indians, 
I am hopefull that this construction is the sense & intention of Government, as I beleive it to 
be the most effectual means of preventing disputes, at the same time it is presum'd that all 
those unlocated Lands at the back of the Colonies which shall be so ceded to his Majesty by 
the Indians will be added to, & become a part of such Colonies as have just claims or pretensions 
to Comprehend them within their Bounds, or with which they may be most naturally connected, 
but with this 1 apprehend I have nothing to do, and that my Duty is solely to treat with, and 

' Aversion. Johnson's MSS., XYI. ' tlie. Johnsons MSS., XVI. — Ed. 


obtain a Cession for and on belialf of the Crown of a Tract of Country along tlie Frontiers, tlie 
Rear of which is to be the Boundary Line between the English in General, & the Several 
Indian Nations, agreable to which I mean to Act, according to my best Judgement, and as 
Correspondent as possible with the line described on the Map transmitted by your Lordship, 
hopeing that the Commissioners from the Several Governments who attend the Treaty will be 
enabled to give the strongest & most satisfactory Assurances to the Indians, that no 
Kncroachments shall be made by any of the Inhabitants on their Lands beyond that Line, and 
this cannot be to firmly guarded & secured, for should it hearafier be invaded and the 
Agreements Violated on our parts, it were better they had never been entered into. 

In my last I took, the liberty to observe to your Lordship concerning the slender provision 
made for the Expences of my Department, which has been always Considered as the most 
considerable, & by much the most important of the Two superintendencys, That no mention is 
made of my Deputys, or of interpreters without whom the Business of the Department could 
not be conducted, that the Former were Officers indispensably necessary for the Management 
of Affairs in the Distant & Different Quarters for many years past and Existing long before any 
Plan for Trade was adopted and that the Interpreters must be always considered as wanting 

The Commissioners were the only officers appointed for the Management of Trade & their 
Expence far exceeded all the rest of the Department, occasioned principally by our having 
newly got possession of the Out Posts, and they are now to be discontinued, but a due 
Consideration of the importance of other Dutys to be performed by the Department, and of 
their Multifarious nature will evince the necessity there is for some proper subordinate Officers 
& Interpreters, which cannot be provided for out of the Sum allotted. One thousand pounds 
p'' Annum of which being for my Sallary, the remaining three thousand pounds will I fear be 
found an inadequate Sum for Annual Presents to three large confederacys of Indians, «& other 
incidental Expences, on which the Public tranquility here does in a great measure depend 
without a possibility of applying any part of it to the Support of such Officers and Assistants 
as I have repeatedly shewn the necessity of. But to manifest my Zeal and readiness to carry 
on the Management of Indian Affairs on a new Arrangement in the manner they ought to be 
conducted, I presumed to propose an addition of a thousand pounds p' Annum for the Sallarys of 
three Deputys & Interpreters, and small as the other Sum may appear resolved to endeavour my 
utmost that it should answer the purposes of promoting tranquility and extending his Majesty's 
Interest, with this View I transmit to General Gage Commander in Cheif an Estimate of the 
Expences & application of the Sum proposed on the New Arrangement wherein I have 
proposed the addition of ^1000 p"' Annum for three Deputys, A number of Interpreters for 
the many difierent Nations & a Messenger, In this (besides the Sallarys & Expences of the 
Commissaries now to be Discontinued) there is no provision made for a Secretary Clerk, 
Store keeper, Smiths, Charges of Transportation of goods Sl"^ & one Deputy is likewise 
omitted, because as my fourth Deputy has been very lately instituted by direction of his Grace 
the Duke of Richmond for the peculiar Province of Nova Scotia, the necessity of his continuance 
is submitted to Your Lordship As to a Secretary he cannot be dispensed with, the entrys of 
proceedings & preserving the Records of all Indian transactions being as necessary as it is 
troublesome, but I have not included his Sallary it being usually paid out of the Receiver 
Generalls Office of the Province of New York, at the rate of .£100 St? p' Annum, to which I 
generally procured an addition, as no man properly qualified would undertake that troublesome 
Duty in this Country on such a Sallary. My Deputys considering their respective Duties, 


tbe Expences to which they are liable and that there is no Allowance for travelling charges &"= 
Will find .£200 Str'^ p'' Annum a very slender provision for theni and every other Sallary is 
rated as low as men can be procured qualified for their Offices, So that I flatter myself your 
Lordship will find that the Moderate addition I propose which will make the whole Annual 
Expence but .£5000 Str's including my own, & Officers Sailarys, is a very trifling Sum for 
conducting Aff'airs of such Public importance. From my Sense of the State of Indian Affiiirs, 
I humbly recommend it to Your Lordship, and I have only to wish that it may be found 
sufficient for preserving peace & order, and promoting those Objects of Public concern that 
depend on the Establishment of proper men, and the pursuit of proper Measures in the 
discharge of the various Dutys appurtaining to my Office. 
I have the honor to be with the most profound Respect. 
My Lord 

Your Lordships 

most obedient 

and most devoted 
The Right Honourable Humble Servant 

The Earl of Hillsborough. W. Johnson 

N" 20 

Governor Moore to the Earl of Hdlshorough. 

[New-Tork, CLX., A. 40.] 

New York August IS"- 1768 

My Lord, 

I have the satisfaction to inform your Lordship that the Obstructions complain'd of by 
Commissioners of His Majesty's Customs in the execution of their Duty have never been 
occasioned by any thing which has happen'd in this Province, nor has there been the least 
subject of complaint from the behaviour of any persons here, on account of the late Duties 
impos'd : This tranquillity however is now render'd very precarious by a late order from the 
Commissioners to M' Elliot ^ our Collector forbidding him to receive any thing for the Duties 
but Silver, which is not at present to be procured in the Province, so that a strict compliance 
with that Order will certainly occasion very great uneasiness here, & lay the foundation for 
future disorders. 

The scarcity not only of silver but of every other Currency, even paper, has been so great 
for some few years past, that M' Elliot has been under the necessity of giving every indulgence 
he could consistent with his office in collecting the Duties; The Commissioners of the Customs 
in England have been inform'd, that he has often been forced to take an Obligation from the 

' Andrew Elliot, uncle of the Ist Eiirl of Minto, -was the third son of Sir Gilbert Elliot, Bt, Lord Justice Clert of Scot- 
Innd. Through the interest of his brother Gilbert, member for Selkirk, and confidant and counselor of Lord Bute, he was 
appointed, on the death of Archibald Kennedy, Collector of the port of New-Yoik, by commission dated 19th January, 1764, 
which office he held until the evacuation of that city. He was appointed his Majesty's Lieutenant-Governor in 1780, and 
administered the Royalist government from 17th April to 25th November, 1783. Mr. Elliot married a Pliiladelphia lady, 
and bis property in that State was consequently confiscated. His daughter Elizabeth married, in June, 1779, Lord, after- 
wards Earl, CatUcart, then a Major in the S8lh Regiment of foot. — Eo. 


Owners of Ships to pay the Duties in ten days or a fortnight rather than detain the Vessel! so 
long at the Wharf without being permilted to unload, & to this he has received for answer, 
that this indulgence was at his own risque, & that he was responsible for every shilling due to 
the Revenue, for which he should take such securities. By this method of proceeding Business 
has been carried on for some time without the least detriment to the Crown, & to the great 
satisfaction of the Trader, but lately in the midst of those Tumults which happen'd at Boston 
the Commissioners there sent the abovemention'd order to M' Elliot with which it is not in 
his power to comply, as silver cannot be procured at any rate, & at present it can serve no 
other purpose than that of furnishing those who are inclin'd to be Riotous with some pretence 
for complaint, & lay the foundation for future disorders. I am directed by His Majesty's 
Orders to support, aid & protect the Officers in the execution of their Duty, & shall always 
to do it to the utmost of my power, but I did not take upon me to contradict the Orders given 
by the Commissioners, as I might by so doing- be thought to go out of my department, neither 
should [ at any time attempt it except in such emergencies where His Majesty's service & the 
Peace of the Province might be in danger of sutfering; but I thought it necessary to desire 
that M' Elliot would write immediately to the Commissioners & let them know my sentiments 
as well as his own on this subject, & I hope they will have prudence enough on a reconsideration 
of this matter not to insist on an order which may be attended with such disagreeable 
circumstances, & which from the present scarcity of silver cannot be carried into execution. 

I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect, 

My Lord, Your Lordship's most 

Obd' & Humb"^ Servant 

Earl of Hillsborough Secretary of State. H. Moore 


Governoi' Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[New-York, CLX., A. «.] 

My Lord, 

I am very sorry to be under the necessity of saying any thing more on the disagreeable* 
subject of the dispute which happen'd here lately between Gener' Gage & myself, but as your 
Lordship has directed me to transmit an Account of what first gave rise to it, I shall to the best 
of my recollection, give all the information in my power. — Upon my arrival here I was receiv'd 
with the usual Ceremony paid to His Majesty's Governors, & on every occasion both Publick & 
Private for the two first years, had never any reason to suppose that I had any Competitor for 
Precedence here; such a thought never entered into my head, nor did I suppose from the 
following words of my Commission, that it was ever intended. "And We do hereby require 
" & command all Officers & Ministers Civil Sf Military & all other Inhabitants of our said 
"Province & the Territories depending thereon to be Obedient, aiding & assisting unto you 
"the said S"' Henry Moore in the execution &c." — As I was an intire Stranger to the 
Instruction of which the General has since furnished me with a copy, & no intimation given 

Vol. VIII. 13 


me before I left England of any extraordinary powers granted to the Commander in Chief of 
His Majesty's Forces here, I could not but suppose that my Commission was superior to all 
others here, nor did I ever entertain the least doubt of it. I have already mentioned in my 
former letter the custom which is kept up here of assembling at the Fort on His Majesty's 
Birth Day ; In June 1767 after a great concourse of People had met there I desir'd two 
Gentlemen of His Majesty's Council to wait on the General & to request the favor of his 
Company on the occasion. My Invitation was not accepted because (as I afterwards 
understood) that I had not waited on him in Person, this did not prevent our going on with 
the usual Ceremonies of the Day, which were performed with unfeigned chearfulness. Had 
1 been appris'd of the General's objection that Day I should not have endeavour'd to remove 
it, for at the time when all the principal people in the City were assembled at the Fort to pay 
me the Compliments of the Day as His Majesty's Representative here, 1 should have thought 
that I had debased my Commission, by such a proceeding, & did imagine that a sufficient 
compliment was paid by sending two Members of His Majesty's Council with the invitation. — 
About the beginning of the following Winter, it was reported among some of the Military that 
there were certain powers granted to the General by His Commission which gave him 
authority to command all the Governors on the Continent, to this I gave no attention as no 
one ever acknowledg'd that he had seen the Commission, but being oblig'd to wait on the 
General not long after on Account of some idle reports which had been carried to him by evil 
minded people who were desirous of making a breach between us, I then took an opportunity 
of speaking to him concerning my Commission and shew'd him the extract quoted in the 
former part of this letter, desiring at the same time to know if there was any clause in his 
Commission which could invalidate the powers there given to me,to which he answered, that 
there was not any, but he never shewed me his Commission or any part of it, or at that time 
mentioned the Instruction. — Nothing happen'd after this till the latter end of the Month of 
February 1768. When at an Assembly where the Military Gentlemen had taken upon 
themselves the management. They thought proper (the plan having as I suppose been 
previously concerted) to determine this point themselves & to give that Precedence to General 
Gage & his Family which I thought my due, without assigning the least reason for it ; Upon 
this I retired immediately with my Family to avoid all altercation which might ensue, & the 
next morning a Copy of the Instruction was sent to me, & I was informed it was given out in 
Publick Orders, so that it became Criminal in any Officer to act contrary to it whatever his 
.private opinion might have been. — ^^I have already had the honor of informing your Lordship 
that I waited on the General immediately & endeavour'd to convince him that the Instruction 
related only to the Public Meetings where all the Governors were to be eoncern'd, but without 
success ; I have since been informed that the respect I had shew'd him when he assisted in 
the Council was afterwards look'd upon to be no more than wiiat was due to him from the 
words of the Instructions, although it was never my intention to acknowledge his superiority, 
or was I inform'd till the time I have mentioned that he was possessed of any such Instructions. 
As there was little prospect of this matter being settled here, I desir'd that our behaviour 
to each other might continue the same as before, & that the Dispute might be submitted to 
His Majesty, to which he readily consented, & I hope we shall both think it our Duty to be 
carefull that the Publick Service shall not suffiir by what has happen'.d. — If nothing farther had 
been said of this than what is here mentioned, I should not have been under any great concern, 
but this contest soon became the Toi)ic of every conversation where it has been canvass'd with 


great warmth, & has contributed not a little to create jealousies & uneasiness in the minds of 
the People ; We soon saw the effects it had even on our Public Amusements, some of which 
were drop'd after having been continued here without interruption for near thirty years, & the 
Inhabitants of the Town, by withdrawing themselves from those opportunities of intercourse 
with the Military, which were calculate to promote society and a good understanding between 
them, have already began to behave towards them with a coldness & distance too visible not 
to be remark'd. I hope your Lordship will pardon my entering on so minute a detail of this 
matter, & at the same time that I shall not forfeit so much of your Lordships good opinion as 
to be thought capable of engaging in a Contest of this kind merely on account of a Precedence 
at Public Spectacles & Diversions ; My views were not so confin'd, & it would at any time 
have been inexcusable to have acted on such weak motives, but more particularly at my 
time of life ; The various Duties of my Commission if properly attended to, leave but little time 
for amusements, and as I seldom make my appearance at any of them, I contribute to their 
support cheifiy as an entertainment to others, but when f found that this claim of the General's 
was so extensive, & likely to be productive of such ill consequences, I could not avoid being 
alarm'd, especially at a time when our neighbours have set us such Examples, & was not only 
at that time, but am still apprehensive that it may lay a foundation for future disorders: — ^I 
have endeavour'd by every Act in my power to remove those unwarrantable suppositions, to 
which this dispute has given rise, and although the strongest arguments may lose their effect 
on weak & ignorant minds, determin'd not to be convinced, I flatter myself that among those 
who will suffer their reason to come to their aid, I have not been without success. It is asserted 
here that Gen' Monckton & S'' Charles Hardy my Predecessors in this Government were so far 
from acknowledging the superiority of the Commission which the Commander in Cheif of His 
Majesty's Forces held during their residence here, that they always took the Precedence on 
every Public occasion, to which they thought themselves intitled as Civil Governors of the 
Province ; These Gentlemen are now in England, & may be easily call'd upon to know if 
there is any truth in this assertion, for I do not mention this from my own knowledge, but 
from the information of others. — I have already in many of my former letters laid before His 
Majesty's Ministers the present weakness of our Government, & have shew'd how necessary 
it was to have the Governors hands strengthened, that he might be able to act up to his 
Commission, & comply with his Duty to the Crown; The levelling Principles which prevail 
so much in this Country require it, and our late misfortunes too evidently prove the truth of 
what I have here advanc'd ; In this situation the address must be to the Throne, where his 
Majesty's service is so materially concern'd. It is to him we all look up, as to the Fountain 
of Honor, & shall with all Duty & submission acquiesce in whatever shall be settled by the 
Royal determination. 

I have the honor to be 

with the greatest Respect 
My Lord 

New York August IQ"" 1768 Your Lordship's most obedient 

& humb" servant. 

Earl of Hillsborough Secretary of State. H. Moork. 


Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America. 

[Plantations General (S. P. 0. ) CCLIV. ] 


Whitehall Sepf 2^ 1768. 

The King having observed that the Governors of his Colonies have upon several Occasions 
taken upon them to communicate to their Councils and Assemblies either the whole or Parts 
of letters which they have received from His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, I have 
it in Command from His Majesty to signify to you that it is His Majesty's Pleasure that you 
do not upon any pretence whatever, communicate either to the Council or Assembly any 
Copies or Extracts of such Letters as you shall receive from His Majesty's Principal SecretaHes 
of State unless you have His Majesty's particular directions for so doing 

I am &"= 


Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore. 

[ New-York, CLX. ] 

(No. 22) 

Whitehall 12"- Ocf 1768. 

Your letters to me, wrote after your return from the Mohawk Country, and numbered from 
12 to 21, have been duly received and laid before the King. 

The inclosed extract of a letter I have wrote by this Mail to Sir W" Johnson will fully 
inform you of the directions I have given in respect to the Boundary Line between New York 
and the Indians, the settlement of which cannot fail of being greatly facilitated by the happy 
conclusion of the disputes respecting the Kayaderosseras Patent. 

His Majesty approves the Attention you have shewn to His commands concerning the 
New Hampshire Townships, and as the Report you have transmitted seems to contain every 
Circumstance relative to the actual state of their present cultivation & improvement, I make 
no doubt that the Board of Trade, to whom His Majesty has thought fit to refer this Business, 
will be enabled to recommend such measures as may decide upon the claims of the Grantees 
under the New Hampshire Patents, and induce an Improvement of these valuable Lands to 
the Public Benefit, and to the advantage of the Revenue. 

The Division of the County of Albany seems a very proper & necessary measure, and there 
can be no objection to your assenting to a Law for that Purpose, provided it is silent as to the 
Representation in the Assembly, which tho' it is certainly a privilege that ought not to be 
denied to the new County, yet His Majesty considers that they ought to derive it from His 
Royal Grace & favour, & therefore consents that you should (in case the Legislature think fit 
to create the new County) issue writs for the election of two MemJoers into the General 
Assembly; but His Majesty does not approve of its being made a part of the Law. 


Your Letters concerning the Vacancies at the Council Board by the Resignation of M' 
Alexander and by the Death of M'" Watts' are ordered by His Majesty to be communicated to 
the Board of Trade, which will shortly assemble after the usual Recess at this Season of the 
Year, and I doubt not their Lordships will lose no time in making such Representations to His 
Majesty thereupon as they think fit. 

The orders given by the Commiss" of the Customs at Boston to Nr Eliot, appear to me to 
be ill judged, but as this is a matter which more particularly appertains to the Department of 
the Treasury, I have receiv'd His Majesty's commands to communicate to that Board what 
you say in your letter N° 20. upon that subject. 

Your letter N" 21. upon the subject of the Disputes between yourself and General Gage, 
concerning Rank and Precedence is under Consideration, and I trust such Orders will be given 
thereupon as may be equally satisfactory to both ; in the mean time I am commanded by His 
Majesty to desire you will continue to Act with the same spirit of Prudence and Moderation 
by which your conduct upon this occasion appears to have been hitherto governed, & which 
His Majesty does very much approve. 

I am &c* 

Sir Henry Moore Bar' Hillsborough 


Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson. 

I Plantations General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLIV., No. 6. ] 

Whitehall October the IS"" 1768 


The experience the King has had of your ability and zeal for his service in the Department 
of Indian Affairs will always induce His Majesty to give attention to whatever you may think 
fit to submit upon that subject. His Majesty has therefore fully considered the remarks you 
make in your letter to me N" 2 upon the present State of the service under your direction and 
it gives his Majesty great satisfaction to find that the arrangements pointed out in my letter of 
the 15 of April, are in your opinion judiciously calculated to answer the object they have 
in view. 

It is not however upon the propriety of the propositions themselves that the advantage of 
them altogether depends, it is upon the execution of them, & upon the regulations which the 
Colonies shall think fit to adopt for the Management of the commercial part, that we are to 
rely for those benefitts which are intended to be the result of them. 

The relieving this Kingdom from every expence that can with safety be avoided is, in its 
present state, a consideration of the greatest importance it is one great object of this plan and 
I have it in command from the King in an especial manner to recommend to you the strictest 
(Economy in those services, the expence of which is to be defrayed by this Kingdom, and it is 
his Majesty's pleasure that after consulting with General Gage, you should make out some 
certain Estimate of what you think the State of the Service in your Department may require 

' Sic. The name is William Walton in New -York Council Minutes, XXVI., 145. See post p. 109. The Honble Mr. TVatU 
survived the American Revolution and died in Wales. De Peyster OeneaXogy, 69. — Ed. 


to be laid before his Majesty for his consideration in order to the determining whether any 
greater Sum than that recommended by the Board of Trade should be finally allowed for this 
service. In the mean time, and until you receive the Kings further commands, it is his 
Majestys pleasure that the annual expence of the service should on no account exceed that Sum. 

His Majesty observes by General Gage's letters received at the same time with yours, that 
you have estimated the expence of runing the Boundary Line at no less a Sum than ^10,000 
Si? which, without knowing the Ground on which this calculation is made, appears to imply 
demands on the parts of the Savages which cannot but be thought very unreasonable, when it 
is considered that the Settlement of this business has been so long earnestly solicited by them, 
and that the line proposed does in many places preclude from the Settlement lands that were 
before supposed not to be contested by them, and does in others add less to his Majesty's 
Dominions than what themselves proposed in the negotiation with you in 1765. 

If however notwithstanding all the Attention his Majesty is persuaded you will give to 
(Economy, in resisting every exorbitant demand, such expence is to be incurred, and the 
gratifications to the Indians on this occasion, are so far to exceed what might reasonably have 
been hoped for, it becomes highly expedient that the Colonies Interested in this measure, and 
whose limits of Settlement are extended by it, should be early apprized of what will be 
required in order that they may make timely provision in proportion to the benefit they are 
respectively to receive from it; for it cannot upon any grounds of reason or justice be expected, 
that this Kingdom should take it upon itself the whole, or indeed any part, of the expence of 
a measure calculated for the local interests of particular Colonies. 

His Majesty entirely approves the continuing the Boundary Line Northward from Owegy so 
as to include the Province of New York and thereby render the line perfect and complete ; 
And I am to recommend to you that no time be lost in bringing this negotiation to a conclusion, 
ill the conduct of which it will be necessary that Sir Henry Moore should be consulted, so that 
there may be a perfect agreement of all parties, by which alone those difficulties may be 
overcome which occured upon this Subject in the negotiation of 1765, & which have hitherto 
made it impossible to give any precise directions from hence. 

Having signified to you his Majestys commands upon all those parts of your letter upon 
which you desire instruction, I cannot avoid taking some Notice upon the plan for Indian 
Affairs prepared by the Lords of Trade in 1764, when I had the honor of a Seat at that Board, 
But before I make any remarks upon the plan itself, as applied to the present State and 
Circumstances of America, you will give me leave to observe to you, that the Lords of Trade 
did not consider it as a measure ripe for Execution, and therefore did not report it to the King, 
but in order to enable themselves to form a more complete Judgement of it, they transmitted 
it as minutes of their Board to yourself, and the Governors of the Colonies for your 
Consideration, and to receive your opinion upon the several propositions it contained : What 
you say therefore of its having met with his Majesty's approbation ; Of its having been carried 
into execution ; And of the Assurances given that it should be finally established, are 
Circumstances of which I am entirely ignorant. 

The propriety and practicability of carrying that plan into Execution depended upon the 
possession of the interior Country by Posts and Establishments; Upon the Concurrence of 
the Colonies in an opinion of the Commercial Advantages of it, and upon the creating a fund 
in those Colonies to defray the expence ; But since it has been thought advisable to withdraw 
the troops from and to abandon the Posts ; since the Colonies themselves do not think that a 


General regulation for Commerce consists with their interests, and have each for itself desired 
to make its own regulations, and it is become more difficult in the present State of the Colonies to 
create a general fund to defray the expence, I must confess that I do entirely concur in the 
measures which have been proposed by the Board of Trade, and are the foundation of those 
Instructions which I have it in Charge from His Majesty's to recommend to your attention, not 
doubting but through your assistance, and with your advice, the Colonies will be induced to 
adopt such regulations for the Commercial parts as will improve the Trade, and fix the Affection 
of the Savages, and in the end produce all those advantages which you seem to think would 
have been derived from the Execution of the plan suggested by the Board of Trade in 1764. 

I am &,"■ 


Governor' Moore to the l^Jarl of Hillsborough, 

[ New-York, CLX, A. 46. ] 


Fort George October IQ"" 1768 
My Lord, 

His Majesty's Order in Council confirming the Boundary Line between the Provinces of New 
York & Quebeck ^ which I had the honor of receiving from your Lordship by this Pacquet shall 
be laid before the House of Assembly as soon as possible after their Meeting, which is fixed 
for the 27"" day of this Instant, that they may be enabled to take the necessary steps in 
conjunction with the Province of Quebec for opening & continuing the Line as directed in the 
Order, and I shall not fail on my own part to give a due attention to those Limitations & 
Restrictions directed to be observed in carrying it into execution. 

I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect 
My Lord 

Your Lordship's most obedient 

& Humble Servant 
Earl of Hillsborough Secretary of State. H: Moore 

October 24"- 176S 
Since ray writing the foregoing Letter, I have had an opportunity of laying the Order before 
His Majesty's Council, who are under some diflSculties in regard to the construction of the first 
proviso therein mentioned viz. " Provided that nothing herein contained shall extend to affect 
«' the Properties of His Majesty's new subjects having possessions under proper titles on those 
" parts of the Lands, on the south side of this Line the Dominion of which was not disputed on 
" the part of the Crown of Great Britain." No Line of jurisdiction having ever been settled 
between this Province & Quebec 'till that which was fixed by General Carleton & myself & 
approved of by His Majesty, each of the Provinces have endeavoured to extend their claim as 
far as they possibly could, The English to the River St. Lawrence, & the French to the 
Southward of Lake George ; The consequence of which has been that the Lands on both sides 

' Sujira, p. 88. — Ed. 


of Lake Champlain have been granted to the English and French by their respective 
Governors, as will appear by the Map which I had the honor of transmitting to England & 
mentioned in my letter N° 6. to the Earl of Shelburne dated 22'' of February 1767, & in my 
letter to the Lords of Trade dated 4"" April 1767. Your Lordship will see by those different 
claims what the difficulties are which we labour under at present, for no particular Boundary 
Line [was] fairly drawn between the Provinces, the English claim supported by that which was 
made before them by the Dutch extended as far as the forty fifth degree of Latitude, This Line 
was supposed by the French to be more to the Southward than we found it on observation, & 
several of their grants in those parts are covered by those since made by I\r Golden to the 
reduced Officers & Soldiers under His Majesty's Proclamation ; This will of course open such 
a scene of litigation, as I am afraid will defeat the expectations of forwarding the settlements 
in that part of the Gountry to prevent which it is our humble request that His Majesty's 
pleasure might be known how far to the Southward of the 45"' Degree any French grants are 
to be allowed, for they have no settlements to claim under which (which I am informed was 
an absolute condition of their Grant, as they paid no Quit Rent) & the quantity of Land in 
most of their Grants far exceeds that which His Majesty has been pleased to allow to those 
mentioned in the 2^ Proviso which was not to exceed 20,000 Acres to each Person where an 
actual settlement had been made. 

/Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

No 4 

[Plantations General ( 8. P. O.) CCLIV., No. 4. ] 

Fort Stanwix Ocf 23. 1768 

My Lord 

I was in hopes that about this time I should have been enabled to transmit your Lordship 
the Agreable Account of my having settled the Boundary Line between Us & the Indians, but 
a train of unforeseen Accidents, together with a variety of obstructions given to it by the 
Spaniards and French at the Mississipi and others lurking amongst the Indians have as yet 
denyed me that pleasure & rendered it a matter of difficulty sufficient to deter many from the 
prosecution of it. 

Not expecting to have been detained here so long or to have occasion to write to your 
Lordship before my Return, I have neither your Lordships Letter, nor my own at this place, 
but T recollect that my long letter N" 2 was of the 20 of July, and that I since wrote to your 
Lordship about the begining of last month. 

On the 19 Ull" I arrived at this place having Appointed the 20"" for the Indians to meet me; 
the Commissioners from Virginia set out before me, the Governor of New Jersey Accompanied 
me, and I was followed by the L' Governor of Pensilvania the Governor of New York thought 
it uneccessary to send Comiss" as I was to transact the business — After waiting here several 
days, during which the Indians came & encamped, I heard that the Shawanese, Delawares, & 
Senecas with many others were still at a considerable distance & that several private Affiiirs 
& conferences which they held at the Towns they passed thro' would retard them for a much 


longer time than could have been expected, by the beginning of this Month we had 805 
Indians here, but the much greater part of those of the most consequence were still behind, I 
dispatched Messengers to hurry them, by whom I was informed of the sudden Death of a 
Seneca Chief and that the condolences usual on such occasions would detain them some days 
more in the Senecas Country which they had then reached. I was much concerned on this 
occasion by reason of the great consumption of provisions & the heavy Expences attending 
the Maintenance of those Indians on the spot whose numbers amounted by the 14 of this Ins' 
to 930, each of whom consumes daily more than two ordinary Men amongst Us, and would be 
extremely dissatisfied if stinted when convened for business, but altho' this Circumstance alone 
was very disagreable from the difficulty of getting provisions there being none nearer than 
Albany, & very little there, except some Cattle at an extravagant price I had yet more cause 
to be uneasy from the certain discovery I had made of the minds of many of the Indians, of 
the private Belts & Messages passing from the one to the other, of the purport of their several 
Councils & of the false Reports & Missrepresentations circulating amongst them. As my last 
and former letters will shew their disappointment that no plan had been hitherto adopted (as 
they had been promised) with due regard to the peculiar Circumstances of their situation with 
proper power in the Department for the discharge of their Several Affairs, I need not to add 
more than that it has had a visible effect upon them all, and that their suggestions arising 
therefrom have a bad tendancy, when this is considered together with the errors misconduct & 
frauds which they must experience thro' the want of these powers and regulations the 
encouragement thereby given to our natural Enemys, and the success of their endeavours to 
withdraw the Indians from us, will appear rather a matter of concern than of surprize. That 
this is realy the case at present, I am too well satisfied I have for a considerable time past 
represented the Secret practices & endeavours of both the Spaniards and French in the names 
of their respective Sovereigns to render us Odious to the Indians to unite them against us, & 
to persuade them to renew hostilities under the prospect of Aid, which it is more than probable 
they would afford them the first occasion that offered to effect this they avail themselves of 
every circumstance in the Affairs of America, of every instance of our ill treatment & of every 
uneasiness manifested by the Indians, the reduction of Officers and the Retrenchment of 
Expences in the Indian Department has been already represented by their Agents as instances 
of Our parsimony neglect and contempt, and the want of any powers for their releif as marks 
of our injustice & disregard, the unrestrained conduct & cheats of the Traders have been 
given as characteristick proofs of our dishonesty & want of authority, the neglect of sending 
Missionaries of our Church amongst them, as an instance of our irreligion In short there is 
nothing within the compass of their knowledge of which they have not made use thro' the 
means of Agents of much influence, supported by gentle treatment, and confirmed by handsome 
presents, all this is carried on with a secrecy with renders it the more dangerous, The Public 
in general are ignorant hereof, & unguarded against them & thus American Affairs are 
represented as best suits the Views of party or the pursuits of Interests' It has been admitted 
and is most certain that the Colonies can neither attend to these Matters or correspond in 
settlements^ so as to defeat these designs. All these Affiiirs are properly the task of a person 
under his Majesty's imediate direction, and is it possible my Lord, that such Person can oppose 
himself to an Enemy so powerful! without proper Support & some assistance, It may appear 

' Interest. Johnson's MSS., XVI. " Sentiments. Jbid. — Ed. 

Vol. VIIL 14 


improbable that the French or Spaniards should act this part, and still more so that they should 
Act by Authority, whilst a peace is subsisting between the British Crown and them, but be 
this as it will, certain it is that not only several known Partizans, & many Traders, but also 
some Officers of their Troops (as the Indians affirm) have actually come into the Indian 
Country, where they have conducted themselves as is represented, and their Councils have not 
only greatly retarded the measures vve are now taking but threaten this Country with farther 
Calamities. The Indians who seemed most desirous of a Boundary Line, are now either 
indifferent about it or are apprehensive that we have something thereby in View which may 
be dangerous to their libertys The French and Spaniards have given a formal invitation, and 
used every means in their power to draw them to a general Congress at the Mississipi and I 
have undoubted Authority for assuring Your Lordship that had not my Belts and Messages 
arrived when they did to the Southward the Chiefs would have complied with the invitation. 

Besides Indian Information In proof of this I have now before me several letters, & 
intelligences which I received since my arrival at this place. The accounts from all Quarters 
corroborate the Indians dissatisfied with Us for the reasons I have given & intoxicated with 
the Storys and promises of designing men, seem to wait the Event of this Congress, as of an 
Affair which is to determine their Conduct, and to expect at this time some final & certain 
assurances of an attention to be given to their Affairs, and a Redress to their Greivances to 
which the Boundary is foreign being a single object the advantages of which (if the Colonists 
should pay due regard to it) cannot be felt by any of the Indian Nations for some time, and 
are at best local, & confined to one Confederacy. 

Notwithstanding this disagreable aspect of Affairs the difficulties I have to encounter, & the 
want of Authority for giving the Indians a satisfactory Assurance on many Subjects of their 
concern I am determined to persevere in the execution of my orders, as well as in every 
endeavour which shall appear to me necessary at this Juncture to the best of my Judgement, 
& the utmost extent of an influence which properly supported could I am fully persuaded do 
his Majesty & the Public good Service, & afford me better pretensions to your Lordships 
friendly regards, an honor in the highest estimation with my Lord 
Your Lordships 

Most obliged obedient 

The Right Hon"« and faithfull humble Serv' 

The Earl of Hillsborough. W. Johnson 

Fort Stanwix October 25. 1768 
P. S. This letter having lain by till this day for want of a good opertunity, I have only to 
add that our proceedings appear loaded with fresh difficulties from the several Belts in the 
Indians Hands &''* I have only opened the Conference, and the Indians continue comeing in, 
their number here now, is little short of three thousand. 



Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New York, CLX., A. 40. 1 


Fort George November 7"' 1768. 
My Lord, 

I was under a necessity of adding a long Postscript to one of my letters by the last conveyance 
as the pacquet was to sail on the Evening of the same Day on which His Majesty's Council had 
met and of course I was so limited in point of time, as not to have it in my power to send to 
yourLordship the best authorities we had for the claim setup by this Province to theirNorthern 
Boundary. I have here inclos'd the Extract from the Grant given to the Duke of York by 
King Charles the 2'' dated 12"" of March 1664, and from the construction put upon this Grant 
here, we have allways thought that the Duke had a Title to all the Lands on both sides of 
Hudson's River to its source, between the Connecticut and Delaware Rivers, and that it was 
the Intention of the Crown that those lands should be granted to him ; and we likewise 
apprehend that upon this interpretation of the Duke of York's title, that the Crown so lately 
decided in our favor the Countroversy between this Province and New Hampshire. This 
Grant, The Possessions of the Dutch, and the Proclamation of 1763 with divers Acts of our 
own Assembly, are the authorities by which we ascertain the limits of this Province, and on 
which, our claims mentioned in that Postscript are founded ; The Rivers of Hudson and 
Connecticut have never yet been trac'd to their sources, most Maps place the head of the last a 
great way further to the North than I apprehend it really is, and lay it down nearer to the 46"" 
than to the 45*'' Degree. 

I have already had the honor of informing your Lordship that I had been endeavouring to 
procure an actual survey of that part of the Country, but was prevented by the orders I 
receiv'd to proceed no farther till His Majesty's plensure should be known, I had at that time 
a return sent to me of a Survey made on the Ice upon the Connecticut River, which began at 
the East and West line which is the Boundary between this Province and the Massachusets 
Bay, and extended to the Northward a little beyond the 44"" Degree. Whatever is laid down 
above that I cannot depend upon, but the Government of New Hampshire hath granted 
Townships full Seventy miles farther to the Northward both on the Connecticut River and the 
Lake Champlain as their Charts will shew, although I presume they were never actually 
measur'd, which was the case of so many others under the same Title; The Head of Hudson's 
River is suppos'd to be so far to the Northward that a line drawn from thence to the head of 
the Connecticut River, agreeable to the Duke of Yorks grant, would, it is imagin'd take away 
more of the French Grants notwithstanding its oblique course, than the Limits prescrib'd by 
His Majesty to this Province in fixing their Boundary to the 45"" Degree of Latitude. The 
claim therefore set up by New York of a right as far as the 45"' Degree is only in support of 
the Grant to the Duke of York, and as such we hope it will be admitted. 

I have the honor to be with 

the greatest Respect 

My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most 

Obedient and humble Servant 

Earl of Hillsborough, Secretary of State. H. Moore 


Earl of Ilillsborougli to Governor Moore. 

[New-Tork, CLX.] 

(No. 23.) 

Whitehall. IS"- Nov' 1768. 

You have already been acquainted by a letter from M' Pownall that your Dispatches to me 
from N" 22 to 25, had been received, since vsrhich they have been laid before the King ; but as 
I have not any thing in Command from His Majesty upon the subject of those Dispatches, I 
have only to inform you, that the Queen was happily brought to bed of a Princess on Tuesday 
last, and that both Her Majesty & the young Princess are as well as can be desiied ; I most 
heartily congratulate you upon this increase of the Royal Family, an event that affords the 
greatest satisfaction to all His Majesty's Subjects. 

Inclosed I have the honor to send you His Majesty's Speech to His Parliament at the opening 
of the Session on the S"" instant together with the Addresses to the King from both Houses, 
that of the House of Lords passed nemine contradicente, & that of the House of Commons 
without a Division. — This happy Unanimity and the Resolution to preserve entire and 
inviolate the supreme authority of the Legislature of Great Britain over every part of the 
British Empire, so strongly expressed in these Addresses, will, I trust, have the happy effect to 
defeat and disappoint the wicked Views of those, who seek to create disunion & disaffection 
between Great Britain and Her Colonies, and that all His Majesty's subjects in America ; who 
wish well to the peace and prosperity of the British Dominions, will give full credit to 
Parliament for that true affection towards the Colonies which appears in their Declaration 
that they will redress every real grievance of His Majesty's American Subjects, and give due 
attention to every complaint they shall make in a regular manner and not founded upon claims 
and pretensions inconsistent with the Constitution. 

The King having observed that the Assembly of New York has for some time past fallen 
into a very irregular method of appointing an Agent to solicit the affairs of the Colony in 
England, & His Majesty being apprehensive that this Deviation from the mode of appointing 
an Agent approved of in other Colonies, which has usually been by an act of Governor, Council 
& Assembly, specially passed for that purpose, may in future create difficulty, embarrassment 
and disappointment in transacting the Affairs of New York both in Office «& in Parliament; I 
have His Majesty's commands to mention this to you, & to desire you will recommend it to 
the Assembly as a Matter in which their Interest is concerned, that for the future they would in 
the appointment of an Agent follow the Rule observed in the Islands in the West Indies & 
in Virginia, Carolina and Georgia, which His Majesty conceives to be the only proper and 
constitutional Mode & the King has the better hope of their compliance with this 
recommendation, as His Majesty finds it to have been the Method formerly practised in the 
Colony of New York itself, and is certainly the only one by which any person can be properly 
authorized to represent the Province and to act for it in all matters which concern its interest 
in general. 

I would not be understood by what I have said concerning the appointment of an Agent to 
insinuate the most distant disapprobation of M' Charles, who appears to have executed bis 
Duty with the utmost regard to and zeal for the Interest of the Colony, and with every mark 
of proper respect and deference to Government. 


His Majesty has been graciously pleased to sign a Mandamus for the admission of M' Wallace 
into the Council of New York in the place of M' Walton, & also for the admission of M' James 
Delancey in the place of M' Alexander. 

I am &c. 

Sir Henry Moore Hillsborough 

Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson. 

[ Plantations General, ( 8. P. O. ) CCH V., No. 7. ] 

No 7 

Whitehall NoV the 15. 1768 

Since the departure of the last Packet, your letter to me N" 3 has been received, and laid 
before the King. 

The unfriendly and unsettled disposition of the Western Indians towards the British Interests 
and Government, occasioned as you represent, by the Artifices and Intrigues of the French & 
Spaniards, is a matter of a very serious nature in whatever View it is considered whether 
in reference to the present inconveniences arising out of the great expence of Presents and 
other Gratifications to keep them quiet, or in reference to the consequence that would follow 
from an open Rupture with them. 

From the accounts given of this matter by General Gage, and from the Assurances he has 
received from Monsieur Aubry and Don Ulloa, there is great reason to suspect that our own 
new Subjects are the Authors of all the Mischief; and therefore their conduct and proceedings 
in the Indian Country cannot be to narrowly watched, nor their treachery, if detected to 
severely punished. 

If on the contrary there should, notwithstanding the Assurances given to Gen' Gage, be any 
settled Plan of Seduction of the Indians adopted by France or Spain every possible diligence 
& vigilance should be exerted to trace it to its source, and to verify the Information by such 
facts and evidence as may justify the strongest representation and complaint. 

As to the other matters contained in your letter and in particular what relates to the 
allowances for your Department, and the continuation of the Boundary Line so as to include 
New York, I have already in my letter N" 6 been very explicit thereupon, and I have now 
nothing further to add. 

Inclosed I send you by the King's Command His Majesty's Speech to his Parliament at the 
opening of the Session on the S"" instant, together with the Addresses to the King from both 
Houses one of which Addresses past neminecontradicente and the other without a division. 

I have the pleasure to acquaint you that the Queen was happily brought to bed of a Princess 
on Tuesday last and that both Her Majesty and the young Princess are as well as can be 
desired. I most heartily congratulate you upon this increase of the Royal Family an event 
that affords the greatest satisfaction to all his Majesty's Subjects, 

I am Si." 




Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ riantationj General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLIV., No. 5. ] 

Johnson Hall NoV IS. 1768 

My Lord, 

I had the honor to write Your Lordship (N" 4) from Fort Stanwix Just before the opening 
the Treaty wherein I represented the many difficulties in'the way to the Settlement of the 
line, which however I have at length surmounted, & settled in a manner which will I hope be 
agreable to his Majesty, for the particulars of which I beg leave to refer your Lordship to a 
Coppy of my Transactions, which I have now the honor to enclose, together with a Deed of 
Cession to his Majesty for the Lands yeilded up to the Crown. 

Your Lordship will find that the Six Nations insisting on their right to the Lands as far 
South as the Cherokee River have [Ceded] the same to his Majesty and notwithstanding that 
the Report of the Board of Trade spoke of Great Kanhawa River as their Southern bounds, I 
found from what passed at several private Meetings, that I could not deny them the liberty of 
asserting their pretensions to the Southward without highly disobliging them, and preventing 
the Settlement of the rest. 

From many former enquirys and disputes on these Subjects, I never could find that the 
Cherokees claimed to the Westward of the Great Mountains, or North of the River of their 
Name, but that the Six Nations always did claim thereto, I therefore Judged it for the Interest 
of his Majesty to acquiesce for these reasons, that by their Cession of the Country below the 
Kanhawa to his Majesty their pretensions must in future cease. Whereas should the Cherokees 
now or hereafter under colour of a claim further North be treated with & surrender it up, it 
would occasion much Expence & trouble to obtain the Consent of the Northern Indians who 
are a much more formidable People, All which is as I apprehend prevented by the present 
Cession which is nevertheless Submitted by His Majesty. 

The next point I have to observe to Your Lordship is the continuation of the Boundary 
line Northward from Owegy the necessity of this I formerly remarked, and the Indians insisted 
on it, it is now carried to Canada Creek where it falls into Wood Creek, which last mentioned 
Water empties into the Oneida Lake. I found it extremely difficult to get it so far to the 
Westward from its vicinity to their own Towns, and indeed the whole of the line as it 
approaches them cost me more pains & trouble than can be conceived, whilst at the same time 
the necessity of establishing it where intrusions would be most affecting to them was self 
evident. Their Towns & Settlements are therefore secured to their satisfaction by extending 
the line to the Waters which discharge themselves into Lake Ontario, but it is not continued 
so as to Close, First, because I found that many of them were for closing it by running to the 
next Pattented Lands, which would have limitted the Province of New York in such a manner 
as must have produced some complaints, Secondly because as the Country North is the 
Property of the Oneidaes & Mohawks, It can at any time hereafter be closed at a very moderate 
Expence, should his Maj'J" require it, As I find that the Mohawks are desirous to have it closed, 
and could be brought to do it most advantagiously on any future occasion. I beg your 
Lordship will beleive that in all these Matters where I had not particular Instructions I have 
Acted to the best of my Judgement or his Majestys Interest, The Difficulties I had to 
struggle with by the artifices of the People at the Mississipi & the doubts and surmises of the 
Indians themselves, thro' the late Misconduct of tiie Frontier Inhabitants, & the length of time 


elapsed since the Boundary was first spoken of, can only be known by those who were Eye 
Witnesses of it, As the greatest part of the business transacted at private Meetings with the 
Chiefs of every Nation, wiiere the principal Affairs are resolved upon & adjusted could not be 
committed to writing or comprissed in any moderate bounds. I have staked my reputation 
with the Indians that the Several Articles they have made shall be observed, without which, 
the Charges attending the Assembling them at this time & all other endeavours would have 
been ineffectual, they have at length relied on my Assurances and I am confident that the 
regard paid to them will be the only security for the observance of the line, The Indians 
likewise rely cheifly on his Majesty's Power and Inclination for the performance of these 
Matters and for their future happiness and Security, they have many apprehensions Goncerning 
the Colonies, which I have endeavoured to remove, but I find it a ditficult task, for as they 
liave experienced how far private Interests operate here, Are not ignorant that the Colonies 
are governed by different Maxims and Politicks, and having been often disapointed in Matters 
where they apprehend they deserved redress, are not apt to repose a confidence a second tune, 
when it has been once abused. 

The provisions and other incidental Expences Attending this Treaty were unavoidable from 
the number of Indians, & the length of time it took up, the amount of the goods, and Cash 
given on the part of the Crown was the most moderate tiiat could have been offered for so 
Valuable & Extensive a Cession, Upon the whole I flatter myself that this transaction will 
be honored with his Majesty's approbation, from a consideration of the difficulties that attended 
it, And the important advantages to be derived from it if strictly adhered to. 

As I am now busyed in giving some necessary Belts & Messages to the Shawanese Delawares 
& some others from Ohio, who have [taken] ' this Rout back to their Country, and at the same 
times desirous to Communicate by the earliest opertunity an event of such importance, .1 must 
for the present defer saying any thing farther on their Subject, and with a perfect reliance on 
your Lordships favourable reception of this pacquet, Beg leave to subscribe my-self with all 
possible Respect, 

My Lord Your Lordships Most Obliged & most 

The Right Hon^'^ faithfull Humble Servant 

The Earl of Hillsborough. W. Johnson 

of Sir William Johnson with the Indians at Fort Stanwix to settle a 
Boundary Line. 

[ PUntallens General, XXX., Bundle T. 7. ] 

Proceedings at a Treaty held by Sir William Johnson Baronet with the Six 
Nations, Shawanese, Delawares, Senecas of Ohio and other dependant 
Tribes, at Fort Stanwix in the months of October & November 17(38, for the 
settlement of a Boundary Line between the Colonies and Indians, pursuant 
to His Majesty's orders 

The Time appointed for the Indians to meet at Fort Stanwix being the 20"' of Sepf S"" W"" 
Johnson arrived there on the 19"" accompanied by the Governor of New Jersey and several 

' The words -within braokete ara Bupplied from tha Despatch in Johnson' i MSS., XVL — Ed. 


other Gentlemen; with 20 Boats loaded with the Goods intended for the Present to be made 
by the Cession of Lands to the King. The Commissioners from Virginia were already there, 
and on the 21" arrived Lieut' Gov"' Penn with Comm" from Pensilvania & several other 
gentlemen, The same day Mess" Wharton & Trent of Pensylvania delivered in an account of 
the Traders losses in 17G3, together with their Powers of Attorney for obtaining a retribution 
in Lands, pursuant to an article of the Treaty of Peace in 1765 

Several Indians came in & informed Sir W" Johnson that those of Susquehanna were near 
at hand, and gave him sundry intelligences 

On the 29"" some Delawares arrived from Muskingham who left the Shawanees at Fort Pitt 
on their way to Fort Stanwix 

30"" The Bounds between the Mohawks and Stockbridge Indians were adjusted to mutual 
Satisfaction, and the latter returned home 

At the beginning of October, there were 800 Indians assembled & continued coming in dayly 
till after the Treaty was opened. The upper Nations still remaining behind thro' evil Reports, 
and Belts sent amongst them. Sir William dispatched Messengers to hasten them and held 
several Congresses with those on the spot, antecedent to the Treaty, for adjusting differences 
and preparing them to enter heartily upon business on the arrival of the rest 

On the IS"" of Ocf Gov"' Penn urged by the Affairs of his Province set off for Philadelphia 
leaving behind him as Commissioners Mess" Peters & Tilghman. 

By the 22-* there were 2200 Indians collected and several large Parties coming in the next 
day, amongst whom were all the cheifs of the upper Nations, Sir William prepared to open 
the Congress on the 24"' 

At a Treaty with the 6 Nations Shawanese Delawares, Senecas of Ohio & Dependants &c. 
opened at Fort Stanwix on Monday the 24 Oct. 1768. 

Present — Hon"' Sir W"" Johnson Bart Superint''' 

His Excell'^^ W" Franklin Esq'' Gov"' of New Jersey 

Thomas Walker Esq''' Comm'' from Virginia 

Honb'' Fred. Smiths Ch. Justice of New Jersey. 

Rich"* Peters & James Tilghman Comm" from the Province of Pensylvania. 

Deputy Agents of Indian affairs 
George Croghan Esq''' Daniel Claus Esq"'' 
Guy Johnson Esq''' Dep: Agent as Secretary. 
With sundry Gents : from different Colonies 

Interpreters John Butler Esq" M' Andrew Montour Philip Philips 

' Frederii. k Smytti, the last Chief Justice of the Colony of New Jersey, succeeded Chief Justice Read on the bench on the 
17th October, 1764, and continued in office until the adoption of the Constitution. In 1772 he was appointed one of the 
Commissioners to examine into the affairs of the burnint; of the British schooner Gaspe by the 'ft'higs of Rhode Island. 
■When the Revolution broke out he removed to Philadelphia, where he died. His reputation as a judge was highly respecta- 
ble, and throughout his career ho preserved the character of a firm and consistent Loyalist. Field's Proviticial Courts of 
New Jersey. — Ed. 



Indian Cheifs Present 








The Bunt 












^ Tagaaia 





MING09 Of Ohio 






&c &c &c. 

&c. &c. 

&c &c &c. 


&c &c &c. 

&c &c &c 

&c &c &c 

The whole being seated M'' Walker' delivered his Power, as Comm"" from Virginia to Sir 
William Johnson which was in the words following 

" John Blair Esq" President of His Majesty's Council & Commander in Cheif of the Colony 
and Dominion of Virginia, To Thomas Walker Esq"" 

" By virtue of the Power & Authority tp me committed as President of His Matys Council 
& Commander in Cheif in and over this Colony & Dominion of Virginia, I do hereby appoint 
you the said Thomas Walker to be Commissioner of Virginia to settle a Boundary Line 
between this Colony, & the Colonies of Pensylvania and Maryland & the several Nations of 
Indians concerned. You are required to attend at a Congress to be held for that purpose 
under the direction of Sir William Johnson agreeable to His Majesty's Instructions when you 
are to pay due regard to the Interest of His Majesty & such Instructions as you shall receive 

' Doetor Thomas Walker was an early explorer of the Indian country of Western Virginia. In 1748 he crossed Powell's 
Tfllley and gave tlie name of " Cumberland" to the lofty range of mountains to the west, and passed a remarkable depression 
in the chain, which he called the " Cumberland gap," and next named the Shawanee the Cumberland river, all in honor of the 
Duke of Cumberland. Monette's Mississippi, I., 314. In 1760 he again passed the Clinch and Powell rivers into what is now 
Kentucky, on which occasion, it is supposed, he was accompanied by the celebrated Daniel Boone. Ramsexfs Tennessee, 05, 
66. These circumstances account for his appointment as Commissioner at the present Treaty. — Ed. 

Vol. VIII. 1-5 


from me. Given under my hand & Seal of the Colony of Williamsburgh this l?'"" day of June 
in the eighth year of His Majesty's Reign. A. D. 17C8." 

John Blair." 

Mess" Peters & Tilghman being likewise admitted as Comm" for Pensilvania, Sir William, 
then by Abraham Cheif of the Mohawks, addressed the Indians 

Bretheren ^.. 

I take you by the hand and heartily bid you all wellcome to this place where I have kindled 
a Council Fire for affairs of importance. The Gov' of New Jersey and the Comm" of Virginia 
& Pensilvania do likewise welcome you here. Lieut' Gov"' Penn came hither to meet you & 
waited a considerable time, but was at length by business obliged to return home, leaving 
these Gentlemen as Comm" on behalf of Pensylvania 

Both the Gov' & Gentlemen Coram" as well as myself, having waited here a month to no 
purpose began to be impatient never the less you see that their desire to meet you prevailed 
over every other consideration and induced them to stay. I hope therefore that you are now 
come fully prepared and with Hearts well inclined to the great business for which we are 
convened, and in order to prepare you the better for these purposes, I do now, agreeable to the 
antient custom establisii'' by our Forefathers, proceed to the ceremony of Condol^|ce usual 
on these occasions 

And first : With this String of Wamp: I do, on behalf of His Majesty & all His subjects 
wipe away the Tears from your eyes which you are constantly shedding for your late deceased 
Cheifs, and I clear your sight that so you may look cheerfully at your Bretheren, who are 
come from Several of the Provinces to attend this General Congress ordered by His Majesty 
to be held by me ; in order to settle some necessary points between him & you 

With this String I clear the Passage to your Hearts that you may speak cheerfully and 
candidly on the several subjects which, during this Congress, will be treated of, as well as to 
remove all sorrow & uneasiness from you 

With this last string I wipe away the blood of your friends from off your Births, that you 
may on your return rest with Peace and comfort on them Gave the 3 Strings 


I am greatly concerned for the many losses you have sustained in your several Nations since 
our last meeting & sincerely condole with you for them all 1. A Belt. 

Brethren . 

With this Belt I light up, anew your several Council Fires, that the Cheifs still remaining 
may upon all occasions sit comfortably by them and consult on the several matters, which may 
come before them. 2. A Belt 


As I have by the former Belt kindled up your several Council Fires, I do now by this Belt 
desire, that you the Councillors will duly assemble, when the affairs of your nations require 
it, & then jealously apply yourselves to every measure which may tend to your Peace and 
Interest. A Belt 


With this Belt I dispel the darkness which for some time past hath overspread your several 
Countries, by reason of your many & great Losses, and now heartily wish you may enjoy a 


serene clear sky, so that you may be able to see your Brethren from the Sun rising to the 
Sun setting — 4 A. Belt 


As I would deal with all people in their own way, and that your Ancestors have from the 
earliest time directed and recommended the observation of a Sett of Rules which they laid 
down for you to follow, I do now, agreeable to that custom, take of the clearest water and 
therewith cleanse your inside from all Filth and every thing which has given you concern. 

5 A Belt 

I must desire that you Sachems & Councillors will, as occasions may require consult with 
the Cheiftains of your young men, as they are in general men of sense and experience ; and 
you cheiftains and Warriors to pay a due regard to your Sachems and Councillors whose sage 
advice will seldom or never be amiss 6 A Belt 


In performing these ceremonies I can not omit this necessary part, which is, that as there 
are but two Council Fires for your confederacy, the one at my house and the other at Onondaga, 
I must desire that you will always be ready to attend either of them, when called upon, by 
which means business will I hope, always be attended & properly carried on for our mutual 
Interest, and this I earnestly recommend to you all . 7 A Belt 


I must also advise you to be unanimous amongst yourselves & reside in your respective 
Countries, and not think of scattering or settling amongst other Nations, as has been too much 
the Practice for some years past, to the great weakening of your confederacy. 

8 A Belt 

I give you a Pouch with a String of Wampum in it, which you are to make use of when you 
here of the loss of any of the Confederacy, and rise up on such occasions without delay in order 
to condole for the same, and remove the concern thereby occasioned 

3 Strings of Wampum 

I now supply you with a torch or candle which you are to travel with by night upon any 
extraordinary emergency, such as the approach of an enemy, in order to communicate the News 
with the utmost despatch. 3 Strings 

The Nations gave the Yo-hah at the proper places, and the ceremony of Condolence. 
Adjourned till next day. 

At a Congress with the several Nations on Tuesday SS"" Oct' 

Present — as before. 

Canaghquieson, Chief of Oneida, stood up & addressing all present, observ'' that the several 
American Governors had Indian Names, by which they were known to the Indians, the 
Governor of New Jersey excepted ; that he therefore thought it necessary to compliment him 
with a name, which he did by bestowing his own name upon him, on which his Excellency 


Gov' Franklin shook liim by the Hand & returned him thanks. Then Canaghquieson 
proceeded to answer the ceremony of Condolence as follows 


We congratulate you, the Gov'' and the rest of the Gentlemen on your safe arrival at this 
Place, where we are heartily glad to meet you. Then after repeating what Sir William had 
said on the first strings, yesterday, he said, they did on their parts wipe away the Tears which 
their Brothers the English were shedding for their losses as also the blood of their friends 
from their seats, cleansing their hearts that they may be able to attend the important affairs 
which were to be transacted Gave 3 Strings 

Then repeated all that Sir William had said on the Black Belts given at the Condolence for 
all which he returned thanks and said 


We are much concerned at the losses you have met with since our last Congress, and we 
sincerely condole with you upon the occasion for them all. A Belt of 9 Rows 


We thank you for rekindling our several Council Fires, whereby we are enabled to proceed 
to business as formerly, and we shall endeavour to render our Meetings useful to the Public. 

A Belt. 

We thank you for the advice you give us, to assemble duly when the publick affairs require 
it, and we assure you that we will direct our thoughts, to the maintenance of Peace and 
good order. A Belt 


We are much obliged to you for dispelling the darkness that surround"^ our several Nations 
on account of our many losses. This we take very kindly of you, as we were in great 
heaviness for some time past, and all our Nations join in thanking you and performing the 
same on their parts. A Belt. 


We all express our thanks to you for the remembrance of our antient ceremonies. We 
consider tiiera as the cement of our union, and as you have cleansed us with water, we do in 
like manner take of the clearest running stream & wash your inside thoroughly therewith 
cleansing you from all impurities A Belt 


We esteem the advice you have given our cheifs to consult the young men as occasion may 
require, and your directions that they should on their parts pay due regard to us, and we shall 
observe whatever you have recommended to us A Belt 


We are sensible that we have but two great Council Fires, the one at your house, the other 
at Onondaga, We shall always be ready to attend at either for the public Good, and we hope 
that you will continue to be ready to meet us often as the general Peace requires it 

A Belt 



We give you thanks for recommending unanimity to us. We know that our living together 
is necessary to our huppiness and that it gives us strength We will follov/ your advice, and 
we recommend it to the English to be unanimous in all good works A Belt. 


We are happy to find you so observant of our ancient Customs, that you give us a string in a 
Pouch to make use of when we have occasion to communicate our losses and condole for lliem. 
We request you will be equally observant of these matters, that so our Grief may be timely 
and properly removed A Belt. 


We also give you many thanks for supplying us witii a Torch to travel with on emergencys. 
We assure that we shall make proper use of it, & communicate every necessary intelligence to 
you. All the six Nations, with the Shawanese, Delawares, & ail their dependants as far as to 
the great Plains of Sioto, give you thanks for your good words which we're a cordial to tlieni, 
and they all request that you will continue in the same good sentiments. 3 Strings 

The Ceremony of condolence being ended Sir William gave them a short exhortat" after which 
the Cheifs arose and shook hand with Gov' Franklin & Canaghquieson addressing him said, 
that as he had given him his own name, he hoped that he would endeavour to acquire as much 
reputation with it amongst the People as he had done The Governor returned them 
many thanks 

Then adjourned till the day following. 

At a Congress Wednesday Oct. 26. 
Present — as before 

Conoghquieson stood up and said that the Six Nations not being satisfied with his having 
given his own name to Govern"' Franklin had met upon it, and in testimony of their sense of 
his, and his Peoples justice in causing the murtherers of some Indians to be put to death 
within his Government did now confer upon him the name of Sagorighweyoghsta,' or the Great 
Arbiter or Doer of Justice, wishing that he and the people of his Government might continue 
to act with the same Justice they had hitherto done. Whereupon Gov' Franklin returned 
them thanks for the favor and assured them both himself and the people of his Government 
would upon all occasions manifest their esteem for the Indians and their inclination to do 
them justice 

Then Sir William addressed them 


We have now mutually p'formed the Ceremony of Condolence as a proof of the regard we 
have for the Customs of our Ancestors & of the concern we feel for each others losses, I think 

' From the verb Oarihisateriston, to do, or render justice ; which is compounded of GarifUSa, a thing, and, i^njeri, just. By 
inserting io, great, in the middle of the verb, we have Garili\ia\io\stmi, to do great justice; then prefixing Sa, Thou, 
and putting the verb in the present tense, we have, what is above intended for a noun, Sagarihuiofffisto, with the strong 
Mohawk guttural added, signifying, literally, Thou doest great justice, or Thou are a great Doer of Justice. Bruyat' Iroquois 
Vocabulary and Grammar. — Ed. 


it highly necessary in the next place that we farther strengthen the Union between us and with 
that view I do therefore by this Belt in tiie name of your Father the great King of England, in 
behalf of all his American Subjects renew & confirm the Covenant Chain subsisting between 
us, strengthening it, and rubbing off any rust which it may have contracted that it may appear 
bright to all Nations as a proof of our love and Friendship, &I hope that all of you, sensible of 
the advantages of this union, will after the example of the English have it always before you, 
& keep it fast that it may remain firm and unshaken, so long as Grass shall grow or waters run 

Belt of the Gov' Chain 15 Rows with human figures at each end. 

I persuade myself that you are all sensible of the Benefits which result from our strict Union, 
& that hav" it always before your eyes, you will be careful in preserving it. This will protect 
you from all dangers, & secure to you the blessings of Peace, and the advantages of Commerce 
with a people able to supply all your wants. And as this is a considerat" of much importance, 
which depends on the friendship subsisting between us & a free open and safe Communication 
for all our people to you, I do now by this Belt clear the Rivers & Paths throughout our 
respective countries, of all obstructions removing Trees out of our Creeks & Logs Briars & 
Rubbish out of our Roads, that our Canoes may pass along without danger and that our people 
may travel freely & securely by night or by day without any risk or impediment whatsoever 
— And I recommend it to you all to contribute to this good work, & to assist in keeping it free 
and open to the latest Posterity A Large Belt. 


Hearken to me who have good words to speak to you, such as are for the benefit of your 
whole confederacy and of your children yet unborn. 

You all remember that three years ago I signified to you His Matys desire to establish a 
Boundary Line between his people and yours and that we then agreed together how some part 
of that Line should run, whenever, the same came to be settled 

You all, I am hopefuU, recollect the Reasons I then gave you for making such a Boundary 
never the less I shall again repeat them. You know Brethren that the encroachments upon 
your Lands have been always one of your principal subjects of complaint, and that so far as it 
could be done endeavors have not been wanting for your obtaining Redress. But it was a 
difficult Task, and generally unsuccessfull — for altho' the Provinces have bounds between each 
other, there are no certain Bounds between them & you, And thereby not only several of our 
people ignorant in Indian Affairs have advanced too far into your country, but also many of 
your own people through the want of such a Line have been deceived in the Sales they have 
made or in the limits they have set to our respective claims This, Brethren, is a sad Case, 
which has frequently given us much trouble, and turned many of your heads ; but it is likely 
to continue so untill some Bounds are agreed to, fixed upon and made public between us. The 
Great the good King of England my master, whose friendship and tender regard for your 
Interests I wish you may ever hold in remembrance has amongst other Instances of his 
Goodness after long deliberation on some means for your releif, and for preventing future 
disputes concerning Lands, at length resolved upon fixing a general Boundary Line between 
his subjects and you, and that in such a manner as shall be most agreeable to you, in 
consequence of which I have received his Royal commands to call you together for the 
establishment thereof, and after conferring with the Governments interested hereupon, you 


now see before you the Gov"' of the Jerseys, the Commissioners on behalf of Aseregoa,' Gov"" 
of Virginia & Commissioners from Pensylvania in order to give you the strongest assurances 
on behalf of the respective Governments of their Resolutions to pay due regard to what shall 
be now entered into, the presence of so many great men will give a sanction to the transaction 
and cause the same to be known as far as the English Name extends — His Majesty has directed 
me to give you a handsome proof of his Generosity proportion"* to the nature and extent of 
what Lands shall fall to him — Upon the whole I hope that your deliberations vvill be 
unanimous & your Resolutions such as His Maty may consider as proofs of your gratitude for 
all his favors — A fine New Belt. 

The Importance of this affair now before us requires the most serious attention. I will 
not burthen you with any other subject untill this is generally settled, and therefore we 
shall adjourn, that you may have time to think of it and come fully prepared to give an 
agreeable answer 

Then Abraham Cheif of the Mohawks after repeating what Sir William had said 
addressed him 


We give you thanks for what you have said to us at this time, it is a weighty affair, and we 
shall agreeable to your desire take it into our most serious consideration 

We are glad that so many great men are assembled to bear witness of the transaction and 
we are now resolved to retire and consult on a proper answer to be given to all you have said, 
& so soon as we have agreed upon it, we shall give you notice that we may again assemble, 
and make it known to you and we are all much obliged to you that you have directed us to 
attend to this great affair alone at this time that our minds might not be b'urthened or diverted 
from it by attending to anything else. 

Then Conoghquieson addressed the whole and desired that the several Nations might look 
towards the Onondagas who would appoint him a time and place for taking the matter 
into consideration 

After which adjourned 

P M. Sir William met the Nanticokes with Captain Ogden and explained to them the affair 
of the Sale of their Lands of which the approved, as well as of the price which [is] 666 Dollars 
& two thirds — M'' Ogden then delivered an account of his expences which amounted to 
£ 100.9.9 Cur'y so that a balance of 415 Dollars or £ 166.2.3 Currency remains due by said 
Ogden which he is to pay to the cheif of the Nanticokes as soon as may be and then they are 
to impower him to dispose of the remainder of their Land in Maryland 

Thursday the 27"" Deiaquande Cheiftain of the Onondagas with S6 arrived and came 
immediately to Sir Williams Quarters to pay him the usual compliments which having returned » 
he ordered them paint, Pipes, Tobacco & a dram around and dismissed them 

Friday the 28"" — The weather bfing cold Sir William clothed the old cheifs of every Nation 
for which they returned many thanks & told them that he now enabled them to meet and 
consider of the Great affair before them with pleasure, and assured him that they would 
endeavour to do every thing for the best, and that with the utmost expedition — They told Sir 
William that they were yesterday employed in hearing news brought them by the Shawanese 

'See note 3, IX, 706. — Ed. 


and receiving the Belts, that this day they would take into consideration the Boundary 
Line, and seriously deliberate thereon as they were determined to make it binding 

At a Congress with the several Nations on Friday the 2S"' day of October 176S 

Present — as before 

The Indians continued in private Council till 4 P. M. when they sent to let Sir William 
know, that they would be glad to speak with him: being all seated the Speaker addressed 
Sir William 


We have been for some time deliberating on what you said concerning a Line between the 
English and us, & we are sensible it would be for our mutual advantage if it were not 
transgressed, but dayly experience teaches us that we cannot have any great dependance on 
the white People, and that they will forget their agreements for the sake of our Lands — 
However you have said so much to us upon it that we are willing to beleive more favorably in 
this case. 


You remember when we spoke last concerning this Boundary, that we did not agree 
about the way it should run from Oswegy' — This is a point that must now be settled for to 
what purpose could it be to draw a Line between us & the country of Virginia & Pensylvania 
whilst the way to our Towns lay open We would therefore know what you intend to propose 
as a Boundary to the Northward that we take it into consideration and we shall be glad that 
you explain it fully to us, that no mistake may be made on either side. 

To which Sir William answered. 


I have attended to what you say and do admit that it is reasonable the Line should be 
closed, & I persuade myself that His Maty will approve of it All these things I had in 
consideration before, & I recommended the Line to you generally at first according to your 
own practice as an Introduction to the rest and in order to render the whole clear & plain to 
you, I have prepared a Map on which the Country is dravpn large & plain which will enable 
us both to judge better of these matters. I w&uld therefore recommend it to you to send the 
cheifs of each Nation to my Quarters where I shall lay the Map before them & confer with 
them upon it 

The Speaker then thanked Sir William for what he had said which they all greatly approved 
'of, in consequence of which the Cheifs of each Nation came soon after to his Quarters when 
Sir William laid a Map on the Table & after explaining to them the nature of his orders & 
the desires of Government he spoke as follows 


our im 

Oswfgji' vvuH what we .spoke about — The King bus not fixed upon any particular place to 


sre is the Map of which I spoke to you, where all that Country which is the subject of 

neeling is faithfully laid down. The Line here described between the Kanhawa River & 

Su. Ow.-gy. -El.. 


continue it to It therefore remains for me to obtain a continuation of that Line which will be 
secure to you and advantageous to us on which subject we now meet — I have likewise to 
observe to you that the piece of Land in the Forks of Susquehanna is very much desired by 
the Commissioners from Pensylvania and would be more advantageous to them than to you, 
besides as it is or will be soon partly surrounded by Settlements it will be a very difficult 
matter to get any people to go far to the Northward, & leave such Land as it were behind 
them — I would therefore propose, the Bounds from Fort Pitt be continued up to the Ohio to 
Moghulbughilum Creek,' Thence up that Creek & along the eight mile Carrying Place^ to the 
West Branch of Susquehanna thence along that River to the Allegany Ridge. Thence along 
that Ridge of Mountains to the Cayuga Branch & down the same to the Great East Branch of 
Susquehanna, from thence up that East Branch to Oswegy," from whence it can be run 
Eastward to the Delaware River, which is very near it at that Place and for that part of this 
additional Cession which will fall to M"' Penn, you will receive a large & handsome 
consideration over and besides His Matys Royal Bounty And as to the continuation of that 
Line from the Delaware so as to close it, I must desire to hear what yourselves think & I 
expect that your Resolutions will be advantageous to us, &that you will make proper allowance 
for the increase of our People whereby you will recommend yourselves to the King, and 
become so pleasing to his subjects that it will greatly contribute to the due observance of the 
Boundary Line. 

To which the Speaker made the following answer 


We have hearkened to all that you have said and we thank you for your advice which we 
beleive is well intended — But this is a great Cession of Land which will require much thought 
and attention and therefore we shall defer the consideration of it till tomorrow 


Before we answer you about the continuation of the Line we must say something to you 
concerning the extent of it to the Southward which we find is no further than Kanhawa River. 
Now Brother, you, who know all our affairs, must be sensible that our Rights go much farther 
to the Southward and that we have a very good & clear Title to the Lands as far as the 
Cherokee River which we can not allow to be right of any other Indians without doing wrong 
to our Posterity and acting unworthy those Warriors who fought & conquered it. We 
therefore expect this our Right will be considered. 


We are now to speak about continuing the Line as you said from Delaware so as to close 
it, and you recommend it to us to give you plenty for the people 

We were formerly generous & gave the white people in many places Lands when they 
were too poor to buy them. We have often had bad Returns. Nevertheless we would still 
act generously and mean to do as much as we can without ruining our Children 

' Moghulbuctitutn. SculVs Map of Pennsylvania. 'Tis a corruption of the Indian name, Moehulbuctison or Mocholpakison, 
meaning, " where boats are abandoned " ( that is, the head of navigation ) ; from Amokkol, tlie Delaware word for Boat. 
Bulletin of Pennsylvania Historical Society, 128. It falls into the Allegany river in Armstrong county, Pennsylvania, and 
•eems to be called, in modern maps, the Mahoning. — Ed 

" Tl'is carrying place is in the present county of Indiana, Pennsylvania. ' Sic. Owegy. 

Vol. VIIL 16 



You know tliat the country from Oswegy' quite to Oswego is full of our Towns & Villages 
and that it is very dear to us so that we cannot be expected to part with what lies at our 
Doors, besides your people are come already too close to us. We therefore think that the 
Line should run up the Delaware to the Swamp & from that run across to the Governors 
(Cosbys Land) and then go away to Lake George which we can not but think a fair offer 

To which Sir W™ answered *■ 


We have heard what you said and shall answer it. In the first place I acknowledge to have 
heard of your claim to the Southward before this time The King does not deny your claims 
He is not thoroughly acquainted with the exact extent of them and finding that they may be 
liable to some dispute with the Southern Indians, he being an enemy to strife directed the 
Line to be run in the manner he thought least liable to it. But of this I shall take further 
notice to you having no[w] to speak to you in answer to the course you have proposed for 
continuing the Line from Delaware 


I know very well how you are situated and it is not His Majestys inclination to disturb you 
therein, at the same time you should consider what is reasonable on your parts and that the 
Lands are even patented further than you propose the Line, and that the more people are 
confined the more readily will the transgress the bounds so that I must desire you to think 
the better of it and speak more favorably at our next meeting, till when I shall propose nothing 
further, as I could not consistently propose any other Line than such as would bring us to or 
near Lake Ontario. 

They then withdrew taking with them a Map in order to consider the affair in private. 

At night Sir William had a private conference with the Cheifs of the most Influence with 
whom he made use of every argument to bring matters to an agreeable issue' 

Saturday Oct 29"' 
Tiie Indians continued in Council all the forenoon the Cheifs having given the Belts to the 
Warriors for their opinion concerning the Boundary; several of the Indians particularly 
the Oneidas gave great obstruction to the business, and Sir William heard that a clergyman 
sent by M' Wheelockfrom New England who had delivered him a memorial on the ll"" instant 
" praying that the Line might not be extended far North or West but the Lands reserved for 
" tiie purposes of Religion" was very busy amongst the Indians for that purpose.^ Information 
was likewise given to Sir William this morning that this Clergyman had in conversations with 
Coll Fitch \r Peters junior and others told them that he had done what he could to opose the 
Cession of Territory, and would continue to obstruct it to the utmost of his Power, and that 
he had shewed the Indians the folly of giving up their Lands & cautioned them against it 
before he left Oneida 

Sir William this day cloathed several of the Cheifs with whom he had several conferences 
the Majority of them continued in Council together to consider farther on the speeches made 

' Sic. Owet'y. 

''Sue New -York Dncnmenlari/ Ilhtor;!, Svo., TV., 3S8 - S38, for pnpcrs illiistrntive of llic mutters lierp refurrpd to. — Kn. 


to them in the afternoon the Onondaga & Mohock Cheifs with several others waited on Sir 
William with a Message from the whole, importing that as it was a very weigiity & interesting 
affair it required some further consideration they therefore requested that he and the 
Gentlemen with him would wait with patience till monday morning when they hoped to be 
able to give an answer 

Sir William told them that he was really become very impatient through the delays which 
was given to business, that the security of their Lands depended upon their despatch and the 
freedom of the Cession — That he would however wait till Monday, when he hoped to hear 
from them some thing that might make up for their delays 

At night several of the Cheifs came to Sir Williams Quarters to let him know the purport 
of Intelligence and Belts received from the Shawanese, which was that according to tlie old 
agreement subsisting between the several Indian Nations, they wtre all to unite and attack 
the English as soon as the latter became formidable to them That several of the Nations to the 
South and West greatly alarmed at the Power and increase of the English and irritated at 
the ill treatment they had met with had expressed a desire to meet the rest to deliberate on 
what was to be done. That the Spaniards & French had for a long time urged them to take 
up arms and given them repeated assurances of a powerful! assistance That they liad now 
called them to a meeting at the Mississippi near the mouth of the Ohio for that purpose. That 
they had sent many Belts among the Indians, a great part of whom were just ready to set out 
when Sir Williams message came to them, and that they waited the event of the Treaty at 
Fort Stanwix before they would come to any further resolution with a variety of other 
particulars all tending to corroberate the former Intelligence received by Sir William Joiuison 

In the morning the Indians again met in Council, when the Warriors came and laid before 
their Sachems the result of their deliberations yesterday concerning the Northern "part of the 
Line who directed four of their Sachems viz Tyaruruante, Ganaquieson, Tyeransera,' and 
Tagawaron to wait on Sir William and communicate the same which was, that the Line 
should run from Oriscany to Tianderhah,^ and down that River to the Susquehanna, thence in 
a straight Line to the Hills, and so to the Delaware Branch & down the same to Oswegy,^ 
thence down the Susquehanna to Shamokin, and so alo'ag the West Branch of that River to 
Kittanning declaring they would not part with any Lands to the Westward of Oriscany or 
down towards Wioming or the Great Island, as they reserved that part of the Country for 
their Dependants. 

But Sir William finding that some busy persons had been alarming those Nations most 
immediately affected by the Line, and that many others could be induced to settle it more 
advantageously he in a long and warm speech to the Cheifs shewed them that the Line was 
not proposed to injure them, but that for a handsome consideration it was intended to obtain 
a Cession of as much Land as would give the people Room on the Frontiers ascertains the 
Boundary at the same time between them — that with the help of proper Laws it would not 
be liable to intrusion — that the Line proposed at Oriscany interfered with a patent granted 
above sixty years ago now in possession of some Gentlemen at New York the Indian Deed for 
which, he had before shewn them That these Gentlemen and all others concerned woulil have 
reason to blame him for agreeing to lines so injurious to their Rights, and that the continuance 
of a line from thence in the manner that they proposed would in many places approach so near 
to our settlements, as to render its duration very uncertain from the great increase of our 

' Seo note, III, 453. ' Now tailed (li- C'liuduln, na,ieeabh to th; softer Oiieiaa dialed. ' Stc. Owegv - Ed. 


people, whereas by giving tliem more room the Boundary would be so well known, and 
secured by Laws before there would be occasion to invade it, that people would act with 
extreem caution and rather go to other unsettled parts than attempt to transgress an agreement 
so well defended — That it had been long in agitation and was now according to their own 
desires ordered by His Majesty to be settled, as the surest means of putting and end to Land 
Disputes, and that if they rejected this opportunity now offered them and drew the Line so as 
to interfere with Grants, or approach allmost to our settlements, he could not see that any 
thing more effectual could thereafter be proposed for preventing encroachments, and the Crown 
after being already at a very heavy expence on this occasion must find its good intentions 
and reasonable proposals totally defeated. He therefore recommended it to them to consider 
this point farther, and as his Majestys Bounty, or that of the Colonys would be proportioned to 
tlie extent of their Cession, a rule which he should observe upon this occasion — That he 
hoped for a more favorable Answer as it would be more to their immediate advantage and 
woul^ tend to the better observance of the Line hereafter. After these and many other 
arguments, & farther explaining the several courses laid down on the draft, they agreed to 
take the Map back to their Council Hutt for farther consideration, promising to use their 
Interest with the rest for a more favorable Line then withdrew Sir William assuring them at 
parting that they should be particularly rewarded for their services or endeavours to shew the 
Indians the reasonableness of the requisition. 

At night Tagawaron returned with the Map to Sir William, informed him that they 
were then debating on the subject but much divided in opinion, and added that he thought 
his Nation disagreeably circumstanced the rest having thrown so much of the transaction 
to the Northward on their hands, nevertheless he would do all he could to obtain a more 
favorable settlement 

After which Sir William had many other private conferences which occupied a great part of 
the night — In particular Six Cheifs of the Oneidas, came to him at nine of the clock at night 
and they very much doubted the validity of the purchase above Orisca — But through S"' 
Williams solicitations and to shew their good disposition towards compleating the work in 
hand, they would agree that the Line- should run from the Susquehanna North across at Fort 
Newport near Fort Stanwix where the Boats are launched, and from thence to the Northwest 
corner of the late purchase for Lord Holland & others — Sir William thanked them for the 
Amendments but told them that he could not think it would answer, that it did not even 
include the carrying place, and therefore desired them again to consider the matter and that as 
they could extend it much farther to the westward without any sensible inconvenience, he 
expected they would do so, for which their Nation, over and besides the rest should have five 
hundred Dollars & a handsome present for each of the cheifs. — They promised to use their 
best endeavours for that purpose & withdrew 

Monday. Oct 31" 
At 10 A M. The Oneidas returned to Sir Williams Quarters, and told him that their people 
possitively refused to agree to any other Line than they had proposed the last night, & that as 
Game began to grow scarce in their neighbourhood, they had come to a Resolution to keep the 
carrying Place to the Canada Creek in their hands, as by Keeping Horses and Carriages there 
as they proposed to do for the future to carry over the Traders Goods, they might earn 


somewhat for the support of their families. Sir William answered that he thought it somewhat 
extraordinary that they should enter into such a Resolution on the sudden having totally 
neglected carrying goods for so many years — That if they gave it up they might still reap 
benefits from a high road open to all provided they had horses & Carriages as reasonable as 
other people, but that their keeping it to themselves would occasion many disputes between 
them and the white people, which His Maty was so very desirous of preventing and had fallen 
upon the Boundary as the means of doing so. That they should not stop at what was but a 
Triile to them, tho' so advantageous & necessary to the English and that he wished they would 
so act as to shew their love and respect for the King & friendship for his Subjects — That the 
Governor and People of New York had reason to expect much more from them and that they 
had left it to him to urge these matters to them as thinking Commissioners unnecessary when 
he was to conduct the Congress. He hoped that this would be a farther consideration and 
desired them to act a part proper on the Occasion 

The thereupon withdrew to consult further upon it. They shortly after returned and said 
that Sir William had been so desirous to have the Bounds further extended the last and only 
thing they could say was, that provided they were allowed an equal use of the carrying Place 
with the English and to be paid Six Hundred Dollars to the Tribes over and besides the several 
Fees which were given in private, they should extend the Line to Canada Creek Sir William 
finding it best not to urge this matter farther told them that he acquiesced for the present 
leaving it to be confirmed or rejected by His Majesty They answered that they considered 
and unanimously resolved that whatever Boundary Line was now agreed to should be for ever 
binding & conclusive on both sides — That no province should on any pretence invade the Line 
and that whatever transaction might thereafter be necessary should be with the King or those 
by him directed to treat with them. 

A Messenger then arrived to call them to attend the consultation about the rest of the line 

At night Canaquieson came to inform Sir William that they had further considered the 
general subject of the Line & would send a cheif & Warrior from each Nation with their final 
resolves which they would deliver in public the next day — They accordingly came to Sir 
Williams Quarters, when Sir William told them, he hoped they were now come with such an 
answer as would be pleasing to all Parties. The Map being then laid before them, they said, 
that what they had to say was the final resolves of all the Nations, then said at the same time, 
tracing it on the Map that they would agreeable to their just Claims begin the Line at the 
mouth of the Cherokee River, then go along to the South East side of the Ohio to Kittanning, 
from thence to the Head of the West Branch of Susquehanna thence down the same to Bald 
Eagle Creek thence across the River at Tiadaghta Creek below the great Island, thence by a 
straight Line to Burnett's Hills and along the same to the mouth of Awanda Creek on the 
West Side of the East Branch of Susquehanna, thence up the stream thereof to Oswegy,' 
thence Eastward to the Delaware River, thence up the stream thereof till they come opposite 
to the mouth of Tianaderah Creek emptying into Susquehanna, thence up the West side of 
Tianaderrah to the head of its Westerly Branch, and from thence to the mouth of Canada 
Creek on Wood Creek. 

This they delivered as their final determinations subject to several conditions for the 
security of their possessions and engagements entered into, and for that part which would fall 

' Sic. Owegy. — Ed. 


within M"' Penns Gov' they insisted on having 10,000 Dollars Sir William told them he 
would take the matter into consideration and would assemble them all tomorrow and after 
parting conferred with the Commissioners of Pensilvania concerning the same who approv"* it, 
and agreed to the consideration on behalf of the Proprietors- 

At a General Congress with the several Nations at Fort Stanwix Tuesday Nov 1" 1768 

Present — as at the former Meetings 

Being all seated they desired to know whether Sir William was prepared to hear them, and 
on being answered in the affirmative, the speaker stood up and spoke as follows 


We are hopefull that you will not take it amiss that we have delayed till now our public 
answer on the subject you recommended to us, This was a great and weighty matter requiring" 
long deliberation, and should not be undertaken lightly — We have accordingly considered it, 
and are now come to give you our final resolutions thereon, to which we beg your attention 


We remember that on our first Meeting with you, when you came with your ship we kindly 
received you, entertained you, entered into an alliance with you, though we were then great 
& numerous and your people inconsiderable and week and we know that we entered into a 
Covenant Chain with you and fastened your ship therewith, but being apprehensive the Bark 
would break and your ship be lost we made one of iron, and held it fast that it should not slip 
from us, but perceiving the former chain was liable to rust; We made a silver chain to guard 
against it Then, Brother, you arose, renewed that chain which began to look dull, and have 
for many years taken care of our affairs by the command of the Great King, & you by your 
labors have polished that chain so that it has looked bright and is become known to all Nations, 
for all which we shall ever regard you and we are thankfull to you in that you have taken 
such care of these great affairs of which we are allways mindfull, and we do now on our parts 
renew and strengthen the Covenant Chain by which we will abide so long as you shall 
preserve it strong & bright on your part. A Belt. 


We are glad that you have opened the River and cleared the Roads as it is so necessary to 
us both. We were promis"" that when the war was over, we should have Trade in plenty, 
Goods cheap and honest men to deal with us and that we should have proper persons to 
manage all this. We hope that these promises will never be forgot but that they will be fully 
performed that we shall feel the benefits of an intercourse between us — that the Roads and 
waters may be free and open to us all to go to the Southward, or for our friends from thence 
with whom we are now at peace to visit us, that we may have proper persons in ourCountrys 
to manage affairs and smiths to mend our arms and implements — and in the expectation of 
this, we do, now on our parts open the Roads and waters, and promise to assist in keeping 
them so. A Belt. 

Then after repeating all that had been said concerning the Line proceeded 



We have long considered this proposal for a Boundary between us, and we think it will be 
of good consequence if you on your parts pay due regard to it, and we in consequence thereof 
have had sundry Meetings amongst ourselves and with you and from all that you have said to 
us thereon, we have at length come to a final resolution concerning it, and we hope that what is 
now agreed upon shall be inviolably observed on your parts as we are determined it shall be 
on ours and that no further attempts shall be. made on our Lands but that this Line, 
be considered as final and we do now agree to the Line we have marked upon your Map, now 
before you on certain conditions on which we have spoken and shall say more and we desire that 
one Article of this our agreement be, that none of the Provinces or their People shall attempt 
to invade it under color of any old Deeds, or other pretences what soever for in many of these 
things we have been imposed on, and therefore we disclaim them all, which Bounds now 
agreed to we begin on the Ohio at the mouth of the Cherokee River ^ which is now our just 
jight, and from thence we give up on the South side of Ohio to Kittanning above Fort Pitt, 
from thence a direct Line to the nearest Fork of the West Branch of Susquehanna thence 
through the Allegany Mountains along the south side of the said West Branch till we come 
opposite to the mouth of the Creek called Tiadaghton thence across the West Branch & along 
the East side of that Creek and along the ridge of Burnets Hills to a Creek called Awandae 
thence down the same to the East Branch of the Susquehanna, and across the same and up 
the East side of that River to Oswegy, from thence Eastward to Delaware River, and up that 
River to opposite where Trinaderha falls into Susquehanna, thence to Trienaderha and up the 
West side thereof and its West Branches to the Head thereof thence by a straight Line to 
the mouth of Canada Creek where it emptys itself into Wood Creek at the end of the long 
carrying place beyond Fort Stanwix, and this we declare to be our final Resolves and we expect 
that the conditions of this our Grant will be observed A Belt. 


Now as we have made so large a Cession to the King of such a valuable and Extensive 
Country, We do expect it as the Terms of our Agreement that strict regard be paid to all our 
reasonable desires — We do now on this on behalf and in the name of all our Warriors of 
every Nation, condition that all our Warriors shall have the liberty of hunting throughout the 
Country as they have no other means of subsistance and as your people have not the same 
occasions or inclinations — That the White people be restricted from hunting on our side of 
the Line to prevent contensions between us A Belt. 


By this Belt we address ourselves to the Great King of England through You our superintendant 
in the Name and in behalf of all the Six Nations Shawanese, Delawares and all other our 
Friends, Allies, & Dependants, We now tell the King that we have given to him a great 
and valuable Country, and we know that what we shall now get for it must be far short of its 
value — We make it a condition of this our Agreem' concerning the Line that His Majesty 
will not forget or neglect to shew us His' favor or suffer the Chain to contract Rust, but that 
he will direct those who have the management of our affairs to be punctual in renewing our 
antient agreements. That as the Mohocks are now within the Line which we give to the 

' JVow called the Tennessee. Ramsey. — Ep. 


King, and that these people are the true old Heads of the whole confederacy their several 
villages and all the Land they occupy unpatented, about them as also the Residences of any 
others in our confederacy. affected by this Cession shall be considered as their sole property 
and at their disposal both now, and so long as the sun shines, and that all grants or engagements 
they have now or lately entered into, shall be considered as independant of this Boundary so 
that they who have so little left may not lose the benefit of the sale of it, but that the people, 
with whom they have agreed, may have the Land — We likewise further condition on behalf 
of all the Six Nations and of all our allies, friends & Nephews our Dependants that as we 
have experienced how difficult it is to get justice or to make our complaints known and tiiat 
it is not in the power of our Superintendant to take care of our affairs in different Places 
without the Kings help that His Majesty will give him help & strength to do us justice and to 
manage our affairs in a proper manner. We all know the want of this, and we make it a 
point of great consequence on which this our present Agreement is to depend and without 
which Affairs will go wrong and our heads may be turned. 


We likewise desire that as we have now given up a great deal of Lands within the Bounds 
that M"' Penn claimed a right of buying that he may in consequence of the agreement now entered 
into between us, enjoy what we have given within them Limits. And as we know that 
Lydius of Albany did in the name of several persons lay claim to Lands in Pennsylvania, 
which we know to be unjust, and that the Deeds he pretends a right to were invalid, We 
expect that no regard will be paid to them or any such claims now or hereafter, as we have 
fairly sold them to the proprietors of Pensylvania to whom alone we shall sell Lands within 
that Province, and we shall now give them a Deed for that & other Lands there. And in order 
to shew that we love justice, we expect the Traders who suffered by some of our dependants 
in the wars five years ago, may have a grant for the Lands we now give them down Ohio, as a 
satisfaction for their losses, and as our friend ftp Croghan ' long ago got a Deed for Lands from 
us, which may now be taken into M' Penns Lands, should it so happen, we request that it 
may be considered and get as much from the King somewhere else, as he fairly bought it. — 
And as we have given enough to shew our Love for the King and make his people easy, in the 
next place we expect that no old claims which we disavow or new encroachments may be 
allowed of 


We have now gone through this matter and we have shewn ourselves ready to give the 
King whatever we could reasonably spare. We on our parts express our regard for him and 
we hope for His favor in return. — Our words are strong and our resolutions firm & we expect 
that our request will be complied with in so much as we have so generously complied with 
all that has been desired as far as was consistent with our Existence A Belt. 

Sir William then thanked them for what they had said, and assured them that it should all 
be considered, and that he would meet them to-morrow on these and other subjects. 
Then adjourned 

' See note, VII., 9S2. — Ed. 


Wednesday November tlie 2"* 
The day being very rainy the Indians did not meet in Council. 

Sir William cloathed a number of cheifs and Cheiftains of several Nations and was this day 
busy in preparing the necessary Papers for the Next Meeting 

P. M. Sir William met the Mohocks and other cheifs and endeavoured to persuade them to 
extend the Line more favorably to the West of New York observe that they could not agree 
to extend it further down the Wood Creek on the South side that he expected they would let 
it run below the Canada Creek, on the North side of Wood Creek, but finding them determined 
and that they were for closing it at the point of the last purchase near the Mohock River, he 
told them he would stop at the Mouth of Canada Creek & refer the remainder to His 
Matys consideration 

Sir William then acquainted the Cheifs that his Excellency the Commander in cheif purposed 
to evacuate Fort Ontario, or to put it on the same footing with Fort Stanwix, as a measure 
that would be agreeable to them, and that as for any Forts, which it was necessary still to 
keep up, they could be no inconvenience to them They answered that they had nothing 
to complain of against the keeping up Ontario, on the footing it was for some time past nor 
would they make any difficulty about the others whilst they were civilly treated at them, and 
no encroachments made on their Lands which Sir William promis'' should be duly attended to. 

Thursday November the 3'* 
This day was partly employed in prepar^ the several Speeches & the Deed of Cession 

P. M. A Deputation from the Aghquessaine Indians came to Sir Williams Quarters 
accompanied by the Oneida chiefs whose interposition with him had been requested in order 
to accommodate the unhappy difference which had gone such lengths in their village that their 
Preist and many of their people would likely be murthered A Belt. 

Sir William answered them that he had been extreemly concerned to hear of that difference 
amongst themselves that in consequence thereof he had directed Coll Claus the Deputy Agent 
for that Quarter to enquire into the particulars & to put a stop to it, and that he now had the 
pleasure to acquaint them that agreeable to His orders the whole was happily determined 
before Coll Claus left Montreal which account gave them all great satisfaction 

A Belt. 

At a Congress with the several Nations Friday November 4'" 

Present — as at the last Meeting 

The Onondaga Speaker performed the Ceremony of Condolence, for a loss sustained by the 
Oneidas after which Sir William addressed the several Nations 


After having duly considered your speech and the Agreement you have at length come into, 
I am pleased to find that you have so far dispatched business Notwithstanding the severity of 
the approach^ season, and the distance which many of us are from our dwellings. I gave you 
all the time necessary for bringing this weighty affair to a deliberate conclusion 
Vol. VIII. J7 



I am glad to find that you remember your old agreements so particularly and I wish you may 
always observe them, and with that view I should have been glad to have heard you 
confine your answer to my Belt for keeping the Roads open, to that subject alone, as a free 
and safe intercourse between us is so necessary to you 

The promises formerly made you of the happy change which would be produced by the 
Reduction of Canada you have in many respects experienced as far as it was in the power of 
His Majestys Servants you likewise have had a considerable number of Traders amongst you 
which has so far lowered the Prices of Goods that several of them are become Bankrupts and 
at many of the Posts they are to be bought at as low rates as at our Towns Notwithstanding 
the distance and expence of Transportation. I am to inform you that it has been judged 
adviseable by the Government to commit that part of business regarding the management of 
the Indian Trade to the care & charge of the several Colonies who I make no doubt will 
endeavour to do every thing they can for your Interest A Belt. 

You have of late made several complaints on account of the ill behaviour of some people on 
the Frontiers ; those that regarded Pennsylvania, I have reason to think I finally settled and 
gave a handsome portion of their bounty upon the occasion, and in consequence of the 
information I gave the Governor of Virginia thereon, his Assembly passed several Votes in 
your favour, which are now before me, whilst the Governor sent this assurance of their good 
faith and friendship for you and of their intentions to prevent you from being ill treated 

Here shewed and explained the Resolves of the House of Burgesses likewise a 
paper under the Great Seal of the Province of Virginia authorizing Sir William to 
give to them those favorable assurances, and proceeds 


I hope all this will convince you that they are your friends and as further proof of it the 
Gentlemen Comm" from those Provinces will at their return take proper measures for your 
future good treatment & for the due observance of the Boundary Line by proper Laws for 
these purposes, according his Matys desires which I shall recommend to their remembrance 

A Belt. 

I am glad the Boundary is at length agreed upon, «& as I have great reason to think it will 
be duly observed by the English. I recommend it to you to preserve it carefully in 
remembrance to explain it fully to those that are absent and to teach it to your children. This 
Boundary is intended to be lasting but should it be found necessary by His Majesty or 
yourselves to make any future additions or alterations he will treat with you by those who 
have the management of your affiirs. And never permit any private application this I have 
received in command to tell you 

As to the several reservations you make in your Cession to the King and the other points 
you recommend you may be assured that His Maty shall be made acquainted with them, as I 
shall transmit lo him a copy of our transactions at this place & I may venture to assure you 
that they will meet with all possible regard from a Prince of His clemency & Justice & I now 
give you this Belt to strengthen ratify and confirm the Boundary to all transactions necessary 
thereto. A Belt. 



The speech which you addressed particularly to His Maty shall be faithfully transmitted to 
him with the rest of your proceedings. I have attended to the whole of it & I persuade 
myself that every reasonable article will be taken proper notice of & that he will take such 
measures as to him shall seem best for your benefit and for the rendering you justice — I likewise 
consider your good intentions towards the Traders who sustained the losses & your desire to 
fulfill all your other engagements as instances of your integrity. I wish that you may on your 
parts carefully remember & faithfully observe the Engagements you have now as well as 
formerly entered into with the English, and that you may every day grow more sensible how 
much it is your Interest to do so And I once more exhort you all to be strong and stedfast to 
keep firm hold of the Covenant Chain & never to give attention or credit to People who under 
the Masque of friendship should come amongst you with stories which may tend to weaken 
your attachment to us, but to keep your eye stedfastly on those whose business & inclination 
it is to tell you truth & make your minds easy A Belt. 

Brothers the Shawanese & Delawares 

I now particularly address you, in that you live far to the Southward, & may at some times 
be disturbed by bad men who taking advantage of your distance from us & the Heads of the 
Confederacy may by Belts Messages or Stories invented to create mischeif impose on many of 
your people & through their means mislead other Nations I am not ignorant that tiiis has 
happened & I have good intelligence that there are people who have been lately deceiving 
some of you with stories of Revolutions in American affairs & of French Fleets & armies, 
with which you have been so often deceived that I wonder any of your people should credit 
them — Be assured, Brothers, that those who were able to conquer Canada, & drive their 
enemies out of their country, will always have it in their power to defeat their future projects 
should they be weak enough to make any future attempts to regain what they lost. I do 
therefore exhort you by this Belt to pay no regard to such deceivers for the future, but continue 
to live peaceably & let me know who they are, & from whence that attempt to impose upon 
you. I likewise desire you to remember all your engagements with the English to observe the 
treaty of Peace with the Cherokees, to avoid any irregularities on the Frontiers & pay due 
regard to the Boundary Line now made, & to make all your People acquainted with it, & to 
keep the Roads & Waters open and free whereby you will enjoy the benefits of Peace & 
Commerce, the esteem of the King of Great Britain & the friendship of all his subjects & I 
desire you will remember & often repeat my words A Belt. 

Brothers the Indians of Canada 

With this Belt I recommend it to you to remember what has been done at this & all former 
Treaties and to make the same public among all your people on your return to Canada 
recommending it to them to continue to promote peace and to discountenance all evil reports 
& idle Stories which may be propagated by ignorant or bad men & to communicate all usefuU 
intelligence to me from time to time as a proof of your regard for your engagements & a means 
of recommending yourselves to the esteem of the King and people of England. 

A Belt. 
Brothers of the sev' Nations here Assembled 

TheGov'of New Jersey being called hence by some urgent business has desired me to inform 
you that he can not think of taking leave of His Brethren the Six Nations without once more 


expressing the Happiness he has received from finding that they entertain such right sentiments 
of his justice, & that of the good people under his Government He has himself the highest 
sense of the value & importance of the name conferred on him & doubts not but that future 
Governors & the cheif men & inhabitants of New Jersey will be ever carefull to deserve so 
distinguished a Title among the Indian Nations as that of Sagorrihwhioughstha.' Doer 
of Justice 

The Governor has likewise requested me to remind you that at a Treaty held at Easton in 
the year 175S the Delawares and other Indians who had any pretensions to Land in New Jersey, 
did for a valuable consideration give a general release for all the Lands in that Province except 
such parts as were reserved by Law for the use of those Indians who chose to live under the 
protection of that Governm'. This was done in public Council in the presence of many of 
the Six Nations and the Governor would therefore be glad, that at this Congress (where are 
present so many cheifs of the different Nations belonging to the Confederacy & when a general 
Boundary Line between the subjects of His Brittannic Majesty in America & their Bretheren the 
Indians is to be settled) you would do the Province of New Jersey the justice to confirm 
the said Release by acknowledging in public that that Province is entirely free from all Indian 
Claims, except as before menf" His Reason for this request is that this matter may held in 
remembrance by all the nations present & by that means be more surely handed down to 
their Posterity A Belt. 


In consequence of a Belt I have just received from the Senecas which I formerly gave them 
to bind them together I do now think it highly necessary with this Belt to bind you all together 
recommend? it to you all to avoid wandering and to continue at your several villages after the 
manner of your ancestors, I do this principally for your own advantage, convinced that you 
will be weakened by rambling and that your Councils and opinions will be thereby disunited 
— Take therefore my advice and do not suffer yourselves to be lead away with any imaginary 
prospects of advantage by scattering, but continue by this Belt in your several places of abode 
following your commerce and all peaceable pursuits A Large Black Belt 


The business of the Treaty being so far happily brought to a conclusion it only remains that 
you execute a deed of Cession to His Majesty & whatever else is necessary on this occasion, 
after which I shall deliver over to your People the large Present, together with the Sum of 
Money the amount and value of which I have already explained to you — The Gov" and 
Gentlemen Comm" from the sev' Governm" are sensible of your good conduct during the 
Treaty, and I shall recommend what is necessary to them in your presence for its further 
security & on the part of New York I take upon myself to promise you that every thing 
necessary thereto shall be recommended and I make no doubt agreed to by the Legislature of 
this Province, heartily wishing that the same may on your parts be as carefully observed & that 
no disputes may hereafter arise concerning any part of the Cession you have made or the 
engagements you have entered into at this time. 

Then Sir William addressed the Gov' of New Jersey & the Commissioners 

' See note, supra, p. 117. — Ed. 



Agreeable to His Matys intentions signified to me by the secretary of State and for the 
satisfaction of the several Nations here assembled I take the liberty to recommend it strongly 
to your several Provinces to enact the most effectual Laws for the due observance of this-Line 
& the preventing all future intrusions, as the expectations thereof and the reliance the Indians 
have on your Justice from the Assurances I gave them on that head have proved great 
inducements to the settlement of the Line now established between the Colonies and tiiem 

To this the Governors & Commissioners answered that nothing should be wanting on their 
parts to the obtaining such security for the Boundary as was deemed necessary on their return 
to their respective Colonies 

Then Sir William at the desire of the Gentlemen Commissioners from Pensylvania 
acquainted the Indians, that they the Commissioners had a present ready to the amount of 
500 Dollars to give in full satisfaction of the Conostoga Lands, which by the death of that 
People became vested in the Proprietaries — That they freely gave this sum as a farther Proof 
of the regard of that Province for them and of their concern for the unhappy fate of the 
Conostogas. Then Sir William told the Indians, that as the proprietaries did not know 
whether they would chuse money or Goods for the addition of Land to Pensylvania they were 
then unprovided, but that Sir William Johnson would be answerable for the speedy payment 
of the purchase, & would propose to them either to receive it in money to be sent on the Com" 
return or in goods speedy as possible or to wait till the next spring by which time they could 
have goods better & more for the same money from England vphich was submitted to 
their determination 

As it grew late Sir William dismissed the Indians till the next day when they were to 
subscribe to the Deed of Cession & receive the consideration 

At night the cheifs came to Sir William told him that they had considered the proposals 
made by the Commissioners of Pensylvania, & preferred the receiving the purchase in Cash, 
as the speediest payment which was agreed to & security given that the same should be paid 
in Six Weeks 

Nov 5'" 

The Present being placed in public view around the Buildings within the Fort early this 
morning the whole assembled in the Area, to subscribe to the Deed & receive the consideration 

At a Congress with the several Nations Saturday Nov 5 

Present — as before. 

The Speaker after repeating what Sir had said to them on the first Belt at the^ last 
Congress said 


We thank you for what you have said & we are hopeful that you will observe your 
engagements as we mean to do on our parts ; but as this will in a great measure depend upon 
the Colonies, We now desire their Representatives here present to do every thing for preserving 
those engagem" and keeping their people in good order A Belt. 


Then repeating what was said on tlie second Belt, said 

We thank you for the advice you have given us not to listen to evil reports or lies. 


We approve of your caution and shall observe it, and we shall from time to time give us^ the 
the earliest intelligence of any such Reports & from whence they come A Belt. 

Then in answer to Gov' Francklin's Speech 


We are glad to see that Governor Francklin is so well pleased with our having bestowed 
one of our own names upon him & are well pleased [to] hear you promise that he will always 
be ready to do us justice We hope that all future Governors will act the same part. We 
acknowledge that several of our Nations now present were witnesses to the transaction at 
Easton & therefore acquit that Province of any demand and we have only to desire of him to 
follow your example in his future Conduct towards us, which will sufficiently recommend him 
and his people to our esteem A Belt 

Brother. The advice you gave us yesterday to continue firm and united and to live together 
as formerly we think it very salutary and intended for our Good. We are therefore intended 
to follow your advice shall lodge your Belt at our Fire place at Onondaga to the end that all 
our confederacy may have recourse to it & act accordingly 

The Deed to His Majesty, that to the Proprietors of Pensylvania, with that to the Traders 
being then laid on the Table were executed in the presence of the Gov' Commissioners, & the 
rest of the Gentlemen 

After which the Cheifs of each Nation received the Cash which was piled on a Table for 
that purpose and then proceeded to divide the Goods amongst their People which occupied the 
remainder of that day 

P M The Governor & Commissioners took leave and returned to their respive Provinces and 
that night Sir William took leave of the Cheifs recommending it to them to remember what 
had been then transacted & cautioning them against committing any Disorders at their 
Departure but to pack up their Goods & return home in peace & Good Order 

Sunday Nov G"- 
The Indians began to decamp & Sir William sett off on his return for Johnston Hall where 
he arrived on the ninth of that Month 

A True Copy examined by 

G Johnson Deputy Agent as Secretary. 


Deed determinimj the Boundary Line between the Whites and Indians. 

[ Plantations General, ^ y'' l"'^ 

To all to whom, These presents shall come or may concern. We the Sachems & Cheifs 
of the Six confederate Nations, and of the Shawanese, Delawares, Mingoes of Ohio and other 
Dependant Tribes on behalf of our selves and of the rest of our Several Nations the Cheifs & 
Warriors of whom are now here convened by Sir William Johnson Baronet Flis Majestys 
Superintendant of our affairs send Greeting. Whereas His Majesty was graciously pleased 
to propose to us in the year one thousand seven hundred and sixty five that a Boundary Line 
should be fixed between the English & us to ascertain & establish our Limitts and prevent 
those intrusions & encroachments of which we had so long and loudly complained and to put 
a stop to the many fraudulent advantages which had been so often taken of us in Land affairs 
which Boundary appearing to us a wise and good measure we did then agree to a part of a 
Line and promised to settle the whole finally when soever Sir William Johnson should be fully 
empowered to treat with us for that purpose And Whereas His said Majesty has at length 
given Sir William Johnson orders to compleat the said Boundary Line between the Provinces 
and Indians in conformity to which orders Sir William Johnson has convened the Cheifs & 
Warriors of our respective Nations who are the true and absolute Proprietors of the Lands in 
question and who are here now to a very considerable Number. And whereas many 
uneasinesses and doubts have arisen amongst us which have given rise to an apprehension that 
the Line may not be strictly observed on the part of the English in which case matters may 
be worse than before which apprehension together with the dependant state of some of our 
Tribes and other circumstances which retarded the Settlement and became the subject of some 
Debate Sir William Johnson has at length so far satisfied us upon as to induce us to come to 
an agreement concerning the Line which is now brought to a conclusion the whole being fully 
explained to us in a large Assembly of our People before Sir William Johnson and in the 
presence of His Excellency the Governor of New Jersey the Commissioners from the Provinces 
of Virginia and Pensilvania and sundry other Gentlemen by which Line so agreed upon a 
considerable Tract of Country along several Provinces is by us ceded to His said Majesty 
which we are induced to and do hereby ratify & confirm to His said Majesty from the 
expectation and confidence we place in His royal Goodness that he will graciously comply with 
our humble requests as the same are expressed in the speech of the several Nations addressed 
to His Majesty through Sir William Johnson on Tuesday the first of the Present Month of 
November wherein we have declared our expectation of the continuance of His Majestys 
Favour and our desire that our ancient Engagements be observed and our affairs attended to 
by the officer who has the management thereof enabling him to discharge all these matters 
properly for our Interest. That the Lands occupied by the Mohocks around their villages as 
well as by any other Nation affected by this our Cession may effectually remain to them and to 
their Posterity and that any engagements regarding Property which they may now be under 
may be prosecuted and our present Grants deemed valid on our parts with the several other 
humble requests contained in our said Speech And Whereas at the settling of the said Line 
it appeared that the Line described by His Majestys order was not extended to the Northward 
of Oswegy or to the Southward of Great Kanhawa river We have agreed to and continued 
the Line to the Northward on a supposition that it was omitted by reason of our not having 


come to any determination concerning its course at tiie Congress held in one thousand seven 
hundred and sixty five and in as much as the Line to the Northward became the most necessary 
of any for preventing encroachments at our very Towns & Residences We iiave given the 
Line more favorably to Pensylvania for the reasons & considerations mentioned in the Treaty, 
we have likewise continued it South to Cherokee River because the same is and we do declare 
it to be our true Bounds with the Southern Indians and that we have an undoubted right to 
the Country as far South as that River which makes our Cession to His Majesty much more 
advantageous than that proposed, Now therefore know ye that we the Sachems and Clieifs 
aforementioned Native Indians and Proprietors of the Lands herein after described for and in 
behalf of ourselves and the whole of our Confederacy for the considerations herein before 
mentioned and also for and in consideration of a valuable Present of the several articles in use 
amongst Indians which together with a large sum of money amounts in the whole to the sum 
of Ten thousand four Hundred and Sixty pounds seven shillings and three pence sterling to us 
now delivered and paid by Sir William Johnson Baronet His Majestys sole Agent and 
superintendant of Indian affairs for the Northern department of America in the Name and on 
behalf of our Soverreign Lord George the third by the Grace of God of Great Britain France 
and Ireland King Defender of the Faith the receipt wiiereof we do hereby acknowledge We 
tiie said Indians Have for us and our Heirs and Successors granted bargained sold released and 
confirmed and by these presents do Grant bargain sell release and confirm unto our said 
Sovereign Lord King George the third, All that Tract of Land situate in North America at the 
Back of the British Settlements bounded by a Line which we have now agreed upon and do 
hereby establish as the Boundary between us and the British Colonies in America beginning 
at the Mouth of Cherokee or Hogohege River where it emptys into the River Ohio and running 
from thence upwards along the South side of said River to Kittaning which is above Fort Pitt 
from thence by a direct Line to the nearest Fork of the west branch of Susquehanna thence 
througii the Allegany Mountains along the South side of the said West Branch untill it comes 
opposite to the mouth of a Creek callek Tiadagliton thence across the West Branch and along 
the South Side of that Creek and along the North Side of Burnetts Hills to a Creek called 
Awandae thence down the same to the East Branch of Susquehanna and across the same and 
up the East side of that River to Oswegy from thence East to Delawar River and up that 
River to opposite where Tianaderha falls into Susquehanna thence to Tianaderha and up the 
West side of its West Branch to the head thereof and thence by a direct Line to Canada 
Creek where it emptys into the wood Creek at the West of the Carrying Place beyond Fort 
Stanwix and extending Eastward from every part of the said Line as far as the Lands 
formerly purchased so as to comprehend the whole of the Lands between the said Line and 
the purchased Lands or settlements, except what is within the Province of Pensilvania, 
together with all the Hereditaments and Appurtenances to the same belonging or appertaining 
in the fullest & most ample manner and all the Estate Right Title Interest Property Possession 
Benefit claim and Demand either in Law or Equity of each & every of us of in or to the same 
or any part thereof To have and to hold the whole Lands and Premises hereby granted 
bargained sold released and confirmed as aforesaid with the Hereditaments and appurtenances 
thereunto belonging under the reservations made in the Treaty unto our said Sovereign Lord 
King George the third his Heirs & Successors to and for his and tiieir own proper use and 

With t/ie Bo l/j^DARY LlJ^Z cstihhsied 
Bth^retnchent and Ike Indians it the Tredty 
held by SWi^il/ohiJOK dt I^Sr^h^/x mMv^- 

. Corrected indl-mproved fiom£viKS Mdp^ 


come to any determination concerning its course at tiie Congress held in one tiiousand seven 
hundred and sixty five and in as much as the Line to the Northward became the most necessary 
of any for preventing encroachments at our very Towns & Residences We have given the 
Line more favorably to Pensylvania for the reasons & considerations mentioned in the Treaty, 
we have lii^ewise continued it South to Cherokee River because the same is and we do declare 
it to be our true Bounds with the Southern Indians and that we have an undoubted right to 
the Country as far South as that River which makes our Cession to His Majesty much more 
advantageous than that proposed, Now therefore know ye that we the Sachems and Clieifs 
aforementioned Native Indians and Proprietors of the Lands herein after described for and in 
behalf of ourselves and the whole of our Confederacy for the considerations herein before 
mentioned and also for and in consideration of a valuable Present of the several articles in use 
amongst Indians which together with a large sum of money amounts in the whole to the sum 
of Ten thousand four Hundred and Sixty pounds seven shillings and three pence sterling to us 
now delivered and paid by Sir William Johnson Baronet His Majestys sole Agent and 
superintendant of Indian affairs for the Northern department of America in the Name and on 
behalf of our Soverreign Lord George the third by the Grace of God of Great Britain France 
and Ireland King Defender of the Faith the receipt whereof we do hereby acknowledge We 
the said Indians Have for us and our Heirs and Successors granted bargained sold released and 
confirmed and by these presents do Grant bargain sell release and confirm unto our said 
Sovereign Lord King George the third. All that Tract of Land situate in North America at the 
Back of the British Settlements bounded by a Line which we have now agreed upon and do 
hereby establish as the Boundary between us and the British Colonies in America beginning 
at the Mouth of Cherokee or Hogohege River where it emptys into the River Ohio and running 
from thence upwards along the South side of said River to Kittaning which is above Fort Pitt 
from thence by a direct Line to the nearest Fork of the west branch of Susquehanna thence 
through the Allegany Mountains along the South side of the said West Branch untill it comes 
opposite to the mouth of a Creek callek Tiadaghton thence across the West Branch and along 
the South Side of that Creek and along the North Side of Burnetts Hills to a Creek called 
Awandae thence down the same to the East Branch of Susquehanna and across the same and 
up the East side of that River to Oswegy from thence East to Delawar River and up that 
River to opposite where Tianaderha falls into Susquehanna thence to Tianaderha and up the 
West side of its West Branch to the head thereof and thence by a direct Line to Canada 
Creek where it emptys into the wood Creek at the West of the Carrying Place beyond Fort 
Stanwix and extending Eastward from every part of the said Line as far as the Lands 
formerly purchased so as to comprehend the whole of the Lands between the said Line and 
the purchased Lands or settlements, except what is within the Province of Pensilvania, 
together with all the Hereditaments and Appurtenances to the same belonging or appertaining 
in the fullest & most ample manner and all the Estate Right Title Interest Property Possession 
Benefit claim and Demand either in Law or Equity of each & every of us of in or to the same 
or any part thereof To have and to hold the whole Lands and Premises hereby granted 
bargained sold released and confirmed as aforesaid with the Hereditaments and appurtenances 
thereunto belonging under the reservations made in the Treaty unto our said Sovereign Lord 
King George the third liis Heirs & Successors to and for his and their own proper use and 



behoof for ever In Witness whereof We the Clieifs of tlie Confederacy have hereunto set our 
marks and Seals at Fort Stanwix the fifth day of November one Thousand seven hundred 
and sixty eight in the ninth year of His Majestys Reign 

for the Mohocks 

Tyorhansere als Abraham 

for the Oneidas 



Otsinoghiyata als Bunt 



for the Tuscaroras 

for the Onondagas 

for the Cayugas 

for the Senecas 

Sealed and delivered and the consideration paid in the presence of 
W" Franklin Governor of New Jersey 
Fre. Smyth Cheif Justice of New Jersey 
Thomas Walker Commissioner for Virginia 

Richard Peters 
James Tilghman 

of the Council of Pensylvania 

[ L. s ] 

[l. s] 

[ L. S ] 
f^ [L.S.] 

[ L. S] 

The above Deed was executed in my presence at Fort Stanwix the day and year above 

W Johnson 

Vol. VIII. 



Lords of Trade to (lie Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council. 

[ New-Tork Entries, 0., 430. ] 

To the Right Honorable the Lords of the Committee of His Majesty's most Honorable 
Privy Council for Plantation Affairs. 

My Lords. 

Pursuant to your Lordships order of the 28"" of September last, we have taken into our 
consideration a letter to the Earl of Hillsborough, one of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries 
of State, from Sir Henry Moore Baronet, Governor of New York, dated June 26, relative to 
an Act passed by the Council and House of Assembly of that Province, during the course of 
the last Session, for the repeal of two Acts concerning Insolvent Debtors, to which Act the 
said Governor had refused his Assent, as being contrary to the 13"" Article of his Instructions 
forbidding the repeal of Acts passed there, altho the royal Assent had not been given to them ; 
and submitting whether in matters relating entirely to their internal policy and in which 
neither the particular interests of the Crown nor its Power and Dignity are concerned, a 
relaxation of this Instruction may not be thought proper, and be attended in many circumstances 
with benefit to the Province. Wiiereupon We beg leave to report to your Lordships : — 

That upon a representation heretofore made by the Council and Burgesses of Virginia 
wherein amongst other matters they pray that His Majesty's Governor may be permitted to 
give his assent to all such Acts as may alter or repeal any others which have not received His 
Majesty's Approbation, and which relate only to the people of that Colony, wherein the Royal 
prerogative or the trade of Great Britain shall not be affected ; this Board did in their report 
of the 20"' of May 1761, give it as their opinion that the restrictions contained in His Majesty's 
instructions to his Governors of all the plantations and from which the Colony of Virginia 
then desired to be relieved, were proper and necessary, as a general rule, and that it was by 
no means advisable to take away or even relax any of them. As we see no reasons which 
have since occurred for departing from this opinion and advice of our predecessors in office, 
we have hereunto annexed so much of the above mentioned Report as relates to the case in 
point, and beg leave to refer your Lordships thereunto We are, My Lords 
Your Lordships most obedient 

and most humble Servants 

SOAME Jenyns 
J. Dyson. 
Whitehall W"* Fitzherbert 

Nov'' 22. 1768. Thomas Robinson. 

Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore. 

[ New- York, CLX. ] 


Whitehall, December the lO"- 1768. 

I have had the honor to receive, and lay before the King, your Letters to me N» 26, 27 & 28. 
and have it in command to signify to you the satisfaction it gives His Majesty to find, that His 


gracious approbation of tlie Act for quarteriiic; the Troops is likely to be so well received, and 
to be considered, as it realty is, as a mark of His Majesty's paternal regard for the true Interest 
of His Colony of New York. 

The Embarrassment which you state in your Letter N° 27. to have arisen from some doubts 
in the Council as to the Construction of the Order for ascertaining the Boundary Line between 
New York and Quebec, will I trust have been removed long before this Letter reaches you. 

The slightest revision of your Letter upon that subject will shew, that it answers itself as to 
the point upon whicli you desire an explanation; for, if the claims of the English, whilst France 
was in possession of Canada, extended to the River St. Lawrence, it is evident that all the 
Lands lying to the South, or on the New York side of the Boundary Line fall within 
the Regulation prescribed in the latter part of tiiat Order, and the case therefore which you 
state is fully provided for, 

I have by His Majesty's command laid before the Lords of Trade your Letter concerning M"" 
White recommended to be of the Council, and their Lordships have thought fit to propose to 
His Majesty that M' White should be appointed to that station so that there will be 12. 
Members, exclusive of the Lieutenant Governor, as is the Rule and Practice in respect to the 
Councils of some other Colonies. 

I am fcc'"" 
. ' Hillsborough 

Governor Moore to the Earl of Ilillslorough. 

[New-York Topers, Bundle Kr., No. 52.] 

New York. 16 Dec"- 17GS. 
My Lord. 

As I have always thought it my duty not only to give His Maj'^"' Ministers information of 
every thing wiiich passed here, but also to lay before them any plans I could form for the 
benefit of the Province under my care, I hope that the proposal I now take upon me to make 
to your Lordf in this letter may be looked on in no other light than the effect of that zeal 
wh'^'" should animate every officer in His Maj'?"' service to merit the Royal approbation. 

The Communication between this Province and Canada has been hitherto chiefly kept up 
by the various military posts which have been established ; as many of these have been or 
will shortly be reduced. My intention was to obviate the difficulties under which we must of 
course be laid by this reduction by substituting some other means of keeping open this 
communication, which would not be attended with the expence to which all military 
establishments are liable. For this purpose I apprehend that the building of a Town at Crown 
Point on Lake Champlain on the plan I have here enclosed, will be attended with many 
advantages to the Province, and that His Maj'^"' service will also be particularly benefitted by 
it. The Lands on both sides of lake Champlain and extending from thence many miles to 
the southward, have been granted chieftly to reduced officers and disbanded soldiers, who had 
served in America, in obedience to His Maj'''^ Proclamation in the year 1763. These lands 
are not charged with any Quit rents, for the Qrst ten years after the Grant, the consequence of 
which is, that great part of them still remain uncultivated, and will continue so for some 


years to come, unless proper steps are taken to encourage the settlements there. The Town 
now proposed at Crown Point would induce the Proprietors of those lands to clear and 
improve them, for the immediate advantages they would reap by their situation; the lots of 
Land in the Town should be granted on the easiest terms, to whose who would build, and if 
some particular priviledges we to be given to them for the first seven or ten years, so great a 
number of people would be drawn together, as would contribute greatly to settling all that 
part of the Country, and by making roads on the side of the Lake remove one great difficulty 
we labour under at present in having no other communication with Canada but by water, for 
this is interrupted twice every year, in the beginning of the winter when the Ice begins to 
form, and in the spring when it is breaking up, during wh''' time no assistance could be given 
to them or had from thence in' the distresses of either province or any intestine commotions 
should require it. The Plans now offered to your Lord? were drawn by M"" Adolphus BentzelP 
who has been employed as an assistant Engineer here during the last war, and as his residence 
since that time has been mostly at Crown Point, no one is better able to give your Lord? an 
Account of that part of the Country, for which reason I have desired that he would deliver 
them himself, that he may at the same time have an opportunity of giving any information 
which maybe thought necessary; I have had the honor once before of mentioning AP Bentzell 
in my letter to the Lords Commiss" for Trade and Plantations dated January 10"" 1767 as 
acting under a Commission I had given him to prevent the destruction of the Pine Trees 
reserved for the Navy in those part[s], as we had no person in this Prov" at that time who was 
impowered by any authority from England. This Commission M' Bentzell executed very 
faithfully and with great trouble and inconvenience to himself, though at the same time he 
was well informed that it was not in my power to annex to it any fee or Reward. I have the 
honor to be with the greatest respect, My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most obedient and 

humble servant. 

H : MooEE. 

N° 6. 

Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Ilillshorough. 

[ Plantations General, No. 6. ] 

My Lord 

On my return from Fort Stanwix I had the honour to receive your Lordships of 13"' of August 
(N» 5) with the enclosures concerning the application to His Majesty for a grant of Copper 
Mines near Lake Superior directing me to make Enquirys concerning the same, to which I 
should have paid all due obedience sooner, but the pacquets and dispatches I had to make up, 
and the multiplicity of Affairs I had to order & regulate in consequence of the late Treaty. 

' Sie. if. 

' Adolphcs Benzel, son of Archbishop Benzel, of Upsal, in Sweden, came to America in 1749 antl settled at Wilmington, 
Del., where he inarriea in 17fi2; he was promoted to a Lieutenancy in the 2d battalion of the 1st Foot, or Royals, 2d January, 
1757, then serving in America. He left the army in 1770, having been appointed on the recommendation, among others, of 
the Swedish Ambassador at London, to be inspector of His MajeHly's woods and forests and unappropriated land's on Lake 
Champlain and in Canada, at a salary of C.JOO sterling, besides traveling expenses, and as many deputies as he chose. — E». 


T now proceed to consider the Subject of your Lordships letter and the papers therewith 
transmitted, and first as to the ore. — I have long since been well assured that there is not only a 
large quantity of Copper ore in the environs of Lake Superior, but that on trials made on samples 
of it (some of which I have seen) it has been found extraordinary good and rich. 1 likewise 
about tiiree years ago saw an Estimate of the Expence of taking up and transporting &c" the 
most accessible of that ore, of which I am well assured there are to all appearance entire Rocks 
but this estimate which I've unluckily mislaid, was to the best of my recollection founded on 
the expectation that it would continue to be obtained with verry great ease, and that it could be 
transported, refined Scc'^ at rates which from the encreased value of labour &c'' in Canada since 
the reduction of that country may now be much doubted, admitting that the veins of ore 
would continue equally rich & accessible. — I have likewise understood that the Indians 
themselves would at a verry trifling rate procure large quantitys of it, to which I may answer 
that the Indians are ^ lazy people, naturally enemies to labour, and therefore it is much to 
be doubted whether interesting them in it would be attended with advantage, altho the Indians 
of that Country can be satisfied on much more reasonable terms than those who are more 
accustomed to receive favours from the Europeans, particularly the French. — I have also heard 
that some persons in Canada did formerly bring away a good deal of Ore from thence, & that 
tiiey lost by it, but whether this was owing to the expence of bringing it down or to bad 
management I can't say. The River Ottawa being obstructed by 42 portages small & great 
would much retard and enhance the transportation of so heavy an article & give place to the 
carrying it by the Lakes as the most eligible, notwithstanding the latter are at some seasons 
verry uncertain and the navigation often tedious, the length and severity of the winters at Lake 
Superior will likewise require consideration both with regard to the provision to be made for 
those that should remain there, and for their cattle & beasts of burthen, and the verry low wages 
of battoemen and all labourers in the time of the French when compared with the usual hire, 
at this time, is also a matter that should be attended to. 

I come now to consider what effect it might have as to His Majesty's Interests with respect 
to the Indians, touching this, I am of opinion, that if the object in view is deemed worthy the 
pursuit, It cannot hereafter be prejudicial to His Majesty's Interests with the Indians, provided 
tiieir consent is first obtained, that the utmost care is taken to prevent their being wronged, or 
•ill treated by any concerned and that no settlement be undertaken, or lands cultivated beyond 
what is barely necessary ( and this too with their previous consent ) until the times become 
more favourable, all which may be effectually prevented by the residence of an Officer of the 
Indian Department, on the part of the Crown & by such instructions & authorities to 
the Superintendant or such other officer of the Crown as is most likely to remove any cause 
of complaint, & afford them justice, and for the farther satisfaction of the Indians, & removing 
any suspicions they might entertain from the conduct of any of the Companys residents or 
servants there, that an appeal might lye before the superintendant, or such officer as the Crown 
should direct. 

With regard to the next consideration as to the proper means to induce their agreement to 
such Establishments as would be necessary for obtaining the advantages stated to arise from 
the proposals as I understand it, the principal advantages that may be expected depend 
upon the value and importance of good Mines rich in Copper, as any advantages to His Majesty's 
Interests with the Indians resulting from the Proposals must be the eflect of time, & will 
Solely depend upon the good conduct, civil treatment & strict integrity of the Company's 


Factors, who if they can he expected to concurr in so doing will douhtless hy degrees acquire 
the esteem of the Indians, and give them favourable prepossessions of the English, to which the 
adding some small presents occasionally, or making it in some measure their interest would 
greatly contribute, but this must be as yet meerly matter of speculation & uncertainty. — On 
the other hand, the neighbouring nations who are not interested in any advantages which 
those of Lake Superior may be supposed to enjoy will probably prejudice them as much as 
possible against it, & use endeavours from time to time to distress tlie Company in which they 
may be sometimes successfull, for it is most certain that the jealousy of the Indians augments 
as we encrease, and however they may outwardly appear reconciled to such settlements, they 
consider everry Beginning of ours in a verry dangerous light, & are thereby led to commit 
acts of violence before they allow us sufficient time to manifest by a series of good treatment 
the purity of our intentions. — I judge it my duty to remark what may happen. At the same 
time I am of opinion that provided the object is worthy attention, and ihat the distance from 
the sea, with y* other obstructions & expences attending it do not render the plan unprofitable 
a circumstance on which I cannot positively decide. The Indians may be reconciled to tlie 
opening & working those mines, and that if strict care be taken to do them justice in 
the manner I have already proposed without any attempts to private settlements or insisting 
upon Charter Rights as conveying property of soil, there is a prospect of it's being enjoyed in 
security; and that to obtain their consents, the Cheifs of those Nations interested should be 
assembled when the whole should be laid before them without disguise, or making any 
promises but such as could'& would be fully performed, and that on giving them a present, & 
obtaining their consent some persons of interest amongst them should accompany those who 
are to prosecute the design, and carrying^ the plan into execution, the future success of which 
must depend upon the manner in which it is conducted, and upon the temper of the Indians. 

I could have wished it were in my power to have more diligently enquired & to have offerred 
more particular remarks regarding this proposal, but when it is known that I have scarcely 
had a moments leisure from the number & importunity of Indians since my return last month 
from the Treaty at Fort Stanwix, I persuade myself I shall be in some measure excusable, 
should it appear that I have not been able to give it all the attention that was necessary, and 
as I was desireous of complying as soon as possible with His Majesty's orders by offering my 
thoughts upon the matter, which with the hopes of your Lordship's favourable indulgence I 
now humbly submit to [His Majesty's] = consideration. 

I have the honour to be 

with the most profound respect, 
My Lord, 

Johnson Hall Your Lordship's 

Decb' 23" 1768. most obedient & most 

Devoted Humble servant, 

The Right Honourable the Earl of Hillsborougli. W. Johnson. 

' carry. Juhmon Manmcripts, xvii. ' Ibid. — Ed. 


Governor Moore to the Earl of Il'dhhorough. 

[ New-York Tapers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXI. ] 

New York. 4. January 17G9. 
My Lord. 

I am very sorry to inform your Lord? that I have been under a necessity of puting an end 
to the late Assembly by a dissolution. My duty would not permit me to pass over unregarded 
the extraordinary resolves the house of Assembly had entered on their Journals, and I have 
here inclosed a copy of them together with a speech I made to them on the occasion. I did 
once flatter myself that moderate measures would have been pursued throughout the whole 
session, but a small Faction has found means to intimidate the rest of the members, & brought 
on this dissolution contrary to the General opinion or intention of the greater part of 
the Members. 

In order to explain this, I must inform your Lord? that the remains of that licentious Rabble 
who during our late disorders, called themselves the Sons of Liberty, had formed a design soon 
• after, the meeting of the Assembly to disturb the tranquility of the City by carrying the 
effigies of certain persons thro' the Town in procession, and afterwards burning thempubiicly; 
the Magistrates of the City exerted themselves so much on this occasion, that it could not for 
some time be carried into execution, but their vigilance was at length eluded, & while they 
were assembled in one quarter of the Town expressly for this purpose, the project was 
executed in a hasty manner in another, and the contrivers made their escape with so much 
precipitation, that the Constables could not be informed of their design time enough to secure 
any of the persons concerned in it. A pompous account of tiiis was printed in one of our weekly 
papers, and any one would suppose by the relation there given, that the greatest part of the 
City was concerned in it, but this proceeding having been disavowed by the Inhabitants, 
the Mayor published a true relation of the transaction, which shew'd that it was done by a few 
of the lowest people, & by surprize. I immediately upon this attempt being made, issued 
a proclamation offering a Reward for the discovery of the Authors of tiiis project; and on my 
acquainting the Assembly of it by a Message received their thanks for what I had done, and 
an Address which is set forth in the SO"" page of the printed Journals which accompany this 
letter. Your Lord? will see in the preceeding page of these Journals how few advocates 
this Riot, had, by the division of the house on the Address, & I make no doubt be surprised 
that five Members of any Assembly whatsoever could be found in any part of the King's 
Dominions, who should be so weak, to declare against the support of Government and good 
order in the Town where they lived. When this design had so evidently failed, a sett of 
Instructiou's to the Citty Members were drawn up, and carried about the Town to be signed. 
Most of the Inhabitants of any consideration, refused to set their names to it, but a number of 
the lower sort were procured who did, and your Lord? may easily imagine, what the tenor 
of such Instruct"" and dictated by such heads must be; however, these were constantly held 
up to view, and as the greatest part of the Assembly is composed of plain well meaning Men, 
whose notions from their education, are extremely confined, their fears of being exposed to 
the contempt of their Countrymen for not joining in what were called constitutional measure, 
and their apprehensions of being particularly pointed out as Enemies to their Country, engaged 
them in measures which they never wished to see adopted, but had not resolution enough to 


oppose, for the reasons I have just mentioned, notwithstanding they had a considerable mnjority 
in the house. The same Faction was particularly instrumental in keeping up a heat in the 
House which would not otherwise have prevailed, and upon entring the resolves on their 
Journals proposed to make them still stronger by an addition to the third Resolve, as if they 
were apprehensive that there was not sufficient offence already given in the former part of it, 
but this was rejected by the house and the division on the question may be seen at the bottom 
of the 74"" page of the Journals. Towards the conclusion of the Session they shewed plainly 
what their real intentions were, by opposing the support Bill, without any cause being assigned 
for such a proceeding, as will appear by the Divison on the 69"" page of their Journals, and I 
am very clear in my own opinion, that the present misconduct of the Assembly is intirely 
attributed to their violent measures. 

On Saturday the 31" of December, on my sending for the house to pass some Bills, the 
inclosed resolves were put on their Journals. On my receiving them from their Clerk on 
Sunday morning, I immediately sent out orders for summoning His Maj'^'^ Council to meet 
before whom I laid the resolves on the morning of the next day ; the minutes of that day are 
likewise here inclosed, and about six o'clock in the same evening I dissolved the Assembly. 
I could have wished that I had been better supported on this occasion by the Council, for your 
Lord? will see, that of the eight Members, wh'^'" were present that day, the voices were 
equally divided, and could I have had their concurrence for the dissolution, I am perswaded 
that it would have given such a blow to the Faction, as would have been attended with the 
most favourable consequences to the Colony. Being disappointed of that aid which I required 
& expected from them, I took the matter upon myself, and as I had spared no pains during the 
course of the Session to point out to the Assembly the Rock they would split on, and laid 
the Acts of Parliament before them as soon as I saw on their Journals, that a Committee was 
appointed to draw up Constitutional resolves, I cannot charge myself with having omitted the 
least circumstance which could give them information of the danger into which they were 
running; I therefore thought, I was called upon by the duty of my Commission to Act in the 
manner I have done, and shall be extremely happy if my conduct on this occasion meets with 
His Majesty's approbation. 

I have the honor to be with the greatest respect 
My Lord, 

Your LordP' most obedient 

and humble servant 

H: Moore 

Eai'l of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson. 

t PlantatloM General, COLY., No. 8. ] 
(N" 8) 

Whitehall 4"' Jafiry 1769 
Sir, ^ 

I have received your Dispatches N» 4 & 5 and have laid them before the King. 

His Majesty has observed with great satisfaction the judgement and zeal you have in general 
testified in his service, and particularly the activity you have shewn in the important business 
of the Boundary line. 


The King wishes however that you had not allowed the Six Nations to discover that we 
entertained any doubt of their right to the country South of the Kanaway River, as it appears 
from your letter tliat to tliis circumstance & to this alone, it was owing that you was induced 
to depart from the Boundary line, directed by tiie Report of the Lords Commissioners for 
Trade & Plantations, which upon the whole, after much consideration, had been determined 
upon political and commercial principles to be the most desireable one, and to which by His 
Majesty's commands you was instructed to adhere ; for besides that the deviation from that 
line is contrary to the opinion of His Majesty's Servants on this side, and the obtaining so 
large an additional tract of land in that part of the continent is considered by them as 
productive only of disadvantage and embarrassment, the worst of it is, that it will not only 
probably produce jealousy and disatisfaction amongst the Cherokees, but will also tend to 
undo and throw into confusion those settlements and agreements for the other part of the 
Boundary Line, which the Superintendent for the Southern Department has concluded so ably 
& so precisely according to his Instructions 

I have receiv^ed His Majesty's commands to lay your letters, the proceedings at the Congress, 
and the Deed which was the result of them, and also the Dispatches received from the 
Superintendent of the Southern Department relative to the Boundary line, before the Board 
of Trade, in order that their Lordships may take the whole into their consideration & report 
to His Majesty their opinion what measures it may be now proper to take. In the mean time 
I can venture to assure you that if you can fall upon any method still to settle the Line 
according to your Instructions, it would be very satisfactory to His Majesty ; and it appears 
to me that this might be done in such a manner, with regard to the Six Nations as to make 
them understand that His Majesty declines to accept of the large additional cession they wish 
to make to Him out of His paternal tenderness and affection to them and their posterity and 
not from any doubt he entertains of their right to the lands. 

The unwarrantable conduct of the French and Spaniards, with regard to His Majesty's 
Indians, deserves the most serious attention and will receive the fullest consideration, and I doubt 
not that you will continue to exert the most watchfull vigilance to discover all further 
attempts of that nature, as well as to prevent their pernicious effects, and give me the earliest 
intelligence of any such discoveries, in order to be laid before His Majesty. 

I do entirely agree with you in opinion as to the Advantages that would have resulted from 
adopting the more extensive plan of Superintendency proposed in the year 1765; but having 
fully explained to you, in my letter of the 12"" of October last, the necessity there was of 
conforming ourselves to a more limited plan, it is unnecessery either for you or me to say any 
more upon that subject; but I am commanded by the King to assure you, that you shall have 
every support and protection in the execution of your office, as far as its present authority 
extends, not doubting but that, under your direction, it will have the happy effect to produce 
benefits of very great national Importance. 

I am &c. 

Sir W"" Johnson Bar' Hillsborough 

Vol. VilL 


Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborougli. 

[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXI. ] 

New York. 7 January 1769. 
My Lord, 

I should have acknowledged, by the preceeding Packet, the honour you did me in your letter 
of the 9"" of July to Sir Henry Moore, of which he sent me an extract of what relates to me ; 
had he not delayed to inform me so long, that I did not receive the extract till the day after 
the Mail was closed ; tho' from the date of your Lord^'s letter he must have received it four 
or five weeks before that time. 

I have never given Sir Henry the least personal offence since his arrival in his Govern', and 
yet his conduct with respect to my obtaining a recompence for my losses, from the Assembly, 
has been such that I cannot imagine from whence should arise that part of your LordP's letter, 
wherein you direct him persevere in his recommendation of my case to the Assembly. He 
has been entirely influenced by the popular party which I thought it my duty to oppose. 
He refused formerly to send in my account of Losses to the Assembly, tho' I informed him 
that it had been always customary for the Gov' to send in by Message from himself such 
accounts, as he recommended to be paid, and that the Assembly expected he should do so. 

On the 24"" of last Month, he sent in my ace' of arrears of salary, and losses by the Mob in 
1765., with a Message, recommending the payment, but without the least mention of his 
having received any directions for that purpose. At their next meeting after Xmas, the 
Assembly agreed to pay my full arrears of Salary, but made no resolution as to the payment 
of my losses. The reason I am told was, that, some objected, that I had put the Province 
to a great expence in having the Cannon on the Batteries unspiked, which I had ordered to 
be spiked up. All the Artillery of the Army which had not been brought into the Fort, were 
spiked up at the same time. Your LordP knows, I could give no direction for that purpose. 
The Cannon on the Batteries would have been unspiked, in the same manner that the Artillery 
of the Army was, whenever it should be thought prudent, without any expence to the Province ; 
but the Assembly took the direction of the Cannon on the Batteries on themselves and ordered 
them to be unspiked. 

Your LordP can judge whether it be for the interest of Great Brittain that the Officers of the 
Crown in the Colonies, depend on the Assemblies for every recompence and Reward of their 
services. I have the satisfaction in mind, that I had during my Administration, my duty in 
obeying the King's instructions and the welfare of the Province, only at heart; and I am 
confident, no instance can be given of my acting otherwise. The sentiments which by your 
LordP'* letter to Sir H. Moore, his Maj'^ entertains of my past conduct, does me the greatest 
honour, and gives me the greatest pleasure I am capable of receiving. 

As the Gov"' has dissolved the Assembly, no doubt you will receive from him an account of 
their conduct. It may however be proper to inform your Lord?, that the City of New York is 
now divided into two parties, which violently oppose each other. One consisting of the new 
Members chosen into the last Assembly, and the other supposed to be favoured by the Gov''; 
both sides had the preserving their popularity in view. It is supposed this opposition will 
c6ntinue at the ensuing election. 


I am extremely sensible of your Lord?'' favour and it shall be my constant endeavour to 
demonstrate by every thing in my power with how much gratitude 1 am, My Lord, 

Your most obedient & faithful serv' 

Cadwallader Golden 

Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-Tork Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXI. ] 

New York. 20 January 1769. 
My Lord, 

The Acts passed during the late Session of Assembly are now preparing to be transmitted to 
your LordP with all possible expedition. On my informing the house of His Majesty's 
instruction relative to the insertion of the Words " in the West Indies " in the Act for granting 
the several duties and impositions on goods ettc imported into this Prov""", it was readily 
complyed with and the alteration made. But my suspicions in regard to the Militia Bill were 
soon confirmed, and the Bill entirely drop'd after having been once read. 

The division of the County of Albany did not take place, neither can I very well ascertain 
the reasons which prevented it. No objection was made to the Bill in the form pointed out in 
your LordP'' letter to me, and it was brought into the house, without any mention being made 
of the right of chusing Members, which priviledge was entirely left with the Crown. The 
contested Elections at the beginning of the session took up much lime, which might have been 
better employed, and a sudden period was put to all business then before the house, by the 
dissolution which took place soon after the resolves were entered on their Journals ; had this 
not been the case in a probability the Bill might have passed, but it would at the same time 
have laid me under a new difficulty, as the Tract of Country now in question is of so great 
extent, that it was proposed by the Bill to divide it into three separate and distinct Counties, 
and the Bill would have passed in that form. The permission, which His Maj"" had given by 
Your LordP's letter of issuing a writ of Election being confined only to one additional County, 
I could not take upon me to do any thing till further orders, as an equal distribution of favour 
would be expected from the Crown in granting the same priviledges to both the New Counties, 
whereas his Maj'^'' Commands had been only signified in regard to one. 

Our Elections are now carrying on with great warmth, and as I apprehend that I shall be 
under a necessity of calling the new Assembly together, sooner than the usual time of their 
meeting, on account of some additional provision to be made for the Troops, 1 hope I shall have 
the honor of receiving some further Instructions in regard to what I have here mentioned 
concerning the division of the County of Albany. 

I have the honor, ettc. 

H Moore. 


Governor Moore to the Earl of HilUhorovgh. 

{ New-Tork Papers C S. P. 0. ) CLXI.] 

New York. 21. January 1769. 
My Lord, 

Immediately upon receipt. of His Majesty's orders for the admission of M' Hugh Wallace and 
M' James de Lancey into the Council of this Province, in the room of M'' Walton and M'' 
Alexander, the members of the Council were convened, and M'' Wallace took the oaths and his 
seat at the Board, but M' de Lancey declined the honour that His Maj'^ had intended him, & 
after declaring before the Council, that he could not accept of the appointment, withdrew 
without any further ceremony, nor was there any reason given either by himself or his friends 
for such a proceeding. I have the honor of returning to your Lord? here inclosed, the Royal 
mandamus in favour of M'' de Lancey, and must leave to that Gentleman the explanation of so 
singular a conduct, as I should be extremely embarassed to determine what extraordinary 
engagements he could possibly have entered into, which ceuld be either incompatible with his 
duty to his Maj'^, or inconsistent with his attendance on the service of his Country at the Council 
Board ; I hope that I shall have your LordP's pardon for what I am now going to say in favour 
of my former recommendation, and that the anxiety of mind I am under, lest I should be 
supposed to have recommended an improper person, may plead my excuse, for troubling your 
LordP with any thing further on this head. My connections in point of acquaintance and 
private friendship with M' Rob' Livingston, in whose favour I had wrote, are by no means so 
strong as with many Gentlemen in this Province, whose names I have never mentioned to 
your LordP, and the following are the true reasons of the preference given to him on this 
occasion. He is a branch of the most considerable family in this Prov" ; his father (who is 
very far advanced in years) possessed of a very great landed Estate, which will come to him 
undivided, as he is an only son. He is married to the richest Heiress in this Country whose 
Father is likewise very old and infirm ; so, that in all human probability he must very shortly 
be the greatest Landholder without any exception, in this province ; the very large Estate which 
must center in. him, cannot fail of giving him great weight here, and puts it very much in his 
power to support Govern', which all my letters to His Majty's Ministers have shewed to be 
very weak and to stand much in need of every assistance which can be obtained. M' 
Livingston is a Member of the Church of England as by Law established, & very well affected 
to His Maj"''» person and Govern'. He is at this time one of thp Judges of the Supreme Court, 
and has there given frequent proofs of his abilities to serve his Country. He has likewise been 
for several years a Member of the House of Assembly, where I must acknowledge myself 
indebted to him, for his readiness and assistance in some difficulties I laboured under during 
the troubles I was engaged in, on my first arrival here, and from the whole tenor of his conduct 
I thought he deserved recommendation I had given him, being at this time fully perswaded 
that if he had been a Member of the Council during the last Session of Assembly I sh"" have 
been better supported than I was by that Board, when the resolves of the late Assembly were 
laid before them, which brought on the dissolution. Thus much My Lord, I thought myself 
bound to say, from the apprehensions I was under that M'' Livingston's character had been 
misrepresented, & that I had fallen under the censure that of having wrote in favour of a person 
undeserving His Maj'^'' notice, but I hope that I shall never be thought to have merited such 


an accusation, but that on the contrary it will appear, that my zeal for His Maj'^'' service, has 
directed and influenced every article of my conduct, since I have been honor'd with the Chief 
command here. 

Upon M' De Lancey's refusal of a seat at the Council Board, M'' Henry White' made another 
application to me, but I have already given my opinion concerning him so fully, that I shall not 
trespass any further on your LordP's time. 

I have tiie honor to be with the greatest respect. 
My Lord 

Your LordP'' most obedient 

and humble servant 

H: INIoouE 

Oovernor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-York Papers ( 8. P. 0. ) CLXI. ] 

New York 27 January 1759. 
My Lord. 

Several Inhabitants of this Province being desirous of making settlements on the lands ceded 
by the Indians in the late Treaty, have made application for them in the manner directed by 
His Maj'y'* Instruction, but a difficulty we are at present under has prevented their requests 
being granted. Out of the vast Tract of Lartd ceded by the Indians to the Crown of Great 
Brittain, a very inconsiderable portion of it has fallen to the share of this province, as the 
partition line has not been carried farther to the Northward than the Mohawk River, and at that 
place not above three or four miles to the Westward of a grant of Land made so long ago as in 
1708, as a considerable sum of money has been paid by the Crown to the Indians at the late 
Congress, it is humbly requested that His Majesty's pleasure may be made known in regard 
to the conditions, on which the Lands are to be granted. If the Grantees are to be called on by 
the Govern' for a reimbursement of the sums expended for the settling of this line, in the same 
proportion they would have paid in case the lands had been purchased by them of the Indians, 
the share they would pay, would be so inconsiderable and bear so little proportion to the whole, 
that it would not be worth attending to; on the other hand settlement made on the Frontiers 
and so distant from the capital are attended with so many difficulties, that any increase of the 
necessary and common expences, will effectually discourage those who are willing to engage in 
them from all farther proceeding and drive them to another part of the Country. The inclosed 
sketch was sent to me by Sir William Johnson, in order to be laid before the house of 

' Henkt ■White was a commissary in the British service and a prominent merchant in ITew-York, and was one of the 
consignees of the Tea sent to that city. He was sworn of the Council on the 8th March, 1769, and continued a member 
of thit body until 1783, when he returned to England. His estate was confiscated in 1779. In 1755 Mr. W. married Eve, 
daughter of Frederick and grand-daughter of Jacobus Van Cortlandt Frederick C, one of the sons, was appointed in 1781, 
an ensign in the 64th regiment of Foot, then serving in America, and ultimately rose to be a general in tlie army. John, 
another son, was a rear-admiral in the Royal Navy. Mrs. White died in New-York in 1836, at the advanced age of 99. 
Her daughter Ann married Sir John Hays, and Margaret married Peter J. Munro, a distiDguished member of the New-York 
bar, and one of the framers of the late Constitution of this State. Sabine's Am. Loyalists ; De Peyster'e Genealogy. — Ed. 


Assembly and only shews so much of the line as relates to this Province. Pennsylvania is now 
bounded on the North by the East and West line drawn from Owegy to the Delaware, but the 
lands to the Northward of that line do not fall into this Province, as was expected, but we are 
still confined to our old boundary the Delaware for many miles, and the line is continued up 
the course of that River to the Northward till it comes to that spot which is due south from the 
Mouth of the Tienaderha^ Creek, which falls into the Susquehanna ; a due North line is then 
drawn to the Mouth of that Creek, and continued up its course to the head of it, and from 
thence by a straight course to the Mouth of Canada Creek, where it terminates. Your Lord? 
will see on inspecting this draught, that in this Province we are rather sufferers than gainers 
by this settlement, as we shall now be confined by a line fixed in so solemn a manner, at no 
great distance from our Lands already patented, and to have it our power to extend farther to 
the Westward; whereas the necessities of the Indians were constantly obliging them to make 
sale of their Lands for their support, which of course, would extend our Frontier and drive 
them back further into the Country. 

I have the honor to be with the greatest respect 
My Lord. 

Your LordP's most obedient 

and humble servant 

H: Moore 

Sir William Johnson to ike Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ Plantations General, CCLV., No. 1. ] 

Johnson Hall Feby IS"" 1769. 
My Lord, 

Since my last of Decb"^ 23'^ N" 6. I have had the honour to receive your Lordship's letter N° 6 
in answer to mine N° 2. containing His Majesty's commands that I should make out some 
certain Estimate of what I thought the Department might require in order to the determining 
whether any greater sum should be allowed than that recommended by the Board of Trade. 
And that in the mean time the annual expence should not exceed that sura. The first is already 
done as I long since transmitted a short estimate for that purpose to General Gage, who 
informs me that the same is now before His Majesty. The second is in part and will verry 
soon be entirely complied with by the total removal of the Commissaries & all other Officers 
of the Department at the out posts & frontiers, but as on the first receipt of the plan for the 
reform it was judged most adviseable by the General and myself that the Provinces should 
have some little time to consider in what manner they should carry that part relating to Trade 
into execution, as the withdrawing those Officers abruptly without any to supply their places, 
would beyond all doubt have proved of verry ill consequences; It was not till the receipt of 
your Lordships letter of the 12"" of October that we could withdraw them, and some must 
of necessity remain until the Lakes & Rivers are open. — I am extremely happy to find'tbat 
those remarks which I humbly offered on the subject of the Reform have been honoured w"" 

' See note 2, mpra, p. 123. — Ed. 


His Majesty's attention, it would much exceed the bounds of a letter to enter minutely into so 
multifarious a subject, or to point out the various arguments that might be brought in proof of 
the weight of any remarks, whatever I have presumed to offer in that way was perfectly 
disinterested & arose from a conviction of their necessity. 

The arrangements pointed out in your Lordships letter of April last were in my opinion 
judiciously calculated to answer their object which to me appeared to be the releiving the 
Kingdom from a large expence by transferring the management of Trade to the several Colonies 
on a supposition that these Colonies would do everry thing necessary therein, but if my 
experience in these matters here joined to my opertunitys of knowing the state of Indian Affairs 
at this time gave me reason to apprehend that the wise measures of Government were liable 
to be frustrated, or would not be carried on, so as to answer their good Intentions, or the 
Publick Security, I thought it my Duty to offer my thoughts to avoid a charge of remissness 
in a matter of so much moment. 

My Lord I would willingly avoid any reflection on the people here especially those amongst 
them whose errors may be imputed to ignorance of the consequence & importance of a 
subject laid before them. But when your Lordship considers the Character, Disposition & 
Practice of those who grant money for public service in America, it will not appear new or 
extraordinary to suppose that they will not see the necessity of being at any expence adequate 
to the importance of the subject, I could have recourse to undoubted authorities to prove their 
extreme parsimony and backwardness on the most alarming occasions, when their all was at 
stake, but I persuade myself that enough of this is known to justify my apprehensions 
concerning their conduct in matters which appear of less consequence, on the subject of which, 
they are in general totally ignorant, and will of course judge the necessary (or perhaps any) 
expence as needless, it is my duty to represent this, as it may in its consequences affect the 
Crown. — I gave Sir Harry Moore a sketch of my regulations for the Trade, & the last 
Instructions to my Officers on that head, who laid it before his Assembly, And they have as I 
am since informed done nothing therein farther than to recommend the consideration thereof 
to the Albany Representatives. I likewise conversed on the subject with the Governours of 
New Jersey & Pensilvania. And from all that I can hear, there is litttle prospect that the 
Assemblys will do what may have been expected from them on this subject. Thus my Lord, 
it stands at present. Whatever resolutions they may take I shall do all in my power to second 
& promote them, but I found that the Dutys expected from the Colonies are so complicated 
with many others, & the execution of them, so uncertain, that I fully persuade myself your 
Lordship will pardon me for the liberty I have taken in declaring my thoughts as to the 
Event. — If the Duty of Commissaries could be dispensed with until the Provinces make some 
provision for Officers of that kind. The smiths & interpreters appear always wanting, & the 
interests of the Crown require that the latter in particular should be under the direction of its 
own Officers. — Any apology for the liberty I have taken in these matters will be needless, as 
I rely entirely on your Lordship's Indulgence to the motives of duty & fidelity which have 
produced them. 

As to the Boundary & Purchase from the Indians, as I lost no time in calling together the 
several Nations necessary after the receipt of my orders It was not in my power to act 
otherwise than I did, as from all the Intelligence I could procure. It was deemed the intention 
of the Crown to purchase the soil in all the Royal Govern", had it been otherwise I beleive it 
would have appeared, that the adjustment of the Quotas of the respective Colonies with their 


local views & interests, if they became the purchasers, would have greatly retarded the 
proceeding, & possibly have rendered the Congress abortive, which must have greatly incensed 
the Indians who were assembled from a great distance for that purpose, The Indians did 
for the most part desire that a Line should be settled, to which the prospect of a large present 
was no inconsiderable motive, but as I observed in a former letter the length of time from its 
being first proposed 'till the final orders for it's settlement, created so many doubts amongst 
them, and gave such opertunity to evil minded persons to misrepresent it, that the Indians were 
verry far from being so unanimous as at first, and the Variety of difficulties arose, on which 
occasion I did the best I could for the Interests of the Crown, and I persuade myself that on 
due consideration of these difficulties, & of the value & great extent of the Cession beyond 
what had been ever claimed by us in right of purchase, it will appear to be a verry reasonable 
consideration, and in order that the Crown might be reimbursed give me leave to suggest to 
your Lordship, that an Instruction to the Governours of the Royal Colonies, directing that all 
future grants within such Cession be liable to a fine, suppose ten pounds sterling for each 
thousand acres over & besides Fees & Quit rent ( which sum is about the usual rate of the 
Indian purchases, &will on everry Million of acres produce ten thousand pounds sterling) That 
in such case, the Crown will verry soon be reimbursed without reckoning the income annually 
accruing from the Grants. — This is humbly offered in case His Majesty should not demand a 
reimbursement from each province of its particular quota. And the private grantees can have 
no reason to complain, as the terms I have suggested are full as moderate as Indian purchases 
have been for some years past. 

I am glad that His Majesty is pleased to approve the continuing the Boundary Line so as to 
include the Province of New York, as I could not receive His Majesty's Commands in sufficient 
time, & as I found that the Indians more imediately affected by it, were for continuing it in a 
manner I looked upon to be verry disadvantagious, I thought it best to stop at the mouth of 
Canada Creek till I received the King's commands, which possibly may now be carried into 
execution, On which occasion 1 shall consult Sir Henry Moore. 

Since the receipt of the plan prepared by the Lords of Trade, I did conceive from some 
letters I had the honour to receive, that either that plan, or something similar thereto would 
have been adopted, which I communicated to the Indians as Information w*" must prove highly 
satisfactory to them, as they consider the interposition & management of their affairs by the 
imediate servants of the Crown as best calculated for their happiness & interests, from the verry 
high opinion they entertain of His Majesty, which I thought my duty always to promote. It 
was therefore natural for them to found their Expectations on such a plan as seemed best for 
their interests, this is all that was meant by the observation in my former letter. In order to 
shew as I thought it my duty to do, that y' hopes & desires of the Indians were founded on 
an establishment under the imediate direction of His Majesty's servants, Not as any remark of 
mine on a reform which is the best calculated for releiving the kingdom of a heavy burthen. 

As the present plan seems calculated for the purposes & from the circumstances mentioned 
in your Lordsiiip's letter it is my duty and inclination, and it shall be my particular study to 
recommend it in the most favourable light to the Indians & to promote the execution of it 
to the utmost of my power. 

The reasonableness & necessity of the small additional expence I have proposed will I 
presume appear evident for the enabling me to execute the several duties which fall under my 


superintendency, wliich T shall discharge to the utmost extent of my power & the fund allowed, 
as becomes a good subject, and your Lordship's 

most obedient 

& most faithfuU humble Servant 
The Right Honourable the Earl of Hillsborough, W. Johnson 

(N» 8.) 

Sir WiUia?n Jokn-son to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[Plantations General, CCLT., No. 8.] 

Johnson Hall Febr'' 2-5"' 17G9. 

My Lord, 

In my last which was wrote a few days ago I had the honour to answer your Lordships letter 
(N" 6) and I have now that of November last (N° 7) with enclosures which I did not receive 
'till a few Days since. 

The Representations in my letter N° 3 to which your Lordships last is in answer, & which 
regarded the intrigues & practices of the P'rench and Spaniards with its effects upon the Indians 
I have always thought a matter of the most serious consequence And have studyed to detect, 
as well as to frustrate to the utmost of my power, and I shall endeavour as far as in me lyes to 
obtain such evidence of Facts and other information as may be necessary, but your Lordsiiip 
is doubtless sensible that such an enquiry must be involved in many Difficulties, as the 
information of Indians may not be admitted as sufficient proof, & those who intrigue with them 
are at such a distance, & act with so much caution that few (if any) white men have had ocular 
demonstration of it, notwithstanding the variety of corresponding accounts and other 
circumstances leave little reason to doubt y^ Fact. It may be that these proceedings are not 
by Authority of the French or Spanish Courts, it is likewise probable that they may be in some 
circumstances exaggerated, but the effect is unluckily the same, as the Indians beleive that they 
are all by authority of these Crowns, and the large presents they have from time to time made 
to them farther confirm them in the opinion tliat they don't come from private Adventurers. 

There are a number of Renegado French & Canadians who reside about the Mississipi & the 
Western Lake &c'', many of whom dare not make their appearance in any of the Colonies. 
These men are ready to undertake any thing & find an advantage in everry rupture. And as it 
is agreable both to their interest & inclination to disturb the tranquility of the Brittish 
Government, they would be guilty of so doing without any authority, how much more if 
connived at, or perhaps countenanced by France or Spain, which my Lord is far from being 
improbable, if either of these Courts have a war in view, in that case the Incursions of the Indians 
would prove of infinite use to them, as it would not only prove the ruin of our frontiers & trade 
and give a check to privateering from hence, but involve us in a heavy expence and draw part 
of our attention to the back country, even should we suppose that the Canadians would all remain 
faithfull to their allegiance or that the enemy could not land troops on any part of the Continent. 
— As to any assurances given by French or Spannish Governours in America, experience & their 
conduct previous to the two last wars make me verry doubtfuU of them, as they gave the same 

Vol. VIIL 20 


assurances at those periods, whilst they acted the like part, and tho their disavowall of such 
seductive practices prevented the good effect of the intelligence given of them, yet, the event 
justified the information : Everry war is of some advantage to those who would rival us in trade, 
& stops the sale of the Brittish Manufactures, but in case of a rupture with the Crowns T have 
mentioned, as a revolt of the Indians would then be of the greatest importance to them it is 
their interest to render the Indians during a peace dissatisfied with our Government, & to 
continue to seduce them till they have occasion for their services, to counteract them in time is 
our business, but this cannot be done without some expence and employing several persons of 
integrity, influence and capacity in the Indian Country or at the out posts. 

I humbly offer my most dutifull regards for the King's Speech and the Addresses which I 
had the honour to receive. The firmness of the former, & the unanimity expressed in the latter 
afforded me the highest satisHiction and gave me reason to hope that the unhappy disputes 
excited by some turbulent zealots in this country, will be speedily terminated in a manner 
consistent with the honour of Crown, and the true happiness of the people. — It gave me infinite 
pleasure to hear from your Lordship that Her Majesty was happily brought to bed of a Princess, 
1 beg leave most sincerely to congratulate your Lordship upon an event which must add to His 
Majesty's Domestick happiness, & that of all His faithful! subjects. 

I am with the most profound respect, 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most 

Obedient and most 

The Right Honourable faithfuU Humble Servant 

the Earl of Hillsborough. W. Johnson. 

Earl of Hillshorovgli to Governor Moore. 

[ New-York Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXI. ] 

Sir, • 

Your duplicates N° 31. & 32. were received on the 11"" of February, and having been laid 
before the King, I have his Majesty's Commands to communicate that which relates to the 
very extraordinary proceedings and resolutions of the Assembly, to such of His Maj'^'' servants, 
upon whom his Maj'>' relies for their advice in matters of the greatest importance; and I expect 
that in a few days their sentiments in respect to these proceedings, will be reported to 
His Maj'y— 

As to the propositions for building a Town at Crown Point, which is the subject of your 
letter N° 31. it seems, in the general view of it, to be a measure which, if well executed, 
cannot fail of being productive of much public advantage; & if upon further examination of 
it by the Board of Trade, to whom His Maj'^ has directed it sh'' be referred, it shall appear to 
them in the same light; I shall hope soon to be able to send you His Maj'>"» further 
orders thereupon, 

I am ettc. 

March 1, 1769. Hillsbokough. 


Lords of Trade to Governor Moore. 

[ New-Tork Enlries, Q., 448. ] 

To Sir Henry Moore Baronet Governor of New York. 


Inclosed we send you a copy of a petition presented to His Majesty by Sir James Jay' and 
others, stating their claims to certain lands in New York under an Indian title, and praying to 
have that title confirmed. 

As it will be necessary in order to enable us to report our opinion upon this petition, that 
we should have every information which the records of New York can afford, touching the 
several matters alleged therein, the situation & extent of the lands, the manner in wliicli 
the property of them was originally acquired, whether they are or are not claimed by any 
other persons, & whether there have been any or what publick transactions relative thereto : 
we must desire you will take the necessary steps for obtaining this information and transmit 
to us a full report ther-eof by the first opportunity that offers; — We are. Sir 

Your most obedient 

and most humble Servants 


Whitehall W"" Fitzherbert, 

March 1. 1769 Thomas Robinson. 

Earl of Hilhlorough to Governor Moore. 

[ New-York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXL] 

Whitehall. 24 March 1769 

Since ray letter to you of the 1" inst : N° 25. I have received and laid before the King your 
dispatches, Numbered 33, 34, 35, & 36. 

I have nothing in command from His Majesty to signify to you upon the subject of your 
letter N" 32, for it is unnecessary to inform you that the King saw with great concern, the 
violent and unwarrantable resolutions entered upon the Journal of the Assembly on the 31" 
December last. When I compare the sentiments of duty and respect for the Constitution and 
Govern' expressed in their address to you of the 23'''' of Nov', with the very contrary spirit of 
those Resolutions, I am at a loss to conjecture what could be the cause of so extraordinary an 
alteration in the course of six weeks, when no new event whatever had happened ; for although 
the time, that passed from one to the other seems to favour such a suspicion, I can hardly 
allow my mind to conceive, that there is wickedness enough on this side of the water to write 
over misrepresentations of the State of Govern' here, and arguments of artifice and false policy 
to excite and induce the Assembly of New York to a departure from that moderation which 

' See VII., 498, note 1. — Ed. 


they had manifestly adopted; nor on the other hand, that tliere would he weakness enough 
on your side to allow them to give attention to any such. 

It is however worth the while to make enquiries, and to find out, if possible, whether any 
methods have been made use of and by whom from this side, to stir up such a spirit as shews 
itself in those resolutions, and if you can make any such discovery you will be pleased to 
communicate them to me, to the end that his Mnjeslys Servants may be upon their Guard with 
respect to Men of so mischievous and treacherous a disposition. 

M'' Charles having put into my hands the Petition to the King of the New Assembly of New 
York on the subject of the Revenue Laws, I lost uo time in presenting it to His Maj'^ ; and 
altho' the King considers the Assembly sending a Petition to His Maj'^ through any other 
Channel, than that of his Gov'' as irregular and disrespectful, yet His Majesty was graciously 
pleased to receive it; and His Maj'^ having well weighed and considered the purport thereof, 
has commanded me to signify to you that he does disapprove of it, as containing declarations 
and asserting claims inconsistent with the Constitution and tending to deny and draw into 
question the supreme authority of Parliament to bind the Colonies by Laws in all cases whatever. 

Before I received your Letter N" 33. His Maj'^ had upon the recommendation of the Board 
of Trade, appointed M'' White to be of the Council, it appearing th^t there were many 
precedents of Councils in several of the Colonies, consisting of 12 Members exclusive of the 
Lieut' Gov''; but as the continuing that number in New York is not Judged necessary, M' 
White must be considered as coming in the place of M"' De Lancey, and consequently what you 
urge in favour of M' Livingston, must remain for the consideration of the Board of Trade, 
when another vacancy happens. 

His Maj'y considers in the most gracious manner, the attention shewn by the Assembly to 
what was recommended to them respecting an alteration in their impost-Law, and hopes, that 
when they find it necessary to receive ^ the Militia Law, it will be framed according to 
Instructions you have received upon that subject. 

There can be no doubt but that if the Assembly think fit to erect three Counties in the 
district set off from the County of Albany, instead of one as was at first proposed, the issuing 
writs to all three to send Representatives would be a very proper step, considering it merely 
in the light of equal justice to them; but the making so considerable an addition to the 
number of the Assembly, is a measure, the general expediency of which ought to be well 
weighed, and the influence and effect of it well considered, before any resolution is taken, and 
therefore it is His Maj'^'* pleasure that such addition should not be made until you shall have 
transmitted a further Report, and have received His Maj''''' Commands in consequence thereof. 

As the Lords of Trade have now under their consideration, as well the propriety of Sir 
Wilh Johnson's proceedings touching the boundary line, as the arrangements it may be proper 
to make in case the cession of Lands by the Indians is confirmed, I must wait for their Report 
upon this business before I can give any answer to your letter N° 36. which entirely relates to 
that subject, and makes a part of the papers upon which their Lord^P' are to report their opinion. 

The inclosed Memorial of M"' Cummingh having been laid before the King, I am to signify to 
you His Maj'y'" commands, that in case any Bill of the nature of that pointed out by M' 
Gumming shall be proposed in the Assembly, you should give it all proper countenance 
and facility. 

I am ettc. 


' Sic. Qu? revive. — Ed. 


Governor Moore to ilie Earl of IlUlsborovgh. 

[New.Tork Papers (3. P. 0.) CLXI.] 

New York. 30 March 1769. 
My Lord, 

No one could have suffered more than I did from the disappointment I met with in regard to 
the conduct of the late Assembly, as I thought it impossible, that expectations formed upon 
such favourable appearances at the opening of the session, could be so suddenly destroyed by 
a faction inconsiderable in itself as to number, and by no means formidable, from the abilities 
of the persons concerned in it. It plainly appears by what has happened here, how much 
influence the House of Assembly in the different Provinces have on each other, and how 
readily a Rash and intemperate measure approved of in one will be adoped in the others. 

I have already had the honor of mentioning to your Lord? in a former letter, that I should 
be under a necessity of calling the New Assembly soon, on account of some further provision 
to be made for His Maj'^'" Troops in this Province; Tuesday next is the day fixed for their 
meeting, at which time I shall likewise recommend to them the appointment of an Agent by 
an Act of Legislature, as directed by a late letter of your Lord^'s 

By the first opportunity which will offer from this Port, I shall forward to your LordP the 
addresses from the Council and Assembly, which I hope will be such as may do them honor. 
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect 
My Lord. 

Your LordP's most obedient 

and humble servant 

H: Moore. 

Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-Tork Papers ( 3. P. O.) CLXI.] 

New York 13. April 1769. 
My Lord, 

I have taken the first opportunity which has offered since the meeting of the Assembly, of 
transmitting to Your Lord? my speech at the opening of the Session together with the Addresses 
I received on the occasion. Your Lord? will see by the address of the Assembly, how tenatious 
the Members of that house are of the power which has been assumed by them, through the 
supiness of the Council, and I have endeavoured by every means in my power to break 
through it. In this case I have been obliged to proceed with caution, as some turbulent spirits 
have already began to take such steps, as must necessarily bring on another dissolution if 
pursued ; they have hitherto proved ineffectual, and no pains shall be spared by me to render 
them totally so, and to prevent if possible the imprudent warmth of a few, Individuals, from 
prejudicing the whole Colony. 

I have the honor to be with the greatest respect My Lord 

Your LordP's most obedient 

and humble servant. 

H: Moore. 


Lords of Trade to the King. 

[ Plantalions General, CCLT., B. 15. ] 

Representation of the Board of Trade to the King upon Sir William Johnson's 
Treaty with the Indians 

To the King's most Excellent Majesty. 

May it please your Majesty, 

We have, in obedience to your Majesty's Commands, taken into our Consideration the 
reports made by your Majesty's Superintendants for Indian Affairs of their Proceedings, in 
consequence of your Majesty's orders signified to them for finally fixing a Boundary line 
between those Lands comprised within the Limits of your Majesty's Colonies, upon which 
your Majesty has thought fit to allow Settlement to be made by your Subjects, and the lands 
claimed by the said Indians, as their absolute property, and which they insist should be reserved 
to them for their Hunting Grounds ; And as we humbly conceive, that the Proceedings of your 
Majesty's Superintendants in this Business do, each, relate to Bodies of Indians, having 
seperate and distinct interests, and that such Proceedings have, as far as they have hitherto 
gone, been carried on without any inter-Communication or Concurrence, We humbly crave 
leave to consider the Transactions of each Superintendant separately, and to represent to your 
Majesty, what has occurred to us thereupon. 

It appears from a Deed executed at Fort Stanwix on the 5"" of November 1768, in 
the presence of Sir William Johnson, by the Governor and Chief Justice of New Jersey, the 
Commissioners for Virginia, and two of the Council of Pennsylvania, on the one part, and by 
the Sachems and Chiefs of the Six confederate Nations and of the Shawanese, Delawares, 
Mingoes of Ohio, and other dependent Tribes on the other part; That the said Indians in 
consideration of Goods and Money given to them to the Amount of Ten Thousand four 
hundred and sixty Pounds, seven shillings and three pence, and also in consideration that your 
Majesty will comply with certain Conditions expressed in their Speeches made at the 
Conference with Sir William Johnson, have ceded to your Majesty all the lands on the back of 
the British Settlements bounded by a "line, beginning at the mouth of the Cherokee or 
" Hogohege River where it empties into the Ohio River, and running from thence upwards 
"along the South side of said River to Kittanning, which is above Fort Pitt; from thence by 
" a direct line to the nearest Fork of the West Branch of Susquehannah ; thence through the 
" Alleghanny Mountains along the South side of the said West Branch, until it comes opposite 
" to the Mouth of a Creek called Tiadaghton ; thence across the West Branch and along the 
«' South side of that Creek and along the North side of Burnet's Hills to a Creek, called 
"Awandae; thence down the same to the East Branch of Susquehannah, and across the 
•'same, and up the East side of that River to Owegy; from thence East to Delaware River, 
"and up that River to opposite where Tianaderha falls into Susquehannah; thence to 
" Tianaderha, and up the West side thereof, and the \Vest side of it's West Branch, to the 
"Head thereof; and thence by a direct line to Canada Creek, where it empties into the Wood 
" Creek at the West end of the carrying place beyond Fort Stanwix." 

With regard to those conditions upon which this Cession is made, and for which the Deed 
refers to the Speeches of the Indians at the Conferences held with them by Sir William 


Johnson, We find upon examination of tiiose speeches, that they relate chiefly to the following 
objects, that is to say. 

1. A Declaration of the Right of the Six Nations and their Confederates, in contradistinction 
to the claims of any other Indians to the Country South of the Ohio, as far as the Mouth of the 
Cherokee River. 

2. An Expectation on their part, that their affairs both Commercial and Political shall be, as 
heretofore managed by an Officer for that purpose, with Deputies in the several Nations, and 
Smiths to mend their Arms & Implements. That the Mohawk Villages and all the Lands they 
occupy unpatented within the Line, as also the Residence of any others of their Confederacy 
affected by this Cession, shall be considered as their sole property, and at their own disposal ; 
and that certain Grants, made by the said Indians to M" Croghan, a Deputy under Sir William 
Johnson, and to certain Indian Traders, in Compensation for Losses sustained by them in 1763, 
shall be confirmed by your Majesty. 

As the Indians, whose affiiirs (so far as they relate to their political connections with this 
Country) are under the immediate inspection of Sir William Johnson, have one Union of Interest, 
at least in respect to the Boundary Line proposed, and form one united Confederacy, it was 
reasonable to have supposed, that the negotiations with them upon a Proposition clear and 
distinct in itself, and by the precision and accuracy of your Majesty's Instructions freed from 
every perplexity, that even a Disposition to embarrass it could produce, might have been carried 
on and concluded without much difficulty. It appears however from what is above stated, that 
this has not been the case, but on the contrary, that doubts with respect to the Acquiescence of 
the Cherokees in the claims of the Six Nations & their Confederates to all the lands south 
of the Ohio River, (which doubts were stated in the advice to your Majesty with no other view 
than as a circumstance, concurring with others, to induce the fixing the Boundary Line at the 
Kanhawa River,) have been improperly and unnecessarily imparted to the Indians; and 
the impressions, made upon them by those doubts, not only left unanswer'd and unremoved, 
but made a ground for the final Settlement of a Line materially difiijrent from that directed by 
your Majesty's Instructions, and not corresponding with what had been agreed upon with the 
Cherokees by M" Stuart^ for forming one intire and uniform line of Separation. 

That the Indians have been suffered to entertain expectations, and thereupon to ground 
conditions acquiesced in by your Majesty's Superintendant which appear to us to have relation 
only to the Plan proposed in 1764, which plan has been since laid aside, and do not correspond 

' Captain Jons Stuakt -was, according to Sabine, a native of South Carolina. In 1758, he and Captain Demere, of one of 
the Independent companies of South Carolina, commanded the garrison of Fort Loudon, in the State of Tennessee, ( supra, 
note p. 42), which surrendered, in 1760, to the Cherokees, on terms obtained by Captain Stuart; these, however, were grossly 
violated a few days after, when he was taken prisoner and carried back to the fort. Having been purchased bj' King 
Attakallkulla, he succeeded by the aid of that generous chief in eventually effecting his escape. The South Carolina 
Assembly not only thanked him for his conduct and great perseverance at Fort Loudon, but rewarded him with .£1500 
currency, and recommended him to the government for preferment. In 17C3 he was appointed Superintendent of Indian 
affairs for the Southern department. After his commission arrived, the Carolinians rejoiced and promised themselves for the 
future great tranquillity and happiness. Carroll's reprint of Hewitt's History of South Carolina, 443, 456, 4G1, 491. Early in 
the revolutionary contest Mr. Stuart retired to Florida, where he concerted, with others, a plan to land an army and to 
proceed with it to the western frontiers of the Southern States, and there annoy the Americans, whilst a Royal fleet and 
army should invade them on the sea coast. This, however, was detected and exposed ; but not, however, until it was partly 
executed. Above 500 Cherokees joined Stuart in Florida. Ramsay's History of South Carolina, II., 276-2S1. His estate was 
confiscated. Sabine. — Ed. 


with that, which your Majesty has now adopted, and which has been so fully explained in your 
Majesty's Instructions. 

That stipulations have been made, by which particular bodies and tribes of Indians have 
been excepted out of the General Conditions of the Treaty; and lastly, 

That the claims and interests of private persons, not stated to, or approved by your Majesty, 
have been allowed to mix themselves in this Negotiation, and to be introduced, not as propositions 
submitted to your Majesty's Determination, but as Rights derived from the Indians, your 
Majesty's acquiescence in which is demanded by them, as a condition of the Treaty. 

It is. We humbly presume, unnecessary for us to recite all the passages in the minutes of the 
Proceedings with the Indians at Fort Stanwix, that verify the foregoing observations ; the Facts 
will be found in the Talks of the Chief Speakers on the part of the Indians, made at their 
Conferences with Sir William Johnson on the 28"" and 31" of October, and I" 2'' and S"" 
of November. 

As it was the original object & intention of this Board in forming the Proposition of a 
Boundary Line between your Majesty's Colonies and the Indians, that there should be one 
general Line of Separation united in all it's parts, it becomes necessary for us, before we 
consider the step it may be advisable for your Majesty to take, in consequence of the Cession 
by the Northern Confederacy under the circumstances above mentioned, to take a view of the 
proceedings of the Superintendant for the Southern District, and humbly to state to Your 
Majesty, what has passed between him and the Southern Indians on the subject of the Boundary 
Line between the lands of the said Indians and the Colonies of West Florida, East Florida, 
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina and Virginia, with respect to most of which the 
Settlement of a Boundary Line had, antecedent to the Date of your Majesty's Instructions, been 
not only an object of Negotiation, but brought to a final conclusion ; and therefore did not, as 
in the Northern District, stand upon the ground of a Proposition undefined and left to 
future discussion. 

Under this circumstance therefore all that remained for M' Stuart in consequence of your 
Majesty's Orders, was, to ratify by proper Treaties and Acts of Cession what had been before 
agreed upon, with such trivial alterations only, as, when the Lines came to be marked and run 
out, should appear to be necessary, from the natural state of the country & from local situation 
and circumstances ; accordingly We find, that M" Stuart lost no time in carrying your Majesty's 
orders into execution ; and it appears by Treaties, which he concluded with the Cherokees and 
Creeks on the 14"" of October and 12"' of Novem"" last, that the Boundary Line between the 
Country of the said Indians and your Majesty's said Colonies of West Florida, East Florida, 
Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, & Virginia, was settled in manner following, that is 
to say, that the lands in the Colony of Georgia ceded to your Majesty by the Creeks shall be 
separated and distinguished from the Lands reserved to the said Indians for their own use, as 
Hunting Grounds, by a "Line beginning where little River discharges itself into Savannah 
"River, and up the nTain Stream of little River to the Forks made by the Confluence o^ 
" Williams Creek with the said River, then up Williams Creek about seven miles to a place 
" called William's old settlement, thence by an Indian hunting Path in an East Course thirteen 
" miles distance, to the Southermost Branch of Upton's Creek, and up said Branch to the top 
" of it, and thence in a straight line in an East course fourteen miles distance, to the middle 
" Branch of Briar Creek, and down the Main stream of Briar Creek, eighteen miles three 
" quarters distance, to the place where it is intersected by the Road or Trading Path leading 


" from Augusta to the lower Creek nation, and thence along said Road or path in a South West 
•' course twenty seven miles distance to Ogeechie River, where the said Road intersects it, and 
" thence along the main stream of Ogeechie River eighty miles distance to the place where it 
" is crossed by a Road or Path leading from Mount Pleasant or Savannah River to the lower 
•' Creek Nation, and from Ogeechie River a little below said Path in a south by east half east 
" course, sixty one miles distance to Conootchie or Cowanootchie River, and from that River 
" running in a straight direction to that part of Aiatamaha River opposite to the lowermost 
" bend or elbow of Phinholoway or Turkey Creek, and thence in a straight direction to St. 
" Mary's River, which separates the Province of Georgia from East Florida." 

That the Lands in the Colony of East Florida ceded to your Majesty by the said Creek 
Indians shall be distinguished and separated from the Lands reserved to them for their own 
use, as hunting Grounds, by a " Line beginning at that point of St. Mary's River, which shall 
be intersected by a straight line drawn from Colvill's Plantation in the Forks of black Creek 
which falls into St. John's River to the Mouth of Phinholoway Creek, which discharges itself 
into the Aiatamaha, and thence in a straight direction to Colvill's Plantation in the Forks of 
black Creek aforesaid and from Colvill's Plantation in a straight direction to the entrance of the 
River Acklawaugh into S.t. John's River above the great Lake, and near to M' Spalding's upper 
trading-House, and from thence up the Western Bank of St. John's River to it's source, «& 
thence all along the Coast of East Florida to the River Apalachicola, across the different 
Rivers, Creeks, and Bays as high as the flowing of the Tide." 

That the lands in the Colony of West Florida ceded to your INLijesty by the lower Creek 
Indians, shall be distinguished and separated from the Lands reserved to them for their use, 
as their Hunting Grounds by a " Line to begin at the River Apalachicola, where the Line 
" behind East Florida terminates, across all the Rivers, Creeks and Bays, as high as the flowing 
" of the Tide, to the River Chactaw, which discharges itself into S'" Rosa Bay, and where the 
" territory of the said lower Creek Indians terminates and ends." 

That the lands in the Colonies of North Carolina, South Carolina & Vjrginia, ceded to your 
Majesty by the Cherokees, shall be separated from the lands reserved to them for their own 
use, as their hunting grounds, by a " Line beginning at a place called Towatuhie on the 
" Northern Bank of Savannah River, and running a North fifty degrees East course to a place 
" called Dewisses Corner, or the Yellow Water, and thence in the same course to Wanglioe or 
" Elm Tree, on the South side of Reedy River, «&: from the said VVanghoe or Elm Tree in a 
" north course to a Spanish Oak marked with the initial letters of the names of the North 
" Carolina Commissioners, and several other Trees with the names and marks of Inds Friend, 
" SalQy, Eciiy, and other Deputies of the Cherokee Nation, standing on the Top of a Mountain, 
"now called Tryon Mountain, where the Ridge of Mountains becomes impervious, and from 
" the top of Tryon Mountain at the marked Trees, as aforesaid in a straight Line about a North 
"by East Course to Colonel Chiswell's Mine on the eastern bank of the Great Kanhawa River, 
" and from thence in a straight Line to the Mouth of the Great Kanhawa River, where it 
"discharges itself into this River." 

These several Lines, tho' described separately and agreed upon at different times and with 
different Indians, are nevertheless so connected in their courses and description, as to form one 
united Boundary between your Majesty's Southern Colonies, and the Indians, corresponding 
with the line, as described in your Majesty's Instructions; and your Majesty's Superintendant 
attending only to what is the main object of those Instructions, has in the negociation with the 
Vol. VIII. 21 


Indians upon that object, discreetly avoided mixing any other matter, or suffering it to be 
clogged with any other conditions than a Confirmation of those ingagements in the Treaty 
concluded at Augusta in 1763, by which each party binds itself to reciprocal Acts of Justice and 
■ friendly correspondence ; Had the like attention to the real object of Negociation been shewn 
by your Majesty's Superintendant for the Northern District and the same discretion used by 
him in treating upon it with the Northern Indians, this difficult and embarrassing business 
would have been, we humbly conceive, brought to a happy Issue, the Jealousies and suspicions 
of the Indians, which have produced constant enmity and hostility, would have been removed; 
their Affections regained ; and the Interests of both established upon a lasting basis of mutual 
security and advantage; but unhappily this has not been the case; on the contrary, a new 
object of jealousy has been suffered to present itself, and to operate to such a deviation in the 
Boundary Line proposed; as has given birth to fresh difficulties and new claims on the part of 
the Colony of Virginia, requiring in the opinion of Your Majesty's Governor and the Council 
of that Colony an alteration in that part of the Line proposed to be settled with the Cherokees 
which pursues a north course from Chiswell's mine to the mouth of the Kanhawa River. 

The ground stated by your Majesty's Governor & Council for this opinion is, that many 
settlements have been made under legal Titles & publick encouragement upon those Waters 
which united from the main stream of the Kanhawa & Cherokee Rivers & which settlements 
as they lye considerably to the Westward of the line now proposed to be run, would in case 
that line is established be cut off from the Colony and the Inhabitants, who have settled 
themselves there under the faith of Government be exposed to the disagreable alternatives of 
either abandoning their possessions or remaining at the mercy of the savages. 

Whether it may or may not be adviseable under these circumstances to consent to an 
alteration of the line with the Cherokees as it affects Virginia must be submitted to your 
Majesty; — If your Majesty shall think fit upon consideration of what is suggested on this subject 
as well by the Governor & Council of Virginia as by your Majesty's Superintendant for the 
Southern District in his letter of the 12"" of February last to allow of an alteration. We would 
humbly recommend that your Majesty's said Superintendant should be instructed to enter as 
soon as possible upon a negociation with the Cherokees for such an alteration of the Boundary 
Line with Virginia, as is proposed by him in his said letter; that is to say " that such new Line 
" may begin at tiie point where the North Carolina Line terminates, and run thence a West 
" Course to Holsteins River, where it is intersected by the Line, dividing the Provinces of North 
" Carolina and Virginia, and thence in a North East by North Course to the Confluence of the 
" Kanhaway & Ohio Rivers;" which line, he is of opinion will cover all the Settlements 
actually made, and may be proposed without exciting the jealousy of the Indians. 

It is however our duty to observe to your Majesty, that M"' Stuart has stated, that such a 
proposal cannot be made to the Cherokees upon the Ground of any title to those Lands 
derived from the Cession of the Northern Indians, but must be done by way of purchase, the 
amount of which he estimates at Two thousand Pounds Sterling, and adds, that the allowance 
for the ordinary expense of his Establishment will not bear any part of the expence of such 
new negotiation, nor indeed ought it, in our humble opinion, to be any ways chargeable upon 
this Fund, hut ought to be born by the Colony of Virginia, and provision made for it by that 
Colony before any steps are taken with regard to the alteration proposed; which we are further 
humbly of opinion should not be made, or the Line, as now settled with the Cherokees, 
altered, unless the Colony of Virginia consents to pay the expence. 


As we have already in the former part of this Representation pointed out to your Majesty 
the indiscretion of Sir William Johnson's having admitted the claim of M" Croghan,' and the 
Indian Traders, to be introduced into the negotiation with the six Naiions, touching 
the Boundary Line, it only remains for us, under that head, to point out to your Majesty such 
further Circumstances relative to this Transaction, as may lead to a consideration of the steps 
it may be adviseable to take thereupon, consistent with your Majesty's just Rights and Authority, 
which appear to us not to have been duly attended to in this Transaction: for we beg leave to 
observe, that neither the foundation nor extent of the claims of these persons have at any time 
been represented to Your Majesty; nor are we enabled either by a communication of the 
Deeds themselves executed by the Indians, or by any other information, to state to your 
Majesty the situation or quantity of the land in question. 

It is indeed mentioned in that part of the negotiation, where these claims are first introduced, 
that they are founded, so far as relates to the Indian Traders, upon an Article in a Treaty 
made with the Indians in 17G5 ; but upon our having recourse to that Treaty, we find, that 
your Majesty's approbation of any grant of lands to them, in compensation for losses, is made 
an express condition of the Engagement; upon what ground therefore it was, that the 
Confirmation of a Grant of Lands, the propriety of wliicli was by a former Treaty left to your 
Majesty's discretion, was now suffered to be made an absolute condition of the present cession 
to your Majesty, we are at a loss to guess; but as we conceive your Majesty will not think, 
fit to accede to a stipulation of this nature admitted by your Majesty's Superintendant without 
any authority for that purpose; We humbly conceive, that this transaction does so far as it 
relates to the Indians, stand upon no other ground than that of a proposition, that, in our 
humble opinion, ought to be rejected. 

With regard to what is expressed by the Indians in their speeches of their expectation, that 
their Interests, both commercial and political, should be under the management of the same 
officers and upon the same establishmfuit, as heretofore; it does appear; that Sir Wilham 
Johnson, in answer to those speeches, acquainted them, that what regarded the management 
of the Indian Trade was committed to the care of the Colonies, and referred them to the 
assurances given by the Commissioners from the several Colonies, that they should be well 
treated in that respect; but we must observe at the same time, that what was urged by the 
Indians upon this subject is nevertheless referred to in the Deed itself not as a subject of 
discussion, in Sir William Johnson's Explanation of which they had acquiesced, but as a 
condition of the Cession, which we humbly submit ought not to be confirmed, at least 
otherwise than as a proposition made by the Indians, and acquiesced in by your Majesty, that 
your Majesty's Authority shall be exerted to induce the Colonies to make, by law, such 
regulation in respect to the Trade with the Indians, as shall operate to prevent those Frauds 
and Abuses, to which it is in it's nature but too much exposed. 

As we are not informed, under what authority Sir William Johnson has incurred the expence 
of carrying this measure into execution ; and as no account or estimate of the particulars of it 
has been laid before us, We cannot take upon us to offer any opinion upon that part of the 

All which is most humbly submitted 

Hillsborough Thomas Robinson 

Whitehall Ed. Elliot John Roberts 

April 25"" 1769 Lisburne. 

' See note, VII., 982. — Ec. 


Lords of Trade to the Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council. 

[Plantations General Entries, XLTI. ( N. ) P- 315. ] 

To the Right Hon'''* the Lords of the Committee of His Majesty's most Honble Privy 
Council for Plantation Affairs. 

My Lords, 

Pursuant to your Lordships Order dated the 24 of last Month We have prepared and 
herewith beg leave to lay before your Lordships Draughts of an Additional Instruction ^ to the 
Governors of His Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in America, conformable to the Directions 
of the said Order. We are * 

My Lords 

Your Lordships 

most obed : & most hum: Serv" 



Geo: Rice 
Ed: Eliot 
Whitehall Lisburne 

May 11. 1769. ' John Roberts 

Earl of Ilillshoroug'h . to the Governors in America. 

[ Plantations General, COLT. 1 

Circular. Whitehall, May 13"" 1769. 

Inclosed I send you the gracious Speech made by the King to His Parliament, at the close 
of the Session on Tuesday last. 

What His Majesty is pleased to say, in relation to the measures which have been pursued 
in North America, will not escape your notice, as the satisfacti-on His Majesty expresses in the 
Approbation His Parliament has given to them, and the assurances of their firm support in 
the prosecution of them, together with His Royal opinion of the great Advantages that will 
probably accrue from the concurrence of every branch of the Legislature in the Resolution of 
maintaining a due execution of the Laws, cannot fail to produce the most salutary effects. 

From hence it will be understood that the whole Legislature concur in the opinion adopted 
by His Majesty's Servants, that no Measure ought to be taken which can any way derogate 
from the Legislative Authority of Great Britain over the Colonies } but 1 can take upon me to 
assure you, notwithstanding Insinuations to the contrary from men with factious and seditious 
views, that His Majesty's present Administration have [at] no time entertained a Design 
to propose to Parliament to lay any further Taxes upon America for the purpose of raising a 
Revenue, and that it is at present their Intention to propose in the next Session of Parliament 

' For the Instruction eee post, p. 174. — Ed. 


to take off the Duties upon Glass, Paper & Colours, upon consideration of such Duties having 
been laid contrary to the true principles of Commerce. 

These have always been and still are the Sentiments of His Majesty's present Servants, and 
[the Principles]^ by which their conduct in respect to America has been governed, and his 
Majesty relies upon your prudence and fidelity for such an explanation of His Measures, as 
may tend to remove the prejudices which have been excited by the misrepresentations of those 
■who are enemies to the peace and prosperity of Great Britain and Her Colonies, and to 
re-establish that mutual confidence and affection, upon which the Glory and Safety of the 
British Empire depend. 

I am Sic* 


Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Moore. 

[ New-Tork Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXI. ] 

Whitehall. 13. May 1769. 

On the 17"" of April I received and laid before the King your letters N" 37 and 38, on which 
I have only to observe, that, as your former letter N" 36. in which you desire Instructions upon 
what conditions the Lands, ceded by the Indians at the late Treaty, are to be granted, now 
lies before His Maj'^ for His Royal consideration, I trust, no countenance or attention either 
has been or will be given to any application for those lands, either upon the ground of private 
agreements with the Indians, contrary to the directions of the Proclamation of 1763. and not 
warranted by any orders from His Majesty or upon pretence of orders from His Maj'J' in Council, 
which were issued before those lands were ceded, and can in no light be considered as giving 
the possessors of them a right to locate their Grants upon lands, since acquired to the Crown 
at a very large expence. 

I am ettc. 


Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson. 

[ Plantations General, CCLV., No. 10. ] 

N" 10. ■ 

Whitehall 13 May 1769 

Since my letters to you of the 4"" of January and 24"" March last N" 8. and 9. the Lords of 
Trade have made their Report to His Majesty upon the proceedings of the Superintendants 
for Indian Affairs in settling a final Boundary Line between His Majesty's Colonies, & the 
Indian Country. 

'The words -withia brackets are added from the copy of the despatch in Pennsylvania Archives, IV., 341; New-Tork 
Council Minutes, XXVL, 154. — Ed. 


This report has been referred by the King's Command to the consideration of such of His 
Servants, upon whose advice His Majesty relies in matters of the greatest Importance ; & I 
am thereupon to signify to you, that if you iiave not been able, in consequence of my letter of 
the 4" of January last N° 8, to induce the iSix Nations and their Allies, to except out of the 
Cession to His Majesty the lands lying South of the Ohio, below the Kanawa upon the Ground 
and Argument suggested in that Letter, or if you shall be of opinion that insisting upon 
such an alteration will have the effect toexcite Jealousy and discontent; in that case His 
Majesty, rather than risk the defeating the important object of establishing a final Boundary 
Line, will, upon your report of this matter, give the necessary directions for the confirmation 
of it as agreed upon at Fort Stanwix. It is not however His Majesty's Intention that the 
Settlements of His Subjects should be carried beyond the Boundary of Virginia, as proposed 
to be fixed near the Kanawa River. 

As to the Grant of Land made to the Indian Traders, and to M'' Croghan it is His Majesty's 
pleasure that you should acquaint the Indians that His Majesty does not think fit at present to 
confirm those Grants, reserving that matter for further consideration, when those persons shall 
make application to His Majesty thereupon, and when the nature, extent and situation of 
the grants themselves, and the foundation on which they have been solicited, shall be 
further explained. 

With regard to what appears in the proceedings at the Congress, of the wishes of the Indians 
to have their commercial as well as tlieir political concerns managed in the manner suggested 
in the Plan of 17G4, I have already so fully explained to you the reason and necessity for 
departing from that plan that I have only in command from the King to desire that you will 
not fail in your endeavors to represent this matter in such a light to the Indians, as to convince 
them that His Majesty adopted the Plan at present commenced for regulating the Trade by 
Laws of the Colonies, not merely upon what was suggested by those Colonies, but upon full 
consideration of what was represented to be most desireable for the Interests of the Indians 
themselves, in respect to their Commerce with His Majesty's Subjects, the improvement and 
extension of which for the benefit of the Indians will ever be an object of the King's attention 
and regard. 

I have only to add that I have received and laid before the King your letters N° 7 and 8. 
but have not any commands from His Majesty to signify to you thereupon. 

I am &C'' 

Sir William Johnson. Hillsborough 

Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New- York Papers (S. P. 0. ) OLXl. ] 

New York. 2G. May 1769. 
My Lord, 

On Saturday last the Assembly of this Province was prorogued after my assent had been 
given to twenty Bills, in which number there are four, which require something to be said of 
them, especially as I apprehend that some of them are liable to material objections. Upon the 


first view of the Bill entitled : "An Act for regulating the sale of goods at public vendue," it 
appeared to me that the Manufactures of Great Britain might be aftected by the duty which is 
laid on goods sold there, but His Maj'^'' Council were of a different opinion and declared that 
' the purpose of the Bill was only to put a stop to the pernicious practice, which had prevailed 
here for some time past of puting up every thing to Auction, as well, dry goods, as Rum, 
sugars, wines, ettc, by which the number of Vendue Masters was greatly increased to the 
prejudice of the shopkeeper, and that the Bill would have this alternative either to remove 
those public nuisances and the chicaneries practised there, or that it would, if the auctions 
were not suppressed by it, raise a considerable sum of money annually, for the use of the 
Govern*. The reasons were pressed so much upon me by the Council, that I have followed 
their sentiments more, than my own, on the occasion. 

I have already in my letters to the Earl of Slielbourn mentioned my objections to an Act 
of this Country usually called: "the five pound Act" but as soon as I was informed by your 
LordP that His Maj'^ expected that a Reform in the Magistracy might obtain the Remedy- 
proposed for the inconveniencies mentioned in my letter without the Repeal of the 
Establishment itself, I have endeavoured by every means in my power to correct the various 
abuses which had crept into that Office, and in the late Assembly refused my assent to a Bill 
which was brought in for continuing that Act for five years, 'till some alteration could be made 
in it, declaring at the same time in presence of the Council, and of the House of Assembly, 
that I would readily pass it as soon as it was amended. A very ungenerous as well as unjust 
construction was put on what I then said, and to serve a particular purpose I was represented 
in some parts of the Province as an Enemy to the Bill, which I only endeavoured to render 
really beneficial to the Country. This Bill was brought in again in the last Session, and 
corrected in some places, but the power of the Justices is greatly enlarged in it, as they are 
now enabled to take congnizance of sums to the amount of ten pounds. 1 am persuaded that 
the whole Province, will severely feel the effects of this Bill, as the decision of so much property 
must necessarily be entrusted to many, whose abilities are by no means adequate to such a 
task, but such is the prepossession in favour of it, that I could not have rejected it without givin<» 
the greatest uneasiness, especially after the Reports which had been propagated concerning it 
on the late dissolution of the Assembly. Tliis increase of authority given to Justices of the 
peace, very naturally suggested to our Law Makers an enlargement of the power of the inferior 
Courts, and gave rise to another Bill for preventing suits being brought in the Supreme Court 
for any sums not exceeding fifty pounds; as this Bill was carried through the Council and 
Assembly notwithstanding the many objections to which it is liable, boih, on account of the 
largeness of the sum, and the difficulties it must put the suitors under, I did not choose it should 
stop with me, as any arguments against it would have been far from carrying with them the 
least conviction among those who wish to see but one side of the question. I shall trespass 
no farther on your Lord^'s patience, than to mention one Act more, entitled " An Act to explain 
and amend an Act, entitled an Act, for regulating Elections of representatives in general 
Assembly passed the S"" of May 1699" — x\ltho' the title of this Act sets forth, that it was intended 
to explain and amend an Act passed so long ago as the year 1699. . I believe it will appear to 
your LordP and to every unprejudiced person, that the Law in question, did not require any 
real explanation, or that any doubts could possibly arise concerning the meaning of it, as it is 
expressly declared therein, that all persons chosen representatives in the General Assembly, as 
well as the Electors themselves, shall be resident in the Cities, Counties and Manors, where 


such Election is made. The present Law declares that the Representatives must be Resident, 
but that the Electors are not obliged to be so, and gives an explanation of the Act, repugnant 
both, to reason and Justice, as those persons whose usual residence is in this City, and are in 
general best qualified for representatives in the House of Assembly, are precluded from being' 
chosen in any Country' or Borough, notwithstanding they may have a considerable Estate there. 
These were not the only objections I made to the Bill, when I laid it before His Maj'J''' Council, 
for it appeared to me, that the explanation and amendment proposed, amounted to a Repeal of 
Part of the original Bill, but I could not make it appear to them in that light, and a very great 
majority of the Council joining in the support of it, I did in consequence of their advice and 
contrary to my own opinion give my assent to it. Your Lord^ will perhaps ask, what 
inducement I could have for acting in this manner? To this I would beg leave to make the 
following answer. The dissolution of the late Assembly had occasioned great contests in the 
subsequent Elections, and on the meeting of the house of Assembly, it was but too apparent, 
how much influence private pique had on their proceedings. Their Journals give the strongest 
testimony of what I here advance, and the Session was protracted to an unusual length for 
the season of the year, by disputes which could only affect individuals. In this situation the 
Gov' of a Province often finds himself under a necessity of acting contrary to his. inclination, 
and of giving in to measures, which although they do not at first siglit appear to be proper, may 
be conducive to the forwarding His Majesty's service by making that Ferment subside, which 
for the present obstructed public business; two Bills were pressed upon me, one for emitting 
the sum of ^120000 in Bills of Credit, the other for regulating elections, which is the subject 
of this part of my letter; His Majesty's Instructions positively forbid me to pass one, except it 
is conformable to certain restrictions there laid down, and common sense militates very strongly 
ag" the other, as it, must appear upon the face of the Bill, that it is calcullated only to serve 
particular purposes, and is contradictory in itself; notwithstanding, His Maj'''"' pleasure might 
be made known here, before the Bill for emitting the paper currency could have any effect, as 
it was not to take place 'till November, yet as great preparations would be making in the mean 
time to carry it into execution, a dissappointment might have been attended with disagreable 
consequences. The present Bill can have no effect till the next session, before which time His 
Maj'J''" pleasure may be known in respect to \t, as well as to the Bill passed in 1699, which 
gave rise to it. In this situation, consenting (though at the same time far from being convinced) 
to the applications made to me in favour of the Bill, I passed it, and choose rather to be guilty 
of an absurdity in passing such an Act, than of disobedience in regard to the money Bill, and 
rather have my own understanding impeached than my duty to His Maj"' called in question. 
I have the honour to be with the greatest respect 
My Lord, 

Your LordP's most obedient 

and humble servant. 

H: MoouE, 

Sic. County. — Ed. 


Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillshorough. 

[New-Tork Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXI.] 

New York. 29. May. 1769 
My Lord, 

Having in a letter addressed to your Lord? by this opportunity, endeavoured to set forth the 
reasons which obh'ged me to give my assent to four Bills therein mentioned. I must now beg 
leave to add a few words, concerning the following Bills, which I was under a necessity of 
rejecting. The Bill, to revive, and continue the Act for regulating the Militia, not being 
passed for five years, and having no suspending clause as directed by His Majesty's late 
Instruction fell to the ground of course. 

The Bill, " to confirm Estates claimed by, or under Aliens" I apprehended to be of such a 
Nature as to require His Maj'y'' permission to be first obtained before I could pass it. There 
was a law passed in this Colony in the year 1715 to extend the benefit of Naturalization to all 
Protestants of Foreign Birth, then, and therefore inhabiting within the same ; the Intention of 
this Bill was to quiet the minds of several people who held Estates originally made by Aliens 
who through their ignorance of the Laws of the land had neglected to get Acts of Naturalization 
passed in their favour & although their possessions had passed by several descents to their 
children, and the Collateral branches of their families born within this Province, yet, as the 
title was originally deficient, it might occasion in futuro some difhculties to the possessors ; The 
Bill which is very short is transmitted by this opportunity, that the whole of what was intended 
by it, may appear, and is much wished for and desired by a great number of the Inhabitants 
here. The Act for making a Gold and silver coin a legal tender although it fixes no other 
value on the different Coins, than that for which they pass current in the common course of 
business, yet it differs so much from the Act of Parliament passed in the 6"" year of Queen 
Anne in regard to the value put on the different pieces of money there enumerated, that I 
could not possibly pass it. This Act was intended to relieve the Colony from the difficulty it 
is under by having no legal tender of any kind in the province ; I have already in a former 
Letter; relative to the Emission of paper currency, had the honour of laying our distressed 
situation in that respect before your Lord?, and come now to speak of the Bill which was 
brought into the house during the last Session for the Emission of Bills of Credit to the value 
of c£120000. The Clamours raised in the Country on account of the wretched state to which 
numbers of families have been lately reduced, obliged the Members of the Assembly to bring 
in the Bill at this time, but as they were no strangers to the late Instruction I had received 
concerning paper currency, they endeavoured to obviate in some shape the objections to which 
it was liable, and thought it was now framed in such a manner as to engage me readily to give 
my assent to it. This Bill is similar to that, which I had the honour of transmitting to your 
LordP, except in one or two articles, for this Act was not to take place till the Month of 
November, and the following method prescribed for sinking the Bills issued. The interest of five 
per cent to be paid on the whole capital for the first four years, and in the fifth year one tenth 
part of the Capital was to be sunk and to be continued in the same proportion every succeeding 
year, till the whole was compleated, which would take up the term of fourteen years from the 
passing of the Act. I have here enclosed an extract of the Bill, together with addresses of the 
Assembly, in favour of it, as likewise the reasons which were set forth by the Council, in their 
Vol. VI II. "22 


remarks on tlie Bill) to engage my assent to it, and submit it to your LordP, whether it would 
not be for His Maj'^'' service that a Bill so circumstanced should pass into a Law, as the money 
arising from it can not be disposed of, without the concurrence of the Xiov' & Council, and as 
it would in effect establish a kind of Revenue for fourteen years. My predecessors in this 
Govern', have not been more successful than myself, in their attempts to get a permanent 
Revenue settled by the Legislature, every approach therefore towards it, should be attended 
to by His Maj'^'' representative here, and I thouglit it my duty to lay this matter before your 
LordP and at the same time to mention the difficulties I apprehend I shall be under shortly, 
from the inability of the Province to answer the requisitions I must make. The sum of 
.£1300 was granted with great chearfulness in the late Session, and the Members of the 
Assembly expect that about the latter end of the year, a farther sum will be demanded for 
the support of His Maj'>'" Troops here, which I am persuaded they will as readily comply with, 
if they have but the means of doing it. We have no funds to furnish the supply which will 
be required, and a Tax on the Estates of the Inhabitants will be impracticable in this time of 
distress, when houses and lands are daily selling for the half, & sometimes for the third part 
of their value, and the miseries of the people increasing to such a degree, as to be past 
credibility. If His Majesty shall be pleased in consideration of the sufferings of his subjects 
here, to give leave that this Bill shall pass into a Law at the next meeting of the Assembly, 
and impower me to make a declaration to that effect on the opening of the Session, the 
Estates and properties of great numbers will be saved from Ruin, and such an impression made 
on the people in general as must be productive of the most favourable consequences to 
the Colony. 

1 have the honour to be with the greatest respect My Lord, 

Your LordP's most obedient 

and humble servant 

H: MooKE. 

Governor Moore to the Earl of Il'dhhoroxigli. 

[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. O. ) CLXI. ] 

New York. 3. June 1769. 
My Lord. 

It was with very great concern that I transmitted to your Lord? the resolutions of the late 
House of Assembly, as I was fully persuaded, that so unexpected a proceeding could not fail 
of being displeasing to His Maj"'. The sentiments of duty and respect for the Constitution 
expressed in their address, are so contrary to those which are adopted by a licencious set of 
Men who call themselves the Sons of Liberty, and who have had very great influence on the 
Elections of Members for this City, that I must ascribe the sudden alteration which manifested 
itself by introducing those Resolutions, chiefly to the motive of courting popularity among 
those who had been instrumental in serving them in the late Elections. 1 have already in a 
former letter informed Your LordP of the steps I took to prevent the Resolutions being entered 
on their Journals, and cannot accuse myself of the least omission in that respect altho' my 
endeavours did not meet svitii the desired success. 


There is very great reason to suppose that the frequent publications in our papers, of letters 
said to be wrote from England to persons on the Continent here, have contributed not a little, 
to the keeping up that improper heat which has so often shewed itself, and which can serve 
no other purpose, but that of widening the breach between the Mother Country and the 
Colonies. I have never been able to discover, whether these are real extracts of letters sent 
from Europe, or whether they are forged here, but the chief tendency of them is (o encourage 
Union among the Provinces, and to distress Great Brittain by not importing any English 
manufactures As soon as one of these letters appears in any public paper, it is copied into 
the Gazettes of all the other Provinces, and propagated throughout the whole Continent. I 
have always treated these publications with the contempt I thought they deserved, & 
endeavoured to make it appear, that they could be published by none but Incendiaries, and 
persons who were Enemies, both, to Great Brittain and her Colonies, but the minds of Men 
are so naturally prone to believe any tales however improbable, provided they coincide with 
their own sentiments and wishes, that the strongest arguments loose their effect upon those, 
who do not desire to be convinced. Whatever intelligence I can procure relative to these 
publications, shall be immediately transmitted to England, and I hope Your Lord? will have 
a more favourable opinion of me than to suppose, that through any weakness of mine, I was 
silent on this head, when my duty called upon me to prevent any attention being given by the 
people to these misrepresentations. I have never in my life been either ashamed or aftraid of 
doing my duty, and under the numberless difficulties I have laboured for some years past, 
unsupported by those His Maj'^" has appointed as my assistants in cases of difficulty, I have 
never scrupled to stand forth singly, where I thought the King's service required it, and was 
totally indifftirent whether my opinion of any matters then in agitation before us, gave pleasure 
or pain to those who heard it, as I had no other object in view than the execution of the 
duties of that Commission, with which his Maj"' has been pleased to honor me. 

I have the honor to be with the greatest respect My Lord, 

Your LordP's most obedient 

and humble servant. 

H : Moore. 

Earl of ITillslorovgh to Governor Moore. 

[ New-York Tapera ( S. P. 0. ) CLXI. ] 

Whitehall 7. June 17G9 

I have received and laid before the King your Dispatches N" 40 and 41., the former of which 
contains your speech to the Council and Assembly at the opening of the Session on the 4"* of 
April together with their addresses in answer thereto. 

His Majesty observes with concern the disregard shewn by the Assembly to what you was 
directed to recommend to them in respect to the mode of appointing their agent, and their 
description of this officer in their address is too particular to escape His Majesty's notice ; His 
Majesty trusts however that when the Assembly has fully consulted the precedents upon their 


own Journals in respect to the appointment of an Agent, particularly in the years 1709 and 
1712, they will be the less tenacious of the present mode, which as you Justly observe can 
only have obtained by the neglect of the other branches of the Legislature. 

His Majesty trusts that Your measures to prevent the ill effects of the steps which you say 
some turbulent spirits have already begun to take to create disturbance, will be attended with 
the desired success. 

Your letter iX" 41. relates to a matter which the King considers as of great importance, & 
His Majesty very much approves your concurring with, and assisting Gov"' Weatworth in every 
measure that can be legally pursued, for preventing waste and destruction of the King's Woods 
on those Lands which lye on the West side of Connecticut River. 

There is but too much reason to apprehend that the improper encouragement given to the 
settlement of those lands has been one principal cause of the evil you complain of, and 
therefore it is impossible that the Board of Trade, before.whom your representations in respect 
to those Lands now lye, will think fit to advise His Maj"' to consent to any further settlements 
in that part of the Country until some measures are pursued for reserving to the Crown such 
tracts, as shall be found upon examination to produce Trees fit for Masting the Royal Navy. — 

1 am &c 



Sir William Jolmson to the Earl of Ilillshorovglt. 

t Plantations General, CCLV., No. 9. ] 

Johnson Hall, June 20"" 1769. 

My Lord, 

Since my last of the 25"' February I have had the honor to receive your Lordship's letter of 
the 4"" of January in consequence of which I shall endeavour to execute His Majesty's 
commands respecting the surrender of the additional Cession in the best manner possible so as to 
shew the Indians that the same is solely declined from y' regard His Majesty has for them, and 
His tenderness for their posterity, I make no doubt of its being readily accepted by them, 
and am only concerned least the Virginians especially the Frontier Inhabitants should take 
possession of, & begin settlements on those Lands, If this is done after the Indians are 
informed that His Majesty declines them, it will create verry strange suspicions amongst them, 
& doubtless produce ill consequences, I ought to observe this to Your Lordship because I have 
been well assured by Gentlemen from the Country that the Frontier People who have a great 
desire for these valuable lands would at all events make settlements there, and as it is most 
certain, that there are several recent instances of the weakness of civil authority & the little 
regard paid to it by these people together with the inclination of many persons of consequence 
to promote such settlements, & in that I saw a Deed in the hands of the Virginia Commissioners 
for great part of these lands which they assured me had formerly met with encouragement 
from His late Majesty & the then Ministry of which numbers were determined to avail 
themselves forthwith, it did not a little contribute to induce me to accept of the Cession of 
that Country to prevent the general ill consequence which must attend the Establishment 


of such settlements without the Indians consent, as judging it best to take that opertunity for 
enabling His Majesty to accept or reject it as he might think necessary. 

At this distance as it is often impracticable to wait for particuhir Instructions in many 
occurring cases, so it is impossible to foresee every event, & of course Instructions cannot be 
expected in every Circumstance; His Majesty's Indulgence has therefore often left it in the 
power of His servants to do many things for the good of the service 'till His Royal pleasure 
is more fully signified in the premises. 

I observed in a former letter that the minutes of private Conferences with the Cheifs where 
the principal matters are first resolved on, were by much too voluminous to be ever transmitted, 
it would there appear that the Indians insisted in such warm terms on the justice of their 
claims to y'^ Cherokee River that I was necessitated either to disoblidge them in a high degree, 
or to observe to them that the Southern Indians made some pretensions to the lands in 
question, besides this, & the designs of the Frontier People, with the Virginia claim before 
mentioned, I did humbly conceive it to be the desire of Government to get as extensive a 
Cession as was practicable. And altho' in the letters I had the honour to receive, mention 
was made of the Kanhawa River to prevent a dispute with the Cherokees &c'' yet as I had 
always understood and had myself actually heard the Cherokees above twenty years ago 
acknowledge that the River of tlieir name was the extent of their pretensions, as I found it was 
so understood by the Colony of Virginia, & as the Northeren Indians would not be satisfied 
'till this their claim was mentioned, I acted to the best of my judgement under all these 
circumstances in accepting of the Cession to be submitted to His Majesty for admitting 
the Cherokees do claim to the Northward, a circumstance which is quite new & which I have 
reason to beleive they would not avow before the Northeren Indians, yet as the latter are more 
powerfull, more zealous, more warlike and capable of doing us infinitely more misclieif than 
the former, I then thought the complying with the claims of the Northeren Confederacy a 
measure of the least dangerous tendency, and I flatter myself that His Majesty will for all 
these reasons honor me with His indulgence in beleiving that I acted as in my judgement 
appeared best for the service. 

I have already observed that I shall forthwith execute the orders transmitted in your 
Lordships letter in the best manner I can, as I shall everry other part of my Duty particularly 
endeavouring to discover the designs of all secret enemies who by their machinations threaten 
us with danger, among other instances of which I find from the examination of a man who is 
lately returned from the Mississippi and well acquainted with several of their proceedings, 
that Indians arrived last January at the place where he wintered, who brought belts from the 
French Settlements which were imediately forwarded thro the Nations to the Lakes, the purport 
of which tho kept verry private was to promote a Union for the execution of some plan & that 
those Messingers made particular enquiry concerning tlie strength and number of men at the 
out posts. — There has been likewise an Alarm at Detroit which put a stop to the Traders 
going to tiie Westward for some time & occasioned the Inhabitants to fortify themselves, this 
seems to have arisen from the claims the Indians have to the possessions of sundry French 
Inhabitants at that place, but tho their apprehensions are at present somewhat abated, there 
is good reason to think they are far from being over, from the concurring Ace" from all 
Quarters amongst w** I have just received Information from Detroit communicated by Huron 
Andrew an Indian of good sense much respected for his attachment & services to us, that 
Mons"' Vercher formerly a French Officer who was trading last winter at Sandusky on Lake 


Erie without leave had distributed two belts with two kegs of rum amongst the Hurons, 
desireing them to retaia their courage for that they would soon see their old French Father 
when they would have occasion for it. — These things are so common, that the best disposed 
Indians become poisoned with their principles, and all this arises from the want of proper 
regulations for Trade & the pernicious practice of permitting the worst sort of men to go 
where they please into the Indian Country. The State of things here induces me to think 
that my going into the Indian Country may be of some service, I shall therefore set out 
imediately, and at my return which I expect will be in a few weeks, shall communicate any 
material Intelligence which I may have received. 
I am, with the utmost respect, my Lord, 
Your Lordship's 

most obedient & most 

devoted, humble servant 

W. Johnson. 

Your Lordship's last letter acquainting me that my proceedings were still before the Lords 
of Trade is just come to my hands. 

The Right Honourable the Earl of Hillsborough 

Additional Instruction to the Governors in America against Lotteries. 

Additional Instruction to Our Trusty and Wellbeloved William Campbell 
Esquire, commonly called Lord William Campbell,' Our Captain General 
and Governor in Chief in and over our Province of Nova Scotia in America. 
Given at Our Court at S' James's the [30"^] day of [June 1769] in the 
[ninth] year of Our Reign. 

Whereas a practice hath of late years prevailed in several of Our Colonies and Plantations 
in America, of passing Laws for raising money by instituting Publick Lotteries ; and whereas 
it hath been represented to Us, that such practice doth tend to disengage those, who become 

' Lord William Campbell, youngest son of John 4th Duke of Argyle, entered the navy, in which service he became a 
captain on the 20lh of August, 1762, {Millan's Almanac, 1703, 122.) when he was put in command of the Nightingale, 20 

■ guns. Beatsou's N. and M. Memoirs, III., 436. In May, 1763, he married Sarah, daughter of Ralph Izard, of Charleston, S. C, 
(Debrelt), and 1704 was elected to represent Argyleshire in the Ilouse of Commons. London Court Register, 1765. On 
the death of Mr. Wilmot he was appointed governor of Nova Scotia, and was sworn into office on 27th November, 1766. He 
administered the affairs of that province until 1773, when he was promoted to the government of South Carolina. Halibuv 
ton's Nova. Scotia, I., 246, 251. lie arrived in the latter country in June, 1775, during the sitting of the first Provincial Congress, 
which presented him a congratulatory address, but he refused to acknowledge that body. For three months after his 
arrival he was unmolested, though indefatigable in secretly fomenting opposition to the popular measures; but in September, 
distrustful of his personal safety, he retired on board the Tamar sloop of war, where he remained, though invited to return 
to Charleston. In the attack on the latter city in June 1776, under Sir Uenry Clinton, Lord Campbell served as a volunteer 
on board one of the British sliipi, on which occasion he received a wound that ultimately proved mortal. Ramsay's History 

■ of South Carolina, I. lie returned, 'tis presumed, with the fieet and died 5th September, 1778. Dtbrett. — Ed. 


adventurers therein from that spirit of industry and attention to their proper Callings and 
Occupations, on which the Publick Welfare so greatly depends ; And Whereas it further 
appears, that this practice of authorizing Lotteries by Acts of Legislature hath been also 
extended to the enabling private persons to set up such Lotteries, by means vchereof great 
frauds and abuses have been committed; It is therefore Our Will and Pleasure, that you do 
not give your Assent to any Act or Acts for raising Money by the Institution of any publick 
or private Lotteries vv'hatsoever, until you shall have first transmitted unto Us by one of Our 
Principal Secretaries of State a Draught or Draughts of such Act or Acts, and shall have 
received Our directions thereupon.^ 

Instruction respecting the French Seigniories on Lake Cliaivplain. 

[ Kew-Tork Entries, Q., 453. ] 

5 July 1769. 
Additional Instruction to our Trusty and Wellbeloved Sir Henry Moore Baronet, 
our Captain General and Governor in Chief of our Province of New York 
and the territories depending thereon in America. Given &•= 

Whereas sundry persons, proprietors under titles derived from the Crown of France when 
that Crown was in possession of Canada, of lands on that part of Lake Champlain now lying 
within our Province of New York have humbly represented unto us that several parts of the 
said lands so claimed have already been granted to other persons by Letters Patent under 
the Seal of our said Province of New York, and have therefore humbly prayed that a 
proceeding so prejudicial to their rights and pretensions may receive our royal disapprobation ; 
and whereas it appears both just and equitable that the claims of persons under such titles as 
aforesaid should not be affected without the fullest examination thereof. It is therefore our 
Will and Pleasure and you are hereby directed and required in no case to make any grants of 
lands so claimed, as aforesaid, upon Lake Champlain to the Northward of Crown Point, 
within our Province of New York, until the petitions and proposals for grants of any part or 
parts of such lands shall have been transmitted to one of our Principal Secretaries of State, in 
order to be laid before us, and until our approbation thereof shall have been signified to you 
our said Governor, or to the Commander in Chief of our said Province for the time being. 

Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

L New-York Papers ( S. P. O.) CLXI. ] 

New York. 11. July 1769. 
My Lord, 

The copies o/ my last Dispatches to your Lord? are now transmitted by the Ship Ellin 
bound for Bristol; I have little else to add on the present state of this Province, but my 

' The date of this document is added from Xem -York Council JliiuUes, XXVI., 157.— Ed. 


apprehensions that the late resolves of the Virginian Assembly, will add fresh fuel to those 
Heats, which have already spread too far over the continent, and influenced the rest of the 
Colonies to follow their example ; these Resolutions have been already adopted by the 
Delaware Counties, and the last accounts from Boston shew, that their House of Assembly 
was well disposed to join in the same measures. In this critical situation, I cannot help 
renewing the application I made to your Lord? in my letter N° 44. in favour of the Bill for the 
emission of paper currency there mentioned, as I imagine it must be attended with such 
circumstances, as will not only benefit His Majesty's service and be of infinite advantage to 
the Province, by enabling it to grant the proper supplies, which will be wanted, but will in 
relieving it from the present difficulties under which it labours make such impression on the 
minds of the people, as to call forth the warmest expressions of duty, and at the same time 
prevent their following these recent examples of opposition, which can only tend to widen the 
Breach between Great Brittain and her Colonies. I hope your Lord^ will excuse this repetition 
on a subject where so much has already been said, and which nothing but my zeal for His 
Maj'^'" service could induce me to make, prompted by ardent wishes that the Province under 
my direction might Act in such a manner, as to give intire satisfaction, but when all our funds 
are exhausted, and the scarcity of money so great, that a Farm of sixty acres of Land with a 
dwelling house and several improvements on it, shall be sold under an execution for ten 
pounds, and another in the same situation, sold for two hundred pounds, which but a few years 
before cost two thousand seven hundred pounds, there can be but little prospect of a Tax to 
be raised on Lands in a province so circumstanced. I have the honor to be with the 
greatest respect 

My Lord, 

Your LordP's most obedient 

and humble Servant. 

H. Moore. 

Earl of Ilillsborovgh to Governor Moore. 

[New-Tork Papers (S. P. 0.) OLXI.] 

Whitehall. 15 July 1769 

I have received and laid before the King your Dispatches N" 42, 43 and 44. 

The public transactions during the sitting of the Assembly and the various regulations 
which were the objects of discussion and deliberation are of very great importance and will 
require the fullest consideration. 

The motions made by M"' Livingston & others for public thanks to be given to the Merchants 
in consequence of their Association against the importation of goods from Great Brittain, and 
for concurring in the violent resolves of the former Assembly, and the resolutions & declarations 
made in consequence [of those] motions, are transactions which, tho' you have not thought fit 
to point them out in your correspondence, could not escape the King's notice, and His Maj'-' 
feels the deepest concern, that His subjects in New York, should, from groundless jealousy and 


apprehension, adopt measures and proceedings, that Manifest a spirit so adverse to the real 
and true Interests both, of this Kingdom and its Colonies. 

What steps it may be proper to take in consequence of the Resolve for excluding the Judges 
of the supreme Court from sitting and voting in the Lower House of Assembly will require 
to be further considered ; but I must not omit to acquaint you, that His Maj''' looks upon this 
as an innovation of a very dangerous nature, implying a claim in the Assembly that can not 
be allow'd without violation of the fundamental principles of the Constitution. 

Tiie reasons you give for having contrary to your own opinion, assented to the Bills for 
regulating sales by public vendue, for eniai^ing the Jurisdiction of County Courts, 
for limiting that of the Superior Court, and for explaining the Election Act, must remain for 
consideration, when the Laws themselves are received ; and therefore I can only say for the 
present, that the objections you state yourself to these Laws are too strong to warrant that 
approbation of your conduct which I most sincerely wish, upon all occasions to be justified in 
expressing to you. 

What you say of the distresses of the Colony for want of a currency, is very material, and 
therefore it would have been a great satisfaction to me to have been enabled to have sent you 
by this conveyance such Instructions as his Maj''' might have thought proper to have given 
respecting the Bill for emitting ^120000 in paper Bills of Credit, proposed in the Inst Assembly, 
and to which, you very properly refused your assent, until His Mnjesly's permission could be 
obtained ; but your not having transmitted the Bill itself, puts this out of my power and must 
necessarily create a delay that I am extremely concerned for. As to the other Bill for 
confirming Estates claimed by Aliens, to which you resused' your assent, it will be proper that 
it should be submitted to the consideration of His Maj'^ at the Council Board, and I shall loose 
no time in taking the necessary steps for that purpose. 

Just as this letter was finished a Mail arrived from New York, by which, I had the satisfaction 
to receive your Dispatches i\°' 45, 46, 47 and 48. and have laid them before the King but 
have nothing in Command from His Maj'^ to signify to you thereupon. 

The Acts mentioned in your letter N° 4S. to be transmitted by the Clerk of the Council have 
not yet been received at my office. 

I am ettc 


Governor Moore to the Earl of Hllhlorough. 

[ NewTork Papers ( S. 1'. O. ) CtXL ] 

New York, 19 July 1769. 
My Lord, 

Your LordP's circular letter inclosing His Maj''''' most gracious speech to His Parliament at 
the close of the Session, was immediately upon its being received, communicated to His 
Majesty's Council of this Province ; the general satisfaction with which it was received by all 
then present, left me no room to doubt of the impression it had made, and I am persuaded 

' Sic. refused. — Ed. 

Vol. VIII. 23 


that they will most readily joyn in removing all those unfortunate prejudices which have too 
long prevailed here. No assiduity on my part shall be wanting in the execution of this 
necessary part of my duty, and I shall be extremely happy to contribute in the smallest degree 
to that great work of reestablishing a mutual confidence and affectioa between Great Brittain 
and her Colonies, by bringing back to a true sense of their duty the Province His Maj'^ has 
been pleased to entrust to my care, 

I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect, My Lord, 

Your LordP's most obedient 
♦ and humble servant 

H. Moore. 

Governor Moore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[New- York Papers (8. p. O.) CLSI.] 

New York, 10 August 1769. 
My Lord, 

If I thought it incumbent on me to make an apology to your Lord? in my last letter at the 
time I transmitted two petitions, concerning the Lands on the Connecticut River, with much 
greater reason should I do it now in offering any thing more on the same subject. The 
inclosed petitions were preparing at the time the last Pacquet sailed, and notwithstanding I 
have informed the persons concerned in it, of what your Lord? was pleased to mention in your 
letter by this last Pacquet concerning those lands, they still think it an injustice done to them 
not to forward their case to your Lord?, if their grants are refused to be made out by me on 
their application for them. So much, has already been said on this head, that I shall only beg 
leave to submit the following observation to your Lord?. When His Maj'^'" order in Council 
was first sent over by the Earl of Shelburne, forbidding any further grants to be made of the 
I.ands in question it was the general opinion here, that the restriction was only intended to be 
laid on the granting of any patents which could possibly affect the particular Townships, set 
forth in Robinson's Petition; I took His Maj'^' order in a greater latitude, & notwithstanding 
the repeated attacks made upon me, as well by reduced oificers and disbanded Soldiers, as 
by the Lihabitants of this Province, I have constantly refused to comply with their demands 
although the Lands for which they applyed had never been granted by the Govern' of N. 
Hampshire, or included in the above mentioned Petition ; as some Townships were supposed 
to be laid out on the west side of Lake Champlain (altlio' there was no other foundation for 
such a supposition than a Map printed in the Province of Connecticut). I observed the same 
rule in regard to that part of the Country, notwithstanding there was not the least appearance 
upon Earth of a survey having been made there; it is now above two years since I wrote my 
first letter to the Earl of Shelburne, in answer to the Petitions of Robinson and the Society 
for propagating the Gospel, during which time, I have used every means in my power to carry 
into execution the plan I had formed for making such a communication with the Prov" of 
Quebec, as I have already had the honor of laying before your Lord^, but in our present 
situation every endeavour of mine will be rendered ineffectual, if the Lauds on the side of the 


Lake are not permitted to be, granted, for those Tracts which are now in the possession of 
Officers and Soldiers, not being charged with any Quit Rent for the first ten years, remain still 
in the same uncultivated state, as when they [were] first granted, and of course will be always 
an obstruction to the making of Roads on the side of the Lake till some settlers can be fixed 
there. Our precarious communication with the province of Quebec at certain seasons of the 
year, requires that the advantage of a public Road should be procured as soon as possible, but 
it is not in the power of Man to engage those who proposed settling in those parts in any such 
undertaking till they have proper titles to their Lands. 

The accounts which have been given to me of the falls on the Connecticut River vary so 
much, as these objects are seen in different lights by different people, that I was determined 
to see thenf'myself, and in expectation of receiving His Maj'^'' commands relative to that part 
of the Country had made the necessary preparation for my expedition, by ordering, some 
Boats to be built in the uppermost inhabited Township on that River. My intention was to 
have taken a view of the whole stream from Newberry to the Massachusets Line, and to have 
made an attempt to render those falls and rapids (if possible) less dangerous and inconvenient 
for the floating of Timber down, for, I have been informed, that several Masts have been so 
far shattered either by the mismanagement of the Conductors, or by choosing improper seasons 
for such a work, as to be totally unfit for service. As the Province of New Hampshire is 
equally interested in the improvement of this Navigation, M' Wentworlh has declared his 
readiness to co-operate with me in any plan which could make it a public benefit, and I only 
waited for your LordP's orders to empower me to proceed in this undertaking. I have the 
honor to be with the greatest respect. My Lord, 

Your LordP's most obedient 

and bumble servant. 

H. Moore. 

Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillshorovgh. 

[ Plantations General, CCLV., No. 10. ] 


Johnson Hall, August 21" 17G9. 
My Lord, 

On my way from the Country of the Senecas whither in my letter of the 24"" June (N° 9) 
I informed your Lordship I was then destined, I had the honour to receive your Lordship's of 
the 13"" of May ( N° 10) and I herewith inclose a seperate letter on the Issue of my journey, 
and proceedings humbly requesting that your Lordship will so far indulge me as to allow the 
subject of this to be a farther explanation of the Transactions at the Fort Stanwix Treaty 
which from what I have heard seems necessary for the justification of my conduct; I even 
persuade myself that under these circumstances your Lordship will rather approve than 
condemn me for endeavouring (as every man of honor & integrity ought) to remove any the 
least misinformation on that head, and to set the whole in as clear a light as the bounds of a 
letter will admit of, and I have some hopes that in so doing your Lordship will be still farther 
enabled to judge of the propriety of future measures respecting the objects of that Treaty, 


and tho I may be oblidged to extract in some places the substance of former letters yet I hope 
the placing the whole in one view will attone for it. — In order to this permit me to remind 
your Lordsliip that in former letters I shewed that between the first mention of a Boundary 
Line (which was soon heard of throughout the Colonies) and my receiving orders for 
concluding it, so much lime had elapsed as gave our enemies opertunity to misrepresent our 
intentions to the Indians, so that after procuring and transporting a large valuable present to 
the place appointed for the Congress, I found the Indians sentiments so much altered, as 
to render the success of my negociations verry doubtful), under these disadvantagious 
Circumstances I was oblidged to act as the exigency of the affairs required, and the 
apprehension of being oblidged in some measure to deviate from my Instructions gave me 
great uneasiness. My health already reduced to a verry low state from severe faffgues in his 
Majesty's service, was on this occasion rendered much worse by being oblidged to set whole 
nights generally in the open woods in private conferences with the leading men. As here the 
principal matters are first agitated, and the sentiments of the rest best known, I found that 
their jealousy was not to be removed but by permitting them to make mention of their claim 
extending to the Cherokee River, At this time I had suggested nothing to them on that 
subject but as from the circumstances of time & place the greatest part of the Transactions at 
these private conferences can never be committed to writing, & if they were, their enormous 
bulk would render them unfit to be transmitted. — These conversations & "previous transactions 
did not make their appearance in the copy I transmitted, which according to the custom 
hitherto observed contained only the public Treaty, and therefore it might have been imagined 
that this was of my first suggesting, whereas I was oblidged to admit the mention of their 
claim thro necessity, in consequence of what had passed, and as that was the case I could not 
I am certain have given them a more favourable idea of His Majesty's goodness than His 
declining so fine a Tract to remove the possibility of dispute, rather than from a doubt of their 
title, & I have since repeatedly found that this was highly pleasing to them, but as they came 
with fixed resolutions on that head, which I have already observed, & as I could not put off 
or wait the farther sense of Government thereon, without consequences for which I could 
never make atonement, I was compelled to act as I did, and I thought my conduct farther 
justified on the following principles. First, That in Transactions with such a People at such 
a Distance from Court, some latitude was often given to His Majesty's servants, and that the 
same was never more necessary than on that occasion. Second, That my Orders on that 
Head seemed to be founded on a beleif that the Cherokees claimed a right to that Country, if 
this could be made to appear otherwise of which I was certain, it removed that objection. — 
Third, that the Inhabitants of Virginia laid claims thereto in virtue of old purchases some of 
which had been formerly countenanced by the Crown, & that the back Inhabitants of that 
Colony who are a verry encreasing & enterprising people had a strong desire to establish 
themselves in that Country, had already made many advances thereto, and in case the Indians 
had not ceded it would soon begin settlements thereon which would certainly be productive 
of a war, at the same time I was but too sensible of the inefficacy of any measures of the 
Colony to prevent such selllements, and of the Interest that many persons of Consequence had 
in wishing them to be extended. — Fourth, That the removing the claims of the Northern 
Confederacy by a Cession to His Majesty at a time when they were so much disposed for it, 
would be gaining a great point, the only means of carrying on the Treaty & the least productive 
of any ill consequences, when I considered all these points, & that whatever might have of 


late been said of y* pretensions of the Cherokees, the Northern Confederacy were more 
powerfull & more inclined to dispute, & their dispute of more dangerous consequence, I could 
no longer hesitate as to the part I had to act. And I fully persuade myself that on due 
consideration of the premises the motives on which I acted will appear strongly in justification 
of my measures. — For the rest I have only to say that besides some private sales ratified by 
the Governour and made according to the usual mode with which I had nothing to do, there 
were two Grants or Indian Deeds against which I was not aware any objection would be 
made. The one to M'^ Croghan was only a confirmation of two former grants which the 
Indians particularly desired to make, & beleive they did without any influence, I am certain 
it was without mine, & which as he told me he took for the satisfaction of the Proprietaries 
of Pensilvania in order to the obtaining a grant in the usual way. He farther assuring me 
that he had mentioned his old pretensions to your Lordship. The other Grant was to the 
Traders who suffered losses in the year 17G3, it was made an article of the peace with them 
afterwards and was judged a verry prudent measure by obtaining from them a Retribution 
in the only way in their power & thereby furnishing a precedent that might be of use 
hereafter should they commit depredations, it was well known to Government, & chearfuUy 
agreed to by the Indians who were disposed to give the sufferers a greater extent of land than 
is in the grant, had I not interposed, thro' an apprehension that there were not wanting 
malicious persons, who thro' envy or ill nature might take occasion to lessen the importance 
of the Transactions of that Treaty by remarks on the extent of a private Grant, tho' such grant 
could not prove any loss to the Crown, as it must be subject to the same Quit Rent of any 
other, and tho it was an act of Justice & policy, & did not reach within one hundred miles 
of the great Kanhawa. Some of the Indians thro' principle, and all of them from an inclination 
to shew their regard to Treatys, made particular meinion of these grants in their speeches 
recommending them to His Majesty, as they did everry thing that seemed necessary to their 
Interest, & this I can safely assure your Lordship they did of their own meer motion, they 
observed to me that from what they knew of the present price of lands here, they were sensible 
they could not receive the 10"" part of the value of the Cession, that therefore they had the 
stronger reliance on His Majesty's attention to their humble requests, I have upon all occasions 
given as nearly as possible the litteral sense of the Indians as delivered in their speeches, but 
in this case I softened them without deviating from their meaning, because I found them rather 
more animated than they often are, or than I desired, & altho this could not surprise any man 
acquainted with the particular mode of expression of that confederacy in matters of much 
moment, I was aware that it might be liable to misconstruction unless due allowance be 
made for them as savages who have the most extravigant notions of freedom, property and 
independance, & who cannot as yet be persuaded to give up their hopes & expectations from the 
Crown, and any person who well understands & impartially represents them must admit that 
in all such treaties they endeavour to maintain their own importance by the most forcible 
expressions, to which I may with truth add, that, as their words for fear of ofl!ence have been 
often glossed over before they were committed to writing by many others, I was the first that 
in the most critical period took upon me to check them in their sallys of that nature, whilst at 
the same time I took care so to conduct myself as to point out their [error]' without driving them 
toextremitys, I know there are too many people within these few years past that either think 
it necessary to their importance, y* Interests of their party, or to the gratification of private 

' Johnson Manuscripts, XVIL —Ed. 


resentment to affect a knowledge of Indian affairs. However ridiculous or partial their reports 
might be rendered by any conrpetent judge as their representations cannot be fully known, 
they are not easily refuted at 3000 miles distance, there is scarcely one other subject where a 
man of sense and observation who has been on the spot cannot afford many remarks that may 
be of use, but these qualifications without many others can only mislead in Indian affairs, to 
speak candidly, it is not during the period of a Governors residence at an American capital, of 
a commandant at an outpost, or of a traveller in the country that this can be gained, it is only 
to be acquired by a long residence amongst them, a daily intercourse with them, & a desire of 
Information in these matters superseding all other considerations, that this is not the case 
of any of those orders of men can be easily shewn, & consequently they are not sufficient 
judges, but as this would lead me farther than (I still flatter myself) there is occasion, I shall 
only assure your Lordship that all I have presumed to offer is capable of much enlargement, 
& can be sufficiently amplified & proved whenever occasion requires, and that I should not 
have presumed to add so much to all I have formerly said hereon, but from a delicacy arising 
from a thorough conviction of the strictest probity & zeal for my King's service, & a perfect 
disinterestedness, that as it has often procured me the Royal favour & approbation, renders it 
my continual wish to be favourably understood, & my peculiar study to merit the only object 
of my painfull endeavours. This, my Lord, is not a bare assertion, it is easy for me to 
demonstrate that private interest governs none of my representations, that they flow from duty 
to the Crown & regard for the public security, the way to which I am the better enabled to 
judge of, from the nature of my office and my long acquaintance with the state of y* frontiers 
& the neighbouring Indians. The honest motives w"" induced me to detain your Lordship so 
long on this subject, will I persuade myself find a favourable construction from your Lordship's 
candor, on this I must rest my justification whilst they plead my apology, I shall therefore 
only add, that, I should not have a moment hesitated executing my last orders for signifying 
to the Indians His Majesty's Inclination to decline that part of the Cession but that I was 
fearfull of the consequences, when as I knew that the Virginians would at any rate settle on 
these lands in consequence of which the Indians would all think the whole a delusion, & that 
since the late Reform I did not think myself authorized to incurr so great an Expence as is 
necessary for conveneing all those Indians who should attend on such an occasion without 
particular orders, & I have the satisfaction to find that herein I acted for the best, as from 
your Lordship's last letter, I observed that in case I am of opinion that it may be of ill 
consequence. His Majesty will ratify the Boundary agreable to the Treaty, to which I have 
only to add that since my late Tour into the Indian Country, I find my former opinion so 
much strengthened, that I think it highly prudent to decline the mention of the affair unless 
I receive y' Lordship's orders to the contrary, or that some thing should occur that may justify 
me in so doing. — I have the honour to be with the most profound respect & esteem, my Lord, 
Your Lordship's most obedient, much oblidged, & verry humble Servant 

W. Johnson. 
The Right Honourable the Earl of Hillsborough 



Sir William Jolinson to the Earl of Ilillshorongli. 

[ Plantations General, OCLV., No. 11, B., 27. ] 

Johnson Hall, August SG"" 17G9. 

My Lord, 

Having had the honour to write your Lordship on the subject of the Boundary & Cession 
which letter accompanys this, I am now to give your Lordship an Ace' of the Transactions • 
during my late Tour through the Country of the Six Nations. 

I left home on the 26"" of June and after many delays arrived at Onondaga the lO"" of July 
where I found the Cheifs &c''' of that Nation with several others from the neighbouring villages 
who being in great want of Indian Corn from a failure of their crops, I gave them a supply of 
that & several other articles, and previous to my General Meeting, held several private 
conferences with the Cheifs at their hunting cabbins returning from one of which in the night 
my cannoe overset & in ascending a bank I received a verry severe cut by a fall on my wounded 
leg which had verry nigh rendered me incapable of proceeding, however on finding myself a 
little easier, I held a Congress with them two days after, which they opened with a speech 
wherein they made many Enquirys after News, and Whether a war was not about to be 
commenced between England, France & Spain, they said they were well assured of this, that 
there were many things which gave them much concern, amongst the rest that some of the 
Nations continued obstinately bent on war, and they feared it would compel them to disturb 
the Cherokees & others with whom they had made peace, that the intrusions of the New 
England people into Pensilvania they were afraid would draw some of theirs into a war, and 
that it gave them concern to find that those persons who had the management of the Trade 
were removed, I gave them all the satisfaction in my power on these heads, & afterwards 
proceeded for Cayuga where there were about 500 Indians assembled with whom I had a 
meeting to much the same effect as with the Onondagaes, only I observed that the farther I 
advanced into the Indian Country, the more earnest the Indians appeared in their several 
discourses. I next went to Seneca where I had summoned y* Cheifs of that Nation, as also 
those Indians living near the head of Ohio to meet me, who in a few days assembled to the 
amount of two thousand and upwards, before I met them in public I was visited by two Cheifs 
in whom I had always had reason to place much confidence, who told me that they had 
laboured hard for some months to keep their people in order, & to prevent their receiving 
several belts which had been sent to their Country for verry bad purposes, but that nevertheless 
many came to their hands, w*" had occasioned a spirit of discontent amongst them, as I would 
find on opening the Congress, about the same time Messingers arrived notifying the approach 
of a number of Cherokee Cheifs who were coming to attend a General Congress to be held at 
Onondaga the beginning of next month, to which the Cheifs of the Canada Confederacy and 
other Northern Indians were summoned to renew and strengten alliances. When we 
assembled the Senecas began with a long detail of what they called greiviances, they said that 
they found the conduct of all people altered for the worse towards them, that not a season had 
passed since the late peace without the murther of some of their people by the Inhabitants, 
that by withdrawing those who had the inspection of the Trade &c" frauds & abuses would 
be more common then ever, that no business could be transacted without Interpreters at the 
Posts, & that they could not do without Smiths to mead their arms, & other implements used 


in hunting, that they were well assured that a war was near at hand, & that they were courted 
to engage in it, which tho contrary to the senise of the Cheifs might probably be agreed to by 
too many of the warriors if those affairs which gave them so much uneasiness were not 
adjusted, for they saw there was no provision made for their redress, I then explained 
to them what I had in general made known- before to the confederacy touching the present 
system for Indian affairs, that they would find the Colonies heartily disposed to make 
what Establishments were necessary, and to prevent frauds or injustice of every kind, 
but that they ought to make allowance for the importance of these matters as they required 
some time to be put on a proper footing, & that those whose Interests & Trade were 
so materially connected with them would certainly pursue the wisest measures for promoting 
peace & commerce. They answered that I had told them so before, that they well knew how 
slow our people here were, and that altho some of the old people of everry nation were still 
dif'posed to beleive all this, they found the majority of the rest, particularly of the other 
confederacys were not, they gave me a long state of the politicks of y" other nations on which 
they observed, that the Fact was, the Indians expected to meet the same treatment from us, 
which they had done from the French, that the latter repeatedly told them they would not, 
that they found it too true & that they were full of resentment thro' disappointment, it may 
not be amiss here to remark, that when Indians are disposed to quarrel, they collect all the 
materials they can as grounds for their conduct, and often insist on things as greiviances which 
in reality have given them little concern, the true cause is often misrepresented and therefore 
the proper remedy is wanting, they are jealous of us, & envious of one another, & I don't 
doubt but that the late great present may prove a means of dividing the Councils of the Six 
Nations with the rest, for tho' the sole right was in that Confederacy (and double the sum 
would not have contented all who desired to partake of it) the rest will probably be jealous of 
it, of which I am in hopes a proper use may be made. — During my stay at Seneca I saw & 
spoke with several Indians from different nations who brought belts of Union & Messages, 
& after having settled matters for obtaining a knowledge of what is to be transacted at the 
Congress before mentioned, I took leave of the Indians and arrived here about ten days ago 
much indisposed, nor am I as yet recovered from the hurt I received at Onondaga, so that I 
hope your Lordship will excuse any defects in this short sketch which is extracted hastily from 
my Journal. — On my way home I was overtaken with the news of a murder of a young Seneca 
man, who was fired upon on the River Susquehana by some of the frontier Inhabit' without 
the least provocation given (of which I have since received an account from Pensilvania) 
as the father of this young man has generaly lived within the settlements, & with the whole 
Family demonstrated the most zealous attachment to the English, and were much respected 
by the Indians, the murder is a verry unlucky accident at this time, but it is not alone several 
others having been lately committed by the infatuated and lawless inhabitants on the frontiers 
of Virginia iScc" Who as they have hitherto acted with impunity are encouraged to go on. And 
tho the effects of all this have not been sensibly felt for some time, they at length begin to 
make their appearance particularly about the Ilinois, Ohio &c* of which your Lordship will 
doubtless receive Information from the Commander in Cheif, the Indians having killed several 
people, attacked & plundered several Traders boats, & in short blocked up the communication 
of the Ohio, so that is no longer practicable for the Traders. Whilst at the same time they 
are endeavouring to form a more strict alliance than ever for purposes that are but too obvious, 
seeming only to wait the success of their negociations for the commencement of hostilities, 


and altho' upon these occasions they use much caution & secrecy, yet some part of their late 
conduct does not exactly agree with it, but shews an extraordinary degree of confidence from 
some quarter, of which the answer herewith inclosed to the speech of L' Col Wilkins' 
commanding at Ilinois furnishes some instances, to illustrate which I have annexed some notes, 
I have received a copy of the Speech of Mons"" Verchere (formerly a French officer) to the 
Indians of Lake Erie, as now delivered by them, this speech was made known to me by some 
spies I have who with many others since positively affirm that he gave them a present in the 
name of the French King, and desired them to hold themselves in readiness, but on my 
communicating it to the General, who wrote concerning it to Canada, the Indians who esteem 
VerChere came to the Commandant at Detroit delivered up VerCheres belt & also the speech 
in the manner sent me which was evidently altered to prevent his meeting with punishment, 
nevertheless the they have certainly suppressed much of what he said to them, enough 
remains, which to a man conversant in their idiom would be a convincing proof without any 
thing farther. In short as I suspected and frequently represented would be the case, none but 
Frenchmen can go into their country to the Westward, & the Indians positively & publickly 
declare to all people that they will suffer no others into their country, I was informed that the 
French were at the bottom of the representations artfully prepared to get the general liberty 
for trading at large in the Indian country which I then observed was calculated for them to 
engross it all. In the mean time the Colonies have as yet done nothing, except £150 voted 
by N York for defraying the expence of Officers of Trade &c.* a sum scarcely worth mentioning, 
and the Governor now writes me that he mentioned his apprehensions of the Indians 
uneasiness for want of Commissaries &c^ to the Members of his Assembly but without effect, 
and adds that the inadequate provision made for Interpreters & Smiths shews how little the 
matter in agitation was understood; In short none of those conversant in these matters expect 
they will do any thing material, I ought the rather to mention this because in your Lordship's 
letter of October 12"" 176S (N" 6.) you observe that the reliance on the benifits intended to be 
the result of the late measures was not upon their propriety but upon the execution of them 
*& upon the regulations which the Colonies shall think fit to adopt for the management of the 
Commercial Part." I kept people on the frontiers as long as I possibly could consistant with 
His Majesty's Instructions, and gave timely notice to the Colonies concerned that they must 
be withdrawn, as did the Commander in Cheif, but without effect, and I persuade myself that 
your Lordship's long knowledge of American affairs will render it unnecessary for me to point 
out the little expectation of these measures having the effect desired be the consequences what 
they will, 'tis my sense of these consequences alone that induces me to offer a word in addition 
to what I formerly said hereon for I averr upon my honour I never had the smallest advantage 
in the appointments that formerly existed but additional trouble in corresponding with the 
officers constantly sending them instructions, paying their ace" and settled salaries when I 

' Lieutenant-Colonel John Wilkins was appointed captain in the 5oth Regiment of Foot 30th December, 1755, and became 
a major, unattached, in 1762; was commandant at Niagara in 1763, whence he marched to the relief of Detroit with a foice 
of 600 regulars, but was attacked on the way by some Indians and driven back to Fort Sehlosser with serious loss. He made 
another attempt to reach Detroit, but was overtaken by a storm on Lake Erie, wiien 70 of his men perished, and he and the 
remainder were forced back to Niagara. Pnrkman'is P,m(iar, 376, 377. He became a major in the 60th regiment in August, 
1764, and in June following, lieutenant-colonel of the 18th or Royal Irish. In May, 1768, he was ordered from Philadelphia 
with 7 companies of his regiment to Fort Pitt, whence he proceeded to Fort Chartres, of which post he became commandant. 
We find him there in 1771. PennsyUania Archives, IV., 300, 377, 395. He died, or left the army at the close of 1775. 
Army Lht, 1776, 246. —En. 

Vo^. VIII. 24 


received it from the general, & very often oblidged to advance them money before I rec" it 
myself. Your Lordship will then judge how little I ought to have covetted this from any other 
motive than y' better execution of the public service. 

This moment I have advice that the people have abandoned their settlements from Bedford 
to Fort Pitt, in consequence of some robberies committed by some partys of Indians, & also 
fearing their Resentment for their own late conduct towards them, that a party of ludians 
comino- from War had robbed a House wherein there was only one Woman, whom they threw 
into the Potowmack, on which a party of the Inhabitants pursued & killed three of the Indians. 
That they had then resolved to augment their number and proceed to cut off a Mingoe village 
not far from thence, if so, a war is inevitable. In short there is but too much licentiousness 
on all sides, for by the same account, I am assured that Calleiidar a trader on his way to Fort 
Pitt with 25 horses loaded with Indian goods was attacked near Bedford by thirty White men 
disguised & painted like Indians who destroyed & carried away the greatest part of his goods, 
declaring they would suffer none to pass on to the Indians, that this circumstance has greatly 
exasperated the Indians, & contributed to alarm the peaceable part of the White Inhabitants. — 
When we consider the state & disposition of the Indians, a people without laws or government, 
verry revengefull & influenced much by French Councils and verry jealous of us. We may 
conclude that as these people cannot in general be kept in order without an expence that may 
be deemed greater than its object, all we can do, is, to divide their Councils & retain a part of 
them in our Interest, which I am pretty confident I have interest & influence to do at all 
events. — It is highly necessary to. prevent a too general Union amongst them, & I should 
rather have declined taking the pains I did to effect a peace between the Six Nations & 
Cherokees, because we enjoy the most security when they are divided amongst themselves, at 
' the breaking out of the late Indian War I proposed to raise Indians to be employed against the 
enemy, it was thought giving them too much consequence. However I took upon myself to 
send out a few parties, which notwithstanding the pains generally taken to allow them as 
little merit as possible, contributed essentially to bring that War to a conclusion, for altho it 
may be said, and is in part true, that Indians are unwilling to fight against one another in our 
quarrels, there are many exceptions to this opinion. There are some to be had who will join 
with ardour against any enemy, & many more whom it is policy to retain in our service, who, 
tho at first unwilling to act offensively from maxims of policy, yet, if by any means blood is 
drawn will become principals in the War, & this the Indians are so sensible of that there 
is nothing of which they are more apprehensive. — I hope that whatever is the issue of the 
present alarms I shall be able to retain a large body in His Majesty's Interest, and even to get 
them to act ag*' the enemy if it is required of me, and so soon as I receive any farther 
information that may be material, I shall communicate it imediately. 
1 have the honour to be with the 

most profound Respect, 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship's, 

most obedient, 
The Right Hon'''^ ■ & verry Humble Servant 

the Earl of Hillsborough. W. Johnson. 


Philip Livingston^ Jr., to the Earl of Hilhhorovgh, 

[ New -York Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXI. ] 

New York, 11 Sept' 17Git. 
My Lord, 

It is with the deepest concern, that as private Secretary to our late Gov', I now acquaint 
your LordP, that His Excel^'' Sir Henry Moore, died on this afternoon after an illness of 
three weeks. 

The great loss that this Prov"^" has sustained in him, will be much better perceived, in the 
general grief diffused thro' all ranks of Men among us, than in any panegyrick from me. 

As the late Gov' had been pleased to entrust me with the Custody of the great Seal, I shall 
deliver it to Lieut' Gov' Golden whenever he takes upon himself the Administration of the 
prov", together with such of your LordP's letters as may be necessary for his correspondence. 

I must beg your Lord^'s pardon for farther acquainting you, that his late ExcelK^ had 
appointed me principal Surrogate and Register of the prerogative Court in this Prov"==, with 
Authority to issue letters probate of wills and letters of administration on intestate Estates, 
and at the same time for soliciting Your Lord^'s patronage in procuring me this office under 
the Great Seal of England, or if that should be thought improper, to recommend my 
continuance in this Department to such Gov' as His Maj'^ shall hereafter be pleased to appoint 
Commander in Chief of this Province. 

It is certainly very incumbent on me to make an apology for this request, my character 
being entirely unknown to your Lord?, must therefore only inform you, that I received my 
education in England and was regularly bred to the profession of the Law at Lincoln's Inn, 
and upon this appointment immediately quitted my profession and applyed myself wholly to 
the duties of my Department, upon which my entire subsistance depends, and trust from my 
behaviour therein, and knowledge of the necessary Official business, that I may not be 
improperly continued. My family connections are, I believe with great truth, among the first 
in this Prov" and altho' a distant relation of my name in the last Session of Assembly appeared 
to be in opposition to Govern', yet my nearer connections have always pursued very 
different measures. 

I have written by this Pacquet to Coll : Staats Long Morris,' Henry Drummond Esq''= of 
Charring Cross, James Coats Esq'^ late Member for Edinburgh, and Richard Jackson Esq" 

" General Staats Long Morris, son of Jujge Lewis Morris and Catharine Staata, of Morrissania, N. Y., and grandson of 
Governor Morris of New Jersey, was born on the 27th August, I72S, ( Bolton's HiatM-y of WesUhester County II., 284,) and 
educated at Yale College. Whitehead's Papers of Governor Morris, 190. Having entered the aitny, he became captain in 
the 36th regiment of Foot on the 31st May, 1756, and attained the rank of major in 175S. Government having resolved 
the following year to raise an additional regiment of Highlanders, by the influence of the Gordon family, at tlie solicitation 
of the Dowager Duchess of Gordon, Major Morris, to whom she had been lately married, was appointed to raise that 
regiment, in which the Duke entered as captain, Lord William as lieutenant and Lord George as ensign. In a few weeks 
760 men were mustered and marched to Aberdeen, and Major Morris received a commission of Lieutenant-Colonel of the new 
corps, which was called the 89th Highland Regiment; with it he emb.irked, in December, 1760, for the East Indies, arrived 
at Bombay in November following (Browne's History of the Highland Clans, IV., 281, 282,) and served at the siege of 
Pondicherry in 1761. Bealson' s Naval and Military Memoirs, II., 339, III., 259. On 7th July, 1763, he was appointed to the 
local rank of Brigadier-General, ( Army List ) and on the return of the regiment to England it was reduced in 17B5, {Browne) 
and its lieutenant-colonel went on half-pay, where lie continued until 1778. He became major-general in 1777, and was 
appointed colonel of the 61st or South Gloueestersliire regiment in 1778. He rose to the rank of General in the British army 
in 1796, received the sinecure appointment of Governor of Quebec in 1797 and died in the early part of the year ISOO, in 
the 7 2d year of his age. Anny Lists. General Morris was twice married ; 1st to the Duchess of Gordon, as already men- 
tioned, who died in 1770, and 2dly to Miss Urquhart, who survived her husband about a year. — Ed. 


of Middle Temple, they being such of my friends as may most probably be known to your 
LordP, desiring that they would inform you of my Character as a private Gentleman, and 
should the Representation be so satisfactory as to induce your Lordi> to countenance this 
application, I shall always retain the most grateful remembrance of your goodness. 

Since writing the above, I have waited on Lieut' Gov"' Golden in the Country informing 
him of Sir Henry Moore's death, at which time he thought proper to inform me, that I should 
not be continued in my Department, a severe stroke upon a public Officer of Govern*, to be 
removed without any imputation of malconduct. 
I have the honor to be with the greatest respect 

My Lord 

Your LordP's most obedient and 
humble servant. 

Ph : Livingston Jun' 

Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-York Tapers ( S. P. 0.) CLXI. ] 

New York, 13. Sept' 1769. 
My Lord, 

On Monday last the ll"" Inst : Sir Henry Moore Dyed after three afternoon. I was then at 
my house in the Country, next day I came to Town ; Sir Henry's Funeral being that day, \ 
delayed the assuming the Administration of Govern' to this day. I have taken in Council, the 
usual Oaths as Lieut' Gov"' & Commander in Chief of the Province. I am not as yet sufficiently 
informed of the State of Public affiiirs, to write any thing in particular, but your Lord? may be 
assured, that it shall be my constant endeavour to keep the Prov" in peace and tranquility. 
Since I came to Town, I have seen many of the principal Inhabitants, who give me hope that 
I shall succeed in my endeavour, and I have good ground to hope that my Administration will 
be made easy to me. 

The appointment of a Register in the prerogative Office became necessary immediately after 
the Gov''* death. I have appointed M' Banyar,^ Deputy Secretary, to execute that Office, who 
executed the same while I had the Administration formerly, and many years before that time, 

' GoLDSBKOw Banyar was born in the city of London in the year 1724, and is said to have come to this country in 1737. 
George Joseph Moore, the Deputy Auditor-General, having deceased on the 22d February 1745-6, Mr. Banyar was appointed 
his successor, and on the 2d June, 1746, was sworn in as Deputy Secretary of the Province, Deputy Clerk of the Council and 
Deputy Cleik of the Supreme Court. New -York Council Minutes, XXI., 99. In 1752 he received the commission of Register 
of the Court of Chancery, (Oommissions, V., 43,) and in the following year, that of Judge of Probate and of Examioer in the 
Prerogative Court. Ibid, 62, 6.3. He discharged the duties of these several offices until the termination of the Royal 
Government in the Province of New-York. At the breaking out of the revolution Mr. Banyar retired to Rhinebeck, wliilhcr 
Sir Henry Clinton sent a sealed despatch to him, previous to the contemplated attack upon Esopus, asking for information 
as to the best mode of attacking that place. After the officer and liis attendants had been properly entertained, Mr. Banyar 
dismissed them with a sealed letter for Sir Uenry which, on being opened, was found to contain this laconic reply, "Mr. Banyar 
knows nothing." It is impossible, says Gorham A. Worth, to reflect one moment upon the position which Mr. B. occupied 


of whose ability and fidelity I am well assured, and whose conduct has been free from 
all exception. 

As I flatter myself, it has appeared to His Maj'^'' Ministers, that I had my duty always in 
view, while the Administration was formerly in my hands, I hope not to fail in it now, and 
that while I perform my duty, 1 shall have the honor of your Lord^'s patronage. 
I have the honor to be with the highest respeOt 
My Lord 

Your most obedient and 

faithful servant 

Cadwallader Golden. 

Lieutenant-Governor' Golden to the Earl of Hillshorough. 

[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXI. ] 

New York. 4. October 17G9. 
My Lord. 

Your LordP'' letter N" 33, directed to Sir Henry Moore, came to my hands after his death. 
By my letter of the IS**" of last Month, I informed your Lord? of his death, and of my having 
taken the Administration of Govern'. Before I wrote that letter I had met more than once 
with the Gentlemen of the Council, I had conversed with the Speaker and several of the 
Members of Assembly, I had assurances from them of their disposition to make my 
Administration easy to me. Nothing has occurred since that time, to make me doubt of this 
being conformable to the general inclination of the people; tho' at the same time I know,"tliat 
some are of a quite different disposition ; but I hope their power will not be equal to their 
disposition to raise difficulties in this Govern'. 

1 am informed, My Lord, by those who know the inclinations of the Assembly well, that, they 
have the passing the Bill for issuing a paper currency, much at heart — that the passing of that 
Bill will put them in good humour; and that unless this be done it will be difficult to make 
them continue the provision for the Soldiers quartered in this Province, after the Massachusets 
Bay have set them an example of absolutely refusing to do it, which has been followed by the 
Assembly of South Carolina. 

Whatever other effect the granting a paper currency may have it will certainly increase the 
consumption of British Manufactures in this Province. I conceive no inconvenience. My Lord, 

duriog the Revolution, and the manner in which he sustained himself in it, without conceding to him a thorough knowledge 
of the world, great sagacity and great address. Random Recollections, 67. In 1767 Mr. Banyar married Elizabeth Mortier, 
daughter of the Paymaster-General, and widow of John Appy, Esq., Judge-Advocate of H. M. forces in America. He 
removed after the Peace to Albany, where he always took a great interest in the internal improvements of the State, and 
contributed to all a liberal support. lu 17S6 he was appointed, in conjunction with General Schuyler and the late Elkanah 
Watson, commissioner to examine and report on making a canal from Wood creek to the Mohawk river, and generally as to 
the most judicious plan of making that river navigable. This duty they performed in the most acceptable manner. Mr. 
Banyar survived his lady 7 years, and died at Albany, full of years and of honors, on the 4th of November, 1815, at the 
advanced age of 91 yeare; leaving to his descendants a large estate and a more cnduriDg inheritance — the recollection 
of Ilia many virtues aud the cxamjile of a life devoted to duty.— Eu. 


in allowing the payments of the money borrowed, to be made of a tenth part every year. The 
reason of this, is that some of the borrowers on the former Emission, suffered by their imprudence 
and had their Estates sold in execution greatly under their value. 

The Clerk of the Council tells me, that, the Acts passed last sessions of Assembly, were 
transmitted by the June Packet from hence, & M' Livingston Sir Henry's Secretary, says, that 
the Bill for a paper currency was transmiited to your LordP by the last Packet, in the 
preceeding month. 

My Lord — You did me the honor to signify to Sir Henry Moore, that his Majesty graciously 
attended to the losses and sufferings of a meritorious old servant of the Crown, and recommended 
his insisting on a recompence from the Assembly to me which I have not obtained. How far 
Sir Henry interested himself in the recommendation, I know not, but how his Majesty may 
recompence me, by graciously suffering me to continue in the Administration, with the salary 
& perquisites; if my conduct demonstrates an entire regard to my duty, and I be able to 
preserve the Province in tranquility, as it shall be my steady endeavour to do, I hope I may 
beg your LordP's favourable representation of my case to His Majesty for that purpose, 

I am with the greatest respect & submission 
My Lord 

Your most obedient and 

faithful servant. 

Cadwallader Colden. 

Eavl of IllUsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Colden. 

[New-York Papers C 8. p. 0. ) CLXI. ] 

Whitehall, 4. Nov' 1769. 

Your letter of the IS"" of Sept', containing an account of the death of Sir Henry Moore, 
was received on the IG"" of October, and immediately laid before the King. 

It will be a great satisfaction to me to hear, that the State of the Colony is such as to justify 
the expectation you have of being able to preserve the public peace and tranquility, and that 
your Administration would be made easy to you. 

It is as much my inclination as my duty to promote these salutary ends, and you may rest 
assured, that you will never want every support and protection in my power to give you. 

The only matter of any moment relative to the Colony of New York, which seems to require 
immediate consideration, is the Bill for emitting .£120000 in paper Bills of Credit, prepared in 
the last Session of Assembly, but which was not transmitted by Sir H. Moore till a few days 
before he died. 

I lost no time after it came to my hands in receiving the King's commands to transmit it to 
the Board of Trade which will be reassembled in a few days after the usual recess, and where 
I doubt not, that it will meet with all the Dispatch the importance of it demands. 

I am ettc. 



Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) OLXII. ] 
N° 5. 

New York. 4 December, 1769. 
My Lord, 

By my letters N» 1 and 2, I informed your Lord? of the Assurances I had of the general 
disposition of the People to preserve the Province in tranquility. Since that time the 
Merchants of this Place received a letter from the Massachusets Bay, exhorting them to enter 
into new Resolutions of not importing any British Manufactures, until all the Acts of 
Parliament, which lay duties on goods imported into the Colonies, are repealed. This letter I 
am well informed was read in a full meeting of the Merchants of this Place — that not one 
spoke in favour of it, and that it passed over without the least notice. 

This and some other things My Lord, gives me hopes, that a more moderate temper, begins 
to gain ground among the People, and that many incline to avoid, as much as possible, what 
may irritate or give offence to the parent Country. 

I delayed meeting the Assembly longer than usual at this season, when the supplies for the 
support of Govern' are annually granted, in hopes of receiving your LordP's commands in 
relation to a Bill for emitting ^£100000 on Loan in Bills of Credit; the passing of which the 
people have greatly at heart, 

Inclosed are printed copies of my speech to the Council and Assembly, at the opening of 
the Session and of the Council and Assemblie's addresses to me in answer to what I had 
recommended to them. From these your Lord? may form some Judgement of their Disposition. 

The Bill for emitting ^100000 in Bills of Credit, was on their first meeting ordered to be 
brought in, and I suppose it will be one of the first Bills which will pass the House of 
Assembly, and I expect will receive the Council's concurrence. The Speaker tells me it is the 
same which passed last session, of which Sir Henry Moore transmitted a copy to your Lord? 

The greatest number of the present Assembly I think, are now very sensible how much it is 
the interest of the Colonies to have the mutual confidence, between Great Brittain and the 
Colonies restored, and that it is essentia! to their well being; but as they know not with any 
certainty, how far the Parliament may comply with their Petitions, they are careful not to loose 
their popularity, which some among them are endeavouring to bring about. This may excuse 
some parts of their proceedings which have not so good an appearnce as I wish, particularly 
they concurring with an adopting the resolves of the Virginia Assembly of the IG"" of 
May last, which had been transmitted to them by the Speaker of that Assembly, & which in 
the present circumstances of this Place, it is said they could not avoid taking some notice of. 
I hope, at the conclusion of the session, I may be able, with some certainty, to give your Lord? 
an agreable account of their disposition. 

I have the honor to be with entire submission 
My Lord, 

Your most obedient 

and faithful servant. 

Cadwallader Golden. 


Judge Livingston to the Earl of Hillslorougli. 

[New. York Papers (8. P. 0.) CLXII.] 

New York. 4. DecemV 1769. 
My Lord, 

The Prerogatives of the Crown and the liberties of the People, being alike affected by a late 
transaction in our Assembly, my duty to the Crown as a Judge of the Supreme Court, and to 
the people as one of their Representatives, obliges me to mention it to Your Lord?; and the 
rather as His Honor the Lieut' Gov"' to whom the votes of the House are daily presented, has 
suffered it to pass unnoticed. 

Your LordP has doubtless been informed by Sir Henry Moore, that a vote passed last 
Sessions of our Assembly declaring Judges of the Supreme Court incapable of serving in their 
House. Immediately after this Resolution I was unanimously elected, and in consequence of 
this vole denied a seat, notwithstanding an immemorial custom in this and all the other 
American Colonies for Judges to seat as Representatives when chosen, which they very 
frequently are. 

I take the liberty" to present your Lord? with the arguments I urged to the House in support 
of my right to a seat. I think I may venture to assure Your LordP, that the People in general 
do not concurr with the house in these measures. Some evidences of which I have already 
received and doubt not, that to these many more (when the matter is farther explained) will 
be added. 

How much the Crown is interested in this Transaction, your LordP's acquaintance with the 
affairs of Govern' will enable you to Judge, as well as to distinguish it from that, which in 
the case of WiJks disturbs the tranquility of the Nation. 

Were I not fully assured that no part of my conduct, either in my public or private capacity 
has rendered me disagreable to the people, I would not now have troubled Your Lord?, but 
have resigned an Office, which nothing but the Honor of serving His Maj'J" and the Colony 
induces me to hold. Your LordP will pardon the liberty wiiich a sence of duty has urged me 
to take, and will believe me to be with the greatest respect. What I truly am. My Lord 

Your LordP's most obedient 
humble servant 

Rob' R. Livingston.* 

' Julge Robert R. Livingston, of Clermont, was the eldest son of Robert L., a merchant of New- York, and Margaret How- 
erden and was born in 1719. Holgate'i, American Oenealngy, 181. In 1760, he was appointed one of the judges to hold a court 
for the trial of offences committed at sea, and in 1763 one of the justices of the Supreme Court of New-York. He repre- 
sented the county of Dutchess in the Assembly from 1759 to 1768. Ou 17th May, 1769, the House passed, unanimously, a 
resolution "that no judge of the Supreme Court shall, in future, have a seat or vote as a member of this House," which waa 
enforced in November fdllowing in the case of Mr. Justice Livingston, who was elected to represent the manor of that name, 
( a vacancy having occurred in consequence of the seat of Mr. Philip Livingston having been voided for non-residence,) and 
declared disqualified. Having been reelected in the course of the following month, his seat was again declared vacant, and 
on his reelection in 1770, he was again excluded 25th January, 1771, and again in 1772, after which he did not present him- 
self. Assembly .T<iurnnh ; sub annis. Judge Livingston was appointed in 1767, and again in 1773, one of the commissioners to 
agree to a line of jurisdiction between New- York and Massachusetts, and died of apoplexy at Philadelphia, Dec. 9, 1776, aged 
57 years. Ralph hard's Correnpovdence, 192. He was married to Margaret, daughter of Col. Henry Beekman, who survived 
him nearly 25 years. Of their children, Robert R. was afterwards the distinguished Chancellor of New-York ; Janet, one of 
the daughters, married General Montgomery, who fell before the walla of Quebec, and another, named Gertrude, was the 
wife of Governor Morgan Lewis. Jlulgalc. — Ed. 



Sari of JlilUhorough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden. 

[New-York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXI.] 

Whitehall 9. DeC 17C9. 

Since my letter to you of the 4"" of last month I have received your Dispatches N°' 2 and 3, 
& having laid them before the King, I vpas commanded by His Maj"' to communicate to the 
Board of Trade an extract of so much of your Letter of the 4"' of October, as relates to 
the advantages wh'''' His Majesty's service as well as the Colony, will in your opinion receive 
from His Maj'?'" allowance of the paper currency Bill. 

The main obstacle to the wishes of the Colony as to this Bill, arises from a doubt whether 
the enacting that these Bills of credit shall be a tender at the Loan Office and at the Treasury, 
tho' perhaps not within the meaning and intention of the Act of Parliament of the 4"' of His 
Haj'=''', does not however come so far within the letter of it as to make it unfit for the King to 
instruct his Gov'' to assent to the Bill. The opinion of the Attorney and Sollicitor Gen' has 
been taken upon this occasion, and as their report rather strengthens the doubt than removes 
it, the matter must finally rest for decision with the Lords of the Committee of Council to 
whom the Board of Trade will, in a few days make their report upon the Bill. 

Inclosed, I send you an additional instruction' under His Maj'^'' sign manual, forbiding any 
grants to be made of those Lands on the Lake Champlain, which are claimed under titles 
derived from the Crown of France, until the Petitions & proposals for such grants, shall have 
been transmitted hither and His Maj"'"' pleasure signified thereupon. 

1 likewise think fit to send you a copy of H. Maj"'''' order in Council of the 24"' day of 
July 1767, forbidding any grants to be made of the lands annexed to New York by His Rlaj'^'' 
determination of the boundary line, between that Colony and New Hampshire, together with 
a copy of my letter to Sir H. Moore, of the IS"" of May last on the subject of the lands ceded 
to His Maj'5; by the Treaty at Fort Stanwix, and I am to signify to you, the King's commands, 
that you do carefully attend to the restrictions contained in these orders & Instructions, 
and that you do not, upon any pretence, presume to Act contrary thereto. 

The King having been graciously pleased to approve of the Earl of Dunmore to be Gov'' of 
New York, the necessary instructions are preparing for him, and His Lord? proposes setting 
out for his Govern' as early in the spring as he can find a safe conveyance — 

I am ettc. 


Lieutenant-Governor CoMen to the Earl of Hillshoroi.ig'h. 

[New-York Papers (S. P. 0. > CLSIL] 


New Y'ork, 16. Decenib^ 1769. 
My Lord, 

The Assembly from the 21" of last month, till last Friday, sat without entering upon the 
provision to be made for the Troops quartered in the Place. They then came to the resolutions, 

'S«jjra, p. 171. — Ed. 
Vol. VIII. 25 


of which I inclose a copy, that your Lord? may receive all the information I can give of their 
present disposition. 

The consideration of tliis matter was delayed, in order, as I was told, that the house might 
be brought to an unanimous resolution. But your Lord? will observe, that though the resolve 
for granting a sum of money for supplying the Troops, did pass, nem : con : yet they unhappily 
differed in their sentiments upon the mode of granting the money; and the manner in which 
it was carried, was the most that could be obtain'd by those, who would willingly have given 
the whole sum out of the Treasury. This difference of sentiment I think, has arisen from the 
attention which many of the Members pay to their popularity; and from the artifices of others, 
who may be unwilling that the Assembly should at this time, when they have not the lead, 
gain too much credit. Great pains has been taken not only in this Town to intimidate the 
Members, but in the Counties, to procure Instructions against granting any money for 
the Troops otherwise than out of the money to be emitted on loan, and I believe this only 
has influenced several of the members, who, it was confidently expected, would have voted 
otherwise than they did. 

This fluctuating disposition of several of the Members, makes it impossible for me. My 
Lord, at this time to say on what terms they may now offer the Bill for emitting Bills of 
Credit, or what will be the issue of this session. But I am resolved as far as it is my power, 
to preserve the Colony in Tranquility, and I doubt not I shall be able to do so, notwithstanding 
of all the endeavours of some people to raise up dissentions. 

I have the honor to be with great submission 
My Lord 

Your most obedient & 

faithful servant 

Cadwallader Colden. 

resentation on the No n-Importation and other Re-solutions of the New - Yorh 

[ New-York Entries, LSVUI., 89. ] 

To the Kings most excellent Majesty. 

May it please your Majesty 

Your Majesty's late Governor of the Colony of New York, having transmitted to tJs the 
Journal of the proceedings of the House of Representatives Your Majesty's Colony of New 
York, in their last Session of Assembly, & it appearing to us upon perusal of this Journal that 
the said house of Representatives had taken up Questions and considerations of a very 
extraordinary nature we think it Our duty humbly to represent to Your Majesty 

That on the 10 of April last a motion was made in tlie house in the following words Viz' 
That the thanks of that house be given to the Merchants of that city and colony for their 
repeated disinterested Public Spirit & patriotic conduct in declining the importation, or 
receiving of goods from Great Britain uutil such Acts ol Parliament as the Assembly had 


declared unconstitutional and subversive of the rights and liberties of the people of this 
Colony, should be repealed, and that M' Speaker signify the same to the Merchants at their 
next Monthly meeting in consequence of which motion an Order vras m'ade, that the Speaker 
signify the thanks of that house to the Merchants of that City at tlieir next monthly meeting 
accordingly: We likevt'ise humbly beg leave to represent to Your Majesty that another motion 
vpas made in the words following Viz' 

Whereas it is not constitutional in England for the Judges in either England or Scotland to 
sit or vote in the house of Commons it is moved that that house do enter a Resolution on their 
Journals that for the future no Judge of the supreme Court shall be allowed to sit or vote as 
members of that house, whereupon it was resolved, nemine contradicente, that no Judge of 
the supreme Court shall for the future have a Seat or vote as a member of that house, 

These proceedings may it please Your Majesty, appear to us to be of so unwarrantable a 
nature and to contain matter of such High Importance that we shall not presume to offer any 
opinion what may be proper to be done thereupon, submitting it to your Majesty to pursue such 
measures as Your Majesty shall in your great wisdom and with the advice of your Council 
think most prudent and necessary. 

Which is most humbly submitted 

SoAME Jenyns 


Whitehall Thomas Robinson 

Dec: 21. 1769. Lisbuene 

Repre'^entation of the Lords of Trade regarding an Emission of Bills of Credit. 

[ New-York Entries, LX VIII., 34.] 

To the Right Hon*'"' The Lords of the Cornm" of His Majesty's most Hon: Privy Council 
for Plantations Affairs. 

My Lords 

Pursuant to your Lordships Order of the tenth of last Month we have taken into Our 
Consideration the Petition of the House of General Assembly of His Majesty's Colony of New 
York by their Agent humbly praying for the reasons therein contained that His Majesty will 
be pleased to direct the Governor of New York to pass into a law, a Bill passed by the House 
of Assembly and Council of that Colony in their late Session in April for the emission of 
.£] 20,000 in Bills of Credit ; we have likewise in pursuance of your Lordships said order, taken 
into Our Consideration the Copy of the Address of the General Assembly of the said Colony 
to the late Governor annexed to the abovementioned Petition setting forth the absolute 
necessity which they conceive there is in the present situation of that Colony for his assenting 
to the Bill as proposed whereupon we beg leave to report to your Lordships 

That this Board having in their humble representation to His Majesty of the O"* of Feb: 17G4 
amongst other matters therein contained given an opinion at large upon the General Policy of 
a paper Currency with a legal tender in His Majesty's American Colonies, agreable to which 
opinion an Act was passed in the 4"" year of His present Majesty to prevent paper Bills 


of Credit being declared a legal tender in any of the said Colonies we have nothing to 
observe to your Lordships upon the general principle of the Bill referred to in the above 
mentioned Petition. 

On this occasion however we think it our duty to inform your Lordships that His Majesty's 
late Governor of New York Sir Henry Moore did in a letter dated May the 29"" 1769 fully 
express his sentiments with regard to the expediency of this Measure we beg leave therefore 
to annex to this Our report Copy of so much of his said letter as relates to this Bill, as likewise 
of a paper therein inclosed containing the reasons which were set forth by His Majesty's 
Council of New York in their remarks on the Bill, to these we shall beg leave to subjoin copy 
of an extract from Lieu' Gov' Coldens letter 'of the i"" of October last, on the same subject, 
from all which papers together with those referred by your Lordships on the part of the 
Assembly, Your Lordships will'be enabled to collect the sentiments and opinions of 
the entire Legislature of this Colony. 

Having submitted these papers, to your Lordships we have only to add, that a doubt arising 
with us with respect to the 25"" Clause of this Bill, whether the said Clause does make the 
paper Notes of Credit, issued by the said Bill a legal tender within the meaning & intention of 
the Act of Parliament abovementioned & whether His Majesty may or may not consistent 
with the Provisions of the said Act, authorize His Governor of New York to give His assent to 
the said Bill, containing such clause as aforesaid, we did refer the said Clause to the 
consideration of His Majesty's Atto^ & Sol' General who have reported to us their opinion 
tbereupon, copy of which, we beg leave hereunto to annex, submitting to your Lordships, to 
give such advice to His Majesty upon the matter, as to your Lordships wisdom shall seem 
expedient; upon consideration of the Bill itself & of the several circumstances seth forth in the 
papers thereunto relating. 

We are my Lords, 

Your Lordships 

most obedient & most 

humble Servants 

SoAME Jenyns 
Ed : Eltot 


Whitehall Thomas Robinson 

Dec' 28. 1769. W" Fitzherbert 

Lieutenant- Governor Colden to the Earl of IlillsborougTi. 

[ New-York Papers (8. P. O. ) CLXII. ] 

New York, 4 January 1770. 
My Lord, 

His Majesty's order in Council of the 2-1"' July 1767 restrains me from granting the letters 
Patent prayed for by the inclosed Petition. I am well assured, that the facts are, as set forth 

' WiLMOT Vaughan, 4th Viscount and lat Eiirl of Lisburne, in the Irish peerage, went into office under the Bedfoid admin- 
istralion, and served in the Board of Trade from 1768 to 1770. His Lordship died on the 6th January, 1800. Deirett. — Ed. 


by the Petitioners; and whatever equitable claim to those persons may have, who took grants 
of Lands from the Govern' of New Hampshire, lying Eastward of any Lands granted by this 
Province, certainly can not extend to such as did lately obtain grants from that Govern', of 
Lands lying nearer Hudsons River, than lands do, which were granted under this Prov" 
upwards of Sixty years agoe — especially when it is considered that they passed over a large 
extent of Land, much nearer to Connecticut River, to come at those Lands, which lye within 
the ancient possessions of this Prov'^". That some of them even seated themselves on lands 
which the Settlers under this Prov" had been obliged to abandon at the commencement of the 
late War — and that they obtained grants from the Govern' of N. Hampshire, for any of these 
Lands, without paying the least regard to the prior grants and notorious claim of this Province. 

The Petitioners have been at considerable expence in exploring and surveying these lands, 
and have hitherto been prevented from receiving the benefit of His Maj'^'' bounty. I therefore, 
thought it necessary My Lord, to comply with their desire, that I should transmit their Petition 
to your LordP in order to obtain His Maj'^'' commands thereon. 

I find My Lord, that the settlement and cultivation of the Country lying West of Connecticut 
River, which was formerly granted by the Govern' of New Hampshire, is entirely retarded by 
the controversies, which have arisen between those Proprietors and this Government. When I 
formerly held the Administration, I had resolved on measures respecting these Lands, which 
I was then assured would give entire satisfaction to these people, & would produce the 
immediate settlement of the Country, and a very considerable augmentation of His Majesty's 

I found the People, who had taken grants of Lands from the Govern' of N. Hampshire west 
of Connecticut River, very willing to take new Grants for the same lands from this Govern' ; 
the expence of taking out the Patents being the only objection. To obviate this, I told as 
many as then applied to me, that I would give them Grants and leave it to themselves to pay 
me such proportion of my fees as they could conveniently do, & that 1 would use my influence 
with the other officers of Govern' to lower their fees in these Cases. This was so agreable to 
the people, that the Proprietors of several Townships, immediately proceeded to take the 
necessary steps, for obtaining the new Grants, but I was prevented from puting the Seal to 
any of them by the arrival of Sir Henry Moore.' He afterwards took his full Fees for one of 
those Grants, which had been very near ready for the Seals before he came; and I am told he 
refused to pass any without his full Fees were paid. This gave great disgust to the people, 
and occasioned those applications which have since been made to the King on this subject. 

I think it my duty to submit my Sentiments on this matter to your Lord?, as I am still of 
opinion that New Grants given by this Govern', to those people who have an equitable 
pretence, by their former Grants from New Hampshire, under such fees of Office as shall be 

' Sir Henrt Mooue, Bart., -was grandson of John Moore, Esq,, who settled at Barbadoes in the reign of Charles II., and 
afterwards removed to Jamaica. His younger son, Samuel, married Elizabeth Lowe, whose only son and heir, Henry, 
survived them, and acted as Lieutenant-Governor of that Island from 1766 until 1759, and from 1760 to 1762. During the 
latter period of his administration he suppressed an alarming insurrection of the slaves, and afterwards proceded to 
England, where his energy in Jamaica procured for him a Baronetcy on the 29th January, 1764, and the appointment as 
Governor of New-York in July following. The latter office he filled, with ability and credit to himself, until his death, 
which occurred on the llth September, 1759. He was the only native Colonist that held the commission of Governor- 
General of the Province of New-York. Sir Henry Moore married Catharine Maria, eldest daughter of Chief Justice Long, 
of Jamaica, and sister of the Hon. Edward Long, Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty and author of the History of that 
Island. He left two children, a son and daughter. The former, Sir Jolin U. Moore, succeeded to the title, but died without 
issue in 1780 and the title became thereupon extinct. NewYurk Documentary History, 8vo., Ill, 524-527- — Ed. 


no ways distressing, will be the shortest and most effectual method to do justice and give 
satisfaction to the proprietors. That it will immediately produce the settlement of that large 
& valuable Tract of Country, and greatly increase His Majesty's Revenue. The difficulties 
which have obstructed the grants of those lands for some years past, being removed, will most 
effectually promote the Grant of that Tract of Land, designed as J am informed, for the Society 
for propagating the Gospel, and of other Tracts, which the Trustees of the College and Church 
in this City have pe[ti]tioned for. 

These matters are mentioned My Lord, with entire submission to your Judgement and His 

Maj'y'' pleasure, by My Lord, 

Your LordP's. most obedient 
and faithful servant 

Cadwalladek Colden. 

Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Lords of Trade. 

[ New-Tork Paper, Bundle Ss., No. 67. ] 

New York. 6. January 1770. 
My Lords, 

Yesterday I passed a Bill granting .£2000 for supporting the Troops quartered in this place 
with necessaries, and a Bill for emitting ,£120000 in Bills of Credit being ready for my assent, 
I called together the Council, who all attended except Sir William Johnson, who is at 200 
miles distance. His Maj""'' instruction of July IS"" 1766 for creating and emitting paper Bills 
of Credit, was laid before them. After having considered the same and reasoned thereon, the 
Gentlemen of the Council unanimously advised me to give my assent to the Bill for emitting 
^120,000 in Bills of credit, as being absolutely necessary in the present circumstances of the 
Colony ; and I accordingly gave my assent to it in the usual form. 

My Lord Hillsborough by his letter of the 4"" of November, informs me that a Bill for the 
same purpose, passed the last session of Assembly, and transmitted by Sir Henry Moore, was, 
on your first meeting together, to be laid before your LordPP', for your consideration ; to which, 
the Bill I have now passed is in every material part similar. But it is my duty to transmit 
without delay by this Packet, the Act as I have assented to it under the great seal of the 
Prov"^*. By this means I hope that the time allowed by the Act, before the Bills can be 
emitted, is in effect equivalent to the suspending clause enjoined by the instruction, as your 
LordPP' have had sufficient time to consider the same, and His Maj'^'' approbation or 
disallowance may reach this place as effectually as could be done, had the suspending clause 
been inserted. The Bills of credit are to bear date the lO"" day of June next, and are not to 
be emitted till the last Tuesday of that month. 

As I have in my letter to Mylord Hillsborough, particularly set forth the reason which 
induced me to give my assent to the Bill as it now stands enacted; I think it needless to 
trouble your LordPP' with a repetition of them, — I hope they are such as will convince your 
LordPP' that the circumstances of this Govern' considered, I have not acted inconsistently with 
my duty, or the trust with which his Majesty has honoured me. 


I likewise transmit to your LordPP' another Act which I have passed at this time, exphiining 
the duty of the Loan Officers, it is an appendage to the other Act, but has nothing in it I think, 
which can effect His Maj'^' interest, or deserve any particular remarks. 

The Assembly is still sitting; as soon as the public business is done, and the session closed, 
I shall as usual transmit all the Acts which shall be passed. 

I shall be extreamly happy to obtain the honour of your Lord^P' approbation of my conduct, 
and of being in your Lordships estimation. 
* My Lords 

Your most obediend & faithful servant 

Cadwallader Golden. 

Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-Tork Papers (S. P. O.) CLXIL] 
N" 8. 

New York. 6. January 3 770. 
My Lord, 

I have the honor of your LordP's letter of the i'"" of November N" 34. At this time, when 
difficulties in the Administration are unavoidable, the assurances your LordP is so kind to give 
of your support and protection, gives me strength in performing my duty. 

When the Bill for supplying the Troops quartered in this Place, was brought into the 
Assembly, the party in opposition, made a violent effort to disconcert all the present measures, 
by exciting the people to appear against the Bill. For this purpose the inclosed printed paper, 
directed : " To the betrayed inhabitants of the City and Colony of New York," was, the night 
before the last Packet sailed, dispersed thro' the Town, I transmit your LordP likewise two 
Proclamations issued on this occasion.' 

Tho' some of our Newspapers make the meetings of the sons of Liberty, as they call 
themselves, on this occasion to be numerous and of consequence, the party was really 
disappointed. The numbers who appeared were too small and inconsiderable to have any 
weight, or be of any service to their purpose. They have been further disappointed in three 
attempts since made. People in general, especially they of property, are now aware of the 
dangerous consequences of such riotous and mobish proceedings. 

The supply of the Troops is unpopular, both, in Town and Country. You know My Lord, 
it is very generally an unpopular subject, in the English Govern', and much pains is taken to 
work upon the prejudices of the People here. However, the party in the Assembly did not 
think proper to oppose the supply directly, but proposed that it should be paid out of Bills of 
Credit, to be emitted by a Bill then in the House. In which case that Act must take effect 
immediately or there could be no supply. This made it necessary for the Friends of Govern' 
to compromise the matter, by granting one thousand pounds out of the Treasury, and another 

' The above mentioned address and proclamations will be found in New-York Documentary History, 8vo., III., 628-536 ; 
Journals of the General Assembly of New -York, entry December 18, 1769. — El). 


thousand pounds out of these bills of Credit; and even with this compromise the Bill for 
supplying the Troops, was carried by a very small majority, and it could not have been carried, 
had I not given the F'riends of Administration, expectations that I would assent to the Bill 
for emitting Bills of Credit, if it were in the same terms with the Bill passed in the preceeding 
session, and transmitted to your LordP by Sir Henry Moore, and six months allowed to know 
His Maj'>''' pleasure, before the Bills of Credit can be emitted. 

Yesterday, My Lord, I passed the Bill granting ,£2000 for supplying the Troops quartered 
in this place with necessaries, and the Bill for emitting ^120000 in Bills of Credit, being feady 
for my assent, I called together the Council, who all attended except Sir William Johnson, who 
is at 200 miles distance. His Maj'>'" instruction of July 15" 17G6 for creating and emitting 
Paper Bills of Credit, was laid before them. After having considered the same & reasoned 
thereon, the Gentlemen of the Council unanimously advised me to give my assent to the Bill 
for emitting ^£120000 in Bills of Credit, as being absolutely necessary in the present 
circumstances in this Colony, and I accordingly gave my assent to it in the usual form. 

It is the same with the Bill transmitted to your Lord? by Sir H. Moore (except in two or 
three immaterial clauses, on the appointment of Loan Officers, in the Cities of New York and 
Albany, & unavoidable alterations in Time) which the Lords Commissioners for Trade 
and Plantations must have had under consideration before this time. The Bills of credit to 
be emitted by this Act, are to bear date the 10"" of June next ; the interest is to arise from, and 
the emission to be on the last Tuesday of that month, which is near six months from this time. 
This is equivalent to a suspending clause, till His Majesty's pleasure shall be known, for His 
Maj'5''' pleasure, certainly, may be transmitted before that time. I now. My Lord, transmit an 
exemplified copy of the Act under the seal of the Province, in a Box directed to the Board of 
Trade and plantations. No public business could have been carried on in the Assembly without 
my assent to this Bill. The call for it, both in Town and Country was so general, that the 
Friends of Govern', in the Assembly, could not have been supported without it, and 
the Administration, must have been made very uneasy to me. Your Lord? may be assured, 
I discover nothing in it prejudicial to His Maj'^'* service, and as the interest money arising from 
these Bills of Credit, cannot be disposed of without the Governor's consent, it may be a fund 
hereafter for supplying the Troops. The King's approbation will give general satisfaction, and 
when people are in good humor. His Majesty's service may be carried on more effectually, 
than when they are in a contrary disposition. 

I inclose another printed paper, that your Lord? may see the Temper of the party who oppose 
the measures of Govern', at the same time it may not be improper to tell you, that no Gov' in 
Chief has been at any time attended by greater numbers on New Year's day, than I was on the 
last, with their compliments on the season. When what appeared in this place, in past times, is 
considered, my mentioning this, will not be thought to proceed merely from vanity. 

The Assembly are still sitting, they have passed none but the usual Bills, except those which 
I have already mentioned to your LordP — what remains to be done for His Maj''''* service in 
this Session, I expect will he done without difficulty. I shall think myself extremely happy if 
my endeavours in the performance of my duty, obtain His Majesty's approbation. Without 
doubt your Lord? perceives the difficulties which attend the Administration of Govern' at this 
Time, in all the Colonies, and therefore I flatter myself, with your most favourable construction 


of the measures I have thought necessary for His Maj'*'" service, and that you will allow me the 
honouT of being 

My Lord, 

Your most obedient and 

faithful servant. 

Cadwallader Golden. 

Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden. 

[ New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXII. 1 

N" 36. 

Whitehall. IS. Jan-^ 1770. 

I have received and laid before the King your Dispatch" N° 5. inclosing your speech to the 
General Assembly, at the opening of the Session on the 22'' of November, and the Addresses 
to you from both Houses. 

The late Gov"' in a letter to me dated the lO"" of July last, acquaints me that my circular 
letter No 29. of which I now inclose to you a copy, altho' I presume you are in possession of 
the original, had been communicated to the Council, and had given great satisfaction, and \ 
have also observed that the purport- of that letter, has been repeatedly printed in the 
Newspapers on the Continent of America. As the contents of it, therefore cannot be unknown 
to you, and are, I am certain, so clearly expressed as not to be misunderstood 1 must desire to 
you will enable me to inform the King upon what authority you have taken upon you 
to declare in your speech to the General Assembly, that there is the greatest probability, that 
the late duties ( without distinction) imposed by the authority of Parliament upon America, 
would be taken off in the ensuing Session; I very sincerely wish, you may have it in your 
power so to explain and justify this proceeding as to remove the appearance of your having 
acted in a manner highly unbecoming your situation. 

After what I have said on this subject, it gives me much concern to find occasion to 
animadvert on any other part of your conduct, but it is not fit for me to pass unobserved your 
having omitted to take notice in your speech of the steps taken by the late Gov' and by 
yourself in respect to the paper Currency Bill passed in the former session of assembly ; had 
this been done, the Assembly could not have had the colour of a pretence, for so irregular a 
proceeding as that of framing a New Bill pending His Maj'^'* consideration of the former one, 
and if it shall appear, that you have suffered the Assembly to proceed upon this business, 
without using your endeavours to dissuade them from it, it will be such an aggravation of your 
imprudence and want of attention, as cannot fail of exposing you to His Maj'^'" just displeasure 
— Upon what ground it is that you suppose this New Bill will receive the Council's 
concurrence, I am at a loss to guess; but I trust that they will not be influenced by any 
consideration to a conduct inconsistent with a due respect to the Crown. 

His Majesty hopes that the account you give of the Temper and disposition of the majority 
of the New Assembly, will in the end be justified by their actions; but their having adopted 
and concurred in the Resolves of the Virginia Assembly of the IG"" of May, is not a very 
favourable omen that their proceedings will have so desirable a conclusion. 
Vol. Vin. 20 


Inclosed I send you the King's gracious speech to His Parliament, at the session on the 9"" 
inst: together with the addresses of both Houses, and His Maj'^''" gracious answer thereto. 

The King having thought fit to take the Great seal out of the hands of Lord Camden, it was 
yesterday delivered to M"' Charles Yorke^ and it is His Maj'^'^ intention, that he should be 
immediately called up to the house of Lords. 

I am ettc. 


Representation on the New-Yorh Act for emitting Bills of Credit. 

[ New- York Entries, LXVIII., p. 42. ] 

To the King's most excellent Majesty. 

May it please your Majesty 

The Lords of the Committee of your Majestys most hon'^''' Privy Council for Plantation 
Affairs having by their Order of the lO"" of Nov : last directed us to report to them Our opinion 
upon a Bill passed in May 1769 by the Council and House of Representatives of your Majesty's 
Council of New York for emitting ^120,000 in paper notes of Credit upon loan, to which Bill 
your Majesty's late Governor had refused his assent without having first received your Majesty's 
directions for that purpose. 

We did on the 20 of Dec' make our report thereupon submitting it to their Lordships to 
give such advice to your Majesty on this subject as they should think fit, and in the mean time, 
and until your Majesty's pleasure could be known the Lieut' Gov' was acquainted with the 
several steps which had been taken on this occasion & with the difficulties which arose in point 
of law upon those Clauses of the Bill by which the paper notes to be cancelled were made a 
legal Tender in the Treasury and loan office of that Colony 

It is Our duty however to observe to your Majesty that notwithstanding their intimation 
given to the Lieut' Gov' a new Bill in no material points differing from that now before your 
Majesty has been proposed in the Assembly of this Colony & having passed that house and 
been concured in by the Council Your Majestys said Lieut' Gov' did think fit by their advice 

' Hon. Chaeles Yorke, 2d son of Lord Chancellor Hardwieke, was born on the 30th December, 1722. At the fire which 
destroyed Lincoln's Inn, in 1752, he not only very narrowly escaped with his life, but the whole of his library of books, 
manuscripts and papers were entirely destroyed, including the valuable State papers. of his great uncle. Lord Somers, which 
had then lately come into the possession of the Hardwieke family, and had been deposited in Mr. Yorke's chambers. He 
represented Ryegate in Parliament, and was made Solicitor-General in November, 1756, and Attorney-General in 1761. He 
resigned the latter ofHoc in November, 1763, on which occasion "he burst out into tears," and returned to the outer bar and 
a stuff gown. In 1764, a patent of precedence over the Solicitor-General was conferred on him. He was reappointed 
Attorney-General in 1765, but held the office only a year. He was made Lord Chancellor on the 17th January, 1770, and 
created a peer by the title of Baron Morden and had been gazetted on the 18th, but dying on the 20tU of the same montli, in 
the 48th year of his age, before his patent had passed the great seal, it did not take effect, and was never afterwards completed. 
He had been for many years a friend of Warburton, and corresponded with him at the age of twenty, on the subject of some 
of his profouudest works. GreimilU Papers; Chatham Oorrespnndetice. — Ed. 


to give his assent to it on the 5 day of January last and therefore it becomes necessary for 
us to lose no time in humbly laying this Act which was received at Our Office yesterday before 
Your Majesty, to the end that if Your Majesty shall be pleased to signify your disallowance of 
it, either upon the ground of the doubts in point of law which occurred to the former Bill, or 
upon a consideration of so irregular a proceeding as that of entering upon a proposition of this 
nature & passing it into an Act pending the consideration of it before Your Majesty in Council 
there may be no delay in having Your Majestys Pleasure thereupon signified to the Colony, so 
as to reach it before that part of the Act which authorizes the emission of the Bills can take 
effect that is to say on the last Tuesday in June. 

How far the Lieut' Gov'' is justified in the conduct he has thought fit to pursue on this 
occasion must be submitted to your Majesty upon the reason assigned by him in his letter to 
one of your Majestys principal Secretaries of State & to this Board extracts of which are 
hereunto annexed, but it is Our further duty to observe that the Instruction of July 1766, on 
the ground of which he says the Council advise him to this step does expressly forbid any law 
of this nature to be passed without a Clause suspending its execution until your Majestys 
[pleasure] could be known 

Which is most humbly submitted 

Geo. Rice 
Whitehall W" Fitzherbert 

Feb: 8. 1770. Lisburne. 

N° 12 

Sir William Johnson to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[Plantations General ( S. P. O. ) CCLVL] 

Johnson Hall. 10, FebrJ^ 1770. 

My Lord. 

In my last of the 26. Aug : { N° 1 1 ) I gave your Lord? an account of my journey thro' the 
Country of the Six Nations to Seneca with my proceeding at several Conferences with 
the Indians, and acquainted you, that Deputies were arrived from the Cherokees ettc:to 
request a meeting with the Six Nations and Canada Confederacy at Onondaga, which has since 
taken place agreable to their desire, the result of which I waited for, as judging it might be 
necessary for His Maj'^'" information. At this Congress the Cherokees spoke on twenty Belts 
to the Six Nations ettc. to renew and strengthen the late Treaty of Peace entered into between 
them, and earnestly to request that in consequence thereof the Six Nations ettc, should unite 
their arms with them in order to attack several of the Southern & Western Nations who had 
acted as Enemys to both ; after some time spent in deliberation, the Six Nations returned 
for answer, that before they could come to any resolution agreable to their former engagements, 
they must first confer with me on the subject, to which end they would take care of their 
Belts & Caluments and send Deputys to me to desire a general Congress in my presence, and 
accordingly their Deputys have since come here with some of the Cherokees, earnestly 
requesting on the part of the whole, that I would as speedily as possible assemble the two 


Confederacy's, and after hearing what they had to say, give them my advice and opinion on 
the subject. — To support their request, they observed that we were as much interested as 
themselves in the matter having suffered repeated insults from these people, as they instanced 
in M"' Croghan's being attacked, several of his party killed and himself rgade prisoner by them 
on his way to the Ilinois, & in their attacks upon our Traders on Ohio ; in short, I observed 
that they were much inclined to unite and attack those people, which gave me the more 
concern, because 1 knew, that when Indians were resolved on War, if they could be diverted 
from their favourite pursuit, they would be apt to turn their arms the other way, perhaps 
against ourselves ; besides I was sensible of the great expence, that must attend such a Congress, 
altho' of their own proposing, and that what could be spared out of the fund allowed for the 
Department, could not defray the charge of so large and unexpected a Congress. In this 
scituation, I consulted Gen' Gage who is of opinion, that as any sum can be spared out of the 
annual allowance will be inadequate to the expence that may attend it, I should first obtain 
His Maj'5''' orders for that purpose, but as the Indian Deputys are very pressing and that it 
will not be in my power to have an answer within sufficient time to satisfy their importunity, 
whilst on the other hand I cannot refuse their request without occasioning a general discontent 
amongst them, I have resolved to treat with some of the Chiefs only with all the Economy I 
possibly can consistent with the public safety, trusting that His Maj'^ will be graciously pleased 
to consider the peculiarity of the occasion, and not suffer me to be a looser, thro' the necessary 
discharge of my duty. 

It is a disagreable circumstance that we must either agree to permit these people to cut 
each others throats, or risque their discharging their fury on our Traders and defenceless 
frontiers, for certain I am from the disposition they are in, and from the conduct of the back 
settlers, the latter may prove the case; but however disagreable the alternative is, common 
policy and our own safety requires it, and under such circumstances, I shall endeavour to 
govern myself in the manner that appears best calculated for the general security of all His 
Maj'5''' subjects here. 

The scituation of affairs since I had last the honor of addressing your LordP on these 
subjects has not varied materially, altho' the severity of the season, and the embassy from the 
Cherokees keep them at present quiet, yet the motives for their discontent still subsists, and 
the lawless conduct of the Frontier inhabitants is the same whenever an opportunity offers, 
so that the event depends upon circumstances, that are as hard to foresee as to prevent, and as 
there is no prospect of any immediate remedy to be applied for these disorders, and the 
licentiousness of many of our own people, my endeavours must be directed to prevent their 
operations on the minds of the Indians, till a more favourable period, when the orders of 
Govern' will be treated with more respect, and the people brought to a better sense of their 
duty. — I have the honor to be with the most perfect esteem and respect. 
My Lord, 

Your LordP's most obedient and 

most devoted humble servant 

W'" Johnson. 


Earl of IlUlsborougJi to Lieutenant-Governor Golden. 

( New- York Papers (S. P. O.) CLXII.] 

N" 37. 

Whitehall. 17. February 1770. 

Your dispatches numbered 6, 7 and 5. have been received and laid before the King. 

At the same time, that the King saw with satisfaction the commendable disposition of the 
Assembly to make provision for the Troops, the giving part of the money for this purpose out 
of a Fund that was to arise from the establishment of a paper currency, the Bill for which 
was depending at the privy Council Board, was a circumstance that could not escape His 
Maj'''' observation, & which your letter N" 6. did not enable me to explain ; for it was 
impossible for me to suppose that, under the restriction laid upon you, by His Maj''''" instruct"' 
of July 1766, and informed as you was, that the Bill which passed the Council and Assembly 
in May 1769. was under His Maj''''' consideration, you could have taken upon you, without 
further directions, to have given your assent to another Bill for the same purpose, without a 
clause suspending it's execution, until His Maj'^'^ pleasure could be known ; and I am yet at 
a loss to guess, at the reasons which induced the Members of the Council to advise you to a 
step so contrary to your duty and to your Instruct°^ 

Your conduct on this occasion has justly incurred His Majesty's displeasure, which I am 
commanded to signify to you ; and to observe to you that altho' the King considers the 
preserving the Colony in tranquility as a very desirable and commendable object, yet His Maj'y 
can never approve of any Gov" seeking the attainment of it at the expence of his Instructions. 

The merit, however, of your former services, and what you say in respect to the time fixed 
by the Act for its operation, which you state as an excuse for your conduct, prevail with His 
Maj'J" to forbear any further remarks of his displeasure, trusting that you will not for the future 
suffer yourself to be withdrawn from your duty by any motive whatever. 

It is necessary I should acquaint you, that the Bill transmitted by Sir Henry Moore had 
received the fullest consideration at the Council Board, before your letter to me N" 8. and that 
to the Lords of Trade inclosing the Act assented to by you, were received, and that the Lords 
of the Council had, as you will see by the inclosed order, advised His INLijesty to reject it. 
The ground for this advice was, that those clauses by which the Bills of credit are made 
payable at the Treasury and Loan Office, were contrary to the Act of Parliament, which 
restrains paper Bills of Credit from being issued as a legal tender in payment of any debts, 
dues or demands whatsoever ; and therefore this objection does in its nature shew in the 
strongest light, not only the impropriety of your having assented to this Act, but the risque to 
which you personally stand exposed by the terms of the Act of Parliament in consequence of 
having given your assent. 

Under the circumstances of the disallowance of the former Bill for the reason above 
mentioned, no time was to be lost in laying before His Maj''' the Act transmitted by you to the 
Lords of Trade, and His Maj'^ having in consequence thereof been pleased to disallow the said 
Act, inclosed you will receive the order in Council for that purpose, which you will cause to 
be promulged with all possible dispatch. But such is the paternal attention of His Maj"' to 
the wishes of his subjects, in New York, and His Royal disposition to concur in this object of 
them, that notwithstanding the steady opinion of all His Maj'^''' servants that it is against the 


true interest of the Colony to have a paper currency attended with any degree of legal tender, 
yet I have reason to believe, the Parliament will be moved to pass an Act to enable the 
Legislature of New York to carry into execution the Bill they appear to be so desirous of. 

The request of Lieut' Crukshanks^ and others, expressed in the petition inclosed in your letter 
N" 7. appears to be founded in Justice & Equity, and I have His Maj''''" commands to refer the 
said Petition (together with a copy of your letter) to the Lords Commiss" for Trade and 
Plantations, and I shall not fail to recommend to their LordPP' to take the whole of what 
regards the Settlement of the Country of the West of Connecticut River into their consideration, 
so soon as other matters of great importance, now before them, will admit of it. 

In consequence of the death of M' Yorke a few days after he received the great seal. His 
Maj'y has thought fit to commit the custody of it for the present to Commiss"; and the Duke 
of Grafton having been permitted by His Majesty to retire from the Treasury Board, Lord 
North is become in consequence thereof, first Commissioner of that Board. 

I am ettc. 


Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[New- York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXIL] 
N" 9. 

New York. 21. Feb'-y 1770. 
My Lord. 

I have the honor of your commands N" 35. of the O"" of December, with His Maj'^'^ additional 
Instruct" to me, which shall be punctually obeyed. 

I know not how the objection made to the Bill for emitting .£120000 in Bills of Credit, can 
be removed, for unless the Bills be received in the Loan Office and Treasury, they cannot be 
paid in or sunk, nor can the Interest be applied to the use for which it is designed. The 
making of them, a tender is carefully avoided ; nor can they be a Tender in any sense, by 
this Act, in any contract whatsoever, the Loan Office and Treasury only excepted ; but tho' 
those Offices are obliged to take them in, no person is obliged to receive them from either the 
one or the other. Nor can they be a Tender of any duty, quitrent or Fine. — By the 
preceeding packet I transmitted to your Lord?, the Bill under the seal of the Province, with 
my reasons for giving my assent to it, which I hope will be satisfactory; it is a consideration 
of some importance to the Govern' that as the Interest money cannot be applied, without the 
consent of the Gov' the supply for the Troops quartered in this Place, may for the future be 
secured, which has at all times met with opposition in the Assembly, and has been 
difficultly, obtained. 

The Session of Assembly ended the 27"" of January, to general satisfaction, notwithstanding 
the assiduous endeavours of a party in opposition to Government to embarass affairs. A great 
number of Bills were passed at that Time, for continuing or receiving former Bills, and on 

' Lieutenant John Cruiokshanks obtained a commission as Ensign in the 4'7th Foot 1 Maroh, 1760, and served at the siege 
of Quebec ; he became a lieutenant previous to 1763, when he went on half pay. In 1767 he obtained a grant of 2000 acres 
of land on Battenkill, in the present county of Bennington, Vermont. His name is dropped in the Army List of 1771. — Ed. 


subjects which relate to particular Counties, none of them of consequence to deserve your 
LordP's attention, except two. One entitled "An Act declaring certain persons therein 
mentioned incapable of being Members of the General Assembly of this Province" — an 
attested copy of which I inclose ; as the Acts passed last session could not be transcribed for 
the seal before the Packet sails. By this Act, the Judges of the Supreme Court, and some 
otiier Officers of Govern' were made incapable of being elected Members of Assembly. The 
Council amended the Bill by striking out all the other Officers of Govern' to which Amendment 
the Assembly agreed. 

The reasons given for this Bill are : 

1" That none of the Judges in Great Brittain or Ireland are allowed to sit in the house 
of Commons. 

2""* That in good policy, Legislation, and the Execution of the Law, ought not to be in the 
same person. 

3"' That in all Elections the Judges must have an improper influence on the Electors. 

Lastly: It has been observed, that in former Assemblies where the Judges have had seats, 
they became attached to, or Leaders of Parties or Factions in the House, this gave a suspicion, 
that they were often byassed in their Judgement on the Bench, in favour of a party interest, 
all cause of jealousy of this kind ought to be avoided. 

The present Assembly have repeatedly refused to admit W Livingston, who is a Judge of 
the Supreme Court, to have a seat in their House, upon a Resolve made by them in their 
former Session. This may be an unconstitutional power, assumed by the Assembly, and is 
therefore much more safely vested in an Act of the Legislature. At all events, I thought it for 
His Maj'^'« interest, that I should give my assent to the Bill, as thereby the matter is subjected 
to His Maj'^'" pleasure, which it was not, while it stood on a Resolve of the Assembly. 

The other Bill which may deserve your LordP's attention, is entitled : "An Act to enable all 
♦'Persons who are His Maj"'' liege subjects, either by Birth or naturalization, to inherit and 
•' hold real Estates, notwithstanding any defect of purchase made before Naturalization, within 
this Colony" — While this B'lll was before the Council, I told them that, tho' the Bill in my 
opinion was framed with much equity, and not liable to the same objections with the Bill to 
which Sir Henry Moore refused his assent, yet, as the King's interest may be affected by it, I 
could not give my assent, without a suspending clause was added, which they did by an 
amendment and the Assembly agreed to it. On this occasion, I think it my duty to inform 
your LordP, that the reason of the Assembly being averse to suspending clauses, is, they tell 
me, that such Bills have often hung long in suspence, without being taken into consideration. 

All the Bills passed the last Session will be ready to be transmitted by the next Packet. 

I inclose Your Lord? the copy of an agreement made between General Gage and me, in 
pursuance of the Act of Parliament for applying the money granted by the last Act of Assembly, 
for the Troops quartered in this place. I doubt not, it will give Your LordP pleasure to find 
this Affair put upon a certain & regular footing for the present, and which must probably 
produce the like for the future. 

I have the satisfaction to inform your LordP that among the Bills passed this Session, is one 
for appointing Commiss" to meet Commiss" from the neighbouring Colonies, to fix on a general 
plan for regulating the Indian Trade. This was the best measure that could be taken upon 
His Miij'>'' Gracious reference of this important affair to the Legislature of the several Colonies ; 
and if properly adopted by all concerned, may produce the most., beneficial plan. I liave sent 


copies of our Act to the Governors of the neighbouring Colonies, and have pressed them to 
procure the like to be passed in their Govern'^ 

My Lord, it is my duty to inform Your Lord? that a violent party, continue tlieir assiduous 
endeavours to disturb the GovernS by working on the passions of the populace, and exciting 
riots, who in every attempt they have hitherto been unsuccessful, The last, might have been 
of fatal consequence, if not prevented by the prudent conduct of the Magistrates and Officers 
of the Army. An ill humour had been artfully worked up between the Towns people and 
Soldiers, which produced several affrays, and daily, by means of wicked incendiaries, grew 
more serious. At last some Towns people began to arm, and the Soldiers rushed from their 
Barracks to support their fellow Soldiers. Had it not been for the interposition of the 
Magistrates, and of the most respectab[l]e Inhabitants, and of the Officers of the Army, it had 
become a very dangerous affair — as it was, only a few wounds and bruises were received on 
both sides. A very respectable number of the principal Citizens publicly met together, and 
sent 42 of their number to the Mayor, to assure the Magistrates of their assistance, in preserving 
the peace of the Town ; and the Officers of the Army were no less assiduous in quieting the 
minds of the Soldiers, and in guarding against every accident, which might renew any dispute 
with the Towns people — since which, the place has remained quiet. It is not doubted here, 
that these disturbances were promoted by the Enemy of Govern', in order to raise an 
indignation against the Assembly (then sitting) for granting money to the Soldiers, who were 
represented as ready to cut the throats of the Citizens. 

The persons who appear on these occasions are of inferior rank, but it is not doubted they 
are directed by some persons of distinction in this place. It is likewise thought, they are 
encouraged by some persons of note in England. They consist chiefly of Dissenters, who 
are very numerous, especially in the Country, and have a great influence over the Country 
Members of Assembly. The most Active among them are independants from New England, 
or educated there, and of Republican principles. The friends of the administration, are of the 
Church of England, the Lutherans, and the old Dutch congregation, with several presbyterians. 
From this, the reason will appear of some Bills having passed the House of Assembly in favour 
of the Dissenters, & in prejudice to the few ministers of the Church of England, who have 
stipends by a Law of this Prov". There was less opposition to them in that house, from the 
confidence they had, that they would not be passed by the Council — they were accordingly 
rejected there. I must leave it to Your LordP's judgement, whether these things deserve His 
Maj'^'" attention, and I transmit to the Plantation Board a printed copy of the journal of the 
Assembly to enable you to form your judgem' thereon. 

In my letter of January G"" N° 8. I inclosed a printed copy of a libel directed : " To the 
" Betrayed Inhabitants of the City and Colony of New York" with a proclamation I issued, 
with the advice of the Council, and on an address of the Assembly, offering a reward of ,£100 
for tiie discovery of the author. One Alexander McDougal is now in Jail ; committed on the 
oath of the Printer and his Journey Men, as the author and publisher of that Libel. He is a 
person of some fortune, and could easily have found the Bail required of him, but he choose 
to go to Jail, and lyes there immitating M' Wilkes in every thing he can. When he comes 
to his Tryal it will appear what dependance we may have on a Jury of this place; the 
most respectable persons in the place, openly declare their opinion, that he highly 
deserves punishment. 


My Lord, I now expect soon to remove from the Administration, on the arrival of the Earl 
of'Dunmore.^ It gives me great satisfaction, tiiat in this short Administration, I have had 
an opportunity of doing something of importance for His Maj'''' service. That a good 
agreement has been supported between the several branches of the Legislature — the friends 
of Govern' encouraged — the promoters of discord checked. His Maj'^'" gracious approbation of 
my conduct will make an old Man happy, and will prevent the unfavourable impressions which 
a sudden removal from Administration may occasion. This is however with great humility 
submitted by 

My Lord, 

Your most obedient and 
faithful servant 

Cadwallauer Colben. 

Representation against the New - York Act incapacitating Judges from sitting in the 

[Ne-w>Tork Entries, LXVIIL, p- 43.] 

To the King's most excellent Majesty 

May it please Your Majesty 

We have had under Our Consideration an Act passed in Your Majesty's Province of New 
York in January 1770 intituled an Act declaring certain persons therein mentioned incapable 

' Jons McRRAT, 4th Earl of Dunmore, one of the representative peers of Scotland, succeeded to the title on the death of 
his father William, in December, 1756, and in February, 1759, married Charlotte Stewart, daughter of the Earl of Galloway. 
His commission as Governor of New-York bears date 2d January, 1770, and his administration of the affairs of that province 
commenced on the 19th October, 1770, and continued until the 9th of July of the following year. He was appointed to 
succeed Lord Botetourt { who died in 1770 ) as Governor of Virginia, but remained in New-York for several months after his 
appointment, which circumstance excited some suspicion against him in Virginia, where he did not arrive until 1772. His 
subsequent conduct did not serve to allay those suspicions. In the summer of 1773 he visited the back settlements, and 
remained some time at Pittsburg, where his objects were to create a territorial dispute between Virginia and Pennsylvania, 
{ See biography of George Crogkan, supra, VII., 983,) and thus weaken the bond of union between those provinces. Fortu- 
nately his scheme was foiled by the sagacity and moderation of his Council, who left the matter to arbitration. With a view 
to distract the councils of the Patriots of those days, he is accused of having excited the Indian war which devastated 
the western settlements in 1774 ; but the Indians having been defeated at the mouth of the Kanhawa on the 10th of October, 
by the bravery of the Provincials, a peace was concluded which has since become famous in history by the celebrated speech 
of Logan to Lord Dunmore, who subsequently ( 22d April, 1775), in his zeal for the Royal cause, removed secretly the gun- 
powder from the magazine at Williamsburg to the Fowey man of war, off Yorktown, whither he soon after sent his family, 
and proclaimed Patrick Henry a rebel. His Lordship proceeded in a short time on board the Fowey, landed at Norfolk, 
where he seized the printing press and, on the 17th of November, issued a proclamation declaring martial law, and inviting 
the slaves to join the Royal standard. With this motley force, he kept up a series of marauding expeditions and burnt 
Norfolk on lat January, 1776, but was forced to retire to St. Augustine, in the course of the summer, with his plunder. He 
was needy and came over, says Bancroft, to amass a fortune, and in his passion for sudden gain, cared as little for the policy 
of ministers, or his instructions, as for the rights of property, the respective limits of jurisdiction of the Colonies, or their 
civil and political privileges. To get money was the rule of action which included his whole administrative conduct. IliMori/ 
of the United States, VL, 384. His name is included in the New- York Act of Outlawry of 1779. Lord Dunmore was 
appointed Governor of Bermuda in 1786, and died in England in 1809. His daughter Augusta, married the Duke of Sussex, 
Cth son of King George lU. — En. 

Vol. VII L 27 


of being Members of the General Assembly of this Colony whereupon we humbly beg leave to 
represent to Your Majesty. • 

That this Act being of a new and extraordinary nature & importance affecting Your Majesty's 
Prerogative &c and having on the ground of Reasons not applicable to the state of that Colony 
made a very essential alteration in its constitution, ought not in Our opinion to have been 
passed so as to have taken effect until Your Majestys Royal Pleasure could have been known for 
which reason We humbly beg leave without entering further into the merits of the Regulations 
it adopts, to lay the same before Your Majesty for Your Majesty's Royal disallowance. 

Which is most humbly submitted, 


Ed: Eliot 
Whitehall ' • W" Fitzherbert 

April 11. 1770. John Roberts 

■Earl of Hillsborough to Lieutenant-Governor Golden. 

[ New-Tork Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXII. ] 
N" 38. 

Whitehall. 14. April 1770. 

I have received, and laid before the King, your letter of the 27'" February N" 9. together 
with the attested copy of the Act to which you have thought fit to give your assent, declaring 
the Judges of the Supreme Court incapable of sitting in the Assembly, and also the copy of an 
agreement entered into with Major General Gage, for the application of the money given by ■ 
the General Assembly for providing necessaries for the King's Troops. 

In my letter N° 37. 1 transmitted to you an order of His Maj''' in Council disallowing the Act 
for emitting ^120000 in paper Bills of Credit ; & I now inclose to you a farther order in 
Council, disallowing the Act for explaining the duty of the Loan Offices, as being consequential 
of, and dependant upon, the other Law. 

It gives me great concern, after having in my last letter signified to you His Maj'''"' displeasure 
on account of your having assented to the paper currency Bill without a suspending clause, to 
be again under the necessity of taking notice of a fresh instance of disobedience to His Maj''''s 
Instruc"', in the like assent given to the Bill for disqualifying the Judges from sitting in the 
Assembly ; a Bill, which is not only of a new and extraordinary nature, in every construction 
of those descriptive words, but is evidently founded on reasoning and precedents not applicable 
to the State of New York. 

What measures His Maj'^ may think fit to pursue when this Act comes before him in his 
privy Council, I will not presume to say, but I have thought it my duty to loose no time in 
receiving the King's Commands to lay it before the Lords of Trade, in order that they may 
make such Report thereupon as they shall think tit, and I shall be very glad if your reasoning 
upon the Act shall furnish their LordPP' with any arguments to extenuate the impropriety of 
your Conduct in a case of so much importance to the King's Govern'. 

After the experience we have had of the little utility on the one hand, and the dangerous 
use that has been made on the other of meetings of Commissioners from the several Colonies, 


to consider of matters, in which they have a separate and distinct interest, I have at least great 
doubts of the propriety of giving encouragement to such a Congress for the purposes of 
regulating the Indian Trade ; and whatever your own opinion might have been of the 
expediency of such a measure, it is past a doubt, that you ought not to have given your assent 
to any Law for such a purpose without His Majesty's Directions. 

At the same time that the King sees with just displeasure these instances of disobedience to 
His Instructions, His Maj'^ commands me to say, that as far as your conduct has been really 
intended, and has operated, to promote a good agreement between the several branches of the 
Legislature, to encourage the Friends of Govern' and check the promoters of discord, it will be 
considered with every attention due to its merit. 

I am ettc. 


Earl of mUsborough to Sir William Johnson. 

[Plantations General (8. P. O.) CCLVI.] 

N" 13. 

Whitehall. 14. April 1770. 

I have received and laid before the King your Dispatch of the lO"" of February ]\° 12. 

The matter proposed to the Confederacy of the Six Nations by the Cherokees is of great 
importance, and it is with concern His Maj*'' observes tliat the answer to be given to the 
Cherokees is made to depend upon your opinion and advice, by which, the King will stand 
committed in measures, which, if they adopt the proposition of a war against tiie Southern 
and Western Indians^ are irreconcilable with the principles of humanity and if on the contrary 
they tend to union of Indian interests and Politics, endanger the security of His Majesty's 
Colonies by enabling the Savages to turn their arms against us. 

This consequence however, which you seem to think would follow from discouraging a War 
against the Southern and Western Indians, is certainly to be avoided if possible, and therefore 
the King however unwillingly, cannot but approve of your adopting the alternative, and 
making the security of his subjects and the peace of the frontiers, the principal object of your 
attention at the Congress, but it would be most pleasing to His Majesty, if it could be attained 
without encouraging the Savages in their barbarous attacks on each other. 

It would have been more fortunate, upon every consideration, that this Congress could have 
been avoided, not only as it does in its consequences involve His Maj'^ as a Party in a 
business of so disagreable a nature, but also as it will, I find, be attended with an expence 
beyond what your stated allowance will admit of. 

The King however relies upon your assurances, on the one hand, that this expence is 
unavoidable, &, on the other, that the service shall be conducted with all the frugality and 
economy that is possible, consistent with the public safely ; and, under these assurances. His 
Maj''' approves of your applying to Major General Gage, who will have orders to defray what 
expence shall be absolutely necessary on this occasion. 


It is to be hoped, that it will not be long before those Colonies, whose security depends upon 
the good will and affection of the Savages, will see the necessity of such regulations, as will 
be effectual to prevent those abuses, which at present give so much discontent to them. In 
the mean time you will not fail to exert every influence in your power to prevent these abuses 
from having such an operation upon the minds of the Indians, as to disturb that tranquility 

which is so essential to their true interest. 

I am fee" 


N" 10. 

Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of HilUhorougJi. 

[ New-Tork Papers { S. P. O. ) CLSII. ] 

My Lord. 

To have fallen under His Maj'^'' displeasure, as I find I have by your LordP's letter of the 
17"" of Febr^^ N° 37., gives me the deepest concern. I have had the honor to serve the Crown 
in this Province near 50 years, and have heretofore been happy in His Maj'^''' approbation of 
my conduct. It adds greatly to my affliction that I should have forfeited it when I am so near 
the close of Life ; but I have this comfort, that however I may have erred, it was not from 
any want or neglect of duty, but from an error in judgement, thinking that giving my assent 
to the Bill for emitting Bills of Credit, at the time I did, was greatly for His Maj'^'' service, in 
preventing the Tumults and disorders with which the province was at that time threatned. 
The Chief Justice, and another Gentleman, eminent in the profession of the Law, were 
present, when the Council unanimously advised me to give my assent to that Bill, and were of 
opinion that, it contained nothing in it contrary to the Act of Parliament ; and that the time 
allowed by the Act, before it was to take place, was equivalent to a suspending clause. Your 
LordP blames me, for giving my assent, when I knew that a similar Bill, transmitted by Sir 
Henry Moore, was under consideration, and before I knew the result ; but My Lord, the 
circumstances of the Province at that time, would not permit delay, and I rnust own, it was 
some inducement to me to give my assent, knowing that a similar Bill was then under 
consideration, and consequently that His Majesty's pleasure must be known before any part of 
the Act could take effect — and so it has happened — And in pursuance of your LordP's 
commands, I immediately published His Maj'^'* disallowance of the Act, that all persons may 
govern themselves accordingly. 

My Lord, I flatter myself, you will indulge me in giving the State of the Province at that 
time. A violent faction prevailed in opposition to Government, and the authority of the 
Parliament of Great Brittain, which from many circumstances appeared to be acting in concert 
with a similar Faction at Boston. Numerous papers were dispersed about the Town, exciting 
the people to sedition, and exasperating them against the Soldiers then quartered in this Place. 
The Soldiers walking peaceably in the Street, were several times attacked, beat and abused — 
this of consequence drew on their Resentment, and we should have had the same mischievous 
effects produced here, which have since happened at Boston, had not a body of the principal 
Inhabitants assured the Magistrates of their assistance in preserving the peace of the City, 
which, with the prudent conduct of the Magistrates and Officers of the Army, prevented this 


wicked design — Of this I informed Your Lordf in my letter N" 9. — The similarity of the 
proceedings of the Factions in this place and in Boston, will induce a belief that they acted in 
concert. But besides this, one of the Judges who is known to have connections with those 
who are thought to be the leaders of the Faction, advised the withdrawing of the Troops from 
this place, as the only method to allay the disturbances; and one of the Council who is known 
to have the same connections with the Judge, strenuously insisted that the withdrawing the 
Troops was the only method to restore peace to the Place. These I think strong proofs, that 
the views of the Factions in this Place and in Boston were the same — That they did not 
succeed here was owing to the principal Inhabitants being entirely pleased with the conduct of 
the Administration, and were resolved to support it, of which I have since that time received 
several public acknowledgements. The giving my Assent to the Bill for emitting bills of 
Credit, served much to reconcile the minds of the people and to put them in good humour. 
Had I refused my assent to this Bill, and had the Assembly granted no money for the Troops, 
as in that case they would not, the Faction would have succeeded in their design to disturb the 
Governm', and it is not easy to say what might have been the consequences — Upon a Review 
of my conduct under these circumstances, I hope My Lord, His Maj'^ may be graciously pleased 
to think more favourably of it. 

The good effects of the harmony which prevailed between the several branches of the 
Legislature in the last Sessions, is very evident in the good order and submission to 
the Authority of Govern' which has ever since subsisted in this place — Govern' has renewed its 
strength, which the events of some past years had greatly weakened. A disappointed Faction 
by publishing the most gross calumnies & impudent lies, in order to asperse my character, and 
the characters of the Gentlemen joined with me in the Administration, have drawn upon 
themselves a general detestation ; and so far sunk their own characters in the estimation of 
every Man of reputation that for the future they can have no general influence — and I hope from 
all these circumstances the Administration will be made much more easy to my successor, and 
that I shall have the pleasure to deliver the Govern' to His LordP in good order and Tranquility — 

The Grand Jury of this Citty, now sitting, have found an Indictment against Alexander 
McDougall^ for publishing a Libell against the Govern' which I mentioned to your Lord? in my 

' Major-General Alkxandee MoDocgali., afterwards of the Revolutionary army, was, some say, a native of Scotland ; Allen 
says he was the son of a Scotchman who sold milk in the city of New-York, and that he was not ashamed to acknowledge 
that, when a boy, he assisted his father. He became early an active member of the body known as " Sons of Liberty," and 
was arrested in February, 1770, on a charge of being the author of the "Address to the Betrayed Inhabitants of New-York," 
and refusing to give bail was committed to prison by order of Chief Justice Horsmanden. His friends represented his case 
as similar to that of Wilkes. The latter had brought down the vengeance of government by the publication of the North 
Briton, No. 45. This number became the watchword of McDougali's fellow patriots, and when asked their names, on seeking 
admission to their friend, their answer was — "We are forty -five ;" and saluted their champion with "forty-five" cheers. 
In the two months of his confinement, he was overrun with visitors. On the 20th of December following he was arraigned 
at the bar of the Assembly on the same charge, on which occasion he was defended by George Clinton, afterwards the first 
Governor of the State of New- York. A writ of habeas corpus was sued out in the course of the following month, but 
without any result, and Mr. McDougall was not liberated from his confinement until the 4th of March, 1771, when the 
Assembly was prorogued. In March, 1775, he was a member of the Provincial Convention, and was nominated as one of the 
candidates for the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, but was not elected ; in the same year he received a commission as 
Colonel of the \st New- York regiment. He rose in 1776 to the rank of Brigadier-General, and in the following year was 
present at the battle of Germantown. In 1777 he was appointed Major-General, and in 1778, superseded Putnam in the 
command of the Highlands. After the flight of Arnold, he was put in charge of West Point on the 6lh October, 1780. In 
the year 1783, he was elected to represent the Southern District in the Senate of this State and continued a member of that 
body until his death, which occurred in June, 1786. At the time of his decease. General McDougall was president of tlie 
Bank of New-York, and in politics adhered to the Hamilton party. Leake's Life of John Lamb. — Ed, 


letters N" 8 and 9. It is thought he cannot have his Tryal this Term, as the Court will be 
fully employed the few days they have to sit, in the Trial of capital criminals. 

The Govern'^ of Quebec and Pennsylvania have agreed to send Commissioners to meet the 
Coramiss" of this Prov", in order to form some plan for regulating the Indian Trade ; and I 
expect they will meet at this Place the 10"' of July next. 

As I have had my duty constantly before my Eyes, and have pursued it sincerely to the best 
of my ability, the thoughts of closing my life under His Maj''''' displeasure, give me great pain, 
and that by any error, I may have forfeited Your LordP's regard, for with the greatest truth 
I am 

My Lord 

Your most obedient & faithful 
25 April 1770. Cadwallader Colden. 

Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[New-York- Papers (8. P. 0.) CLXII.] 

N" 11. 

New York. 16 May 1770. 
My Lord, 

By the repeal of the Act for emitting .£120000 in Bills of Credit, one thousand pounds 
granted out of that fund, by the Assembly in their last Session, for supplying his Maj'J"'' Troops 
quartered in this Place with necessaries, it become deficient. I have no hope given me that 
the Assembly will at this time supply that deficiency; and therefore I think it is prudent to 
delay calling the Assembly till after the arrival of Lord Dunmore, who must certainly have 
more influence, than, in my present situation I can have. The grant of money for the Troops 
is unpopular — we have two parties in violent opposition to each other — one is careful to 
preserve their popularity in order to secure their seats in the Assembly, and the other takes 
every method to gain popularity in hopes of a Dissolution of the Assembly on the arrival of a 
new Gov". 

The Merchants in this Place and in Philadelphia have under consideration, whether to 
import goods from Great Brittain or not. I am told, the majority, both in this place and 
Philadelphia are for importing, and that they will come to a determination in a few days. — 
The party in opposition to the present administration join with the people of Boston in 
measures to prevent importation, and for that purpose stole late in the night last week a 
procession of the Mob to expose a Boston Importer,' who happened to come to this place. The 
Magistrates knew nothing of "the design till it was too late, otherwise I believe it would have 

' "A certain Nathan Rogers of the town of Boston, merchant." His effigy was suspended from a gallows and burnt on 
the night of the 10th of May, 1770, in the Coinnion, now the Park, New-York. He ordered his carriage and secretly left 
town at 2 o'clock next morning. He is described as a man about 5 feet 8 inches high, pretty corpulent, round shouldered, 
stoops a great deal, and generally appears in green and gold, or purple and gold. Leake'f. Life of Lamb, 63, 64. He lived at 
the lower end of King (now State) street, Boston, aud had already been denounced at a meeting of the merchants of Boston^ 
on nth August, 1709, as one "of those who audaciously continue to counteract the united sentiments of tlie body of merchants 
throughout Noith America by importiug British goods coutrary to the agreement." Brakes History of Boston, 767. — Ed. 


been prevented — Tho' tlie parties are much exasperated against eacii otber, I hope the public 
peace will be preserved, and the issue will be favourable to the Govern' 
I have the honor to be 
My Lord, 

Your most obedient and 

faithful servant. 

Cadwallader Golden. 

Earl of IlilhhorougTi to Lieutenant-Governor Colden. 

t New-York Papers ( 8. P. 0. ) CLXII. ] 
N" 39. 

Whitehall. 12 June. 1770. 

I have received and laid before the King your letter N° 10. in which you endeavour to justify 
your conduct in having given your assent to the Paper currency Bill by arguments drawn from 
the then State of the Golony, and as I have reason to believe from what you alledge that you 
erred from real good intention, I have not failed to represent your conduct in that light to 
His Majesty. 

There certainly may be circumstances and situations in which a Gov'' will find it necessary 
sometimes to depart from the strict letter of his Instructions, but then the motives for such 
deviations ought to be stated in the fullest manner, and no circumstance omitted that can either 
tend to his own justification or give information to Govern' of the true state of the Colony; I 
mention this in order to introduce the remark, that there are some Facts and observations 
relative to the State of New York in the letter to which this is an answer that were not stated 
in your former correspondence, but more particularly that of one of the Judges, and a Member 
of the Council, advising & strefiuously insisting that the King's Troops should be withdrawn 
from the Colony, a Fact which, whether it respects the measure itself, or the persons who 
advised and supported it, is of great importance to His Maj'J''' service, and ought to have been 
stated in the fullest and most explicit manner, and names not concealed, for as all public 
measures depend in a great degree, as to their effect, upon a knowledge of the true characters 
of Men in public situations, it will be very difficult to judge of the propriety of those measures 
without some knowledge of the principles by which the conduct of such Men is influenced, and 
the degree of Trust & confidence each Man is entitled to. 

Inclosed I send you an order of His Majesty in Council containing a disallowance of the Act 
passed at New York in January last, declaring certain persons therein mentioned incapable of 
being Members of the General Assembly of that Colony, upon which order you will not fail to 
take such steps as have been usual and are necessary for carrying His Maj'^'" commands into 
execution. I likewise inclose to you an Act passed in the last session of Parliament entitled: 
"An Act to enable the Gov'' Council and Assembly of His Maj'^'" Colony of New York, to 
" pass an Act of Assembly for creating and issuing upon loan, paper Bills of Credit to a certain 
" amount, and to make the same a legal tender in payments into the loan Offices and Treasury 


" of the said Colony"— and I make no doubt, that if the Legislature of New York shall think 
fit to pass such a Law as the Parliament has authorized it will be approved by His Maj'J' — 

I am ettc. 


Lkxitenanl-Oovernor Golden to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-York Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXIL ] 

N' 12. 

New York. 7. July 1770. 

My Lord, 

It gives me the greatest concern to learn from your Lord^'s letter of the 4"" of April N" 38. 
that I had incurred His Majesty's displeasure, by giving my assent to a Bill for disqualifying 
the Judges from sitting in Assembly. However necessary it appeared to me, for preserving a 
good agreem' between the branches of the Legislature, at a time, when assiduous endeavours 
were making to produce discord, I should not have done it, without a suspending clause, till 
His Majesty's pleasure be known, had I not been confident, that there would be no session of 
Assembly, before there had been sufficient time, to have His Maj'^'' pleasure known in this 
place, and that in the mean time it could produce no effect. For this purpose I transmitted an 
attested copy of the Bill, by the first opportunity, before it could be engrossed as usual and the 
seal affixed. 

Had your Lord? known in what manner some of the Judges, at several times, have made use 
of their influence in Elections, not for His Maj'^'' service, but with interested views, and 
afterwards in supporting a party in the house, you would not wonder that the Assembly, have 
it so much at heart to exclude them. I apprehend, that unless the Assembly be gratified in 
this point, it will remain a perpetual bone of contention, between them and the Gov^ — In my 
humble opinion, the Judges c&n be of more real use to the Crown, by being disinterested in 
all party disputes, without which, they cannot gain or preserve the general esteem of the 
people, or their sentiments have that weight on the minds of the people, which otherwise a 
Judge of sufficient ability & known integrity must always have. 

I had not the least suspicion of any prejudice to His Maj'^'" service from the meeting of 
the Commiss" of the neighbouring Colonies, for regulating the commerce with the Indians. 
The Trade with the Indians from this Province, Pennsylvania and Quebec, is so much 
intermixed, that no plan can be effectual without their mutual consent : Coll : Carleton 
embraced the proposal heartily & desired the meeting to be at New York. Pennsylvania 
seems more cool. I have since that time received a letter from Coll : Carleton signifying that 
the Commissioners from Quebec cannot attend in the summer months, tho' we chose that time 
from an opinion that it would be most convenient for them, as traveling in the winter from 
Quebec is very difficult and often dangerous. I now suspect, that the Commiss" will not 
meet, or if they do, they will not agree on any plan, by reason of the different interests of the 
several Colonies. Sir William Johnson is likewise of this opinion. 

My Lord, I flatter myself that from the good effects of the measures, which the administration 
of Govern' in this Province has adopted, that they will receive His Muj'^'" approbation, and 


will excuse what otherwise might have been partly blamed. The principal Inhabitants are 
now heartily united in favour of Govern' with a resolution to suppress all riots and tumultuous 
meetings, and I am perswaded, that if the same measures be pursued, this Prov" will be in 
tranquility and good order. 

Soon after it was known that the Parliam' had repealed the duties on Paper, Class ettc the 
Merchants in this place sent to Philadelphia that they might unitedly agree to a general 
importation of every thing except Tea. They at first received a favourable answer, and their 
agreement to the proposal was not doubted ; but soon after a letter was received at Philadelphia, 
from a Gentleman in England, on whom the Quakers in that place, repose the greatest 
confidence, advising them to persist in non importation, till every internal Taxation was taken 
off; this changed the measures of Philadelphia; but the principal Inhabitants of this place 
continue resolved to shew their gratitude, for the regard the Parliament has in removing the 
grievances they complained of. As there still remains a restless Faction, who from popular 
arguments, rumours and invectives, are endeavouring to excite riots and opposition among the 
lower class of people, a number of Gentlemen went round the Town to take the sentiments 
of Individuals. I am told, that 1180, among which are the principal Inhabitants, declared for 
importation, about 300 were neutral or unwilling to declare their sentiments, and a few of 
any distinction declared in opposition to it. I am informed likewise that the Merchants of this 
place resolved to acquaint the Merchants of Boston and Philadelphia with their inclinations 
to import. Having removed from the City to my house in the Country, after the Earl of 
Dunraore's furniture arrived, that the Gov'''' house may be fitted up for his reception, I am not 
sufficiently informed of the final resolution of the Merchants, but I believe they are resolved 
to import. Of this, Your Lordf will be informed with certainty from the Merchants in London 
their correspondents. The Packet being ready to sail next morning obliges me to close my 
letter before I receive perfect information of the resolution of the Merchants. 

The disorders in North America began, while the administration of Govern' was in my 
hands, while no Gov"" in any of the Colonies had sufficient authority to suppress them ; I am 
happy that now, while the Administration is again in my hands, the People of this Province, 
set an example to the other Colonies of returning to their duty. All Men of property are so 
sensible of their danger, from Riots and tumults, that they will not rashly be induced to enter 
into combinations, which may promote disorder for the future, but will endeavour to promote 
due subordination to legal authority. 

From the different Political and Religious principles of the Inhabitants opposite parties have 
at all times and will exist in this Prov", which at different times have taken their denomination 
from some distinguished person or family which has appeared at their head ; but you may be 
assured. My Lord, that it is not in the power of any one family to distress the Govern', while 
the Administration is conducted with prudence, which often requires a compliance with 
popular humours. 

I am so far advanced in years, that it is most desirable to retire, with the reputation of 

having gained; and if at the same [time] I can gain His Maj'^'' approbation, I shall be very 

happy, for I have had His Maj'^'^ service sincerely at heart. If I shall be so happy, I make 

no doubt of preserving Your LordP's regard, and am with the greatest Jrespect & submission 

My Lord, Your most obedient ettc : Cadwallader Colden. 

The Secretary informs, that he sends by this Packet all the Minutes of Council to the 6"- of 
June last which had not been formerly sent. 
Vol. VHL 28 


N° 13. 

Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hiilsborougti. 

[New-York Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXII.] 

New York. 10. July 1770. 

My Lord, 

The Faction in opposition to importation from Great Brittain, having last week attempted 
by every method in their power by Riots, Clamour and threats, to deter the Merchants in this 
place from agreeing to import, without the concurrence of Philadelphia and Boston. The 
Merchants were desirous to know the sence of the Inhabitants with certainty in a matter of so 
great consequence, and after my last of the 7"' inst : was wrote, desired to have the packet 
detained a few days, which was accordingly done to the Wednesday following. Persons on both 
sides of the question, were appointed to go from house to house to collect the sentiments of the 
Inhabitants. I am informed, that a great majority declared for importing, and consequently 
I make no doubt, the Merchants send their orders for importing, by this packet. This is of so 
great importance that I think it my duty, to give your Lord? the earliest notice of it ; it must 
be agreable to you as it will give a favourable impression to His Maj'^ of his subjects in this 
Prov". It gives me great pleasure to have it accomplished, while the Administration is in the 
hands of — My Lord — your ettc. 

Cadwallader Colden. 

Alexander Colden to Anthony Todd, Esq.^ Secretary to the Postmaster- General. 

[New-Tork Papers (S. P. 0.) CLXII.] 

Anthony Todd Esq" 

11 July 1770. 

A day or two before the Duke of Cumberland Packet Boat sailed, the Principal and most 
numerous of the Merchants of this City, had a meeting and came to a resolution, that proper 
persons should go, thro' the several wards of the City with two subscriptions, the one for non 
importation, the other for importation, in order to collect the sentiments not only of the 
Merchants, but of the Mechanicks and every inhabitant relative to importing goods from Great 
Brittain as formerly. 

At that time it plainly appeared by the lists a great majority was for importing; upon which 
the Committee of Merchants dispatched Expresses, to Philadelphia and Boston, informing the 
Merchants at these places the sentiments of this City. At this time it was known the generality 
of the Merchants of Philadelphia inclined to break through the nonimportation agreement, but 
before the Express reached Philadelphia, a letter was published in the Philadelphia papers 
from a Gentleman in London on whose opinion and advice it is said, the Quakers and those in 
their interest entirely rely, the purport of which letter was advising the Philadelphians by all 
means to abide by their non importation agreement, as the only means of obtaining full redress 
from the grievaacies they complained of ; this made the Philadelphians change their sentiments 


and resolve to abide by their agreement. You will see the Committee of Merchants at New 
York Letters, to the Merchants at Philadelphia and Boston published in the papers, and also 
the above letter from London and the Merchants answers to our Committees letter. The 
answers from Philadelphia and Boston did not discourage the principal and most thinking 
Merchants amongst us from perusing their scheme, not doubting they should soon bring about 
a general consent in this City to break through the nonimportation agreement, being sensible, 
many families must starve if an importation of goods from Great Brittain did not soon take 
place, ibr many could not subsist their families, especially the Meclianicks, unless we imported 
sundries of which we at present stand in absolute «ieed of and can't get elsewhere, tiiis would 
have been effected some weeks ago, had it not been for the opposition of a small, inconsiderable, 
noisy, blustering Faction whose whole aim is to keep the Country in confusion in order to 
answer their purposes, and keep up a popularity, which by vile means, they have obtained 
among the lower class of the Mechanics and Inhabitants, well knowing, should an importation 
take place, they would loose that popularity, be disregarded by every honest Man, and well- 
wisher to his Country, and sink into their former state of being despised and perhaps treated 
(as they justly deserve) as Enemies to their Country. Notwithstanding the principal 
Gentlemen and Merchants have been at great pains to show the unreasonableness of abiding 
by the nonimportation agreement (after the Legislature of Great Brittain had been graciously 
pleased to repeal the Act relative to laying duties on sundry articles) except that on Tea ) and 
how much it would redound to the honour of this Province immediately to shew their 
gratitude for this favour by ordering all kind of goods from home on which there was no duty 
to be paid in America (things remained in a fluctuating state till last Friiay evening) the night 
before the mail by the Halifax Packet was to be closed) a number of Merchants met at a 
Tavern and then agreed at all events to send their orders by the Packet to send them goods as 
usual, except Tea. The Faction being informed of this Resolution published an inflammatory 
anonymous advertisement the next morning, desiring all the Inhabitants to meet that day at 
12 o'clock at the Citty Hall, where the Faction & their Cabal (such as they were) met 
accordingly; amongst the number of the principal of them was one Isaac Sears' (who, you 

' Isaac Sbaks, a descendant from the Pilgrim slock at Plymoutli, ar,d for ten years tlie reoogniz.'d head of the citizens of 
New-York, was a member of the original association of the " Sons of Liberty," and of the committee appointed to corrts- 
pond with tlie different Colonies with a view to a resistance of the Stamp Ac*,, in 1765. Some soldiers of the 28lh 
regiment having cut down thi Liberty Pole on the lOlh of August, 1766, a party of the citizens of New-Yoik, who assembled 
on the following evening to restore th=ir standard, were assailed by the soldiers, on which occasion Mr. Sears was wo' nded. 
In the month of March, 1767, a party of the 16th regiment again cut down the pole, and in a collision which subsequently 
occurred between the citizens and th-j military, one of the latter was arrested by Sears, » ho marched his prisoner to the 
n-ayor's office. In 1769 he was a conspicuous supporter of Capt. McDougall (supra, p. 213 ) and in 1772, on a conipluiiit 
hatched up against him as inspector of pot ashes, he was dismissed from office, but this only rendered him more active. In 
1774 he was prominent in preventing the landing of the Tea at New-York. On 20th April, 1775, he bold y proposed that 
the people provide themselves with arms and ammunition, for which he was arrested ; but the populace rescued him and 
carried him in triumph through the city. News of the battle of Lexington arriving a few days afterwards, the citizens, headed 
by Sears and others, rushed to arms, seized the custom-house and deta ned all the vsssels in port about to sail for the Eist. 
Soon after this the Provincial Congress sat in New-York, and the great commiltee nominated Mr. Sears to represent the city and 
county. Duiilap's History of New -York, II., 457. He soon after removed to New Haven, where he raised a party of horsemen 
■t whose head he proceeded to Westchester county, N. Y., to disarm the leading tories of that section of the country, some of 
whom they sent prisoners to Connecticut ; and on the 23d Novimber, 1775, entered the city of New-York and drew up in the 
greatest regularity in front of James Rivington's printing office and destroyed his types, after which they marched out of the 
town to the tune of Yankee Doodle, amidst the cheers of the vast concourse of people collected on that occasion, and returned 
to New Haven, where Capt. Sears spent the winter. General Lee shortly after arriving in New-York, of his own authority 
appointed Capt.iiu Sears, the following year, Deputy Adjutant-General, with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, and empowered 


will find often mentioned, of late in our papers) Capt" M'^Dougald the American Wilks and 
some others of the same kidney. Every Merchant of any note met at the same time at 
the Coffee House, and a number of other Gentlemen. The Cabal at the City Hall proposed 
an opposition to importation, and as I have been informed (whether true or not, I don't 
presume to say but do not doubt it) Isaac Sears publicly declared if any Merchant, or number 
of Merchants presumed to break through the non importation agreement till the several 
Provinces had agreed to do the same, he would loose his life in the attempt, or the goods 
imported should be burnt as soon as landed, and strenuously advised that every measure in the 
power of that Faction should be attempted to frustrate the resolutions taken or to be took by 
the Gentlemen and Merchants for bringing about an Importation. The Merchants met at the 
Coffee House resolved to use their Lest endeavours to bring it to pass, and resolved, that 
persons of note should again be sent thro' the several Wards to take the same' of all the 
Inhabitants on this subject in general, and made not the least doubt, but by far the greatest 
number would be for importation. This being agreed to only about 1 o'clock last Saturday, 
and the Mail was to close at 12. that night it would be impracticable to know the result time 
enough to send the necessary order to their correspondents for goods by this Packet which, 
they were very desirous to do as early as possible — Wherefore they appointed Committee of 
their body to wait on me desiring me to detain the Packet for two or three days, which I told 
them I could not possibly do without breaking through my Instructions. They then sent to 
the Lieut' Gov"' who was out of Town at his Country seat about 17 miles off, and sent some 
of the Committee to the General, requesting the Packet might be detained ; upon their 
application to the Lieut' Gov' and to General Gage, they wrote me the following letters : 

July V"- 1770. 

It is for His Maj'^'^ service that the Packet be detained till Wednesday next, which you are 
desired to do accordingly. 

Cadwallader Colden. 
To. Alex: Colden Esq"' Agent for the Packets. 

New York July 7"' 1770. 

Application having been made to me that the Packet might be detained for two or three 
days in order to give time to the Merchants of this place to make out orders to their 
Correspondents at home for such British Merchandize as they shall severally want, being on 

liim to raise vol inteers in Connecticut, and afterwards sent him into Queen's county, to administer tbe test oath to certain 
suspected parties " which they swallowed like a 4lb. s'lot." 4. American Archives, III., 1707; IV., 1145; V., 75, 105, 511, 
1175. Long Island having fallen into the hands of the British who, it was reported, had offered a reward for Sears, he moved 
to Boston, where he resided during the war, having formed a copartnership with his son-in-law. Dunlap's New -York, II., ccli. 
He returned to New-York after the peace, and was chosen one of the members of Assembly for that city at the ensuing 
election of 1783. In 1784, 5, the company of Sears and Smith failed, and the energetic old man made a voyage to the East 
Indies, which retrieved in part his fortunes, but in 1786 he was seized with fever in Batavia and died. Dunlap. Leake, in 
Lis IJfe nf Lninb, froiii which niai y of the preceding particulars are borrowed, says (p. 304) that he went on a voyage to 
China, and died in Canton on the 2Sth of Octoher, 1786. The family was originally from Colchester, in England, whence 
their ancestor, Richard Scars, emigrated to Holland with other Furitans, and landed at Plymouth in 1630. New England 
JUslorical and Oenealogical Reginter, VIII., 214; IX., 134. — Ed. 
' Sic. 


the point of breaking the nonimportation agreement ; I am therefore to desire that you will 
detain her accordingly. 

I am ettc. 
Alex"" Golden Esq'^ Agent for the Packets Tho' Gage. 

Upon receipt of these letters, joined with the applications the Merchants made to myself, I 
agreed to detain the Packet till this day, not doubting but I should have the happiness of their 
LordPP'' the Postmaster General's approbation for so doing; and immediately advertised that 
the Packet was detained and to sail this day. I am now closing the mail, and the Packet will 
sail as soon as the Tide permits. 

_ M'' James Parker^ Secretary and Comptroller to the General Post Office for this district died 
a fewdays since ; this must cause some new appointments in the Americal General Post Office ; 
if any which may be more honourable or profitable, than the one I now enjoy as Post Master 
in this City, I hope you will not forget me. 

I am ettc. 

Alex: Golden.^ 

' James Parker was born in Woodbridge, N. J., and served his apprenticeship to William Bradford the first printer in New- 
York. He coramenced business when Bradford retired, about the year l'7o2, and began the N. Y. Gazette and Postboy, a weekly 
newspaper, in January, 1743, on the discontinuance of Bradford's Gazette. In November, 1742, he began the publication of the 
New-York Reflector, containing moral and political essays, but no news. Gov. Livingston, President Burr of N. J. College, 
John Morin Scott, W. Alexander Lord Stirling, and Smith, the New-York Historian, were the chief contributors. He 
printed at Woodbridge a folio edition of the laws of the Province of New Jersey, and in January, 1753, formed a partnership 
with William Weyman, which continued for six years. At the commencement of the French war it was deemed proper to 
establish a post-olBce at New Haven and James Parker was appointed, in 1754, the first postmaster, by Benjamin Franklin, 
then at the head of the department in America. Having secured the post-office, he formed a partnership with John Holt, 
another printer, and sent on a press from New- York at the close of the year. The first work from this press was the laws 
of Yale College in Latin. A newspaper followed in January, 1755. During all this time his residence was mostly at 
Woodbridge, where he managed the press on his own account, and printed a monthly magazine for more than two years. 
Having dissolved partnership with Weyman, his printing house and newspaper in New- York devolved on him. He assigned 
the paper to his nephew, Samuel, who printed the Postboy until July, 1760 ; when Holf, having closed his concerns at New 
Haven, came to New- York, Parker, who still resided at New Jersey, formed a partnership with him, which lasted until 
April, 1762. In 1765 he removed his Woodbridge press to Burlington, where he began and completed Smith's History of 
New Jersey, pp. 570, demy 8vo., and then returned with his press to Woodbridge. Thomas' History of Printing: In 1766 
Holt retired and Parker resumed business in connection with his nephew. At this office the Address of a Son of Liberty " To 
the Betrayed Inhabitants of New-York" was printed in December, 1769, and one of the journeymen having informed the 
authorities of that fact, Parker, though slill residing in New Jersey, was arrested on a charge of having printed a Seditious 
Libel. He was pardoned, however, on furnishing the name of the author. Book of Commissions, V., 430. Parker was a 
correct and eminent printer; besides his professional concerns, beheld various public employments; among others that of 
Comptroller and Secretary of the General Post-Office for the Northern District of the British Colonies. He possessed a sound 
judgment and a good heart; was industrious in business and upright in his dealings. He died July 2, 1770, at Burlington, 
N. J., and was conducted by a large concourse of his fellow citizens from Burlington and Amboy, to the place of interment 
at Woodbridge, where his remains were deposited with those of his ancestors. Thomas, II., 121, 122. 

' Alex-^noer Golden, eldest son of the Lieutenant-Governor, was born, we presume, in Philadelphia, in 1716, and in 1737 
was appointed Ranger of the county of Ulster, N. Y, which then included " Coldenham," a small district of country about 
midway between Newburgh and the village of Montgomery, in the present town of Montgomery, Orange county, N. Y.i 
where his father had property, and where he ( Alexander ) kept a country store, at which the early settlers of the town and 
those west to Shawangunk mountains were in the habit of trading. He was appointed Joint Surveyor-General with his father 
in 1751, and succeeded to that office in 1762, and was Postmaster of New-York until his death. He left four daughters and 
two sons; his eldest daughter married Captain Archibald Hamilton, of the 3l6t Foot; his second daughter married John Antill. 
who entered the British service and was, after the peace of 1783, obliged to leave the couutry, and settled in Canada ; his third 
daughter married Captain (since Colonel ) Anthony Farrington, of the Royal Artillery; his eldest son, Richard, married a 
lady at the Isle of Man, and left two sons in this couniry ; and his second son was lost at sea. Alexander Colden died in 
New-York in 1775, in the 59th year of his age. Eager's History of Orange County, 236, 239, 246. — En. 



Sir William Johnson to the JEati of Ilillshorough. 

[Plantations General (S. P. O.) CCLVI.] 

Johnson Hall. 12. July. 1770. 

My Lord. 

Since I wrote your LordP on the 10"' of Febr^ last N° 12. I have been honored with your 
LordP's letter N" 12 inclosing his Maj'^'" speech for which I offer my most humble thanks, as also 
your LordP's letter N" 13. in answer to my dispatch concerning the proposed Congress, on which 
subject I am extremely happy to find that His Maj'^ approves of the alternative, which I thought 
was the only one that under the circumstances I have had the honor to represent could be 
adopted with safety to the public. 

As I was so fortunate as to foresee the sense of Govern' on this embarrassing occasion, I do 
assure your Lord? that I took infinite pains, to avoid the Congress, but I find, that it cannot be 
either set aside, or postponed with safety, and above six hundred of the Indians being already 
come to the place of Rendez-vous, I purpose to set out to morrow to meet them, judging that 
about the time of my arrival there, which is fifty miles from hence, the whole will be assembled, 
and I am very sorry to hear, that there will be so considerable a number of them, because there 
is the greatest scarcity of all provisions at present throughout these parts, the crops being 
almost totally destroyed by Catterpillars, and in the Indian Country many Corn fields are 
entirely ruined. After great trouble and difficulty 1 have at length got out of the hands of the 
Committee of Non Importers at New York a Cargoe of Indian goods, without which I dont 
know, how I should have gone to the Congress, for whatever is the occasion, we cannot meet 
those people, without some proofs of his Maj'^'* esteem, more especially at some periods, as now, 
when Indian goods are so scarce, that several parties have gone thro' all the stores and shops 
within 100 miles without being able to procure a dozen Blankets, and when it has been 
industriously propagated amongst them, by some very weak people that the scarcity is 
occasioned by the King who has ordered that no goods shall be sent over to them ; this very 
dangerous Report is so universal amongst them, that I have been told of it in very warm terms 
by above a hundred Indians, within the course of the present week ; many of them have brought 
down their Peltry & Furrs, and returned almost naked, and full of resentment the Effects of 
which I am so sensible of, that I thought it my duty to undeceive them in the best manner I 
could on a point of such delicacy, where the occasion of their present wants and disappointments 
cannot be transferred from one to another, without some danger to the Public. 

You see My Lord, some of the difficulties in which my station involves me, but I have firmness 
enough to support me under greater, when his Maj'^'" interest demands it of me, and the 
confidence, which I know, the Indians repose in me, will I trust enable me to clear up these 
disagreable matters, so as they may not have any ill consequences, to which end the presents 
will greatly contribute by removing the apprehensions till more favourable times shall set all 
matters right. 

I purpose at the Congress, when agreable to His Maj'?"' orders, proceed to the ratification of 
tlie Fort Stanwix Treaty, to convince them that he has no desire for the Lands they ceded to 
the Southward of Kanhawa River, and to explain these points in a way that I hope will be 
satisfactory to the few of their Insatiable dependants, who have pretended to be discontented 
at the extent of a session so fully agreed to in the largest assembly that was ever yet held of 


the true and real proprietors, and as I hear from the Southward that the Cherokees deny that 
their Deputys have orders to draw the Northern Nations into so extensive a war as has been 
represented to me, I shall study to avail myself of it, in altering their purposes, but should it 
appear, that the authority of these Deputy's is indisputable, and that the Northern Ind"' cannot 
be diverted from their purposes with any safety to the public, I shall in that case make it as 
much their own affiiir as possible, & endeavour to act in the manner most agreable to his 
Maj'^'» inclinations, as expressed in your Lord^'s letter to me. I foresee jnuch trouble and 
dilBcultys in the course of the intended Congress, as well from the discontent shewn for so 
long a time by many of the Indians, and the very disagreable Report before mentioned, as 
from the want of any appointments for the Regulation of Trade, and tlie little prospect there 
is of its ever being duly attended to, but on all these matters, I shall endeavour to give them 
the utmost satisfaction in my power to prevent their operating to any disagreable purposes. 
And his Maj'J' may be assured that on this or any other occasion, I shall never presume to 
recommend or incurr any expence, unless I am convinced from experience of its necessity, and in 
that case I shall conduct myself with the strictest honour and integrity, and with a frugality 
proportioned to the exigency and importance of the service. — As I hope, within a few weeks 
to give your Lord? an ace' of the result of my transactions, I have only at present to add, that 
I am with all imaginable respect — My Lord — ettc. 

W" Johnson. 

JiJarl of Ilillslorougli to the Earl of Dunmore. 

[ New-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXII. ] 

Whitehall. 16 July 1770. 
My Lord, 

As His Majesty's ship Tweed, which is destined to carry your Lord? to New York is (I 
understand) now ready for the Sea, I inclose to Your Lord? His Maj'^'' Instructions for your 
guidance and direction in the administration of that Govern', and I am to signify to your Lord*" 
His Majesty's commands, that you should prepare to embark with as much dispatch as your 
Health and private affairs will permit. 

I have the satisfaction to acquaint Your Lord? that His Maj'^ hath been graciously pleased 
to direct by a warrant upon his Commiss" of the Customs in America, that a Salary of ^2000 
per annum should be paid to your Lord? from the date of your Commission, out of the Revenue 
arising in America by the duty upon Tea; and I am to signify to your Lord? His Maj'^'' 
commands, that you do not accept any Salary, or any gift or allowance whatsoever from the 
Assembly of New York. 

The inclosed copy of a declaration made by King William at the Treasury Board in 1698, 
will inform your Lord? of the regulation established with respect to the emoluments of 
the Govern" in America, in case of a Devolution of Govern' by the death or abscence of the 
Chief Gov'; and it is His Maj'^'^ pleasure, that a mojety of the perquisites and Emoluments 
of the Govern' of New York be accounted for and paid to your LordP from the date of your 
Commission to the time of your arrival. 

I am ettc. 




Sir William Jolmson to the Earl of TIilhho7'ough. 

[ Plantations General (8. P. 0.) No. 256.] 

Johnson Hall. J4. Aucrust. 1770. 

My Lord. 

On the 12 ult" I had the honour to write Your Lord? my letter N" 13. previous to my journey 
to hold a Congress with the Northern Indians and Deputys from the Southward, from whence 
I returned some days ago attended by so many Tribes and Messengers on the private business 
of each nation, that it was not in my power earlier to transmit the proceedings which I now 
have the honour to inclose. 

From my last letter, your Lord? has been enabled to form some judgement of my 
embarrassment arising from the disagreable nature of the business I had to engage in, on 
which account I held many Conferences (too long to be inserted) with the leading men of 
each Nation, upon my arrival at the place of Congress, to which the issue and determination 
of the Indians as contained in the papers herewith transmitted must be entirely attributed; 
they having at length agreed thro' the pains I took, and the extraordinary prudence and good 
conduct of some of the Chiefs, whose abilities and influence were peculiarly exerted upon that 
occasion, to stop proceedings against the Southern Indians, until they shall propose terms of 
accommodation, and to decline their intended application for our assistance & support in the 
war, a circumstance which gave me much uneasiness at first, as I found that they came with a 
determined resolution to demand it in public, and that not so much from necessity as with 
design thereby to judge of the nature of our friendship, and the regard we paid to former 
engagements, of vrhich they entertain great doubts ; concluding upon this to be a favourable 
occasion that must finally determine & direct their conduct towards us, for as strict alliances 
with them are considered both offensive & defensive any evasion or refusal from us would 
undoubtedly in their present disposition have so far encreased their suspicions and resentment 
as to make our Trade and Frontiers feel the effects of that spirit of War, which now 
predominates amongst them, at a time when we are very ill calculated to defend the one or the 
other, however matters may be misrepresented with regard to our strength or their weakness, for 
whilst they exist in their present state, they are able to make us severely to feel their power 
without the possibility of their sustaining a proportionate loss even from a vigorous exertion 
of our abilities, so that. My Lord, disagreable as the alternative was on which the issue of the 
proceedings first appeared to depend, I found that a trifling circumstance when compared with 
the prospect of either drawing his Maj's" contrary to the principles of humanity to be an Actor 
in their quarrels, or to see at least a temporary end put to the Indian Trade, and the total ruin 
of those settlements which industry and peace have added to the Colonies ; this, I thought 
myself bound to prevent as well from humanity as duty, and I hope the measures I pursued 
for that purpose will be honoured with his Maj'^'' approbation, as in so doing I carefully 
avoided discovering what would have been the resolutions of the Crovpn, and so conducted it 
as to make the issue of the Congress flow from their own resolutions on a farther and more 
mature consideration of the business proposed. 

The number of the Indians who attended upon this occasion being the great 

scarcity owing to the destruction of the Farmers' crops this year, and the particular obligations 
I was under, to the steadiness and good behaviour of so many leading Men amongst them. 


which I was under the necessity of rewarding over & beside the present, but particular!)' the 
distress they were in for cloathing ettc, from the total want of Indian goods, have encreased 
the expence of this Congress much beyond my inclinations, but as it was unavoidable, I trust 
all things considered, it will be found cheap, salutary and advantagious to His Maj's"'* interests, 
without a due regard to which I should not have incurred it. 

The rest of the proceedings wliich consisted in the Ratification of the Treaty at F'ort Stanwix 
and the subject of grievances, will require my saying some liitle upon. As to the first, your Lord? 
will observe sufficiently from the public conferences, the satisfaction expressed by the Ind"' at 
the whole of that Treaty with the resolutions they have taken to render it permanent and 
acceptable to all their dependants. The latter are only the principal grievances which were 
spoken in public, besides which there were many others of an inferiour nature not inserted, as 
they would have added much to the bulk of my transactions and might be deemed unworthy 
the attention of Government, they nevertheless gave me much trouble and occasioned great 
delay, which was of most concern to me, as the daily maintenance of such a number of 
Indians amounted to a large sum, to abridge which I gave them my whole time both by day 
and night & thereby considerably shortened the time of our silting. Your Lord? will find that 
the principal grievances complained of in public regarded the conduct of our Frontier 
inhabitants towards them, and the state of thtf Indian Trade ; the first (as 1 have repeatedly 
observed) is what they have but too much reason to complain of, and which they have 
retaliated in a very few instances, tho' 1 know the contrary is too often represented, I have on 
former occasions said so much of the Licentious spirit of the Inhabitants, on the southern 
Frontiers, that I need only add, that it still continues, and that ' malevolence and disregard to all 
Treatys is still demonstrated whensoever they fall in the way of any small parties, or single 
Indians. Even since 1 begun this letter I have received Dispatches from M'' Croghan^ my 
Deputy now at Fort Pitt acquainting me that a Soldier had shot an Indian there, and that 
another was killed by a Virginian two days after near to Chate River; the continuance of 
which proceedings will render all transactions with them abortive, and altho' agreable to their 
wishes, some further directions to the Governors would give pleasure to the Indians; yet I fear 
it is not in the present state of things in the power of our governments here to put a stop to 
these evils. 

As to the affairs of Trade, [ wish I could say that they had no cause of complaint, but the 
contrary has been too often manifested of late; Commiss" have been appointed to meet from 
some of the Colonies, but it is not expected that any expence will be incurred adequate to the 
service, in which case it is much better to do nothing, and that, it is thought will be 
the consequence of their meeting. But a still greater and more alarming circumstance arose 
from the wants and disappointments of the Indians, in consequence of the non-importation 
agreements ; these with whom they Traded embraced that opportunity of accounting for the 
cause of their wants, as prejudice dictated, and therefore had just fallen^ upon a happy mode of 
explanation, or they been accustomed to doubt the veracity of the Traders, it would have had 
the worst consequences. These secret negociations which from their Bulk cannot appear on the 
face of the proceedings are the ground work of the whole, and the before mentioned circumstance 
proved no small addition to the expence, as I was willing to falsify a representation of so 
villanous and dangerous a tendency, persuaded that in so doing I should be approved of. 

" their. Johnson Manuscripts. ' Supra, note, VII., 982. ' had I not fallen. Johnson Manuscripts. —Ed. 

Vol. Vln. do 


Another circumstance much complained of as well during the Treaty, as since by those Indians 
who accoinpnnied me to tiiis place, is: of the great cargoes of Rum, which (of late in particular) 
are sent amongst them to their ruin as they call it; many Traders carry little or nothing else, 
because their profits upon it are so considerable, and whatever resolutions they enter into, the 
Indians have not virtue enough to withstand the temptation when it comes amongst them. 
They therefore beg it may not be suffered to come to their Castles or hunting places, and indeed 
the licentious abuse of the sale notwithstanding its peculiar profit, is extremely hurtful to the 
Trade in general from its effects upon the Indians, besides its giving encouragement to 
the meanest and most profligate Traders to go amongst them ; in that, neither capacity or 
knowledge of the Indians, or their language is necessary for the sale of it. But very little 
remedy can be expected here against the abuse of that liquor, tho' its effects are daily manifested. 
Again, when Indians are assembled on public affairs, there are always Traders secreted in the 
neighbourhood, and some publicly who not only make them intoxicated during the time intended 
for business, but afterwards get back great part of their presents in exchange for spirituous 
liquors of the worst kind, thereby defeating the intentions of the Crown, and causing them to 
commit many murders, & other disorders, as well amongst the Inhabitants as themselves. This 
is grievously complained of by the Indians, but I know of no penal Law at present subsisting 
for restraining the sale of that pernicious Liquor, even during public business, which I humbly 
conceive should be recommended to the immediate attention of the American Legislatures, as 
well as some Law for the more effectual apprehending and punishing offenders on the Frontiers 
in a summary way. Another head of which your Lord^ may find the Indians make mention, is 
the want of Religious teachers. On this subject they greatly enlarged at several conferences I 
had with them, and appear to consider it as so great a neglect in Government that I judged it 
most adviseable to give them better hopes and thereby put an end to their murmuring. The 
Majority of Indians, 'tis true, do not as yet request it, but even they, consider our neglecting to 
gratify those that are so disposed, as a further instance of our indifference and disregard. I 
have, I believe formerly mentioned this subject on application from some of the Tribes, it is 
now become a matter of more serious concern from the earnestness with which the whole were 
about to second the desire of a few, and when so fair an opportunity is afforded, I apprehend 
it is unnecessary to enlarge on the advantage it must be of to the state, to secure those, who 
have been already instructed in its Religion, and to render diffusive those Religious and civil 
sentiments that are best calculated for its advantage and support. The Mohawks have had 
Missionaries of the Church of England amongst them, from the Reign of Queen Anne till within 
tliese few years, they are now without any and from the scarcity of Clergymen, or some other 
cause, the Society cannot procure them on the Salary, wh'"'' their small funds have limited them 
to, whilst at the same time, the Indians find, that their Brothers in Canada, who were our 
Enemies, are regularly supplied, and one lately appointed in Nova Scotia at the expence of 
Government as 'tis said, 1 therefore cannot help at the intreaty of the Indians, humbly 
recommending to His Maj'>''' consideration, the affording some allowance for the Mohawk 
Mission, which has always been under the immediate protection of the Crown, declaring it as 
my belief, that if any further provision could be made to employ others in so good a work, it 
would encrease their reverence for the Crown, and their attachment to the British Interest. 
The other matters spoken upon during the Treaty (tho' they occupied a good part of my time 
then, and occasioned several hundred Indians to follow me home) are such as I trust may be 
settled without any trouble to Governinuut. The Messages, which the Indians have resolved 


upon to send to the South and Westward, supported by the steps T shall take, will I hope have 
weight, and prove serviceable in a high degree, and in order to be armed against any thing 
that may in another quarter threaten to disturb the public tranquility, I have taken measures 
to be informed as early as possible with the proceedings & issues of the Congress, which they 
are about this time to hold at the great plains of Siolo near the Ohio, where some are 
endeavouring to form Confederacys for very bad purposes, secretly countenanced and supported 
by French Traders, Renegadoes and all those Indians, wiio have not hitherto been iieartily 
attached to the English, but with wonderfull art, have for a time past endeavoured to shake the 
fidelity of the Six Nations, thro' the means of some of the Seneca Towns, who are most 
dissatisfied with our conduct. — I have in the course of this letter touched upon the principal 
subjects of both, the public and private conferences at the late Congress, this, is as much as 1 
could do from the variety of matters that occur upon such occasions, which, however trivial 
in appearance, demand my particular attention. Upon the whole I must observe that the 
Indians are at present in a state of uncertainty as to what course they shall take; the measures 
lately taken have strengthened the fidelity of our friends and afforded a temporary satisfaction 
to others, but it is on the continuance of them and tiie adoption of the wisest measures for their 
redress and satisfaction we must solely rely for the securing their fidelity, which tho' 
comparatively of little moment, when weighed with the great objects of concern, wherein the 
Crown is so deeply interested, is nevertiieless in a relative view, from a variety of peculiar 
circumstances worthy the most serious consideration, and therefore I most humbly recommend 
the heads herein stated ' of, as what may be productive of the most happy effects to this Country. 
If by any means tiiey can be carried into execution under the auspices of the Crown, to promote 
which. My Lord, my whole influence & the small remainder of my health, shall be most 
willingly devoted. I hope to be honoured with your Lord^'s commands on the foregoing 
subjects, and am with the highest respect My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most devoted and 

most humble servant. 
Johnson liall. 14. August. 1770. W" Johnson. 

Proceedings of Sir William Jolinson icith the Indians. 

I Plantations General ( 8. P. O. j CCLVI. ] 

Proceedings at a Treaty with the Six Nations, the Indians of Canada, the several 
Dependant Tribes, and the Deputies from the Cherokee Nation, held at the 
upper settlements, near the German Flatts in July 1770, by Sir William 
Johnson Baronet. 

On Sunday the 15"" of July 1770. Sir William Johnson, accompanied by Colonel Daniel Claus, 
Col: Guy Johnson Dep : Agents, Richard Shuckburgh Esquire Secretary for Indian Affairs, & 
several other Gentlemen from the neigbouring settlements, set out from Johnson Hall, and on 
Monday the IG"" arrived at the place for holding the Treaty, where were assembled about 
1600 Indians, and many more yet expected. At 2. P. M. the Speaker of the Six Nations, came 
to Sir William's Quarter to be informed, when they should make their first visit, and whether 

'treated. Johnson Manuscripts. — Ed. 


they should come in a body, or each Nation separately ; to which Sir William answered, that, 
as the house in which he resided, was too small to admit them, he would cause a large arbour 
to be made in the Field, where he would receive them all the next morning. At 6. p. m. 80 
Indians arrived from Onogkquagey,^ and other villages on the branch of Susqwihanna the Chiefs 
of whom waited on Sir William, who after the usual ceremony, ordered them provisions, and 
sent them to their quarters. In the everting 16. Algonkins ettc. arrived, who informed Sir 
William, that they had left seven canoes of Chipaweighs n' Oswego, on their way to 
the Congress. — 

Tuesday the 17"" The Bunt Chief of Onondaga, with the speaker of that nation, waited on 
Sir W™ early in the morning and acquainted him, that their head warrior Diaquanda had 
refused to attend to business, and encamped with another Nation, which gave them all concern, 
and would greatly interrupt their proceedings; but as he was Sir William's particular friend, 
and much under his influence, hoped that he would make use of it to persuade him to return 
to them. — Sir William gave them a gracious answer and assured them that he would use his 
influence to that end. 

Sir William accordingly sent for Diaquanda, and after some discourse, at length persuaded 
him to join, and assist his Nation in Council, for which he received their sincere thanks. 

The Indians not being all assembled as yet, Sir William received visits from the Chiefs, and 
held several private meetings with the principal Men of each nation, from whom he received 
much useful and interesting information, respecting the sentiments and present disposition of 
the Indians. — 

In the evening the old Sachems of Onoghquagey, came to Sir Williams quarters to acquaint 
him of Thomas King's (one of their Chiefs) having some days ago, unfortunately killed a 
young Tuscarora, for which he was so much concerned, that he determined to return the next 
day to the Village, where he committed the Murder, and submit himself to the Will of the 
Friends of the Deceased. Sir William Told them, that he was extremely sorry for the death 
of their friend, desiring them to tell Thomas King that he would talk with him on that subject, 
and contribute his endeavours, that the affair might be amicably accommodated. 

At a Congress held at the German Flatts on Wednesday July the IS"" 1770. 

Present — The Hon"'' Sir W" Johnson Bar' Superintendant. 

Col : Daniel Claus. Dep''' Agent. John Butler Esq""*" Interpreter. 

Col. Guy Johnson. d» Cap'" Norman M'^Leod^ of the late SO. Reg* 

Rich* Shuckburgh Esq : Seer: for Indian Affairs Capt" Michael Byrne. 

Hanj"' Harkemer Esq" and several other Gentlemen and Inhabitants from the settlements 
with the following nations of Indians. 

' Now Windsor, Broome county, N. Y. 

' Captain Nokman MoLeod entered the army in January, I'TSG, as Ensign in the 42d Highlanders, on the augmentation of 
that regiment preparatory to its embarking for America, and served under Lord Loudon in Nova Scotia ; under General 
Abercrombie in the expedition against Ticonderoga in 175S; he aeoompanicd the expeditions under Amherst on Lake Cham- 
plain and down the St. Lawrence in 1759, 1760. Having been transferred to the 80th or Gage's Light Infantry, he was 
commissioned Cajitain Lieutenant of that corps on 4th October, of the latter year, and served in it until its reduction in 1763, 
when he went on half pay, and was, some time after, appointed Commissary at Niagara. His name is continued on tlie half 
pay list until 1787, when it disappears. Browne's Highland Clans, IV., 155, et seq.; Army Lists; Knox. Owing to the 
Bimilarity of the names, this officer has been confounded with another, in the Note, supra, VIL, 854, which ought to be 
erased. — Ed. 


Six Nations. 

Mohawks of the three Villages 209. Tuscaroras 132. 

Onondagas 250. Senecas 354. 

Onejdas 232. Cayugas 269. 

their Dependants. 

Ganaghsaragues 1 115. Oonoghquageys 124. 

Nanticoks & Conoys 193. Tuteloes 78. 

From Canada. 

Cagnawageys and the Indians of S' Regis. 78. Abeuaquis S' Francis 2. 

Algonkins 8. Hurons of Lorett 2. 

Ganagsadagas 11. Nipisinks 7. 

River Indians 2. Deputies from Cherokee Nation 7_ 

An Ottowa Chief called Okayowess from Michilimacinac. 

All these were joined by 26. Missages and 230. Indians of the several Nations during the 
Treaty, amounting in the whole to 2320 Indians. 

Being all seated, Saghteghroana, a Chief of S' Regis stood up and said ; that agreable to 
the summons they had received, there were now assembled the Chiefs of the Seven Nations of 
Canada in order to attend the Congress. — Then returned the string of invitation. — Then, 
Conoqiiieson a Chief of Oneida stood up on behalf of the Six Nations and said. 

Brother Warraghiyagey. — We are very happy to see you here this day at our particular 
request. You know, Brother, that when the Deputies who are now here from the Cherokee 
Nation, first came to our Fire place at Onondaga, to request on behalf of their Nation, that we 
should join them in making War upon the troublesome people who were their Enemies, and 
from whom ourselves have received several insults ; as it was an affair of importance, which 
required much deliberation, tho' inclined to agree to their desires, yet, as none of our 
Confederacy from Canada were present, and as we had given you assurances that we should 
not enter into any engagements without your concurrence, and approbation ; we thought it most 
fitting to send Deputies to you, requesting you would assemble the Whole of our Conferacy, 
that we might confer together thereon. — Brother, We are very thankful that you have complied 
with our request, as people in alliance should do, and we are now to acquaint you, that agreable, 
to the Belts and Messages sent amongst us, we are all now met here from Ohio to Canada, to 
a considerable number; and I do now on behalf of all those Nations here assembled, take you 
by the hand, sincerely wellcoming you to this place, where we have kindled up a fire, and 
where, I hope the business we meet upon, will go on, to our mutual satisfaction — 

gave three strings. 

Then after acquainting the Indians of the death of an Oneida child, since they left their 
village he proceeded. 

Brother. — Agreeable to the Ancient custom established by our wise Forefathers, that 
whenever we meet, we should mutually condole each other for our losses, and as we suppose, 
that you have doubtless sustained some, since our last interview, we do now agreable to this 
laudable practice Condole with you for the same. We open your eyes, that you may look 

* These Indians were located on the Canaseraga creek, in the town of Sullivan, Madison county, N, T. {not Oneida county, 
as stated in note 2, VIL, 512.) — Ed. 


chearfully. We open your Ears that you may hear us, and clear your throats, that you may 
speak freely to us. We likewise gather the bones of the deceased of your people, and bury 
them deep, carefully covering the grave from your sight. And we once more kindle the fire at 
this place, and sweep out all the dust from the Council Chamber, that nothing my obstruct us 
in our business — gave 3. Strings. 

Then Thomas King on behalf of the Warriors of the Six Nations arose and said. 

Brother. I take this opportunity on behalf of all the Warriors of the Six Nations, and their 
Confederates now assembled, to let yon know, that we are not well pleased with our 
Sachems for neglecting to acquaint us with what they purposed to say this Morning, and for 
not giving you our particular thanks for calling, and meeting us this day, as the occasion of 
this assembly is principally on our accounts, upon a matter in which we as Warriors are 
particularly interested. And, they well know it, for, there are the Men (pointing to the 
Cherokee Chiefs) whose business they all know is Chiefly to us the Warriors, to invite us to 
engage against their troublesome neighbours with whose conduct we are likewise much 
dissatisfied. — I do therefore with this Belt, at the desire, and on the part of all the Warriors 
here assembled from Canada to Ohio, and of the Cherokee Deputies, take you now by the 
hand, in the most friendly manner, kindly thanking you for complying with our request in 
calling us together, and giving you a most hearty welcome to this place, where we are all 
happy to find that you are arrived in safety. — a Belt of five Rows. 

Then Tagawara an Oneida Chief stood up on the part of Sir William Johnson, and first 
addressed the Indians of Canada as follows: 

Brothers of the Seven Nations of Canada. 

I am very glad to see you all here this day agreeable to summons. It is a proof of your 
attention to the affairs of your Confederacy, and I sincerely welcome you upon the occasion. 

Tiien addressing the rest, and repeating what Conoquieson said, proceeded : 

Brothers. I am glad to see you all this day in health, and am well pleased, that in 
consequence of the circumstances you mention, you have now brought hither the Chiefs of so 
many Nations, and Confederate tribes; because by them means none can plead ignorance of 
our transactions, and the business will go on to the satisfaction of you all. I do therefore give 
thanks to providence for permitting us to meet this day, and cordially take you all by the 
hand, bidding you a hearty welcome to this place. — Gave 3. Strings. 

Brothers. As a proof of my regard for the wise institution of your Ancestors, and from the 
information I have received of the losses you have sustained since our last meeting, I do now 
on the part of His Maj'^ the King of Great Brittain sincerely Condole with you on this 
melancholy occasion. I open your eyes, that you may once more look with chearfulness, and 
your Ears that you may hear distinctly, and I clear the passages to your heart, that you may 
speak freely its real sentiments. I do also gather the bones of your dead, and bury them in a 
deep pit, carefully covering them from your sight, and I also sweep, and cleanse your Council 
fire, that we may meet therein, and proceed to business without interruption. 

Gave three strings. 

Then after repeating the speech of Thomas King he addressed the Warriors & Cherokees 
as follows: 

Brothers. I am much obliged, in that you have expressed so much desire to thank me 
particularly on your parts. I entertain a high opinion, and regard for you all, and by this 


Belt, I now take you all by the hand in the most friendly manner, giving you a very kind and 
friendly welcome to this place, wishing that you may always conduct yourselves with prudence 
and attention to the true interest of your respective Nations. — A Belt of Six Rows. 
Then addressing the whole, he said : 

Brothers of the several Nations here Assembled. 

1 am very glad that we have now so far prepared for business by going through the usual 
forms to mutual satisfaction, and shall be ready to enter on the important affairs for which we 
are assembled, on the arrival of the rest of your people who are hourly expected. — Then Sir 
William ordered pipes and Tobacco to be distributed amongst them, and recommended it to the 
Warriors, that as he was using his utmost endeavours, that they should be supplied with what 
necessaries they wanted, he expressed that they would behave wit|i order and decorum. — 
that they should avoid liquor, and committ no violence on any of the property of the 
Inhabitants. Then adjourned. 

In the afternoon Sir William held several private meetings with the Chiefs, in order to 
inform himself as to their sentiments, and resolutions at that lime. — In the evening several of 
the Mohawks arrived, and reported that the rest would join them early to morrow. At night 
Sir William called together a Sachem and Head Warrior from each of the principal Nations, 
with whom he held a Conference untill the night was far advanced; of these, there were some 
who were much to be depended upon for their integrity, from whom (amongst other things of 
much importance to be known previous to the Congress) he learned that the Warriors were 
for the much greater part obstinately bent on a war with the Southern Indians — that great 
part of the Sachems, convinced by the arguments Sir William had made use of at the 
private conferences, would have gladly declined it, and seemed disposed to send the Cherokee 
Deputies back after renewing the late Treaties, and giving them farther assurances of their 
friendship for that Nation, but that they very much doubted whether the warriors could be 
persuaded thereto, as they were much exasperated at the insults which some of the 
Confederacy had received from the Indians of Wabash ettc, and what in consequence of 
the treatment the English had received from these Nations, the Warriors expected, not only their 
concurrence, but their aid, and assistance to carry it on in like manner as they had formerly 
assisted the English. — Sir William further learned, that there were some other very 
interesting points to be spoken upon at the Congress, on all which he had much conversation 
with those present, using his utmost endeavours to procure a favourable issue to the Congress, 
and endeavouring all in his power to avoid their making any requisition of aid from the 
English should it so happen that a War must take place. 

Tuesday July lO"- 1770. 

Early in the morning the remainder of the Mohawks arrived. 

The Chiefs of the Canada Indians in consequence of the Murder of three of the Six Nations 
formerly at Oswcgatchy, on which they had never Condoled, assembled at Sir William's quarters, 
and after calling together the rest of the Indians, proceeded to the Bower, where the seven 
Nations of Canada, after premising the occasion of their meeting then, and that they could not 
with propriety unite in measures until they had obeyed the institutions of their Ancestors, by 
performing in the fullest manner the ceremony of Condolence for those losses, and giving the 
necessary Belts ettc, to the Six Nations on that occasion. This having taken up the greatest 


part of the forenoon, the Chiefs of the Six Nations informed him that they would consider on 
an answer, and accordingly withdrew to a private Council place to deliberate thereon. 

About noon four Canoes with 26 Mississages from the North side of Lalie Ontario came to 
Camp to attend the Congress. 

Sir William having judged it highly necessary, as well from the temper of the Indians, the 
greatness of their numbers, and the disorders they are too liable to commit when in Liquor, 
advised the Magistrates to give notice to the Traders ettc by no means to sell them any, untill 
the Congress was ended; and it was done previous to his arrival ; but having this day received 
information that some Traders ettc had actually sold them a Keg of Rum, and that others had 
resolved to follow this example, which greatly alarmed the Inhabitants, and occasioned their 
applications to him to check it, he issued a notification under his hand and seal which he sent 
throughout the whole settlement by a peace Olficer, strictly forbidding them at their peril to 
sell any Rum to the Indians, or any spirituous liquors whatsoever during the Congress, until 
they had removed, when they might sell it to ihem beyond the settlements; the apprehensions 
of the Inhabitants being very great, as from the temper shewn by many of the Warriors, they 
had reason to dread, that neither their property, or persons would be secure, should they get 
liquor amongst them. 

The Six Nations after sometime spent in Council, returned to the public Council place, & 
after returning thanks to the Indians of Canada performed the ceremony of Condolence & gave 
the usual Belts to them in return. 

In the afternoon, the Indians being in readiness, waited on Sir William, when the future 
proceedings of the day being regulated and resolved upon, they proceeded to the Bower, where 
Abraham Chief of the Mohawks acquainted the rest with the business then to be entered upon, 
after which Teyawarunte Speaker of the Six Nations, did on behalf of Sir William Johnson 
perform the whole ceremony of Condolance for a Mohawk Chief lately dead, a Cayuga killed 
by one of that Nation, and a Seneca Chief lately drowned, and delivered the several Belts for 
the several purposes on such occassions, covering the graves with a black Belt, they answering 
with a Yo-hah, customary on Condolances. — The Indians after being a short time in 
consultation addressed Sir William by Conoquieson their Speaker, and after repeating all that 
he had said to them, they returned to the ceremony of Condolance in like manner — which 
ended, the Chiefs all shook hands with Sir William and the rest of the Gentlemen, returning 
him many thanks for having made their minds easy. When Sir William arose, and told them 
that he was happy to find that every thing was so far settled to mutual satisfaction, tiiat 
there now only remained [to] attend to the principal business for which they assembled; to 
that end be recommended it to them to preserve sobriety, and good order in their encampments, 
and to be in readiness to attend the morning following, when he should make them a speech. 
Then the Cayuga Chief arose, and condoled for the murder of a Tuscarora committed a few 
days before by Thomas King, and covered the grave ettc. After which adjourned. 

The Mississagaes from the North side of Lake Ontario arrived at Sir William's Quarters, & 
after the usual salutations, told him, that being at Oswego with others of their Nation, they, 
who were for the most part the principal Men, thought proper to attend him, on hearing that 
he had opened a Congress with their Brethren. 

Sir William after expressing his satisfaction at seeing them, and bidding them welcome told 
them, that he could have no objection to their being present, but that on the contrary he was 
always glad of any opportunity of making his transactions public, with all well disposed Indians. 


This Night, the Boats having on board the present for the Indians, arrived after a tedious 
passage occasioned by the lowness of the this season. 

At a Congress held at the German Fiatts on Friday July the 19"" 1770. 

Present — The Hon''''= Sir William Johnson Bar' Superintendant. 
Col: Daniel Ciaus. Dep'J" Agent Capt" Norman IVPLeod of the late SO"- Reg' 

Col: Guy Johnson d° Col : Hanj*' Harkemer^ Justice of the Peace. 

Richard Shuckburgh Esq''^ secretary for Rudolph Shoniaker d" 

Indian Aifairs Capt" Michael Byrne, 

John Butler Esq'" Interpreter, 
with the several Nations of Indians before mentioned. 

Being all seated, Sir William addressed them as follows : 

Brothers of the Six Nations, of the seven Nat"" of Canada, of the several dependant Tribes, 
and all others here assembled ; Sachems, Chiefs & Warriors. 

I desire that you will carefully attend to the words I have now to say to you, it being on 
matters on great importance to you all. — Our Brothers of the Six Nations sent Messages to me 
last fall from their great Council Fire at Onondaga accompanied by the Cherokee Deputies here 
present to acquaint me, that these Deputies were charged (as Ambassadors from their Nations) 
with Belts Messages, and a pipe to strengthen their alliance, and sollicit the aid of the Six Nations 
against the Piankeshaws, Wawaightonos, and others, as people troublesome, and Enemies to 
both; on which the Six Nations would not determine, until agreable to their engagements, they 
had first in public Congress had my sentiments & concurrence thereon. At the earnest 
solicitations of the Six Nation Messengers, and the Cherokee Deputies, seconded by the 
representations of Thomas King who had accompanied them from the Cherokee Country, and 
the many requests since repeated, of the Six Nations, I, after consulting the King's General, 
laid the same before His Maj'J^, who has through my representations being graciously pleased 
to impower me to meet you on this occasion, where, I am ready to hear your sentiments, and 
give you my advice; after which, I shall speak to you upon your late treaty, which the King 
has empowered me to Ratify, and also to attend any other public affairs that may occur. I 
therefore recommend it to you in the course of this business, to pay the most serious Regard to 
what 1 have to offer and to give me in answer the truth, the words of your heart. 

A Belt 11. Rows. 

Brothers. As so many of the Chiefs already l^ow much of my sentiments concerning the 
Embassy from the Cherokees, I think it now more particularly necessary, to address you the 
Warriors thereupon. In the first place you sh'* consider, that war should never be carried on 
with any Nation without very sufficient reasons, and until all other measures have proved 
ineffectual ; for, a desire on every slender pretence to make war, will undoubtedly cause many of 

' Colonel Hanjost Herkimer was the second son of Johan Jost Herkimer, one of the Palatines mentioned in the patent of 
Buruetsfield, or the German Flats, in 1725, and younger brotlier of General Nicolas, of the Revolutionary army, who was 
killed at Oriskany. He filled various county offices until the Revolution, when, adhering to the Royal cause, his property 
was confiscated by the New- York act of 1779. He retired with his family to Canada where he died between the years 1784 
and 1787. — Ed. 

Vol. VIII. 30 


our friends to be jealous of you, and may occasion the forming a powerful! Confederacy on the 
part of the Enemy, which although you may be able to withstand, will nevertheless so far 
engage the greatest part of your young Men, that, hunting and Trade, which are the blessings 
attendant on the peace you now enjoy, must be greatly, if not totally neglected ; the want of 
this, you must all feel, and this is not the only loss you must sustain in any War with a 
numerous people. In the next place, those Nations against wbom it is said you are disposed 
to carry your Arms, have been considered as friends in alliance with you, and though from their 
situation, & most probably from the evil Councils of the French, they have been induced to do 
some mischief, you should still consider, that in attacking them, you weaken yourselves. 
This is bad policy, as the breach is not so irrepairable, but that through proper negociations, a 
mutual good understanding may be effected between you, whereas warlike people, who have 
once quarrelled are not easily brought to a strict union afterwards. 

I have already expressed my thoughts so candidly to the Chiefs, that I now confine myself 
to these principal arguments, to which I shall add one more that ought to be of the greatest 
weight with you, and that is the sentiment of the great King your Father, and of his subjects, 
which will also I trust convince you that they are real friends, and teach you to regard them 
accordingly. Another King, another people, indeed any people who had not esteem for the 
Indians would be glad of this occasion to stir you up to War, because War would weaken both, 
you, and your Adversarys ; that this is not the case with us, you must plainly discern ; for the 
King esteems you, and wishes to see you happily, and at peace with all your neighbours. 
These are likewise the wishes of all his subjects ; they know that it is for your interest, and 
they cannot give you a stronger demonstration of their friendship, at the same time that they 
lay you under no restraint in this particular, beyond what your own reason must approve of. 
Consider this cooly, and deliberately, and give me in answer the real sentiments of your 
hearts. — A Belt of 9 Rows. 

Sir William then spoke to the Cherokee Dep"=" and cautioned them strictly to observe the 
Instructions they received from their Chiefs, without addition, and alteration, as it might be of 
bad consequence, should they say anything to the Northern Indians beyond what they had been 
authorized. All which they assured him they would strictly observe. — To this speech the 
Indians after some time spent in consultation answered, that they had heard with attention all 
that Sir William had said to them ; that they were very thankful to him for the regard he had 
expressed for their interests — that their Chiefs would assemble early in the morning, and 
deliberate with as much expedition, as such a weighty affair would admit of, on a proper 
answer, which they would deliver to him so soon as they were agreed in sentiments. 

Then adjourned. 

Saturday July 20"' 
In the morning the Sachem, and Chief Warriors of both the Confederacys, or Leagues of the 
Six Nations, and the rest, met in their encampments to take Sir William's speech into 
consideration, w^here they spent the whole day in deliberation without being able to come to 
a conclusion. In the mean time. Sir William finding (notwithstanding all his endeavours) 
that Liquor was brought amongst the Indians, rode round the adjacent settlements to caution 
the Traders, and other persons not to sell any. — In the evening, three Chiefs Deputed from the 
several Nations, waited on Sir William to apologize for their not returning an answer this day 


as they had purposed, which they assured him was owing to the difficulties it met with from 
the Warriors, who seemed averse to any thing but war. That the three principal branches of the 
Confederacy, the Mohawks, Onondagas, and Senecas had at length agreed to an answer, but 
that the rest were not as yet come to any conclusion — Sir William spent some hours iu 
discourse with these Ciiiefs and others whom he sent for, in order to expedite their answer, the 
necessity of which he represented from the scarcity of provisions for so great a number owing 
to the unfavourable season, and the loss of the Inhabitants crops, and discoursed a long time 
with them on the matters he recommended to their consideration. 

Sunday July the 21^' 1770. 
The former part of this day was spent in private Conferences as well between the Indians 
as with Sir William, and the Chiefs, in order that they might be thoroughly satisfied with his 
advice, and unanimous in their answer. — Early in the afternoon they acquainted Sir William 
that they were ready to deliver their answer and accordingly assembled. 

Present — as before. 

Being all seated, the Onondaga Speaker called to the speakers, and Chiefs of the rest to 
approach the Front near Sir William in order to give in their answer, which done they 
appointed Abraham Chief of the Mohawks their Speaker, who addressed Sir William as follows. 

Brother. The Six Nations and their Dependants from Ohio to Canada have now assembled 
after two days spent in deliberation to deliver you their answer to your speech. Then repeated 
what Sir William had said on his first belt, and added, now, Brother, we have according to 
your advice taken your discourse into due consideration. A Belt 11. Rows. 

Brother. — You desired that we should give you an answer from the bottom of our hearts; 
We accordingly met amongst ourselves and have had many debates together in order to bring 
about what seemed so pleasing to the King, at your desire; this took up all our time, and has 
prevented us from giving you an answer sooner. He then repeated what Sir William had said 
on his second Belt, after which he proceeded as follows : 

Brother. You have very kindly signifyed to us, that the King does not desire to see us at 
war with Indian Nations, and you have likewise given us your opinion thereupon, and shewn 
us the advantages of it in a very clear light. — Brother, We have seriously considered all this, 
and believing that it is the King's regard for us that occasions him to wish us at peace, and 
confiding in your friendship, which we are certain has induced you to give us the advice, we at 
length do agree to the same, & shall strictly follow it, provided we can bring those troublesome 
Nations to reason & submission without War, and live peaceably as we do with the Southern 
Indians; to this end we shall stay all hostilities, and make use of our younger Brothers the 
Shawanese, who live near them, to convince them of their folly, and presumption, and, if this 
has a due effect, and that these Nations will join heartily in promoting peace, and abiding by 
their ancient agreements, we shall be well pleased, and shall not make war upon them. This 
Brother, you may be assured is the determined resolution of us all, and therefore you may 
depend upon it that we shall observe what we have said to you. A Belt 10. Rows. 

Brothers. We have endeavoured as much as possible hitherto to keep our people sober & 
quiet; We are very sensible, that it would overset the business, if our people got Liquor, for, 
as our young men, are with difficulty kept within bounds, when sober, it is certainly impossible 


to do anything with them when drunk. We therefore now assure you, that it is our resolution 
during the course of this Treaty to keep ourselves sober, and should any Kegs of Liquor be 
brought amongst us by the Traders we will on discovery stave them to pieces. 

Gave three strings. 
Brother, We have now answered you sincerely and from our hearts on one part of the business 
which has occasioned our present meeting, & we hope that it will be agreable to you, and are 
ready to proceed on the rest. — They then conferred for some time in private after which Sir 
William addressed them. 

Brothers — The Six Nations and others here Assembled. 

I have attended seriously to your answer concerning the War you proposed to engage in ; I 
have as well before, as during the course of our proceedings here said so much to you on the 
subject, that I persuaded myself you would be convinced, and am glad to find you are so; and 
I know, that it must appear as a striking proof of His Maj"''" humanity and regard for you all, 
and that you may easily perceive that I have had no other motive in recommending it to you, 
than my Friendship and sincere wishes for your prosperity. I know, that there are some 
parties of yours that are now gone to the Southward. As this is not consistent with the pacific 
sentiments you have expressed for the Southern Indians, I think, they should be recalled ; and 
when you send to the Shawanese for the purposes you have mentioned, I recommend it to you 
to make choice of wise Deputies, good Men, who will faithfully execute the trust you repose in 
them, sincerely wishing for your own sakes that you may faithfully abide by the resolutions, 
you have now expressed to me. 

Brothers. I am very glad that you have determined to let no Rum come amongst you, as 
that Liquor will not only obstruct business, but may be productive of the most dangerous 
consequences. You see and know the pains I have taken to prevent it, and I hope that you 
will do the like on your parts, agreeable to your promise. — 

Brothers, The King, my Master, having received all the papers, and proceedings relative to 
the great Treaty at Fort Stanwix, together with the Deed of Cession, which you then executed 
to him, has laid them before his Council of great Men, and after considering the whole of it, 
has signified to me (what I hope will be deemed a further instance of his paternal goodness) 
that he did not require the Lands so far to the Southward, if it was of the least inconvenince to 
his Children, whose interests he has, so much at heart. He has at length in compliance with 
your own desires, as transmitted by me, and the public grant that you made, impowered me to 
ratify the same by letters I have received from the Lord, who is one of His Maj'^'' Secretaries 
(holding the letter in his hand), which I now purpose to do. — You all knew the Deed of Cession, 
of which this, ( shewing a Copy ) is a true copy. You all know that it was executed in a public 
meeting of the great[est] number of Indians, that has ever assembled within the time of our 
remembrances, and that all who had any pretensions were duly summoned to it. You all 
remember the great, and valuable present you received upon that occasion, exceeding any thing 
you had ever seen. Yet notwithstanding all this, I find that there are some of your Dependants 
who live by your toleration, and who never had any Title to the soil, who talk, as if they were 
dissatisfied with your Act, or doubted your authority. It is therefore incumbent on you, to see 
into, and make diligent enquiry ab' it, and to shew these people, if any should there be, their 
Polly. — This I expect you will do without delay, as a testimony of your gratitude to the King, 
and in justice to yourselves; and I expect that upon this occasion, you will make choice of 


honest, wise Men, who will not deviate from their Instructions, but faithfully execute what you 
direct them. Fully persuaded, that you will do this, and that you are resolved to abide for 
ever faithfully by your engagements entered into at that time, I do now by virtue of the powers 
to me given in the name, and on behalf of his Britanic Majesty, Ratify and confirm the whole 
of the Treaty made at Fort Stanwix in 176S, and also the Deed of Cession to the King then 
executed (except what relates to the private grants, which his Maj'^ will consider of) and I do 
declare, that the same is ratified accordingly. A Belt. 

The Indians, in answer expressed their satisfaction at what Sir William had said, to which, 
as it was very late, they deferred giving an answer until next day. 

then adjourned. 

At night Sir William had a conference with a principal Sachem and Warrior of each Nation, 
when he spoke with them on the subjects for the meeting to morrow — he found that besides 
some grievances, which were to be the subject of the future proceedings, the Indians were 
suspicious, that the English intended totally to neglect, and disregard them, and that this 
opinion daily gained ground amongst the several Nations. The Chiefs spoke with much 
warmth on the reduced state of those living under our Arms (as they called it), namely, the 
Mohawks, and others living amongst our settlements, who they remarked had been veryusefull 
to us, and were now greatly neglected by the English. — The Mohawks in particular, 
(supported by thejest) signified their desire to speak in public, that His Maj'^ would take their 
case into Consideration, and allow them a Missionary, observing that they, and their Fathers 
had been Christianized, and attended for many years by Ministers of the Church of England — 
that a former King had built them a Church, and had taken much care of them, but tliat they 
have been now for many years without an English Clergyman, which gave them much 
concern. — Sir William, foreseeing, that these, and many other matters of a private nature, 
would if spoken in public, furnish part of the Confederacy with subjects for disagreable 
reflections, represented to them, that there would be no occasion to bring matters before the 
rest of the Nations, in which they were not particularly concerned, as he would lay them before 
His Maj'^, from whose generous sentiments and pious regard for their future welfare, they 
might expect that they would be attended to. 

The Sachems and Chiefs of Canada Indians desired a conference in public with Sir William, 
and being assembled, their Speaker addressed him. 

Monday — July 22-^ 1770. 
Brother. We have desired to speak to you in this public manner on an afl^air which 
concerns ourselves, and which has occasioned great uneasiness amongst us. — Brother, you 
know us for many years — we knew you, and esteemed your character, when we were in the 
arms of the French, and when you came down with the army to Montreal ten years ago ; you 
then spoke to us, gave us good words, and by the order of the General gave us solemn 
assurances, that if we did not assist the French, but permitted you to descend the River 
without interruption, we should be placed among the number of your friends, and enjoy our 
rights and possessions and the free exercise of our Religion forever. — This we believed, for 
we knew your character, and had a confidence in you, and accordingly agreed to your request, 


and have ever since behaved in such a manner, as to demonstrate our fidelity, and attachment 
to the English. 

Brother. You allways give us good vrords, and have shewn yourself our friend. It is 
therefore vpith concern we tell you our grievances at this time occasioned by the ill disposed 
people who give disturbance in several quarters. 

Brother — You are not ignorant that there are many Men, of whom we have before 
complained, who are no longer our friends, and either guided by interest, or, perhaps from 
resentment on finding our attachment to the English, endeavour to alter the minds of all the 
great Men, who have been sent to command in Canada, and to misrepresent us to them. 
Through such means our brothers at S' Regis, have been distressed for sometime past by 
Intruders imposed on them from another nation, who have no pretensions to live in their 
village ; and last winter, a Frenchman named Clingancourt, came into our principal village of 
Cagnawagee, bought a house privately, and was no sooner settled, than he began to create 
much disturbance by telling false stories to the Commanding Officer there, and giving 
countenance to immoralities, that are highly displeasing to us. Our Priest who is a peaceable 
good Man, endeavoured as far, as was in his power to restrain these disorders in the usual 
manner, and to punish the offenders according to the Religious forms of our Church, but was 
threatned, and treated with the greatest contempt, so that he could not do his duty, through 
the artifices of this Frenchman. This gives us great concern, and if we are not redressed, we 
may in a little time be deprived of the use of that Religion, the use of which we were assured 
should be permitted to us. We therefore earnestly request, that you will take this matter into 
serious consideration, and if you shall think it fitting, that you may lay it before the King, 
that we may not be interrupted hereafter in the exercise of our Religion, or our priests 
prevented from inflicting such pains and penances, as our Church requires, on offenders. 

A Belt 7. Rows. 

To which Sir William answered. 

Brothers. I have barkened to your speech, and do assure you, that I have not forgot any 
part of the engagements we formerly entered into, and which it is his Maj'^"'* intention shall be 
strictly observed in every particular. You have therefore nothing to fear on that account. 

The affair of S' Regis, I understand has been lately settled to the satisfaction of the Indians 
of that place ; and as to what you mention respecting your village at Cagnawagee, I make no 
doubt, that it would be soon settled in the like manner, on my acquainting the Governor of 
Quebec therewith ; but, as he is now I understand, sailed for England, I think, the readiest 
method to gratify your desire, will be by letter to the Frenchman. I shall accordingly write 
to him in a proper manner, and give Col: Claus Instructions about the affair on his return to 
Canada, which will be in a few days. — 

You may be assured of His Maj'^'" Esteem & that I shall continue to shew you all the 
friendship in my power, so long as you continue to promote peace, and adhere faithfully to 
your engagements. Returned their Belt. 

The Indians spent the Forenoon of this day in Council, and about noon Sir William had a 
conference with some of the Chiefs on the subject of their answer. — In the afternoon the 
Indians sent to acquaint Sir William that they were assembled. 


At a Congress, with the several Nations of Indians, Monday July 22"'' 1770. 

Present — as before. 

Conoquieson asked whether Sir William was ready to attend to what they had to say — 
On being answered in the Affirmative, 

Abraham stood up and addressed him as follows. 

Bother Gorah Warraghiyagey. 

We are now met together in full Council to answer you concerning what you last spoke to 
us about the King's having received our Deed, and the proceedings at Fort Stanwix, with his 
Ratification of the same, with which we are highly pleased, and we shall also speak on what 
you have mentioned concerning the discontent some Indians have expressed at part of our 
Cession. Brother, We beg therefore that you will attend to what we have now to answer. 

Brother. — When we met you to so great a number, and in so public a manner at Fort Stanwix, 
we should have hardly acted as we did, unless we had been possessed of a full right to the 
Lands, and had full authority to do so. We are surprised that any doubt can arise ab' it. You 
very well know, that our Title has been allways Indisputable. As to the pretensions of any 
inconsiderable people behind our backs, we shall soon silence them, and we now desire, that 
you may assure the King, that it was our property we justly disposed of, that we had full 
authority to do so. We return the King the sincere thanks of all our Nations for ratifying the 
same, and we again confirm it, promising to abide always thereby. A Belt 8. Rows. 

Brother. We are very happy to hear of the good disposition of the King towards us, and 
the assurances you give us on that occasion. We are highly pleased with the indiflference the 
King shews for Lands, and we consider it as a sure sign of his regard, that he does not love to 
see us at war. 

Brother. We are not desirous of making war, but when the same appears necessary. We 
therefore now acquiesce with your advice to us, and shall let the Southern Nations alone, 
provided they act a proper part towards us. But Brothers, whilst we express ourselves so 
disposed, we cannot help reflecting on the treatment we still continue to receive, particularly 
on the Southern Frontiers, where our people are frequently Robbed and murdered, and no 
reparation made for all this. If we inclined to be silent on such conduct, our young Men 
would force us to speak, and that warmly ; they would soon be for Revenge, as the provocation 
we have received, is too great to be longer born with. — Brother. We request that the great 
King will give orders to his Governors, and great Men concerning these matters, assuring you 
that we are disposed to abide by our engagements, and restrain our young people, but that we 
cannot pretend to do it, unless a speedy end be put to the behaviour of the people who have 
so repeatedly attacked us. — A Black Belt of 10 rows. 

Brother. At the Treaty at Fort Stanwix you then told us, as you had done before, that we 
should pass our4ime in peace and travell in security, that Trade should flourish & goods 
abound; that they should be sold us cheap, &that care should be taken to prevent any persons 
from imposing on us — Brother, this would have endeared all the English to us — but we do 
not see it — It is now worse, than it was before, for we cannot get goods at all at present, and 
we hear from all Traders, that nobody will bring in any, and that you have none for yourselves. 

Brother. We should take up a great deal of time, if we repeated all that we suffer by these 
things, but you must be yourself sensible of them, and therefore we rely upon you that you 


will lay these matters before the King, and represent our situation, so that he may hearken to 
our words, and afford us redress. A Belt of 10. rows. 

Then Conoquieson stood up and said. 

Brother. Agreable to what you yesterday recommended to us, we have now fixed upon 
four Chiefs from amongst us, who are men of sense that will faithfully deliver our words to 
the Shawanese, of which number Thomas King is the principal, who is a Man, that you may 
be assured, will faithfully execute whatever is desired of him. — Then acquainted the Six 
Nations and Sir William Johnson, that, by the death of Gawehe a Tuscarora Sachem, there 
was a vacancy at the Council fire, & accordingly raised up Tarriwahwage to supply his place 
with the usual ceremonys. After which Saghtaghroana, on behalf of the Seven Nations of 
Canada stood up and said. 

Brother, We the Nations living in Canada express our sincere thanks to you for having by 
your prudence and wisdom brought all the Nations here into one way of thinking, which no 
other person could ever have effected. This is a great work Brother, and it gives us a great 
pleasure, and, I now speak to you and all the Nations in public upon it. 

Brother. When we united ourselves with the English on the reduction of Canada, we then 
resolved to act like Men, to be true to our engagements and to scorn lyes, — We then agreed for 
the preservation of peace, that the Caghnawagees should have their eyes on the Council Fire 
of the Six Nations at Onondaga, and the other Council fire at your house, whilst our Brethren 
at Canasadaga should have their eyes upon all the Nations up the Ottawa or great River to the 
Westward. — Brother, we did this, we always gave you true intelligence, and studied to 
promote peace ; for Brother, we are Men of our words. Men who despise double dealings, and 
are incapable of deceit. We shall still act up to that character, & our actions shall prove the 
truth of what we now say. We resolve in order to promote the work, which you have begun, 
and so successfully conducted, to send proper Deputies to the Indians to the Westward, taking 
that part of the negociation entirely upon ourselves, and we shall agree with the Six Nations 
in the Message they send, that we may not speak with two mouths upon so important an 
occasion. The Men we shall make choice of, shall be such as we may place the utmost 
confidence in, & they shall have orders from us to return by way of Detroit and Fort Pitt to 
your house to bring you a faithful report of the Negotiation. 

Then shewed the Belt which they purposed to send. Then Abraham the Chief returned 
Sir William the Belt which he had sent to the meeting at Onondaga last fall cautioning them 
not to let their warriors go to war, or enter into any rash resolves until they heard from him 
— with this having complied, they, according to custom returned the Belt. — After which 
Abraham returned the Belt sent last spring by Sir William to the Seneca's Country, to require 
them to collect all the horses they could, the property of the white people, and to deliver them 
up. All which they promised strictly to comply with, and to prevent any from being taken 
in future by their people, or dependants. , 

The Speaker then acquainted Sir William, that they had finished all the material business 
of the Congress. 

To all which Sir William answered as follows: 

Brethren of the several Nations here assembled. 

I am well pleased with the answer which you have given me on the several subjects, and I 
hope that your actions will correspond with the words you have made use of. — As I am well 


acquainted with your claims & pretensions, I considered tlie murmurings of some of your 
Dependants, as of little importance. — It is nevertheless a duty which you owe to yourselves to 
put a stop to them, and I am very glad to hear that you have taken resolutions for that 
purpose, which I hope, and expect you will see performed. 

Brothers. It is with concern that I hear you complain, that the people on the southern 
frontiers still continue to molest you, because I know that great pains liave been taken to put 
a stop to such behaviour. — Brothers, You know, that I have often told you upon that subject, 
that I have reason to believe much of the ill treatment you meet with, proceeds from the 
indiscretion of some of your young people, when passing through that part of the Country, 
amongst people who suffered severely during the war ; I shall nevertheless, as you desire, lay 
your-complaint before His Maj''', who, I am persuaded, will give any orders that may be 
further necessary for your security ; and I am certain that the several Governors will use their 
utmost endeavours for that purpose; but I expect in return that you will give the most strict 
caution to your young people that they govern themselves in a peaceable, quiet manner, when 
they resort to that Country ; for otherwise, you cannot expect that the Inhabitants will treat 
them with kindness. 

Brothers. — I very well remember all the promises that have been made you, and also the 
engagements between us. — You all see that they are committed to writing in your presence. 
I know that amongst other things, you received assurances of a free, and plentiful Trade, and I 
can confidently assure you, that you will still enjoy the same. It is true, that for some little 
time goods have been scarce, but I can now inform you, that they will be again in great 
plenty, as the Merchants have now sent for large cargoes which may be very soon expected at 
New York, and a large quantity is already come to Montreal, accordingj^to certain advices I 
have lately received. I have likewise the pleasure to acquaint you, that (although the affair 
has taken up some time from the distance of some of our Colonies from the others) there is 
now a good prospect, that the affairs of Trade will speedily be regulated on terms of advantage 
to you all, as I have heard that some Commissioners for that purpose are already met, and 
more on their way to the place appointed for determining thereupon. I shall however comply 
with your request in laying this matter before the King on whose attention to these, and all 
other affairs in which you are interested, you may safely and confidently rely. 

Brothers. I approve of the manner you have resolved upon to send Messengers to the 
Shawanese, and of the Men you have chosen, for that purpose. But, as I likewise intend to 
send Messengers as well to the Shawanese as to Michilimacinac, I shall expect to be made 
acquainted with the purport -of your Message that we may both correspond on that subject. 

Brothers of the seven Nations of Canada 

I thank you for your honest and spirited address to myself, and all here assembled, and I 
greatly approve of your resolutions to send Messerigers in the manner you propose. I shall 
gladly join them with Messengers from myself, to which end it will be necessary that I know, 
what you intend to charge them with, that we may unite in Sentiments. 

Then it growing late, and a Thunder storm coming on, Sir William thanked them all for 
their accordation with him in sentiments and adjourned. 

Vol. VIII. 


Tuesday July 25"^ In the morning the Indians all assembled in Council. 

Present — as before. 

Sir William having desired their attention spoke as follows : 

Brothers of the Six Nations, of Canada, and all others here assembled. 

Having now brought the business of this Treaty to a favourable conclusion, I cannot help 
expressing my satisfaction thereat, and at the readiness, and unanimity which the Chiefs have 
manifested upon this occasion. It only now remains, that I close this Congress, in a suitable 
manner by adding strength and weight to our proceedings. — I do therefore by this Belt, renew 
and strengthen the covenant chain, or alliance entered into between our ancestors and yours. 
I likewise clean and brighten it, so that it may not contract any rust, and I do assure you on 
the part of the great King, that we shall take care to hold it fast, and preserve it unhurt to 
the latest posterity, if you vrill on your parts be observant of the part which is in your 
hands, and take equal care of it. I likewise declare, that it is the intention of His Maj'^ and 
all his subjects to abide by, and fulfill the engagements with you, so far as is possible, and I 
recommend it to you all to make public the transactions of this Treaty throughout all the 
Nations to the setting of the sun ; and as you value yourselves, and wish to be happy, to abide 
by, and faithfully perform all that you have promised. 

Gave the Belt of the Covenant Chain, after which every Nation gave the Yohah. 
Brothers. Notwithstanding the great additional expense which the King, my Master has 
been at in bestowing favours on such an additional number of Indians, as by the reduction of 
Canada have been admitted into our alliance, his Maj'^ is still mindful of you, and has therefore 
been graciously pleased to consider your present wants by ordering you a handsome present, 
which I have brought to this place and which shall now be delivered to you. I hope that you 
may retain a grateful sense of these, and all other Marks of his Royal favor, and that you will 
always be studious to merit the continuance of his protection and friendship, and the regard 
of all his subjects. 

Brothers the Missasagas. I am glad that by your attending at this Treaty you had an 
opportunity of observing the friendship subsisting between the English and your Brothers here 
assembled, and the unanimity with which we have brought several weighty matters to an 
agreable conclusion. I recommend it to you faithfully to relate the particulars that have passed 
here, to your Nation, and confederacy, at your return, assuring them of the Friendship of the 
Great King, and that I shall allways preserve a sincere regard for them, and their interests, 
so long as they continue to merit it by contributing to diffuse the blessings of peace throughout 
the Country within their influence, and by joining heartily in promoting the several matters of 
importance agreed upon before me by theirfriends and Confederates — A Belt. 

Bretheren of the several Nations here Assembled. 

Every thing for the present beeing agreabjy adjusted, and concluded upon, I have only to 
add my expectations that you will be steadfast in fulfilling your engagements, and I now close 
this Treaty with my kindest wishes for your prosperity. 

Brothers the Cherokees. 

You have heard the conclusion, & determination of the Six Nations, and their Confederates ; 
and upon maturely considering all circumstances I hope they will prove agreable to your 


Nation, to whom I desire you will faithfully report all the transactions at this place assuring 
them of my friendship, and that I am much obliged to them for the grateful sense, which from 
the Belts you delivered me, I find they retain of my endeavour in effecting the peace between 
them, and your Brothers here assembled, that [ shall always continue to promote it, trusting 
that they will do the like on their parts, and sincerely wishing, that by attending to the words 
of your Brother in Carolina, who has the care of you, you may continue to deserve the esteem 
of the great King, and all his subjects. 2. fine Belts. 

The Six Nations then renewed their engagements with the Cherokees, acquainting the 
Deputies, that as they had now come to a final resolution before Sir William Johnson, they 
hoped that the same would be found satisfactory to the Cherokees. 

The Nanticoks' then addressed Sir William, requesting that he would give them a Passport, 
and letters to the Gov'' of Carolina, that they might go, and bring the remainder of their 
people from thence, and dispose of some land they yet have there. A Belt. 

They then earnestly requested, that he would prevent the Traders from bringing any more 
Rum down the Susquahanna, as they who lived there, were determined to abstain from 
drinking, seeing so many murders committed by means thereof. A Belt. 

Sir William promised them, that he would grant them a Passport, and also write in their 
favor to theGov"" of Carolina concerning their lands there, and recommended a proper conduct 
to them as they passed thro' the several settlements, ettc. a Belt. 

Sir William also promised that he would do all in his power, to discourage the bringing of 
Rum to their settlements, and expressed his approbation of the resolutions they had taken, and 
wished them to continue firm in the same. Returned a Belt. 

The Cayuga Chief then arose, and acquainted Sir William and the Six Nations that the 
Delawares, Monsies, ettc living at Chughnot,^ Wialosing^ ettc had promised to remain where 
they now live, & not regard the invitation of their Countrymen living at Ohio, and further 
assured the Six Nations, that they would act agreable to their directions. 

Spoke with two Belts. 

Then the Chiefs of the several Nations assembled to consider of an answer to the Covenant 
Chain Belt, and after some time spent, Abraham the Mohawk Chief stood up, and in the name 
of the Six Nations and Canada Confederacy ettc repeated what Sir William had said on said 
Belt, and returned their most hearty thanks for renewing the Covenant and they on their parts 
did the same. 

The Onondaga speaker then arose & acquainted Sir William that they appointed 
Taganaghquaghsee in the room of Kanajiakaia deceased, Tawahmgseraghse of Karaghiadirra'' 
in the room of Odongota Chieftain of the Warriors, and two more of the Onondaga Nation. 
All which they hoped he would approve of, and give them such testimonials ettc. as are us^al 
on these occasions. Sir William admitted, and approved of their recommendations, and after 
giving the appointed Sachems the necessary admonitions, he told them that he would at next 
general meeting give them the proper testimonials ettc. which he had at his house. 

A large Belt. 

' Although these Indiana have been generally considered a Maryland tribe, it appears by the text that they originally 
came from Carolina ; they afterwards migrated to the eastern shore of Maryland and thence up the Susquehannah. They 
exist no longer as a Nation. Gallatin's Synopsis of the Indian Tribes. — En. 

" See VII., fiO, note 5. = See III., 394, note. * See VII., 723, note. 


Wednesday Morning the Chiefs of each Nation present waited on Sir William at his 
quarters to let him know the purport of their Message, to be sent by their Deputies to the 
Wawiaghtanakes, Piankashaas, Kickapos ettc, which is as follows : 

Brethren. These Deputies from the Six Nation Confederacy are now sent to inform you of 
the peace established between us and the Cherokees, as well as the good harmony and union 
that subsists between us, our Brethren, the English, and all the Nations of Indians to the rising 
of the Sun, at the same time to let you know our surprise and displeasure at your untoward 
and unruly behaviour towards some of our people, as well as to our Brethren the English, who 
are employed carrying goods to the Illinois for your use, and that of all the Indians in that 
quarter, which shews that you are not in your senses. Wherefore we now take you by the 
head, and shake you so, as to bring you to them, and also take that hatchet out of your hands, 
which you run about with, doing Mischief. Should you still prove obstinate, and persevere in 
your wickedness, they are in that case authorized by the whole Confederacy now assembled 
to tell you, that the consequence will prove fatal to you. Repent therefore of what you have 
done, otherwise you will inevitably involve your Nations in a War, which must terminate in 
your ruin. A large Belt shewn. 

The Canada Confederacy consisting of Seven Nations then told Sir William, that as they 
intended to wait on him to his house (in their way home) they would there acquaint him 
with the purport of their Message to those troublesome Nations who were now like Men void 
of sense, running about with a sharp Axe in their hands at a time, when he was endeavouring 
to spread peace over all the land. 

The Missisagas also came to acquaint Sir William, that they intended to wait upon him to 
his house, where they had something to say to him relative to their Nation. 

Sir William after having returned the Chiefs his hearty thanks for the part they had acted 
during the Congress, and expressing his approbation of the Message which they intend sending 
to the ill disposed Nations, told them, and the Canada Confederacy, Missasages ettc, that he 
intended also sending them some Belts which should coincide with theirs in a great measure. 
Then told the Canada Indians & Missisagas ettc, that he would be glad to see them at his 
house, as he had something particular to say to them. Then Sir William ordered provisions 
for all the Nations on their journey home^ and after parting with them in the most friendly 
manner, sett off" that morning for his own seat accompanied by above one hundred and 
fifty Indians ettc, and followed by several other parties, on the private affairs of their 
respective Nations. 

The foregoing is a true copy, ex^ by me 

Rich'' Shuckburgh^ Secretary for Ind" Affairs. 

' Richard SHUOKBURon who, if he did not compose, at least introduced the popular and well known air of Yankee Doodle 
into this country, was of German origin, and received a commission as Surgeon of Captain Horatio Gates' Independent 
Company of New-Torlf, on the 25lh June, 1737. Army List, 1758, 137. Whilst encamped at Greenbush, in the neighborhood 
of Albany, during the French.war, to please, it is said, some eastern levies, he composed a tune and recommended it to the 
officers as one of the most celebrated airs of martial music. The air took, and in a few days nothing was heard in the 
Trovincial Camp but Yankee Doodle. Little did the Doctor imagine the renown which awaited the air that he had 
recommended in joke. Farmer d Moore's New Hampshire Collections, III., 217. Ou the death of Captain Wraxall, Sir Wm. 
Johnson nominated Dr. jShuckburgh Secretary for Indian affairs in 1759, when he left Captain Gates' corps; but the 
appointment was not confirmed, Witham Marsh having been sent out in 1761 to fill the office. Mcto-York Commissions, V., 211. 
We find Dr. Shuekburgh next appointed, 22 December, I7ti2, Surgeon of the 17th Foot, then serving in America, to which 
regiment ho continued to be attached until 1708, (Army Lists, 1765, 1769,) when he succeeded Mr. Marsh, and filled the office 
of Secretary of Indiau ail'airs for several years. lie received a grant of land in May, 1755, in the present town of Glen, 
Montgomery county, N. V. — Ku. 



Lieutenaiit-Govoriwr Colden to the Earl of Ililhhorovgh. 

[ New-Tork Papera ( S. P. O. ) CLXII. ] 

New York. IS. August 1770. 
My Lord, 

I have the honor of your Lord^'s commands of the 12"" of June N° 39. with His Maj'>"» 
disallowance of the Act declaring certain persons therein mentioned incapable of being 
Members of the General Assembly of this Colony; and I have publish'd His Maj'^'"' disallowance 
by Proclamation, as usual. I have communicated to the Council the Act passed in the last 
Session of Parliament, to enable the Gov' Council and Assembly of His Maj'>''' Colony of 
New York to pass an Act of Assembly for creating and issuing upon Loan, paper Bills of 
Credit to a certain amount ettc. As the Colony of New York is distinguished by the favour 
of Parliament in this particular, I make no doubt of its being received with that dutiful 
gratitude which may justly be expected. — The other Acts of E'arliam' relating to the Colonies, 
and transmitted to me by M"" Pownall, were likewise communicated and all of them lodged in 
the Secretaries Office. 

An Equestrian guilt Statue, of the King, made by direction of, and purchased by this Colony, 
came over in one of the last ships from London. On Thursday last it was opened to view, 
erected on its proper pedestal, in a square near the Fort and fronting the principal street of the 
City. I was attended on this occasion by the Gentlemen of the Council, and Members of 
Assembly then in Town, the magistrates of the City, the Clergy of all Denominations, and a 
very large number of the principal Inhabitants. Our Loyalty, firm attachment and affection 
to His Maj'J''' person was expressed by drinking the King's Health, and a long continuance of 
His reign, under a discharge of 32 pieces of Cannon, a Band of music playing at the same 
time from the Ramparts of the Fort. The General and Officers of the Army gave us the 
honour of their company on the occasion. The whole Company walked in procession from 
the Fort, round the Statue, while the Spectators expressed their joy, by loud acclamations, 
and the procession having returned with me to the Fort, the ceremony concluded with great 
chearfulness and good humour. 

I am well assured My Lord, that the Merchants in this Place, who appeared most zealous to 
prevent the importation of British Manufactures, have, notwithstanding, sent themselves orders 
for large quantities of goods. At the same time they have thrown out the basest aspersions, 
in the public Newspapers against those who promoted the importation. I am confident, the 
example of New York will be followed by all the neighbouring Colonies, notwithstanding what 
appears in the American Newspapers to the contrary. It gives me the greatest pleasure, that 
the people of New York, under my Administration, are the most forward in returning to 
their duty. 

Lord Dunmore is daily expected here. I hope to deliver up the Govern' to him, in peace 
and tranquility, and with a very favourable disposition of a large majority of the people, 
especially of any rank to Government. 

Nothing gives me more pleasure, than the hope your Lord? allows me to have, of your 
retaining some regard to — My Lord, 

Your most obedient and 

faithful servant 

Cadwallader Colden. 


Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America. 

[Plantations General ( S. P. O.) CCLVI.] 

Circular, most secret and confidential. 
Governors of: 

No. of letter. - No. of letter. 

Quebec 34:. Georgia 33. 

Island of S' John.... 1. East Florida 32. 

Nova Scotia 41. West Florida 28. 

■ New Hampshire 32. Bahamas 22. 

Massachusets 41. Bermuda... 22. 

New York 41. Barbados 28. 

Virginia 36. Leeward Islands 26. 

N^Carolina 34. Grenada 33. 

S" Carolina 3S. Jamaica 31. 

New Jersey. 

The King having received advices that the Spanish Gov"' of Buenos Ayres hath thought fit 
to dispossess his Maj'^'" subjects of their settlement at Port Egmont in Falkland Islands; so 
violent a proceeding in time of profound peace will, unless disavowed by the Court of Spain and 
proper restitution made, be considered as an open act of hostility, and therefore the King hath 
thought fit with the advice of his servants to command a considerable Naval Armament to be 
prepared in order to act as the honor & dignity of his Crown shall under future events require. 

The suspending or increasing this Naval armam"' will probably depend upon the answer 
which the Court of Spain shall give to what has been demanded on this occasion, which the 
King has good reason to hope will correspond with his Maj"''' wishes for the preservation of 
the public peace, in the mean time you cannot be too attentive to the security of the g^ under 
your Govern' nor too early in your consideration of what may be necessary for t^, protection 
and defence in case matters should, contrary to His Maj'^'^ just expectations, come to extremities, 
in which case you may be assured that the security of our possessions in America, will be a 
principal object of His Maj'^'» care & attention. 

I am ettc. 

Whitehall. 28 September 1770. Hillsborough. 

P. S. Since I wrote the above letter farther advices from the Court of France, have been 
communicated to me which confirm us in our hope that the peace may still be preserved. 


N" 14. 

Earl of Hillsborough to Sir William Johnson. 

[Plantations General (8. P. 0.) CCLVI.] 

Whitehall. 3. October 1770. 


I have received and laid before the King your letter of the 12"" of July last. 


The great variety of important matter proposed to be discussed in tlie Congress wliich was 
upon the point of being held when you wrote that letter, necessarily creates some impatience 
to be informed of the result of it, and I have reason to hope from a letter I have received from 
General Gage,^ that it will be a favourable one. 

It is certainly desirable that the prejudices which have been endeavoured to be fixed upon 
the minds of the Savages by the idle and wicked Report propagated amongst them, that the 
King had ordered no more goods to be sent them, should be removed, and as there is no longer 
any foundation for artifice of that sort to work upon, their confidence will upon this occasion 
be easily regained. 

The accounts which have been received through almost every channel of correspondence 
from America, of reports spread abroad, that an Union between the Northern and Southern 
Indians has been in agitation, have not failed to give us some uneasy apprehensions ; such an 
Union cannot have been proposed, but with views of a very alarming nature, nor can it take 
effect without producing the most fatal consequences ; the King therefore doubts not that you 
have taken every method to investigate and discover the grounds of such Reports, and in case 
there should appear any just reason to suspect such a design, that you have availed yourself of 
every advantage which the late Congress afforded you to defeat and disconcert it. 

I am ettc. 


' Hon. Thomas Gage was the second son of the 1st, and father of the 3d, Viscount Gage of Castlebar, in the county 
Mayo, Ireland. In 1705 he accuni^ianied the expedition un3er General Braddock, against Fort Duquesne, as Lieutenani- 
Colonel of tlie 44th regiment, and coM.manded the vanguard in the fatal engagement of the 9th July, when he was slightly 
•wounded. After the battle, he carried the General off the field. EiUick, I., 146. In May, 1758, he was appointed Coloi.el 
of the SOth regiment, and Brigadier-General, (Knox's Journal, I., 212, ) and on the 8th of December following married 
Margaret, daughter of Peter Kenible, Esq., President of the CoBncil of New Jersey. Debrett. In 1759 he accompanied the 
expedition under Gen. Amherst, and led the 2d column against Fort Ticonderoga, which, however, had been abandoned by 
the French before the arrival of the English troops. On learning the death of Gen. Prideaux, Gen. Amherst dispatched 
Brigadier Gage on the 28tli July, to take the command of that division of the army, but Fort Niagara had already been reduced 
by Sir William Johnson. A'jioi, 1, 403 ; Entick, IV., 137. On the 11th July, of the following year, he departed from Osw. go 
with the army to Montreal, of which city he wa^ appointed Governor, after its capitulation. He was promoted in May, 1761, 
to the rank of Major-General, and in March following became Colonel of the 22d Regiment of foot. At the departure of 
General Amherst for England in 1763, Major-General Gage succeeded him as commander-in-chief of his Majesty's forces in 
North America. He rose to be Lieutenant-General in 1770, and resided in New- York until May, 1774, when he removed to 
Boston, on being appointed Governor of Massachusetts. He was a suitable instrument for CNeeuting the purposes of a 
tyrannical ministry and parliament. Several regiments soon followed him, and he began to repair the fortifications upon 
Boston Neck. The powder in the arsenal in Charleslown was seized ; detachments were sent out to take possession of the 
stores in Salem and Concord ; and the battle of Lexington became the signal of war. In May, 1775, the Provincial Congress 
declared Gage to be an inveterate enemy of the country, disqualified from serving the colony as Governor and unworthy of 
obedience. From this time the exercise of his functions was confined to Boston. In June he issued a proclamation, offering 
pardon to all the rebels, excepting Samuel Adams and John Hancock, and proclaimed martial law ; but the aflfair of Breed's 
Hill, a few days afterwards, jToved to him that he mistaken the character of the Americans. In October he embarked 
for England, and was succeeded in the command by Sir William Howe. His conduct towards the inhabitants of Boston, in 
promising them liberty to leave the town on the delivery of their arms, and then detaining many of them, has been reprobated 
for its treachery. Allen. In 1782 he was appointed Colonel of the 17th Light Dragoons, and rose to the rank of General of 
the army in the following month of November. General Gage died in England on the 2d of April, 1787. Gentleman's Maga- 
zine. His widow survived him until 9th February, 1824, when she died, aged 90 years. Debrett. — Ed. 


Lieutenant-Governor Golden to the Earl of Hillsboroxigh. 

[ Now-Tork Papers ( S. P. 0. ) CLXII. ] 
N° 17. 

New York. 5. October 1770 
My Lord, 

As this most probably is the last opportunity by which I can have the honor of writing to 
your LordP while the Administration of Govern' is in my hands, I think it incumbent on me 
to give you some account of the persons who are most attached to Govern', in opposition to the 
party who continue to declare openly against the authority of the Parliament of great Brittain. 

In my preceeding letter, I informed your Lord? of the steps that had been taken to introduce 
a general importation of goods from Great Brittain, and of the opposition which had been 
made to it, by that party who have in every other instance endeavoured to embrace the 
measures of Govern'. It gave me particular satisfaction to find this party entirely defeated 
last week, in a violent strugle to turn out such of the Elective Magistrates of this City, as 
had distinguished themselves any way in favour of Govern' 

I believe your Lordi" will be pleased to know that the Members of His Maj'^''^ Council, with 
a single exception, and the Representatives of this City in General Assembly have zealously 
exerted themselves for a dissolution of the nonimportation agreement in New York ; which 
must have a General good effect in all the North American Colonies. M'' Ludlow,^ whom I 
appointed one of the Puisne Judges of the Supreme Court, in the room of M'' Smith deceased, 
was very useful. He has many Friends among the Merchants, and they were the foremost in 
declaring for importation. He has at all times been a Friend to-Govern', is a Man of genius 
and of application, and I doubt not will distinguish himself in his station — . No particular 
person has been more distinguished on this occasion, than M'' Banyar^ Deputy Secretary of this 
Province. _ He took great pains to excite and preserve a proper spirit in others. He has 

' Geokge DDNOA»f Lddlow originally served an apprenticeship, it is said, with an apothecary, but disliking the business, 
resolved to study law. His speech having become defective in consequence of sickness, his friends, anticipating his certain 
failure at the bar, opposed his design ; but he persisted and completed his studies. Those who were interested in his success 
attended court on the first trial of his powers, predicting as they went that his discomfiture and their own mortification were 
certain; much to their surprise, he was fluent, and argued the ease intrusted to him with great skill and judgment. His rise 
at the bar was rapid. In commencing practice, he gave bis attention exclusively to commercial cases, and acquired so much 
proficiency that he was constantly employed, either as arbitrator in deciding mercantile disputes, or in the adjustment and 
settlement of complicated mercantile transactions. This drew him into commercial speculations and having, by honest 
industry and great assiduity acquired, at a comparatively early age, an ample fortune, he retired to a handsome estate which 
he had purchased on- Long Island. Shortly after his retirement, he was appointed judge of the Court of Common Pleas, in 
which he gave so much satisfaction, that, though he labored under the disadvantage of deafness, in addition to an impediment 
in his speech, he was appointed puisne judge of the Supreme Court in December, 1769. At the breaking out of the Revolu. 
tion, he adhered to the side of the Crown. In 1779 his house nt Hyde Park, Queens county, was plundered, and it is said that 
the Judge himself escaped being made prisoner, by getting upon the roof through the scuttle, and hiding behind the chim- 
ney. His country seat and his other property, passed to the Stale, under the confiscation act of 1779. In 1780 he was 
appointed Master of the EoUs, and Superintendent of Police on Long Island, with powers or principles of Equity, " to hear 
and determine controversies, till civil government can take place." He retired to the province of New Brunswick in 1783, 
where he occupied the firsf place in public affairs. He was a member of the first Council formed in that colony, and the 
first Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. His place of residence was at Fredericton, the capital, where he died February 12, 
1808. Francos, his widow, and daughter of Thomas Duncan, Esquire, died at St. John in 1825, at the age of eighty-seven. 
Mr. Ludlow was an excellent judge, a man of integrity, of extensive information; and in private life a most agreeable and 
entertaining companion. Sabine's AjAerican Loyalists, 431 ; Daly's Judicial Tribunals of ^^ew-York, 54, note. — Ed. 

" See note, supra, p. 188. 


likewise been very useful to me in every part of my Administration ; permit me My Lord to 
mention him, as one, every way deserving your LordP's attention in case any thing may offer 
in his favour — I have been conversant fifty years in the public affairs of this Govern', and I 
can truly say, that he has in his office exceeded all, that have been in it during that time, both 
in ability & diligence. He has faithfully discharged every confidence placed in him by 
Govern', and has so well established the opinion of his Integrity and honour for upwards of 
twenty years past, that every Gov' in that time has placed a particular confidence in his 
advice, Sir Henry Moore ^ only excepted. Perhaps My Lord, you may expect that I mention 
the persons who have opposed the salutary measures of Govern'. Though every Man 
conversant in public affairs, be well assured in his own mind, who are the Leaders and 
Conductors of the opposition to Govern', yet as they do not appear publicly, but work by their 
Tools of inferiour Rank, no legal evidence I can produce against them. I must therefore beg 
to be excused from naming any person. 

As now all kind of Rioting is greatly discouraged, I hope to deliver up the Administration 
not only in tranquility, but with a prevailing disposition in the People to support Govern'. I 
flatter myself that I shall retain some degree of your LordP's esteem and Regard. 

I have the honor to be with the greatest Respect My Lord, 

Your most obedient and 

faithful servant. 

Cadwallader Golden. 


Earl of Dumnore to the Earl of Hillshorough. 

[New-York Papers ( 8. P. O. ) CLXII.] 

New York. 24. Octob"- 1770. 

My Lord. 

I arrived here the 1S"» inst : and the next day my Commission was bublished with the 
usual ceremonies. 

I have the greatest reason to be pleased with the reception I have met with, and from the 
good humour that now appears amongst the people, I conceive hopes of an easy & peaceful 
administration. I am. My Lord. 

Your LordP's most obed' humble aerv' 


Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of IlillsborougTu 

[ New-Tork Papera (S, P. 0.) CLXII.] 

New York. 10. Nov' 1770. 
My Lord, 

The Earl of Dunmore arrived here on the IS"" of last month. Every thing in my power 
was done to give him a reception suited to his Rank and the dignity of the Commission he 

' See note, mpra, p. 197. — Eb. 

Vol. VIIL 32 


bears. I have reason to think, his Lord? was well pleased on the occasion. The tranquility 
good humour and order among the people could not escape his notice. I was very happy in 
delivering up the Govern* in such a situation, and with the strongest perswasion, that it would 
be in his Lord^'s power, to support His Administration with ease and dignity. I thought of 
nothing but to retire, and spend my few remaining days with satisfaction ; flattering myself 
that a faithful discharge of my duty, in the Administration of Govern', in times the most 
difBcult, had given me some claim to His Maj'^'' favour. It could not then My Lord but give 
me a very sensible uneasiness, when the Earl of Dunmore communicated to me, the paragraph 
of a letter from your Lord? to him, dated the 16"" of July last, signifying His Majesty's 
pleasure "that a moiety of the perquisites and Emoluments of the Govern' of New York 
" should be accounted for and paid to His Lord? from the date of his Commission to the time 
"of his arrival" which he accordingly demanded by his Secretary. I am well assured it has 
not been paid to any Gov' for fifty years past. My connection with the public affairs of this 
Province, with the Governors and the persons most immediately about them during that time, 
enables me to assert with great confidence, that no such demand has been made on any Lieut' 
Gov' or eldest Councellor, from the death of one, to the arival of another Governor, except in 
one instance only. M' Van Dam' held the Administration of Govern' as oldest Councellor, 
from the death of Coll: Montgomerie on July 1" 1731. till the arrival of Coll : Cosby on the 
1" of August 1732, who, in consequence of a n order he had obtained, demanded one half of 
the Salary and perquisites, M' van Dam had received. M' van Dam refused to pay any part. 
A suit was commenced against him, but drop't before a determination, and M' van Dam 
retain'd the whole profits. This demand was thought to be an Act of mere power, and gave 
general disgust. 

From that time to the present, no such demand has been made, tho' several similiar cases 
have happened. Every oldest Councillor or Lieut' Gov' has received and retained the whole 
profits of Govern', from the death of one Gov' to the arrival of another. Usage and Custom 
is thought to be the Rule. 

General Monckton,' tho' residing in the place, did not demand, and I believe never expected 
any part of the emoluments, which I had received between the date of his Commission, and 

'See VI., 153, note. 

' Lieutenant-General Robert Monckton -was the second son of John, Ist Visconnt Galway, and nephew of the 2d Dute 
of Rutland, and was a Lieutenant-Colonel when appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Annapolis, in \154. In June, 1755, he 
reduced Fort Beausejour, which he called Fort Cumberland, and Fort Gaspareau on Bay Vertc, and in the same year was 
appointed Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia. In November, 1757, he was appointed Colonel of the fourth battalion of 
the 60th or Royal American regiment then attached to the army under Lord Loudon, and commanded the 2d battalion of 
the same regiment, the following year, in the operations against Louisbourg; in 1769 he served as Brigadier and second to 
General Wolfe in the expedition against Quebec, and was shot through the lungs on the Plains of Abraham. For his distin. 
guished services in that campaign, he was rewarded with tlie colonelcy of the 17th Foot in October. In February, 1761, he 
became Major-General, and shortly after received the appointment of Governor of the Province of New-York. His admin- 
istration, however, did not continue long, for the British government having determined on the reduction of the Island of 
Martinico, appointed him to take the command of the expedition, whither he proceeded in November. His liberality on 
this expedition is highly extolled. For, feeling for the pecuniary difBcuIties the subalterns attached to his array had to struggle 
with, he ordered the negroes which were taken to be sold, and the money to be divided amongst the subalterns. On finding it 
would not amount to £6 a piece, he said he could not offer any gentleman less than that sum, and made up from his own 
purse the deficiency, to the amount of about £500. He kept a constant table of 40 covers for the officers, and ordered that 
the subalterns chiefly should be invited, saying he had been one himself and if a chair was vacant, he reprimanded 
the Aid de camp. After the reduction of Martinico, he returned for a short period to New-York, but proceeded 
soon after to England, when Major Campbell of the 100th regiment, who had been dismissed the service for killing one 


the publication of it. Neither did Sir Henry Moore, from whose general conduct I had no 
reason to expect the least favour, make such a demand. 

These recent instances, My Lord, and the constant usage in this Colony, malies the demand, 
now made on me, appear in the most disagreable light. If persisted in, I shall be distinguished 
by a mark of His Maj'^'" displeasure. To support the authority of Govern* has been the 
invariable rule of my conduct ; I have often suffered by it, from the violence of parties and 
their opposite principles — especially in supporting the authority of Parliam' in the year 17G5, 
when the insults I received were tiie most public and alarming. I trust it will not be 
presuming too much to suppose the house of Commons particularly attended to my case, when 
they addressed His Maj'^ to recompence the officers of the Crown in America, who had suffered 
on that occasion. People in general throughout the Colonies, expected I should have been 
distinguished by some mark of His Maj'J"'' favour as I had been so remarkably distinguished by 
their resentment — •Providence, by the death of Sir Henry Moore, placed me in a situation of 
receiving a compensation, had I been suffered to remain in the Administration, and to enjoy 
the usual profits — shall I, My Lord, be distinguished by a demand of part of those profits 
which have been allowed to every other Commander in Chief? The Instruct" to the Gov" 
of this Province relating to the salary and perquisites of Govern', has been understood in no 
other light here, than to intitle a Gov'' in Chief to half the emoluments in case of his absence 
after having taken upon himself the administration. In___this case the Lieut' Gov', acting under 
the same Commission, must divide the profits with the Gov' in Chief. But after the 
appointment of a Gov', and before his arrival and the publication of his Commission, 
the Commander in Chief, not acting under this, but the old Commission, must be entitled to the 
whole emoluments. The declaration of King William in 1697., referred to, in the extract 
which I have of your Lord?'' letter to L"* Dunmore, I am humbly of opinion became ineffectual 
at his demise, and not being renewed by any of his successors," the Instruction to the 
Governors on this head, has been esteemed the only signification of the King's pleasure. If 
his Maj'^ had been apprised that the Instruction had never operated in this Prov", in any 
other manner than as above mentioned, I am persuaded this signification of his pleasure had 
not been made, nor from his great Justice and goodness, can I doubt his gracious interposition 
and protection, that I may be permitted to enjoy in tranquility, the only considerable 
advantage I have reaped, in a series of long and faithful services to His Maj'^ and his 
Illustrious family. 

My Lord, while I am writing this, the Attorney General with Lord Dunmore's permission, 
has informed my son, that, he has received His Lord?'" commands to file a Bill in Chancery 
(where the Gov' is the sole Judge) against me, for recovering a Moiety of the Emoluments. 
The suit is to be brought in His Maj'>''' name, to give the proceedings the semblance of Justice ; 
but as it is well known to be solely for Lord Dunmore's benefit, and that he is in truth the 
principal party in the suit, the injustice and oppression in making himself the Judge in such a 

of his fellow-offieers, preferred charges against Gen. Monokton, for oppression, &c., on which he was tried by court-martial 
and honorably acquitted. Gentleman's Magazine, XXXIV., 297, 823 ; LII., 576. He received the sinecure office of Governor 
of Berwick in 1766, and became Lieutenant-General in 1770. Some time after his name was sent in by the Board of Directors 
as Commander-in-chief of the Company's forces in India, and the recommendation approved by his M.ijesty, yet though the 
nomination was repeated in 1773, it was without effect; the minister refused to appoint any officer recommended by the 
Board. Ibid., XLIII., 298. In 1778 he was appointed Governor of Portsmouth, and represented that town in Parliament at 
the time of his death which, according to the London Magazine, occurred on the 20th June, 1782. Debrett says lie died on 
the 2d of May, 1782, and the last is presumed to be the more correct date. -^ Ed. 


case, must strike every Man of common sense. The impression it must make on the minds of 
the People, may have a dangerous effect during His Lord?"' Administration — These things are 
too evident not to draw your LordP'' immediate attention, and I hope His Maj"'' wise and 
gracious interposition will prevent the bad effects. I intreat your Lord?'* favourable intercession, 
and that you will be pleased to lay this representation of my case before his Maj'^ : — 

I have the honour to be. ettc. 

Cadwallader Golden. 

Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-York Papers (S. P. O. ) CLXII.] 


New York. 12. Nov' 1770. 
My Lord, 

Nothing of a public nature has occurred within the little time I have been arrived, except the 
addresses of congratulation on my arrival, which being full of sentiments of Loyalty and 
affection to His Maj'^'' person and Govern', I have thought proper to send copies of them, 
imagining they might be acceptable. ~I found the Assembly prorogued to the V'*" of Nov', and 
I have with the advice of Council, farther prorogued it to the 11"" of December, then to meet 
to do business. 

The situation of the people of this Prov", in the Counties of Cumberland and Gloucester, 
on the Borders of New Hampshire, is truly lamentable ; a number of disorderly people are 
continually committing .Riots ; a recent tumult has obliged me to issue a Proclamation for 
apprehending the Offenders, a copy of which is herewith transmitted to your LordP, but the 
authority of the Civil Magistrate will avail little, when even the Courts of Justice are 
obstructed, and their proceedings stopped. The Rioters are instigated to commit those 
outrages by the people of New Hampshire ; suggesting that the Magistrates and Courts of 
Justice established in the said Counties act without good authority, for they assert, that His 
Maj'^ intends to recall his Royal order, already issued, and to declare the above said two 
Counties to be within the Jurisdiction of the Prov" of New Hampshire. Your Lord? will 
observe by the Proclamation already mentioned, that I have contradicted this Report, and 
affirmed the above suggestion to be false. Their only encouragement in this opinion seems to 
be the restrictions laid upon the Gov' of this Prov", with respect to granting the Lands within 
the said two Counties; and here, I cannot but observe what in truth is very obvious, that such 
restriction obstructs the settlement of that Country, not only by excluding fresh people from 
settling there, but the frequent disorders, which it has given a sort of sanction to, entirely 
prevents the Industrious efforts of those already settled ; it therefore appears to me that it is 
become highly necessary, that the said restriction should be taken off forthwith, that I may 
thereby be enabled to exert my endeavours for the full settling of that Country, and .then, the 
disorders complained of, will of themselves subside, but which at present can not happen, 
from the thinness of the Inhabitants; there not being enough for the appointment of 
Magistrates, consequently those few are but very insufficient of themselves, to enforce their 
own authority, against those daring violators of the peace supported as they are, by their 
whole province. 


I have made it my business to enquire and find out the opinion of the people here, on the 
scheme in agitation of establishing a Colony on the Ohio ; I find, all who have any knowledge 
of such affairs concurr in condemning the project; they alledge among a variety of neasons, 
that a Colony, at such an immense distance from the settled parts of America and from the 
Ocean, can neither benefit either those settled parts or the mother Country ; that they must 
become immediately a lost people to both, & all communication of a commercial nature with 
them, be a vain attempt, from the difficulty and expence attending the Transport of 
commodities to them, which would so enhance the price thereof, as to make it utterly 
impossible for them to purchase such commodities, for they could not raise a produce of any 
kind, that would answer so difficult and expensive transport back ; such Colony must therefore 
be their own Manufacturers ; and the great expence of maintaining Troops there for their 
protection be a dead weight on Govern', without the hopes of reaping any advantage hereafter. 
The scheme alarms extremely all the settled parts of America, the people of property being 
justly apprehensive of consequences that must inevitably ensue ; that such a Colony will only 
become a drain to them (now but thinly peopled) of an infinite number of the lower Class of 
inhabitants, who, the desire of novelty alone will induce to change their situation ; and the 
withdrawing of those Inhabitants will reduce the value of Lands in the provinces even to 
nothing, and make it impossible for the Patentees to pay the Quit Rents ; by which, it is 
evident. His Maj'^'' interest must be very much prejudiced. Add to this the great probability, 
I may venture to say (with) certainty, that the attempting a settlement on the Ohio, will 
draw on, an Indian war; it being well known, how ill affected the Ohio Indians have always 
been to our interest, and their jealousy of such a settlement, so near them, must be easily 
foreseen ; therefore, as such a war would affect, at least, the nearest provinces, as well as the 
new Colony. Your Lord^ must expect those provinces, will not fail to make heavy complaints 
of the inattention of Govern' to their interest. I cannot therefore, but think it my duty to 
recommend to your LordP, not to suffer this scheme to have effect, at least, until your Lord? 
shall have, from the most substantial and clear proofs, be made thoroughly sensible of its 
utility. — I am. 

My Lord — 

Your LordP's most obed' humble serv' 


P. S. I have just received intelligence, that the plague is actually raging on the Island of 
Hispaniola, I have had the person who brings this advice, examined before the Magistrates, 
and send to your Lord? his Deposition. And have also made all the disposition this place 
admits of (there being no established health Office) for preventing the approacli of Sliipsfrom 
them ports, until they perform a Quarantine. 

Earl of Ilillshorougli to Sir William John-son. 

[ Plantations General (8. P. O.) CCLVI.] 


Whitehall. 15 Nov' 1770. 
I have received your Dispatch N" 14. and have laid it before the King. 


The preventing the six Nations from engaging in a War with the Western Indians & from 
entering into a Confederacy with the Southern Indians for that purpose were very important 
objects of the late Congress and so far as your negociations have had the effect to answer 
those ends this Congress has undoubtedly been of great public utility ; but I must observe 
that the reality of these advantages seems very much to depend upon the Answer, which the 
Six Nations shall give to such terms of accommodation as may be proposed by the Western 
Ind°' in consequence of the Messages that have been sent to them. In the mean time I have 
receiv"* the Kings Commands to signify His Maj'^'" pleasure to the Governors of several 
Colonies connected in interests with the six Nations, that they should not fail of pointing out 
to their respective Assemblies, the immediate necessity there is from every consideration of 
justice, policy and interest to make immediate and effectual provision for regulating the 
commerce upon such a plan as shall be satisfactory to them and for the Redress of those 
injuries and grievances of which, they so justly complain. I am ettc. 


Earl of Hillsborough to the Governors in America. 

[ Plantalions General (S. p. 0.) CCLVI.] 

Circular letter from L"* Hillsborough to the Governors of Quebec, New York, 
New Jersey, Virginia, N" Carolina, Maryland & Pennsylvania. Whitehall. 
15 Nov 1770. 

The inclosed extract of a letter I have very lately received from Sir William Johnson, will 
fully inform you of the complaints made by the Six Nations of Indians, and their allies & 
confederates, at a congress held in July last at the German Flatts, of the abuses and violences 
committed by the Traders and frontier Inhabitants of several of His Maj'^"' Colonies, and the 
inclosed extract of the Conferences will point out to you how earnest the Indians have been 
in those complaints, and what is likely to happen if they are not redressed. 

After the King had thought fit, from a regard to the Claims and opinions of the Colonies to 
leave it to them to make such regulations concerning the Indian Commerce, as they judged 
proper, there was good reason to hope, that a matter on which their interest and safety do so 
much depend, would have been an immediate object of their serious deliberation ; but as 
contrary to all expectation, nothing effectual appears yet to have been done, and as the Indians 
have in the strongest manner expressed their impatience, under the abuses to which they are 
constantly exposed, the King has commanded me to signify his pleasure, that you should 
Gorr!"'oVpc"D^yu without delay represent this matter in the stro7igest manner to the f Council audi 
(uiTworas under- -Assembly of the Colony under your Govern' and urge them in his Mnj"'' name to, fall 
QuebecT'"''' ^ upou some mcaus of putting Indian affairs under such regulation as may have 
the effect to prevent those abuses of the Trade and those violences and encroachments of the 
frontier Inhabitants, which the Indians so justly complain of. I am ettc. 



Earl of Hillsborough to the Attorney and Solicitor Generals. 

[ Plantations General ( 8. P. ) CCLVI. ] 

Whitehall. 3. December 1770. 

I am commanded by the King to desire you will report me your opinion whether His Maj"^ 
may in time of peace, order an embargo to be laid upon all ships and vessels laden, or to be 
laden, in the different Ports in His Maj"''" Colonies and Plantations in America, with provisions 
and warlike stores, and cleared or to be cleared out for any Port or place not belonging to Ilis 
Maj'''. — And if such embargo may be laid, what will be the regular mode of laying it, whether 
by order of the King in Council, by Proclamation, or by the King's pleasure signified by the 
Secretary of State, to the respective Governors of America? 

As it is of very great importance to the King's service, that no time should be lost in this 
business, I am to desire your answer with all the Dispatch that may be. I am ettc. 


Attorney and Solicitor Generals to the Earl of Ilillshorough. 

[ Plantations General ( 8. P. 0. ) CCLVI. ] 

To the Right Honourable The Earl of Hillsborough one of His Majesty's Principal 
Secretaries of State. A. Decemb'' 1770. 

May it please your Lordship. 

In obedience to your LordP's letter of the third instant desiring we would report to you our 
opinion whether His Maj''' may in time of peace order an embargo to be laid on all ships and 
vessels laden or to be laden in the different Ports in His Maj'^'* Colonies and Plantations in 
America with provisions and warlike stores, and cleared or to be cleared out of any port or 
place not belonging to His Maj'y and if such Embargo may be laid, what will be the regular' 
mode of laying it, whether by order of the King in Council, by Proclamation, or by the 
King's pleasure signified by the Secretary of State to the respective Governors in America. 

We have taken the same into consideration and We humbly represent to your Lord?, that 
the authority of the Crown to lay an Embargo, has never, that we know of, undergone a 
judicial decision; but as the Crown has constantly exercised such authority, when the 
exigency of the case has required it, in time of actual war, ^make preparations which are legal 
justifiable by the occasion ; and that such demonstrations may be made of hostility and such 
alarms may be given by foreign nations as may create the most instant necessity to prohibit 
the furnishing them with warlike stores ; and under those circumstances, we think, an Embargo 
upon such articles will become, like other preparations for war, legal and justifiable by the 
exigency of the occasion. This notion comprises the American Colonies as well as the rest of 

' Sic. Qu ? it may make. — Ed. 


His Maj'y'' Dominions ; and we think tliat the proper method of doing it, is, by Proclamation 
or order in Council. 

All which, is humbly submitted to your Lordships consideration. 

, W" DE Grey.' 

E. Thurlow.2 

Mirl of Dunmore to (lie Earl of Ililhhorough. — 

[New-York Papers (Slate Paper Office) CLXIII.] 

New York, S"- December 1770. 
My Lord, 

In consequence of the order I obtained from Your Lordship, soon after my arrival I made a 
demand on M" Golden for half the emoluments &c according to the said order, which he has 
thought proper to refuse complying with, and to deny the King's right of disposing of any 
part thereof & firmly asserts the whole of it to be his own property; his argument or rather 
subterfuge is, that untill the commission of the Governor be published in form in this place, 
the Lieutenant Governor or other Commander in Chief is entitled to the whole Salary, 
emoluments &c. I have consulted all the most eminent lawyers here, and they all agree, 
without hesitation, in a contrary Opinion to M' Golden: persuaded therefore that Your 
Lordship would not be inclined to give up a right of his Majesty's, which appears so well 
established ; I have required the Attorney General's opinion how to proceed : he has advised 
that it should be made a case in Equity, and the suit carried on in the name of the King, by 
which means it may be brought on before me. I understand M"' Golden is now forming a 
Petition to his Majesty setting forth the great hardship intended him by this order, and 
alledging his services of which I do not take upon me to judge, or how far his Petition should 
be listened to, but I must beg leave to suggest that it is incumbent on Your Lordship, not only 
to insist on his complying with the order, but to require a faithfuU account from him, in the 
name of his Majesty, of salary, emoluments &c from the very day the Government devolved 
upon him to the day of my arrival ; that although it should be thought proper afterwards to 
consider his services, and allow him to keep any part, that he may be made sensible, which 
he is far from being at present, that it was intended as a Reward from his Majesty, that he 
had not been required to account for the wholp of the moiety reserved by his Majesty for his 

' William de Gret, 3d son of Thomas, of Merton, in Suffolk, England, was born 19 July, 1719, educated at Trinity Hall, Cam- 
bridge, tnd studied law at Lincoln's Inn. He was appointed King's Counsel 30th January, 1*768 ; Solicitor-General to the Queen, 
September, 1761 ; was elected to represent Newport in Cornwall in 1762; appointed King's Solicitor-General 16 December, 
1763, and Comptroller of the Revenue of the First Fruits and Tenths; Attorney-General 6 August, 1766, and was Knighted 
and appointed Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 26 January, 1771, which office he resigned 8tli June, 1780 ; he was created 
Baron Walsingham 17th October following, and died 9th May 1781. Debrett. 

' Edward Tuurlow, afterwards Lord High Chancellor of England, was the son of the Rev. Thomas, rector of Ashfield, in 
Suffolk, and was educated at Canterbury School, and afterwards at the University of Cambridge. In 1770 he was appointed 
Solicitor-General, in place of Dunning, and in 1771 succeeded Sir William de Grey as Attorney-General. He was appointed 
Lord High Chancellor in June, 1778, when he was created a peer by the title of Baron Thurlow ; he resigned the great seals 
in April, 1783, was again appointed to the Woolsack in December following, and again resigned in 1792. His Lordship died, 
unmarried, 12th September, lb06. Debrett. — Ed. 


own disposal; and this seems now the more necessary to establish a precedent that may 
prevent future disputes of the like nature. 1 am, My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most obed' Serv' 


P. S. 

I neglected at my leaving England to sign a proxy for the house of Lords, I should be glad 
your Lordship would send me by the first opportunity one filled up with your Lordship's name 
if you will allow me that honour. 

Earl of Hillsborough. 

Lieutenant-Governor Colden to the Earl of Hillsborough. . 

[New-York Papers (State Paper Office) CLXIII.] 

New York, December G"" 1770 
My Lord, 

In my preceding of the lO"" of last month I informed Your Lordship that Lord Dunmore 
had ordered the Attorney General to file a Bill in Chancery, for recovering from me half the 
salary and half the perquisites of Government, from the date of his Lordship's Commission 
to the day of his arrival. In that letter I insisted principall}' upon the favour which I presumed 
I was entitled from my faithfuU Services to the Crown for upwards of fifty years past, often in 
most difficult Times, for which I had suffer'd greatly in my fortune. I may now add that the 
satisfaction which the People had in my Administration, since the death of Sir Henry Moore, 
contributed greatly to the Resolution which the Merchants took to import British Goods. 
After Lord Dunmore's arrival the principal and most respected Merchants to the number of 
56, when they knew that I intended to retire to the Country, came in a body and thank'd me 
for my Administration. By the influence of these Merchants the resolution to import from 
Great Britain was earned. The Ministers, Churchwardens, Vestry & other principal members 
of the Church of England did the same : and since I left the town I have been informed that 
other distinguished bodies designed to have made me the same compliment had I not left the 
place sooner than was expected. My Lord Dunmore's demand I hope will excuse my 
mentioning these things to shew how much my Administration has contributed to his Majesty's 
Service by restoreing tranquility after the Province had been for some years in a most disorderly 
state, and to the renewing the Commerce between Great Britain and the Colonies: for all the 
Colonies follow the example of New York. 

The Attorney General by Lord Duniyore's directions has, in the King's name, filed a Bill 
in Chancery, where Lord Dunmore is the sole Judge and is to receive the benefit of the suit, 
should the King recover; and Process has issued against me. It is therefore incumbent on 
me to shew to Your Lordship by what right I claim the whole Salary and Perquisites. Indeed 
M' Smith whose advice Lord Dunmore follows must be convinced of my Right, otherwise he 
never could have advised his Lordship to bring the suit in Chancery, where his Lordship is 
the sole Judge. He must think that my title is such that Lord Dunmore could not recover in 
any other Court of Justice, or before a disinterested Judge. If we may judge from past 
conduct, M'' Smith takes a pleasure in throwing the Administration into disorder. 
• Vol. VIII. 33 


The only pretence for bringing this suit in Equity is to discover the Perquisites which I 
have received : whereas every farthing I could receive will appear in the public Offices. I never 
received any private fee or Reward for any service of any kind. No other pretence or title to 
Equity is made use of in the Bill. 

My Lord, the whole Salary is given to me by the authority of the Legislature of this 
Province. Any perquisite which I received was a voluntary donation for services done to 
individuals, and I think no man can have a right to any part of them, who performs no part 
of the service. In King William's declaration relating to the Salary of the Governors of the 
Colonies, which, tho obselete, is made the foundation of this suit, only half the salary, in case 
of the Governor in Chief's death, is reserved, without any reservation of the perquisites. At 
that time the Assembly granted a sum in gross for the support of Government, and the King 
granted a certain sum out of that to the Governor for his Salary. But after Col. Cosby had 
made a similar demand to this now made on me, the Assembly granted a support of 
Government only from year to year, and have fix'd ftud given the Salaries of all the Officers, 
annually, by act of the Legislature. No instruction has been given since that time by which 
the King reserves any Part of the Salary or Emoluments or Perquisites from the death of one 
Governor in Chief to the arrival of another. Many instances occur when the administration 
of Government has been in the hands of a Lieutenant Governor, or President of the Council, 
from the death of one Governor in Chief to the arrival of another : but no instance can be 
given, at least in sixty years preceding, where the Lieut. Gov"" or Commander in Chief for the 
time did not receive and retain for his own use the whole salary and the whole perquisites. 

Lord Dunmore haveing ordered this suit to be brought before himself in Chancery, no man 
can doubt of his resolution to give a Decree in his own favour. I must plead and demurr, for 
which I have the greatest cause, but as I expect his Lordship will overrule my Plea and 
Demirer, I am resolved to appeal to the King for Justice, and have order'd Council to be 
retained in England for that purpose. 

You may immagine, My Lord, what impressions their proceedings make on the minds of 
the People, and particularly in my case, in prejudice to his Majesty's service ; and you may 
be assured, My Lord, the impression is universall on all ranks of People. 

I have presumed to write thus freely to Your Lordship that his Majesty may interpose his 
authority in ordering the Bill to be dismissed. This I not only pray in justice to myself, but 
likewise to remove the prejudices which the People otherwise may entertain of his Majesty's 
Ministers and which may be prejudicial to his Majesty's Service. 

If Lord Dunmore thinks proper he may sue at Common Law. 

As I am conscious of my dutifull endeavours in his Majesty's Service, for a series of many 
Years, I flatter myself that Your Lordship will think this affair deserves Your attention: and 
you'll please to make a full Representation of my huipble prayer to the King, that his Majesty 
may please to order the Bill in Chancery to be dismissed. If the suit be suffer'd to go on it 
will be attended with distressing expence to me, while Lord Dunmore by sueing in the King's 
name is freed of all Expence. 

The consideration of what I now write is submitted to Your Lordships honour & Justice, in 
■which great confidence is placed by. My Lord, 

Your most obedient 

and faithfuU Servant 

Right honourable Earl of Hillsborough Cadwallader Colden. 

one of his Majesties Principal Secretaries of State. 


Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-Tork Papers { Btata Paper Office) CLXIII.] 

N" 4. 

New York 6'" December 1770 
My Lord, 

I have received the Duplicate of your Lordship's private and confidential letter N" 41 not 
yet come to hand. 

This City, My Lord, is in the most defenceless State ; the works which have from time to time 
been erected for its protection are so injudiciously constructed that were they still in good 
repair they would afford but little security to the place ; and tho there is a considerable 
number of cannon in a disorderly manner, laying on these works, no care having been taken 
them, many of tffem must be unfit for service, and their carriages are all entirely useless. 

The Militia also having been for several years past without exercising would be of little use in 
their present state and they are so scattered as to make it difficult to collect them on an alarm. 

I assembled the Council to advise with on the necessary steps to be taken for putting the 
province in a condition to resist the sudden attempts of an enemy; they are of opinion that 
the Frost being set in, and the earth so hardened it would be impossible to accomplish any 
additional fortification or even temporary batteries, which indeed could we effect we should 
not be able to mount cannon upon for the reasons above, mentioned : but notwithstanding this 
I would not have your Lordships apprehensive on our accounts, the severe weather and great 
quantity of ice on these coasts gives no little to fear about the approach of an enemy, during the 
winter and the Assembly being to meet the 11"" Instant I shall recommend to them to provide 
every thing that may be necessary for the safety of the province, against the time that the 
season will enable us to employ them, and in the interim your Lordship may depend on my 
taking every precaution that the circumstances of the Colony under my command will admit 
of, although I am not inclined to beleive we shall find them necessary ; the spirited and 
vigorous measures adopted by his Majesty's Ministers to vindicate the honour of the Crown, 
will I am persuaded induce the Spaniards to make concessions rather than expose themselves 
to the merited vengeance which they will perceive so ready to fall upon them. 

I am daily made acquainted (as by the inclosed Deposition Your Lordship will see) with 
fresh disorders and disturbances happening in the disputed Lands between New Hampshire 
and this Province, a number of reduced officers and soldiers of his Majesty's troops, are suffering 
the most cruel hardships while they remain in suspense. I am therefore constrained to press 
Your Lordship to consider immediately their unhappy condition & send me forthwith instructions 
that may enable me to releive them and establish order and Justice among a number of his 
Majesty's Subjects that are now in so affecting a manner without either. I am. My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most obedient Servant 


P. S. In my letter N° 2 to your Lordship I gave an account of a Report of the plague's having 
broke out in the Island of Hispaniola, since which many vessels have arrived from that quarter, 
who have all contradicted the said Report, which we also now beleive to have had no other 
foundation than perhaps a violent fever then raging. 

Earl of Hillsborough. 


Earl of Ilillshorough to the Governors in America. 

[ Plantations General ( B. P. O. ) CCLVI. ] 

L"* Hillsborough's circular to the Governors in America excepting. Bermuda 
S' John and Newfoundland. Whitehall. 11. Decemb: 1770. 

The house of Commons having voted an augmentation to the King's forces, consisting (among 
other particulars) of an additional light Company to every Battallion and of 20 men to every 
company on the British Establishment, and it being of great importance in the present situation 
that the several Battalions now serving in America should be completed as soon as possible. 
I am commanded to signify to you His Maj'^'' pleasure, that you should exert your utmost 
endeavours to give efficacy and dispatch to this plan of augmentation, by assisting His Maj'J''' 
♦ The charier and <Jfficers to ralsc such a number of Recruits as shall be sufficient for that purpose.* 
ToTuTat'^to^w^d giving every encouragement in your power, that may induce His Maj'^'' faithful 
subjects to engage in a service so essential to their security & defence ; and I 
think it fit to press this matter with the greater urgency, as nothing has happened since my 
secret and confidential letter of the 2S»'' Sepf to strengthen the hopes T then expressed that the 
peace might still be preserved, and consequently every motive for a vigilant attention to 
the security of every part of his Maj'?'' dominions still exists in its full force. 

I am ettc. 



.Earl of Hillsborongli to the Earl of Dunmore. 

[New-Tork- Papers (8. P. 0.) CLXII. ] 

Whitehall. 11, Dec-- 1770. 

"*Iy Lord, 

I have not failed to lay before the King your LordP's letter to me of the Si"" October, 
acquainting me with your safe arrival in your Govern', and with the favourable reception your 
Lord^ met with, since which his Mnj'^ has been graciously pleased, in consequence of the death 
of Lord Botetourt,^ to nominate your Lord? to the Govern' of Virginia, and it is a great pleasure 
to me to have the honor to acquaint your Lord? with this mark of his Maj'^'* favour. 

' NoRBONNE Berkeley was the son of John Symes B. and of Elizabeth Norbonne of Calne, Wilts. He was colonel of the Iforth 
Gloucestershire Militia in 1761 and represented that shire in Parliament; he held the ofiioe of groom of the Bedchamber, at 
£1000 a year, and was second to Lord Talbot in the duel with Wilkes, in October of Vitl. He was called to the House of 
Lords iu 17C4 by the title of Baron de Botetourt. Having ruined himself by gambling, he became, says Junius, "a cringing, 
bowing, fawning, sword-bearing courtier" and was appointed in 1768, Governor of Virginia. "It was not Virginia," adds 
Junius, "that wanted a governor, but a court favorite that wanted the salary." Grenville Papers. However unfavorable 
the character of him, drawn by his political enemies, it is but justice to state that during tlie short period he adminis- 
tered the government of Virginia, viz., from the fall of 1768, until his death in the fall of 1770, he enjoyed the respect and 
love of the colonists. Profoundly penetrated by the remembrance of his many virtues, the members of the House of Bur- 
gesses ordered a fine marble statue to be erected to his memory ; it is still standing in the town of Williamsburg. Lord de 
Potetourt having died without issue, the title became extinct — Ed. 


The Commission appointing your Lord? to that Govern', together with the Instructions 
necessary to accompany it, are preparing with all possible dispatch, and so soon as they have 
passed through the several Offices, I shall have the honor to transmit them to your Lord?, 
together with such further directions as may be necessary in consequence thereof. 

Inclosed I send your Lord? an order of His Maj''' in Council disallowing four Acts Passed in 
N. York in 1767, 176S and 1769. and I am to signify to you His Maj''''' commands that you do 
cause this order to be published in such a manner as has been usual on like occasions. 

The inclosed copy of the Board of Trade's representation upon these Acts, which I transmit 
to your LordP for your private information, will fully acquaint you with the grounds and 
reasons for disallowance of them. 

I am ettc. 


Earl of Dunmore to the Earl of IlUlsborough. 

I New-York Papers ( Slate Paper Office ) CLXIII.] 

No. 6 

New York 18 Jan'-y 1771 
. My Lord, 

I have received Your Lordship's circular letters dated Nov'' IS"- 1770 with his Majesty's 
most gracious Speech to both houses of Parliament.. I ardently hope the issue of the event 
taken notice of therein and referred to in Your Lordships secret and confidential Letter of the 
28"" September may correspond with his Majesty's wishes to preserve the public tranquillity. 
I will immediately in obedience to his Majesty's Commands signified to me by Your Lordship 
represent to the Council & Assembly the state of the Indian Complaints, according to the 
Extracts enclosed with Your Lordship's letters, and urge them to fall upon means that may 
answer his Majesty's desires of preventing such abuses, and removing all subject of Complaint 
from the Indians ; but at the same time I cannot forbear expressing my doubts that regulations, 
which, to answer the end proposed, ought to be general, & equally well observed thro' all the 
Provinces, should ever succeed, when made by the different Legislatures separately. lam 
therefore of opinion that a plan for this purpose which might be effectual must spring from 
and have the authority of Parliament. 

Not a day passes without fresh applications from the distressed Officers and Soldiers of His 
Majesty's troops who have been so long in suspense about their Grants of the New Hampshire 
Lands, this obliges me again to press Your Lordship to consider my Letters on that subject 
N"' 2. 4. & 5. 

I inclose to Your Lordship the Copy of an Act of this Legislature passed in Jafiry 1770 and 
before transmitted by M"' Colden, with an intention of reminding Your Lordship that we are 
still ignorant whether his Majesty has approved of it or not, it being suspended : in the mean 
time I must beg Your Lordship to signify to me by the first opportunity, his Majesty's pleasure 
thereupon: it will, if approved of, releive many industrious and useful people from under much 
anxiety, and does not appear to me that it can be attended with any prejudice to his Majesty's 
interest, or that there are any reasons to object to the Law. 


I inclose also to Your Lordship my Speech to the General Assembly and the addresses 

I am my Lord, 

Your Lordship's most obedient humble Servant 
Earl of Hillsborough. Dunmore. 

(No 15.) 

Si7' William Jolmson to (lie Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-Tork Papers (Stale Paper Office ) CCLVII. ] 

Johnson Hall, Febry IS'" 1771 

My Lord, 

Since I had the honor to receive Your lordship's letters No 14 and 15, the last of which came 
to my hands a few days since, I waited to receive such informations as I had reason to expect 
from the Southward in order to communicate the same thro Your Lordship to his Majesty. 
The advices I have now received enable me to acquaint you that the great Council lately held 
at the plains of Sioto is ended, That the design and endeavours of the Indians in that quarter, 
was to promote such a Union as I before apprehended and endeavoured with all possible 
caution to obstruct; but that the advice given by those of the Northern Alliance, joined to 
their private aversion for some of the rest, had occasioned it to end after many debates in 
general resolutions for promoting peace amongst all the nations as a necessary introduction to 
a more strict alliance between the Northern and Southern People, which is to have for its 
Object some particular undertaking, for which matters did not, during the Congress, appear 
sufficiently ripe, and of this I can have no reason to doubt from the present Maxims of Policy 
and sentiments adopted by the more belligerent Nations of both alliances, The Deputys which 
were sent from y^ Northern Confederacy with sundry Belts &ca from them and myself, agreable 
to the Resolutions at the Treaty I held last July at the German Flats, met the Indians from 
Sioto at Fort Pitt, in December last, and have agreable to their Instructions in a spirited 
speech summoned them all to reassemble at Sioto without delay, when, and not before, they 
would communicate to them the determined resolutions of the Northern Indians entered into 
at the German Flats Treaty, together with the subject of the Embassy, on which they have 
one hundred Belts. As I have great confidence both in the fidelity & abilities of several of 
these Deputys I have good hopes that when they meet those Nations to whom they have been 
sent, they will be able to defeat any dangerous schemes or Resolutions which are yet in view 
in that Country & awaken those Nations fears who have given offence to the Northern 
Confederacy, which will prove a sufficient check to their other Designs, and if I am disappointed 
in my expectations it must be thro some accident or occurrence against which no provision can 
be made at this time. 

The apprehensions which I long since communicated of an Union between the Northern & 
Southern Indians and which Your Lordship makes particular mention of in Your letter N° 14 is 
really a matter of the most serious nature, for if a verry small part of these people have been 
capable of reducing us to such straits as we were in a few years since, what may we not expect 
from such a formidable alliance as we are threatened with, when at the same time it is well 


known that we are not at this time more capable of Defence, if so much, as at the former period. 
This is in some measure the consequence of their becoming better acquainted with their own 
strength and united capacity to preserve their importance & check our advances into their 
Country, for at the beginning of the late War through the rapid advances for some time made 
by the French &c The Indians did realy conceive that we should be totally reduced, but as 
they discovered the encreased population of this country even in the midst of its distresses 
and that our army was still recruited w"" fresh Regiments their sentiments altered ; they began 
to entertain more respectable Ideas of us & of our resources, and thro' the imprudence of our 
own people & their natural suspicions, have gradually become more and more alarmed for 
themselves, tho they still beleive that it is in their power to give us such a check as may 
prevent us from attempting what they apprehend we have in view. Many will talk, some 
will think, and a lesser number will act otherwise, but this is nevertheless the true political 
state of their sentiments in general at present. As I know the nature of their unions, and 
that the Southern Indians found many of the rest in sufficient employment during the long 
war that subsisted between them, so I could not help suggesting my apprehensions of the 
consequence of the Peace I had orders to effect between these people, but the laws of 
humanity, the entreaty of the Southern Indians, & the earnest desire of some Colonies who 
represented themselves as affected by that War, being powerfull considerations, prevailed over 
what might be judged as a distant or simple apprehension. I sincerely wish it may not 
contribute to any ill consequence, & shall constantly and steadily use all the means in my 
power to prevent it, but altho it may be treated as a chimera at this time yet I can positively 
assure Your Lordship that both Spaniards & French, the latter of whom act the part of agents, 
did and do still continue to make presents to all the nations to whom they can have any access 
by the Rivers which discharge themselves into the Mississippi, and that they do constantly 
endeavour to thwart our measures by various stories & Misrepresentations, w'^'' being 
supported by favours & comeing from a People of whom they entertain no apprehensions, 
against a People from whom most of the Indians imagine they have every thing to fear, 
renders it almost impossible to prevent them from having some effect. The Indians have for 
some time discovered that a War is probably at hand, many of them think that it has already 
commenced, but that we conceal it from them on account of some advantages the enemy has 
gained, and in consequence of this during last week I was visited by deputations from most of 
the Six Nations, to whom I gave such answers as I judged best calculated for the purpose, in 
any event that may happen in Europe. If a war commences, & that any attempts are made 
in America, or in case the Indians should be seduced to disturb our frontiers to draw part of 
our attention that way, I am confident, (as I formerly proposed) that I can from the measures 
I have taken & the influence I possess secure & attach to our interest, if impowered so to 
do, such a body of Indians, as, if not so numerous against us, will give a severe check to their 
attempts, & as the distant Indians dread nothing so much at present as a quarrel amongst 
themselves, I am equally confident that the verry appearance of some in the character of 
vigourous allies, will in any quarrel, whether thro the intrigues of a Europian power, or of a 
confederacy amongst the Indians themselves prove greatly advantagious to us, and tend to 
defeat their purposes as much as any measures that can be adopted, which I most humbly 
submit to Your Lordships consideration in case my apprehensions should be realised by future 
events or occurrences. 


In consequence of a former letter wherein Your Lordship signified his Majesty's inclination 
that the Indian Boundary Line should be continued from where it was made to terminate 
by the Treaty of 176S (at Canada Creek at Wood Creek) I have conferred with the Chiefs of 
the nations interested over whom I have in general so far prevailed, that I beleive they will 
when assembled for that purpose admit of its extension far to the Northward, perhaps to the 
River St. Lawrence, I therefore hope to be honored with instructions respecting my conduct 
previous to my taking any farther steps therein, & remain with profound respect, My Lord, 

Your Lordships most faithfuU 
The Right Honourable & most obedient humble Servant 

The Earl of Hillsborough. W Johnson. 


Earl of Dmimore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-Tork Papers (Slate Paper Offlce) CLXIII.] 

New York the 9"> of March 1771 

My Lord. 

I have received by the December packet which arrived here the SS"" of Feb'"'' Your Lordship's 
Letters of the 11"" December, I laid Your Lordship's Circular Letter before the Council and 
acquainted General Gage that we were ready to give him all the assistance he could require 
of us, and I immediately caused to be published in the usual form, his Majesty's disallowance 
of the four Acts of Assembly, according to his Majesty's Commands, signified by Your 
Lordship in N" 1, but I am sorry to be obliged to acquaint Your Lordship that the whole 
Province, except the lawyers, express great dissatisfaction at it, and the more from having been 
accustomed to observe the laws, thus repealed for so considerable a time. 

The Assembly have continued sitting untill the 16"" of feb^" the chief part of their business 
being then finished, the members were very desirous of a recess, which I was averse from 
granting, before the issue of the appearances of war be known unto us; however, at their 
request I allowed them a short adjournment, and upon their representation, that they would 
be able to assemble again, in the space of a few days, I have prorogued them for a week, 
which is to be continued only from week to week. 

The Acts of Assembly, passed this Sessions, & the Minutes of Council could not be 
prepared for this opportunity; I can only transmit the Votes and Proceedings of the Assembly. 
They have not thought proper to discharge the arrears due upon the accounts of furnishing His 
Majesty's troops; I have applied tjut it has not yet been under consideration, for the deficiencies 
of last year, tho' I do not believe it will be complied with, and the only way we can suggest of 
making them good is from the saving of the two thousand pounds granted for the troops, 
which sum, I beleive, will be regularly continued hereafter. Your Lordship will perceive that 
one thousand pounds is voted for purchasing timber and plank, and for making gun carriages 
and platforms for the guns in the Fort & Battery in this City; and tho nothing more be yet 
done in pursuance of the intimation made to them in my Speech of an apprehension of War, 
I am fully persuaded that his Majesty may rely on having his most sanguine expectations 


complied with, should the event require it. The Assembly remain inflexible in their resolution 
of refusing to admit Judge Livingstone to a seat in their house, notwithstanding His Majesty's 
disallowance of the law passed for excluding the Judges of the Supreme Court ; they are full 
of nothing but the competency of their authority, and the expediency of the measure; which 
has interested the whole Province, much the greatest part in favour of the resolution, in such 
a manner, that I did not think I ought, in prudence, to interfere, otherwise than by 
endeavouring to prevail on the leading Members as a means of curing the animosities subsisting 
among them, to drop the affair, upon his next presenting himself to the house ; they seem 
separately to be inclined to acquiesce with my sollicitation, but I found that after they had 
consulted together it was determined that they were under a necessity of persisting, for fear 
of their constituents, who, as I have said above are engaged warmly in the dispute, the general 
opinion being that the Assembly ought to follow, the wise example of the house of Commons 
in this case, & that besides in this Country, if the Judges are permitted to have seats they 
can always secure their own Elections, having so great an influence over the Electors (from 
their judgements on the bench, which every man at some time or other is concerned in ; and 
the frequent law suits that prevail in this Country, giving the judges but too many opportunities 
of revenging themselves on their opposers, should they be so inclined, they conclude that they 
cannot be unbiassed when engaged in party interest, the efl'ects of which they see no other 
way of avoiding than by excluding those Officers. It did not appear to me that it would avail 
anything by dissolving the Assembly, as we do not know of one member, that supports the 
resolution, who would not be returned again, upon a fresh election, but of the few that oppose 
it, some would be obliged to give place to others of opposite interests, therefore, without 
obtaining the effect desired, I might have occasioned a disposition among them to thwart my 
Administration, which I have judged most for his Majesty's services to avoid, by seeming to 
incline to neither party. 

I have communicated to the Assembly His Majesty's pleasure, signified to me by Your 
Lordship concerning Indian Affairs, in answer to which I received the address which I herewith 
enclose, and which I have likewise transmitted to Sir William Johnson, desiring him to furnish 
me with an account of those regulations to which the address alludes; when I make no doubt 
the Assembly will proceed to pass such a Law, as I hope, on the part of this Province, may 
answer His Majesty's desires in that matter : but I must repeat here, what I observed before 
in my letter N" 6 that the authority of Parliament alone is able to make any plan effectual for 
all the Colonies. 

I likewise inclose to Your Lordship the speech of the Onoide Indians petitioning for certain 
Articles of which they stand in need, and which I think highly proper that they should be 
furnished with and cannot be denied them, without risking the friendship of people, whom 
we ought, by every reasonable indulgence to attach to us: l_have wrote about it also to Sir 
William Johnson who I hope, from out of the money allowed by Government will be able to 
supply them, which if he represents to be insufficient, I shall recommend to the province to do. 

I transmit to Your Lordship the proposal of a number of German People settled in this 
Province, for the forming themselves into a company, to serve in conjunction with the Militia 
of the Colony, in case of an emergency; I presume Your lordship will think it right to give 
encouragement to their zeal and spirit; the emulation, which is observed to actuate all bodies 
of men, serving with others, never fails to produce good effects, & there cannot be the same 

Vol. VIII. 34 


objection made, which is common to Auxiliaries, these being established in the Country and 
their interest concerned in its safety. 

The troubled State of the North Eastern Parts of this Province, seems to deserve Your 
Lordship's immediate attention. I speak of that large district between Hudson's River & the 
Lakes George and Champlain on the west, and Connecticut River on the East; and between 
the North line of the Massachusetts Bay and the iS"" degree of latitude, assigned for the 
partition between this and the Province of Quebec. 

This is a fine Country, capable of great cultivation, and of subsisting many thousands of 
useful subjects ; but, before the conquest of Canada, was so exposed to the incursions of the 
French, and the Savages in their interest, that very few settlements were made in it, except 
in that quarter nearest to Hudson's River. 

It is clearly within the limits of this Province, as granted by King Charles the Second to 
James Duke of York ; and accordingly his present Majesty in the year 1764, was pleased 
to declare the Western Banks of Connecticut River to be the partition boundary between 
New York and New Hampshire. 

I wish I could say. My Lord, that the Royal Decision had been followed with that chearfull 
submission which was due to so express & authoritative an intimation of the King's pleasure. 
I am obliged, on the contrary, to complain, that there seems to be too much reason to beleive, 
that the disorders in that country owe their origin and progress to the intrigues of persons in 
power in the Province of New Hampshire, with aims of inhancing their private fortunes, out 
of the Crown Lands ; in the vain hope that his Majesty may be moved to annex this territory 
to the Province of New Hampshire under which their grants were obtained. 

In the prosecution of this design some of the inhabitants have lately been excited to open 
acts of Violence, as well as an immediate application by petition to the throne. Upon procuring 
a Copy of this Petition I referred it to the Attorney General for his Report ; and as his 
Representations appear greatly to concern his Majesty's interest, and to be supported by proofs, 
of which the King ought not to be uninformed, I now transmit them to Your Lordship for the 
Royal Consideration. 

I must at the same time apprize Your Lordship that a great majority of the Settlers are not 
only disposed to a peaceable submission to the decision of 1764, but very averse to the change 
projected in New Hampshire, as will appear by their Counter Petition communicated to me, 
to be transmitted in their favour. 

Nor can I omit mentioning that it is in this district that many of the reduced Officers and 
Soldiers have made their locations of the bounty pledged to them by the Royal Proclamation 
of the 7"" of Oct' 1763. Besides this I find that others of his Majesty's Subjects have obtained 
Patents for many thousands of Acres, under the great Seal of this Province, which will be all 
frustrated upon detaching this Country from the Province of New York, and greatly increase 
the general confusion. 

Your Lordship will doubtless perceive that, untill the order transmitted to Sir Henry Moore 
prohibiting Grants to be made of lands before patented under New Hampshire, is rescinded, 
there can be no established tranquillity in that quarter of this Province, since it is natural to 
suppose, that the discontented Settlers (countenanced as they are by New Hampshire) will 
flatter themselves with hopes of favour ; and make rapid accessions to their number from the 
profligate Banditti of the other Colonies, who look for safety where Government is weak 
and disturbed. 


I have only to add, My Lord, that from all the information I have been able to obtain 
nothing more seems to me to be requisite for restoring peace than a Revocation of a late order, 
by which the Grants of this Province were suspended. The inhabitants now amount to 
between six and seven hundred families, of which number 450 odd have signed a Petition 
to me, which I have by this Packet transmitted to Your Lordship, praying to be continued in 
this Government; there is another Petition, as I understand sent home by Governor 
Wentworth, signed by about 200, praying to be under the Government of New Hampshire ; 
but how these names were obtained, Your Lordship will easily be able to conceive if you take 
the trouble of looking into the different papers I have sent by this Packet ; but surely 'tis 
more natural, even supposing that the New Hampshire claim was preferable to that of New 
York, to have a river such as Connecticut for the boundary. Add to this that the income of 
Government would be considerably increased annually by receiving half a Crown Quit Rent, 
instead of nine pence, per 100 acres, for so large a tract of Land as was disputed. I am, 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship's most obedient humble Servant 


P. S. I have to inform Your Lordship of the death of Joseph Reade' Esq' one of his Majesty's 
Council in this Province. I also inclose to your Lordship three affidavits which I have lately 
received, which confirm our belelf that the disorders above mentioned are promoted by people 
of the greatest power in the Province of New Hampshire. 

N" 7 

Eai'l of I>unmore to the Earl of Hillsborough. 

[ New-TorS Papers ( State Pftper OfBce ) CLXIII. ] 

New York, 2°'' April 1771 

My Lord, 

I have received your Lordship's letter N'* 2 and am pleased to hear that the account which 1 
had transmitted, relating to the disturbances on the borders of New Hampshire has been 
laid before his Majesty, and I hope that it, together with the further Information contained In 
my succeeding letters to your Lordship, & particularly my last dated 9"" of March N° 7 and the 
papers referred to therein will prove sufficient to determine his Majesty to confirm his Royal 
Declaration of 1764, and that 1 shall speedily receive Instructions in consequence thereof. 

I continue to prorogue the Assembly from week to week, that they may be in instant 
readiness to meet in case of war. 

The Acts of the last Sessions of the